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Itihāsa. Unhinging Śiva from the Indus Civilization -- Doris Srinivasan (1984)

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Unhinging Śiva from the Indus Civilization

Doris Srinivasan


Itihāsa. Aristotle on the Origin of the Jews in India -- Subhash Kak

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This article is to try to make sense of a puzzling statement of Aristotle (384-322 BCE) that links Jews with India. This statement is recalled in a fragment by Aristotle’s pupil Clearchus who traveled widely and whose inscription on a tomb of a friend is preserved in the Afghan city of Ai-Khanoum.

The Jewish scholar Flavius Josephus (37 – 100 CE) quotes from Clearchus’s fragment in his Contra Apionem [Against Apion], which has Aristotle say: “Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers; they are named by the Indians Calami, and by the Syrians Judaei, and took their name from the country they inhabit, which is called Judea.” (Book I:22) [1]

I can think of two places that might have been the Calami of Aristotle. The first candidate is the famous port city of Kollam, in Kerala, which was well known to the Phoenicians and Romans, and the second is the ancient city of Kalyani or Kalyan, in Karnataka, which was to later become the capital of one branch of the Chalukya Empire. The second city, which has recently been renamed Basavakalyan, appears to be the older of the two.

The interaction between India and the West during the first millennium BCE is well known as in the mention in Old Testament of trade for ivory, apes and peacocks (1 Kings 10:22). There was thriving bilateral trade between India and Rome both through the overland caravan route and the southern sea route. By the time of Augustus 120 ships set sail every year from Myos Hormos to India. Pliny complains in Historia Naturae 12.41.84, “India, China and the Arabian Peninsula take one hundred million sesterces from our empire per annum at a conservative estimate: that is what our luxuries and women cost us.”

Silk Route in the Ancient World circ. 120 BCE-1450s CE.

India and the West had rich interaction in the second millennium BCE also. This was the time of the Mitanni of Syria, who worshiped Vedic gods. The Mitanni ruled northern Mesopotamia (including Syria) for about 300 years, starting 1600 BCE, out of their capital of Vasukhani. In a treaty between the Hittites and the Mitanni, Indic deities Mitra, Varuṇa, Indra, and Nāsatya (Aśvins) are invoked. Their chief festival was the celebration of viṣuva (solstice) very much like in India. It is not only the kings who had Sanskrit names; a large number of other Sanskrit names have also been unearthed in the records from the area.

Mitanni territory circ. 1400BCE.

The list of the Sanskrit names used in Syria and elsewhere was published by P. E. Dumont of the Johns Hopkins University, in the Journal of American Oriental Society in 1947, and one may see a summary of that in my own book chapter on Akhenaten, Sūrya, and the Ṛgveda, which is available here. [2] The names of the main kings are (with the standard Sanskrit form or meaning inside brackets): The first Mitanni king was Sutarna I (good Sun). He was followed by Baratarna I (Paratarṇa, great Sun); Paraśukṣatra (ruler with axe); Saustatar (Saukṣatra, son of Sukṣatra, the good ruler); Paratarṇa II; Artadama (Ṛtadhāman, abiding in cosmic law); Sutarṇa II; Tushratta (Daśaratha or Tveṣaratha, having ten or fast chariots); and finally Matiwazza (Mativāja, whose wealth is thought), during whose lifetime the Mitanni state became a vassal to Assyria.

It is most interesting that the Mitannis were connected by marriage across several generations to the Egyptian 18th dynasty to which Pharaoh Akhenaten (ruled 1352-1336 BCE according to the mainstream view) belonged. Akhenaten’s second wife was Tadukhipa (“khipa” from the Sanskrit “kṣipā,” night) and she became famous as the queen Kiya (short for Khipa). His first wife was the beautiful Nefertiti, whose bust is available in a museum in Berlin.

Replica bust of Nertiti in the Berlin Museum. CC BY-SA 3.0

Akhenaten (“glory of the Aten”) changed his name to honour Aten (“One god” represented as the solar disk) in his sixth year of rule. Many see Akhenaten as the originator of monotheism by his banishment of all deities except for his chosen one. He has been seen as a precursor to the Old Testament prophets, and thus to the Abrahamic religions. Some Biblical scholars see his Hymn to Aten as the original Psalm 104 of the Old Testament [3].

‘Amehotep IV’ (Akhenaten), found in N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna, part VI, ‘The Egypt Exploration Fund’ (London, 1908).

The other possibility is that Akhenaten’s worship of Aten is derived from the Vedic system through the three generations of queens in his family that were from the Mitanni. There are parallels between his hymn and the Sūrya hymns of the Ṛgveda. For example, in both the Sun has absolute power over the lives of animals and men and it provides natural bounties while also residing in the heart of the poet. Note also that Agni is praised as Yahvah in the Ṛgveda 21 times, and Yahweh is the name of the highest divinity in the Old Testament.

If the Vedic element was important, as is perhaps reflected in the mysticism of the Egyptian Book of the Dead, the cult of the dead and resurrection remained the most important element of the Egyptian religion. This cult continues to form the cornerstone of the three Abrahamic faiths.

The Vedic presence via the Mitanni in Egypt and the Near East occurs several centuries before the exodus of the Jews. This presence is sure to have left its mark in various customs, traditions, and beliefs. It may be that this encounter explains uncanny similarities in mythology and ritual, such as circumambulation around a rock, the use of a rosary of 108 beads, (or the idea of 33 gods in pre-Abrahamic traditions). These practices are easily understandable within the Vedic system, whereas they are remembered as commandments to be believed without understanding in the Western faiths. [4]

Sigmund Freud in his essay, Moses and Monotheism (1937) proposes that Moses was an Egyptian linked to the court of Akhenaten. In defence of this proposal he argued that the Hebrew word for “Lord,” “Adonai,” becomes “Aten” when the letters are written in Egyptian. [5]

The memory of India’s interaction with Egypt persisted within the Indo-Iranian world. The Iranian scholar Al-Biruni (973-1048), speaking of chariots of war in his book Tarikh Al-Hind, mentions the Greek claim that they were the first to use them and insists they are wrong because the chariots were already invented by Aphrodisios the Hindu, when he ruled over Egypt, about 900 years after the deluge. [6] This reference, which cannot be literally true because of the sheer distance between the two regions, is significant for it preserves the memory of a “Hindu” (Indic-inspired) king of Egypt prior to the Greek state. The reference to the chariots of war of this king (Akhenaten) seems to remember the foreigner warlords Hyksos (literally, ruler of the foreign countries) who ruled Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period just before the New Kingdom to which Akhenaten belonged.

It is not surprising then that the iconic Shiva-Shakti Yantra of the Indian spiritual tradition is identical to the Star of David of the Jews. A picture of the Star of David from the Leningrad Codex with a date of 1008 in its colophon is presented for comparison.

Leningrad Codex: the oldest complete manuscript of the Hebrew Bible in Hebrew, 1008 CE.

But how could the Indic element be so far from India, in Syria and Egypt? Scholars have suggested that after catastrophic earthquakes, or a long drought that dried up the Sarasvati River around 1900 BCE, there was the abandonment of Harappan cities and great migrations away in all directions [7]. Within India, we see the focus of the Sindhu-Sarasvati culture shift eastwards. To the west, we see the Kassites, a somewhat shadowy aristocracy with Indic names and worshiping Surya and the Maruts, in Western Iran about 1800 BCE. They captured power in Babylon in 1600 BCE, which they were to rule for over 500 years. And then, of course, we have the long line of the Sanskritic Mitanni aristocracy of Syria that we have already spoken about.

Megasthenes (350-290 BCE), the ambassador of Seleucus I to the court of Chandragupta Maurya in Pataliputra appears to have been aware of the connections between the Indians and the Jews. In the third book of Indica, as available to the Church Father Clement of Alexandria (200 CE), he writes: “All that has been said regarding nature by the ancients is asserted also by philosophers out of Greece, on the one part in India by the Brachmanes, and on the other in Syria by the people called the Jews.” [8]

A thousand years later, the memory of a special link between the Jews and India persisted. Al-Biruni mentions on page 206, vol. 1 of Alberuni’s India by Edward Sachau, that no foreigners excepting the Jews were permitted to enter Kashmir during the period it was under attack by Muslims.

India has its own Jewish communities that are found principally in South India; the oldest of these is that of the Cochin Jews. They believe they are the descendants of traders from Judea who arrived in 562 BCE, with others coming as exiles in 70 CE after the destruction of the Second Temple [9]. It appears that there was migration of communities in both directions.


Cochin Jews, c. 1900. From the 1901-1906 Jewish Encyclopedia.


Bibliography

  1. Flavius Josephus, Against Apion, Project Gutenberg: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2849
  2. Subhash Kak, ‘Akhenaten, Surya, and the Rgveda’, In G.C. Pande (ed.), A Golden Chain of Civilizations: Indic, Iranic, Semitic, and Hellenic up to C. 600 BCE, Munshiram Manoharlal, 2007. http://www.ece.lsu.edu/kak/akhena.pdf
  3. Dominic Montserrat, Akhenaten: History, Fantasy and Ancient Egypt, Routledge, 2002.
  4. Subhash Kak, The Wishing Tree, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 2015.
  5. Sigmund Freud, Moses and Monotheism, The Hogarth Press, 1939.
  6. Al-Biruni, Tarikh Al-Hind, E.C. Sachau trans., Alberuni’s India, Kegan Paul, London, 1910.
  7. G. Feuerstein, S. Kak, and D. Frawley, In Search of the Cradle of Civilization, Quest Books, 2001.
  8. J.W. McCrindle, Ancient India As Described By Megasthenes And Arrian, Trübner & Co, London, 1877.
  9. Peter Schäfer, The History of the Jews in Antiquity, Routledge, 1995.

YouTube video on ai-Khanoum: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5tka9TFyWIw


Subhash Kak is Regents Professor and a previous Head of the Computer Science Department at Oklahoma State University, who has made contributions to cryptography, artificial neural networks, and quantum information.

Kak is also notable for his Indological publications on the history of science, the philosophy of science, ancient astronomy, and the history of mathematics. Alan Sokal labeled Kak “one of the leading intellectual luminaries of the Hindu-nationalist diaspora”.

https://grahamhancock.com/kaks1/

Itihāsa. The Buried Mysteries of Angkor Wat revealed by Lidar Survey

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Huge Hidden Cities Found Near Angkor Wat Under the Forest - YouTube (2:01)

Laser technology reveals cities concealed under the earth which would have made up the world’s largest empire in 12th century. Source: https://www.theguardian.com/world/201... Credit: Dr Damian Evans/Journal of Archaeological Science

(225) The Buried Mysteries Of Angkor Wat | The City Of God Kings | Timeline - YouTube (49:33)

Lost Worlds investigates the very latest archaeological finds at three remote and hugely significant sites - Angkor Wat, Troy and Persepolis. Lost Worlds travels to each site and through high-end computer graphics, lavish re-enactment and the latest archaeological evidence brings them to stunning televisual life. From the 900-year-old remains of Angkor Wat in the Cambodian jungle the staggering City of the God Kings is recreated. From Project Troia, in North West Turkey, the location of the biggest archaeological expedition ever mounted the lost city is stunningly visualised and finally from Persepolis the city and the great Persian Empire are brought to life.

Revealed: Cambodia's vast medieval cities hidden beneath the jungle

 This article is more than 4 years old

Exclusive: Laser technology reveals cities concealed under the earth which would have made up the world’s largest empire in 12th century

Banteay Chhmar


 New technology reveals hidden cities in the Angkor region

Archaeologists in Cambodia have found multiple, previously undocumented medieval cities not far from the ancient temple city of Angkor Wat, the Guardian can reveal, in groundbreaking discoveries that promise to upend key assumptions about south-east Asia’s history.

The Australian archaeologist Dr Damian Evans, whose findings will be published in the Journal of Archaeological Science on Monday, will announce that cutting-edge airborne laser scanning technology has revealed multiple cities between 900 and 1,400 years old beneath the tropical forest floor, some of which rival the size of Cambodia’s capital, Phnom Penh.


Some experts believe that the recently analysed data – captured in 2015 during the most extensive airborne study ever undertaken by an archaeological project, covering 734 sq miles (1,901 sq km) – shows that the colossal, densely populated cities would have constituted the largest empire on earth at the time of its peak in the 12th century.

Evans said: “We have entire cities discovered beneath the forest that no one knew were there – at Preah Khan of Kompong Svay and, it turns out, we uncovered only a part of Mahendraparvata on Phnom Kulen [in the 2012 survey] … this time we got the whole deal and it’s big, the size of Phnom Penh big.”

A research fellow at Siem Reap’s École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO) and the architect of the Cambodian Archaeological Lidar Initiative (Cali), Evans will speak at the Royal Geographic Society in London about the findings on Monday.

Evans obtained European Research Council (ERC) funding for the project, based on the success of his first lidar (light detection and ranging) survey in Cambodia in 2012. That uncovered a complex urban landscape connecting medieval temple-cities, such as Beng Mealea and Koh Ker, to Angkor, and confirmed what archaeologists had long suspected, that there was a city beneath Mount Kulen. It was not until the results of the significantly larger 2015 survey were analysed that the size of the city was apparent.


That survey uncovered an array of discoveries, including elaborate water systems that were built hundreds of years before historians believed the technology existed. The findings are expected to challenge theories on how the Khmer empire developed, dominated the region, and declined around the 15th century, and the role of climate change and water management in that process.

“Our coverage of the post-Angkorian capitals also provides some fascinating new insights on the ‘collapse’ of Angkor,” Evans said. “There’s an idea that somehow the Thais invaded and everyone fled down south – that didn’t happen, there are no cities [revealed by the aerial survey] that they fled to. It calls into question the whole notion of an Angkorian collapse.”

The Angkor temple ruins, which sprawl across the Unesco-protected Angkor archaeological park, are the country’s top tourist destination, with the main temple-city, Angkor Wat, appearing on the Cambodian national flag. Considered the most extensive urban settlement of pre-industrial times, and boasting a highly sophisticated water management system, Angkor’s supposed decline has long occupied archaeologists.

The new cities were found by firing lasers to the ground from a helicopter to produce extremely detailed imagery of the Earth’s surface. Evans said the airborne laser scanners had also identified large numbers of mysterious geometric patterns formed from earthen embankments, which could have been gardens.

Experts in the archaeological world agree these are the most significant archaeological discoveries in recent years.

Michael Coe, emeritus professor of anthropology at Yale University and one of the world’s pre-eminent archaeologists, specialises in Angkor and the Khmer civilisation.

“I think that these airborne laser discoveries mark the greatest advance in the past 50 or even 100 years of our knowledge of Angkorian civilisation,” he said from Long Island in the US.



There is an undiscovered city beneath Mount Kulen.

There is an undiscovered city beneath Mount Kulen. Photograph: Terence Carter

“I saw Angkor for the first time in 1954, when I wondered at the magnificent temples, but there was nothing to tell us who had lived in the city, where they had lived, and how such an amazing culture was supported. To a visitor, Angkor was nothing but temples and rice paddies.”

Charles Higham, research professor at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand, and the leading archaeologist of mainland south-east Asia, said it was the most exciting paper he could recall reading

“I have been to all the sites described and at a stroke, they spring into life … it is as if a bright light has been switched on to illuminate the previous dark veil that covered these great sites,” Higham said. “Personally, it is wonderful to be alive as these new discoveries are being made. Emotionally, I am stunned. Intellectually, I am stimulated.”

David Chandler, emeritus professor at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia, the foremost expert on Cambodian history and the author of several books and articles on the subject, said the work was thrilling and credited Evans and his colleagues with “rewriting history”.

Chandler said he believed it would open up a series of perspectives that would help people know more about Angkorian civilisation, and how it flourished and eventually collapsed.

“It will take time for their game-changing findings to drift into guide books, tour guides, and published histories,” Chandler said. “But their success at putting hundreds of nameless, ordinary, Khmer-speaking people back into Cambodia’s past is a giant step for anyone trying to deal with Cambodian history.”

David Kyle, an archaeologist and ecological anthropologist has conducted projects at Phnom Kulen, the location of the biggest findings, the massive city of Mahendraparvata, the size of Phnom Penh, beneath the forest floor.

He said the “survey results have revolutionised our understanding and approaches. It’s impossible not to be excited. It facilitates a paradigm shift in our comprehension of the complexity, size and the questions we can address.”

While the 2012 survey identified a sprawling, highly urbanised landscape at Greater Angkor, including rather “spectacularly” in the “downtown” area of the temple-city of Angkor Wat, the 2015 project has revealed a similar pattern of equally intense urbanism at remote archaeological ruins, including pre- and post-Angkorian sites.

Dr Peter Sharrock, who is on the south-east Asian board at London University’s School of Oriental and African Studies and has a decades-long connection to Cambodia, said the findings showed “clear data for the first time of dense populations settled in and around all ancient Khmer temples”.

“This urban and rural landscape, linked by road and canal networks, now seems to have constituted the largest empire on earth in the 12th century,” Sharrock said.

Evans, whose domain is an air-conditioned room full of computers at the French archaeological centre in Siem Reap, rather than dirt trenches at far-flung digs, is modest about his achievements and quick to credit his colleagues on the Cali project.


He said he believed the discoveries would completely upend many assumptions about the Khmer empire. He also hoped it would bring the study of people back into the picture.

Coe, who has been to many of the places covered by the survey and has seen the imagery, said that while the 2012 survey of Phnom Kulen demonstrated what the technology could do – “it could look through the dense jungle covering these hills and reveal an unexpected city which predated Angkor itself” – the 2015 survey took this into new dimensions.

This view was shared by Dr Mitch Hendrickson, the director of the industries of Angkor project and assistant professor in the department of anthropology at the University of Illinois. He said the initial survey had been “an incredible leap forward” in archaeologists’ ability to see everything for the first time and had been “a major game-changer” in understanding how the Angkorian Khmer people built, modified and lived in their cities. But he was “stunned” by the second survey.

“The results for Preah Khan of Kompong Svay are truly remarkable and are arguably the jewel in the crown of this mission. The lidar shows us that there was much, much more,” Hendrickson said, referencing a full-blown community layout that was previously unknown. “It’s both humbling and exciting. There are so many fantastic new discoveries.”

“We knew that Preah Khan of Kompong Svay was significant before the lidar – it’s the largest complex ever built during the Angkorian period at 22 sq km, it is connected to Angkor directly by a major road fitted with infrastructure, and likely played a role in facilitating iron supply to the capital.

“The new results suggest that it may have been more important than many temples built in Angkor and that it had a decent-sized population supporting it.”

Dr Martin Polkinghorne, a research fellow in the department of archaeology at Adelaide’s Flinders University who is conducting a joint research project on Longvek and Oudong, the post-Angkorian capitals, said his team would use the data during excavations scheduled until 2019 to understand the cities.

“The decline of Angkor is among the most significant events in the history of south-east Asia, but we do not have a precise date for the event,” Polkinghorne said. “By using lidar to guide excavations on the capitals of Cambodia that followed we can determine when the kings of Angkor moved south and clarify the end of Angkor.

“Cambodia after Angkor is customarily understood in terms of loss, retreat and absence; a dark age,” he said. “Yet, Cambodia was alive with activity after Angkor. South-east Asia was the hub of international trade between east and west. Using the lidar at Longvek and Oudong in combination with conventional archaeology we will reveal the dark age as equally rich, complex and diverse.”

What is a lidar survey?

An airborne laser scanner (ALS) is mounted to a helicopter skid pad. Flying with pre-determined guidelines, including altitude, flight path and airspeed, the ALS pulses the terrain with more than 16 laser beams per square metre during flights. The time the laser pulse takes to return to the sensor determines the elevation of each individual data point.

The data downloaded from the ALS is calibrated and creates a 3D model of the information captured during the flights. In order to negate tree foliage and manmade obstacles from the data, any sudden and radical changes in ground height are mapped out, with technicians who have models of the terrain fine-tuning the thresholds in processing these data points. Once completed, the final 3D model is handed over to the archaeologists for analysis, which can take months to process into maps.


Archaeologists have found a monumental structure buried under the sands of Petra, according to a new study that drew on satellite imagery to scan the ancient city.

Satellite surveys of the city revealed a massive platform, 184ft by 161ft, with an interior platform that was paved with flagstones, lined with columns on one side and with a gigantic staircase descending to the east. A smaller structure, 28ft by 28ft, topped the interior platform and opened to the staircase. Pottery found near the structure suggests the structure could be more than 2,150 years old.

“This monumental platform has no parallels at Petra or in its hinterlands at present,” the researchers wrote, noting that the structure, strangely, is near the city center but “hidden” and hard to reach.

“To my knowledge, we don’t have anything quite like this at Petra,” said Christopher Tuttle, an archaeologist who has worked at Petra for about 15 years and a co-author of the paper.

Zoomed-in UAV image of platform.
Zoomed-in UAV image of platform. Photograph: I LaBianca

“I knew something was there and other archaeologists – who have worked in Petra for the last, God knows, 100 years at least – I know at least one other had noticed something there,” he said. But the structure’s sides resembled terrace walls common to the city, he noted: “I don’t think anybody paid much attention to them.”

Tuttle collaborated on the research with Sarah Parcak, a self-described “space archaeologist” from the University of Alabama at Birmingham, who used satellites to survey the site.

Parcak said that she begins surveys “quite skeptical” of what they might find – they are working on sites in northern Africa, North America, Europe and elsewhere – and that she was surprised to find the monument “turned out to be something significant”.

“Petra is a massive site, and we chose the name for our article [‘Hiding in plain sight’] precisely because, even though this is less than a kilometer south of the main city, previous surveys had missed it,” she said.

Tuttle and a team took subsequent trips to measure and examine the site from the ground. There they found scattered pottery, the oldest of which suggests the site could date back to the time of Petra’s founding. “We’re always very cautious on this,” Tuttle said, “but the oldest pottery can be dated back relatively securely to about 150BC.”

Petra was built by the Nabateans in what is now southern Jordan, while the civilization was amassing great wealth trading with its Greek and Persian contemporaries around 150BC. The city was eventually subsumed by the Roman, Byzantine and Ottoman empires, but its ruins remain famous for the work of its founders, who carved spectacular facades into cliffs and canyons. It was abandoned around the seventh century, and rediscovered by Swiss explorer Johann Burckhardt in 1812.

Along with the oldest Nabatean pottery, they found fragments that had been imported from the Hellenistic cultures who traded with Petra, as well as pottery of the eras when the Roman and the Byzantine empires took the city under their guard.

Overview of the monumental platform, looking south-east. Jabal an-Nmayr is is indicated by the left-facing arrow, and the slope of ‘South Ridge’ with agricultural terracing by the down-facing arrow.
Overview of the monumental platform, looking south-east. Jabal an-Nmayr is is indicated by the left-facing arrow, and the slope of ‘South Ridge’ with agricultural terracing by the down-facing arrow. Photograph: G al Faqeer

In the mountains, valleys and canyons surrounding Petra, Tuttle said, “there’s tons of small cultic shrines and platforms and these things, but nothing on this scale”. He said these sites, including a large, open plateau known as the Monastery and probably “used for various cultic displays or political activities”, are the closest parallel to the newly discovered edifice. “To be honest, we don’t know a whole lot about it.”

Those sites suggest that the structure was used for “some kind of massive display function”, he said. Unlike those other sites, however, the giant staircase does not face the city center of Petra, which Tuttle called a “fascinating” peculiarity.

“We don’t understand what the purpose [of visible shrines], because the Nabateans didn’t leave any written documents to tell us,” he said, adding: “But I find it interesting that such a monumental feature doesn’t have a visible relationship to the city.”

Nabatean shrines around Petra offer mixed clues about the ancient people’s practices. Like other Semitic cultures of the day, the Nabateans used an indirect, “aniconic” style to indirectly represent their divinities: carved blocks, stelae and niches. Sometimes there will be “an empty niche, just a carving in the wall, which the empty space itself can be representative or they would’ve had portable images”, Tuttle said.

Previous surveys of the site had missed the structure.
Previous surveys of the site had missed the structure. Photograph: G al Faqeer

But because they were in near constant trade with other cultures of the Mediterranean, the Nabateans also adopted figural representations. “Nabatean gods depicted as parallels to Zeus or Hermes or Aphrodite, and those kinds of things,” he said.

The researchers published their work in the Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. They said that while they have no plans at this time to excavate the site, they hope they will have the chance to work there in the future.

Parcak said that she expects “some pretty amazing discoveries over the next year” using satellites and sophisticated new techniques in south-east Asia “and other densely forested/rainforest areas”. A surveying technology called Lidar, for instance, has uncovered sites in remote forests in Central America.

“This technology is not about what you find – but how you can think about things like settlement scale and ancient human-environment interactions more broadly,” she added. “What happens when you can truly map the near-surface buried features for an entire site? I’m excited, but we need to think about the implications of having all this technology at our fingertips so we can use it responsibly.”

Archaeologists discover massive Petra monument that could be 2,150 years old

This article is more than 4 years old

Buried platform measuring 184ft by 161ft ‘has no parallels’ at the ancient city and was discovered using satellite imagery to scan the surrounding land

Alan Yuhas 9 June 2016

A facade at Petra, where a new monumental structure has been found at the city built by Nabateans more than 2,000 years ago. Photograph: Martin Keene/PA

Archaeologists have found a monumental structure buried under the sands of Petra, according to a new study that drew on satellite imagery to scan the ancient city.

Satellite surveys of the city revealed a massive platform, 184ft by 161ft, with an interior platform that was paved with flagstones, lined with columns on one side and with a gigantic staircase descending to the east. A smaller structure, 28ft by 28ft, topped the interior platform and opened to the staircase. Pottery found near the structure suggests the structure could be more than 2,150 years old.

“This monumental platform has no parallels at Petra or in its hinterlands at present,” the researchers wrote, noting that the structure, strangely, is near the city center but “hidden” and hard to reach.

“To my knowledge, we don’t have anything quite like this at Petra,” said Christopher Tuttle, an archaeologist who has worked at Petra for about 15 years and a co-author of the paper.

“I knew something was there and other archaeologists – who have worked in Petra for the last, God knows, 100 years at least – I know at least one other had noticed something there,” he said. But the structure’s sides resembled terrace walls common to the city, he noted: “I don’t think anybody paid much attention to them.”

Tuttle collaborated on the research with Sarah Parcak, a self-described “space archaeologist” from the University of Alabama at Birmingham, who used satellites to survey the site.

Parcak said that she begins surveys “quite skeptical” of what they might find – they are working on sites in northern Africa, North America, Europe and elsewhere – and that she was surprised to find the monument “turned out to be something significant”.

“Petra is a massive site, and we chose the name for our article [‘Hiding in plain sight’] precisely because, even though this is less than a kilometer south of the main city, previous surveys had missed it,” she said.


Overview of the monumental platform, looking south-east. Jabal an-Nmayr is is indicated by the left-facing arrow, and the slope of ‘South Ridge’ with agricultural terracing by the down-facing arrow. Photograph: G al Faqeer

In the mountains, valleys and canyons surrounding Petra, Tuttle said, “there’s tons of small cultic shrines and platforms and these things, but nothing on this scale”. He said these sites, including a large, open plateau known as the Monastery and probably “used for various cultic displays or political activities”, are the closest parallel to the newly discovered edifice. “To be honest, we don’t know a whole lot about it.”

Those sites suggest that the structure was used for “some kind of massive display function”, he said. Unlike those other sites, however, the giant staircase does not face the city center of Petra, which Tuttle called a “fascinating” peculiarity.

“We don’t understand what the purpose [of visible shrines], because the Nabateans didn’t leave any written documents to tell us,” he said, adding: “But I find it interesting that such a monumental feature doesn’t have a visible relationship to the city.”

Nabatean shrines around Petra offer mixed clues about the ancient people’s practices. Like other Semitic cultures of the day, the Nabateans used an indirect, “aniconic” style to indirectly represent their divinities: carved blocks, stelae and niches. Sometimes there will be “an empty niche, just a carving in the wall, which the empty space itself can be representative or they would’ve had portable images”, Tuttle said.


Previous surveys of the site had missed the structure. Photograph: G al Faqeer

But because they were in near constant trade with other cultures of the Mediterranean, the Nabateans also adopted figural representations. “Nabatean gods depicted as parallels to Zeus or Hermes or Aphrodite, and those kinds of things,” he said.

The researchers published their work in the Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. They said that while they have no plans at this time to excavate the site, they hope they will have the chance to work there in the future.

Parcak said that she expects “some pretty amazing discoveries over the next year” using satellites and sophisticated new techniques in south-east Asia “and other densely forested/rainforest areas”. A surveying technology called Lidar, for instance, has uncovered sites in remote forests in Central America.

“This technology is not about what you find – but how you can think about things like settlement scale and ancient human-environment interactions more broadly,” she added. “What happens when you can truly map the near-surface buried features for an entire site? I’m excited, but we need to think about the implications of having all this technology at our fingertips so we can use it responsibly.”




Petra was built by the Nabateans in what is now southern
 Jordan, while the civilization was amassing great wealth trading with its Greek and Persian contemporaries around 150BC. The city was eventually subsumed by the Roman, Byzantine and Ottoman empires, but its ruins remain famous for the work of its founders, who carved spectacular facades into cliffs and canyons. It was abandoned around the seventh century, and rediscovered by Swiss explorer Johann Burckhardt in 1812.Tuttle and a team took subsequent trips to measure and examine the site from the ground. There they found scattered pottery, the oldest of which suggests the site could date back to the time of Petra’s founding. “We’re always very cautious on this,” Tuttle said, “but the oldest pottery can be dated back relatively securely to about 150BC.”

Along with the oldest Nabatean pottery, they found fragments that had been imported from the Hellenistic cultures who traded with Petra, as well as pottery of the eras when the Roman and the Byzantine empires took the city under their guard.



Laser technology reveals lost city around Angkor Wat

This article is more than 7 years old
Researchers find vast cityscape hidden under deep vegetation linking the Cambodian temples complex
Angkor Wat
Airborne laser technology has uncovered a network of roadways and canals, illustrating a bustling ancient city linking Cambodia's Angkor Wat temples complex, above. Photograph: Heng Sinith/AP
Associated Press in Sydney
Tue 18 Jun 2013 09.01 BST

Airborne laser technology has uncovered a network of roads and canals, illustrating the remains of a bustling ancient city linking Cambodia's famed Angkor Wat temples complex.

The discovery was announced late on Monday in a peer-reviewed paper released early by the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences journal. The laser scanning revealed a previously undocumented formal urban planned landscape integrating the 1,200-year-old temples.

The Angkor temple complex, Cambodia's top tourist destination and one of Asia's most famous landmarks, was constructed in the 12th century. Angkor Wat is a point of deep pride for Cambodians, appearing on the national flag, and was named a Unesco world heritage site.

"No one had ever mapped the city in any kind of detail before, and so it was a real revelation to see the city revealed in such clarity," University of Sydney archaeologist Damian Evans, the study's lead author, said by phone from Cambodia. "It's really remarkable to see these traces of human activity still inscribed into the forest floor many, many centuries after the city ceased to function and was overgrown."Archaeologists had long suspected that the city of Mahendraparvata lay hidden beneath a canopy of dense vegetation atop Phnom Kulen mountain in Siem Reap province. But the airborne lasers produced the first detailed map of a vast cityscape, including highways and previously undiscovered temples.

The technology, known as lidar, works by firing laser pulses from an aircraft to the ground and measuring the distance to create a detailed, three-dimensional map of the area. It is a useful tool for archaeologists because the lasers can penetrate dense vegetation and cover swaths of ground far faster than they could be analysed on foot. Lidar has been used to explore other archaeological sites, such as Stonehenge.

In April 2012, researchers loaded the equipment on to a helicopter, which spent days crisscrossing the dense forests from 800 metres above the ground. A team of Australian and French archaeologists then confirmed the findings with an expedition on foot through the jungle.

Archaeologists had already spent years doing ground research to map a 3.5 sq mile section of the city's downtown area. But the lidar revealed the section was much bigger – at least 14 sq miles – and more heavily populated than once believed.

"The real revelation is to find that the downtown area is densely inhabited, formally-planned and bigger than previously thought," Evans said. "To see the extent of things we missed before has completely changed our understanding of how these cities were structured."

Researchers do not yet know why the civilisation at Mahendraparvata collapsed. But Evans said one current theory is that possible problems with the city's water management system may have driven people out.

The next step for researchers involves excavating the site, which Evans hopes will reveal clues about how many people once lived in the city.

Angkor, Cambodia, 2015

January/February 2021

Decade Cambodoa Angkor Lidar
(Courtesy Damian Evans/CALI)

The countryside surrounding the Khmer Empire’s capital of Angkor is blanketed with thick jungle, which has hindered archaeological investigation for more than a century. However, laser scanning technology was finally able to do what researchers couldn’t and peer through the dense vegetation, revealing unknown urban settlements and hundreds of hidden archaeological features. “Had you been there a thousand years ago, the forest wouldn’t have existed,” says Damian Evans of the French School of Asian Studies. “You would have seen a vast, bustling metropolis of wooden dwellings and fields stretching off in every direction.” The 3-D images captured in 2015 were the result of the most extensive archaeological scanning project ever undertaken. Evans’ team surveyed 737 square miles of terrain at the heart of the Khmer Empire, which flourished between the ninth and fifteenth centuries. The images captured a complex system of roads, canals, and dams that attest to the civilization’s scale, sophistication, and remarkable ability to engineer Cambodia’s challenging landscape.

Laser Scanning - Archaeology Magazine

Thiruvathirai: The Dance Of Shiva At Every Level byAravindan Neelakandan

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-Dec 30, 2020 10:11 PMThiruvathirai: The Dance Of Shiva At Every Level

The Nataraja (Balu Velachery/Flickr)
Snapshot
  • Understanding what 'Thiruvathirai' signifies — at an individual, social, cultural and cosmic level.

Today is Thiruvathirai — the day of the Cosmic Dance of Shiva.

Thiruvathirai relates to Arudra — the Hindu name associated with the star Betelgeuse (α Orionis).

The legend of the Divine Hunter has a Puranic encoding of astronomical lore and can be traced back to Vedic times.

Recently, archaeologist and statistician Julien d’Huy created an equivalent of a phylogenetic chart of 93 mythemes or myth-components of 47 versions of the Cosmic Hunter Myth — that of the hunter and the stag in ancient sacred traditions across the world.

He concluded that the core element of this sacred narration is 15,000 years BP. Significantly, he did not include in his analysis the most continued living tradition of the divine hunter and the stag — Rudra shooting his arrow at Prajapati.

Thiruvathirai: The Dance Of Shiva At Every Level

A stone etching from Burzaham, Kashmir, which has been dated to be before 2,000 BCE shows a hunter with two suns and a stag.

Among other interpretations, it is also possible that this may be associated with the Puranic episode of Rudra shooting his arrow at Prajapati. (‘Origin and Growth of Astronomy in Indian context’, p.41)

It is through this primordial event that Rudra gets associated with the star Arudra.

In an innovative study of the Nataraja iconography, Deepak Bhattacharya and Nayak, say that the divine icon also acts like a celestial compass, in that it 'incorporates the region of the Orion and as well the entire span of the night sky'.

In their paper, they show radial patterns spanning out, which appear to be star maps when the navel of Nataraja is taken as Arudra or Betelgeuse (α Orionis).

The most interesting aspect is that the celestial pattern seemed to have been incorporated into temple plans and are also enshrined in the Nataraja image.

From: Bhattacharya &amp; Naik, <i>Archaeo-astronomy of Natarja</i>: Indian Journal of History of Science 43(3):Sep-2008
From: Bhattacharya & Naik, Archaeo-astronomy of Natarja: Indian Journal of History of Science 43(3):Sep-2008

Researcher Willard Van De Bogart of Bangkok University, based on the work of Bhattacharya and Nayak, also relates the cosmic significance of Arudra to the 'swing ritual' related to Shiva in Thailand as well:

The discovery was made by showing how alpha Orionis (Rudra-star Betelgeuse) moves away from the ecliptic and celestial equator, now at 7 degree north of the equator. In 60 more years, Rudra will move south of the equator and be closer to beta - Orionis (Gouri -star Rigel) in the Gemini asterism as it begins to move north... These findings and others came from noticing how the temple complexes at Bhubaneswar were built to reflect the position of the stars... The swing could have acted as a celestial dial with the arms and legs of Lord Shiva (Anirudha — synonym of Siva) fixing a center place in the universe among the stars (much like the Stamba) but using alpha Orionis as the centre.
The Giant Swing ( Lo Ching Cha ): Brahmanical Origins and Its Significance to the Religious Culture of Thailand

From the Vedic-Archeoastronomic dimensions to the later Puranic narrative, we find Shiva taming the ego of the ritualistic seers.

The Puranic rendition of the Cosmic Dance of Thiruvathirai is that when Shiva tamed the ego of the Daruka-Vana rishis, he slayed the tiger they set on him and made its skin his waist robe.

The elephant set on him, too, was killed. And snakes became his ornaments. Ultimately, the Asuric dwarf Muyalaka was trampled by Shiva, who set his right foot on the dwarf and started his cosmic dance.

Thiruvathirai was the day he revealed that Cosmic Dance. Patanjali and Vyaghrapada on this day performed austerities and obtained the vision of the Cosmic Dance at Thillai.

The symbolic significance of the various ferocious animals, poisonous snakes and ultimately the ego-dwarf cannot be missed out.

Shiva tames all emanations from the ego trip of the seeker, ultimately stepping upon the dwarf egoistic outward-looking Muyalaka.

It is quite interesting that the Muyalaka is made to see outside — as the ego never sees within, but goes on an outward expansion. Yet, for those endowed with the vision of wisdom, what the dwarfed ego feels as the weight of the Lord's right leg becomes the dance of Cosmic Bliss.

The entire existence, which would be suffering, bearing an unbearable weight for the outward-looking ego, becomes nothing but bliss for those with true vision.

Thiruvathirai cannot be complete without the pudding made of finger-millet (Eleusine coracana).

The Saivaite tradition has it that Senthanar, who started his life as an accountant, had set out on a spiritual path and had come to Chidambaram, where he lived as a poor woodcutter who would sell fuel-wood daily, get rice and then would first feed a devotee-mendicant of Siva.

One day, there was a downpour and Senthanar could not get fuel-wood and hence, could not get rice.

Then, there came a Saivaite mendicant who asked for food. Senthanar, who could not purchase rice that day, made pudding out of finger-millet — a food that usually the economically poorer sections would consume.

The mendicant had all the pudding and then some more. Next day, the Deekshitars, the traditional priests of Chidambaram temple, on opening the sanctum sanctorum, found finger-millet pudding splashed all around the deity with pudding on his mouth as well.

Shocked, they reported to the king of the province, who had already had a dream in which Shiva had told him of the great devotion of Senthanar. This day happened to be Thiruvathirai.

Siva as Saivaite Mendicant eats finger-millet pudding at Senthanar’s house: image courtesy: Dinamalar
Siva as Saivaite Mendicant eats finger-millet pudding at Senthanar’s house: image courtesy: Dinamalar

When the deity was then put on the ceremonial ratha and pulled, the ratha refused to move.

A divine disembodied voice from the heavens informed the assemblage that the ratha would move if Senthanar would come and sing praises of Shiva.

The hymns he sang made the ratha move and are part of the ninth Thirumurai — the sacred books of the Vedic Saivite tradition of Tamil Nadu.

To honour this event, to this day, finger-millet pudding is made and offered to Shiva on Thiruvathirai.

Thus, like all Hindu festivals, which have significance at multiple levels, Thiruvathirai, in its expanded meaning, has cosmic, psychological and social imports.

Whether it is social harmony, the awe of the night sky, or the inner journey for enlightenment and liberation — Thiruvathirai tells us this — that everywhere, one can feel the Dance of Shiva.

Thiruvathirai: The Dance Of Shiva At Every Level (swarajyamag.com)

The Giant Swing -- Willard G. van De Bogart












































Archaeo-astronomy of Nataraja -- Bhattacharya and Nayak










































































































































Origin and growth of Astronomy in India.pdf (tifr.res.in)

Ancient tradition distinguishes between jyautiṣiká 'astrologer' (Pāṇini); निमित्तज्ञः 'knower of omens'; this clue resolves absurd dates posited by astronomers

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https://tinyurl.com/y86akh34

-- Resolving the absurdity of three dates for Mahabharata war derived by astronomy buffs: 1478 BCE, 3067 BCE, 5376 BCE

A jyautiṣiká जौतिषिक is an astronomer who documents celestial events.

A निमित्तज्ञः nimittajna is an interpreter of omens. 

I submit that MBh references related to celestial events should be clearly distinguished between the observations of a  jyautiṣiká and of a निमित्तज्ञः   Thus, the insights of a निमित्तज्ञः related to Arundhati (a binary star with Vasiṣṭa) should be distinguished from the observation of a jyautiṣiká who observes and records a celestial event.

Similarly, the meaning of the word 'graha' should be interpreted context. Graha is a word which means both 'planet' and 'comet'. Text of MBh should be carefully interpreted to determine the intended planetary or comet motion on the celestial sky.

I have appended a detailed explanatory note of Dr. Jayasree Saranathan which should help the astronomy-club buffs to distinguish betwen the observations of a jyautiṣiká and of a निमित्तज्ञः  । while determining the dates of contemporary events recorded in the text of MBh.

Mbh 6-108-3 sacred-texts.com/hin/mbs/mbs061

3 निमित्तानि निमित्तज्ञः सर्वतॊ वीक्ष्य वीर्यवान
      परतपन्तम अनीकानि दरॊणः पुत्रम अभाषत

Drona is called निमित्तज्ञः 'astrologer, who knows the meaning of omens'.

Only one of these dates can be right.

One thing is clear. Mahabharata is the most accurately dated Itihasa in the history of human civilization. With over 200 celestial observations discussed and recorded in the Great Epic, the challenge is to make a clear distinction between 'astrological omens' and contemporary 'astronomical observations'. The tradition is succinctly recorded by Aryabhata:

Āryabhaṭīya emphatically records the beginning of Kaliyuga at 3102 BCE in his Āryabhaṭīya in an autobiographical context, citing his age:

10. When three yugapādas and sixty times sixty years had elapsed (from the beginning of the yuga) then twenty-three years of my life had passed.

“If Āryabhaṭa began the Kaliyuga at 3102 BCE as later astronomers did, and if his fourth yugapāda began with the beginning of the Kaliyuga, we arrive at the date 499 CE. It is natural to take this as the date of composition of the treatise. “ (The Āryabhaṭīya of Āryabhaṭa—an Ancient Indian work on Mathematics and Astronomy, tr. By Walter Eugene Clark, Univ. of Chicago Press, Illinois, 1930 (pp.54-55)

Source: https://archive.org/stream/The_Aryabhatiya_of_Aryabhata_Clark_1930#page/n3/mode/2up

Kannada and Oriya lexicons provide a distinction between nimitta and upādāna, 'instrumental cause' and 'material cause':


 ନିମିତ୍ତିଜ୍ଞ Nimittajn̄a (ନିମିତ୍ତଜ୍ଞା—ସ୍ତ୍ରୀ) ସଂ. ବି. ପୁଂ (ନିମିତ୍ତ+ ଜ୍ଞା ଧାତୁ+ କର୍ତ୍ତୃ. ଅ)— ଦୈବଜ୍ଞ; ଗଣକ— A seer; astrologer, an auger. ସଂ. ବିଣ. ପୁଂ— 1। ଯେ ଶକୁନ ବିଷଯ ଜାଣେ—1. Versed in the interpretation of omens. 2। ଯେ କାରଣ ଜାଣେ— 2. Having knowledge of the causes.(Oriya)


I submit that the observation of Āryabhaṭa should be the fulcrum around which the differing interpretations of astronomy-buffs should be resolved. The astronomy-buffs should agree upon the categorisation of textual references as either nimittamātram or based on  ज्योतिषं or observations on contemporary celestial events.

ज्योतिषं, क्ली, (ज्योतिः सूर्य्यादीनां ग्रहाणां गत्या-दिकं प्रतिपाद्यतया अस्त्यस्येति अच् ।) वेदाङ्ग-शास्त्रविशेषः । तत् ग्रहणादिगणनशास्त्रम् ।इत्यमरटीकायां भरतः ॥“पञ्चम्कन्धमिदं शास्त्रं होरागणितसंहिता ।केरलिः शकुनञ्चैव -- ॥”इति प्रश्नरत्नटीका ॥ * ॥अस्य सम्बन्धादि यथा, --“अस्य शास्त्रस्य सम्बन्धो वेदाङ्गमिति चोदितः ।अभिधेयञ्च जगतां शुभाशुभनिरूपणम् ॥इज्याध्ययनसंक्रान्तिग्रहषोडशकर्म्मणाम् ।प्रयोजनञ्च विज्ञेयं तत्तत्कालविनिर्णयः ॥”इति नारदीयम् ॥ * ॥अस्याध्ययनं द्बिजैः कर्त्तव्यम् । यथा, --“सिद्धान्तसंहिताहोरारूपस्कन्धत्रयात्मकम् ।वेदस्य निर्म्मलं चक्षुर्ज्योतिःशास्त्रमकल्मषम् ॥विनैतदखिलं श्रौतं स्मार्त्तं कर्म्म न सिध्यति ।तस्माज्जगद्धितायेदं ब्रह्मणा निर्म्मितं पुरा ॥अतएव द्विजैरेतदध्येतव्यं प्रयत्नतः ॥”इति नारदः ॥ * ॥शूद्रस्य पाठनिषेधो यथा, --“स्नेहाल्लोभाच्च मोहाच्च यो विप्रोऽज्ञानतो-ऽपि वा ।शूद्राणामुपदेशन्तु दद्यात् स नरकं व्रजेत् ॥”इति गर्गः ॥ * ॥अस्य ज्ञानमावश्यकं यथा, --“वेदा हि यज्ञार्थमभिप्रवृत्ताःकालानुपूर्ब्ब्या विहिताश्च यज्ञाः ।तस्मादिदं कालविधानशास्त्रंयो ज्योतिषं वेद स वेद यज्ञान् ॥यथा शिखा मयूराणां नागानां मणयो यथा ।तद्बद्वेदाङ्गशास्त्राणां गणितं मूर्द्ध्नि संस्थितम् ॥”इति वेदाङ्गज्योतिषम् ॥ * ॥अस्याध्ययनफलं यथा, --“एवंविधस्य श्रुतिनेत्रशास्त्र-स्वरूपभर्त्तुः खलु दर्शनं वै ।निहन्त्यशेषं कलुषं जनानांषडब्दजं धर्म्मसुखास्पदं स्यात् ॥”इति माण्डव्यः ॥ * ॥अस्य ज्ञाने फलं यथा, --“ज्योतिश्चक्रे तु लोकस्य सर्व्वस्योक्तं शुभाशुभम् ।ज्योतिर्ज्ञानन्तु यो वेद स याति परमां गतिम् ॥”इति गर्गः ॥--शब्दकल्पद्रुमः

ज्योतिर्विद् पु० ज्योतिषां सूर्य्यादीनां गत्यादिकं वेत्ति विद्-किप् । ज्योतिःशास्त्राभिज्ञे । “दृष्ट्वा ज्योतिर्विदोवैद्यान् दद्याद्गां काञ्चनं महीम्” याज्ञ० । ज्योति-र्विदाभरणम् ।

ज्योतिर्विद्या स्त्री ज्योतिषां सूर्य्यादीनां गत्थादिज्ञानसा-धनं विद्या । ज्योतिःशास्त्रे ।--वाचस्पत्यम्

jyautiṣiká m. ʻ astrologer ʼ Pāṇ., jyōtiṣika -- m. VarBr̥S. [jyōtiṣa -- ]Pk. jōisia -- m., Ku. josī m., N. jaisi, B. josī, OH. joyasī, H. josī m. (→ P. josī m.), G. jośī m., OM. joisī, M. j̈ośī m., Ko. joyiṣi.Addenda: jyautiṣiká -- : Brj. jo(i) m. ʻ astrologer ʼ, OMarw. joisī.(CDIAL 5302) jyōtiṣa n. ʻ astrology ʼ Āp. [jyṓtis -- ]Pa. jōtisā -- f., Pk. jōisa -- n.; WPah. jaun. jwēś karnō̃ ʻ to exorcize ʼ; G. jos m. ʻ astrology ʼ.(CDIAL 5299)  jyṓtis n. ʻ light, moonlight ʼ RV., ʻ heavenly body ʼ Mn. [~ dyōtis -- n. ʻ light, star ʼ lex. -- √jyut]Pa. jōti -- n.m. ʻ light, star, fire ʼ; Aś. shah. jotikaṁdhani ʻ masses of light ʼ; Pk. jōi -- m. ʻ light, fire ʼ, jōī<-> f. ʻ lightning ʼ, jōisa -- n. ʻ constellation ʼ; A. zūi ʻ fire, lamp, spark, firefly ʼ; B. jũi ʻ fire ʼ; Or. joejoijui ʻ fire, cremation fire, pit over which cremation pile is placed ʼ; M. j̈ov f. ʻ lightning ʼ; Si.  ʻ light, star ʼ.jyōtiṣa -- , jyautiṣiká -- ; *jyōtiḥśālā -- , jyōtiriṅgaṇa -- .Addenda: jyōtis -- : WPah.sat. j̈ō˘th ʻ moon ʼ; kṭg. j̈ótth f., Wkc. j̈ɔ̈̄th f. in phrases ʻ moon is waxing, waning ʼ; J. joti f. ʻ light of sun or lamp ʼ -- all ← Sk., partly X WPah.kṭg. j̈ɔṇ ʻ moonlight ʼ < jyṓtsnā -- .(CDIAL 5300)*jyōtiḥśālā ʻ fire room ʼ. [jyṓtis -- , śāˊlā -- ]
A. zuhāl ʻ fireplace ʼ.(CDIAL 5297)
The date of the war is as absurd, a mere flight of fancy by some astronomy-club members, as the date of RN Iyengar which is 1478 BCE. So, Hindu history is left with a mockery of dates which range from 1478 BCE to 5561 BCE. Come on, astronomy is supposed to be a 'scientific' method to date the events of the most accurately documented Itihāsa of the land in a text -- with astronomically falsifiable dates -- called Mahābhārata in which is embedded the Gita.
It is unfortunate that astronomy-club buffs play with cosmic spins to promote their pet theories with utter disregard to tradition. This makes us recall the splendid expose of Vishwa Adluri and Joydeep Bagchee on the 'Nay Science' indologists who critique the Mahabharata text with cock-and-bull textual critiques.
Dr. ML Raja in his recent book has shown details of 436 epigraphical inscriptions which range from 603 to 1933 Common Era which are dated with unambiguous reference to start of Kaliyuga based on the date of the war 3102BCE and a firm anchor for Hindu historical tradition.
Blurrose publishers, 2020Inline image
Yes, the Gita is a war manual with an exhortation to the warrior to perform his duty of fighting with stunning recounting of ādhyātmika dharma narratives which regulate one's life.
It is time that the astronomy-club buffs slow down on marketing their wares so that Hindu traditions are not brought to continued ridicule and phobia with a string of absurd dates related to the Great War which is the sheet-anchor of Hindu Peoples' History. By proposing a variety of dates, the astronomy-club buffs are only ridiculing the Great History-Culture-Tradition text, a bread-and-butter ridicule pattern of Hindu Phobia practitioners. Are Hindus left with a text without a date of their ancestors who gave them and the world the heritage of dharma?
I submit that enormous harm is caused to Hindu identity by proponents of absurd, fanciful 'so-caled astronomical' dating of the text. It is a moment of sadness that they are unable to reconcile among themselves to agree upon an 'astronomically' irrefutable date of a text which has no parallel in terms of precise astronomical dating of events in Peoples' Lives before, during and after the Great War.
Namaskaram. Kalyan
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Mahabharata: 4-42-22

adeśikā mahāraṇye grīṣme śatruvaśaṃ gatā

     yathā na vibhramet senā tathā nītir vidhīyatām

Karna observed their troops had come to an unknown place possessed by enemies and in the mighty forest in the hot grīṣma season

Note: ग्रीष्म grīṣma a. [ग्रसते रसान्ग्रस्-मनिन् Uṇ.1.147] Hot, warm. -ष्मः 1 The summer, the hot season, corresponding to the months of Jyeṣṭha and Āṣāḍha; ग्रीष्मसमयमधिकृत्य गीयताम् Ś.1; R.16.54; Bv.1.35. -2 Heat, warmth. -ष्मी The नवमल्लिका plant. -Comp. -कालीन a. pertaining to summer. -उद्भवा, -जा, -भवा the Navamallikā creeper, (double jasmine). -वनम् a grove frequented in summer; अत्रान्तरे ग्रीष्मवनं मल्लिकामोदि मारुतम् Ks.122.65. -हासम् The flocculent seeds, down &c. blown about in the air in summer.

Mahabharata: 2-72 21

divolkāś cāpatan ghorā rāhuś cārkam upāgrasat
     aparvaṇi mahāghoraṃ prajānāṃ janayan bhayam

Translation by Ganguli: “Meteors fell from the sky, and Rahu by swallowing the Sun unseasonably alarmed the people terribly”

Mahabharata: 5-183 -22 “arkaṃ ca sahasā dīptaṃ svarbhānur abhisaṃvṛṇot”

When Parasurama fell down on the earth afflicted by the shaft of Bhishma, it is said that Rahu forcibly attained the blazing sun

Mahabharata: 14-76-15 “rāhur agrasad ādityaṃ yugapat somam eva ca”

when Arjuna was badly wounded by the Saindhavas during his military campaign for the Aswamedha yajna, it is said that Rahu swallowed both the sun and the moon at the same time

Mahabharata: 5-81- v.6,7

 6 [व] ततॊ वयपेते तमसि सूर्ये विमल उद्गते
      मैत्रे मुहूर्ते संप्राप्ते मृद्व अर्चिषि दिवाकरे
  7 कौमुदे मासि रेवत्यां शरद अन्ते हिमागमे
      सफीतसस्यमुखे काले कल्यः सत्त्ववतां वरः

kaumude māsi revatyāṃ śarad ante himāgame

      sphītasasyamukhe kāle kalyaḥ sattvavatāṃ varaḥ

Translation by Ganguli: “The night having passed away, a bright sun arose in the east. The hour called Maitra set in, and the rays of the sun were still mild. The month was (Kaumuda Kartika) under the constellation Revati. It was the season of dew, Autumn having departed. The earth was covered with abundant crops all around.”

Note:  Kartika was also known as Kaumuda. 

Source: DDSA: The practical Sanskrit-English dictionary
Kaumudī (कौमुदी).—[kumudasyeyaṃ prakāśakatvāt aṇ ṅīṣ Tv.]

1) Moonlight; शशिना सह याति कौमुदी (śaśinā saha yāti kaumudī) Ku.4.33; शशिनमुपगतेयं कौमुदी मेघमुक्तम् (śaśinamupagateyaṃ kaumudī meghamuktam) R.6.85; (the word is thus popularly derived :-kau modante janā yasyāṃ tenāsau kaumudī matā).

2) Anything serving as moonlight, i. e. causing delight and balmy coolness; त्वं कौमुदी नयनयोरमृतं त्वमङ्गे (tvaṃ kaumudī nayanayoramṛtaṃ tvamaṅge) U.2; त्वमस्य लोकस्य च नेत्रकौमुदी (tvamasya lokasya ca netrakaumudī) Ku.5.71; या कौमुदी नयनयो- र्भवतः सुजन्मा (yā kaumudī nayanayo- rbhavataḥ sujanmā) Māl.1.34; cf. चन्द्रिका (candrikā).

3) The full moon day in Kārtika; तस्मात्तु कपिला देया कौमुद्यां ज्येष्ठपुष्करे (tasmāttu kapilā deyā kaumudyāṃ jyeṣṭhapuṣkare) Mb.13.13.32.

4) The full moon day in Āśvina.

5) Festivity (in general).

6) Particularly, a festive day on which temples, houses &c. are illuminated.

7) (At the end of titles of works &c.) Elucidation, throwing light on the subject treated; e. g. तर्ककौमुदी, साख्यतत्त्वकौमुदी, सिद्धान्तकौमुदी (tarkakaumudī, sākhyatattvakaumudī, siddhāntakaumudī) &c.

कौमुदी, स्त्री, (कुमुदस्य इयं प्रकाशकत्वात् “तस्येदं” ।४ । ३ । १२० । इत्यण् ततो ङीप् ।) ज्योत्स्ना ।इत्यमरः । १ । ३ । १६ । (यथा, कुमारे । ४ ३३ ।“शशिना सह याति कौमुदी ॥सह मेघेन तडित्प्रलीयते ।प्रमदाः पतिवर्त्मगा इतिप्रतिपन्नं हि विचेतनैरपि” ॥)उत्सवः । इति धरणी । (यथा, महाभारते १३पर्व्वणि ।“अकालकौमुदीञ्चैव चक्रतुः सार्व्वकालिकीम्” ॥कौमुदस्य कार्त्तिकमासस्य इयं “तस्येदम्” । ४ ।३ । १२० । इति अण् । ततो ङीप् । यदुक्तम् ।“कुशब्देन मही ज्ञेया मुद हर्षे ततो द्वयम् ।धातुज्ञैर्नियमैश्चैव तेन सा कौमुदी स्मृता” ॥)कार्त्तिकोत्सवः । स तु कार्त्तिकीपूर्णिमायां कर्त्तव्यः ।इति त्रिकाण्डशेषः । कार्त्तिकीपूर्णिमा ॥आश्विनीपूर्णिमा । इति शब्दरत्नावली । (यथा, --“आश्विने पौर्णमास्यान्तु चरेज्जागरणं निशि ।कौमुदी सा समाख्याता कार्य्या लोकविभूतये” ॥दीपोत्सवतिथिः । यथा, रघुप्रभृतिटीकाकृ-न्मल्लिनाथधृतभविष्योत्तरवचनम् ।“कौ मोदन्ते जना यस्यां तेनासौ कौमुदी स्मृता” ॥कुमुदान्येव कौमुदी । सुदी वा सालुक इति भाषा ॥)
--शब्दकल्पद्रुमः
कौमुद पु० “कौ मोदन्ते जनायस्मिन् कौमुदस्तेन कीर्त्तितः”इक्तुक्तलक्षणे १ कार्त्तिकमासे । “एतैरन्यैश्च राजेन्द्रैःपुरा मांसं न भक्षितम् । शारदं कौमुदं मासं ततस्तेस्वर्गमाप्लुयुः । कौमुदं तु विशेषेण शुक्लपक्षं नराधिप! ।वर्ज्जयेत् सर्वमांसानि धर्म्मोह्यत्र विधीयते” म० त० भार०
कौमुदी स्त्री कुमदस्येयं प्रकाशकत्वात् प्रिया अण् ङीप् ।१ न्योत्लायाम् अमरः । “शशिना सह याति कौमुदी”कुमा० १ तद्वत्प्रकाशिकायाम् “त्वमस्य लोकस्य च नेत्रकौ-दी” कुमा० कौमुदस्येवम् अण् ङीप् । “कुशब्देन महीज्ञेया मुद हर्षे० ततोद्वयम् । धातुज्ञैर्नियमैश्चैव तेन सांकौमुदी स्मृता” इत्युक्तायां २ कार्त्तिकपौर्ण्णमास्यां “कौमोदन्ते जनायस्यान्नानाभावैः परस्परम् । हृष्टास्तुष्टाःसुखापन्नास्तेन सा कौमुदी मता” इत्युक्तायाम् ३ आश्विनषौर्ण्णमास्याम् “आश्विने षौर्ण्णगास्यान्तु चरेज्जागरणं निशिकौमुदी सा समाख्याता कार्य्या लोकविभूतये” ति० त०लौङ्गोक्तेः । ४ दीपोत्मवतिथौ दीपोत्वतिथिं प्रकृत्यभविष्योत्तरे “कौमोदन्ते जनायस्यां तेन सा कौमुदी मता”“सखीजनोद्वीक्षणकौमुदीमुखम्” रघुः कौमुदी दीपोत्वातिथिः” इति मल्लि०” ५ उत्सवे धरणिः” ६ कार्त्तिकोत्सवेत्रिका० । स्वार्थे क । ह्रस्वे कौमुदिका ज्योत्स्नायाम् ।संज्ञायां कन् । उमासखीभेदे शब्दरत्ना० कुमुद + चतुरर्थ्यांकुमुदा० ठक् । कौमुदिक कुमुदसन्निकृष्टदेशादौ त्रि०
--वाचस्पत्यम्

Surya Siddhanta,states that Kali Yuga began at midnight (00:00) on 18 February 3102 BCE.Excerpt from Burgess' translation which confirms the conjunction of planets on this date:


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MBh text describes Gandhari's curse and death of Krishna 36 years after the war precisely. Why should the textual references in Bhagavata Purana (1.18.6), Vishnu Purana (5.38.8), and Brahma Purana (2.103.8) be ignores while narrating the Hindu calendar tradition?

A reference is made in MBh. to the thirty-sixth year from the date of the war in the text. In thirty-sixth year occurs the death of Krishna consistent with Gandhari’s curse.

Hindu tradition has recognized this thirty-sixth year as the start of Kali Yuga, calendrical reckoning.

The Bhagavata Purana (1.18.6), Vishnu Purana (5.38.8), and Brahma Purana (2.103.8) state that the day Krishna left the earth was the day that the Dvapara Yuga ended and the Kali Yuga began:
— Bhagavata Purana Part I. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited. 1950. p. 137. (1.18.6) On the very day, and at the very moment the Lord [Krishna] left the earth, on that very day this Kali, the source of irreligiousness, (in this world), entered here.
— Wilson, H. H. (1895). The Vishnu Purana. S.P.C.K. Press. p. 61. (5.38.8) The Parijata tree proceeded to heaven, and on the same day that Hari [Krishna] departed from the earth the dark-bodied Kali age descended.
— Brahma Purana Part 2. Motilal Banarsidass. 1955. p. 515. (2.103.8) It was on the day on which Krishna left the Earth and went to heaven that the Kali age, with time for its body set in.

Gandhari’s curse states in Stri-vilapa parva: “In the thirty-sixth year from this, O slayer of Madhu, thou shalt, after causing the slaughter of thy kinsmen and friends and sons, perish by disgusting means in the wilderness.”

Mausala Parva confirms this: (After the death of Balarama), Keshava (Krishna)… also recollected the words that Durvasas had spoken at the time his body was smeared by that Rishi with the remnant of the Payasa he had eaten (while a guest at Krishna’s house). The high-souled one, thinking of the destruction of the Vrishnis and the Andhakas, as also of the previous slaughter of the Kurus, concluded that the hour (for his own departure from the world) had come.

Book 16: Mausala Parva

Kisari Mohan Ganguli, tr.

[1883-1896]

Death of Krishna

Section 4

"Proceeding then to the forest, Keshava beheld Rama sitting in a solitary spot thereof. He also saw that Rama had set himself to Yoga and that from out his mouth was issuing a mighty snake. The colour of that snake was white. Leaving the human body (in which he had dwelt so long), that high-souled naga of a 1,000 heads and having a form as large as that of a mountain, endued besides with red eyes, proceeded along that way which led to the ocean. Ocean himself, and many celestial snakes, and many sacred Rivers were there, for receiving him with honour. There were Karkotaka and Vasuki and Takshaka and Prithusravas and Varuna and Kunjara, and Misri and Sankha and Kumuda and Pundarika, and the high-souled Dhritarashtra, and Hrada and Kratha and Sitikantha of fierce energy, and Chakramanda and Atishanda, and that foremost of Nagas called Durmukha, and Amvarisha, and king Varuna himself, O monarch. Advancing forward and offering him the Arghya and water to wash his feet, and with diverse other rites, they all worshipped the mighty Naga and saluted him by making the usual enquiries.

"After his brother had thus departed from the (human) world, Vasudeva of celestial vision, who was fully acquainted with the end of all things, wandered for some time in that lonely forest thoughtfully. Endued with great energy he then sat down on the bare earth. He had thought before this of everything that had been fore-shadowed by the words uttered by Gandhari in former days. He also recollected the words that Durvasas had spoken at the time his body was smeared by that Rishi with the remnant of the Payasa he had eaten (while a guest at Krishna’s house). The high-souled one, thinking of the destruction of the Vrishnis and the Andhakas, as also of the previous slaughter of the Kurus, concluded that the hour (for his own departure from the world) had come. He then restrained his senses (in Yoga). Conversant with the truth of every topic, Vasudeva, though he was the Supreme Deity, wished to die, for dispelling all doubts and establishing a certainty of results (in the matter of human existence), simply for upholding the three worlds and for making the words of Atri’s son true. Having restrained all his senses, speech, and mind, Krishna laid himself down in high Yoga.

"A fierce hunter of the name of Jara then came there, desirous of deer. The hunter, mistaking Keshava, who was stretched on the earth in high Yoga, for a deer, pierced him at the heel with a shaft and quickly came to that spot for capturing his prey. Coming up, Jara beheld a man dressed in yellow robes, rapt in Yoga and endued with many arms. Regarding himself an offender, and filled with fear, he touched the feet of Keshava. The high-souled one comforted him and then ascended upwards, filling the entire welkin with splendour. When he reached Heaven, Vasava and the twin Ashvinis and Rudra and the Adityas and the Vasus and the Viswedevas, and Munis and Siddhas and many foremost ones among the Gandharvas, with the Apsaras, advanced to receive him. Then, O king, the illustrious Narayana of fierce energy, the Creator and Destroyer of all, that preceptor of Yoga, filling Heaven with his splendour, reached his own inconceivable region. Krishna then met the deities and (celestial) Rishis and Charanas, O king, and the foremost ones among the Gandharvas and many beautiful Apsaras and Siddhas and Saddhyas. All of them, bending in humility, worshipped him. The deities all saluted him, O monarch, and many foremost of Munis and Rishis worshipped him who was the Lord of all. The Gandharvas waited on him, hymning his praises, and Indra also joyfully praised him."

https://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/m16/m16004.htm

Section 5

Vaishampayana said: "Meanwhile Daruka, going to the Kurus and seeing those mighty car-warriors, the son of Pritha, informed them of how the Vrishnis had slain one another with iron bolts. Hearing that the Vrishnis along with the Bhojas and Andhakas and Kukuras had all been slain, the Pandavas, burning with grief, became highly agitated. Then Arjuna, the dear friend of Keshava, bidding them farewell, set out for seeing his maternal uncle. He said that destruction would soon overtake everything. Proceeding to the city of the Vrishnis with Daruka in his company, O puissant king, that hero beheld that the city of Dwaraka looked like a woman bereft of her husband. Those ladies who had, before this, the very Lord of the universe for their protector, were now lordless. Seeing that Partha had come for protecting them, they all set up a loud wail. 16,000 ladies had been wedded to Vasudeva. Indeed, as soon as they saw Arjuna arrive, they uttered a loud cry of sorrow. As soon as the Kuru prince met those beauteous ones deprived of the protection of Krishna and of their sons as well, he was unable to look at them, his vision being obstructed by tears. The Dwaraka river had the Vrishnis and the Andhakas for its water, steeds for its fishes, cars for its rafts, the sound of musical instruments and the rattle of cars for its waves, houses and mansions and public squares for its lakes. Gems and precious stones were its abundant moss. The walls of adamant were the garlands of flowers that floated on it. The streets and roads were the strong currents running in eddies along its surface. The great open squares were the still large lakes in its course. Rama and Krishna were its two mighty alligators. That agreeable river now seemed to Arjuna to be the fierce Vaitarani bound up with Time’s net. Indeed, the son of Vasava, endued with great intelligence, beheld the city to look even thus, reft as it was of the Vrishni heroes. Shorn of beauty, and perfectly cheerless, it presented the aspect of a lotus flower in the season of winter. Beholding the sight that Dwaraka presented, and seeing the numerous wives of Krishna, Arjuna wailed aloud with eyes bathed in tears and fell down on the earth. Then Satya, the daughter of Satrajit, and Rukmini too, O king, fell down beside Dhananjaya and uttered loud wails of grief. Raising him then they caused him to be seated on a golden seat. The ladies sat around that high-souled one, giving expression to their feelings. Praising Govinda and talking with the ladies, the son of Pandu comforted them and then proceeded to see his maternal uncle."

https://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/m16/m16005.htm



Gandhari’s curse

Book 11: Stri Parva

Stri-vilapa-parva

 

Section 25

Vaishampayana continued, "Having said these words, Gandhari, deprived of her senses by grief, fell down on the earth! Casting off her fortitude, she suffered her senses to be stupefied by grief. Filled with wrath and with sorrow at the death of her sons, Gandhari, with agitated heart, ascribed every fault to Keshava.

"Gandhari said, ‘The Pandavas and the Dhartarashtras, O Krishna, have both been burnt. Whilst they were thus being exterminated, O Janardana, why wert thou indifferent to them? Thou wert competent to prevent the slaughter, for thou hast a large number of followers and a vast force. Thou hadst eloquence, and thou hadst the power (for bringing about peace). Since deliberately, O slayer of Madhu, thou wert indifferent to this universal carnage, therefore, O mighty-armed one, thou shouldst reap the fruit of this act. By the little merit I have acquired through waiting dutifully on my husband, by that merit so difficult to attain, I shall curse thee, O wielder of the discus and the mace! Since thou wert indifferent to the Kurus and the Pandavas whilst they slew each other, therefore, O Govinda, thou shalt be the slayer of thy own kinsmen! In the thirty-sixth year from this, O slayer of Madhu, thou shalt, after causing the slaughter of thy kinsmen and friends and sons, perish by disgusting means in the wilderness. The ladies of thy race, deprived of sons, kinsmen, and friends, shall weep and cry even as these ladies of the Bharata race!’"

Vaishampayana continued, "Hearing these words, the high-souled Vasudeva, addressing the venerable Gandhari, said unto her these words, with a faint smile, ‘There is none in the world, save myself, that is capable of exterminating the Vrishnis. I know this well. I am endeavouring to bring it about. In uttering this curse, O thou of excellent vows, thou hast aided me in the accomplishment of that task. The Vrishnis are incapable of being slain by others, be they human beings or gods or Danavas. The Yadavas, therefore shall fall by one another’s hand.’ After he of Dasharha’s race had said these words, the Pandavas became stupefied. Filled with anxiety all of them became hopeless of life!’"

 

Section 26

"The holy one said, ‘Arise, arise, O Gandhari, do not set thy heart on grief! Through thy fault, this vast carnage has taken place! Thy son Duryodhana was wicked-souled, envious, and exceedingly arrogant. Applauding his wicked acts, thou regardest them to be good. Exceedingly cruel, he was the embodiment of hostilities, and disobedient to the injunctions of the old. Why dost thou wish to ascribe thy own faults to me? Dead or lost, the person that grieves for what has already occurred, obtaineth more grief. By indulging in grief, one increases it two-fold. A woman of the regenerate class bears children for the practice of austerities; the cow brings forth offspring for bearing burdens; the mare brings forth her young for acquiring speed of motion; the Shudra woman bears a child for adding to the number of servitors; the Vaishya woman for adding to the number of keepers of cattle. A princess, however, like thee, brings forth sons for being slaughtered!’"

Vaishampayana said, "Hearing these words of Vasudeva that were disagreeable to her, Gandhari, with heart exceedingly agitated by grief, remained silent. The royal sage Dhritarashtra, however, restraining the grief that arises from folly, enquired of Yudhishthira the just, saying, ‘If, O son of Pandu, thou knowest it, tell me the number of those that have fallen in this battle, as also of those that have escaped with life!’

https://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/m11/m11025.htm

 ni-√mā Ā. -mimīte (pf. -mamireRV. iii, 38, 7 ), to measure, adjust, RV. ; &c. (cf. nime).;nimitta n. (possibly connected with ni-√mā above) a butt, mark, target, MBh. sign, omen, Mn. ; Yājñ. ; MBh.  &c. (cf. dur-n°) (Monier-Williams)  

 निमित nimita 1 See निर्मित; caused; शापोमयैवनिमितस्तदवैतविप्राः Bhāg.3.16.26. -2 Measured.

 निमित्तम् nimittam [नि-मिद्-क्त Tv.] 1 A cause, motive, ground reason; निमित्तनैमित्तिकयोरयंक्रमः Ś.7.30. -2 The instrumental or efficient cause (opp. उपादान); धर्मार्थकाममोक्षाणांनिमित्तान्यविरोधतः Bhāg.3.7.32. -3 Any apparent cause, pretext; निमित्तमात्रंभवसव्यसाचिन् Bg.11.33; निमित्तमात्रेणपाण्डवक्रोधेनभवितव्यम् Ve.1. -4 A mark, sign, token. -5 A butt, mark, target; निमित्तेदूरपातित्वेलघुत्वेदृढवेधने Mb.7.74.23; निमित्तादपराद्धेषोर्धानुष्कस्येववल्गितम् Śi.2.27. -6 An omen, prognostic (good or bad); निमित्तंसूचयित्वा Ś.1; निमित्तानिपश्यामिविपरीतानिकेशव Bg.1.31; R.1.86; Ms.6.50; Y.1.203;3.171. -7 Means of knowledge; तस्यनिमित्तपरीष्टिः MS.1.1.3. -8 Function, ceremony; एतान्येवनिमित्तानिमुनीनामूर्ध्वरेतसाम् (कर्तव्यानि); Mb.12.61.6. (निमित्त is used at the end of comp. in the sense of 'caused or occasioned by'; किन्निमित्तोऽयमातङ्कः Ś.3. निमित्तम्निमित्तेननिमित्तान् 'because of', 'on occount of'.) -Comp. -अर्थः the infinitive mood (in gram). -आवृत्तिः f. dependence on a special cause. -कारणम्हेतुः an instrumental or efficient cause. -कालः a specific time. -कृत् m. a crow -ज्ञ a. acquainted with omens (as an astrologar). -धर्मः 1 expiation. -2 an occasional rite. -नैमित्तिकम् (du.) cause and effect; निमित्तनैमित्तिकयोरयंक्रमः Ś.7.30. -परीष्टि f. scrutiny of the means (of knowing); तस्यनिमित्तपरीष्टिः MS.1.1.3. -मात्रम् the mere efficient cause or instrument; Bg.11.33. -विद् a. knowing good or bad omens. (-m.) an astrologer.

   निमित्तकम् nimittakam 1 A cause. -2 Kissing.

   निमित्तिन् nimittin a. Having a cause, influenced by (some cause or ground).(Apte)

निमित्तं, क्ली, (नि+ मिद् + क्तसंज्ञापूर्ब्बकत्वान्ननत्वम्) हेतुः (यथा, देवीभागवते१८किंनिमित्तंमहाभाग ! निःस्पृहस्यमांप्रति।जातंह्यागमनंब्रूहिकार्य्यंतन्मुनिसत्तम ! ”)चिह्नम्इत्यमरः७६शकुनःयथा,“निमित्तानिपश्यामिविपरीतानिकेशव ! ।इतिश्रीभगवद्गीता

निमित्तकं, क्ली, (निमित्त+ संज्ञायांकन्)निमित्तनिश्चयादागतम्चुम्बनम्इतिशब्द-लानिमित्तञ्च

निमित्तकारणं, क्ली, (निमित्तंकारणम्)समवायिकारणासमवायिकारणाभ्यांभिन्नम्।तृतीयकारणम्यथाघटंप्रतिकुलाल-दण्डचक्रसलिलसूत्रादिइतिभाषापरिच्छेद-सिद्धान्तमुक्तावल्यौ

निमित्तकृत्, पुं, (निमित्तंस्वरुतेनशुभाशुभशकुनंकरोतीतिकृ+ क्विप्) काकःइतिराज-निर्घण्टः

निमित्तवित्, [द्] पुं, (निमित्तंशुभाशुभलक्षणंवेत्तीतिविद्+ क्विप्) दैवज्ञःगणकः।इतिहेमचन्द्रः१४६

-- शब्दकल्पद्रुमः

निमित त्रि०नि + मि--क्तसमदीर्घविस्तारपरिमाणयुर्क्तनिघशब्देदृश्यम्

निमित्त न०नि + मिद--क्तअनात्मनेपदनिमित्तेपासूत्रनिर्देशान्नदस्यनःहेतौचिह्नेअमरःनिमित्तेषुसर्वेषुह्यप्रमत्तोभवेन्नरःस्मृतिःमयैवपूर्वंनिहताधार्त्तराष्ट्राःनिमित्तमात्रंभवसव्यसाचिन्गीताअतःकालंप्रवक्ष्यामिनिमित्तंकर्मणामिहति०त०भविष्यपु०मासपक्षतिथीनाञ्चनिमित्तानाञ्चसर्वशःउल्लेखनमकुर्वाणोतस्वफलभाग्भवेत्ति०त०भविष्यपु०ब्रह्माण्डेनिमित्तानिचशंसन्तिशुभाशुभफलोदयम्” “निमित्तंमनश्चक्षुरा-दिप्रवृत्तौहस्तामलकम्शुभाशुभसूचकेशकुनेनिमित्तानिपश्यामिविपरीतानिकेशव!” गीता४फलेउद्देश्येनिमित्तात्कर्मयोगेवार्त्ति०निमित्त-मिहफलम्निमित्तनिश्चयेनैमित्तिकंनिमित्तनिश्च-यादागतम्शरव्येशब्दार्थचि०स्वार्थेतत्रार्थेसंज्ञायांकन्निमित्तकचुम्बनेशब्दमाला

निमित्तकारण न०कर्म०नैयायिकमतेसमवायिकारणाऽ-समवामिकारणभिन्नकारणेतथाहिघटादौमृत्तिकादिसमवायिकारणम्कपालद्वयसंयोगोऽसमयवायिकार-णम्कुलालचक्रदण्डसलिलसूत्रादिनिमित्तकारणम्।एवमदृष्टादिकालादिएवन्यत्रयथायथमुन्नेयम्

निमित्तकृत् त्रि०निमित्तंशकुनंरुतेनकरोतिकृ--क्विप्तुक्रवेणदुष्टादुष्टशकुनकारकेकाकेराजनि०तस्यरवेणशकुनसूचकत्वात्तथात्वम्काकरुतशब्दे१८४४पृ०दृश्यम्

-- वाचस्पत्यम्

निमित्तबध पु०निमित्तेनरोधादिहेतुनाबधःरोधादि-निमित्तेगवादेर्वधेतत्रप्रायश्चित्तादिप्रा०त०उक्तंयथारोधादिनिमित्तकप्रायश्चित्तम्तत्राङ्गिराःरोधनेबन्धनेचापियोजनेगवांरुजःउत्पाद्यमरणंवापिनिमित्तीतत्रलिप्यतेपादञ्चरेद्रोधबधेद्वौपादौबन्धनेचरेत्योजनेपादहीनंस्याच्चरेत्सर्वंनिपातनेनिमित्तीलिप्यतइतियथाकथञ्चित्मरणनिमित्ततारतम्येनयोभूयआरभतेतास्मन्फलेविशेषःइत्यापस्तम्बवचनात्पापविशेषेणंलिप्यतेतद्विशेषात्प्रायश्चित्तविशेषमाहपादञ्चरेदित्यादिरोधःशीणायाःगोराहारप्रचारनिर्गमविरोधःबन्धन-मयथाबन्धनमकालबन्धनञ्चयोजनंहलशकटादौयोजनंतत्रातिवाहादिनेतिशेषःअत्रैवविषयेव्यवनःप्राजापत्यद्वयंगोहत्याप्रायश्चित्तंरोधनबन्धनयोक्त्र-बधेपादवृद्ध्यानस्रानिलोमानिशिखावर्जंसशिखंवपनंत्रिषवणंगवानुगमनंसहशयनंसुमहत्तृणानिरथ्यासुचारयेत्व्रतान्तेब्राह्मणभोजनमितिरोधन-बन्धनयोक्त्रबधइत्यादेरयमर्थःरोधनिमित्तकवधेप्राजा-पत्यस्यपादःप्रायश्चित्तंनखच्छेदनमात्रम्बन्धन-निमित्तबधेप्राजापत्यस्यद्वौपादौनखानांलीम्नाञ्चछेदनम्योक्त्रनिमित्तेबधेप्राजापत्यपादत्रयंनखलोमशिखावर्जकेशच्छेदनञ्चदण्डादिप्रहारबधेसम्पूर्णप्राजापत्यम्नखलोमकेशशिखाच्छेदनञ्चइति।एतद्विषयएवमिताक्षराधृतंसंवर्त्तवचनंतदेकवाक्य-त्वात्तद्ययापादेऽङ्गलोमवपनंद्विपादेश्मश्रुणोऽपिचत्रिपादेशिम्नावर्जंवशिखन्तुनिपातनेअत्रप्राजापत्यस्यपादादित्वेकिंमानमितिचत्पराशर-वचनम्रोधनेतुचरेत्पादंबन्धनेचार्द्धमेवहियोजनेपादहीनंस्यात्प्राजापत्यंनिपातनेकृच्छ्रमज्ञानताड़नेइतिवार्हस्वत्यात्दण्डोऽत्रहस्त-प्रमाणोग्राह्यःतदधिकेतुद्विगुणपायश्चित्तविधानात्।यथाअङ्गिराःअङ्गुष्ठमात्रःस्थौल्येनबाहुमात्रःप्रमाणतःसार्द्रश्चसपलाशश्चदण्डइत्यभिधीयतेअस्यादूर्द्ध्वप्रहारेणयदिगांविनिपातयेत्द्विगुणन्तुभवेत्तत्रप्रायश्चित्तमितिस्थितिःसपलासःसपत्रः।एतद्वचनविषयएवच्यवनीक्तप्राजापत्यद्वयमितिएतच्चा-ज्ञानतःयथावृहस्पतिःपादञ्चरेत्रोधवधेकृच्छ्रार्द्धंबन्धधातनेअतिवाहेपादोनंकृच्छ्रमज्ञानताड़ने।अन्नानञ्चक्षीणायामक्षीणत्वभ्रमःक्षैण्यज्ञानेतुपायिकमरणंज्ञात्वाप्रवृत्तस्यचान्द्रायणपादादिकम्।यथाहारीतःनासाच्छेदनदाहेषुकर्णच्छेदनबन्धने।अतिदोहातिवाहाभ्यांकृच्छ्रंचान्द्रायणंचरेत्हत्वेतिशेषःकृच्छ्रंव्रतंतेनचान्द्रायणव्रतमित्यर्थः।इतिशूलपाणिमहामहोपाध्यायाःभवदेवभट्टैस्तुनिपातनेकूपावदादिषुइतिव्याख्यातंतदपियुक्तंअन्यथातत्रपातजनकभयादिदर्शकस्यप्रायश्चित्तस्यानध्य-तद्धायापत्तेःशस्त्रादिनातुहत्वागांमानवंततपाक्षरेत्रोधादिनात्वाङ्गिरनमापस्तम्बोक्तमेवचेतिबृहस्पत्युक्तंतत्रप्रयमादिपदामुष्टिलोष्ट्रलगुड़विषाग्न्या-दीनांप्रायिकमृत्युफलानांग्रहणम्रोधादिनेतियथाकथञ्चिन्निमितमात्रस्य, बन्धादेरितिशूलपाणिव्याख्या-न्तराच्चतस्मान्निपातनपरम्उभयपरम्एतच्चरात्रौरक्षणार्थंरोधबन्धनव्यतिरिक्तविषयम्सायंसंयम-सनार्थन्तुदुष्येद्रोधबन्धयोःइतिअङ्गिरोवचनात्वन्धनेमिताक्षरायांविशेषमाहव्यासःनारि-केलैर्नचशाणतालैर्नचापिमौञ्जैर्नचबन्धशृङ्खलैः।एतैस्तुगावोहिबन्धनीयाबद्ध्वातुतिष्ठेत्परशुंगृहीत्वाकुशैःकाशैश्चबध्नीयात्स्थानेदोषविवार्जते।निमित्तिन्शब्देवक्ष्यमाणेमन्यूत्पादनदाराहनने

निमित्तविद त्रि०निमित्तंशकुनंशुभाशुभसूचकंलक्षणंवेत्तिविद--क्विप्निमित्तज्ञेदैवज्ञेहेमच०निमि-त्तज्ञादयोऽप्यत्रनिमित्तज्ञस्तपोधनःरघुः

निमित्तिन् त्रि०निमित्तवस्त्यस्यइनिनिमित्तयुक्तेकार्येप्रा०वि०उक्तेबधकर्त्तृभेदेयथाकर्त्तापञ्चविधःकर्त्ताप्रयोजकोऽनुमन्ताअनुग्राहकोनिमित्तीचेति।निमित्तिनमाहविष्णुःअन्यायेनगृहीतस्वोन्याय-मर्थयतेतुयःयसुद्दिश्यत्यजेत्प्राणांस्तमाहुर्ब्रह्म-घातकम्तल्लक्षणंप्रो०वि०उक्तंउद्देश्यत्वेसतिहन्तुर्मन्यूत्पादकोनिमित्तोइतिमन्यूत्पादनेनिमि-त्तमाहतत्रैववृद्धशा०गोभूहिरण्यहरणेस्त्रीसम्ब-न्धकृतेऽपियमुद्दिश्यत्यजेत्प्राणांस्तमाहुर्ब्रह्म-धातकम्वृहस्मतिःज्ञातिमित्रकलत्रार्थंसुहृत्क्ष-त्रार्थमेवयमुद्दिश्यत्यजेत्प्राणांस्तभाहुर्ब्रह्मघा-तकम्गोभूहिरण्यहरणेस्त्रीणांक्षेत्रगृहस्य।यमुद्दिश्यत्यजेत्प्राणांस्तमाहुर्ब्रह्मथातकम्गुर्वर्थंपितृमात्रर्थमात्मार्थमथवापुनःयमुद्दिश्यत्यजेत्प्राणां-स्तमाहुर्ब्रह्मथातकम्षट्त्रिंशन्मतमितिकृत्वापठितम्आक्रोशितस्ताद्धितोवाधनैर्बापरिपीडितः।यमुद्दिश्यत्यजेत्प्राणांस्तगाहुर्ब्रह्मघातकम्सत्रोद्दि-श्येतिसर्वत्रकीर्त्तनात्उद्देशाभावेनिमित्ततामा-त्रेणवधित्वंनास्तिअर्थादिहरणाक्रोशनताड-नादीनांमन्युकारणानामुपात्तत्वादेतेषाभभावेधनाद्यर्थंवृक्षारोहणादिनायेम्रियन्ते(यदिमह्यंघनंनदास्यसितदावृक्षारोहणेनमरिष्यामीतिं) तत्रकीर्त्तनमात्रेणनिमित्तबधोनास्तितथाचपठन्तिअमम्बेनयःफश्चित्द्विजःप्राणान्परित्यजेत्तणैषतद्भवेत्पाषंतुयंपरिकी-र्तयेत्अयम्बन्धेगेतिवाक्कृतादिसकलापराधसम्ब-न्धामावपरंयच्चसम्बन्धेनविनादेव! शुष्कवादेनकोपितःइतिभविष्यपुराणवचनंवार्षिकप्रायश्चित्त-विधायकंतत्वाक्कृतेतरापराधसम्बन्धाभावपरंशुष्क-वादेनकोपितःइत्यभिधानात्एवंयत्राक्रोशनादौपश्चात्कृतेनापराधःतत्रापिबधःयथावृहस्पतिःआष्युष्टस्तयदाक्रोशँस्ताडितःप्रतिताडवम्हत्वा-ततायिनञ्चैवनापराधीभवेन्नरःशास्त्रविहितताड-मादौकृतेयत्रपुत्रशिष्यादिर्म्रियतेतत्रापिबधोनाख्येवतथाभविष्यपुराणेपुत्रःशिष्यस्तथाभार्य्याशासितश्चेद्विनश्यतिशास्तातत्रदोषेणलिप्यतेदेवसत्तम! अशास्त्रीयताडनादौभवत्येवयथामनुःपुत्रःशिष्यस्तथाभार्य्यादासीदासस्तुपञ्चमःप्राप्ताप-राधास्ताह्याःस्यूरज्ज्वावेणुदलेनवाअधस्तान्नुप्रहर्त्तव्यंनोत्तमाङ्गेकदाचनअतोऽन्थथातुप्रहरँ-श्चौरस्याप्नोतिकिल्यिषम्एवञ्चविहितदण्डाचरणेशास्त्रीयकरग्रहणेक्रियमाणेयदिम्रियतेतदापिवधोनास्त्येवदण्डादिशास्त्रविरोधान्निषेधाप्रवृत्तेः।वधनिमित्तिनस्तुप्रायश्चित्तंतत्रोक्तंयथानिमित्तिनस्तुवचनात्त्रैवार्षिकंसम्बन्धे, असम्बन्धेवार्षिकंयथाभविष्येससम्बन्धयदाविप्रोहत्वात्मानंमृतोगुह! निर्गुणःसहसाक्रोधादुमृहक्षेत्रादितोविभो! त्रैवार्षिकंव्रतंकुर्य्यात्ब्रह्मचर्व्यञ्चरन्वने।सम्बन्धशब्दोऽत्रधनसम्बन्धपरःताड़नादिनातिरस्कारेऽपित्रैवार्षिकमाहसएवतिरस्कतोयदाविप्रोनिर्गुणोम्रियतेऽनच! सनिमित्तंयदाविप्रस्तदेदंशुद्धवेचरेदत्रैवार्षिकंब्रह्मचर्य्यंकृत्वाशुध्येतविप्रहाषनताडनादिसम्बन्धाभावेवाक्कलहमात्रेणमृतेवार्षिकमाहसएवयसुद्दिश्यद्विजोहन्यात्ब्राह्मणंस्वयमेवहिआत्मानंसहसाक्रोधात्तस्यकिन्नुभवेदिदम्सम्बन्धेनविनादेव! शुष्कवादेनकोपितःकेशस्मश्रुनखादीनांकृत्वावैवपनंगुह! ।ब्रह्मचर्य्यञ्चरन्वीर! वर्षेणैकेनशुध्यतिएतत्त्रितय-कारणाभावेऽर्थलोभादिनामृतेप्रायश्चित्ताभावइतिप्रागुक्तम्प्रा०चि०

-- वाचस्पत्यम्

Saturday, October 5, 2013

Planetary position at the start of Mahabharata war.


The blogpost below was written in 2013, six years before I did my own analysis of Mahabharata references to deduce / validate the traditional date, 35 years before the start of the Kali Maha Yuga. The war started on October 23, 3136 BCE, in the year Krodhi.

Request readers to read my ebook.

https://www.amazon.in/MYTH-EPOCH-ARUNDHATI-NILESH-NILKANTH-ebook/dp/B07YVFNQLD/ref=cm_cr_arp_d_pl_foot_top?ie=UTF8 

The specific chapter deciphering the date can be read here also
https://www.academia.edu/40802932/DATE_OF_MAHABHARATA_FROM_INTERNAL_EVIDENCES

Read my blog to know the contents and the links to ebook in amazon UK and USA
https://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.com/2019/10/my-book-myth-of-epoch-of-arundhati-of.html


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The reference to planets and their motion at the start of Mahabharata war pertains to Nimittha (निमित्त ) and the results connected with planetary motions or in other words astrology, and not exactly about the position of those planets as per astronomy. Therefore one must not take the reference to planets at face value.

Some basic features of astrology connected with the planets as mentioned in Mahabharata chapter 5 and 6 are as follows:
1.      Saturn's dhrishti (aspect) falls on 3rd, 7th and 10th houses from the sign it is located.

2.      Mar's dhrishti falls on 4th, 7th and 8th houses from the sign it is located.


3.      Upagrahas that include Dhooma Ketu are observed to make instant predictions particularly of a good or a bad time.

4.      The motion of planets with reference to each other in terms of fast and slow moving planets is observed to predict the time when events would be triggered and the intensity of the events.

3rd and 4th are oldest techniques in use in mundane astrology for predicting the outcome of travels and wars. 4th one continues to be in use as an important technique in Prasna astrology.

5.      Colour of sun or moon does not pertain to eclipses but are mentioned as omens. Most of the observations on sun and moon are omens which can be checked with Brihad samhita.

For example, in  

शवेतलॊहित पर्यन्ताः कृष्ण गरीवाः  विद्युतः
     
तरिवर्णाः परिघाः संधौ भानुम आवारयन्त्य उत

(śvetalohita paryantāḥ kṛṣṇa grīvāḥ sa vidyuta
     trivar
ṇāḥ parighāḥ sadhau bhānum āvārayanty uta)
(MB 6-2-21)

the mention of Parigha with three colours around the sun pertains to a bad omen. Parigha is the halo around the sun. According to Brihad Samhita 30-25, if Parigha appears white, the reigning prince would suffer; if it appears blood coloured, his army would revolt and if it appears in the colour of gold, the army would gain strength. Thus three colours are mentioned with reference to Parigha as an omen for prediction. The above verse mentions three colours of Parigha as white (bad), lohita (bad) and black - golden is good, but black as an opposite of the lustre of gold,  is bad omen.


The verse continues to tell about the omen related to the Moon which has been mis-interpreted by many as lunar eclipse in Kritthika. Verses 22 and 23 say,


22 जवलितार्केन्दु नक्षत्रं निर्विशेष दिनक्षपम
     
अहॊरात्रं मया दृष्टं तत कषयाय भविष्यति

 23 
अलक्ष्यः परभया हीनः पौर्णमासीं  कार्त्तिकीम
     
चन्द्रॊ ऽभूद अग्निवर्णश  समवर्णे नभस्तले

( 22 jvalitārkendu nakatra nirviśea dinakapam
     ahor
ātra mayā dṛṣṭa tat kayāya bhaviyati

 23 alak
ya prabhayā hīna pauramāsīṃ ca kārttikīm
     candro 'bh
ūd agnivaraś ca samavare nabhastale)


This refers to the days moon was transiting Kritthika (sun's star) and Rohini (Moon's star). So this refers to Karthikai Paurnami which was a famous occasion connected with festive time in Prabhasa kshetra (Somnath) in Mahabharata times. There was kshahya thithi in ahorathram, in the stars of Sun and Moon. The Paurnami on Kritthika was of poor brightness. Moon was red in colour.


Here there is no reference to Eclipse. But the thithi was kshaya meaning that Kritthika and Paurnami were not there at sunrise on the day. Before next sunrise, paurnami and kritthika were over. That means within the day and night (ahorathra) Kritthika and Paurnami were over - without seeing a sun rise. Such a thithi (here Paurnami) is kshaya. A kshaya thithi has no lustre and not useful for homa. (The reduction of thithis can thus be seen in the previous paksha (to the start of Mahabharata war)  itself. The trend continues in the next paksha which saw 2 reductions resulting in Amavsaya on the day when Trayodhashi must be running. We will see the details in the course of this mail)


The agni varna of Moon is an omen which can be checked in Brihad samhita 34 -9. If sun and moon should appear red, the chief ruler would die. According to Garga, if the reddish appearance lasts for a single day, the chief ruler would die and if for 7 days, the country would perish.


As if to prove that this observation of red colour of the moon is an omen, the next verses says exactly the prediction related to this omen. It says

 24 सवप्स्यन्ति निहता वीरा भूमिम आवृत्य पार्थिवाः
     
राजानॊ राजपुत्राश  शूराः परिघबाहवः

( 24 svapsyanti nihatā vīrā bhūmim āvṛtya pārthivāḥ
     rājāno rājaputrāś ca śūrāḥ parighabāhavaḥ)

Thus we see the narration of omens continuously in the verses related to Parigha and colour of the sun and the moon. There is absolutely no reference to Karthikai Paurnami getting eclipsed. From the next verse onwards the omens related to terrestrial observation are narrated.


6.      Outer planets namely Mars, Jupiter and Saturn would be in retrogression from the 5th to 9th signs (rashi) from the sign where Sun is located.

7.      Each star has 13-20 degree span.


8.      Each star has 4 padas of 3-20 degree span each. 


Tracing the sequence of references to planets etc., of astrology,
the first information comes in Udyoga parva in the dialogue between Krishna and Karna. (5-140)
18 saptamāc cāpi divasād amāvāsyā bhaviṣyati
     saṃgrāmaṃ yojayet tatra tāṃ hy āhuḥ śakra devatām
18 
सप्तमाच चापि दिवसाद अमावास्या भविष्यति
     
संग्रामं यॊजयेत तत्र तां हय आहुः शक्र देवताम
On the day of Amavasya, in the star ruled by Sakra, the war was to be started. The star was Jyeshta. (By this it is deduced that the day in which this conversation took place was Uttra Phalguni. The thithi was Krishna paksha Navami).

Hearing Krishna mention the date of war, Karna starts talking (next chapter -5-141). The first thing he says is that he foresees the death of Duryodhana and other Kauravas besides himself and victory for Pandavas. How does he say this? He says this on the basis of terrible portends (निमित्तानि  घॊराणि तथॊत्पाताः सुदारुणाः MB 5-141-5)

What are those terrible nimitthas and Utpadas?  Here he quotes the planets and their dhrishti and their relationship to each other due to this dhrishti. The planets mentioned are Saturn, Mars and Moon. The narration about them here is purely astrological. Let us examine them now.

  7 पराजापत्यं हि नक्षत्रं गरहस तीक्ष्णॊ महाद्युतिः
      
शनैश्चरः पीडयति पीडयन पराणिनॊ ऽधिकम
(7 prājāpatyaṃ hi nakṣatraṃ grahas tīkṣṇo mahādyutiḥ
      śanaiścaraḥ pīḍayati pīḍayan prāṇino 'dhikam)

First he mentions the affliction caused to the star lorded by Prajapati. Here the reference is to Rohini which is lorded by Prajapati. Rohini receives the severe and precise dhrishti from the planets. One such planet is Saturn. The affliction of Rohini by Saturn is further confirmed in Ved Vyasa's observation in chapter 6-2, verse 32 where he says " rohiṇīṃ pīḍayann eṣa sthito rājañ śanaiścaraḥ" ( 32 रॊहिणीं पीडयन्न एष सथितॊ राजञ शनैश्चरः)

Saturn can aspect Rohini from 4 positions, (1) in Taurus by crossing Rohini (2) from Leo with 10th aspect on Rohini, (3) from Scorpio with 7th aspect on Rohini or (4) from Pisces by 3rd aspect of Rohini.

To ascertain in which of the above 4 positions, Saturn was located at that time, we get 2 clues in chapter 6-3

(Clue 1)
 14 भाग्यं नक्षत्रम आक्रम्य सूर्यपुत्रेण पीड्यते
(14 bhāgyaṃ nakṣatram ākramya sūryaputreṇa pīḍyate)
The son of Sun (Saturn) attains Bhaga. Bhaga is the lord of Purva phalguni, situated in Leo.

(Clue 2)
  25.   विशाखयॊः समीपस्थौ बृहस्पतिशनैश्चरौ
(25 viśākhayoḥ samīpasthau bṛhaspatiśanaiścarau)
Brihaspathi (Jupiter) and Saturn had approached Vishaka.

The first clue gives the position of Saturn in Purva phalguni in Leo which fits well for an affliction of Saturn of Rohini by 10th aspect. If we take up the 2nd clue and position Saturn in Vishaka (either in  Libra or in Scorpio) such a position does not satisfy (1) the affliction of Rohini (2) or affliction of Purva Phalguni in Leo.

But if we position Saturn in Purva Phalguni, its 3rd aspect falls on Vishaka and 10th aspect falls on Rohini. This fulfils all the clues on Saturn found in Mahabharata.

Further fine-tuning of Saturn's position:
Saturn must have been in Leo in 3rd  pada of Purva phalguni. (Leo 20 degrees to 23 degrees 20 minutes)


Saturn posited in the third pada of Purva phalguni means it is in the 7th pada  (of the 9-padas) of  Leo.
From there it is afflicting both Rohini and Vishaka.
That means the exact drishti would fall on the 7th pada in Libra and 7th pada in Taurus.
The 7th pada in Libra is Vishaka 1st pada.
The 7th pada in Taurus is Rohini 4th pada.
The position of saturn could not be at any other place than 7th pada of Leo (3rd pada of P.Phalguni) because if it is one pada behind, it can not aspect Vishaka. If it is one pada forward, it can not aspect Rohini.

Therefore Saturn was in the 7th pada of Leo / Purva phalguni at the time of start of Mahabharata war.

Having ascertained the position of Saturn in Leo, let us continue with what Karna says.

After saying that he and Kauravas are sure to die, he says,
 prājāpatyaṃ hi nakṣatraṃ grahas tīkṣṇo mahādyutiḥ
      śanaiścaraḥ pīḍayati pīḍayan prāṇino 'dhikam (5-141-7)

The affliction of Rohini by Saturn (from Leo) brings out grave affliction to the living beings of the earth. Then he continues,

 कृत्वा चाङ्गारकॊ वक्रं जयेष्ठायां मधुसूदन
      
अनुराधां परार्थयते मैत्रं संशमयन्न इव
 kṛtvā cāṅgārako vakraṃ jyeṣṭhāyāṃ madhusūdana
      anurādhāṃ prārthayate maitraṃ saṃśamayann iva (5-141-8)

This is a crucial verse which must be carefully analysed. I got the translation done by Mr Ramanathan who is a Veda  Adhyayin and who also teaches Vyakarana.

कृत्वा : Doing (Here is can be taken as proceeding or moving)
चाङ्गारकॊ : And Angaraka
वक्रं : Vakram
जयेष्ठायां :  in Jyeshta
मधुसूदन :Madhusudhana
अनुराधां  :To Anurdha
परार्थयते :Entering into
मैत्रं : Of Friends
संशमयन्न  : go together (explanation later)
इव : like(Here it means indicates)

The outward meaning of this verse is that Mars does a Vakram in Jyeshta. If Vakram is taken to mean retrogression, it cannot be so, because Mars cannot go retrograde in the sign where Sun is transiting. So it must mean something else. Here the verse further says that it enters into Anuradha Maitram. Mitra is the lord of Anuradha. So there is a mention of backward moving dhrishti of Mars crossing Jyeshta to Anuradha.

Any further decipherment needs further clues. We find 2 clues to the position of Mars in chapter 6-3

Clue 1
मघास्व अङ्गारकॊ वक्रः शरवणे  बृहस्पतिः (6-3-13)
(maghāsv aṅgārako vakraḥ śravaṇe ca bṛhaspatiḥ)
Here both Mars and Jupiter are mentioned. Mars does a vakram at Magha and Jupiter at Sravana. (Here let us concentrate on Mars.)

Clue 2
वक्रानुवक्रं कृत्वा  शरवणे पावकप्रभः
     
बरह्मराशिं समावृत्य लॊहिताङ्गॊ वयवस्थितः (6-3-17)
(vakrānuvakraṃ kṛtvā ca śravaṇe pāvakaprabhaḥ
     brahmarāśiṃ samāvṛtya lohitāṅgo vyavasthitaḥ)

Translation by Mr Ramanathan:
वक्रानुवक्रं :  frequent forward/retrograde motions
कृत्वा ; And Performing
शरवणे पावकप्रभः With Shravana, shining like fire
बरह्मराशिंBrahmarashi
समावृत्य : Co-linear
लॊहिताङ्गॊ  Red bodied probably mars, 
वयवस्थितः undergoes.

From these 2 clues, it emerges that Mars was in Sravana after having done vakranuvakram. Till the time Sun was in Leo or Virgo, the retrogression of Mars would have continued upto the beginning of Capricorn or Sravana. When the gap between Mars and Sun reached 132 degrees, the retrogression ended and Mars started forward motion – which is opposite of the previous vakram movement in Sravana. That is mentioned as vakranuvakram.

From Capricorn, Mars can aspect Magha in Leo by its 8th aspect. Sravana 1st pada is the 4th pada of Capricorn (former 3 padas are the last 3 padas of Uttrashada). If Mars was in Sravana 1st pada, from there its 8th aspect falls on 4th pada of Leo which is 4th pada of Magha. There also the 'vakram' is mentioned which perfectly fits with a previous backward motion of 8th aspect of Mars on Magha which now has gone in opposite direction – which is meant as "maghāsva aṅgārako vakraḥ".

The location at Sravana 1st pada is confirmed by the 2nd clue where it is supposed to be positioned at Brahm rashi.

If Brahmarashi means Abhijit, Mars must have been between 10 degrees and 10-56 degrees. Just a short span of 56 minutes of Sravana comes under Abhijit. That is the 1st pada of Sravana. Brahma Rashi could also refer to Rohini, lorded by Brahma. From Sravana, the 4th aspect of Mars falls within 10*-56' of Taurus. Rohini pada 1 starts within that span (after 10 degrees Taurus).  So the affliction of Rohini by Mars is there. The affliction of Magha by Mars (8th aspect) is there. This puts the location of Mars at Sravana (Capricorn). But from there Mars does not send any aspect on Jyeshta. To understand what then has been told by Karna in those verses, let us continue to analyse the next verse.

नूनं मह भयं कृष्ण कुरूणां समुपस्थितम
      
विशेषेण हि वार्ष्णेय चित्रां पीडयते गरहः (5-141-9)
(nūnaṃ maha bhayaṃ kṛṣṇa kurūṇāṃ samupasthitam
      viśeṣeṇa hi vārṣṇeya citrāṃ pīḍayate grahaḥ)

After having said that Mars is going vakram in Jyeshta and further moves over to Anuradha of Mitran, Karna expresses great fear of a calamity that approaches the Kurus with "Gara" afflicting Chitra!

Then in the next verse he says,
सॊमस्य लक्ष्म वयावृत्तं राहुर अर्कम उपेष्यति
     
दिवश चॊल्काः पतन्त्य एताः सनिर्घाताः सकम्पनाः (5-141-10)
(somasya lakma vayāvtta rāhur arkam upeyati
     diva
ś colkāḥ patanty etāḥ sanirghātāḥ sakampanāḥ)

Here he tells about Moon's quality or rays or lustre (lakshma) getting Vayavruttam! These 2 verses pertain to Moon's movement which was approaching Amavasya but qualified as lakshma Vyavrittam.

We can see the same expression told by Ved Vyasa on the day of war when he met Dhritharashtra in chapter 6-2. In the penultimate verse of this chapter he says that Saturn is afflicting Rohini and Moon having attained Vayavruttam in its lakshma, it causes great fear.

  "रॊहिणीं पीडयन्न एष सथितॊ राजञ शनैश्चरः
वयावृत्तं लक्ष्म सॊमस्य भविष्यति महद भयम" (6-2-32)

rohiṇīṃ pīḍayann eṣa sthito rājañ śanaiścaraḥ
vayāvṛttaṃ lakṣma somasya bhaviṣyati mahad bhayam

Note the similar expression of Moon in both the dialogue of Karna and Vyasa and the recurrence of Saturn along with that. They are talking about some connection of Moon to the events that cause great fear and calamity. And Saturn's location also comes in some connection with the expression of Moon.

This brings us to an astrological combination where Moon as the fastest entity forms a connection between two other planets which are not originally in any aspectual connection. This is called Nakta Yoga in Prasna astrology.

The above verse of 'Vaya vruttham lakshma somasya' can be interpreted by this Nakta yoga. Lakshma is the lustre or the innate great quality of Moon which is nothing but its rays. Vaya means power, strength, vigour, branch etc. Vruttham means "fence in" or enclosed with or firm or completed or rounded etc. But with Amavasya nearing, how could they say that Moon's rays or lustre could become so complete or Vayavruttham?

It can attain vaya vruttham of its lakshma when it comes in between 2 planets that have no aspect on each other, but can transfer the rays from the forward moving planet to the planet that is behind.

When there is no mutual aspect between a fast moving  planet (in this context Mars in Sravana) and  a slow moving planet (Saturn in Purva phalguni), a faster planet (Moon) that comes in between them transfers the light of the fast planet (Mars) to the slow planet (Saturn). This will happen when the faster planet (moon) reaches the degrees in which it forms a coupling with fast planet (Mars) and slow planet (Saturn) separately.

Let me show an example chart given by Dr BV Raman in his book Varshaphal, page 50.


Jupiter and Mercury are not in any coupling as there is no Opposition (180 degrees -7th from each other),  or Trinal (120 degrees – 5rd and 9th house) or sextile (60 degrees -3rd and 11th house) or square (90 degrees – 4th and 10th ) aspect between them.  Of these two, Mercury is a fast moving planet while Jupiter is a slow moving planet. When the fastest Moon comes in between them forming an aspect with Jupiter (sextile) and with Mercury (square), it transfers the light of the faster Mercury to slower Jupiter thereby forming a coupling between Mercury and Jupiter. By this, the benefic or malefic aspect of the faster planet will fall on the slower planet.

Similar connection is told in the verse Udyoga parva -142-8

  8 kṛtvā cāṅgārako vakraṃ jyeṣṭhāyāṃ madhusūdana
      anurādhāṃ prārthayate maitraṃ saṃśamayann iva
  8 कृत्वा चाङ्गारकॊ वक्रं जयेष्ठायां मधुसूदन
      
अनुराधां परार्थयते मैत्रं संशमयन्न इव

Mars is in Sravana 1st pada (4th pada of Capricorn) and Saturn is in 3rd pada of Purva phalguni (7th pada of Leo). From Capricorn, Martian aspect can go upto 4th pada of Leo and not upto Saturn which is in 7th pada. But by backward motion of rays by crossing Jyeshta and then coming to Anuradha, Mars can make 'Samshamayan' with Moon which is coming towards Jyeshta amavasya.

Note the word संशमयन्न. This is similar to the expression of सं-समिद युवसे, of the last verse of Rig Veda ("saṃ-samid yuvase.." Rig Veda 10-191). It means 'united' or 'go together' etc. The root word is samasya meaning junction or union.

Let us take a look at the 'Krutva cha angarako' verse. Mars sends its rays backwards through Jyeshta and reaches Anuradha where it does a coupling or union. Union with whom? With Moon. To do a union or coupling with Moon, (for Mars in 4th pada of Capricorn) moon must come to 4th pada of Scorpio. This is 3rd pada of Anuradha! At that location there is a 60 degree connection (3rd and 11th house coupling) between Mars and faster Moon. This happens on the day before the Amavasya.

From there when Moon reaches the 7th pada of Scorpio (Jyeshta 2nd pada), it forms a 90 degree coupling with Saturn which is located in 7th pada of Leo. That is on the day of Jyeshta amavasya (which was eclipsed by Rahu – Immediately after saying "somasya lakṣma vayāvṛttaṃ" Karna continues to say " rāhur arkam upeṣyati divaś colkāḥ". The trigger of Nakta yoga happens at a most unfortunate time for the ruler (Duryodhana) on the day of war which started on an eclipsed amavasya.

Translated into degrees, Mars was between 10 degrees and 10-56 degrees in Capricorn on that day. Between 10 degrees and 20 to 23-20 degrees Scorpio, Moon was forming the coupling first with faster Mars and then with slower Saturn (which was in 20 to 23-20 degrees of Leo) and formed a Vayavruttham by its rays.


When Moon actually made the coupling with Mars it was in Anuradha, but at that time the exact coupling was not made with Saturn. But only after it entered Jyeshta, the coupling between Mars and Saturn was achieved by the laksma of Moon. That is why Karna has said that Mars did a backward reach out upto Anuradha to catch Moon.

There is another meaning also. Mars in Capricorn means it is exalted. Such an exaltation happens in the sign of Saturn. But that does not make Mars mellow down its enmity towards Saturn(they both are bitterly inimical to each other as per astrology). Mars extends its rays upto Anuradha and Anuradha's planetary lord is Saturn! It is as though Mars is reaching out its friendly hand to Saturn (of Anuradha) from the house of Saturn (Capricorn) but eventually causing a great havoc by afflicting Saturn through Moon's lakshma.

On its own course of motion, Mars can catch up with Saturn in Purva phalguni by its 8th aspect. Mars was in the 11th degree in Capricorn and Saturn after 20th degree in Leo. There is a difference of 10 degrees to be covered by Mars to afflict Saturn by its 8th aspect. At the rate of motion of one and a half days to cover 1 degree, it would take 15 days for Mars to strike its blow on Saturn in Leo.  It must be noted that on the 15th day of war, Yudhishtira committed a travesty of Dharma and Acharya Drona was killed.

But Mars didn't have to wait for 15 days to trigger the calamitous events. By reaching out backward to Anuradha it caught up with Moon on the day before Amavasya which was transferred to Saturn (by Moon) on the day of Amavasya itself.

Here there is a verse in between "Krutwa cha angarako" and "Somasya lakshma"
It is
"nūnaṃ maha bhayaṃ kṛṣṇa kurūṇāṃ samupasthitam
      viśeṣeṇa hi vārṣṇeya citrāṃ pīḍayate grahaḥ" (5-141-9)
Here it is said that an entity called "Gara" afflicts Chitra!

This is a remarkable verse according to me because this is proof of Panchanga factors even as early as Mahabharata times. Gara is a Karana which is the 5th anga of Panchanga. A karana is half of thithi. Every thithi has 12 degree span. Therefore each thithi has 2 Karanas of 6 degree span each. On the day of conversation between Krishna and Karna, Krishna says 7 days on, the war is going to start on Jyehsta. That means Uttara Phalguni and Navami were running on that day. Navami has Taitila and Gara Karanas. There is a need to explain this to understand the above verse.

Here a brief note on karanas. There are 11 karanas of which the first 7 are Chara karanas as they keep coming in rotation. The last 4 karanas are sthira karanas as they are always present around the time of Amavasya.

As per the system of Karanas, Taitila and Gara karanas were there on the day Krishna and Karna were conversing.

STAR

THITHI
1ST KARANA
2ND KARANA
Uttara phalguni

Navami
Taitila
Gara
Hastha

Dasami
Vanija
Bhadra / Vishti
Chitra

Ekadashi
Bava
Balava
Swati

Dwadashi
Kaulava
Taitila
Vishaka

Trayodashi
Gara
Vanija
Anu radha

Chathurdashi
Bhadra
Sakuni
Jyeshta

Amavasya
Chathuspad
Nagava

After that day, Gara must come back again in the first half of Trayodashi when moon would be transiting Vishaka. (Table above).

But Gara was noticed on the day of Chitra as per Karna's version. A re-work of the star- thithi- karana will be as follows:

Chitra

Ekadashi
Gara
Vanija
Swati

Dwadashi
Bhadra
Sakuni
Vishaka/
Anuradha? /
Jyeshta

Trayodashi/
Amavasya
Chathuspad
Nagava

With Gara appearing on Chitra, Amavasya comes on Trayodashi. This means 2 stars are skipped so that Jyeshta was in place on Trayodhashi / Amavasya. Astrologically speaking, there is only one explanation for this. Atleast 2 stars did not see sun rise in the week before Jyeshta amavasya. That means 2 Avamas (when more than 3 stars or 3 thithis come in a day) were witnessed in the week before, with 2 stars and 2 thithis becoming short / kshaya. This is possible as stars were seen to have appeared for as low as 48 nadikas against the normal 60 nadikas.

Earlier we saw that the Karthak Paurnima in the beginning of that paksha was also a kshaya. Thus starting from that paksha, the first reduction happened with prathama appearing on the day when Karthak Paurnami (which was kshaya) was to have occurred and the other two reductions happened in the second half of that paksha which is reflected in Karna's observation of Gara karana on a different star. The last reduction in that paksha happened as Bodayana amavasya on the day of Krishna Chathurdashi at sunrise, with amavasya coming in the last quarter of the day (ahas).

After having indicated the faster movement of Moon through Chitra when Gara karna could not be there in normal course, Karna goes on to say how the lakshma of Moon catches with samasya of Mars. This quick movement of moon in between Mars and Saturn had caught the attention of people at that time which got expressed in the words of both Karna and Vyasa. This quick movement facilitated a deadly contact between Mars and Saturn, the 2 malefics which were afflicting Rohini. Sun and Moon were afflicting Rohini from Jyeshta. Rahu and Ketu joining them on that day enabled a severe affliction of  Rohini.

On the position of Jupiter, the 2 clues are that Jupiter was afflicting Vishaka and doing a retro in Sravana. Jupiter has 5th, 7th and 9th aspects. To aspect these two stars Jupiter must have been in retrogression – between 5th and 9th signs from Scorpio. Cancer or Taurus was the probable locations for Jupiter.


From Taurus, 7th and 9th aspect falls on Scorpio and Capricorn respectively. In both cases, direct affliction of Sravana is possible but on Vishaka factor, approach towards Vishaka would be there.

Another possibility is Jupiter to be in the junction of Gemini- Cancer or Aries - Taurus. In these positions, direct affliction of Vishaka would be there and retrogression over Sravana would have been over. But Jupiter being in retrogression, an anu-vakram on sravana would happen once Jupiter comes in forward motion.

The likely sky map at the start of the war with certainty in the position of Mars and Saturn can be shown as follows:


I exchanged these views with Dr Narahari Achar in the month of August and elicited his opinion along with another clue, that there were no twin or triple eclipses at the time of Mahabharata war. The Karthak Paurnami that preceded Jyeshta Amavasya was a kshaya thithi and not an eclipse. The Paurnami that followed Jyeshta Amavasya did not see an eclipse as there is no mention of it. The hypothesis of an eclipse on the day of slaying of Jayadratha was not an eclipse (sun getting eclipsed) as the paksha was waxing (Shukla) and therefore no scope for a solar eclipse.

Dr Achar came up with 2 dates satisfying these three conditions (Mars in Sravana, Saturn in Purva phalguni and an eclipsed Amavasya in Jyeshta with no eclipses in the preceding and successive pakshas) 
They are 3178 BCE and 3030 BCE.

The traditional Kaliyuga date is 3102 BCE. Mahabharata war took place 36 years before that. That puts the date of Mahabharata at 3138 BCE. Dr Achar's date of 3178 BCE comes within 40 years of traditional date.

Such a close date affirms the truthfulness of Vyasa's narration.
It affirms that astrology and Panchanga were well established as early as the 3rd millennium BCE.
The knowledge of planets had been well established at that time.
The rashi knowledge is well pronounced from the aspectual influence of the planets and the mention of Upagrahas in Mahabharata.

The five Dhoomadhi Upagrahas are calculated on the basis of rashi.

The following verse in chapter 6-3 -15 of Mahabharata is of importance to Upagrahas:
 शयामॊ गरहः परज्वलितः  धूमः सह पावकः
     
ऐन्द्रं तेजस्वि नक्षत्रं जयेष्ठाम आक्रम्य तिष्ठति
  śyāmo grahaḥ prajvalitaḥ sa dhūmaḥ saha pāvakaḥ
     aindraṃ tejasvi nakṣatraṃ jyeṣṭhām ākramya tiṣṭhati

The SyamO graha is mentioned as Yama graha in Tamil translations. This refers to Yamakanta, the upagraha of Jupiter. This is one of the 4 Gulikadhi upagrahas (Gulika - the upa-graha of Saturn, Kaala - the Upgraha of Sun, Yamakanta - the upagraha of Jupiter and Artha-praharana - the upagraha of Mercury) that are located from sunrise on the basis of the week day.

The shining Yamakanta occupying Jyeshta lorded by Indra means that the day was Thursday. Yamakanta rises at sunrise / along with sun on Thursday. That day being Amavasya with sun and moon transiting Jyeshta, the above observation that Yamakanta was occupying or invading Jyeshta fits well.

The other upagraha mentioned in this verse is Dhuma. Though the intensity of Dhuma is described as Pavakah, the singular verb 'Thishtathi' refers to one of them, which is Yamakanta. Dhuma is one among the 5 Dhoomadhi Upagrahas which are calculated in terms of rashi numbers. Dhuma, the Upagraha of Mars is calculated by adding 4 rashis, 13 degrees and 20 minutes to the true position of Sun in terms of rashi- degree- minutes. As Sun was in Jyeshta in Scorpio, it must have been anywhere in the last 13-20 degrees of scorpio. Assuming that it was in 20 degrees Scorpio, by adding 4-13-20, we arrive at Mesha as the location of Dhuma.

In mundane prediction of wars, calamities and natural disasters, the maarak and Bhadak houses from Jag lagna (Mesha) is observed for afflictions. This can be checked in all the disasters and even prediction of comets (one is going to appear in Thula maasa this year) by the presence of malefics in these houses (2nd, 7th and 11th) from Mesha.

The above verse indicates the affliction to the 2nd house (Marak) of Taurus (by Mars, Saturn, Sun, Moon, the nodes and Yamakanta) and the affliction to the 7th house (Libra) by Dhuma. In addition Upaketu, the upagraha of Ketu was in Libra – owing to the fact that it will be always one rashi behind the Sun's true position (Brihad Parashara Hora sastra 3 – 60 to 64) . As Sun was in Scorpio, Upaketu was in Libra which is a maraka house for the Jag lagna. This is a malefic position.

The mention of Ketu or Dhuma ketu in other places refers to nimittha indications. For example,
"śveto grahas tathā citrāṃ samatikramya tiṣṭhati
 abhāvaṃ hi viśeṣeṇa kurūṇāṃ pratipaśyati" (6-3-11b and 12a)
refers to sighting of a ketu in Chitra which will be disastrous for the Kuru people . The same idea appears in chapter 11-57 of Brihad Samhita. The Ketu need not be a comet always as Varahamihira in that chapter says that Ketus can be celestial, ethereal and terrestrial. The meteor fall is also referred to as ketu of the ethereal kind. A similar view is given in a Sangam Tamil verse which I will write in my article on "aadu" verses. The Sveto graham referred in the above verse is white glow of the meteor that fell in the direction of Chitra.

Similarly with verse 6-3- 26
 kṛttikāsu grahas tīvro nakṣatre prathame jvalan
     vapūṃṣy apaharan bhāsā dhūmaketur iva sthitaḥ
The Kritthika graham is Sun, its another star is Uttara Phalguni. The Prathama star of this is Hastham. An ethereal Ketu with smoke (meteor), that is,  the Dhuma Ketu  stole away the glow of Hastham when it encroached the region of Hastha.

Similar meteor sighting was done in the region of Pushya.
"dhūmaketur mahāghoraḥ puṣyam ākramya tiṣṭhati " (6-3- 12)

Chitra, Hastha and Pushya are crucial stars for Royal well being. Chitra in the star of Mars was considered as Royal canopy according a Sangam Tamil song. Hastha comes in the category of Rohini, the sensitive star.  For Pushya, refer to Pushya snaan passages in Brihad Samhita for the importance of Pushya to Royalty.

Thus every reference to celestial sightings and planetary reference in Mahabharata had astrological meaning. When we have a proper understanding of these, we can arrive at the exact date of occurrence. Dr Achar has come up with one such date which is close to Mahabharata time. Any scholar in this group is welcome to test this and add to our understanding. But what stands out in the final analysis is that Mahabharata was a historic reality, Vedic astrology with its rashi system and grahas and upagrahas is a science of unfathomable antiquity.https://tinyurl.com/y93t24g5

References to धूम- केतु in the MBh text should be carefully interpreted. The expression dhūma—graha signifies name of Rāhu. It is reasonable to infer that the same semantics applied to the expression in MBh. We should not underestimate the competence of our Pitr-s to observe and record the motions of 'comets' on the celestial sky. 

dhūma—ketu mfn. (°ma-) having sm° as banner or sign (Agni, RV. ; the sun, MBh. ) dhūma—ketu m. fire, MBh. a comet or falling star,  ib. ; Hariv. ; Kāv.  &c. the personified descending node; dhūma—graha m. N. of Rāhu, Mālatīm. ii, 8.  (Monier-Williams)
धूमः dhūmaḥ [धू-कम्पे मक्] 1 Smoke, vapour; शिरांस्यपातयत्त्रीणि वेगवद्भिस्त्रिभिः शरैः । सधूमशोणितोद्गारी रामबाणाभिपीडितः ॥ Rām.3.27.18. धूमज्योतिःसलिलमरुतां सन्निपातः क्व मेघः Me. -केतुः 1 fire; कोपस्य नन्दकुलकाननधूमकेतोः Mu.1.10; R.11.81. -2 a meteor, comet, falling star; धूमकेतुमिव किमपि करालम् Gīt.1; धूम- केतुरिवोत्थितः Ku.2.32. -3 Ketu. -4 a kind of horse; पृष्ठवंशे यदावर्त एकः संपरिलक्ष्यते । धूमकेतुरिति ख्यातः स त्याज्यो दूरतो नृपैः ॥ Aśvachikitsā. -5 N. of the sun; Mb. -ग्रहः Rāhu; दुर्दर्शनेन घटतामियमप्यनेन धूमग्रहेण विमला शशिनः कलेव Māl.2.8.(Apte)

धूमकेतुः, पुं, (धूमः केतुश्चिह्नं यस्य ।) अग्निः ।(यथा, महाभारते । १ । १०३ । १७ ।“प्रभां समुत्सृजेदर्को धूमकेतुस्तथोष्मताम् ॥”)उत्पातविशेषः । स धूमाभा तारका । इत्यमर-भरतौ ॥ (यथा, कुमारे । २ । ३२ ।“भवल्लब्धवरोदीर्णस्तारकाक्षो महासुरः ।उपप्लवाय लोकानां धूमकेतुरिवोत्थितः ॥”)ग्रहभेदः । इति विश्वः ॥ * ॥ केतवश्च शिखा-वन्ति ज्योतींषि स्थिराण्युत्पातरूपाणि । तदु-दये कालाशुद्धिर्यथा, --“धूमकेतौ समुत्पन्ने ग्रहणे चन्द्रसूर्य्ययोः ।ग्रहाणां सङ्गरे चैव न कुर्य्यान्मङ्गलक्रियाम् ॥उल्कापाते च त्रिदिनं धूमे पञ्च दिनानि च ।वज्रपाते दिनञ्चैकं वर्ज्जयेत् सर्व्वकर्म्मसु ॥”इति गर्गवचनम् ॥भोजराजः ।“ग्रहे रवीन्दोर्द्धरणीप्रकम्पेकेतूद्गमोल्कापतनादिदोषे ।व्रते दशाहानि वदन्ति तज्ज्ञा-स्त्रयोदशाहानि वदन्ति केचित् ॥”वज्रकेतूद्गमोत्पाते ग्रहणे चन्द्रसूर्य्ययोः ।प्रयाणन्तु त्यजेत् क्षत्त्रः सप्तरात्रमतःपरम् ॥ब्राह्मणः क्षत्त्रियो वैश्यस्त्यजेत् कर्म्म त्रिरात्रकम् ।शूद्रस्त्यक्त्वा चैकरात्रं सर्व्वकर्म्म समाचरेत् ॥”इति मलमासतत्त्वम् ॥अथ केतूनां संस्थानम् ।“शतमेकाधिकमेके सहसमपरे वदन्ति केतूनाम् ।बहुरूपमेकमेव प्राह मुनिर्नारदः केतुम् ॥”तथा च पराशरः । “शतमेकोत्तरं केतूनां भवन्तितेषां षोडश मृत्युनिश्वासजाः । द्वादशादित्य-सम्भवाः । दश दक्षमखविलयने रुद्रक्रोधजाः ।सप्त पैतामहाः । पञ्चदश वर्षे वौद्दालिकस्यपुत्त्राः । सप्तदश मरीचिकश्यपललाटजाः ।पञ्च च प्राजापतिसहजाः । त्रयो विभाव-सुजाः । धूमोद्भवश्चैकः । चतुर्द्दश मथ्यमाने-ऽमृते सोमेन सह सम्भूताः । एकस्तु ब्रह्म-कोपजः ॥” * ॥ गर्गादयः सहस्रं वदन्ति । तथाच गर्गः ।“अमित्योदयचाराणामशुभानाञ्च दर्शनम् ।आगन्तॄणां सहस्रं स्याद्ग्रहाणां संनिबोध मे ॥”नारदाख्यो मुनिरेकमेव केतुं बहुरूपं प्राह ।यथा, --“दिव्यान्तरीक्षभौमस्थ एकः केतुः प्रकीर्त्तितः ।शुभाशुभफलं लोके ददात्यस्तमयोदये ॥”तत्र धूमकेतुलक्षणम् ।“उक्तविपरीतरूपो न शुभकरो धूमकेतुरुत्पन्नः ।इन्द्रायुधानुकारी विशेषतो द्वित्रिचूलो वा ॥”“ह्रस्वतनुः प्रसन्न इत्यस्मादुक्तात् यो विपरीतोविशेषतः शक्रचापरूपकेतुरुत्पन्नः स धूमकेतुःस च न शुभकरः पापं करोतीत्यर्थः इन्द्रधनुः-सदृशो न शुभकर एव तथा द्बिशिखस्त्रि-शिखश्च विशेषतः पापफलदः । तथा च समय-संहितायाम् । अचिरस्थितोऽतिवृष्टस्त्वस्तमितःस्निग्धमूर्त्तिरुदगुदितः । ह्नस्वतनुः प्रसन्नः केतु-र्लोकस्याभावाय न शुभो विपरीतोः विशेषतःशक्रचापसङ्काशः । द्वित्रिचतुश्चूलो वा दक्षिण-संस्थश्च मृत्युकरः ।” इति भट्टोत्पलकृतवराह-संहिताटीका ॥ (अश्वविशेषः । यथा, नकुल-कृताश्ववैद्यके । ४ । २६ ।“पुच्छदेशे यदावर्त्तो वाजिनः संप्रदृश्यते ।धूमकेतुरिति ख्यातः स त्याज्यो दूरतो नृपैः ॥”तथाच युक्तिकल्पतरौ ।“पृष्ठवंशे यदावर्त्त एकः संपरिलक्ष्यते ।धूमकेतुरिति ख्यातः स त्याज्यो दूरतो नृपैः ॥”महादेवः । यथा, महाभारते । १३ । १७ । १०३ ।“धन्वन्तरिर्धूमकेतुस्कन्दो वैश्रवणस्तथा ॥”)
-- शब्दकल्पद्रुमः
धूमकेतु पु० धूमः केतुर्लिङ्गमस्य । १ वह्नौ अमरः २ धूमाभ-तारकाभेदे उत्पातविशेषे केतुशब्दे दृश्यम् । “उपप्लवायलोकानां धूमकेतुरिवोत्थितः” कुमा० । ३ ग्रहभेदे विश्वःकेतुशब्दे २२३० पृष्ठादौ दृश्यम् । “केतुना धूमकेतोस्तुनक्षत्राणि त्रयोदश । भरण्यादीनि भिन्नानि नानुयान्तिनिशाकरम्” हरिवं० ८० अ० ।
--वाचस्पत्यम्

François Desset, a Frenchman "cracks" an undeciphered writing of more than 4000 years, questioning the only invention of writing in Mesopotamia

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François Desset has succeeded in deciphering Linear Elamite, a writing system used in Iran 4,400 years ago. In its archaic proto-Elamite version (from 3300 BC), it joins the two oldest writing systems known in the world, the proto-cuneiform of the Mesopotamians and the Egyptian hieroglyphics. Enough to modify the knowledge that we had until then on the origin of writing!




Linear Elamite "Inscription B" found on an engraved pebble from Susa, Iran, attributed to the sovereign Puzur-Shushinak (2150-2100 BC), (Louvre Museum) on the left; Linear Elamite "K inscription" on a Gunagi silver vase dated 1900/1880 BC. J.-C (Iran), right.
A tablet from Jiroft with Linear Elamite inscription

CREDITS: FRANÇOIS DESSET / SYLVIANE SAVATIER FOR SCIENCES ET AVENIRThe announcement - very rare - must have delighted the spirits of Father Barthélémy, Sylvestre de Sacy or even Champollion. French archaeologist François Desset, from the Archéorient Laboratory in Lyon, announced on November 27, 2020 that he had succeeded in deciphering inscriptions that are 4,400 years old! All were written in linear Elamite, a script used by the Elamites who then populated Iran. The scholars gathered online to learn about this discovery from the cultural property department of the Universita degli Studi di Padova  in Padua (Italy) were enthusiastic. Here is indeed more than a century this writing system, used on the Iranian plateau in the ancient kingdom of Elam (now Iran) between the end of the 3 rd millennium and the beginning of 2th millennium before our era, escaped decryption, as is still the case for the Cretan linear A or the writing of the Indus valley. Between marks of admiration and congratulations from colleagues, the Frenchman, fresh from the University of Tehran (Iran) where he has been teaching since 2014, explained in English that: " This writing had been discovered for the first time on the ancient site of Susa (Iran) in 1901 and that for 120 years we had not been able to read what had been inscribed 4,400 years ago for lack of having found the key " . Something now done this year (thanks to the opportunity offered by quarantine in his apartment in Tehran and the collaboration of three other colleagues, Kambiz Tabibzadeh, Matthieu Kervran and Gian-Pietro Basello).

 
François Desset, archaeologist at the Archéorient Laboratory (Lyon), professor at the University of Tehran (Iran), framed by funerary columns found in tombs from the 3rd millennium BC, in Iranian Balochistan. © François Desset

"Contemporary writing systems"

The oldest examples of writing known to date come from Mesopotamia (current Iraq) and date back to the Bronze Age, around 3300 years BC: these are proto-cuneiform tablets. However, the decipherment of the linear Elamite calls this supremacy into question! " We discover that around 2300 BC, a parallel writing system existed in Iran, and that its oldest version - called Proto-Elamite writing , (3300 BC  - 2900 BC). . -C) - dating back as far in time as the first Mesopotamian cuneiform texts says François Desset!. also, I can now say that writing did not first appear in Mesopotamia and then later in Iran: these two systems, the Mesopotamian proto-cuneiform and the Iranian proto-Elamite, were in fact contemporary! There was not a mother script of which the proto-Elamite would be the daughter, there were two sister scriptures. On the other hand, in Iran, there were not two independent writing systems either as specialists thought until then, with the proto-Elamite on one side and the linear Elamite on the other. , but the same writing which has been subjected to historical evolution and has been transcribed with variations in two distinct periods. " 

This completely changes the perspective on the appearance of the writing system in the Middle East since it is now more accurate to say that Iran has developed its own writing system "at the same time" as in Mesopotamia and that the Iranian plateau should no longer be ignored in historical reconstructions dealing with the origins of writing ...

  
Green, the spread of writing Linear Elamite area in the 4th / 3rd e millennium BC © François Desset

It is this most recent form of Iranian writing (linear Elamite) that has been deciphered. At the present time, these are forty inscriptions from southern Iran, from the ancient city of Susa, via Fars (with the region of Kam Firouz and the plain of Marv Dasht, just next to the famous Achaemenid site of Persepolis) then the Iranian southeast with Shahdad and the famous site of Konar Sandal / Jiroft. Unlike the Mesopotamian cuneiform, which is a mixed writing system combining phonograms (signs transcribing a sound) with logograms (signs transcribing a thing, an idea, a word), the linear Elamite presents its unique characteristic. the world's 3 rdmillennium BC, to be a purely phonetic writing (with signs noting syllables, consonants and vowels). Used from around 3300 to 1900 BC, Iranian writing has evolved considerably between its oldest texts (the Proto-Elamite tablets) and the most recent (the linear Elamite texts), notably with a process "skimming". Of the 300 initial signs making it possible to note proper names in the proto-Elamite tablets (the vast majority of which is currently kept at the Louvre Museum), only 80 to 100 will remain in linear Elamite afterwards. , its most recent version. About a hundred signs used continuously for some 1400 years and generally written from right to left and top to bottom. "To work, we divided the forty or so texts available to us into 8 corpuses, depending on the origins and the periods. Because linear elamite was used from 2300 to 1900 BC under the reign of different rulers and dynasties and in different regions ", continues the archaeologist . Most of the texts are fairly repetitive royal inscriptions, dedicated to ancient gods, like  : " I am [name], great king of [name] , son of [name of father] I made this item for [name of god or person] " .

The click of the "gunagi vases"

For François Desset, the decryption "click" occurred in 2017 during the analysis of a corpus of 8 texts written on silver vases, qualified as "gunagi vases", dated around 2000-1900 BC. BC and from graves in the Kam-Firouz region (currently in a private collection in London). As these vases presented very repetitive sign sequences, standardized indeed, the archaeologist was able to identify the signs used to note the names of two rulers, Shilhaha and Ebarti II (both having reigned around 1950 BC). C.) and the main deity then worshiped in southwestern Iran, Napirisha .

 
Linear Elamite inscription in the upper part of this silver vase from Marv Dasht (Iran), dated 3rd millennium BC © François Desset

This first step of the decryption, published in 2018, culminated this year in the complete decryption, which will be scientifically published in 2021. Thus, as an example, the decryption of a magnificent silver vase discovered in the region of Marv Dasht in the 1960s and now kept at the National Museum in Tehran (Iran), where we can now read: " To the lady of Marapsha [toponym], Shumar-asu [her name], I did this silver vase. In the temple which will be famous by my name, Humshat, I have placed it as an offering for you with kindness " . The result of years of hard work. " I have been working on these writing systems since 2006," explains the researcher at Sciences et Avenir .I did not wake up one morning telling myself that I had deciphered linear elamite. It took me over 10 years and I was never sure I would get there. "

Linear Elamite writing notes a particular language, Elamite. It is a linguistic isolate that cannot be attached at present to any other known linguistic family, such as Basque. " Until this decipherment, everything concerning the populations occupying the Iranian Plateau came from Mesopotamian writings . These new discoveries will finally allow us to access the own point of view of the men and women occupying a territory they designated by Hatamti, while the term Elam by which we knew it until then, in fact only corresponds to an external geographical concept, formulated by their Mesopotamian neighbors ".

 
Terracotta cone with linear Elamite inscriptions dating from around 2500-2300 BC © François Desset

This breakthrough in decryption has important implications in three areas, continued François Desset: " on Iranian history; on the development of writing in Iran in particular, and in the Middle East in general, with considerations on continuity. between the Proto-Elamite and Linear Elamite writing systems; and on the Hatamtite (Elamite) language itself, now better documented in its earliest form and now made accessible for the first time by a writing system other than the Mesopotamian cuneiform (see box).

For Massimo Vidale, the Italian protohistorian organizer of the Padua conference, (whose Sciences et Avenir has just published the work on the site of " Hatra, the city of God-Solei " (Iraq), in his magazine dated December 2020 currently on newsstands),  "France, by this new decryption, maintains its primacy in the" cracking "of old lost writing systems!" . As for François Desset, he has already embarked on the deciphering of the oldest state of Iranian writing, the proto-Elamite tablets, for which he considers to have now opened a "highway".   

About the decryption of ancient scriptures

We must not confuse language (spoken sounds) and writing (visual signs). Thus, the same writing system can be used to note different languages. For example, the Latin alphabet currently makes it possible to transcribe French, English, Italian and Turkish for example. Likewise, the cuneiform writing of the Mesopotamians made it possible to transcribe several languages ​​such as Akkadian (Semitic language), Old Persian (Indo-European language) or even Elamite and Sumerian (linguistic isolates). Conversely, a language can also be transcribed by different writing systems such as Persian (an Indo-European language) which is currently written as well with the Arabic alphabet in Iran (and sometimes the Latin alphabet with the surprising phenomenon of fingilish ), that the Cyrillic alphabet in Tajikistan whereas it was noted in the past with a cuneiform system in the Achaemenid period (ca. 520-330 BC, for Old Persia ) or the Aramaic alphabet in the Sassanid period (3 rd -7 thcentury of our era for Middle Persia). In the case of the Elamite language, it was known until now only through the cuneiform writing. With the decryption of linear Elamite writing carried out by François Desset, we now have access to this language through a writing system probably developed specifically for it and therefore better reflecting the phonological subtleties of this language than cuneiform writing.

Some great "decipherers":

Father Barthélémy (1716-1795) deciphered the Palmyrean alphabet in 1753, then in 1754 the Phoenician alphabet.

Jean-François Champollion (1790-1832) deciphered Egyptian hieroglyphics.

Henry Creswicke Rawlinson (1810-1895) one of the four co-decipherers of cuneiform writing noting the Akkadian language.

Michael Ventris (1922-1956) deciphered in 1952 the "linear B", one of the three writings discovered in Knossos (Crete) used in the 2 nd millennium BC to note an archaic form of Greek.

https://www.sciencesetavenir.fr/archeo-paleo/archeologie/breaking-the-code-en-craquant-une-ecriture-non-dechiffree-vieille-de-plus-de-4000-ans-un-francais-remet-en-cause-la-seule-invention-de-l-ecriture-en-mesopotamie_149795 (Google translate from French)

Manojavitva Siddhi -- Arun Kumar Upadhyay

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मनस् -जव a. 1 quick or swift as thought; मनोजवं मारुततुल्यवेगम् Rāma-rakṣā Stotra 33.

मनोजव त्रि० जु--अच् मनोजवं वेगवत् नमनाय यस्मिन् ।१ पिवृतुल्ये अमरः । मनस इव जवो यस्य । २अतिवेगवति त्रि० ३ विष्णौ पु० । ४ अग्निजिह्वाभेदे स्त्रीजटा० । “काली कराली च मनोजवा च” शा० ति० ।५ दुर्गाशक्तिभेदे । --वाचस्पत्यम्

मनोजवः, त्रि, (मनो जवं वेगवद्यस्मिन् । यद्वा,मनो जवति पितायमिति कृत्वा धावत्यस्मिन्इति । जु सौत्रधातुः + अच् ।) पितृतुल्यः । तत्प-र्य्यायः । पितृसन्निभः ७ । इत्यमरः । ३ । १ । १३ ॥अतिशयवेगवान् । (यथा, मार्कण्डेये । २१ । ८ ।“तमन्वधावद्वेगेन तुरगोऽसौ मनोजवः ॥”)--शब्दकल्पद्रुमः

mano—java m. the speed or swiftness of thought, RV. ; ŚBr. 
mano—java mfn. swift as thought, RV.  &c. &c. (am ind.-tā f.) (Monier-Williams)

अ॒क्ष॒ण्वन्त॒ः कर्ण॑वन्त॒ः सखा॑यो मनोज॒वेष्वस॑मा बभूवुः ।

आ॒द॒घ्नास॑ उपक॒क्षास॑ उ त्वे ह्र॒दा इ॑व॒ स्नात्वा॑ उ त्वे ददृश्रे ॥७ RV 10.71.7

“अक्षण्वन्तः अक्षिमन्तः । छन्दस्यपि दृश्यते 'इत्यक्षिशब्दादनङ्। ‘ अनो नुट्'इति नुट् । अनेन दृश्यते सर्वमित्यक्षि । यद्वा । तैजसत्वात् अन्येभ्योऽङ्गेभ्यो व्यक्ततरम् । तथा च श्रूयते - ‘ तस्मादेते व्यक्ततरे इव 'इति । तादृशाक्षियुक्ताः “कर्णवन्तः । कर्णो निकृत्तद्वारः। गर्भावस्थायामेव केनापि निर्मितबिल इत्यर्थः । यद्वा शरीरस्य शिरसो वोर्ध्वं गते उच्चैः स्थिते । कर्णविलक्षणाकाशवन्तः । तथा चाम्नायते - ऋच्छन्ती इव खे उदगन्ताम् 'इति । तादृशाः “सखायः । समानं ख्यानं ज्ञानं येषामिति सखायः । तेषु वाक्येषु बाह्येष्विन्द्रियेषु समानज्ञाना इत्यर्थः। ते “मनोजवेषु । मनसा गम्यन्ते ज्ञायन्त इति मनोजवाः प्रज्ञाद्याः । तेषु “असमाः अतुल्याः “बभूवुः भवन्ति । तेषु मध्ये केचित् “आदघ्नासः । आस्यशब्दस्य पृषोदरादित्वादाकारादेशः । आस्यदघ्ना आस्यप्रमाणोदका हृदा इवेति मध्यमप्रज्ञानाह। अथ “त्वे एके। सर्वनामत्वाज्जसः शीभावः। “उपकक्षासः । कक्षसमीपप्रमाणोदका हृदा इव । अल्पोदका इत्यर्थः । अनेनाल्पप्रज्ञानाह। तथा “त्वे एके “स्नात्वाः । स्नातेः कृत्यार्थे त्वन्प्रत्ययः (पा. सू. ३.४.१४ )। स च ‘ अर्हे कृत्यतृचश्च' ( पा. सू. ३.३.१६९ ) इत्यर्हार्थे च भवति । स्नानार्हा अक्षोभ्योदकाः “हृदाइव “ददृशे दृश्यन्ते । अनेन महाप्रज्ञानाह। उः पूरणः । ‘ अक्षिमन्तः कर्णवन्तः सखायोऽक्षि चष्टेः ' (निरु. १. ९) इत्यादिकं निरुक्तमत्र द्रष्टव्यम् ॥

हृ॒दा त॒ष्टेषु॒ मन॑सो ज॒वेषु॒ यद्ब्रा॑ह्म॒णाः सं॒यज॑न्ते॒ सखा॑यः ।

अत्राह॑ त्वं॒ वि ज॑हुर्वे॒द्याभि॒रोह॑ब्रह्माणो॒ वि च॑रन्त्यु त्वे ॥८ RV 10.71.8

सखायः समानख्यानाः “ब्राह्मणाः “हृदा बुद्धिमतां हृदयेन “तष्टेषु निश्चितेषु परिकल्पितेषु “मनसो “जवेषु गन्तव्येषु वेदार्थेषु गुणदोषनिरूपणाः “यत् यदा “संयजन्ते संगछन्ते । यजिरत्र संगतिकरणवाची । “अत्र अस्मिन् ब्राह्मणसंघे “त्वम् अविज्ञातार्थमेकं पुरुषं “वेद्याभिः वेदितव्याभिः विद्याभिः प्रवृत्तिभिर्वा “वि “जहुः विशेषेण परित्यजन्ति । “अह इति विनिश्चये । “ओहब्रह्माणः । ऊह्यमानं ब्रह्म विद्याश्रुतिमतिबुद्धिलक्षणं येषां ते तथोक्ताः । तादृशास्त एके विद्वांसः “वि “चरन्ति यथाकामं वेदार्थेषु विनिश्चयार्थं प्रवर्तन्ते । उः प्रसिद्धौ। ‘ हृदा तष्टेषु मनसां प्रजवेषु' (निरु. १३. १३ ) इत्यादिकं निरुक्तं द्रष्टव्यम् ॥

--सायणभाष्यम्

Summary

Mind started before creation of universe. Unseen abstract source called Brahma desired to create world. That is called mind in vacuum (śvo-vasīyasa).

Mind has 3 aspects-Input (effect of other parts-knowledge), analysis (organized thinking), action. At each of the 5 levels or stages of world, creative Mana called Manotā was in 3 parts. 5 levels are called 5 Maṇḍalas-Svayambhū (infinite space, 100 billion galaxies in visible universe), Prameṣṭhī (largest brick, galaxy), Saura (solar system), Chāndra (sphere containing moon orbit, gravitational zone of earth), Bhū (Earth).

Human mind has 7 types of input, 7 types of output which are called its tongue. Out of 7 types of input, 5 are perceived by senses by 5 Prāṇas. Other 2 are Asat (invisible, beyond perception).

Summary of all modern definitions of Mind is given in Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad (1/5/3).

Mind receives information from 5 organs of sense, and after analysis acts through 5 organs of action. So, it is counted among both types of organs.

Man is image of world in the sense that Human brain has same number 100 billion particles (neurons) as there are particles (stars) in our galaxy) or particles (galaxies) in visible space (Tapah loka) as given in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (12/3/2/1-5, 10/4/4/2).

There are 4 inner controls of the body called -Antahkaraṇa (inner instrument). These are-mana, buddhi, ahankāra, chitta.

Mana is random fluctuation or interaction among brain cells.

Buddhi is organisation or link among fluctuations of a kind. That organisation is in 4 stages called 4 steps of Vāk (thought, word).

Ahankāra is unification of all cells of body which identify itself with that body. It is like population register of a country. Foreign cells are identified and countered by antibody formation.

Chitta is consciousness at each point. It controls action of all parts of body. One is natural instinct of each part, called Vāsanā. Other is selection of useful reaction which will continue body functions for whole life. Chit = point space. Chiti = arrangement of objects in space to form a system. Chetanā is agency which can do Chiti. Chitta is place of Chetanā. At every point space (Chit), there is part of source matter called Ānanda. Perceptible part of that is called Sat. That is Sat-Chit-ānanda.

Mind has a dynamic link with space with speed of light, more intimately with sun and moon modified by attraction of planets up to Saturn, as described in 2 chapters of Yajurveda, many purāṇas etc. Its mechanism is not understood in modern science, though there is a thought called Anthropic principle.

Modern medical science divides physiology is many systems for understanding functions of body-Anatomy (bone & muscle structure), digestive system, respiratory system, blood circulation, nervous system. Āyurveda and Yoga consider human body as image of 7 lokas, called 7 Koṣa (sheaths) of body. Its centres are 7 Chakras. These koṣas are-Annamaya (anatomy), Prāṇa-maya (energy), Manomaya (mind), Jñāna-maya, Vijñāna-maya, Chitta-maya, Ātmā-maya. That is another subject.

Original references are in attached article.

Manojavitva Siddhi

(abstract)                                 -A.K. Upadhyay

Manojavitva Siddhi  has been indicated in Pātañjala yoga-sūtra (3/47-48) and is based on Ṛgveda (10/71/7-8) whose devatā is Bṛhaspati and aim is to acquire knowledge. Literal meaning of Manojavitva is to improve the speed of mind. Hanumān is called Manojava-meant to have speed of mind. But it is explained as coordination between organs of action and knowledge in Taittirīya upaniṣad, śīkśāvallī. Thus, Maojavitva means improving speed of mind which will help in acquiring, retaining and processing of knowledge. To understand the meaning and methods, it is necessary to understand the definition of ‘mana’ at different levels and its link with buddhi, ahankāra and Chiita. Then we can discuss the techniques and their basis. This is the subject of current article.

1.Definition of Mana-This is translated as mind in English but it has no clear cut definition in modern science. A summary of meanings and theories is given from website-

http://www.wordiq.com/definition/Mind

The mind is the term most commonly used to describe the higher functions of the human brain, particularly those of which humans are subjectively conscious, such as personality, thought, reason, memory, intelligence and emotion. Although other species of animals share some of these mental capacities, the term is usually used only in relation to humans. It is also used in relation to postulated supernatural beings to which human-like qualities are ascribed, as in the expression "the mind of God."There are many theories of what the mind is and how it works, dating back to Plato, Aristotle and other Ancient Greek philosophers. Pre-scientific theories, which were rooted in theology, concentrated on the relationship between the mind and the soul, the supposed supernatural or divine essence of the human person. Modern theories, based on a scientific understanding of the brain, see the mind as a phenomenon of psychology, and the term is often used more or less synonymously with consciousness.

The question of which human attributes make up the mind is also much debated. Some argue that only the "higher" intellectual functions constitute mind: particularly reason and memory. In this view the emotions - love, hate, fear, joy - are more "primitive" or subjective in nature and should be seen as different in nature or origin to the mind. Others argue that the rational and the emotional sides of the human person cannot be separated, that they are of the same nature and origin, and that they should all be considered as part of the individual mind.In popular usage mind is frequently synonymous with thought: it is that private conversation with ourselves that we carry on "inside our heads" during every waking moment of our lives. Thus we "make up our minds,""change our minds" or are "of two minds" about something. One of the key attributes of the mind in this sense is that is a private sphere. No-one else can read our thoughts or "know our mind."

Modern quantum interpretation started with David Bohm who is an authority on modern Quantum Mechanics. The summary under 7 headings is on website-

http://www.quantum-mind.co.uk/david-bohm-c56.html

1. Introduction-David Bohm & the Implicate Order, 2. Information, quantum theory & the brain - Basil Hiley, 3. Brain & Mathematics - Karl Pribram, 4. Mind, Matter & Active Information –Paavo Pylkkanen, 5. Consciousness in Bohm's Ontology –Paavo Pylkkanen

6. Are our spaces made of words? - Jonathan Edwards - Ideas related to David Bohm's and active information

7. Can quantum analogies help us to understand the process of thought –Paavo Pylkkänen

Essence is that Mind is a quantum fluctuation which is cause of all processes of world. State or order of fluctuations indicate information content but only a part is active which can be used. Usable information is linked by a logical chain.

2. Vedic concept of mana-In vedic literature,Manais not only defined, its 4 stages and 4 parts are classified and even its atom has been sated. The stages are-

(1) Śvo-vasīyasa mana-This is the original root of world. Original source of world was uniform called Rasa. There was none other-He wanted to become multi-fold. From that desire, chain of creation started. That desire is the root ‘mana’. It lived in vacuum (śvah), so it is called Śvo-vasīyasa mana.

असतोऽधि मनोऽसृज्यत। मनः प्रजापतिं असृजत। प्रजापतिः प्रजा असृजत। तद् वा मस्येव परमं प्रतिष्ठितम्। यदिदं किं च। तत् एतत् श्वोवस्यसं नाम ब्रह्म। व्युच्छन्ती व्युच्छन्त्यस्मै वस्यसी वस्यसी व्युच्छति। प्रजायते प्रजया पशुभिः। प्र परमेष्ठिन् मातां आप्नोति। य एवं वेद॥ (तैत्तिरीय ब्राह्मण, २/२/९/१०)

तैत्तिरीय उपनिषद्-असद्वा इदमग्र आसीत्। ततो वै सदजायत।तदात्मानँ स्वयमकुरुत। तस्मात् तत् सुकृतमुच्यत इति। यद्वै तत् सुकृतं रसो वै सः। (२/७)

असन्नेव स भवति। असद् ब्रह्मेति वेद चेत्। अस्ति ब्रह्मेति चेद्वेद।....... सोऽकामयत्। बहुस्यां प्रजायेयेति। स तपोऽतप्यत। स तपस्तप्त्वा इदं सर्वमसृजत यदिदं किं च। तत् सृष्ट्वा तदेवानुप्राविशत्। तदनुप्रविश्य सच्च त्यच्चाभवत्। निरुक्तं चानिरुक्तं च। निलयनं चानिलयनं च। विज्ञानं चाविज्ञानं च। सत्यं चानृतं च सत्त्यमभवत्। (२/६)

सत्यं ज्ञानमनन्तं ब्रह्म। यो वेद निहितं गुहायां परमे व्योमन्। सोऽश्नुते सर्वान्कामान् सह ब्रह्मणा विपश्चितेति। तस्माद्वा एतस्मादात्मन् आकाशः सम्भूतः।आकाशाद् वायुः। वायोरग्निः। अग्नेरापः। अद्भ्यः पृथिवी। पृथिव्या ओषधयः। ओषधीभ्योऽन्नम्। अन्नात् पुरुषः। स वा एष पुरुषोऽन्नरसमयः। (२/१)

First there was duality-called variously-Puruṣa-Prakṛti, Agni-soma etc. Here, distinction starts with-(1) Nirukta(distinct, separate) and Anirukta (no separation from surroundings), (2) Nilayana (with space) and Anilayan (without distinct boundary, (3) Vijñāna (usable information, logical link) avijñāna-not perceived logically. (4) Satya (within perception be senses), Anṛta(beyondṛta or perception).

(2) Agni-jihva mana-Each distinct body (agni) has 7 fluctuations called jihvā (tongue). 7 fluctuations are outgoing (archi) and 7 receiving (lelāyate). Manavahalso means 14 as total fluctuations of mana are 14-

अग्नि-जिह्वा मनवःसूर-चक्षसो विश्वेनो देवा अवसा गमन्निह। (ऋग्वेद, १/९८/७, यजुर्वेद, २५/२०)

काली कराली च मनोजवा च सुलोहिता या च सुधूम्र-वर्णा।

स्फुलिङ्गिनी विश्वरुची च देवी लेलायमाना इति सप्त जिह्वाः॥ (मुण्डकोपनिषद्,१/२/४)

सप्त प्राणा प्रभवन्ति तस्मात्, सप्तार्चिषः समिधः सप्त होमाः।

सप्त इमे लोका येषु चरन्ति प्राणा गुहाशया निहिताः सप्त सप्त। (मुण्डकोपनिषद्,२/१/८)

पञ्च स्रोतोऽम्बुं पञ्च योन्युग्र वक्रां, पञ्च प्राणोर्मिं पञ्च बुद्ध्यादि मूलाम्।

पञ्चावर्तां पञ्च दुःखौघ वेगां, पञ्चाशद्भेदां पञ्च पर्वां अधीमः॥ (श्वेताश्वतरउपनिषद्, /)

नव द्वारे पुरे देही हंसो लेलायते बहिः। वशी सर्वस्य लोकस्य स्थावरस्य चरस्य च। (श्वेताश्वतरउपनिषद्,/१८)

These 7 archis (flames) have given rise to 7lokas, homa, samidha etc and 7 prāṇas. But at other places, 5 parvas and 5 prāṇas have been stated. Out of 7 stages (parva), first 2 are abstract and beyond perception-Primordial mana and division into different pairs. Distinct 5 parvas are-Svāyambhuva  (universe), Parameṣṭhī  (galaxy), Saura (solar system), Chāndra(sphere containing moon’s orbit) and Bhū (earth). Correspondingly, there are 7 prāṇas out of which first 2 are beyond perception-Parorajā(beyond lokas, Ṛṣi prāṇa) and Pitara prāṇa . Other 5 are visible prāṇas-prāṇa, aprāṇa, samāṇa, vyāṇa, udāṇa.

(3) Atoms of mana-Continuos spread of mana is Sarasvatī (rasa-vatī  = with rasa or fluid which cannot be counted). Countable parts are Gaṇeśa (gaṇana = to count). There are 1011 particles of that mana at each level, so Gaṇeśahas been called Kharva (1011, short height). Śatapatha brāhmaṇagives division of 1 muhūrtta (15 parts of day of 12 hours = 48 minutes) by 15 at each level. After 8 divisions by 15, we get svedāyana which is about 11,20,000 parts of 1 second. 15 such units is lomagartta = about 75000 parts of 1 second. Then it tells that number of lomagarttas in 1 years (samvatsara) is same as number of lomagarttas (cells) in human body, which is same as number of nakṣatras(stars within galaxy, or galaxy within universe). Fluctuation of each cell of mind is its atom. Thus-

1011 = cells in brain = stars in galaxy = galaxies in universe.

एभ्यो लोमगर्त्तेभ्य ऊर्ध्वानि ज्योतींष्यान्। तद्यानि ज्योतींषिः एतानि तानि नक्षत्राणि। यावन्त्येतानिनक्षत्राणि तावन्तो लोमगर्त्ताः। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण- १०/४/४/२)

पुरुषो वै सम्वत्सरः। ।१॥ ..दश वै सहस्राण्याष्टौ च शतानि सम्वत्सरस्य मुहूर्त्ताः। यावन्तो मुहूर्त्तास्तावन्ति पञ्चदशकृत्वः क्षिप्राणि। यावन्ति क्षिप्राणि, तावन्ति पञ्चदशकृत्वः एतर्हीणि। याबन्त्येतर्हीणि, तावन्ति पञ्चदशकृत्व इदानीनि। यावन्तीदानीनि तावन्तः पञ्चदशकृत्वः प्राणाः। यावन्तः प्राणाः, तावन्तोऽनाः। यावन्तोऽनाः तावन्तो निमेषाः। यावन्तो निमेषाः तावन्तो लोमगर्त्ताः। यावन्तो लोमगर्त्ताः तावन्ति स्वेदायनानि। यावन्ति स्वेदायनानि, तावन्त एते स्तोका वर्षन्ति। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण १२/३/२/१-५)

Vaiṣeśika sūtras of Kaṇāda start with 6 padārthas born of viśeṣa Dharmas - Dravya, Guṇa, Karma, Sāmānya,  Viśeṣa, Samavāya. Among them, Dravya are of 9 types-Pṛthivī, Āpah, Teja, Vāyu, Ākāśa, Kāla, Dik, Ātmā, Mana.Ātmā and mana are not visible and inferred by their links with body and objects as in case of Vāyu. Each is formed of numerous indivisible paramāṇus.

वैशेषिक सूत्र-

धर्म विशेष प्रसूताद् द्रव्य-गुण-कर्म-सामान्य-विशेष-समवायानां पदार्थानां साधर्म्य-वैधर्म्याभ्यां तत्त्व ज्ञानात् निःश्रेयसम्।(१/१/४)

पृथिव्यापस्तेजो वायुराकाशं कालोदिगात्मा मन इति द्रव्याणि(१/१/५)

सदकारणवन्नित्यम्। तस्य (परमाणोः) कार्यं (घटादि) लिङ्गम्। व्यक्तात् व्यक्तस्य निष्पत्तिः प्रत्यक्ष प्रामाण्यात्। अवयवावयविप्रसङ्गस्तावदनुभूयते स यदि निरवधिः स्यात् तदा मेरु-सर्षपयोःपरिमाणभेदो न स्यात्, अनन्तावयवारब्धत्वादविशेषात्। तस्मान्निरवयवं द्रव्यमवधि सएव परमाणुः। नित्यम् परिमण्डलम्। (४/१/१-५)

तत्रात्मा मनश्चाप्रत्यक्षे। (८/१/२) आत्मन्यात्मनसोः संयोग विशेषादात्म प्रत्यक्षम्। तथा द्रव्यान्तरेषु प्रत्यक्षम्। असमाहितान्तःकरणा उपसंहृत समाधयस्तेषाञ्च। तत् समवायात् कर्मगुणेषु। आत्म समवायादात्मगुणेषु। (९/१/११-१५)

आत्मेन्द्रियार्थ सन्निकर्षे ज्ञानस्य भावोऽभावश्च मनसो लिङ्गम्।(३/२/१)

तस्य द्रव्यत्व नित्यत्वे वायुना व्याख्याते।(३/२/२)प्रयत्नायौगपद्याज् ज्ञानायौगपद्याच्चैकम्।(३/२/३)

तदभावादणु मनः।(७/१/२३)

(4) Vyakti-mana-Each individual has an internal control of the system which includes mana. The relation between body and its controller are explained in Gitā and Kaṭhopaniṣad.

कठोपनिषद्-आत्मानं रथिनं विद्धि शरीरं रथमेव तु। बुद्धिं तु सारथिं विद्धि मनः प्रग्रहमेव च॥ (१/३/३)

इन्द्रियाणि हयानाहुर्विषयाँस्तेषु गोचरान्। आत्मेन्द्रिय मनो युक्तं भोक्तेत्याहुर्मनीषिणः॥४॥

इन्द्रियेभ्यः परं मनो मनसः सत्त्वमुत्तमम्। सत्त्वादपि महानात्मा महतोऽव्यक्तमुत्तमम्॥ (२/३/७)

गीता-इन्द्रियाणि मनो बुद्धिरस्याधिष्ठानमुच्यते। एतैर्विमोहयत्येष ज्ञानमावृत्य देहिनम्॥ (३/४०)

इन्द्रियाणि पराण्याहुरिन्द्रियेभ्यः परं मनः। मनसस्तु परा बुधिर्यो बुद्धेः परतस्तु सः॥ (३/४२)

Indriyas (organs of sense and action) are horses which move in their subjects. Mana is the rope which binds or controls the horses. Buddhiis the sārathi(driver), and ātmāis owner of chariot in form of body. Gītā also tells the Indriyasare base for mana and buddhi. Indriyasare beyond or above (their subjects), mana is above them, buddhiis above mana and above buddhi also is That (ātmā).All 5 types of senses are received through mana, without mana, they will be inactive. Then mana directs the 5 organs of action to work. Thus it is above Indriyas or link among them. बृहदारण्यक उपनिषद्-त्रीण्यात्मने ऽकुरुतेति मनो वाचं प्राणं तान्यात्मने ऽकुरुतान्यत्र मना अभूवं नादर्शमन्यत्र मना अभूवं नाश्रौषमिति मनसा ह्येव पश्यति मनसा शृणोति। कामः सङ्कल्पो विचिकित्सा श्रद्धाऽश्रद्धा धृतिऽधृति र्हीर्धीर्भीरिति एतत्सर्वं मन एव तस्मादपि पृष्ठत उपस्पृष्टो मनसा विजानाति सः कश्च शब्दो वागेव सैषा ह्यन्तमात्तैषाहि न प्राणोऽपानो व्यान उदानः समानो ऽनइत्येतत्सर्वं प्राण एवैतन्मयो वा अयमात्मा वाङ्मयो मनोमयः प्राणमयः॥ (१/५/३)

Śabda(sound)  ---karṇa (ears)                   

Sparśa(touch, heat)---tvachā (skin)             Pāda (feet)       

Rūpa (form)    -----Netra(eyes)       Mana  Vāk (mouth)

Rasa (taste) ----Jihvā (tongue)                    Upastha(Reproduction)

Gandha (smell) --- nāsā (nose)                   Gudā (discharge of mala)

Ātmā         Buddhi        Mana         Indriya        Viṣaya

2 unseen pair of links-In addition to above 5 pairs of input-output of mana, there are 2 more pairs-making a total of 14 tongues of agni which make the mana.

(1) Light link-Our mind (prajñāna mana) and buddhi(vijñāna mana) are having continuous link with sun and moon. Link with sun is by light rays, link of moon is by gravitation-both at speed of light. These are two-way links till time of death. After death, link from man goes, but does not return. Moon has two roles-it modifies effect of star back-ground whose image is mahāna-ātmā-that way moon has been born from grand mana. Then, its gravitational influence creates ripples in brain fluid, whose effect goes and returns in about 1.7 second-almost 1 nimeṣa (twinkling of eye)-affecting prajñāna mana. That link is called śraddhā-sūtra. Buddhiis controller of mana and resides in heart, place of vijñāna-ātmā. From heart till crown of head, it goes by suṣumnā till ājñā-chakrabehind eyebrow centre and then by Brahma-randhra to sahasrāra. For each man, these are separate, called aṇu-patha (bye-lanes). From that, it goes till sun by sunrays-that is mahā-patha (highway).

सूर्य आत्मा जगतस्तथुषश्च (वाजसनेयी यजुर्वेद,७/४२)

तदेते श्लोका भवन्ति-अणुः पन्था विततः पुराणो मां स्पृष्टोऽनुवित्तो मयैव। तेन धीरा अपियन्ति ब्रह्मविदः स्वर्गं लोकमिव ऊर्ध्वं विमुक्ताः।८।

तस्मिञ्छुक्लमुत नीलमाहुः पिङ्गलं हरितं लोहितं च। एष पन्था ब्रह्मणा ह्यानुवित्तस्तेनैति ब्रह्मवित्पुण्यकृत्तैजसश्च॥ (बृहदारण्यक उपनिषद् ४/४/८,९)

अथ या एता हृदयस्य नाड्यस्ताः पिङ्गलाणिम्नस्तिष्ठन्ति शुक्लस्य नीलस्य पीतस्य लोहितस्येत्यसौ वा आदित्यः पिङ्गल एष शुक्ल एष नील एष लोहितः॥१॥ तद्यथा महापथ आतत उभौ ग्रामौ गच्छन्तीमं चामुं चामुष्मादित्यात्प्रतायन्ते ता आसु नाडीषु सृप्ता आभ्यो नाडीभ्यः प्रतायन्ते तेऽमुष्मिन्नादित्ये सृप्ताः॥२॥ ..... अथ यत्रैतदस्माच्छरीरादुत्क्रामति अथैतैरेव रश्मिभिरूर्ध्वमाक्रामते सओमिति वा होद्वामीयते स यावत्क्षिप्येन्मनस्तावदादित्यं गच्छत्यतद्वै खलु लोकद्वारं विदुषा प्रपदनं निरोधोऽवदुषाम् ॥५॥ (छान्दोग्य उपनिषद् ८/६/१,,५)

ब्रह्मसूत्र (४/२/१७-२०)-१-तदोकोऽग्रज्वलनं तत्प्रकाशितद्वारो विद्या सामर्थ्यात्तच्छेषगत्यनुस्मृतियोगाच्च हार्दानुगृहीतः शताधिकया।

२. रश्म्यनुसारी। ३. निशि नेति चेन सम्बन्धस्य यावद्देहभावित्वाद्दर्शयति च। ४. अतश्चायनेऽपि दक्षिणे।

रूपं रूपं मघवाबोभवीति मायाः कृण्वानस्तन्वं परि स्वाम्।

त्रिर्यद्दिवः परिमुहूर्त्तमागात् स्वैर्मन्त्रैरनृतुपा ऋतावा॥(ऋग्वेद ३/५३/८)

त्रिर्ह वा एष (मघवा=इन्द्रः, आदित्यः = सौर प्राणः) एतस्या मुहूर्त्तस्येमां पृथिवीं समन्तः पर्य्येति। (जैमिनीय ब्राह्मण उपनिषद् १/४४/९)

(2) Mind link-This is with speed of Mind or mana, called Manojava.

The first link maintains body functions, second link is link of ātmā-paramātmā. Its center is sun. The link of sun till earth-moon has been called Suşumnā. That is modified by influence of other planets whose names and nature is given in Yajurveda (15/15-19, 17/58, 18/40) and also explained in Kūrma purāṇa, (part 1, 41/2-8), Matsya purāṇa (128/29-33), Vāyu purāṇa (53/44-50), Vişņu, Brahmāṇḍa (1/2/2465-72) etc. The links with planets are-

Planet     Mercury      Venus         Earth-moon        Mars        Jupiter       Saturn    Nakśatra

Nāḍī  Viśvakarmā  Viśvavyachā   Suşumnā,   Sanyadvasu Arvāgvasu  Svara   Harikeśa

                                 (Viśvaśravā)

Directions-South        West                  ----                North              Up           ------           East

वाजसनेयी यजुर्वेद, अध्याय १५-अयं पुरो हरिकेशः सूर्यरश्मिस्तस्य रथगृत्सश्च रथौजाश्च सेनानीग्रामण्यौ। पुञ्जिकस्थला च क्रतुस्थला चाप्सरसौ दृङ्क्ष्णवः पशवो हेतिः पौरुषेयो वधः प्रहेतिस्तेभ्यो नमो अस्तु ते नोऽवन्तु ते नो मृडयन्तु ते यं द्विष्मो यश्च नो द्वेष्टि तमेषां जम्भे दध्मः॥१५॥ अयं दक्षिणा विश्वकर्मा तस्य रथस्वनश्च रथेचित्रश्च सेनानी ग्रामण्यौ। मेनका च सहजन्या चाप्सरसौ यातुधाना हेती रक्षांसि प्रहेतिस्तेभ्यो नमो अस्तु ते नोऽवन्तु ते नो मृडयन्तु ते यं द्विष्मो यश्च नो द्वेष्टि तमेषां जम्भे दध्मः॥१६॥ अयं पश्चाद्विश्वव्यचास्तस्य रथप्रोतश्चासमरथश्च  सेनानी ग्रामण्यौ। प्रम्लोचन्ती चानुम्लोचन्ती चाप्सरसौ व्याघ्रा हेतिः सर्पाः प्रहेतिस्तेभ्यो नमो अस्तु ते नोऽवन्तु ते नो मृडयन्तु ते यं द्विष्मो यश्च नो द्वेष्टि तमेषां जम्भे दध्मः॥१७॥  अयमुत्तरात् संयद्वसुस्तस्य तार्क्ष्यश्चारिष्टनेमिश्च सेनानी ग्रामण्यौ। विश्वाची च घृताची चाप्सरसावापो हेतिर्वातः  प्रहेतिस्तेभ्यो नमो अस्तु ते नोऽवन्तु ते नो मृडयन्तु ते यं द्विष्मो यश्च नो द्वेष्टि तमेषां जम्भे दध्मः॥१८॥ अयमुपर्यर्वाग्वसुस्तस्य सेनजिच्च सुषेणश्च सेनानी ग्रामण्यौ। उर्वशी च पूर्वचित्तिश्चाप्सरसाववस्फूर्जन् हेतिर्विद्युत् प्रहेतिस्तेभ्यो नमो अस्तु ते नोऽवन्तु ते नो मृडयन्तु ते यं द्विष्मो यश्च नो द्वेष्टि तमेषां जम्भे दध्मः॥१९॥

अध्याय १७-सूर्यरश्मिर्हरिकेशः पुरस्तात् सविता ज्योतिरुदयाँ अजस्रम्। तस्य पूषा प्रसवे याति विद्वान्त्सम्पश्यन्विश्वा भुवनानि गोपाः॥५८॥

अध्याय १८-सुषुम्णः सूर्यरश्मिश्चन्द्रमा गन्धर्वस्तस्य नक्षत्राण्यप्सरसो भेकुरयो नाम।

स न इदं ब्रह्म क्षत्रं पातु तस्मै स्वाहा वाट् ताभ्यः स्वाहा॥४०॥

कूर्म पुराण, पूर्वविभाग, अध्याय ४१-

तस्य ये रश्मयो विप्राः सर्वलोक प्रदीपकाः। तेषां श्रेष्ठाः पुनः सप्त रश्मयो ग्रहयोनयः॥२॥

सुषुम्नो हरिकेशश्च विश्वकर्मा तथैव च। विश्वव्यचाः पुनश्चान्यः संयद्वसुरतः परः॥३॥

अर्वावसुरिति ख्यातः स्वराडन्यः प्रकीर्तितः। सुषुम्नः सूर्यरश्मिस्तु पुष्णाति शिशिरद्युतिम्॥४॥

तिर्यगूर्ध्वप्रचारोऽसौ सुषुम्नः परिपठ्यते। हरिकेशस्तु यः प्रोक्तो रश्मिर्नक्षत्र पोषकः॥५॥

विश्वकर्मा तथा रश्मिर्बुधं पुष्णाति सर्वदा। विश्वव्यचास्तु यो रश्मिः शुक्रं पुष्णाति नित्यदा॥६॥

संयद्वसुरिति ख्यातः स पुष्णाति च लोहितम्। बृहस्पतिं प्रपुष्णाति रश्मिरर्वावसुः प्रभोः।

शनैश्चरं प्रपुष्णाति सप्तमस्तु सुराट् तथा॥७॥

एवं सूर्य प्रभावेण सर्वा नक्षत्रतारकाः। वर्धन्ते वर्धिता नित्यं नित्यमाप्याययन्ति च॥८॥

मत्स्य पुराण, अध्याय १२८-सुषुम्ना सूर्यरश्मिर्या क्षीणम् शशिनमेधते। हरिकेशः पुरस्तात्तु यो वै नक्षत्रयोनिकृत्॥२९॥

दक्षिणे विश्वकर्मा तु रश्मिराप्याययद् बुधम्। विश्वावसुश्च यः पश्चाच्छुक्रयोनिश्च स स्मृतः॥३०॥

संवर्धनस्तु यो रश्मिः स योनिर्लोहितस्य च। षष्ठस्तु ह्यश्वभू रश्मिर्योनिः सा हि बृहस्पतेः॥३१॥

शनैश्चरं पुनश्चापि रश्मिराप्यायते सुराट्। न क्षीयन्ते यतस्तानि तस्मान्नक्षत्रता स्मृता॥३२॥

क्षेत्राण्येतानि वै सूर्यमातपन्ति गभस्तिभिः। क्षेत्राणि तेषामादत्ते सूर्यो नक्षत्रता ततः॥३३॥

ब्रह्माण्डपुराण, पूर्वभाग, अध्याय२४-

रवेरश्मि सहस्रं यत्प्राङ्मया समुदाहृतम्। तेषां श्रेष्ठाः पुनः सप्त रश्मयो ग्रह-योनयः॥६५॥

सुषुम्णो-हरिकेशश्च-विश्वकर्मा तथैव च। विश्वश्रवाः पुनश्चान्यः संपद्-वसुरतः परः॥६६॥

अर्वावसुः पुनश्चान्यः स्वराडन्यः प्रकीर्त्तितः। सुषुम्णः सूर्य-रश्मिस्तु क्षीण शशिन-मेधयेत्॥६७॥

तिर्यगूर्ध्व प्रचारोऽसौ सुषुम्णः परिकीर्त्तितः। हरिकेशः पुरस्ताद्य ऋक्ष-योनिः स कीर्त्यते॥६८॥

दक्षिणे विश्वकर्मा तु रश्मिन्वर्द्धयते बुधम्। विश्वश्रवास्तु यःपश्चाच्छुक्र-योनिः स्मृतो बुधैः॥६९॥

सम्पद्वसुस्तु यो रश्मिः स योनि-र्लोहितस्य तु। षष्ठ-स्त्वर्व्वावसू रश्मि-र्योनिस्तु स बृहस्पतेः॥७०॥

शनैश्चरं पुनश्चापि रश्मि-राप्यायते स्वराट्। एवं सूर्य प्रभावेण ग्रह-नक्षत्र-तारकाः॥७१॥

वर्त्तन्ते दिवि ताः सर्वा विश्वं चेदं पुन-र्जगत्। न क्षीयन्ते यतस्तानि तस्मा-न्नक्षत्र संज्ञिताः॥७२॥

क्षेत्राण्येतानि वै पूर्व-मातपन्ति गभस्तिभिः। तेषां क्षेत्राण्य-थादत्ते सूर्यो नक्षत्र कारकाः॥७३॥

Seven pairs of links of mana and consequent stages of Jñāna-ajñāna are explained in Mahopaniṣad, chapter 5. That causes 7Bhūmis of jñāna and 7 of ajñāna. These correspond to modes of input and 7 of output for mana. The chapter further explains these traits. Person with all 7 senses is called Avadhūta, whose qualities have been told by Dattātreya in Avadhūtopaniṣad.

तस्य सप्तधा प्रान्तभूमिः प्रज्ञा। (योग सूत्र, २/२७)

महोपनिषद्, अध्याय ५-अज्ञान भूः सप्त पदाज्ञभूः सप्त पदैव हि॥१॥ स्वरूपावस्थिति-र्मुक्तिस्तद्भ्रंशो ऽहन्त्ववेदनम्॥२॥

शुद्ध सन्मात्र संवित्तेः स्वरूपान्नचलन्ति ये। राग द्वेषादयो भावास्तेषां नाज्ञत्व संभवः॥३॥

यः स्वरूप परिभ्रंशश्चेत्यार्थे चितिमज्जनम्। एतस्माद् अपरो मोहो न भूतो न भविष्यति॥४॥

अर्थादर्थान्तरं चित्ते याति मध्ये तु या स्थितिः। साध्वस्त मननाकारा स्वरूप-स्थितिरुच्यते॥५॥

स शान्त सर्व सङ्कल्पा या शिलावदवस्थितिः। जाग्रन्निद्रा विनिर्मुक्ता सा स्वरूप स्थितिः परा॥६॥

अहन्तांशे क्षतेशान्ते भेद निष्पन्द चित्तता। अजडाया प्रचलतितत्स्वरूप-मिमीरितम्॥७॥

बीज जाग्रत्तथा जाग्रन्महाजाग्रत्तथैव च। जाग्रत्स्वप्नस्तथा स्वप्नः स्वप्न जाग्रत्सुषुप्तिकम्॥८॥

इति सप्त विधो मोहः पुनरेष परस्परम्। श्लिष्टो भवत्यनेकाग्र्यं श्रृणु लक्षणमस्यतु॥९॥

प्रथमं चेतनं यत्स्याद् अनाख्यं निर्मलं चितः। भविष्यत्चित्तजीवादिनाम-शब्दार्थ भाजनम्॥१०॥

बीजरूप स्थितं जाग्रद्बीज जाग्रत्तदुच्यते। एषा ज्ञप्ते-र्नवावस्थात्वं जाग्रत्संस्थितिं श्रृणु॥११॥

नव प्रसूतस्य परादयं चाहमिदंमम। इति यः प्रत्ययः स्वस्थस्तज्जाग्रत्प्रागभावनात्॥१२॥

अयं सोऽहमिदं तन्म इति जन्मान्तरोदितः। पीवरः प्रत्ययः प्रोक्तो महाजाग्रदिति स्फुटम्॥१३॥

अरूढ-मथवा रूढं सर्वथा तन्मयात्मकम्। यज्जाग्रतो मनो राज्यं यज्जाग्रत्स्वप्न उच्यते॥१४॥

द्वि चन्द्र शुक्तिका रूप्य मृगतृष्णादि भेदतः। अभ्यासं प्राप्य जाग्रत्तस्त्स्वप्नो नाना विधो भवेत्॥१५॥

अल्प कालं मया दृष्टमेतन्नोदेति यत्र हि। परामर्शः प्रबुद्धस्य स स्वप्न इति कथ्यते॥१६॥

चिरं संदर्शनाभावाद-प्रफुल्लं बृहद्वचः। चिरकालानुवृत्तिस्तु स्वप्नो जाग्रदिवोदितः॥१७॥

स्वप्न-जाग्रदिति प्रोक्तं जाग्रत्यपि परिस्फुरत्। षडवस्था परित्यागो जडा जीवस्य या स्थितिः॥१८॥

भविष्य दुःख बोधाढ्या सौषुप्तिः सोच्यते गतिः। जगत्तस्यामवस्थाया-मन्त-स्तमसिलीयते॥१९॥

सप्ता-वस्थाइमाःप्रोक्ता मया ज्ञानस्य वै द्विज। एकैका शत संख्याऽत्र नाना विभव-रूपिणी॥२०॥

इमां सप्त पदां ज्ञान भूमिमाकर्णया-नघ। नानया ज्ञातया भूयो मोह-पङ्के निमज्जति॥२१॥

वदन्ति बहु भेदेन वादिनो योग-भूमिकाः। ममत्वभिमता नून-मिमा एव शुभप्रदाः॥२२॥

अवबोधं विदुर्ज्ञानं तदिदं सप्त-भूमिकम्। मुक्तिस्तु ज्ञेयमित्युक्ता भूमिका सप्तकात्परम्॥२३॥

ज्ञानभूमिः शुभेच्छाख्या प्रथमा समुदाहृता। विचारणा द्वितीया तु तृतीया तनु मानसी॥२४॥

सत्त्वापत्ति-श्चतुर्थीस्यात्ततोऽसंसक्ति-नामिका ।पदार्थ-भावना षष्ठी सप्तमी तुर्यगा स्मृता॥२५॥

3. Antahkaraṇa-There are 4 inner controls of the body called -Antahkaraṇa (inner instrument).These are-mana, buddhi, ahankāra, chitta.

मनो बुद्धिरहङ्कारश्चित्तमित्यन्तःकरण चतुष्टयम्। (शारीरकोपनिषद्,२)

मनो बुद्धिरहङ्कारश्चित्त चेति चतुष्टयम्। (वराहोपनिषद्,१/४)

मनो बुद्ध्योश्चित्ताहङ्कारौ चान्तर्भूतौ।(त्रिशिखब्राह्मणोपनिषद् १/४)

Mana is random fluctuations which are infinite. Buddhiis ordered sequence. Manais Parā-vāk, buddhi is visible thought called paśyantī. After that it is translated into words as per store of language system in mind-called madhyamā-vāk. Final spoken or written words are vaikharī-vāk. Buddhi results in formation of Vākya(sentence) which describes an event (vākayā in Arabic). When we generalize, it becomes Kāvya (poem, creation). Buddhi analyses various alternatives, then it decides a course of action. Till analysis, it is avyavasāyī. After decision, it is vyavasāyātmikā.

मनः सम्पद्यते लोलं कलनाऽऽकलनोन्मुखम्। कलयन्ती मनःशक्तिरादौ भावयति क्षणात्॥ (महोपनिषद्, /१४६)

बुद्धयो वै धियस्ता योऽस्माकंप्रचोदयादित्याहुर्मनीषिणः। (मैत्रायणी उपनिषद् ६/७)

बुद्धिकर्मेन्द्रियप्राणपञ्चकैर्मनसाधिया। शरीरं सप्तदशभिः सुसूक्ष्मं लिङ्गमुच्यते। (शारीरकोपनिषद्,११)

व्यवसायात्मिका बुद्धिरेकेह कुरुनन्दन। बहुशाखा ह्यनन्ताश्च बुद्धयोऽव्यवसायिनाम्॥ (गीता, २/४१)

अपरिमिततरमिव हि मनः परिमिततरमेव हि वाक्। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण १/४/४/७)

चत्वारि वाक् परिमिता पदानि तानि विदुर्ब्राह्मणा ये मनीषिणः।

गुहा त्रीणि निहिता नेङ्गयन्ति तुरीयं वाचो मनुष्या वदन्ति॥ (ऋग्वेद १/१६४/४५)

परायामङ्कुरीभूय पश्यन्त्यां द्विदलीकृता॥१८॥

मध्यमायां मुकुलिता वैखर्या विकसीकृता॥ (योगकुण्डली उपनिषद् ३/१८, १९)

अक्षरं परमो नादः शब्दब्रह्मेति कथ्यते। मूलाधारगता शक्तिः स्वाधारा बिन्दुरूपिणी॥२॥

तस्यामुत्पद्यते नादः सूक्ष्मबीजादिवाङ्कुरः। तां पश्यन्तीं विदुर्विश्वं यया पश्यन्ति योगिनः॥३॥

हृदये व्यज्यते घोषो गर्जत्पर्जन्यसंनिभः। तत्र स्थिता सुरेशान मध्यमेत्यभिधीयते॥४॥

प्राणेन च स्वराख्येन प्रथिता वैखरी पुनः। शाखापल्लवरूपेण ताल्वादिस्थानघट्टनात्॥५॥ (योगशिखोपनिषद् ३/२-५)

Buddhi is organization of random thoughts of mind. It is related to vāk and vākya which is organization of words (śabda). Words have 4 sources-nāma (name), ākhyāta (definition), upasarga(pre-fix), nipāta (usage) as per nirukta. Its meanings change as per 7 sansthā (set-up) which can be called script, language, geography, tradition/history, science of physical (ādhibhautika) and 2 parallels in cosmic (ādhidaivika) and inner (ādhyātmika) systems. Thus, word has 4x7 = 28 forms of meanings. Parallel to that, buddhi also has 28 weaknesses or strength in sānkhya philosophy.

इतीमानि चत्वारि पदजातान्यनुक्रान्तानि। नामाख्याते चोपसर्ग-निपाताश्च (निरुक्त १/१२)

सर्वेषां तु स नामानि कर्माणि च पृथक् पृथक्। वेद शब्देभ्य एवादौ पृथक् संस्थाश्च निर्ममे॥(मनु स्मृति, /२१)

यास्सप्त संस्था या एवैतास्सप्त होत्राः प्राचीर्वषट् कुर्वन्ति ता एव ताः। (जैमिनीय ब्राह्मण उपनिषद् १/२१/)

छन्दांसि वाऽअस्य सप्त धाम प्रियाणि । सप्त योनीरिति चितिरेतदाह । (शतपथ ब्राह्मण, ///४४, वाज. यजु ,१७/७९)

अध्यात्ममधिभूतमधिदैवं च (तत्त्व समास, ७)

किं तद्ब्रह्म किमध्यात्मं किं कर्म पुरुषोत्तम। अधिभूतं च किं प्रोक्तमधिदैवं किमुच्यते॥१॥

अक्षरं ब्रह्म परमं स्वभावो ऽध्यात्म उच्यते। भूतभावोद्भवकरो विसर्गः कर्म संज्ञितः॥३॥

अधिभूतं क्षरो भावः पुरुषस्याधिदैवतम्। (गीता, अध्याय ८)

अष्टाविंशतिधा अशक्तिः (तत्त्व-समास, १३) अशक्तिरष्टाविंशतिधा (सांख्य सूत्र,३/२८)

एकादशेन्द्रिय वधाः सह बुद्धेर्विपर्ययात्तुष्टि सिद्धीनाम् (सांख्य कारिका,४९)

Thus, yoga has 28 obstacles to sādhanā(practice)-5 viṣaya (subject) + 5 vṛttis (traits) of buddhi+ 5 kleṣa (complications)+ 13 citta-vikṣepa (diversions).

श्रोत्रं चक्षुः स्पर्शनं च रसनं घ्राणमेव च। अधिष्ठाय मनश्चायं विषयानुपसेवते (गीता १५/९)

वृत्तयः पञ्चतय्यः क्लिष्टाक्लिष्टाः। (योग सूत्र, १/५, सांख्य सूत्र २/३३)

प्रमाण विपर्यय विकल्प निद्रा स्मृतयः। (योग सूत्र, १/६), अविद्याऽस्मिता राग द्वेषाभिनिवेशाः पञ्च क्लेषाः। (योग सूत्र, २/३)

व्याधि-स्त्यान संशय प्रमादाऽलस्याविरति भ्रान्तिदर्शनाऽलब्ध भूमिकत्वानवस्थिततत्त्वानि चित्त-विक्षेपास्तेऽन्तरायाः। (योगसूत्र २/३०), दुःखदौर्मनस्याऽङ्गमेजयत्व श्वास प्रश्वासाः विक्षेपसहभुवः।(योगसूत्र २/३१)

Ahankāra is feeling of individuality. That is reason of creation of a single body of man or any being called Puryaṣṭaka (structure of 8 parts). Each cell of our body knows that it is part of this body only and rejects foreign cells/viruses or blood of different blood-group. However, when this feeling ignores our link with outside world, it becomes pride and is obstruction to our existence and rise.

अहङ्कार कलायुक्तं बुद्धिबीजसमन्वितम्। तत्पुर्यष्टकमित्युक्तं भूतहृत्पद्मषट्पदम्॥(महोपनिषद्, /१५३)

प्रकृतेः क्रियमाणानि गुणैः कर्माणि सर्वशः। अहङ्कारविमूढात्मा कर्ताहमिति मन्यते॥ (गीता ३/२७)

Chitta word has several forms linked to each other. Chit is point space-almost of zero volume, chin-mātra = negligible. Their arrangement is called chiti (design). The agency which causes this arrangement is called chetanā (consciousness). No order or design can be created by inanimate object. By natural reasons a house cannot be created, it can decay or be destroyed. But bricks can be joined in a design only by a conscious being having chetanā. Joint of components (bricks) is called Iṣṭakā-chiti(brick design). The whole world itself is biggest design which is a form of Devī. Designer is Brahma. The ordering cause is chain of Mana-buddhi-ahankāraand their place is chitta. Yoga is control of natural actions (vṛttis) of chitta. Chitta can move out of body also. A part of chittacan enter another body to control it. Mover or controller of chitta is ātmā. Each chit (point) of world has something which can be sensed-that is sat. It also contains ānanda which is original creator of world as rasa. Brahmais collection of each such chit, so it is called Sat-chit-ānanda.

यच्चेतयमाना अपश्यंस्तस्माच्चितयः। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण ६/२/२/९)

तद्यत् पञ्च चितीश्चिनोत्येताभिरेवैनं तत्तनूभिश्चिनोति यच्चिनोति तस्माच्चितयः। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण ६/१/२/१७)

चेतव्यो ह्यासीत्तस्माच्चित्यः। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण ६/१/२/१६)

बुद्ध्या बुध्यति, चित्तेन चेतयत्यहङ्कारेणाहङ्करोति (नारद परिव्राजक उपनिषद् ६/४)

दुर्गा-सप्तशती, अध्याय ५-इन्द्रियाणामधिष्ठात्री भूतानां चाखिलेषु या। भूतेषु सततं तस्यै व्याप्तिदेव्यै नमो नमः॥७७॥

चितिरूपेण याकृत्स्नमेतद् व्याप्य स्थिता जगत्। नमस्तस्यै ॥७८॥ नमस्तस्यै ॥७९॥ नमस्तस्यै नमो नमः॥८०॥

प्रजापतिर्वै चित्पतिः। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण ३/१/३/२२) चेतव्यो ह्यासीत्तस्माच्चित्यः।(शतपथ ब्राह्मण ६/१/२/१६)

इष्टकर्त्तारमध्वरस्य प्रचेतसमिति। अध्वरो वै यज्ञः। प्रकल्पयितारं यज्ञस्य प्रचेतसमित्येतत्।(शतपथ ब्राह्मण ७/३/१/३३)

तद्यदिष्टात् समभवंस्तस्माद् इष्टकाः। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण ६/१/२/२२)

योगश्चित्तवृत्तिनिरोधः। (योग सूत्र १/२) देशबन्धश्चित्तस्यधारणा। (योगसूत्र३/१)

हृदये चित्तसंवित् । (योग सूत्र ३/३४), प्रत्ययस्य परचित्तज्ञानम्। (योग सूत्र ३/१९)

बन्ध कारण शैथिल्यात् प्रचार संवेदनाच्च चित्तस्य परकाया प्रवेशः। (योग सूत्र ३/३८)

यदा विनियतंचित्तम् आत्मन्येवा-वतिष्ठते। (गीता६/१८) योगिनो यतचित्तस्य युञ्जतो योगमात्मना (गीता, /१९)

यत्रोपरमते चित्तं निरुद्धं योग सेवया। (गीता, /२०) अथ चितं समाधातुं न शक्नोषि मयि स्थिरम्। (गीता, १२/)

Out of 7 bhūmis of mind, only 5vṛttis of chitta are linked to senses which are controlled by yoga practice.वृत्तयः पञ्चतय्यः क्लिष्टाऽक्लिष्टाः। (योग सूत्र १/५) प्रमाण विपर्यय विकल्प निद्रा स्मृतयः। (योग सूत्र १/६)

4. Methods of Manojava-(1) Yoga-sūtra-In Yoga-sūtra, Patañjalihas stated these steps-

(a) We should progress from 5 outer methods –yama, niyama, āsana, prāṇāyāma and pratyāhārato3 inner methods-dhāraṇā, dhyāna, samādhi- त्रयमन्तरङ्ग पूर्वेभ्यः। (योगसूत्र ३/७)

Yama = stopping harmful practices.

Niyama= following correct conduct. First was negative, this is positive.

Āsana = physical postures, Prāṇāyāma =control of breath.

Pratyāhāra = withdrawing mind from unnecessary thought/acts.

(b) Inner methods-After sufficient practice of outer methods, we are ready or inner ones. First is dhāraṇā which means joining chitta with an object of consideration or on a particular chakra of body. Continuation of dhāraṇā is called dhyāna. When we forget the self as almost zero and think only about artha (meaning) of subject, it becomes samādhi. Joining all these 3 is called samyama. By conquering that samyama, we get light of prajñā (intuition). That samyama can be applied to different bhūmi (objects, targets).

देशबन्धश्चित्तस्य धारणा। (योगसूत्र ३/१), तत्र प्रत्यैकतानता ध्यानम्। (योगसूत्र ३/२)

तदेवार्थमात्रनिर्भासं स्वरूपशून्यमिव समाधिः। (योगसूत्र ३/३), त्रयमेकत्र संयमः। (योगसूत्र ३/४)

तज्जयात् प्रज्ञालोकः। (योगसूत्र ३/५), तस्य भूमिषु विनियोगः। (योगसूत्र ३/६)

We have indriya-jaya(control of senses/organs) by samyama on grahaṇa (tendency to acquire viṣayas), svarūpa (nature of indriyas), asmitā(feeling of self), anvaya (3 guṇas-sattva, raja, tama-which affect by brightness, action,existence) and arthavattva (actually getting objects).

ग्रहण स्वरूपास्मितान्वयार्थवत्व संयमादिन्द्रिय जयः। (योगसूत्र ३/४७)

By control of indriyas, body gets speed of mind, action without organs (karaṇa = instrument) and control of pradhāna (root nature). This is called manojavitva. Alternate meaning is that mind becomes very fast and its speed is stated to be far more than speed of light.

ततो मनोजवित्वं विकरणभावः प्रधानजयश्च। (योगसूत्र ३/४८)

(2) Kriyā-yoga-Yoga sūtra has defined kriyā-yoga as combination of 3-tapa (hard work), svādhyāya (study) and Īśvara-praṇidhāna (surrender to God).

तप-स्वाध्यायेश्वर-प्रणिधानानि-क्रियायोग। (योगसूत्र२/१)

However, its methods are based on tāntrika structure of body. We have 5 chakras in spinal cord of body which is parallel to 5 levels of cosmic creation and 5 elements-space, air (motion), teja(radiation), ap (soma, dispersed gas etc) and pṛthvī(compact body as earth). There are 2 higher levels in mind-ājñā-chakraat centre of brain is start of duality (mind/body) as duality of matter/ energy in space. Sahasrāra at crown of head is image of abstract source which has thousands alternate paths of creation. We feel each chakra and move our chittafrom lowest chakra to highest. The details can be understood and practiced only under a Guru. It is summarized by Śankarāchārya in Saundarya-laharī-

महीं मूलाधारे कमपि मणिपूरे हुतवहम्, स्थितं स्वाधिष्ठाने हृदि मरुतमाकाशमुपरि।

मनोऽपि भ्रूमध्ये सकलमपि भित्त्वा कुलपथम्, सहस्रारे पद्मे सह रहसि पत्या विहरसि (विहरसे)-सौन्दर्य-लहरी,

(3) Vedic method-The same method is explained in Vedasunder name Manojava.

अक्षण्वन्तः कर्णवन्तः सखायो मनोजवेष्व समा बभूवुः।

आदध्नास उपकक्षास उत्वेह्रदा इव स्नात्वा उत्वे ददृशे॥ (ऋग्वेद,१०/७१/७)

हृदा तष्टेषु मनसो जवेषु यद्ब्राह्मणाः संयजन्ते सखायः।

अत्राह त्वं विजहुर्वेद्याभि रोह ब्रह्माणो विचरन्तु त्वे॥(ऋग्वेद, १०/७१/८)

These verses mean that man cannot be like manojavaeven with subjects felt through eyes, ears etc. Only by placing these moving friends within heart we have manojavitva. The friends are-indriya (organs), viśaya (objects) and their bandha (knot).

The methods are summarized in Gajendra-mokṣa stotraof Bhāgavata purāṇa (8/3). Gajendra was proud of his power, but he was caught firmly in water (ocean of world) by Grāha (crocodile), i.e subjects of organs. By vyavasita (single pointed) buddhi, he placed mana in heart and as per remains of past life teachings, he did japa (mental recitation) of supreme mantra (ॐ नमो भगवते वासुदेवाय)-

श्री शुक उवाच-एवं व्यवसितो बुद्ध्या समाधाय मनो हृदि। जजाप परमं जाप्यं प्राग्जन्मन्यनुशिक्षितम्।१।

गजेन्द्र उवाच-ॐ नमो भगवते तस्मै यत एतच्चिदात्मकम्। पुरुषायादि बीजाय परेशायाभिधीमहि।२। (भागवत पुराण, ८/३)

Step-by step rise is symbolized by offer of dūrvā (grass) which grows from each knot. Similarly, man grows afresh from each step of his rise.

काण्डात्काण्डात् प्ररोहन्ति परुषः परुषस्परि। एवा नो दूर्वे प्रतनु सहस्रेण शतेन च। (वाजसनेयी यजुर्वेद १३/२०)

अयं (प्राणः) वाव मा धूर्वीदिति यदब्रवीद् अधूर्वीन् मेति तस्माद् धूर्वा, धूर्वा ह वै तां दूर्वेत्याचक्षते परोऽक्षम् (शतपथ ब्राह्मण,७/४/२/१२)

The rise is from gross body formed by food to the highest abstract level-

उतामृतत्वस्येशानो यदन्नेनातिरोहति। (पुरुष सूक्त २)


Indus-Magan Connection. Indian Ocean seafaring trade in the early Bronze Age -- Dennys Frenez

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https://www.academia.edu/44755377/The_Indus_Magan_Connection_Indian_Ocean_Seafaring_Trade_in_the_Early_Bronze_Age?fbclid=IwAR3WCaxhhYR7igqO4qqeccvHcWc4WHKz7CirAFDsyrxZCmrOJzh9XGVqk6I




































 


Labyrinth Indus Script hieroglyph of Lothal signifies meḍhā 'tangle, labyrinth' rebus मेधा medhā 'yajna, dhanam, riches'

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https://tinyurl.com/ycof2qg5

Tablets L-76 and L-77 from Lothal show a labyrinth or a tangle as a graphical hieroglyph. I submit that this is a variant of the endless knot hieroglyph.



The Meluhha word to signify this hieroglyph: Marathi. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.(CDIAL 10312) Rebus; medhā 'dhanam, yajna' dhanaNaigh. ii, 10.; oblation, any sacrifice MBh.    (Monier-Williams) ମେଧ Medha ସଂ. ବି (ମେଧ୍ ଧାତୁ+ ଅଧିକରଣ ଅ)— 1। ୟାଗ; ଯଜ୍ଞ— 1. Vedic sacrifice.(Oriya)  மேதம்¹ mētam , n. < mēdha. Sacrifice; யாகம். (பிங்.) మేధము mēdhamu. n. A sacrifice, offering, oblation. క్రతువు, యజ్ఞము

మేధావంతము mēdhāvantamu. n. Fineness of grain, something excellent, distinguished or rare. adj. Sensible, prudent.మేధ్యము mēdhyamu. adj. Fit for a sacrifice, pure, purified, nice. delicate. పరిశుద్ధమైన. అమేధ్యము impure. मेधः medhaḥ 1 A sacrifice, as in नरमेध, अश्वमेध, एकविंशति- मेधान्ते Mb.14.29.18. (com. मेधो युद्धयज्ञः । 'यज्ञो वै मेधः' इति श्रुतेः ।). -2 A sacrificial animal or victim. -3 An offering, oblation. -4 Ved. The juice of meat, broth. -5 Ved. Sap, pith, essence. -Comp. -जः an epithet of Viṣṇu. मेधा medhā [मेध्-अञ्] (changed to मेधस् in Bah. comp. when preceded by सु, दुस् and the negative particle ) 1 Retentive faculty, retentiveness (of memory); धी- र्धारणावती मेधा Ak. -2 Intellect, intelligence in general; यत् सप्तान्नानि मेधया तपसाजनयत् पिता Bṛi. Up.1.5.1; Bg. 10.34; आयुष्मन्तं सुतं सूते यशोमेधासमन्वितम् Ms.3.263; Y. 3.173. -3 A form of Sarasvathī. -4 A sacrifice. -5 Strength, power (Ved.). मेध्य medhya a. [मेध्-ण्यत्, मेधाय हितं यत् वा] 1 Fit for a sacrifice; अजाश्वयोर्मुखं मेध्यम् Y.1.194; Ms.5.54. -2 Relating to a sacrifice, sacrificial; मेध्येनाश्वेनेजे; R.13.3; उषा वा अश्वस्य मेध्यस्य शिरः Bṛi. Up.1.1.1. -3 Pure, sacred, holy; भुवं कोष्णेन कुण्डोघ्नी मध्येनावमृथादपि R.1.84;3.31;14.81. -4 Ved. Fresh, strong, vigorous.(Apte) मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal, iron' (Samskrtam.Mu.Ho.) 


Double-humped camel, bronze in Met Museum is an Indus Script hieroglyph karabha 'camel' rebus karba 'iron'

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Daniel Potts (2005) presents a detailed argument and concludes that the origins of the double-humped camel lie on the high steppes of Inner Asia: "...in view of the ever-increasing body of evidence for ties between Central Asia and Elam (Amiet 1986: 146-207), and between Elam and Assyria and Mari in the early second millennium BCE (Potts 1999: 166ff), it is entirely possible that this was the period in which the peoples of the Near East first became aware of C. bactrianus. Whatever the case may be, it is now clear that the Bactrian camel has little beyond its name in common with the region of Bactria, and that its origins lie much further east, on the high steppes of Inner Asia. That it came to play an important role further west, already by the Assyrian period if not earlier, seems clear. The raison d’être behind the Assyrian interest in the Bactrian camel, and behind its later occurrence as far west as Anatolia, lies in the breeding of Bactrian-dromedary hybrids, the strength of which was un-surpassed by any other domestic animal, apart from the elephant, in the ancient Near East." (Article appended; for the full pdf text of The Silk Road, Vol. 3, No. 1 (June 2005), click here.)

The double-humped camel is presented as hieroglyph in the list of tributes presented by Musiri (a region of Kurdistan in Iraq) to Shalamaneser III (858-824 BCE) on the third register of Black Obelisk of British Museum. The list of hieroglyphs are in Indus Script cipher and signify metalwork and precious stone treasures presented as tributes.

 karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. 1. Pk. karabha -- m., ˚bhī -- f., karaha -- m. ʻ camel ʼ, S. karahu˚ho m., P. H. karhā m., Marw. karhau JRAS 1937, 116, OG. karahu m., OM. karahā m.; Si. karaba ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ.2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ, Pk. kalabha -- m., ˚bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛo ʻ young calf ʼ; Or. kālhuṛi ʻ young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si. kalam̆bayā ʻ young elephant ʼ.Addenda: karabhá -- : OMarw. karaha ʻ camel ʼ.(CDIAL 2797) Rebus: karba 'iron' (Tu.Kannada)


-- Wolfgang Heimpel confirms symbolic depiction of camels, elephant, monkeys (bazitu/uqupu), unicorn (sakea), water-buffalo (river-ox), antelope (susu) on Shalamaneser Black Obelisk of 9th cent. BCE.




Double-humped camel in Nubra valley, Ladakh, Jammu & Kashmir, India. 


Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex

Bronze. Dimensions: 3.5 in. (8.89 cm) Date: ca. late 3rd–early 2nd millennium B.C.E. Accession Number: 53.117.1

A Bactrian camel in the Shanghai Zoo

Bactrian Camels and Bactrian-Dromedary Hybrids


Daniel Potts

University of Sydney

I

If the Silk Road may be described as “the bridge between Eastern and Western culures,” then the Bactrian camel should rightfully be considered the principal means of locomotion across that bridge. Yet there is a great deal of misinformation concerning the Bactrian camel and its relatives, particularly in the ancient Near Eastern literature. This paper explores some of the problems surrounding Camelus bactrianus and the little-known hybrids of the Bactrian with the Arabian dromedary (Camelus dromedarius).


Fig. 1. Pre-historic cave image of camel. Display in
National Museum of Mongolian History, Ulaan Baatar.

Zoologists nowadays tends to favor the idea that Camelus bactrianus and dromedarius are descendants of two different sub-species of Camelus ferus (Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 652), and modern research suggests that the original habitat of the wild, two-humped camel extended from the great bend of the Yellow River in northwestern China through Mongolia to central Kazakhstan (Schaller 1998: 154; Nowak 1999: 1078; Bannikov 1976: 399) generally at elevations of 1500-2000 m. above sea-level. Although some scholars have suggested the original habitat of C. ferus may have extended as far west as the Caspian Sea, this is unlikely. If this were true, we should expect to find C. ferus faunal remains at prehistoric and early historic sites around the Caspian, but this is not the case. Moreover, to suggest that the natural distribution areas of the wild two-humped camel extended so far to the west flies in the face of everything that is known about the physiology and environmental adaptations of C. bactrianus (see below).

The survival of C. ferus in Inner Asia was long suspected but no firm evidence was available until N.M. Przewalski killed and described several specimens in 1873 (Camelus ferus Przewalski 1878 [?]). C. ferus has been described as “relatively small, lithe, and slender-legged, with very narrow feet and a body that looks laterally compressed” (Schaller 1998: 152).2 C. ferus has “low, pointed, coneshaped humps - usually about half the size of those of the domestic camel in fair condition” (Bannikov 1976: 398). Representations of camels in the rock art of Palaeolithic caves in eastern Mongolia, such as Chojt-Zenker Cave, show what are believed to be C. ferus (Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 653, 661).3 (Fig. 1) C. ferus were still hunted in the medieval era in the Khotan, Turfan, Tarim, Lob and Katak regions of Inner Asia, and in Mongolia (Roux 1959-60: 50-51), while 18th-century Chinese records attest to the presence of wild camels on the northern and western edges of the Chinese empire (Lehmann 1891: 99). Small numbers are present in the region to this day (Heptner, Nasimovic and Bannikov 1966: 85-94; Bannikov 1976; Schaller 1998: 151-162).

The wild range of C. ferus, in all likelihood, extended only as far west as central Kazakhstan. This is significant for a number of reasons but first and foremost because this means that the natural distribution of the wild, two-humped progenitor of what we know as the domesticated Bactrian camel would not have included Bactria (northern Afghanistan/southern Uzbekistan) at all. How, then, to explain the name “Bactrian” given to the domesticated two-humped camel?

The term “Bactrian” was first applied to two-humped camels by Aristotle, who wrote of “the two species of camel, Bactrian and Arabian” (Historia Animalium 2.1 [498b9]) and noted that “The Bactrian camel differs from the Arabian in having two humps as against the latter’s one” (Historia Animalium 2.1 [499a15-17]). Some scholars have suggested that the name “Bactrian” became associated with the two-humped camel because camel-breeding developed in Bactria after initial domestication in eastern Iran and/or southern Turkmenistan (Schuegraf and Terbuyken 2001: 1225), but, as indicated above, this is not supported by the faunal evidence and it seems more likely that the Bactrian camel was introduced into Bactria proper from further east, not the south (eastern Iran/Seistan) or the west (Turkmenistan). Thus, like many commodities one can think of — Brussels sprouts or India ink — C. bactrianus would seem to be a misnomer. We have no idea where Aristotle got the designation “Bactrian” for the domesticated, two-humped camel, but he seems to have been responsible for introducing a term into the literature which should never have been applied to a mammal that was almost certainly domesticated outside of the region with which it is popularly associated.

Pure-bred Bactrians stand 1.5-2.4 m high to the top of the humps and are normally 1.68-1.63 m long, with a mean weight of 460 kgs (Epstein 1969: 118). They have been known to carry loads of 220-270 kgs some 30-40 kms daily, or 80-100 kms if pulling a loaded cart (Walz 1954: 56).4 Bactrian camels, which can live to be 35-40 years old, are generally put to work at the age of four and can expect to have 20-25 years of productive work (Epstein 1969: 120). They are at their best in the dry cold of the winter and spring months in Inner Asia, when their thick coats provided them with ample warmth. Able to withstand extremes of heat and cold, Bactrians prefer temperatures below 21° C but are capable of tolerating a 70°-broad range between winter lows and summer highs (Manefield and Tinson 2000: 38). Consistent heat, however, is intolerable for Bactrians and the caravans which once set out from China westwards across the Gobi desert always traveled in winter (Walz 1954: 55-56). Bactrians have been known to function at altitudes of up to 4000 m. above sea level, e.g. in the Pamirs (Gauthier-Pilters and Dagg 1981: 6). After a long journey they were typically rested for 1-2 weeks and were pastured for the summer months on the steppe, where they built up their fat reserves again in anticipation of further caravan crossings the following winter (Walz 1954: 56).

The precise chronology of the gradual westward spread of the Bactrian camel is difficult to determine, but the available evidence nonetheless suggests we are dealing with a “sloping chronology,” i.e. a progression from earlier finds in the east towards later finds in the west. The principal difficulty that arises in verifying this hypothesis is the relative paucity of well-studied and dated faunal assemblages from sites within the range of C. ferus. Camelid faunal remains are said to have been found (Olsen 1988: 21)5 at Neolithic sites near Baotou (Inner Mongolia) and Lake Barkhol (northeast Xinjiang), and although it is not certain that these are C. bactrianus as opposed to C. ferus, they were certainly two-humped. The likelihood that these were domestic Bactrians is considered strong given that the locales would have been difficult to reach without the use of the camel (Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 661). As Lehmann wrote in 1891 (p. 141; my translation): “Without the camel neither the icy steppes of Western Siberia nor the inner Asian plains were inhabitable; they would have remained until today an insurmountable obstacle to communication and would have made a nomadic existence impossible.”

By the middle of the fourth millennium BCE C. bactrianus was probably present in southern Turkmenistan. This being the case, and assuming a more or less continuous distribution of C. bactrianus from central Kazakhstan to the west, the animal was probably already present in Bactria by this time as well.6 Other sites on the southern (Iranian) side of the Kopet Dagh, however, do not show evidence of C. bactrianus at this early date.7 More Turkmenian evidence of C. bactrianus dates to the first half of the third millennium BCE. This includes terracotta models of wheeled carts drawn by Bactrian camels found at Altyn-depe in contexts dating to the Namazga IV period (Kohl 1992: 186) as well as faunal remains from Shor-depe, Chong-depe and Hapuz-depe (Compagnoni and Tosi 1978: Table 3).8 By the late third and early second millennium BCE the Bactrian camel is attested in the iconography of copper stamp seals and figurines thought to be from Bactria.9

Looking much further west, an unprovenanced cylinder seal in Old Syrian style in the Walters Art Gallery on which a Bactrian camel is depicted has been dated stylistically to c. 1750-1700 BCE (Gordon 1939: Pl. 7.55; Collon 2000: Fig. 8), but whether the fact that it bears a rider should be read as an indication that Bactrians were being ridden (e.g. Pohl 1950: 252) is unclear. Gordon noted that the awkwardness of the camel’s form on the Walters seal indicated that the seal-cutter was unfamiliar with Bactrian camels. We cannot say whether this seal reflects the presence of Bactrian camels in the Syro-Anatolian area in the early second millennium BCE, direct contacts between Syro-Anatolia and a region in which Bactrians were present (whether native or introduced), and/or indirect contacts between such regions via intermediaries like Elam or Assyria.

A possible indication of the northwestward spread of the Bactrian camel by or during the third millennium BCE may be provided by faunal remains in today’s Tatarstan and Ukraine,10 and there is evidence of the southward and eastward spread of C. bactrianus into Pakistani Baluchistan beginning in the early second millennium BCE.11 As we move ahead into the Iron Age, there is little persuasive evidence to demonstrate the presence of Bactrian camels in western Iran.12


Fig. 2

This brings us, chronologically speaking, to the Achaemenid period when the Bactrian delegation, illustrated on the Apadana reliefs at Persepolis (Fig. 2), is shown bringing Bactrian camels to the imperial capital, and a Bactrian camel appears on one of the small gold plaques from the Oxus Treasure (Curtis and Searight 2003: Fig. 6.50). Thereafter, depictions of Bactrian camels become increasingly common, e.g. the Sarmatian gold plaques at Filippovka near the Ural River on the Eurasian steppes north of the Caspian (Aruz et al. 2000: Figs. 68, 96, 98) of fifth/fourth century BCE date. A particularly clear depiction from the late fifth century BCE occurs on a red-figured squat lekythos (E 695) in the British Museum (Curtius 1928: Abb. 6). Some scholars suggest that the Greeks first came into contact with Bactrian camels in Asia Minor, to which region they had been brought as a result of Achaemenid expansion (Schauenburg 1962: 99). Indeed Herodotus says that camels carried provisions for the advancing Persians, marvelling that Xerxes’ camel train was attacked by lions while marching between Acanthus and Therma, even though the lions “had never seen that beast before, nor had any experience of it” (7.125). We do not know whether these were dromedaries, like those used by Cyrus against Croesus of Lydia (Herodotus 1.80).13

According to Soviet research (cited in Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 662), Bactrian camels were present and probably eaten during the Hellenistic period in Choresmia, between the Aral Sea and the Amu Darya (Oxus) River. Finally, T’ang period (seventh/eighth century) tomb figures of Bactrian camels from China, some of which stand more than half a meter tall, are shown heavily laden with cargo (Vollmer, Keall and Nagai-Berthrong 1983: 47, 66) confirming their use as pack animals at this time.

In summary, the evidence just reviewed attests to an ever-expanding zone in which C. bactrianus is attested archaeologically outside the presumed native habitat of C. ferus. Although the data are not as plentiful as one would like, there is a general sense in which we move from the earliest evidence in the east (Neolithic Inner Mongolia) towards the west, with evidence beginning to appear in Turkmenistan (mid-fourth millennium BCE), Margiana and Bactria (mid-third millennium BCE) and surrounding areas to the north (Andronovo, Tripolye contexts) and south (Pirak, in Pakistani Baluchistan) as we move into the later second and early first millennium BCE. Above all, the available evidence flatly contradicts the idea that the two-humped camel was first domesticated in Bactria, and then spread eastward to China. In fact, it was precisely the opposite.

It is against the background of the archaeological evidence just reviewed that we turn now to some important epigraphic evidence attesting to the presence of C. bactrianus in Assyria from the end of the second through the middle of the first millennium BCE.

In a badly preserved fragment of the annals of Assur-bel-kala (1074-1057 BCE) on a tablet from Assur, the Assyrian king says that he sent merchants to acquire female Bactrian camels, udrate (Heimpel 1980: 331). On the Kurkh stele, Shalmaneser III (858-824 BCE) says that he brought back seven Bactrian camels as part of the booty from a campaign against Gilzanu (Mitchell 2000: 188, n. 7 with refs.), now thought to have been in the area south of Lake Urmia in northwestern Iran (Zadok 2002: 142-143). These are indeed illustrated twice, on the Black Obelisk, excavated by Layard at Nimrud, where they occur in Band 1 (Bulliet 1975: Fig. 70), and on the bronze gate decoration (Band 7) from Balawat, ancient Imgur-Enlil, several kilometers northeast of Nimrud (Bulliet 1975: Fig. 71). Interestingly, Bactrian camels are also shown in Band 3 on the Black Obelisk as tribute from Musri (Egypt).

Roughly a century later the Iranian stele of Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727 BCE), the exact provenance of which is unfortunately unknown, itemizes a long list of rulers from whom tribute was exacted, including several in the Zagros region of northwestern Iran. There we read, “And as for Iranzu of Mannaea, Dalta of Ellipi, the city rulers of Namri, of Singibutu (and) of all the eastern mountains - horses, mules, Bactrian camels, cattle (and) sheep I imposed upon them (as tribute) to be received annually in Assyria” (Tadmor 1994: 109). (15) In his first Babylonian campaign, the army of Sennacherib (704-681 BCE) seized both Bactrian and dromedary camels in Merodach-Baladan’s abandoned camp near Kish (Luckenbill 1924: 56, l. 7). Esarhaddon (680-669 BCE) campaigned against Patusharra to the east of Assyria, seizing Bactrian camels as booty.16

A debt-note from the reign of Esarhaddon, dating to 674 bc (Postgate 1976: 149, no. 38), shows us an Assyrian official named Dannaya putting two Bactrian camels at the disposal of three individuals. The text reads (Kwasman and Parpola 1991: no. 241):

Two double-humped camels belonging to Dannaya, at the disposal of Yahutu, Ilu-kenu-[usur], and Adad-aplu-[ddina]. They shall give the camels back on the first of [Marchesvan] (VIII). If they do not give them, they shall pay 6 minas of silver. Month Tishri (VII), 14th day, eponym year of Sarru-nuri. Witness Siqi-Issar. Witness Sulmu-sarri. Witness Adad-dan. [I]f they do not pay the silver, it will increase by 2 shekels per mina.

These sources raise a number of questions. First, what of the lands from which Bactrian camels were acquired? With the possible exception of Patusharra, which may have been located as far east as the Pamirs (thus Vallat 1993), all of the regions mentioned as sources of Bactrian camels were situated in western Iran, from modern day Iranian Azerbaijan southwards to western Luristan. Yet as our review of the available faunal and other archaeological evidence of C. bactrianus has shown, nothing suggests that these areas were even remotely close to the most westerly regions where Bactrian camels are known in iconography and the faunal record. Indeed, judging by the faunal inventory at sites on the Iranian Plateau, Turkmenistan seems to be the most westerly of those areas where Bactrian camel use could be said to have become common. On the contrary, the presence of C. dromedarius remains at Chalcolithic Tepe Ghabristan (period 4, c. 3700-3000 BCE) and early Iron Age Tepe Sagzabad (late second millennium BCE) shows that the dromedary was known on the Iranian Plateau from an early date. In view of this evidence, it could be suggested that the Bactrian camels demanded of Mannaea, Ellipi, Namri, Singibutu or Gilzanu would not have been native to those districts, but themselves imported from further east. Presumably, however, the Assyrians would not have demanded Bactrian camels of these regions if they had not seen them there. The question arises, therefore, why were west Iranian communities keeping Bactrian camels, and might this have something to do with their eventual use by the Assyrians? The answer, I suggest, lies in camel hybridization.

From the seventeenth century onward, a series of European travelers, anthropologists and veterinary scientists have amassed an important record of observations of the intentional cross-breeding of Bactrian and dromedary camels (Kolpakow 1935; Menges 1935; Tapper 1985). As with most hybridization, the aim in crossing camels has been to produce a “better” camel, in this case a more robust individual, stronger as a pack animal. In general, the best first generation hybrids are the products of male Bactrians crossed with female dromedaries, although female Bactrians crossed with male dromedaries are also attested. In cultures which practised camel hybridization, the stud function of Bactrian males was paramount, while small numbers of Bactrian females were kept in order to maintain a supply of pure Bactrian males. Tapper provides evidence on this practice over a region extending from Afghanistan to Anatolia. For example, amongst the Shahsevan of Azerbaijan, he observed, “Only the wealthiest of Shahsevan keep Bactrians, both male and female, and solely for breeding purposes. Female Bactrians are rarely if ever bought or sold, though they may change hands as gifts or be demanded as part of a bride-wealth.” (Tapper 1985: 59-60). In Central Asia, Kolpakow (1935: 619) found that 6-7 year old Bactrians were optimal for use as studs.

Although larger and stronger, hybrids look like dromedaries in that they have one hump, though this is normally not very symmetrical and often has a small indentation between 4 and 12 cm deep which divides the rear portion of the hump — often 2-3 times as large as the front — from the front part. Alternatively, the hump may end up looking quite flat, and has been compared to a flattened pyramid. Hybridization produces a large animal, which can stand 2.32 m high at the hump or 2.15 m high at the shoulder (Kolpakow 1935: 618, n. 5). The legs are long, the height of the camel often greater than its length, and the weight sometimes in the 900-950 kg range, though more often approaching an average of c. 650 kg (Kolpakow 1935: 620).

All of the sources confirm the greater strength and load-bearing abilities of the hybrids and indeed references to hybrids able to carry 400-500 kgs, roughly double that of a dromedary and more than double that of an ordinary Bactrian, are not uncommon. It should not be a surprise then that the sources are also consistent in recording the substantially higher price of hybrids vs dromedaries (Tapper 1985: 57, 59).
There is a considerable body of evidence concerning subsequent generations of hybrids crossed with pure-bred or other hybrid individuals, all of which points to their bad temper, inadequate size and generally poor quality. For this reason, hybrid males were usually castrated (Tapper 1985: 61). As Tapper (1985: 63) notes, “The hybrids were not allowed to breed, as their offspring would be vicious and dangerous.” Statements to the effect that the dromedary-Bactrian crosses were infertile (Gray 1972: 161) are incorrect, and ample evidence demonstrates the contrary (Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 654). Already in the early nineteenth century Eduard Friedrich Eversmann reported seeing fertile offspring in Turkestan (Hartmann 1869: 70).17

To sum up, Tapper (1985: 67) notes, “in my experience, the main advantage of the hybrid over the purer species, to both nomadic and commercial users, is less its supposed versatility than its vastly greater size, strength and carrying capacity, its aesthetically pleasing appearance, and its correspondingly greater value, in both financial and ceremonial terms.” In view of the evidence just reviewed, which extends from Anatolia and Syria in the west to Afghanistan in the east, we can safely say that small numbers of Bactrian camels have been kept, over the past 300-400 years, by groups which, in the main, raised dromedaries, for the purpose of producing hybrids of outstanding strength. Further, these hybrids were used specifically as caravan and draught animals. It can at least be suggested, therefore, that the reason why Assyrian kings seized Bactrian camels and demanded them as tribute from Iranian lands to the east of Assyria was to acquire studs and breeding females in order to practice the same sort of hybridization as just outlined, with a view to developing stronger pack animals for a variety of purposes (military, commercial, agricultural). While we have as yet no archaeological evidence of camel hybridization from the Assyrian period, we do have some from later periods in the Near East, which demonstrates that hybridization was practiced in antiquity.

In recent years, archaeo-zoologists have identified faunal evidence of camel hybrids at Mleiha in the United Arab Emirates, Troy in western Turkey, and Pella in Jordan. Chronologically, the earliest evidence dates to the Roman or Parthian period. In 1994, Dr. S.A. Jasim excavated an important cemetery near Mleiha, in the interior of Sharjah, United Arab Emirates, which contained the graves of at least 12 camels, most of which, judging from associated finds, date to the first two centuries CE (Jasim 1999). The faunal remains, studied by H.-P. Uerpmann, included three hybrids. Identification of these individuals as hybrids was based on the morphometric analysis of selected bones (axis, astragalus, first phalanx) as compared with dromedary and Bactrian material. In addition to this material, Uerpmann (1999: 111-113) has identified the phalanx of a probable hybrid from a Roman context at Troy. Finally, I. Köhler-Rollefson (1989: 149) has identified possible hybrids amongst the faunal remains from early Islamic Pella, in Jordan. These are presumed to have been killed by an earthquake in 747.

Additional archaeological evidence includes camel figurines from Parthian contexts at Seleucia-on-the-Tigris which, as Bulliet (1975: Fig. 80) noted nearly 30 years ago, exhibit the small indentation in the hump characteristic of the hybrid.

Conclusion

The ethnographic and historic observations reviewed above leave one in no doubt about the benefits and geographically widespread evidence of hybridization, while the archaeological evidence from Mleiha and Troy confirms the existence of hybrids by the Roman or Parthian period. But this evidence alone does not sustain Bulliet’s (1990: 731; cf. 1975: 168; Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 654) assertion that Diodorus “contains the first recorded reference to cross breeding of the dromedary and the Bactrian camel.” I would suggest that the Neo-Assyrian sources cited above — the inclusion of Bactrian camels in the list of livestock demanded as tribute by Tiglath-Pileser III and Esarhaddon, the receipt of Bactrian camels from Musri and Gilzanu as shown on the Balawat gates and the Black Obelisk, the loan of Bactrian camels by Dannaya, Sennacherib’s capture of Bactrian camels in Merodach-Baladan’s camp, and Assur-bel-kala’s damaged reference to udrate — all point to the presence of Bactrian camels in Babylonia and Assyria some 500-1000 years before Diodorus observed them. Furthermore, given what we know of the distribution of C. ferus and C. bactrianus, and of the presence of C. dromedarius on the Iranian Plateau at an early date, I would suggest that the Iranian groups, mainly Median, from whom the Assyrians sought Bactrian camels were already engaged in camel hybridization by the time the Assyrians became conscious of the practice. Whether the Syrian cylinder seal from the eighteenth century BCE allows us to push that date even further back in time is difficult to answer, but in view of the ever-increasing body of evidence for ties between Central Asia and Elam (Amiet 1986: 146-207), and between Elam and Assyria and Mari in the early second millennium BCE (Potts 1999: 166ff), it is entirely possible that this was the period in which the peoples of the Near East first became aware of C. bactrianus. Whatever the case may be, it is now clear that the Bactrian camel has little beyond its name in common with the region of Bactria, and that its origins lie much further east, on the high steppes of Inner Asia. That it came to play an important role further west, already by the Assyrian period if not earlier, seems clear. The raison d’être behind the Assyrian interest in the Bactrian camel, and behind its later occurrence as far west as Anatolia, lies in the breeding of Bactrian-dromedary hybrids, the strength of which was un-surpassed by any other domestic animal, apart from the elephant, in the ancient Near East.

About the Author

Daniel Potts was educated at Harvard (AB ’75, PhD ’80) and has taught at the Freie Universität Berlin (1981-1986), the Univ. of Copenhagen (1980-1981, 1986-1991) and the Univ. of Sydney (1991-present). He is a specialist in the archaeology of Iran, Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf, and has published widely on these areas. He is the founding editor of Arabian Archaeology & Epigraphy, and is a Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities. He may be contacted at: dan.potts@arts.usyd.edu.au.


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Notes

1. This is a modified version of a lecture delivered for the Inner Asia/Silkroad Study Group (IASSG) and co-sponsored by the Silkroad Foundation and the Stanford University Center for East Asian Studies, 21 October 2004. The paper was based on the author’s “Camel hybridization and the role of Camelus bactrianus in the Ancient Near East,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 47 (2004): 143-165. Readers interested in finding out more about the topic are advised to consult the 2004 article which has an extensive bibliography as well.
2. This thinness has given rise to the Mongolian name for C. ferus, havtagai, from havtag, meaning ‘flatness’ (Bannikov 1976: 398).
3. C. ferus are also well-represented in the rock art of the Altai, Tul-Kun, Tamurasche, Uryankhai, Turgai and Minusinsk (Suljek) regions between Inner Asia and Siberia but these are difficult to date (Heptner, Nasimovic and Bannikov 1966: 87-88, Abb. 26; Peters and Von den Driesch 1997: 653).
4. Epstein 1969: 120, puts the average load at 120-150 kgs.
5. Olsen did not give a written reference for this information, but referred to the fact that the camelid remains had been “excavated by archaeologists from the Museum of Inner Mongolia in Huhhot” (Olsen 1988: 21), which he visited in the early 1980’s. Dr. Jianjun Mei (Needham Research Institute, Cambridge) kindly looked for written confirmation of this information but was unable to find any.
6. Camelid remains found at Anau-depe in period II contexts were identified as Bactrian on the basis of comparisons with modern Bactrian camels (Duerst 1908; cf. Compagnoni and Tosi 1978: 96 and Table 3), an identification that has recently been reconfirmed (Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 658).
7. Tepe Hissar has no camelid fauna at all (Mashkour and Yaghmayi 1996) while at Zagheh and Tepe Ghabristan (Qabrestan) on the Qazvin plain (west of Tehran), only C. dromedarius seems to have been present in the fourth millennium BCE (Mashkour, Fontugne and Hatte 1999: 71 and Table 2; Mashkour 2002: Table 2). (Dr. Marjan Mashkour [CNRS, Paris] kindly advised me that the quantity of camelid remains at these sites was very small and therefore somewhat surprising. She agreed that caution is required in interpreting this data.) The depiction of a Bactrian camel on a sherd from period III4 at Tepe Sialk (Ghirshman 1938: Pl. 79, A2) near Kashan has been interpreted as evidence of C. bactrianus on the Iranian Plateau in the late fourth millennium BCE (Compagnoni and Tosi 1978: Table 3).
8. Further south and east, skeletal remains of Camel sp. — possibly but not definitely Bactrian — have been found in strata assigned to Period II (phases 5-7) at Shahr-i Sokhta in Iranian Seistan (Compagnoni and Tosi 1978: 92), datable to c. 2700-2200 BCE (Voigt and Dyson 1992: 152), most probably to the earlier part of this period. That Seistan, noted for its aridity, is certainly well outside the natural habitat of the C. ferus is suggested by the absence of camel remains in earlier, period I levels at the site, and the absence of camels among the nearly 1300 zoomorphic figurines found there (Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 656).
Faunal remains of probable Bactrian camel dating to the second half of the third millennium BCE (Namazga V period) have been found at Ulug-depe, Altyn-depe and Namazga-depe in southern Turkmenistan (Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 659), where E.E. Kuzmina thinks “the use of Bactrian camels for draft purposes was a local development...peculiar to southern Central Asia” (Kohl 1984: 114), and at Shah Tepe in northeastern Iran (Compagnoni and Tosi 1978: Table 3; Amschler 1939: 77-80; but queried by Peters and von den Driesch 1997: 660).
9. Their exact provenance is not known, since they were purchased on the antiquities market (e.g. Amiet 1986: Fig. 189c; Sarianidi 1998a: 71-73, nos. 108-111; Winkelmann 1999: Abb. 4). Bactrian camel images are found on soft-stone stamp seals from controlled excavations at Togolok 1 (burial 10), Togolok 21 (southern court) and Gonur South (room 592) in Margiana (Sarianidi 1998a: 297, nos. 1634-1635). Gonur North has also yielded a theriomorphic ceramic vessel in the shape of a Bactrian camel and a grafitto of a Bactrian camel incised on a ceramic drain pipe (Sarianidi 1998b: Figs. 14-15). Unfortunately, the camelid faunal remains from Gonur cannot be identified to the species level (Meadow 1993: 72, n. 2). A clay bulla with a cylinder seal impression from the temenos at Togolok 1 shows a human and a caprid between two Bactrian camels (Sarianidi 1998b: Fig. 28.1 = Winkelmann 1999: 151 and Abb. 19.3).
10. Specifically, at the Andronovo site of Alekseevskoe in Tatarstan (Hancar 1956: 235; Heptner, Nasimovic and Bannikov 1966: 89 says C. ferus bones have been found at Andronovo sites as well), in Karasuk culture graves at Il’inskaia gora in the southwestern Ural foothills (Hancar 1956: Tab. 48 and 255; Brentjes 1960: 27), and possibly at the Tripol’e culture site of Gorodsk north of Kiev in Ukraine (Walz 1954: 79-80, n. 3; Hancar 1956: 69, Tab. 22).
11. Camelid faunal remains from Harappan sites of late third and early second millennium BCE have been identified in all cases as dromedary, not Bactrian (e.g. Badam 1984: 349). However, a shaft-hole axe excavated by Sir Aurel Stein in a grave at Khurab, in Iranian Baluchistan, is widely thought to show a Bactrian camel in repose (Zeuner 1955; Lamberg-Karlovsky 1969; During Caspers 1972). At Pirak in Pakistani Baluchistan the period IB-III levels, dating to c. 1800-700 BCE, have yielded numerous clay figurines of Bactrian camels (Santoni 1979: 177-179, Figs. 94-95, Pls. 42B and 43) as well as faunal remains (Meadow 1993: 67, 70).
12. In Iran only C. dromedarius is present in the late second millennium BCE levels at Tepe Sagzabad (Mashkour 2002: Table 2). We cannot be sure that the so-called “Luristan bronze” buckle (4.7 cm. high, 8.7 cm. wide) in the former Foroughi Collection in Tehran, dated stylistically to the 8th/7th centuries BCE, on which a Bactrian camel is depicted (Jettmar 1967: Pl. 45) is in fact a true reflection of the presence of Bactrian camels in western Iran at that time. The provenance of the piece, even if it is authentic, is simply too vague to attribute any geographical significance to it.
13. Bactrian camels appear on so-called “Greco-Persian” seals of late fifth/fourth century BCE date (Nikylina 1994: nos. 207, 216, 493) and on Greek gems, probably of east Greek origin (Boardman and Vollenweider 1978: 114, no. 117). About this time, as well, the earliest references to Bactrian camels occur in late fourth century BCE Chou documents in China, becoming much more prevalent in the Han period (Shafer 1950: 174; cf. Walz 1954: 60; Epstein 1969: 117). Brentjes has surveyed the terracottas and wall paintings from the first millennium BCE and first millennium CE (Brentjes 1960: 28). At least three fragments of Bactrian camel figurines were discovered by the American excavators at Seleucia-on-the-Tigris in the 1930’s (van Ingen 1939: 320, no. 1465a-c and Pl. 76.557). Further Bactrian camel figurines of Seleucid and/or Parthian date are known from Nippur (Douglas van Buren 1939: 36 with refs.).
14. Lattimore (1929: 133) observed, “the Mongols prefer a fast camel to a pony for a long journey in haste, if they cannot get relays on the road,” favoring young camels which “are much the best for riding, as they are not only faster but softer-gaited” (cf. Geiger 1979 [1882]: 456, on the use of Bactrians by couriers in the Turkmenian deserts during the 19th century).
15. According to Zadok’s (2002: 18ff, 42-3, 70, 77) recent study of western Iran in the Neo-Assyrian period, Mannaea was located to the south of Lake Urmia, Ellipi and Namri in western Luristan, and Singibutu around Khoy in Iranian Azerbaijan.
16. He describes his campaign against Patusharra (Vallat 1993: 214-215), ‘a land that borders on the Salt Desert, in the midst of the land of the distant Medes, near Bikni, the lapis lazuli-mountain, where none of my forefathers had set foot’. Patusharra’s location is uncertain, and depends on that of Mt. Bikni, a mountain which has been variously sought at Mt. Alvand in Luristan, Mt. Demevend near Tehran, or in the Pamirs (for refs. see Zadok 2002: 55).
17. The original source here is Eversmann’s Reisen von Orenburg nach Buchara...nebst einem naturhistorischen Anhange und einer Vorrede von H. Lichtenstein, Berlin, 1823: 91.

http://www.silkroadfoundation.org/newsletter/vol3num1/7_bactrian.php


According to Āryabhaṭa, hallowed Kaliyuga tradition is the calendar of Bhāratiya-s

Date of Āryabhaṭīya 499 CE and sheet-anchor of Bhāratīya Itihāsa कलियुग, calendar from 17/18 February 3102 BCE -- KV Sarma (IJHS 36(4), 2001)

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K. V. Sarma (2001). "Āryabhaṭa: His name, time and provenance"(PDF)Indian Journal of History of Science36 (4): 105–115. 


















Āryabha
a I

Narahari Achar


Alternate name

Āryabhaa the Elder


Born  (India), 476

Āryabhaa I is the foremost astronomer of the classical age of India. He was born in 476 in Aśmaka, but later lived in Kusumapura, identified as the modern city of Patna. Nothing much is known about his personal life, except that he was a great and revered teacher. He is referred to as Kulapa (or Kulapati, vice chancellor), quite possibly of the Nalanda School. His work Āryabhaṭīya is the earliest preserved astronomical text of the scientific period of ancient Indian astronomy that bears the name of an individual.

Āryabhaa wrote at least two works on astronomy: (1) Āryabhaṭīya, a very well known work and (2) Āryabhaṭa‐siddhānta, a work known only through references to it in later works. Āryabhaṭīya deals with both mathematics and astronomy and is noted for its brevity and conciseness of composition. It contains 121 stanzas in all and is divided into four chapters, each called a pāda. There exist a number of commentaries written in Sanskrit and other regional languages of India, and there also exist a large number of independent astronomical works based on it. Several English translations of Āryabhaṭīya have been published, including a critical edition of the text in Sanskrit accompanied by an English translation. Several critically edited commentaries on Āryabhaṭīya by earlier Indian astronomers, together with English translations, have also been published. Āryabhaṭīya was translated into Arabic around 800 as the Zīj al‐Arjabhar.

The notable features of Āryabhaṭa's contributions are his acceptance of the possibility of the Earth's rotation, a set of excellent planetary parameters that may be based on his own observations, and a theory of epicycles. It may be noted that his theory of epicycles differs from that of Ptolemy. Ptolemy's epicycles remain the same in size from place to place whereas Āryabhaṭa's epicycles vary in size from place to place. Āryabhaṭa's contributions in mathematics include an alphabetical system of numerical notation, and giving the approximate value of Pi (π) as 3.1416. He also provided a table of sine differences, and formulae for sines of angles greater than 90°. He gave solutions to some indeterminate equations.

The other work, Āryabhaṭa‐siddhānta, is known only through the references to it by other astronomers such as Varāhamihira and Brahmagupta. The astronomical methods and parameters in Āryabhaṭa‐siddhānta differed somewhat from those in the Āryabhaṭīya, notably the reckoning of the day from midnight to midnight. Unfortunately, after Brahmagupta wrote the Khaṇḍakhādyaka based on the Āryabhaṭa‐siddhānta, the original work was lost. Brahmagupta was a severe critic of Āryabhaṭa.


Selected References

Āryabhaa (1930). Āryabhaṭīya, translated into English with notes by W. E. Clark. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

——— (1976). Āryabhaṭīya edited and translated into English by Kripa Shankar Shukla in collaboration with K. V. Sarma. Āryabhaṭīya critical edition series, pt. 1. New Delhi: Indian National Science Academy. (Also contains notes and comments by Shukla.)

——— (1976). Āryabhaṭīya. With the commentary of Bhāskara and Someśvara, edited by Kripa Shankar Shukla. Āryabhaṭīya critical edition series, pt. 2. New Delhi: Indian National Science Academy. (Also contains an introduction by Shukla.)

——— (1976). Āryabhaṭīya. With the commentary of Sūryadeva Yajvan, edited by K. V. Sarma. Āryabhaṭīya critical edition series, pt. 3. New Delhi: Indian National Science Academy. (Also contains an introduction by Sarma.)  

Bose, D. M., S. N. Sen, and B. V. Subbarayappa (1971). A Concise History of Science in India. New Delhi: Indian National Science Academy.

Dikshit, S. B. (1896). Bhāratīya Jyotisha. Poona. (English translation by R. V. Vaidya. 2 pts. New Delhi: Government of India Press, Controller of Publications, 1969, 1981.)

Pingree, David. Census of the Exact Sciences in Sanskrit. Series A. Vol. 1 (1970): 50b–53b; Vol. 2 (1971): 15b; Vol. 3 (1976): 16a; Vol. 4 (1981): 27b; Vol. 5 (1994): 16a–17a. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. (Contains a full bibliography.)

https://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Aryabhata_I_BEA.htm

Information kiosk at Bhalka, the place from where Krishna returned to his heavenly abode

http://articles.adsabs.harvard.edu/pdf/1993BASI...21..475A


Indus Script hieroglyph is pã̄ḍā, pã̄ḍyā 'tiger cub'; rebus पांड्या pāṇḍyā customs scribe, accountant in फड paṭṭaḍa 'metals manufactory, company, guild'

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Hieroglyphs on Gardez Mahāvināyaka pratimā: 

1. pāṇḍva n. an uncoloured woollen garment, ŚBr.

2. Tiger cub: M. pã̄ḍā˚ḍyā m. ʻ half -- grown tiger -- cub ʼ.(CDIAL 7717)

3. phaṭā फटा (Samskrtam), phaḍā फडा (Marathi), paṭam (Tamil. Malayalam), paḍaga (Telugu) The hood of Coluber Nága Rebus; फड paṭṭaḍa 'metals manufactory, company, guild'.

4. panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace'

5. ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron'; karibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron'

Rebus rendering of the first three hieroglyphs: पांड्या pāṇḍyā 'a village customs officer, scribe, accountant'.

I submit the anthropomorphic hieroglyph signifiers on Gardez Mahāvināyaka pratimā signify rendered rebus in Meluhha that Mahāvināyaka is 1. a customs officer, scribe, accountant, 2. working with ib, karba 'iron' panja 'kiln, furnace'; and 3. working in फडा 'metals manufactory, factory, guild'.

Hence, Mahāvināyaka is signified by the woollen garment pāṇḍva illustrated with a tiger cub pã̄ḍāpã̄ḍyā with the rebus reading of पांड्या pāṇḍyā 'customs officer, scribe, accountant'.

Hence, he is seen dancing with the gaa of kharva 'dwarfs' on sculptural friezes:

Why are anthropomorph metaphors Gaṇeśa & Varāha part of kharva dancing dwarf gaṇa on a Kānchipuram Kailāsanātha temple frescoe? Metalwork kharva nidhi of Kubera, one of the nine treasures
-- Both Gaṇeśa & Varāha signify iron & wood work kharva 'treasure' in the tradition of Indus Script cipher which renders hieroglyphs as rebus renderings for wealth-accounting ledgers
-- Both are functionaries in the फडा phaḍā 'metals manufactory),  paṭṭaḍe 'smithy, forge workshop'; फड phaḍa is a place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room.
-- Both are dancers in नाचण्याचा फड A nach house, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singing shop or merriment shop within फडा phaḍā 'metals manufactory),  paṭṭaḍe 'smithy, forge workshop'
-- All members of the kharva Gaṇa are dwarfs; all are workers, artisans of the metals manufactory guild
-- Both Gaṇeśa & Varāha are venerated as divine because they contribute to the creation of the wealth of the Rāṣṭrram राष्ट्रं  and hence, worshippers of devatā ātmā venerated in RV X.125 Devi or Rāṣṭrī Sūktam.together with त्वष्टुर्, vasu, Marut Veda metaphors of wealth.
-- Gaṇeśa is a scribe documenting wealth-accounting entries of daybook; Varāha is an artisan who is also a seafaring merchant who signifies the Veda; he is Veda puruṣa, yajña puruṣa, anthropomorphic representation of knowledge systems.


Dancing Naarāja at the entrance of Cave I, Badami, Karnataka, India, Gaṇeśa, together with the drummer, is part of the dance troupe of the cosmic dancer.


The presence of varaha as a dancer is also explained in Meluhha rebus rendering: 

Hieroglyph: boar: 
Rebus:


 


पांड्या pāṇḍyā m A half-grown tiger. 2 A village-officer. He is employed in the customs &c. The term is understood by Shúdras of the कुळकरणी. 3 ( H) A title of Bráhmans of the पंचगौड division (Hindustání Bráhmans); the भट or family or personal priest amongst the भय्या or परदेशी people.

देशपांड्या dēśapāṇḍyā m An hereditary officer of a Mahál. He is under the Deshmukh. His office nearly corresponds with that of कुळकरणी under the पाटील. He is the same as देशकुळकरणी q. v. supra. गांवकुळकरणी gāṃvakuḷakaraṇī m The hereditary village-accountant: in contrad. from देशकुळकरणी District-accountant. देशकुळकरण dēśakuḷakaraṇa n The office of देशकुळकरणीदेशकुळकरणी dēśakuḷakaraṇī m An hereditary officer of a Mahál. He frames the general account from the accounts of the several Khots and Kulkarn̤ís of the villages within the Mahál; the district-accountant. देशलेखक dēśalēkhaka m (S Poetry.) See देशकुळकरणी & देशपांड्या.

ଦେଶ ମୁଖ Deṡa mukha ଦେ. ବି.— ପ୍ରାଚୀନ ଉତ୍କଳର ଦକ୍ଷିଣାଂଶରେ ପ୍ରଗନ୍ନାଧିପତି ବା ପ୍ରଗନ୍ନାର ଜମିଦାର—The landlord of a Pergannah in ancient Orissa.  देशमुख dēśamukha m An hereditary officer; the head of a परगणा. देशमुख dēśamukha m An hereditary officer, the head of a परगणा. His duties in the district correspond with those of the Páṭíl in the village. 2 Jocosely. A term for the implement of goldsmiths called काकंता. 3 A cant term for the vetch हुलगा (this being in high esteem in the Desh). 4 A humorous name for the earthen pot with which water is taken out of the वतल (or ओतल). 5 We may here note that to this officer, देशमुख, falls as reversionary a failing पाटिलकी, and to his subordinate, the देशपांड्या, falls a failing कुळकरण; and any failing office of any of the बारा बलुते falls to the village-पाटीलदेशमुखी dēśamukhī f The office of देशमुख. 2 A tax in some Maháls of 3 per cent. on grain and 7 per cent. on the money-revenue. काकता kākatāकाकणता kākaṇatā m An instrument of the goldsmith,—the tapering column upon which are wound and curved bars of gold, and are formed गोठ, पातळी and similar trinkets. Called also देशमुख & वरताणागोठघोळणी gōṭhaghōḷaṇī f A goldsmith's instrument for forming गोठ (metal bracelet). पतळी pataḷī f (Usually पातळी) A chisel to divide bars of metal.

Anthropomorphized tiger mask as Kīrtimukha 'proclamation' -- of what?
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Composite animal reported by Catherine Jarrige:

ibha, karibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'
rango'buffalo' rāngo 'water buffalo bull' (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559) rebus: rango 'pewter' raṅga 3 n. ʻ tin ʼ 
kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'

Iconographic roots of 
Tri-dhātu Gaṇeśa -- aha, why is the divinity called Tri-dhātu in Amarakośa? The key is provided by the Mahāvināyaka from Gardez, Afghanistan who wears a tiger cub, tiger's paw garment called pāṇḍva n. an uncoloured woollen garment, ŚBr. and of course, cobra-hood on yajnopavītam -- Indus Script hieroglyphs. There is an inscription on the base of this pratimā. Our Driverless Vehicle has to be built up with algorithms to 'READ' and 'DECRYPT' these imageries/metaphors.
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bahia = a castrated boar, a hog; rebus: bahi 'a caste who work both in iron and wood'  వడ్రంగి, వడ్లంగి, వడ్లవాడు (p. 1126) varagi, valagi, valavāu or వడ్లబత్తుడు varangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. వడ్రంగమువడ్లపనివడ్రము or వడ్లంగితనము varangamu. n. The trade of a carpenter. వడ్లవానివృత్తివడ్రంగిపనివడ్రంగిపిట్ట or వడ్లంగిపిట్ట varangi-piṭṭa. n. A woodpecker. దార్వాఘాటమువడ్లకంకణము vala-kankaamu. n. A curlew. ఉల్లంకులలో భేదమువడ్లత or వడ్లది valata. n. A woman of the carpenter caste. vardhaki m. ʻ carpenter ʼ MBh. [√vardh] Pa. vaḍḍhaki -- m. ʻ carpenter, building mason ʼ; Pk. vaḍḍhaï -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, °aïa -- m. ʻ shoemaker ʼ; WPah. jaun. bāḍhōī ʻ carpenter ʼ, (Joshi) bāḍhi m., N. baṛhaïbaṛahi, A. bārai, B. bāṛaï°ṛui, Or. baṛhaï°ṛhāi, (Gaṛjād) bāṛhoi, Bi. baṛa, Bhoj. H. baṛhaī m., M. vāḍhāyā m., Si. vaḍu -- vā.(CDIAL 11375)


Hieroglyph: boar: 
Rebus:




 

baaga is a taka, divine tvaṣṭr̥ of R̥gveda, he is a yajña purua as evidenced in Khajuraho monumental varāha sculpture.. He is the very embodiment of the Veda, Veda purua.  त्वष्टृ m. a carpenter , maker of carriages (= त्/अष्टृAV. xii , 3 , 33; " creator of living beings " , the heavenly builder , N. of a god (called सु-क्/ऋत् , -पाण्/ , -ग्/अभस्ति , -ज्/अनिमन् , स्व्-/अपस् , अप्/असाम् अप्/अस्तम , विश्व्/-रूप &c RV. ; maker of divine implements , esp. of इन्द्र's thunderbolt and teacher of the ऋभुs i , iv-vi , x Hariv. 12146 f. R. ii , 91 , 12 ; former of the bodies of men and animals , hence called " firstborn " and invoked for the sake of offspring , esp. in the आप्री hymns RV. AV. &c MBh. iv , 1178 Hariv. 587 ff. Ragh. vi , 32 ; associated with the similar deities धातृ , सवितृ , प्रजा-पति , पूषन् , and surrounded by divine females [ग्न्/आस् , जन्/अयस् , देव्/आनाम् प्/अत्नीस् ; cf. त्व्/अष्टा-व्/अरूत्री] recipients of his generative energy RV. S3Br. Ka1tyS3r. iii ; supposed author of RV. x , 184 with the epithet गर्भ-पति RAnukr. ; father of सरण्यू [सु-रेणु Hariv.स्व-रेणु L. ] whose double twin-children by विवस्वत् [or वायु ? RV. viii , 26 , 21 f.] are यमयमी and the अश्विन्s x , 17 , 1 f. Nir. xii , 10 Br2ih. Hariv.545 ff. VP. ; also father of त्रि-शिरस् or विश्वरूप ib. ; overpowered by इन्द्र who recovers the सोम [ RV. iii f. ] concealed by him because इन्द्र had killed his son विश्व-रूप TS. ii S3Br. i , v , xii ; regent of the नक्षत्र चित्रा TBr. S3a1n3khGr2. S3a1ntik. VarBr2S. iic , 4 ; of the 5th cycle of Jupiter viii , 23 ; of an eclipse iii , 6 ; त्वष्टुर् आतिथ्य N. of a सामन् A1rshBr. ).

CDIAL entries:

11568 *vārdhaka ʻ pertaining to a carpenter ʼ. [vardhaki -- ]
S. vāḍho m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, P. vāḍḍhībā˚ m. (< *vārdhika -- ?); Si. vaḍu ʻ pertaining to carpentry ʼ.
vārdhanī -- see vardhanī -- .
Addenda: *vārdhaka -- [Dial. a ~ ā < IE. o T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 73]
11374 vardhaka in cmpd. ʻ cutting ʼ, m. ʻ carpenter ʼ R. [√vardh]
Pa. cīvara -- vaḍḍhaka -- m. ʻ tailor ʼ; Kho. bardog˚ox ʻ axe ʼ (early → Kal. wadók before v -- > b -- in Kho.); <-> Wg. wāṭ ʻ axe ʼ, Paš.dar. wāˊṭak (?).

11375 vardhaki m. ʻ carpenter ʼ MBh. [√vardh]
Pa. vaḍḍhaki -- m. ʻ carpenter, building mason ʼ; Pk. vaḍḍhaï -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, ˚aïa -- m. ʻ shoemaker ʼ; WPah. jaun. bāḍhōī ʻ carpenter ʼ, (Joshi) bāḍhi m., N. baṛhaïbaṛahi, A. bārai, B. bāṛaï˚ṛui, Or. baṛhaï˚ṛhāi, (Gaṛjād) bāṛhoi, Bi. baṛa, Bhoj. H. baṛhaī m., M. vāḍhāyā m., Si. vaḍu -- vā.
*vārdhaka -- .
Addenda: vardhaki -- : WPah.kṭg. báḍḍhi m. ʻ carpenter ʼ; kṭg. bəṛhe\ibáṛhi, kc. baṛhe ← H. beside genuine báḍḍhi Him.I 135), J. bāḍhi, Garh. baṛhai, A. also bāṛhai AFD 94; Md. vaḍīnvaḍin pl.
†*vardhakikarman -- .
11375a †*vardhakikarman -- ʻ carpentry ʼ. [vardhaki -- , kár- man -- ]
Md. vaḍām ʻ carpentry ʼ.
11377 vardhana1 n. ʻ cutting, slaughter ʼ Mn. [√vardh]
S. vaḍhiṇī f. ʻ cutting ʼ, Si. väḍun.

*vārddhrī -- ʻ blade ʼ see *varddhr̥ -- . 11371 *varddhr̥ ʻ cutter, knife ʼ. [√vardh]
*varddhrī -- : N. bāṛ ʻ blade of khukri ʼ; Bi. bāṛh ʻ bookbinder's papercutter ʼ; H. bāṛhbāṛ f. ʻ edge of knife ʼ, G. vāḍh f.; -- P. vāḍhbāḍh f. ʻ cutting edge ʼ poss. < *vārddhrī -- .


Association of kharva with smelting of mineral ores and metalwork is signified on two Mathura frescoes:


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Worship of Śivalinga by Gandharvas - Śunga Period - Bhuteśwar - ACCN 3625 - Government Museum - Mathura 2013-02-24 6098.JPG
Sculptural frieze. Śunga Period - Bhuteśwar. Association of kharva, 'dwarfs' with smelter and ekamukha śivalinga atop a smelter. Bhuteśvar. Mathura Museum. Semantic determinative: kui 'tree' rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. śivalinga is a ketu, 'proclamation' of the performance of a Soma samsthā yajña. śivalinga is a Skambha, a fiery pillar of light and fire (AV X.7). The Skambha is aṣṭāśri 'eight-angled' Yūpa. Ekamukha is a semantic determinative of the product of the intense activity in the fire-altar; mũh 'face, head' rebus:mũh 'ingot' (Santali);mũhã̄ 'the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron smelters'. 

Civilizational epigraphy. Indus Script abiding continuum on coins from Ancient India mints documenting wealth-accounting ledgers

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- Civilizational epigraphy; kāṇam 'one-eyed' rebus kāṇam 'wealth, riches'; standard device hieroglyphs/hypertext

This monograph unravels the civilizational epigraphy of dotted circles,. standard device and 'one-eye' hieroglyph of Indus Script Corpora which signify wealth, riches.

Hieroglyph: impede 13639 skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambhkhambhākhammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi) khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khāmkhāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmhkhāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khām m. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi˚bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho˚bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- X gambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛo ʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.13640 *skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]S. khambhu˚bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ. Hieroglyph: *skabdha ʻ impeded ʼ. [Cf. víṣkabdha -- ʻ supported ʼ Pān.com., skabhāyáti ʻ impedes ʼ RV., Pa. khambhēti. <-> √skambhS. khadiṛo ʻ impotent ʼ.(CDIAL 13637) విష్కంభము [Skt.] n. A bolt of a door, గడెమాను. An obstacle, అడ్డంకి. (Telugu) ସ୍କଭ (ଧାତୁ) Skabh (root) ସଂ— 1। ସ୍ତମ୍ଭନ କରିବା—1. To stop. 2। ରୁଦ୍ଧ କରିବା—2. To restrain. 3। ସର୍ଜନ କରିବା—3. To create (Apte). 4। ବାଧା ଦେବା—4. To hinder; to obstruct; to impede (Apte). 5। ଟେକି ଧରିବା—5. To prop up; to support [Apte]ସ୍କମ୍ଭ (ଧାତୁ) Skambh (root) ସଂ— 1। ସ୍ତମ୍ଭନ କରିବା—1. To stop. 2। ରୁଦ୍ଧ କରିବା—2. To restrain. 3। ସର୍ଜନ କରିବା—3. To create (Apte). 4। ବାଧା ଦେବା—4. To hinder; to obstruct; to impede (Apte). 5। ଟେକି ଧରିବା—5. To prop up; to support [Apte] ସ୍କଭନ Skabhana ସଂ. ବି(ସୃଭ୍ ଧାତୁ+କରଣ, ଅନ)— ଶବ୍ଦ[ହିଶ଼] sound.ସ୍କମ୍ଭ Skambha ସଂ. ବି (ସ୍କଭ୍ ଧାତୁ+କର୍ତ୍ତୃ. ଅ)— 1। ସ୍ତମ୍ଭ; ଖୁମ୍ବ—1. Pillar. 2। ଠେକ—2. Support; prop; stay; fulcrum [Apte] 3। ପରମେଶ୍ବର— 3. The supreme Being [Apte]ସ୍କମ୍ଭନ Skambhana ସଂ. ବି [ସମ୍ଭ ଧାତୁ+ ଭାବ. ଅନ]— 1। ଟେକି ଧରିବ କର୍ମ—1. The act of supporting [Apte] 2। [+କର୍ତ୍ତୃ, ଅନ] ଠେକ—2. Prop; support [Apte] Rebus:  Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)

Planoconvex molded tablet from Harappa showing a deity battling two tigers. "The thick jungles of the Indus Valley were full of tigers and leopards, so it is not surprising that the image of a ferocious feline is a recurring motif in ritual narratives on seals as well as molded tablets... The figure strangling the two tigers may represent a female, as a pronounced breast can be seen in profile. Earlier discoveries of this motif on seals from Mohenjo-daro definitely show a male figure, and most scholars have assumed some connection with the carved seals from Mesopotamia that illustrate episodes from the famous Gilgamesh epic. The Mesopotamian epics show lions being strangled by a hero, whereas the Indus narratives render tigers being strangled by a figure, sometimes clearly males, sometimes ambiguous or possibly female. This motif of a hero or heroine grappling with two wild animals could have been created independently for similar events that may have occurred in Mesopotamia as well as the Indus valley." (Mark Kenoyer, Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization, p. 114)

Material: Terra Cotta
Dimensions: 3.91 Length, 1.5 to 1.62 cm Width
Harappa, Lot 4651-01
Harappa Museum, H95-2486

Meadow and Kenoyer 1997 https://www.harappa.com/content/diety-strangling-tigers-tablet

karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' tsarkh 'potter's wheel' (Pashto) rebus: arka 'sun's rays, coper, gold' arkasal 'goldsmith workshop'



Six hair-knots: baṭa 'six' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace' kāṇa 'one-eye' rebus: kāṇa 'riches, wealth'.  mūh, mukha 'face' rebus: mūhā mẽṛhẽt 'iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends.' Thus, riches from iron furnace ingots. The lady thwarts, stops two rearing tigers. kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' panja 'feline paws' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace'; स्कम्भ् 'impede' rebus: kammaṭa'mint, coiner coinage'. Thus, the narrative occurs in an iron smelter of a mint. The ladder hieroglyph in the text message is śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seṭh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild.'. The standard device is सांगड sāṅgaḍa'A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together'; Rebus: सांगड sāṅgaḍa'(संघट्ट S) A float composed of two canoes or boats bound together'(Marathi) Other hieroglyphs of the text message: sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' (RV)  Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023) Rebus: khaṇḍa 'equipment'.

Thus, the seal is a wealth accounting ledger, metalwork catalogue.

The standard device has two hieroglyph components: 1. lathe; 2. portable furnace.

Component 1. Lathe: kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻ smoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdākõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdibākū̃d° ʻ to turn ʼ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi.kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m. (CDIAL 3295). kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1A. kundār, B. kũdār°ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297).

Component 2. Portable furnace: kammatamu'portable gold furnace' rebus: kammaṭa'mint, coiner coinage'.The bottom portion, the portable furnace is: కమటము (p. 246) kamaṭamu kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి. "చ కమటము కట్లెసంచియొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్"హంస. ii. కమ్మటము (p. 247) kammaṭamu Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste.  Rebus:  Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.  (DEDR 1236)

Thus, together, the standard device signifies kammaa kunda 'mint treasure'.
Two tablets of Mohenjo-daro present the Meluhha standard device: m0490, m0491.

1. When used as a fillet on the forehead and right shoulder of the Mohenjo-daro priest, what does the dotted circle signify? H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.(CDIAL 8403) + Pkt. (DNM; Norman) dāra- waist-band, girdle; (CDIAL 6225) = पोतदार pōtadāra m ( P) An officer to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith.पोतृ 'purifier'यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि (RV)
Image result for sangada indus bharatkalyan97

2. When dotted circles embellish the portable furnace -- bottom register -- of standard device, top portion signifying kunda 'lathe' rebus: konda 'fire-altar' kundan 'fine gold': 
Hieroglyph:   காணன் kāṇaṉ , n. < kāṇa. One-eyed man; ஒற்றைக்கண்ணன். கூனன் காண னிருகண்ணுமில் லான் (சைவச. ஆசாரி. 10).  காணார் kāṇār , n. < காண்- +  neg. 1. cf. kāṇa. Blind men; குருடர். காணார் கேளார் கான்முடப் பட்டோர் (மணி. 13, 111).  Ta. kāṇ (kāṇp-, kaṇṭ-) to see, consider, investigate, appear, become visible; n. sight, beauty; kāṇkai knowledge; kāṇpu seeing, sight; kāṭci sight, vision of a deity, view, appearance; kāṇikkai voluntary offering, gift to a temple, church, guru or other great person; kāṭṭu (kāṭṭi-) to show; n. showing; kaṇṇu (kaṇṇi-) to purpose, think, consider; kaṇ-kāṭci gratifying spectacle, exhibition, object of curiosity. Ma. kāṇuka to see, observe, consider, seem; kāṇi visitor, spectator; kāṇikka to show, point out; n. offering, present; kāṭṭuka to show, exhibit; kār̤ca, kār̤ma eyesight, offering, show, spectacle. Ko. kaṇ-/ka·ṇ- (kaḍ-) to see; ka·ṭ- (ka·c-) to show; kaḍ aṯ- (ac-), kaḍ ayr- (arc-) to find out; ka·ṇky payment of vow to god; kaŋga·c wonderful sight such as never seen before. To. ko·ṇ- (koḍ-) to see; ko·ṭ- (ko·ṭy-) to show; ko·ṇky offering to Hindu temple or to Kurumba; koṇy act of foretelling or of telling the past. Ka. kāṇ (kaṇḍ-) to see, appear; n. seeing, appearing; kāṇike, kāṇke sight, vision, present, gift; kāṇuvike seeing, appearing; kāṇisu to show, show oneself, appear; kaṇi sight, spectacle, ominous sight, divination. Koḍ. ka·ṇ- (ka·mb-, kaṇḍ-) to see; seem, look (so-and-so); ka·ṭ- (ka·ṭi-) to show. Tu. kāṇůsāvuni, kāṇisāvuni to show, represent, mention; kāṇikè, kāṇigè present to a superior. Te. kanu (allomorph kān-), kāncu to see; kānupu seeing, sight; kānipincu to appear, seem; show; kānuka gift offered to a superior, present, tribute; kaṇṭãbaḍu to appear, be seen, come in view; kanukali seeing, sight. Kol. kanḍt, kanḍakt seen, visible. Nk. kank er- to appear (< *kanḍk or the like). Pa. kanḍp- (kanḍt-) to look for, seek. Ga. (Oll.) kanḍp- (kanḍt-) to search. Kur. xannā to be pleasant to the eye, be of good effect, suit well. Br. xaning to see.(DEDR 1443) Rebus:Ta. kaṉal (kaṉalv-, kaṉaṉṟ-) to be hot, boil, be angry; burn (tr.); n. fire; kaṉaṟṟu (kaṉaṟṟi-) to cause to burn, render warm, shine brightly; kaṉali sun, fire; kaṉalōṉ sun; kaṉaṟci heat, glow, anger; kaṉaṟal, kaṉalvu anger; kaṉi (-v-, -nt-) to be redhot, glow, get angry; kāṉal heat, sun's ray, light, mirage. Ma. kanal live coals, fire; kanaluka to burn, be hot; kanekka to burn as charcoal; kaniyuka to glow; kānal heat, glare, mirage. Ko. kan redhot (kan ib redhot iron; ka(n) nep red coals); kanc- (kanc-) to expose (dead person's jewelry) to fire to remove pollution. Ka. kanal (kanald-) to be angry; (PBh.) to glow like live coals; n. wrath, anger; kanalke wrath, anger; kani glow; (Hav.) kansu to blacken (pot). Tu. kani-mūri the smell of smoke; kanepuni, kanipuni to be afflicted, hardened; kaṇipuni to be hardened by burning as an earthen vessel; kanevuni the skin to be discoloured by a blow. Te. kanalu to be angry, burn, give pain; n. anger; kanakana the glow of fire or live coals; ganagana glowing, glow, blazing; kanakanam-anu, kanakanalāḍu to glow, shine; (K.) kanaru to grow angry; n. anger. Kui kamba (kambi-) to be burned, injured by fire, consumed by fire; n. injury or destruction by fire; kappa (kapt-) to cause to burn, char, scorch. Cf. 1410 Ta. kaṉṟu. / Cf. Skt. kanala- shining, bright.  (DEDR 1406) Rebus: Ta. kaṇ place, site. Ka. kaṇi a place. (DEDR 1161) Rebus: காணம்¹ kāṇam , n. 1. [M. kāṇam.] [M. kāṇam.] An ancient weight; நிறுத்தலளவையுள் ஒன்று. (Insc.) Gold; பொன். (திவா.)  An ancient gold coin; பொற்காசு. ஒன்பதுகாப் பொன்னும் நூறாயிரங் காண முங் கொடுத்து (பதிற்றுப். 60, பதி.). 5. Wealth, riches; பொருள். மேற்காண மின்மையால் (நாலடி, 372). 6. Share; பாகம். குசக்காணமும் (S.I.I. ii, 509). Ta. kāṇam an ancient weight; gold, wealth; kāṇi the fraction 1/80; a land measure; landed property, possession, hereditary right; a weight (1/40 of a mañcāṭi). Ma. kāṇam possession, goods, mortgage; the weight of three kar̤añcu; kāṇi a fraction of time or space, (1/80, 1/64, 1/32); 1/20 of an estate. To. ko·ṇy a milk measure (= 1/2 pïṇ or 4 ačok [see 397]). Ka. kāṇi property, possession, hereditary right; 1/64 of any coin; a cawney of land. Tu. kāṇi the fraction 1/64. Te. kāni, kāṇi one sixtyfourth part; a quarter of an anna; a cawny of land. / Cf. Or. kāṇi a measure.(DEDR 1444)

A. 1. kāṇam + vṛtta  'wealth + business'  Variant pronunciation:kaṇ-vaṭṭam  rebus: kaṇ-vaṭṭam, kampaṭṭamkammaṭa 'mint'

B. dhāi + vṛtta  ebus:धातु constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c ; cf. त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br. &celement , primitive matter (= महा-भूत L. MBh. Hariv. &c (usually reckoned as 5 , viz. ख or आकाश , अनिल , तेजस् , जल , भू ; to which is added ब्रह्म Ya1jn5. iii , 145 ; or विज्ञान Buddh. ); தாயம் tāyam , n. < dāya. . A fall of the dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் விருத்தம். முற்பட இடுகின்ற தாயம் (கலித். 136, உரை) Cubical pieces in dice-play; கவறு. (யாழ். அக.) Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண்Colloq.+ वटक mn. a small lump or round mass , ball , globule , pill , round cake made of pulse fried in oil or butter Vas. Sus3r. Rebus expression: धावड   dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans. धावडी   dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron.


 Dotted circles adorn the bottom register of the standard device normally shown in front of spiny-horned young bull ('unicorn')

kaṇ-vaṭṭam கண்வட்டம் Mint; நாணயசாலை. கண்வட்டக்கள்ளன் (ஈடு.).kampaṭṭa-k-kūṭam கம்பட்டக்கூடம் kampaṭṭa-k-kūṭam , n. < id. +. Mint; நாணயசாலை. (W.) Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.;kammaṭi a coiner (DEDR 1236)

kaṇ-vaṭṭam கண்வட்டம் n. < id. +. 1. Range of vision, eye-sweep, full reach of one's observation; கண்பார்வைக்குட்பட்ட இடம். தங்கள் கண்வட்டத்திலே உண்டுடுத்துத்திரிகிற (ஈடு, 3, 5, 2). kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV. Pa. Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ blind of one eye, blind ʼ; Ash. kã̄ṛa˚ṛī f. ʻ blind ʼ, Kt. kãŕ,  Tir. kāˊna, Kho. kāṇu NTS ii 260, kánu BelvalkarVol 91; K. kônu ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, S. kāṇo, L. P. kāṇã̄; WPah. rudh. śeu. kāṇā ʻ blind ʼ; Ku. kāṇo, gng. &rtodtilde; ʻ blind of one eye ʼ, N. kānu; A. kanā ʻ blind ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ; Or. kaṇā, f. kāṇī ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, Mth. kān˚nākanahā, Bhoj. kān, f. ˚nikanwā m. ʻ one -- eyed man ʼ, H. kān˚nā, G. kāṇũ; M. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, squint -- eyed ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ. -- Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ full of holes ʼ, G. kāṇũ ʻ full of holes ʼ, n. ʻ hole ʼ (< ʻ empty eyehole ʼ? Cf. ã̄dhḷũ n. ʻ hole ʼ < andhala -- ).*kāṇiya -- ; *kāṇākṣa -- .Addenda: kāṇá -- : S.kcch. kāṇī f.adj. ʻ one -- eyed ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kaṇɔ ʻ blind in one eye ʼ, J. kāṇā; Md. kanu ʻ blind ʼ. (CDIAL 3019)   *kāṇākṣa ʻ one -- eyed ʼ. [kāṇá -- , ákṣi -- ]Ko. kāṇso ʻ squint -- eyed ʼ.*kāṇiya ʻ blindness ʼ. [kāṇá -- ] Pk. kāṇiya -- n. ʻ eye disease ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) kām ʻ blindness ʼ.(CDIAL 3020, 3021) காணன் kāṇaṉ , n. < kāṇa. One-eyed man; ஒற்றைக்கண்ணன். கூனன் காண னிருகண்ணுமில் லான் (சைவச. ஆசாரி. 10). Ta. kāṇam horsegram, Dolichos uniflorus. Ma. kāṇam id. Te. kāṇamu food for horses, fodder; (K. also) khāṇamu food. / Turner, CDIAL, no. 3867, khādana- food; cf. esp. Guj. khāṇ boiled grain for cattle.(Dravidian borrowing from Indo-Aryan DBIA 25)

காணம்¹ kāṇam , n. 2 [M. kāṇam.] An ancient weight; நிறுத்தலளவையுள் ஒன்று. (Insc.) 3. Gold; பொன். (திவா.) 4. An ancient gold coin; பொற்காசு. ஒன்பதுகாப் பொன்னும் நூறாயிரங் காண முங் கொடுத்து (பதிற்றுப். 60, பதி.). 5. Wealth, riches; பொருள். மேற்காண மின்மையால் (நாலடி, 372). 6. Share; பாகம். குசக்காணமும் (S.I.I. ii, 509). Ta. kāṇam an ancient weight; gold, wealth; kāṇi the fraction 1/80; a land measure; landed property, possession, hereditary right; a weight (1/40 of a mañcāṭi). Ma. kāṇam possession, goods, mortgage; the weight of three kar̤añcu; kāṇi a fraction of time or space, (1/80, 1/64, 1/32); 1/20 of an estate. To. ko·ṇy a milk measure (= 1/2 pïṇ or 4 ačok [see 397]). Ka. kāṇi property, possession, hereditary right; 1/64 of any coin; a cawney of land. Tu. kāṇi the fraction 1/64. Te. kāni, kāṇi one sixtyfourth part; a quarter of an anna; a cawny of land. / Cf. Or. kāṇi a measure.(DEDR 1444)

káṇa m. ʻ a grain of corn ʼ AV., ʻ drop (of water) ʼ Kāv., kaṇikā -- f. ʻ a single grain ʼ MBh.
Pa. kaṇa -- m. ʻ dust between husk and grain of rice ʼ, kaṇikā -- f. ʻ particle of broken rice ʼ; Pk. kaṇa -- , ˚aga -- m. ʻ scattered grain, rice, wheat, particle, drop ʼ, kaṇiyā -- f. ʻ fragment of rice or wheat ʼ;  A. kanā ʻ a minute particle ʼ, kani ʻ egg, testicle, *drop ʼ (whence kaniyāiba ʻ to fall in small drops ʼ); B. kan ʻ eye of corn, particle ʼ, kanā ʻ piece of dust, cummin seed ʼ, kanī ʻ atom, particle ʼ; Or. kaṇa˚ṇā ʻ particle of dust, eye of seed, atom ʼ, kaṇi ʻ particle of grain ʼ; OAw. kana ʻ drop (of dew) ʼ;Sh. (Lor.) k*lh ʻ grain of rice with the husk on ʼ; K. kana m. ʻ granule ʼ, pl. ʻ broken bits of grain from husked rice ʼ; S. kaṇo m. ʻ a grain, a seed ʼ; L. kaṇ m. ʻ outturn of crops ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ drop, slight rain ʼ, (Salt Range) kaṇ m. ʻ seedling onion ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ broken rice, drop of rain ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇ ʻ drop ʼ; P. kaṇ m. ʻ outturn of crops, grain borrowed and repayable with interest, particle ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ particle, bran, halfformed butter in milk ʼ, kiṇī f. ʻ drop of rain ʼ (whence kiṇnā ʻ to rain moderately ʼ); WPah. bhal. kaṇi ʻ a bit of meat ʼ; H. kan m., kanī f. ʻ grain, fragment, atom ʼ; G. kaṇkaṇũ n. ʻ single grain of corn ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ small grain ʼ (whence kaṇiyɔ m. ʻ grain -- dealer ʼ); M. kaṇ m. ʻ grain, atom, corn ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ hard core of grain, pupil of eye, broken bit ʼ, kaṇẽ n. ʻ very small particle ʼ; Ko. kaṇu m. ʻ a grain ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ a drop of water ʼ.(CDIAL 2661)

காணிமானியம் kāṇi-māṉiyam , n. < id. +. (C.G.) 1. Hereditary land exempt from all tax; சர்வமானியம். 2. Inam land enjoyed in common by the whole community of mirasdars in a village; கிராமப் பங்காளிகளுக்குப் பொதுவான மானியம். காணியாட்சி kāṇi-y-āṭci , n. < id. +. [T. K. kāṇayāci.] Hereditary right to land, to offices, to fees, to an estate or to a kingdom; domain obtained by inheritance; that which is held as free and hereditary property; estate, one's own possession; உரிமைநிலம். மேலைத்தெரு வில் ஒருமடமும் காணியாட்சியும் கொடுத்த அளவுக்கு (S.I.I. i, 124).காணியாட்சிமிராசு kāṇi-y-āṭci-mirācu , n. < காணியாட்சி +. Proprietary right in village lands; கிராம நிலவுரிமை. (C.G.)காணியாட்சியூர் kāṇi-y-āṭci-y-ūr , n. < id. +. Hereditary village; பரம்பரையுரிமையுள்ள கிராமம்.காணியாளன் kāṇi-y-āḷaṉ , n. < காணி¹ +. 1. [M. kāṇiyāḷan.] Proprietor of land; காணி யாட்சியுள்ளவன். 2. Hard working agriculturist; உழவின்மேல் ஊக்கமுள்ள குடி. (சிலப். 5, 43, உரை.) 3. A sub-division of Smartha Brahmans; ஸ்மார்த்த பிராமணரில் ஒருவகுப்பு. (G. Tj. D. 78.) 4. A sub-division of Vēḷāḷas; வேளாளருள் ஒரு வகுப்பு. (G. Tj. D. 81.)காணிக்காரன் kāṇi-k-kāraṉ , n. < id. +. [M. kāṇikkāraṉ.] 1. Hereditary proprietor of land, coparcener in village lands held in common; கிராமப்பங்காளிLoc. 2. A hill tribe in the Tinnevelly district and Travancore; one belonging to that tribe; தென்பாண்டிநாட்டி லுள்ள ஒரு மலைச்சாதியான். (G. Tn. D. 7.)காணி¹ kāṇi , n. < id. [T. K. M. Tu. kāṇi.] 1. The fraction ¹⁄₈₀ ஓரெண். முந்திரிமேற் காணி மிகுவதேல் (நாலடி, 346). 2. A land measure = 100 kuḻi or 1.32 acres nearly; 100 குழியளவுள்ள நிலம். 3. cf. kṣōṇī. Land; நிலம். ஊரிலேன் காணியில்லை (திவ். திருமாலை, 29). 4. Landed property, estate, possession; காணியாட்சி. (W.) 5. Right of possession; hereditary right; பரம் பரையுரிமை. மனுமுறைக் காணிவேந்தரை (சேதுபு. இராமதீ. 48). 6. A weight = ¹⁄₄₀ of a mañcāṭiஒரு மஞ்சாடிநிறை. (S.I.I. ii, 65, Ft.)காணிக்கை kāṇikkai , n. < காண்-. [T. kānuka, K. Tu. kāṇike, M. kāṇikka.] Voluntary offering, commonly in money, gold, fruits; gift to a temple or church; present to a guru or other great person; கடவுளர்க்கேனும் பெரியோர் கட்கேனும் சமர்ப்பிக்கும் பொருள். வேதாளநாதன் மகி ழுங் காணிக்கையாகி (சேதுபு. வேதாள. 34).


కమ్మటము, కమటము  kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి. "చ కమటము కట్లెసంచియొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్"హంస. ii.

కమ్మటము  Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste.

కమ్మతము  Same as కమతము. కమ్మతీడు Same as కమతకాడు.కమతము  or కమ్మతము kamatamu. [Tel. n. Partnership. అనేకులు చేరిచేయుసేద్యము. The cultivation which an owner carries on with his own farming stock. Labour, tillage. కృషి, వ్యవసాయము. కమతకాడు or కమతీడు or కమతగాడు a labourer, or slave employed in tillage.

வட்டம்¹ vaṭṭam , < Pkt. vaṭṭa < vṛtta. n. 1. Circle, circular form, ring-like shape; மண்ட லம். (தொல். சொல். 402, உரை.) 2. Halo round the sun or moon, a karantuṟai-kōḷபரிவேடம். (சிலப். 10, 102, உரை.) (சினேந். 164.) 3. Potter's wheel; குயவன் திரிகை. (பிங்.) 4. Wheel of a cart; வண்டிச்சக்கரம். (யாழ். அக.) 5. The central portion of a leaf-plate for food; உண்கல மாய்த் தைக்கும் இலையின் நடுப்பாகம்Loc. 6. cf. āvṛtti. Turn, course, as of a mantra; தடவை. விநாயகர் நாமத்தை நூற்றெட்டு வட்டஞ் செய்து (விநாயகபு. 74, 214). 7. Revolution, cycle; சுற்று. (W.) 8. Cycle of a planet; ஒரு கிரகம் வான மண்டலத்தை ஒரு முறை சுற்றிவருங் காலம். அவன் சென்று ஒரு வியாழவட்டமாயிற்று. 9. Circuit, surrounding area or region; சுற்றுப்பிரதேசம். கோயில் வட்டமெல்லாம் (சீவக. 949). 10. A revenue unit of a few villages; சில ஊர்களைக் கொண்ட பிரதேசம். 11. See வட்டணை², 3. தார் பொலி புரவிவட்டந் தான்புகக் காட்டுகின்றாற்கு (சீவக. 442). 12. Items or course of a meal; விருந்து முதலியவற்றிற்குச் சமைத்த உபகரணத்திட்டம்Nāñ. 13. A kind of pastry; அப்பவகை. பாகொடு பிடித்த விழைசூழ் வட்டம் (பெரும்பாண். 378). 14. See வட்டப்பாறை, 3. வடவர்தந்த வான்கேழ் வட்டம் (நெடுநல். 51). 15. Circular ornamental fan; ஆலவட்டம். செங்கேழ் வட்டஞ் சுருக்கி (நெடுநல். 58). 16. Bracelet worn on the upper arm; வாகு வலயம். (பிங்.) 17. Scale-pan; தராசுத்தட்டு. வட்டம தொத்தது வாணிபம் வாய்த்ததே (திருமந். 1781). 18. Hand-bell; கைம்மணி. (பிங்.) 19. Shield; கேடகம். ஐயிரு வட்டமொ டெஃகுவலந் திரிப்ப (திரு முரு. 111). (பிங்.) 20. A kind of pearl; முத்து வகை. முத்துவட்டமும் அனுவட்டமும் (S. S. I. I. ii, 22). 21. Seat; chair; பீடம். (யாழ். அக.) 22. Pond, tank; குளம். (பிங்.) 23. Receptacle; கொள்கலம். (யாழ். அக.) 24. Large waterpot; நீர்ச்சால். (பிங்.) 25. A kind of water-squirt; நீரெறிகருவி. பூநீர்பெய் வட்டமெறிய (பரிபா. 21, 42). 26. Curve, bend; வளைவு. வில்லை வட்டப் பட வாங்கி (தேவா. 5, 9). 27. A kind of boomerang; பாராவளை. புகரினர் சூழ் வட்டத்தவை (பரிபா. 15, 61). (பிங்.) 28. Cloth; ஆடை. வாலிழை வட்டமும் (பெருங். உஞ்சைக். 42, 208). (சூடா.) 29. Boundary, limit எல்லை. தொழுவல்வினை யொல்லை வட்டங்கடந் தோடுத லுண்மை (தேவா. 5, 9). 30. Polish, refinement; திருத்தம். வட்டமாய்ப் பேசி னான்Loc. 31. A unit for measuring the quantity of water = 500 average potfuls, as the amount necessary for a paṅku for one week; ஐந்நூறு சால்கொண்ட நீரளவு. 32. Sect, tribe; மக்கட் பிரிவுLoc. 33. The middle ear of an elephant; யானையின் நடுச்செவி. (பிங்.) 34. Lowness; depth, as of a valley; தாழ்வு. (அக. நி.) 35. Sheaves of paddy spread on a threshing-floor for being threshed; களத்திற் சூடடிப்பதற்குப் பரப்பிய நெற்கதிர்Nāñ. 36. See வட்டமரம், 2. (W.) — part. Each, every; தோறும். ஆட்டைவட் டம் காசு ஒன்றுக்கு . . . பலிசை (S. I. I. ii, 122, 27).

vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1] 1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊkwaḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192?

2. Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ passed, gone away, completed, dead ʼ; Ash. weṭ -- intr. ʻ to pass (of time), pass, fall (of an avalanche) ʼ, weṭā -- tr. ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Paš. wiṭīk ʻ passed ʼ; K.ḍoḍ. buto ʻ he was ʼ; P. batāuṇā ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Ku. bītṇo ʻ to be spent, die ʼ, bitauṇo ʻ to pass, spend ʼ; N. bitāunu ʻ to pass (time), kill ʼ, butāunu ʻ to extinguish ʼ; Or. bitibā intr. ʻ to pass (of time), bitāibā tr.; Mth. butāb ʻ to extinguish ʼ; OAw. pret. bītā ʻ passed (of time) ʼ; H. bītnā intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, butnā ʻ to be extinguished ʼ, butānā ʻ to extinguish ʼ; G. vĭ̄tvũ intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, vatāvvũ tr. ʻ to stop ʼ.
3. Pa. vatta -- n. ʻ duty, office ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- n. ʻ livelihood ʼ; P. buttā m. ʻ means ʼ; Ku. buto ʻ daily labour, wages ʼ; N. butā ʻ means, ability ʼ; H. oūtā m. ʻ power ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ subsistence, wages ʼ.vārttā -- ; *ardhavr̥tta -- , *kaṇavr̥tta -- , *dyūtavr̥tta -- , *bhr̥tivr̥tta -- , *hastavr̥tta -- .Addenda: vr̥ttá -- . 2. WPah.kṭg. bitṇõ ʻ (time) to pass ʼ, kc. bətauṇo caus.vr̥tti f. ʻ mode of life, conduct ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ business ʼ MBh., ʻ wages ʼ Pañcav. [√vr̥t1]Pa. vutti -- f. ʻ practice, usage ʼ; Pk. vatti -- , vitti -- , vutti<-> f. ʻ life, livelihood ʼ; Gy. eur. buti f. ʻ work ʼ; K. brath, dat. brüċü f. ʻ trade, profession ʼ; P. buttī f. ʻ compulsory labour, unrewarded service of Brahmans and barbers ʼ; Ku. buti ʻ daily labour, wages ʼ, hāt -- but˚ti ʻ domestic work ʼ; Or. butā ʻ work in hand, business ʼ, buti ʻ servant ʼ; H. buttī f. ʻ means of subsistence ʼ, bīṭbīt f. ʻ grazing fee charged by herdsmen ʼ; Si. väṭi ʻ state, condition ʼ SigGr ii 462.(CDIAL 12069, 12070) 

Image result for mohenjo-daro seal unicornm008
m0008a  1038 
Meaning, artha of inscription: Trade (and metalwork wealth production) of kōnda sangara 'metalwork engraver'... PLUS (wealth categories cited.).
kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l'smithy, forge'  Or, warehouse  kuṭhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koṭho = a warehouse.
bhaṭā 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.
baṭa 'rimless, wide-mouthed pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' PLUS ḍabu 'an iron spoon' (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo 'lump (ingot?). Thus, together, furnace ingots.
Field symbol: singhin 'forward-thrusting, spiny-horned' rebus: singi 'ornament gold'; khoṇḍ, kõda 'young bull-calf'खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: koṇḍa, agnikuṇḍa 'fire trench with live coals, sacred fire altar'; kũdār ‘turner’. sangaḍa ‘lathe, furnace’. Rebus: samgara ‘living in the same house, guild’. sãgaḍa (double-canoe, catamaran) Hence, smith guild. Also, sãgaḍ 'lathe, portable furnace'; sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebus čaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' (Gujarati) ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghāta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9. samgraha, samgaha'arranger, manager' 
Dotted circles on portable furnace (bottom register of standard device): पोत pōta 'gold bead', rebus पोत pōta 'metal casting' 
The gold bead is a dotted circle; this is the centre-piece of the fillets worn by the Mohenjo-daro priest.
dhāī 'dot' and vaṭṭa.'circle' Rebus: धावड dhāvaḍa 'iron smelter'
pot 'perforation' pot 'gold, glass bead' rebus: Potr̥, 'purifier priest'; पोतदार [pōtadāra] m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith.(Marathi)

pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√]Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ? -- Rather < *pōttī -- .(CDIAL 8404)
Potr̥, 'purifier priest', podār 'assayer of metals'
Three discs of metal -- copper, silver and gold-- create a trefoil decoration on the garment of Mohenjo-daro priest. The trefoil is called त्रि-धातु  'the aggregate of the 3 minerals; गणेश' (Monier-Williams) 
Trefoil on the priest's garmentThree metal discs fused together and embroidered/sewed into the garment -- like Kutch embroidery of zardozi or Arri garment embellishment, artwork.

A button or sequin made of thin gold foil with a small interior loop for attachment to clothing. This piece was found crumpled into a small wad, possibly in preparation for remelting to make a new ornament. (H2000-4445/2212-01, Mound E, Trench 54).


Hieroglyph: Aquatic bird

Ivory rod, ivory plaques with dotted circles. Mohenjo-daro (Musee National De Arts Asiatiques, Guimet, 1988-1989, Les cites oubliees de l’Indus Archeologie du Pakistan.] dhātu 'layer, strand'; dhāv 'strand, string' Rebus: dhāu, dhātu 'ore'. dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the message signified by dotted circles and X hieroglyph refers to dhā̆vaḍ priest of 'iron-smelters'. The aquatic duck shown atop an ivory rod is:  karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) Thus, the metalworker (smelter) works with hard alloys (using carburization process). Three dotted circles: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus working with minerals and hard alloys for smithy, forge.



A button or sequin made of thin gold foil with a small interior loop for attachment to clothing. This piece was found crumpled into a small wad, possibly in preparation for remelting to make a new ornament. (H2000-4445/2212-01, Mound E, Trench 54).


The discovery of this gold foil button gives a clue to decipherment of the trefoil sewed on the shawl of Mohenjo-daro priest. A priest's garment is endowed with such sewn metal coins in an ancient Veda text. I have suggested that gold, copper, silver buttons of this type were attached to the upper garment of the Mohenjo-daro priest to create the single foil, two foil and trefoil decorations on the garment. This proves that Mohenjo-daro is a purifer priest mentioned in Veda tradition. He is called Potr, cognate with potadara, poddar 'assayer of metals' in the country's tradition.

I submit that archaeological evidence of the gold foil and the priest statue with a uniquely decorated clothing matches with ancient Veda text and is conclusive proof for decipherment of the 'dotted circle' hieroglyph of Indus Script Corpora.
potta 'perforated' pot gold bead' rebus PotR 'purifier priest' potadara, poddar 'assayer of metals'.
m0490


Line drawing of m0491.
Text 2937The same text appears on both tablets m0490 and m0491 read rebus from r.: 


dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal)' kanḍ 'warrior's pair of bangles' Rebus:kanḍ  'stone'. sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'; khaḍā ‘circumscribe’ (Marathi) Rebus: khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’; kolmo 'seedling' Rebus: kolami 'smithy/forge'. Thus the composite hieroglyph reads: stone smithy/forge.  bhaṭa ‘warrior’ Rebus: baṭa, 'kiln, furnace' (Santali); baṭa = a kind of iron (Gujarati)  kōnṭa ‘corner’ (Nk.); kōṇṭu ‘angle, corner’ (Tulu) khōṭ ‘alloyed’ (Punjabi) koṭe ‘forged (metal)' (Santali). Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) 

Thus, the artefacts offered for barter/exchange are: cast stone (ore) workshop, stone smithy/forge with furnace, alloyed (forged) metal turned in lathe.

Portable standard device sã̄gāḍ ‘Top part: lathe-gimlet; Bottom part: portable furnace’ Rebus: sangatarāśū ‘stone-cuttersanghāḍo (Gujarati) cutting stone, gilding (Gujarati); sangsāru kara= to stone (Sindhi) sanghāḍiyo, a worker on a lathe (Gujarati) Rebus jāṅgaḍ also indicated that the products offered were on the well-settled Indian legal system of transport and exchange as ‘goods sent on approval or ‘on sale or return’.
Four persons in a procession, each carrying a standard. This procession of four hieroglyphs constitute the Meluhha standard.

one standard-bearer carries a shaft with some object, which looks like a perforated bead  on top

one standard-bearer carries  a shaft with a scarf hanging from the top

one standard-bearer a stand with the figure of a one- horned young bull on top

one standard-bearer holds  aloft the shaft of the the standard device -- a composite of lathe and portable furnace.

Standard device hieroglyph, variants, from Indus Script Corpora

Two Indus Script hypertexts (http) constitute the most frequently occurring motifs on Indus Writing Corpora: 1. one-horned young bull and 2. Standard device (lathe/portable furnace). For e.g. h006 Harappa seal, m001 Mohenjo-daro seal

Stone-smithy guild on a Meluhha standard

This is an exchange market barter -- saṭṭa, santa -- procession exhibiting the artificers’ craft products available for exchange. Products offered for barter are: stone beads, minerals (ore), turned metal tools, pots and pans from an artificers’ guild workshop (in a fortification). This is utsava bera 'barter procession'.



Indus Script seal showing standard device and other hieroglyphs

Indus Script seals showing a lady thwarting, impeding, checking two rearing tigers.

It is possible that an alternative gloss from Rigveda may match the hieroglyph, in context. Context is that the entire Indus Script Corpora has been shown to be a set of metalwork catalogues and the samskrti relates the Skambha as a signifier of Soma yaga (as evidenced by the octagonal skambha, yupa, of Binjor yajna kunda).

The word is: स्कम्भ् as in Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta which has two meanings: 1. to impede, check; 2. pillar (like a fiery pillar of light, say, Shivalinga, ekamukhalinga as shown on Bhuteshwar sculptural friezes). The word skambh is also seen as a phonetic determinant of the metalwork catalogue message conveyed: kampaTTa 'mint'.

स्कम्भ् [p= 1257,1] to impede , check RV. x , 76 , 4.स्कभाय्/अति ( Pa1n2. 3-1 , 84 Va1rtt. 1 Pat. ; » स्कभित) , to prop , support , fix RV. VS.

10.076.04 Drive away the disturbing ra_ks.asas; keep off Nirr.ti; prohibit all malignity; effuse for us riches with male progeny; bear, stones, the praise that delights the gods. 

Rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)

खांबोटी (p. 205) [ khāmbōṭī ] f (Dim. of खांब) A short post, a stanchion.कांबीट [ kāmbīṭa ] कांबट [ kāmbaṭa ] f कांबटी f C Commonly कांबीट.f n A slip or split piece (of a bamboo &c.) a lath, a sliceखंबीरखुंट [ khambīrakhuṇṭa ] a (Fast as a stake.) Firm, strong, stable, settled, fixed--person, office, business.खांब (p. 205) [ khāmba ] m (स्तंभ S) A post. 2 fig. The trunk or stem of the Plantain. 3 fig. The staff, stay, or sup- porting member (of a household or community.) खांबाला डोक पाहणें (To look for gum from a post.)खांबट (p. 205) [ khāmbaṭa ] n (Dim. or deprec. of खांब) A small post: also a weak, slight, flimsy post.खांबणी (p. 205) [ khāmbaṇī ] f खांबला or खांबुला m C खांबली f खांबा m R (Dim. of खांब) A small stake bifurcated or having a tenon that it may support a cross-piece; a short supporting post, a stanchion. 2 A short stake (fixed) or post gen.(Marathi)

*skabha ʻ post, peg ʼ. [√skambh]Kal. Kho. iskow ʻ peg ʼ BelvalkarVol 86 with (?).13639 skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambhkhambhākhammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi) khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khāmkhāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmhkhāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khām m. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi°bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko.khāmbho°bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- X gambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.
2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛo ʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure ʼ.*skambhaghara -- , *skambhākara -- , *skambhāgāra -- , *skambhadaṇḍa -- ; *dvāraskambha -- .Addenda: skambhá -- 1: Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.(CDIAL 13638, 13639).

What the orthography of a one-eyed person signifies semantically, the full reach of one's observation. The expression is கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam ,or kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV PLUS वृत्त   vṛtta 'circle or space or reach of one's observation). Rebus reading yields the word kammaṭa 'mint'.Cognate khambat (Gujarati)?

கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam Mint; நாணயசாலை. கண்வட்டக்கள்ளன் (ஈடு.).Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)  PLUS baTa 'six' rebus: baTa 'iron' bhaTa 'furnace'. Thus, furnace (in) mint.

கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam , n. < id. +. 1. Range of vision, eye-sweep, full reach of one'sobservation; கண்பார்வைக்குட்பட்ட இடம். தங்கள் கண்வட்டத்திலே உண்டுடுத்துத்திரிகிற (ஈடு, 3, 5, 2).

Bhojpuri has the etymon kān, 'one-eyed'.;Khotanese Kho. kām ʻblindness.ʼany Dravidian etyma signify kan 'eye' (singular). It is suggested that the word for ONE EYE on Indus Script hieroglyphs is: kan 'eye' (singular). Such a hieroglyph circumscripted by a circle signifies vaṭṭa 'round, circle' (Pali.Pkt.). The rebus readings are: kan 'copper' PLUS vaṭṭa 'business'; the combined expression is: kaṇ-vaṭṭam 'circle round one eye' rebus: kaṇ-vaṭṭam, kampaṭṭamkammaṭṭam, kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. The Gujarati word khambat may also be related to the semantics of these etyma which explain a mint (copperwork or copper business). Other hieroglyphs are: wing, post, pillar which also signify rebus : kammaṭa 'mint' Hieroglyphs (wing, pillar): khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' S. khambhu˚bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ;(CDIAL 13640) Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambhkhambhākhammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ;(CDIAL 13639)

The note has recorded evidence that கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam 'mint' has a synonym (demonstrably, a phonetic variant in mleccha/meluhha):  khambhaṛā 'fin' (Lahnda) rebus: kammaTa 'mint' and these two expressions are combined in the Begram ivory (Plate 389) 
The colored seal shows this face of the woman holding back two rearing tigers:
Hieroglyph componens are: face in profile, one eye, circumfix (circle) and 6 curls of hair. Readings: muh 'face' rebus: muhA 'ingot'; கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam 'eye PLUS circumfix' rebus: கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭan 'mint'; baṭa 'six' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace' PLUS meD 'curl' rebus: meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic) Thus, the message is: mint with furnace for iron, copper. Tigers: dula 'two' rebus: dul 'cast metal' kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' kariba 'elephant trunk' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron' eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' arA 'spoke' rebus: Ara 'brass'.

On a terracotta tablet also, a similar narrative shows a person (lady?) with one eye.
Planoconvex molded tablet from Harappa showing a deity battling two tigers. "The thick jungles of the Indus Valley were full of tigers and leopards, so it is not surprising that the image of a ferocious feline is a recurring motif in ritual narratives on seals as well as molded tablets... The figure strangling the two tigers may represent a female, as a pronounced breast can be seen in profile. Earlier discoveries of this motif on seals from Mohenjo-daro definitely show a male figure, and most scholars have assumed some connection with the carved seals from Mesopotamia that illustrate episodes from the famous Gilgamesh epic. The Mesopotamian epics show lions being strangled by a hero, whereas the Indus narratives render tigers being strangled by a figure, sometimes clearly males, sometimes ambiguous or possibly female. This motif of a hero or heroine grappling with two wild animals could have been created independently for similar events that may have occurred in Mesopotamia as well as the Indus valley." (Mark Kenoyer, Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization, p. 114)
Material: Terra Cotta
Dimensions: 3.91 Length, 1.5 to 1.62 cm Width
Harappa, Lot 4651-01
Harappa Museum, H95-2486 Meadow and Kenoyer 1997 Other hieroglyphs on the tablet (apart from the one-eyed person thwarting jumping tigers): karibha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' tsarkh, arka 'potter's wheel' rebus: arka 'copper, gold'. Thus, the tablet inscription signifies a gold, copper mint working with brazier and detailing metalwork catalogue in Indus Script messages (heiroglyphs and hypertexts)..

काना   kānā a (Commonly काणा q. v.) One-eyed or squint-eyed,(Marathi) kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV.Pa. Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ blind of one eye, blind ʼ; Ash. kã̄ṛa, ˚ṛī f. ʻ blind ʼ, Kt. kãŕ, Tir. kāˊna, Kho. kāṇu NTS ii 260, kánu BelvalkarVol 91; K. kônu ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, S. kāṇo, L. P. kāṇã̄; WPah. rudh. śeu. kāṇā ʻ blind ʼ; Ku. kāṇo,  blind of one eye ʼ, N. kānu; A. kanā ʻ blind ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ; Or. kaṇā, f. kāṇī ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, Mth. kān, ˚nā, kanahā, Bhoj. kān, f. ˚ni, kanwā m. ʻ one -- eyed man ʼ, H. kān, ˚nā, G. kāṇũ; M. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, squint -- eyed ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ. -- Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ full of holes ʼ, G. kāṇũ ʻ full of holes ʼ, n. ʻ hole ʼ (< ʻ empty eyehole ʼ? Cf. ã̄dhḷũ n. ʻ hole ʼ < andhala -- ).*kāṇiya -- ; *kāṇākṣa -- .Addenda: kāṇá -- : S.kcch. kāṇī f.adj. ʻ one -- eyed ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kaṇɔ ʻ blind in one eye ʼ, J. kāṇā; Md. kanu ʻ blind ʼ. *kāṇākṣa ʻ one -- eyed ʼ. [kāṇá -- , ákṣi -- ]Ko. kāṇso ʻ squint -- eyed ʼ.*kāṇiya ʻ blindness ʼ. [kāṇá -- ]Pk. kāṇiya -- n. ʻ eye disease ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) kām ʻ blindness ʼ.(CDIAL 3019 to 3021)

Kol. kan (pl. kanḍl) eye, small hole in ground, cave. Nk. kan (pl. kanḍḷ) eye, spot in peacock's tail. Go. (Tr.) kan (pl. kank) id.; (A.) kaṛ (pl. kaṛk) id.  Manḍ. kan (pl. -ke) id. Kui kanu (pl. kan-ga), (K.) kanu (pl. kaṛka) id. Nk. (Ch.) kan (pl. -l) eye. Pa. (S. only) kan (pl. kanul) eye. Kur. xann eye, eye of tuber; xannērnā (of newly born babies or animals) to begin to see, have the use of one's eyesight (for ērnā, see 903). Malt. qanu eye. Br. xan eye, bud.Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. Ma. kaṇ, kaṇṇu eye, nipple, star in peacock's tail, bud. Ko. kaṇ eye. To. koṇ eye, loop in string. Ka. kaṇ eye, small hole, orifice. Koḍ. kaṇṇï id. Tu. kaṇṇů eye, nipple, star in peacock's feather, rent, tear. Te. kanu, kannu eye, small hole, orifice, mesh of net, eye in peacock's feather.  Ga. (Oll.) kaṇ (pl. kaṇkul) id.; kaṇul maṭṭa eyebrow; kaṇa (pl. kaṇul) hole; (S.) kanu (pl. kankul) eye. Konḍa kaṇ id. Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) id. Kui kanu (pl. kan-ga), (K.) kanu (pl. kaṛka) id. Kuwi (F.) kannū (pl. karňka), (S.) kannu (pl. kanka), (Su. P. Isr.) kanu (pl. kaṇka) id.  (DEDR 1159a)

കണ്‍, കണ്ണു kaṇ T. M. C. Tu. (Te. കന്നു; Chin. kuan) 1. The eye 

Gundert Malayalam lexicon suggests that kannān 'brazier' is a Tadbhava. കംസം which has the Marathi and Konkani variants: kã̄sẽ 'bronze'.

Rebus: Ta. kaṉ copper work, copper, workmanship; kaṉṉāṉ brazier. Ma. kannān id.(DEDR 1402)   കന്നാന്‍ kannāǹ T. SoM. Brazier, f. — ത്തി (Tdbh. കംസം). kannātti 'female brazier'  kāˊṁsya ʻ made of bell -- metal ʼ KātyŚr., n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Yājñ., ʻ cup of bell -- metal ʼ MBh., ˚aka -- n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ. 2. *kāṁsiya -- . [kaṁsá -- 1]1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. (?) ʻ bronze ʼ, Pk. kaṁsa -- , kāsa -- n. ʻ bell -- metal, drinking vessel, cymbal ʼ; L. (Jukes) kã̄jā adj. ʻ of metal ʼ, awāṇ. kāsā ʻ jar ʼ (← E with -- s -- , not ñj); N. kã̄so ʻ bronze, pewter, white metal ʼ, kas -- kuṭ ʻ metal alloy ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, B. kã̄sā, Or. kãsā, Bi. kã̄sā; Bhoj. kã̄s ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, kã̄sā ʻ base metal ʼ; H. kāskã̄sā m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, G. kã̄sũ n., M. kã̄sẽ n.; Ko. kã̄śẽ n. ʻ bronze ʼ; Si. kasa ʻ bell -- metal ʼ.2. L. kã̄ihã̄ m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, P. kã̄ssīkã̄sī f., H. kã̄sī f.*kāṁsyakara -- , kāṁsyakāra -- , *kāṁsyakuṇḍikā -- , kāṁsyatāla -- , *kāṁsyabhāṇḍa -- .Addenda: kāˊṁsya -- : A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ, or < kaṁsá -- .*kāṁsyakara ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ. [See next: kāˊṁsya -- , kará -- 1]L. awāṇ. kasērā ʻ metal worker ʼ, P. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ (both ← E with -- s -- ); N. kasero ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; Bi. H. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ.kāṁsyakāra m. ʻ worker in bell -- metal or brass ʼ Yājñ. com., kaṁsakāra -- m. BrahmavP. [kāˊṁsya -- , kāra -- 1]N. kasār ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; A. kãhār ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ; B. kã̄sāri ʻ pewterer, brazier, coppersmith ʼ, Or. kãsārī; H. kasārī m. ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; G. kãsārɔkas˚ m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ; M. kã̄sārkās˚ m. ʻ worker in white metal ʼ, kāsārḍā m. ʻ contemptuous term for the same ʼ. *kāṁsyakuṇḍikā ʻ bell -- metal pot ʼ. [kāˊṁsya -- , kuṇḍa -- 1]N. kasaũṛi ʻ cooking pot ʼ.kāṁsyatāla m. ʻ cymbal ʼ Rājat. [kāˊṁsya -- , tāla -- 1]Pa. kaṁsatāla -- m. ʻ gong ʼ; Pk. kaṁsālā -- , ˚liyā -- f. ʻ cymbal ʼ, OB. kaśālā, Or. kãsāḷa; G. kã̄sāḷũ n. ʻ large bell -- metal cymbals ʼ with ã̄ after kã̄sũ ʻ bell -- metal ʼ; M. kã̄sāḷ f. ʻ large cymbal ʼ; -- Si. kastalaya ʻ metal gong ʼ (EGS 40) is Si. cmpd. or more prob. ← Pa.*kāṁsyabhāṇḍa ʻ bell -- metal pot ʼ. [kāˊṁsya -- , bhāṇḍa -- 1]Pa. kaṁsabhaṇḍa -- n. ʻ brass ware ʼ; M. kāsã̄ḍī˚sãḍī f. ʻ metal vessel of a partic. kind ʼ.(CDIA 2987 to 2992)

Ta. kaṉal (kaṉalv-, kaṉaṉṟ-) to be hot, boil, be angry; burn (tr.); n. fire; kaṉaṟṟu (kaṉaṟṟi-) to cause to burn, render warm, shine brightly; Ma. kanal live coals, fire; Ko. kan redhot (kan ib redhot iron; ka(n) nep red coals);Te. kanalu to be angry, burn, give pain; n. anger; kanakana the glow of fire or live coals; ganagana glowing, glow, blazing; kanakanam-anu, kanakanalāḍu to glow, shine; (K.) Cf. Skt. kanala- shining, bright. (DEDR 1406)  kándu f. ʻ iron pot ʼ Suśr., ˚uka -- m. ʻ saucepan ʼ.Pk. kaṁdu -- , kaṁḍu -- m.f. ʻ cooking pot ʼ; K. kō̃da f. ʻ potter's kiln, lime or brick kiln ʼ; -- ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kã̄dur m. ʻ oven ʼ. -- Deriv. Pk. kaṁḍua -- ʻ sweetseller ʼ (< *kānduka -- ?); H. kã̄dū m. ʻ a caste that makes sweetmeats ʼ. (CDIAL 2726)

वृत्त   vṛtta a S Circular. (Marath) vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1]
1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊkwaḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192?(CDIAL 12069)

Rebus: वृत्त   vṛtta n (S) Conduct, practice, course, customary procedure. 2 Profession, occupation, practice pursued as a means of subsistence. (Marathi) Pa. vatta -- n. ʻ duty, office ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- n. ʻ livelihood ʼ; P. buttā m. ʻ means ʼ; Ku. buto ʻ daily labour, wages ʼ; N. butā ʻ means, ability ʼ; H. oūtā m. ʻ power ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ subsistence, wages ʼ.(CDIAL 12069)
Begram ivories. Plate 389 Reference: Hackin, 1954, fig.195, no catalog N°.
கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam n. < id. +. 1. Range of vision, eye-sweep, full reach of one's observation; கண்பார்வைக்குட்பட்ட இடம். தங்கள் கண்வட்டத்திலே உண்டுடுத்துத்திரிகிற (ஈடு, 3, 5, 2). 2. Mint; நாணயசாலை. 


The Indus Script inscription of the seal with the one-eyed person holding back two jumping titers signifies the metalwork catalogue of a copper mint. The one-eyed person is kannātti 'female brazier' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron/'. kũdā 'jumping' rebus: kunda 'fine gold', konda 'kiln, furnace'.
Thus, the female brazier is engaged in working with fine gold furnace, working in metalcasting, brazier- (brass-work) and ironwork, A variant proinunciation is that the artisan is a kã̄sāri ʻpewterer, brazier, coppersmith (Bengali)

Text message: 

śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seṭh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild 
kammatamu 'portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'
sal 'splinter' rebus; sal 'workshop'
aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'
kaṇḍa 'arrow' rebus:kaṇḍa,khaṇḍa 'equipment'


Eran, anonymous 1/2 AE karshapana,  five punch ‘symbol type’
Weight:  5.35 gm., Dimensions: 20×19 mm.
‘Ujjain symbol’, Indradhvaja, railed tree, river.
Blank reverse
Reference:  Pieper 482 (plate coin) http://coinindia.com/galleries-eran1.html
kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 
I suggest that the so-called Ujjaini symbol with four dotted circles orthographed on a + glyph refer to  dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore', thus four mineral ores: copper PLUS magnetite, haematite and laterite (all red ores). Hence, the hypertext is read rebus as: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'

kuṭhi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelting furnace‘; koṭe ‘forged metal’ (Santali)(Phonetic determinant of the twig on the horns of the woman ligatured to the tiger'

gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'implements''fire-altar'

Four Dotted circles: Dotted circle hieroglyph is a cross-section of a strand of rope: S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) धवड (p. 436) [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron (Marathi).  Hence, the depiction of a single dotted circle, two dotted circles and three dotted circles (called trefoil) on the robe of the Purifier priest of Mohenjo-daro.

Ujjain coin showing standard device and other hieroglyphs


Coin from Eran showing standard device of Indus Script
Coins from Kaushambi showing standard device and other Indus Script hieroglyphs
Coins from Kuninda janapada showing standard device and other Indus Script hieroglyphs

Hieroglyphs: Dotted circles

Indus Script hypertext/hieroglyph: Dotted circle: दाय 1 [p= 474,2] dāya n. game , play Pan5cad.; mfn. ( Pa1n2. 3-1 , 139 ; 141) giving , presenting (cf. शत- , गो-); m. handing over , delivery Mn. viii , 165 (Monier-Williams)

தாயம் tāyam :Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். Colloq. (Tamil)

rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻrelic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)  धाव (p. 250) dhāva m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it. धावड (p. 250) dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans. धावडी (p. 250) dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. (Marathi).

PLUS

Hieroglyph: vaṭṭa 'circle'. 

Thus, together, the hypertext reads rebus dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'

The dotted circle hypertexts link with 1. iron workers called धावड (p. 250) dhāvaḍa and 2. miners of  Mosonszentjános, Hungary; 3. Gonur Tepe metalworkers, metal traders and 4. the tradition of  अक्ष-- पटल [p= 3,2] n. court of law; depository of legal document Ra1jat. Thus, अक्ष on Indus Script Corpora signify documents, wealth accounting ledgers of metal work with three red ores. Akkha2 [Vedic akṣa, prob. to akṣi & Lat. oculus, "that which has eyes" i. e. a die; cp. also Lat. ālea game at dice (fr.* asclea?)] a die D i.6 (but expld at DA i.86 as ball -- game: guḷakīḷa); S i.149 = A v.171 = Sn 659 (appamatto ayaŋ kali yo akkhesu dhanaparājayo); J i.379 (kūṭ˚ a false player, sharper, cheat) anakkha one who is not a gambler J v.116 (C.: ajūtakara). Cp. also accha3.   -- dassa (cp. Sk. akṣadarśaka) one who looks at (i. e. examines) the dice, an umpire, a judge Vin iii.47; Miln 114, 327, 343 (dhamma -- nagare). -- dhutta one who has the vice of gambling D ii.348; iii.183; M iii.170; Sn 106 (+ itthidhutta & surādhutta). -- vāṭa fence round an arena for wrestling J iv.81. (? read akka -- ).
Distribution of geometrical seals in Greater Indus Valley during the early and *Mature Harappan periods (c. 3000 - 2000 BCE). After Uesugi 2011, Development of the Inter-regional interaction system in the Indus valley and beyond: a hypothetical view towards the formation of the urban society' in: Cultural relagions betwen the Indus and the Iranian plateau during the 3rd millennium BCE, ed. Toshiki Osada & Michael Witzel. Harvard Oriental Series, Opera Minora 7. Pp. 359-380. Cambridge, MA: Dept of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University: fig.7.
Dotted circles and three lines on the obverse of many Failaka/Dilmun seals are read rebus as hieroglyphs: 

Hieroglyph: ḍāv m. ʻdice-throwʼ rebus: dhāu 'ore'; dã̄u ʻtyingʼ, ḍāv m. ʻdice-throwʼ read rebus: dhāu 'ore' in the context of glosses: dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻa caste of iron -smelters', dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ. Thus, three dotted circles signify: tri-dhāu, tri-dhātu 'three ores' (copper, tin, iron).

A (गोटा) gōṭā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ (metal) (Marathi) खोट [khōṭa] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi). P. khoṭ  m. ʻalloyʼ  (CDIAL 3931) goTa 'laterite ferrite ore'.


 The + glyph of Sibri evidence is comparable to the large-sized 'dot', dotted circles and + glyph shown on this Mohenjo-daro seal m0352 with dotted circles repeated on 5 sides A to F. Mohenjo-daro Seal m0352 shows dotted circles in the four corners of a fire-altar and at the centre of the altar together with four raised 'bun' ingot-type rounded features. Rebus readings of m0352 hieroglyphs:

dhātu 'layer, strand'; dhāv 'strand, string' Rebus: dhāu, dhātu 'ore'

1. Round dot like a blob -- . Glyph: raised large-sized dot -- (gōṭī ‘round pebble);goTa 'laterite (ferrite ore)
2. Dotted circle khaṇḍa ‘A piece, bit, fragment, portion’; kandi ‘bead’;
3. A + shaped structure where the glyphs  1 and 2 are infixed.  The + shaped structure is kaṇḍ  ‘a fire-altar’ (which is associated with glyphs 1 and 2)..
Rebus readings are: 1. khoṭ m. ʻalloyʼgoTa 'laterite (ferrite ore); 2. khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’; 3. kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar, consecrated fire’.

Four ‘round spot’; glyphs around the ‘dotted circle’ in the center of the composition: gōṭī  ‘round pebble; Rebus 1: goTa 'laterite (ferrite ore); Rebus 2:L. khoṭf ʻalloy, impurityʼ, °ṭā ʻalloyedʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā  ʻforgedʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻbase, alloyʼ  M.khoṭā  ʻalloyedʼ (CDIAL 3931) Rebus 3: kōṭhī ] f (कोष्ट S) A granary, garner, storehouse, warehouse, treasury, factory, bank. khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ metal is produced from kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’ yielding khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. This word khaṇḍā is denoted by the dotted circles.
Decipherment of dotted circles and duck on ivory counters are wealth-accounting daybooks (ledgers)
See decipherment of dotted circles an duck on the ivory counters which are wealth accounting ledgers. Details at Duck, dotted circles on Ivory rod, Mohenjo-daro seal, vartaka, karaṛa 'aquatic bird' Rebus karandi 'fire-god' (Munda.Remo), करडा [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. vartaka 'bell-metal merchant' dhāvaḍa 'iron smelter' खरडा (kharaḍā m (खरडणें) Scrapings (as from a culinary utensil). 2 Bruised or coarsely broken peppercorns &38;c.: a mass of bruised मेथ्या &38;c. 3 also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; a foul, blotted, interlined piece of writing. 4 also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book. 
https://tinyurl.com/yxfo2otj see image of 'duck' on a seal together with one-horned young bull which has already been deciphered kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold'.
Ivory counters, Mohenjo-daro 

"Bone and ivory counters with circles and lines, carved in ways that do not correspond to dice, may have been used for predicting the future," writes Mark Kenoyer about these objects in Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization (p. 120). The counter on the right has a duck ornament at one end, the counter on the left has a double duck ornament on the end. The larger one may be a stylized figurine with triple circle motifs incised on both faces."https://www.harappa.com/blog/ivory-counters-mohenjo-daro
Bird 1: quail or duck
vartaka = a duck (Skt.) batak = a duck (Gujarati)  vartikā quail (Rigveda) baṭṭai quail (Nepalese) vártikā f. ʻ quail ʼ RV. 2. vārtika -- m. lex. 3. var- takā -- f. lex. (eastern form ac. to Kātyāyana: S. Lévi JA 1912, 498), °ka -- m. Car., vārtāka -- m. lex. [Cf.vartīra -- m. Suśr., °tira -- lex., *vartakara -- ] 1. Ash. uwŕe/ ʻ partridge ʼ NTS ii 246 (connexion denied NTS v 340), Paš.snj. waṭīˊ; K. hāra -- wüṭü f. ʻ species of waterfowl ʼ (hāra -- < śāˊra -- ).2. Kho. barti ʻ quail, partridge ʼ BelvalkarVol 88.3. Pa. vaṭṭakā -- f., °ka -- in cmpds. ʻ quail ʼ, Pk. vaṭṭaya -- m., N. baṭṭāi (< vārtāka -- ?), A. batā -- sarāi, B. batuibaṭuyā; Si. vaṭuvā ʻ snipe, sandpiper ʼ (ext. of *vaṭu < vartakā -- ). -- With unexpl. bh -- : Or. bhāṭoi°ṭui ʻ the grey quail Cotarnix communis ʼ, (dial.) bhāroi°rui (< early MIA. *vāṭāka -- < vārtāka -- : cf. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car.).Addenda: vartikā -- [Dial. a ~ ā < IE. non -- apophonic o (cf. Gk. o)/rtuc and early EMIA. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car. < *vārtī -- ) (CDIAL 11361)

Rebus: paṭṭar-ai community; guild as of workmen (Ta.); pattar merchants (Ta.); perh. vartaka  (Skt.) pātharī ʻprecious stoneʼ (OMarw.) (CDIAL 8857) பத்தர் pattar, n. perh. vartaka. Merchants; வியாபாரிகள். (W.)   battuḍu. n. The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as vaḍla b*, carpenter.  वर्तक mfn. who or what abides or exists , abiding , existing , living; n. a sort of brass or steel; merchant. వర్తకము  vartakamu vartakamu. [Skt.] n. Trade, traffic, commerce. బేరము, వ్యాపారము. A sort of quail, Perdix oilvaccaవెలిచెపిట్ట, మీనవల్లంకిపిట్టవర్తకుడు vartakuḍu. n. A merchant, or trader. బేరముచేయువాడు.

Rebus: *varta2 ʻ circular object ʼ or more prob. ʻ something made of metal ʼ, cf. vartaka -- 2 n. ʻ bell -- metal, brass ʼ lex. and vartalōha -- . [√vr̥t?] Pk. vaṭṭa -- m.n., °aya -- m. ʻ cup ʼ; Ash. waṭāˊk ʻ cup, plate ʼ; K. waṭukh, dat. °ṭakas m. ʻ cup, bowl ʼ; S. vaṭo m. ʻ metal drinking cup ʼ; N. bāṭā, ʻ round copper or brass vessel ʼ; A. bāṭi ʻ cup ʼ; B. bāṭā ʻ box for betel ʼ; Or. baṭā ʻ metal pot for betel ʼ, bāṭi ʻ cup, saucer ʼ; Mth. baṭṭā ʻ large metal cup ʼ, bāṭī ʻ small do. ʼ, H. baṭṛī f.; G. M. vāṭī f. ʻ vessel ʼ.*aṅkavarta -- , *kajjalavarta -- , *kalaśavarta -- , *kṣāṇavartaka -- , *cūrṇavarta -- , parṇavartikā -- , *hiṅgulavarta -- .Addenda: *varta -- 2: Md. vař ʻ circle ʼ (vař -- han̆du ʻ full moon ʼ).(CDIAL 11347)

वर्तक a [p= 925,2] n. a sort of brass or steel वर्तः (Usually at the end of comp.) Living, liveli- hood; as in कल्यवर्त q. v. -Comp. -जन्मन् m. a cloud. -तीक्ष्णम्, -लोहम् bell-metal, a kind of brass.

Bird 2: aquatic bird or crane

Grus Virgo or Numidian or Demoiselle Crane The Demoiselle Crane breeds in C Eurasia, from Black Sea to Mongolia and NE China. It winters in Indian Subcontinent and in Sub-Saharan Africa. http://www.oiseaux-birds.com/card-demoiselle-crane.html

Hieroglyphs on Dongson bronze drum tympanums.

करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Samskrtam)కారండవము (p. 274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ]  rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy' करडा karaḍā 'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c'. 

khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaTa ‘mint, coiner, coinage’ gaṇḍa 'four' Rebus: khaṇḍa 'metal implements.  Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements mint 
Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaṇḍa kammaṭa ‘metallic iron alloy implements, mint, coiner, coinage’.koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi)  kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi) 

Bird 3: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel' 


kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore, to smelt iron’;koṭe ‘forged (metal)(Santali) kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuṭhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuṭhi, kuṭi (Or.; Sad. koṭhi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuṭire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkuṭi has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuṭhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuṭhi = a factory; lil kuṭhi = an indigo factory (koṭhi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuṭhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuṭhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuṭhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. koṭhī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuṭha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuṭhī factory (A.); koṭhā brick-built house (B.); kuṭhī bank, granary (B.); koṭho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); koṭhīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuṭhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koṭho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; koṭhī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) koḍ = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 

 पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' PLUS పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] 'black drongo' PLUS dula 'two' rebus:pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian) PLUS dul 'metal casting'. PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze'. Thus, a dealer in bronze and steel castings.

kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛI f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) 

Allograph: fire divinity

करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower: also its seed.

Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' of arka 'copper'. 
eyeidolstellbrak8
"Tell Brak, located in the Upper Khabur region of northeast Syria on the fertile plains near the Tigris river, is one of northern Mesopotamia’s largest ancient sites and among the world’s earliest cities. It was first photographed from the air by Fr Pierre Poidebard in the 1920s and was first excavated by Sir Max Mallowan in 1937-8. From 2011, archaeological research at Tell Brak was funded by a British Academy Research Development Award (BARDA).In ancient times, Tell Brak was considered an international city. It was home to several civilizations over the centuries, including the Sumerians, Babylonians, Akkadians and the Mittani’s. The city was finally abandoned in c.2000 BC.https://ancientarchives.wordpress.com/2014/04/04/unique-mysterious-figurines-with-enormous-eyes-eye-idols-of-tell-brak/
Eye Idols
igigi-eye_idols2Tell Brak 3
 qd4f8eced5UNCLEAR: Two-headed female idol, Cappadocia, late 3rd mill. BCEAN ANATOLIAN MARBLE TWO-HEADED IDOL CIRCA LATE 3RD MILLENNIUM B.C. The disk-shaped body embellished on one side with ornament, composed of rows of dotted circles divided by undulating ribbon, forming a broad V at the top with radiating sections below, the top of an inverted triangle at the lower end, indicating the pudendum, vertical lines at the base of the long necks, surmounted by two joined triangular heads, each with circular eyes under M-shaped brows merging with a wide nose4¾ in. (12.1 c )

Civilizational Epigraphy. Warka vase Indus Script hieroglyphs signify kāṇa metalwork wealth deposited into Guild Treasury

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https://tinyurl.com/y2fnvaa9

-- Picture-recognition (Machine Learning by a driver-less vehicle) of Indus Script hieroglyphs on Warka vase and layering semantics (Artificial Intelligence, matching/hypertext transfer protocol HTTP with Meluhha expressions in the Indus Script Cipher) from Meluhha Bhāratīya sprachbund 'speech union'.

1. Meluhha artisan delivering a jar containing metal ingots meluhha, mleccha 'artisan' rebus: milakkhu, mleccha 'copper'; 
Sign 403 is a duplication of  bun-ingot shape. This shape is signified on a zebu terracotta pratimā found at Harappa and is consistent with mūhā mẽṛhẽt process of making unique bun-shaped ingots (See Santali expression and meaning described below):

2. Inanna of the Guild Treasury with upraised arm. eraka 'upraised arm' rebus: eraka 'metal infusion'
Winged Ishtar (Inanna?) with talons of eagle overpowers the lions.śyena 'eagle' aśani 'thunderbolt' rebus: āhangarahangar 'blacksmith'. (Pashto) siṁhá m. ʻ lion ʼ, siṁhīˊ -- f. RV.Pa. sīha -- m. ʻ lion ʼ, sīhī -- f., Dhp. siha m., Pk. siṁha -- , siṁgha -- , sīha -- m., sīhī -- f.; Wg.  ʻ tiger ʼ; K. sahsüh m. ʻ tiger, leopard ʼ; P. sī˜hsihã̄ m. ʻ lion ʼ, bhaṭ. sīh ʻ leopard ʼ; WPah.khaś. sīˋ ʻ leopard ʼ, cur. jaun. sīh ʻ lion ʼ; Ku. syū̃syū ʻ tiger ʼ; Mth. sī˜h ʻ lion ʼ, H. sī˜ghsīh m., OG. sīha m.; -- Si. siha ← Pa. -- L. śĩh, khet. śī ʻ tiger ʼ with ś -- from Pers. lw. śer ʻ tiger ʼ. -- Pa. sīhinī<-> f. ʻ lioness ʼ; K. sīmiñ f. ʻ tigress, leopard ʼ; P. sīhaṇī f. ʻ tigress ʼ; WPah.bhal. se_hiṇi f. ʻ leopard withcubs ʼ, jaun. sī˜haṇ ʻ tigress ʼ; H. sĩghnī f. ʻ lioness ʼ.Addenda: siṁhá -- : WPah.kṭg. sīˊ m. ʻ lion, leopard, brave man ʼ, sĩˊəṇsī˜ṇ (with high level tone) f. ʻ lioness ʼ (also sī˜ṇ Him.I 214 misprint with i?).(CDIAL 11384) Rebus:  சிங்கச்சுவணம் ciṅka-c-cuvaṇam , n. prob. siṃhala + svarṇa. A kind of superior gold; ஒருவகை உயர்தரப் பொன். தீதுதீர் சிறப்பிற் சிங்கச் சுவணமென் றோசைபோகிய வொண்பொன் (பெருங். வத்தவ. 11, 23).

Brass images of Lakshmi with owl vāhana (also called उलूक m. (√वल्Uṇ. iv, 41 ), an owl, RV. x, 165, 4 ; AV. vi, 29, 1 ; VS. ; TS. ; MBh. ; Mn. ):  koṁḍhullu -- m. ʻowl' (Pkt.) rebus: kundan, kunda'fine gold'. 

3. Pair of reed stalks with scarf. P. kānnā m. ʻ the reed Saccharum munja, reed in a weaver's warp ʼ (Punjabi) Rebus: காணம்¹ kāṇam , n. 2 [M. kāṇam.] An ancient weight; நிறுத்தலளவையுள் ஒன்று. (Insc.) 3. Gold; பொன். (திவா.) 4. An ancient gold coin; பொற்காசு. ஒன்பதுகாப் பொன்னும் நூறாயிரங் காண முங் கொடுத்து (பதிற்றுப். 60, பதி.). 5. Wealth, riches; பொருள். மேற்காண மின்மையால் (நாலடி, 372). 6. Share; பாகம். குசக்காணமும் (S.I.I. ii, 509) dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral; eruvai 'reed' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. Thus, copper mineral wealth, riches.

4. er-agu = a bow, an obeisance; er-aguha = bowing, coming down (Kannada) Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Kannada)Marble , Sarasvati Civilization ( Photo - ) mẽḍhā m. 'markhor'

Marble , Sarasvati Civilization ( Photo - ) Punjabi. mẽḍhā m. 'markhor'.(CDIAL 10310) mēṇḍha 'ram' Rebus: meḍho 'helper of merchant' (Gujarati. Deśīnāmamālā) mẽḍh 'iron' (Mu.), med 'copper' (Slavic languages) Thus, iron merchant.

mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) Rebus: meḍho 'helper of merchant'. (See embedded text -- Deśīnāmamālā of Hemacandra). Ram hieroglyph:mēṇḍha2 m. ʻ ram ʼ, ˚aka -- , mēṇḍa -- 4miṇḍha -- 2˚aka -- , mēṭha -- 2mēṇḍhra -- , mēḍhra -- 2˚aka -- m. lex. 2. *mēṇṭha- (mēṭha -- m. lex.). 3. *mējjha -- . [r -- forms (which are not attested in NIA.) are due to further sanskritization of a loan -- word prob. of Austro -- as. origin (EWA ii 682 with lit.) and perh. related to the group s.v. bhēḍra -- ]1. Pa. meṇḍa -- m. ʻ ram ʼ, ˚aka -- ʻ made of a ram's horn (e.g. a bow) ʼ; Pk. meḍḍha -- , meṁḍha -- (˚ḍhī -- f.), ˚ṁḍa -- , miṁḍha -- (˚dhiā -- f.), ˚aga -- m. ʻ ram ʼ, Dm. Gaw. miṇ Kal.rumb. amŕn/aŕə ʻ sheep ʼ (a -- ?); Bshk. mināˊl ʻ ram ʼ; Tor. miṇḍ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍāˊl ʻ markhor ʼ; Chil. mindh*ll ʻ ram ʼ AO xviii 244 (dh!), Sv. yēṛo -- miṇ; Phal. miṇḍmiṇ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍṓl m. ʻ yearling lamb, gimmer ʼ; P. mẽḍhā m., ˚ḍhī f., ludh. mīḍḍhāmī˜ḍhā m.; N. meṛhomeṛo ʻ ram for sacrifice ʼ; A. mersāg ʻ ram ʼ ( -- sāg < *chāgya -- ?), B. meṛā m., ˚ṛi f., Or. meṇḍhā˚ḍā m., ˚ḍhi f., H. meṛhmeṛhāmẽḍhā m., G. mẽḍhɔ, M. mẽḍhā m., Si. mäḍayā.2. Pk. meṁṭhī -- f. ʻ sheep ʼ; H. meṭhā m. ʻ ram ʼ.3. H. mejhukā m. ʻ ram ʼ.*mēṇḍharūpa -- , mēḍhraśr̥ṅgī -- .Addenda: mēṇḍha -- 2: A. also mer (phonet. mer) ʻ ram ʼ AFD 235 (CDIAL 10310) menda(A) {N} ``^sheep''. *Des.menda(GM) `sheep'. #21810. me~Da o~?-Doi {N} ``^lamb''. |me~Da `^sheep'. @N0747. #6052. gadra me~Da {N} ``^ram, ^male ^sheep''. |me~Da `sheep'. @N0745. #7240. me~Da {N} ``^sheep''. *De. menda (GM). @N0744. #14741.me~Da o?~-Doi {N} ``^lamb''. |o~?-Doi `young of an animal'. @N0747. #14750.gadra me~Da {N} ``^ram''. |gadra `male of sheep or goat'. @N0745. #14762.peti me~Da {N} ``^ewe (without young)''. |peti `young female of sheep or goat'. @N0746. #14772.me~Da o~?-Doi {N} ``^lamb''. |me~Da `^sheep'. @N0747. #6053.peti me~Da {N} ``^ewe (without young)''. |me~Da `sheep'. @N0746. #14773. menda(KMP) {N} ``^sheep [MP], ewe [K], ram, ^wether [P]''. Cf. merom `goat', boda `??'. *O.menda, B.mera, H.merha, Sk.lex, ~medhra, ~mendha, Sa.bheda `ram', ~bhidi `sheep', MuNbhera, MuHbera `ram', Mu., Kh bheri(AB) `sheep', H., O. bhera `ram', H. bhera `sheep'. %21781. #21611.menda kOnOn (P) {N} ``^lamb''. | konon `child'. *$Ho mindi hon . %21790. #21620.mendi (P) {N} ``^sheep''. *$Mu., Ho, Bh. mindi . %21800. #21630. meram (P),, merom (KMP) {N} ``^goat [MP], she-goat [K]''. Cf. menda `sheep'. *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho merom , So. k+mmEd/-mEd , Nic. me ; cf. O., Bh. mera `goat'. %21821. #21651. meram kOnOn (P),, merom kOnOn (P) {N} ``^kid''. | konon `child'. merom (KMP),, meram (P) {N} ``^goat [MP], she-goat [K]''. Cf. menda `sheep'. *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho merom , So. k+mmEd/-mEd , Nic. me ; cf. O., Bh. mera `goat'. %21851. #21681. bheri (D),, bheri (AB) {NA} ``^sheep [ABD]; ^bear [D]''. *@. ??VAR. #3251. menda ,, mendi {N} ``^sheep''. @7906. ??M|F masc|fem #19501. menda (B)F {N(M)} ``(male) ^sheep''. Fem. mendi . *Loan. @B21460,N760. #22531.Ju menda (KMP) {N} ``^sheep [MP], ewe [K], ram, ^wether [P]''. Cf. merom `goat', boda `??'. *O. menda , B. mera , H. merha , Sk. lex , ~ medhra , ~ mendha , Sa. bheda `ram', ~ bhidi `sheep', MuN bhera , MuH bera `ram', Mu., Kh. bheri (AB) `sheep', H., O. bhera `ram', H. bhera `sheep'.Ju meram (P),, merom (KMP) {N} ``^goat [MP], she-goat [K]''. Cf. menda `sheep'. *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho merom , So. k+mmEd/-mEd , Nic. me ; cf. O., Bh. mera `goat'.Ju merego (P),, mergo (P),, mirigo (M) {N} ``^deer''. *Sa. mirgi jel `a certain kind of deer', H. mrgo `deer', antelope, O. mrgo , Sk. mrga . Ju merom (KMP),, meram (P) {N} ``^goat [MP], she-goat [K]''. Cf. menda `sheep'. *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho merom , So. k+mmEd/-mEd , Nic. me ; cf. O., Bh. mera `goat'.Go menda (A) {N} ``^sheep''. *Des. menda (GM) `sheep'.Gu me~Da {N} ``^sheep''. *Des. menda (GM).Re menda (B)F {N(M)} ``(male) ^sheep''. Fem. mendi . *Loan.(Munda etyma. STAMPE-DM--MP.NEW.84, 20-Jun-85 13:32:53, Edit by STAMPE-D Pinnow Versuch and Munda's thesis combined). mēṭam (Ta.);[← Austro -- as. J. Przyluski BSL xxx 200: perh. Austro -- as. *mēḍra ~ bhēḍra collides with Aryan mḗḍhra -- 1 in mēṇḍhra -- m. ʻ penis ʼ BhP., ʻ ram ʼ lex. -- See also bhēḍa -- 1, mēṣá -- , ēḍa -- . -- The similarity between bhēḍa -- 1, bhēḍra -- , bhēṇḍa -- ʻ ram ʼ and *bhēḍa -- 2 ʻ defective ʼ is paralleled by that between mḗḍhra -- 1, mēṇḍha -- 1 ʻ ram ʼ and *mēṇḍa -- 1, *mēṇḍha -- 2 (s.v. *miḍḍa -- ) ʻ defective ʼ]
Deśīnāmamālā Glossary, p. 71 The early meaning of the lexeme meḍh can be traced from the semantics recorded in the following lexemes of Indian linguistic area; as Pischel notes, the word meḍh can be identified as susbtratum semantic for 'helper/assistant of merchant): MBh. [mēṭha -- 1, mēṇḍa -- 3 m. ʻ elephant -- keeper ʼ lex., Pa. hatthimeṇḍa -- m. ʻ elephant -- driver ʼ, Pk. meṁṭha -- , miṁṭha -- , miṁṭhala -- , mahāmettha -- (note final -- th in P. below), metthapurisa -- m. (Pischel PkGr 202) may point to a non -- Aryan word for ʻ elephant -- driver ʼ which became associated with mahāmātra -- : EWA ii 611. -- mahā -- , māˊtrā -- ] (CDIAL 9950). meṇḍa, मेण्ठः मेण्डः An elephant-keeper (Apte. lex.) a groom, elephant -- driver in cpd. hatthi˚ elephants' keeper J iii.431; v.287; vi.489. (Pali). 
A. semantics 'iron': meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho)meṛed (Mundari);mẽṛed iron; enga meṛed soft iron; sanḍi meṛed hard iron; ispāt meṛed steel; dul meṛed cast iron; i meṛed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bica meṛed iron extracted from stone ore; bali meṛed iron extracted from sand ore; meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.)


5. Forward-thrusting, Spiny-horned protome of young bull: singhin 'forward-thrusting, spiny-horned' PLUS खोंड [khōṇḍa] m A young bull, a bullcalf; Rebus: singi 'ornament gold' PLUS kōṇḍa 'fire-trench with live coal' agni-kuṇḍa 'sacred fire-altar'. kõdār 'turner' (Bengali). konda 'furnace, fire-altar' kō̃da कोँद 'furnace for metal'.The two large storage jars with ingots, odds and ends relate to the artisanal competence of the  one-horned young bull, .

6. Goat: mlekh 'goat' (Br.); mr̤eka (Te.); mēṭam (Ta.); meṣam (Skt.) Rebus: milakkhu, mleccha 'copper'
Tiger: kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kollan 'ironsmith'
The stone moulds for bun-ingots are depicted for copper and iron ingots as semantic determinatives of the two animal hieroglyphs of goat and tiger.

7. Goat. mlekh 'goat' (Br.); mr̤eka (Te.); mēṭam (Ta.); meṣam (Skt.) Rebus: milakkhu, mleccha 'copper' meluhha 'copper merchant'.
Ram: mēṇḍha 'ram' Rebus: meḍho 'helper of merchant' (Gujarati. Deśīnāmamālā) mẽḍh 'iron' (Mu.), med 'copper' (Slavic languages) Thus, copper, iron merchant.

8. Flowing water: kāṇḍam காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools, pots and pans’ (Marathi) (B) {V} “(pot, etc.) to ^overflow”. See `to be left over’. @B24310. #20851. Re(B) {V} “(pot, etc.) to ^overflow”. See`to be left over’. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. 
9. Rice plant: kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' 

10. Cob of millet: khōṇḍa 'millet' rebus: kōṇḍa 'fire-trench with live coal' agni-kuṇḍa 'sacred fire-altar'. kõdār 'turner' (Bengali). konda 'furnace, fire-altar' kō̃da कोँद 'furnace for metal' kọ̆nḍu क्वं॑डु॒or konḍu 1 कं॑डु॒ । कुण्डम् m. a large bowl or basin, a cauldron for cooking or other use (cf. liwan-kọ̆nḍu, s.v. liwun; maĩzi-ko, s.v. maĩz); (amongst Hindūs) a hole dug in the ground for receiving consecrated fire (Kashmiri)

Stalk of a reed: kāˊṇḍa (kāṇḍá -- TS.) m.n. ʻ single joint of a plant ʼ AV., ʻ arrow ʼ MBh., ʻ cluster, heap ʼ (in tr̥ṇa -- kāṇḍa -- Pāṇ. Kāś.). [Poss. connexion with gaṇḍa -- 2 makes prob. non -- Aryan origin (not with P. Tedesco Language 22, 190 < kr̥ntáti). Prob. ← Drav., cf. Tam. kaṇ ʻ joint of bamboo or sugarcane ʼ EWA i 197] Pa. kaṇḍa -- m.n. ʻ joint of stalk, stalk, arrow, lump ʼ; Pk. kaṁḍa -- , °aya -- m.n. ʻ knot of bough, bough, stick ʼ; Ash. kaṇ ʻ arrow ʼ, Kt. kåṇ, Wg. kāṇkŕã, Pr. kə̃, Dm. kā̆n; Paš. lauṛ. kāṇḍkāṇ, ar. kōṇ, kuṛ. kō̃, dar. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ torch ʼ; Shum. kō̃ṛkō̃ ʻ arrow ʼ, Gaw. kāṇḍkāṇ; Kho. kan ʻ tree, large bush ʼ; Bshk. kāˋ'n ʻ arrow ʼ, Tor. kan m., Sv. kã̄ṛa, Phal. kōṇ, Sh. gil. kōn f. (→ Ḍ. kōn, pl. kāna f.), pales. kōṇ; K. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ stalk of a reed, straw ʼ (kān m. ʻ arrow ʼ ← Sh.?); S. kānu m. ʻ arrow ʼ, °no m. ʻ reed ʼ, °nī f. ʻ topmost joint of the reed Sara, reed pen, stalk, straw, porcupine's quill ʼ; L. kānã̄ m. ʻ stalk of the reed Sara ʼ, °nī˜ f. ʻ pen, small spear ʼ; P. kānnā m. ʻ the reed Saccharum munja, reed in a weaver's warp ʼ, kānī f. ʻ arrow ʼ; WPah. bhal. kān n. ʻ arrow ʼ, jaun. kã̄ḍ; N. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛo ʻ rafter ʼ; A. kã̄r ʻ arrow ʼ; B. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛā ʻ oil vessel made of bamboo joint, needle of bamboo for netting ʼ, kẽṛiyā ʻ wooden or earthen vessel for oil &c. ʼ; Or. kāṇḍakã̄ṛ ʻ stalk, arrow ʼ; Bi. kã̄ṛā ʻ stem of muñja grass (used for thatching) ʼ; Mth. kã̄ṛ ʻ stack of stalks of large millet ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ wooden milkpail ʼ; Bhoj. kaṇḍā ʻ reeds ʼ; H. kã̄ṛī f. ʻ rafter, yoke ʼ, kaṇḍā m. ʻ reed, bush ʼ (← EP.?); G. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ joint, bough, arrow ʼ, °ḍũ n. ʻ wrist ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint, bough, arrow, lucifer match ʼ; M. kã̄ḍ n. ʻ trunk, stem ʼ, °ḍẽ n. ʻ joint, knot, stem, straw ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint of sugarcane, shoot of root (of ginger, &c.) ʼ; Si. kaḍaya ʻ arrow ʼ. -- Deriv. A. kāriyāiba ʻ to shoot with an arrow ʼ.(CDIAL 3023) káṇa m. ʻ a grain of corn ʼ AV., ʻ drop (of water) ʼ Kāv., kaṇikā -- f. ʻ a single grain ʼ MBh.Pa. kaṇa -- m. ʻ dust between husk and grain of rice ʼ, kaṇikā -- f. ʻ particle of broken rice ʼ; Pk. kaṇa -- , ˚aga -- m. ʻ scattered grain, rice, wheat, particle, drop ʼ, kaṇiyā -- f. ʻ fragment of rice or wheat ʼ;  A. kanā ʻ a minute particle ʼ, kani ʻ egg, testicle, *drop ʼ (whence kaniyāiba ʻ to fall in small drops ʼ); B. kan ʻ eye of corn, particle ʼ, kanā ʻ piece of dust, cummin seed ʼ, kanī ʻ atom, particle ʼ; Or. kaṇa˚ṇā ʻ particle of dust, eye of seed, atom ʼ, kaṇi ʻ particle of grain ʼ; OAw. kana ʻ drop (of dew) ʼ;Sh. (Lor.) k*lh ʻ grain of rice with the husk on ʼ; K. kana m. ʻ granule ʼ, pl. ʻ broken bits of grain from husked rice ʼ; S. kaṇo m. ʻ a grain, a seed ʼ; L. kaṇ m. ʻ outturn of crops ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ drop, slight rain ʼ, (Salt Range) kaṇ m. ʻ seedling onion ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ broken rice, drop of rain ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇ ʻ drop ʼ; P. kaṇ m. ʻ outturn of crops, grain borrowed and repayable with interest, particle ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ particle, bran, halfformed butter in milk ʼ, kiṇī f. ʻ drop of rain ʼ (whence kiṇnā ʻ to rain moderately ʼ); WPah. bhal. kaṇi ʻ a bit of meat ʼ; H. kan m., kanī f. ʻ grain, fragment, atom ʼ; G. kaṇkaṇũ n. ʻ single grain of corn ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ small grain ʼ (whence kaṇiyɔ m. ʻ grain -- dealer ʼ); M. kaṇ m. ʻ grain, atom, corn ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ hard core of grain, pupil of eye, broken bit ʼ, kaṇẽ n. ʻ very small particle ʼ; Ko. kaṇu m. ʻ a grain ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ a drop of water ʼ.(CDIAL 2661)

Rebus: kana 'possesssion, goods, wealth, treasure' காணம்¹ kāṇam , n. 2 [M. kāṇam.] An ancient weight; நிறுத்தலளவையுள் ஒன்று. (Insc.) 3. Gold; பொன். (திவா.) 4. An ancient gold coin; பொற்காசு. ஒன்பதுகாப் பொன்னும் நூறாயிரங் காண முங் கொடுத்து (பதிற்றுப். 60, பதி.). 5. Wealth, riches; பொருள். மேற்காண மின்மையால் (நாலடி, 372). 6. Share; பாகம். குசக்காணமும் (S.I.I. ii, 509) காணிமானியம் kāṇi-māṉiyam , n. < id. +. (C.G.) 1. Hereditary land exempt from all tax; சர்வமானியம். 2. Inam land enjoyed in common by the whole community of mirasdars in a village; கிராமப் பங்காளிகளுக்குப் பொதுவான மானியம். காணியாட்சி kāṇi-y-āṭci , n. < id. +. [T. K. kāṇayāci.] Hereditary right to land, to offices, to fees, to an estate or to a kingdom; domain obtained by inheritance; that which is held as free and hereditary property; estate, one's own possession; உரிமைநிலம். மேலைத்தெரு வில் ஒருமடமும் காணியாட்சியும் கொடுத்த அளவுக்கு (S.I.I. i, 124).காணியாட்சிமிராசு kāṇi-y-āṭci-mirācu , n. < காணியாட்சி +. Proprietary right in village lands; கிராம நிலவுரிமை. (C.G.)காணியாட்சியூர் kāṇi-y-āṭci-y-ūr , n. < id. +. Hereditary village; பரம்பரையுரிமையுள்ள கிராமம்.காணியாளன் kāṇi-y-āḷaṉ , n. < காணி¹ +. 1. [M. kāṇiyāḷan.] Proprietor of land; காணி யாட்சியுள்ளவன். 2. Hard working agriculturist; உழவின்மேல் ஊக்கமுள்ள குடி. (சிலப். 5, 43, உரை.) 3. A sub-division of Smartha Brahmans; ஸ்மார்த்த பிராமணரில் ஒருவகுப்பு. (G. Tj. D. 78.) 4. A sub-division of Vēḷāḷas; வேளாளருள் ஒரு வகுப்பு. (G. Tj. D. 81.)காணிக்காரன் kāṇi-k-kāraṉ , n. < id. +. [M. kāṇikkāraṉ.] 1. Hereditary proprietor of land, coparcener in village lands held in common; கிராமப்பங்காளிLoc. 2. A hill tribe in the Tinnevelly district and Travancore; one belonging to that tribe; தென்பாண்டிநாட்டி லுள்ள ஒரு மலைச்சாதியான். (G. Tn. D. 7.) காணி¹ kāṇi , n. < id. [T. K. M. Tu. kāṇi.] 1. The fraction ¹⁄₈₀ ஓரெண். முந்திரிமேற் காணி மிகுவதேல் (நாலடி, 346). 2. A land measure = 100 kuḻi or 1.32 acres nearly; 100 குழியளவுள்ள நிலம். 3. cf. kṣōṇī. Land; நிலம். ஊரிலேன் காணியில்லை (திவ். திருமாலை, 29). 4. Landed property, estate, possession; காணியாட்சி. (W.) 5. Right of possession; hereditary right; பரம் பரையுரிமை. மனுமுறைக் காணிவேந்தரை (சேதுபு. இராமதீ. 48). 6. A weight = ¹⁄₄₀ of a mañcāṭiஒரு மஞ்சாடிநிறை. (S.I.I. ii, 65, Ft.)காணிக்கை kāṇikkai , n. < காண்-. [T. kānuka, K. Tu. kāṇike, M. kāṇikka.] Voluntary offering, commonly in money, gold, fruits; gift to a temple or church; present to a guru or other great person; கடவுளர்க்கேனும் பெரியோர் கட்கேனும் சமர்ப்பிக்கும் பொருள். வேதாளநாதன் மகி ழுங் காணிக்கையாகி (சேதுபு. வேதாள. 34).




Rebus: khaṇḍa 'equipment, metalware'. 
 (Santali)

 


Presentation scenes, tributes to Goddess Inanna.

The original Warka Vase, dated to c. 3200–3000 BC. National Museum of Iraq. Alabaster ca. 3200-3000 BCE



Lower register. Warka vase.

Reconstitution of Warka vase



Drawing of the relief of a Uruk level III alabaster vase
On this Indus Script seal. the hieroglyph 'rice-plant' is signified, compares orthographically with Warka vase signifiers of hieroglyphs.
 Sign 162 (1977 ASI Mahadevan Concordance)



kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
Seal fragment of a man with double bun and three fingered hand or trident. Trench 39 North, upper levels, Harappa Phase. https://www.harappa.com/indus2/160.html Harappa tablet h1676 A lady with upraised arm holding a rice-plant hieroglyph. eraka 'upraised arm' rebus: eraka 'metal infusion' PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
Khirsara Seal. kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'casting smithy, casting forge'; sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' PLUS  खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' rebus: khāṇḍa, khaṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans, implements' tsarkh 'potter's wheel' (Pashto) rebus: arka 'copper, gold' arkasal 'goldsmith workshop';  eraka 'knave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' PLUS arā 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass'.Field symbol: kundar 'young bull' rebus: kunda, kundaṇa 'fine gold' PLUS G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻlathe’ 'portable furnaceRebus:  संघाट joinery; M. sãgaḍ ‘double-canoe’ Rebus: sangataras ‘stone-cutter, mason’; rebus: sangara 'trade' जांगड [jāngaḍ] 'approval basis' mercantile transactions of seafaring traders organized as śreṇi,'guilds'; jangadiyo 'military guards carrying treasure into the treasury' (Gujarati).


Anthropomorph wrestling with buffalo & three sprouts Indus Script hieroglyphs on Akkadian cylinder seal ca. 2300 BCE

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https://tinyurl.com/y2cwkma2

Indus script hieroglyphs on the Akkadian seal are:

1. horned anthropomorph ligatured to the hindpart of a bovine

2. buffalo 

3. pair of buffalos

4. three sprouts

5. six locks of hair on anthropomorph

Horn: ko 'horn' koḍ 'artisan's workshop (Kuwi) 

bovine: dhangar 'bull' rebus: dhangar, thakur 'blacksmith'

buffalo: rāngo 'water buffalo bull' (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559) rebus: rã̄g, rã̄gā ''pewter, tin'

Pair of buffalos: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'

kor̤u 'sprout' rebus: kor̤u 'bar of metal' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

baṭa 'six' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'.

The anthroporph is spearing the animal with a knife; the hypertext is: 

Ta. katti knife, cutting instrument, razor, sword, sickle. Ma. katti knife. Ko. katy billhook knife; kati·r- (katrc-; < katy-tayr, katy-tarc-) to cut; kaṇkeyt, kaṇki·t sickle (for kaṇ, see 1166). To. kaṇ koty dagger-shaped knife burned with corpse (cf. 1166). Ka. katti knife, razor, sword. Koḍ. katti knife.Tu. katti, katte id. Te. katti knife, razor, sword. Go. (Ch.) katti cock's spur; (Elwin) kāti the knife attached to the cock's foot (Voc. 490). ? Cf. 1208 Kol. katk-.(DEDR 1204) Rebus 1: khātā 'labour sphere account book' Rebus 2:  käti ʻwarrior' (Sinhalese)(CDIAL 3649). Hieroglyph: katī 'blacksmith's goldsmith's scissors' rebus:  khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights'  Rebus 1: khātā 'labour sphere account book' Rebus 2:  käti ʻwarrior' (Sinhalese)(CDIAL 3649). Hieroglyph: katī 'blacksmith's goldsmith's scissors' rebus:  khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights'.

Thus, the anthropomorph is a blacksmith who is also a wheelwright with a workshop; he has created a.khātā 'labour sphere account book' with the Indus Script hieroglyphs.
AN AKKADIAN BLACK STONE CYLINDER SEAL | CIRCA 2300-2200 B.C. E| Ancient Art Antiquities, writing implements | Christie's

Itihāsa. Historical significance of Confederate Flag in Capitol Hill, USA Jan. 6, 2021 -- Aria Bendix

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A harrowing photo shows a Trump supporter carrying a Confederate flag inside the US Capitol, flanked by portraits of Civil War-era figures
Aria Bendix Jan. 7, 2021


A supporter of President Donald Trump storm the US Capitol Rotunda on January 6, 2021.Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images

  • A photographer named Saul Loeb captured an image of a man carrying a large Confederate battle flag during the pro-Trump riot inside the US Capitol on Wednesday.
  • Though the Confederate battle flag originated during the US Civil War, it never entered the Capitol during that time.
  • Behind the man in the photo, two portraits reflect the fractured nation of the country during the 1860s.
  • To the man's right is a portrait of Charles Sumner, an abolitionist. To his left is a portrait of John C. Calhoun, a defender of slavery.

As rioters stormed the US Capitol on Wednesday, a photographer named Saul Loeb managed to encapsulate the siege's dark historical context in a single image. His photo shows a man waving a Confederate battle flag in front of two portraits of Civil War-era figures in the Capitol Rotunda.

To the man's right is a portrait of Charles Sumner, a Massachusetts senator who protested slavery. To his left is a portrait of John C. Calhoun, the seventh US vice president, who was a staunch defender of slavery and heavily influenced the ideology that ultimately led to the South's secession.

The proximity of the two portraits calls to mind the fractured nature of US civil society in the 1860s - and the recent cleft that has widened in the lead-up and response to the 2020 election.

"What I find fascinating about that juxtaposition is its connections to violence, because of course [Sumner] was a victim of violence in the Capitol when he was attacked for having had made a speech critical of slavery," Judith Giesberg, a Civil War historian at Villanova University, told Business Insider. "What that image should remind us of is that there's a history of having violent political confrontations in Congress."

Congress met Wednesday for a joint session to certify the electoral-vote count. At about the same time, thousands of supporters of President Donald Trump gathered in Washington, DC, to protest the certification of President-elect Joe Biden's victory.

Trump urged his supporters to head to the Capitol, and with Congress in session rioters stormed the Capitol, forcing the House and the Senate to abruptly enter recess. Lawmakers, Hill staffers, and reporters took shelter in their offices before being evacuated. Trespassers sat in Vice President Mike Pence's chair in the Senate chamber, vandalized congressional offices, and stole items from the building.

Multiple police officers were injured in the violence, and a woman was fatally shot in an altercation with law enforcement, MSNBC's Pete Williams reported. Finally, shortly after 5:30 p.m. local time, the House of Representatives' sergeant at arms announced the Capitol had been secured. A 6 p.m. curfew was established for Washington.The photo's historical significanceThe Confederate battle flag originated during the Civil War for the pro-slavery secessionists, but historians say its significance as a political symbol emerged in the 20th century as a sign of resistance to racial integration. During the entire Civil War, from 1861 to 1865, the flag never entered the US Capitol. "The flag's significance during the Civil War has been grossly overstated," Giesberg said. "We have projected our experiences backward."

A January 2020 YouGov poll found that a plurality of Americans had come to view the Confederate flag as representing racism in general. It's been a common sight, however, at rallies for Trump, who has defended people's decisions to fly the flag in public.

Giesberg said there's a deep irony behind the man carrying the Confederate flag in front of Sumner's portrait.

"It's striking to see [Sumner] juxtaposed with this person who represents what he most was offended by and what he stood against," she said.

All the more ironic, she added, was the proximity of Calhoun's portrait as well."Calhoun is perfect in this way, in so many ways, because this is a man who was no stranger to treason," Giesberg said. "He had done more probably than anybody else in the country to rehearse the events that would lead to succession, starting in November of 1860."

A harrowing photo shows a Trump supporter carrying a Confederate flag inside the US Capitol, flanked by portraits of Civil War-era figures
A Trump supporter sits on the second floor of the US Capitol near the entrance to the Senate, beneath a portrait of Charles Sumner.Mike Theiler/Reuters

In July, the House voted to approve legislation to remove statues of Confederate figures and others such as Calhoun, who died before the South actually seceded, from the Capitol.The decision was in part a continuation of Sumner's legacy. In 1865, the abolitionist proposed that paintings hanging in the Capitol shouldn't portray scenes from the Civil War. In particular, he objected to a bust of Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, who ruled in 1857 that Black Americans could not be considered citizens. Sumner "was certainly a vocal and resolute abolitionist," Giesberg said. "He was uncompromising in his critique of slavery and for that he paid, ultimately, a very heavy price."

https://www.businessinsider.in/politics/world/news/a-harrowing-photo-shows-a-trump-supporter-carrying-a-confederate-flag-inside-the-us-capitol-flanked-by-portraits-of-civil-war-figures/articleshow/80144810.cms

Itihāsa. Exploring the Indian Ocean as a Rich Archive of History—Above and Below the Water Line -- isabel Hofmeyr & Charne Lavery

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Note:

We have to relate the Hindumahāsāgar to Kāḷidāsa's adoration of Himālayas, with the national poet's exquisite metaphors:
devatatma-himalaya-from-kalidasa-kumarasambhavam.png

Complementing the maritime route of Hindumahāsāgar are the navigable waterways of Himālayan rivers: Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween, Brahmaputra, Ganga, Sarasvati, Sindhu. Not enough research work has been done on the history of these waterways. The extraordinary feature of these waterways is that the Himālaya --geologically, the youngest mountain range of the globe -- is still dynamic, plate tectonically, growing about 1 cm. taller every year, the reservoir of ice and snow is growing and will sustain these waterways for many more millennia. Rakhigarhi the capital of the Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization was located as a paṭṭaṇa on the water-divide caused by the Aravalli range trough providing transhipment of wealth resources of copper, tin, iron ore etc. to power the Tin-Bronze Revolution. Rakhigarhi water-divide location is the reason why Yamuna and Ganga flow eastwards, while Sarasvati and Sindhu flow westwards.

The range of the Himālaya is a stunner, spanning from Hanoi (Vietnam) to Caspian Sea (beyong Teheran).

himalaya.jpg

How did Batik fabric printing technique use of wax and copper blocks of Indonesia arrive in Gujarat? How did Vasco da Gama encounter a Gujarati Chandan's ship three times larger than his on Arabian Sea?

"According to Dr Sridhar Wakankar, Vasco da Gama had recorded in his diary that upon his arrival at Zanzibar in Africa he saw a docked ship three times bigger than his own. He took an African interpreter to meet the owner of that ship Chandan, a Gujarati trader who used to bring pine wood and teak from India along with spices and take back diamonds to Cochin."



Batik craftswomen in Java drawing intricate patterns using canting and wax that are kept hot and liquid in a heated small pan

S. Kalyanaraman

The Indian Ocean provides a new way of looking at world history, a field of knowledge previously dominated by European accounts.

The Conversation

  • Isabel Hofmeyr
  • Charne Lavery

file-20200602-133866-18vt4bh.jpg

Credit: Shutterstock.

On many beaches around the Indian Ocean, keen observers may spot bits of broken pottery. Washed smooth by the ocean, these shards are in all likelihood hundreds of years old, from centres of ceramic production like the Middle Eastern Abbasid caliphate and the Chinese Ming dynasty.

Originally destined for Indian Ocean port cities, this pottery would have been purchased by merchant elites accustomed to eating off fine plates. These traders formed part of vast commercial networks that crisscrossed the Indian Ocean arena and beyond, from East Africa to Indonesia, the Middle East and China.

These trade networks stretched back thousands of years, powered by the monsoon winds. Reversing direction in different seasons, these winds have long shaped the rhythm of life around the ocean, bringing rain to farmers, filling the sails of dhows and enabling trade between different ecological zones.

The monsoon wind pattern makes the Indian Ocean relatively easy to cross both ways. In the Atlantic, by contrast, winds blow in one direction all year round. That’s why the Indian Ocean is the world’s oldest long-distance trans-oceanic trading arena, and is sometimes known as the cradle of globalization.

This cosmopolitan world has long fascinated scholars and has become a vibrant domain of research. Yet this work has had little to say about the sea itself. Its focus is on human movement with the ocean as a passive backdrop. In the age of rising sea levels and climate change, it’s important to learn more about the sea from a material and ecological point of view.

Over the past few years, this situation has started to shift. In this article we survey both the older and the newer forms of Indian Ocean studies, of surface and depth.

Surface Histories of the Indian Ocean

Given the long millennia of trade and exchange, one key concern of Indian Ocean studies has been a focus on cultural interaction. Cities on the shores have sustained deep forms of material, intellectual and cultural exchange, so that the denizens of these ports had more in common with each other than with their fellows inland.

This early cosmopolitan world has famously been explored in Amitav Ghosh’s In an Antique Land, which traces the travels of Abram bin Yiju, a 12th century Jewish Tunisian merchant based in Cairo and later in Mangalore, India. The book contrasts the rigidity of borders in the 1980s with the relative ease of movement in the late medieval Indian Ocean.

The Swahili coast provides another famed example of Indian Ocean cosmopolitanism. Stretching a thousand miles from Somalia to Mozambique, Swahili society arose from centuries of interaction between Africa, the Middle East and Asia.

Centred on coastal city states like Kilwa, Zanzibar and Lamu, Swahili trade networks reached far inland to present day Zimbabwe and outward to Persia, India and China. After reaching their height from the 12th to the 15th centuries, these city states were eventually undone by the Portuguese, who arrived from the early 16th century, seeking to establish a monopoly of the spice trade.

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Zanzibar, Tanzania. Credit: GettyImages.

Central to these histories of mobility and exchange in the Indian Ocean has been the spread of Islam across land and sea from the 7th century CE. By the 14th century, mercantile networks around the Indian Ocean were almost entirely in the hands of Muslim traders.

In their wake came scholars, theologians, pilgrims, clerks, legal pundits and Sufi divines. Together, these groups created a shared economic, spiritual and legal frameworks. Sufism, a mystical form of Islam is an important strand in the Indian Ocean histories, as is the centrifugal power of the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca.

European Colonization Along the Indian Ocean

When the Portuguese rounded the Cape in the late 15th century, they entered what many have termed a Muslim Lake, dominated in the north by the Turkish Ottoman, Persian Safavid and Indian Mughal empires. When the Dutch arrived in the Indian Ocean in the 17th century, “they were able to go from one end of it to another by carrying letters of introduction from Muslim sultans on various shores”.

As Engseng Ho has indicated, these sprawling networks of Muslim commerce operated without the backing of an army or a state.

The Portuguese, Dutch and English in the Indian Ocean were strange new traders who brought their states with them. They created militarised trading-post empires in the Indian Ocean, following Venetian and Genoese precedents in the Mediterranean, and were wont to do business at the point of a gun.

Early European entrants to the Indian Ocean world initially had to adapt to the trading orders that they encountered. But by the 19th century, European empires dominated. Their military, transport and communication infrastructure intensified the movement of people across the Indian Ocean world.

As Clare Anderson has demonstrated, much of this mobility was forced and conscripted. It involved slaves, indentured labourers, political exiles and prisoners who were transported between regions. At times, these systems built on existing foundations of labour exploitation. As recent research indicates, South Asian indentured labour was often taken from regions in India where slavery existed. Old and new systems of unfree labour produced an archipelago of prisons, plantations and penal colonies.

As an archive, the Indian Ocean provides a new way of looking at world history, that has previously been dominated by European accounts. The age of European empires is only one tiny sliver of time in a much longer arc. A view from the Indian Ocean unsettles ideas of the relationship between European colonizers and colonized groups.

As historians like Engseng Ho and Sugata Bose have argued, the Indian Ocean world was an arena of competing claims.

The ambitions of British imperialism, for example, were countered by the equally grand visions of Islam. Indeed, the Indian Ocean arena produced a rich repertoire of transoceanic ideologies, including Hindu reformism and pan-Buddhism.

Such ideologies eventually acquired an anti-imperial character which also fed into ideas of Afro-Asian solidarity and non-alignment. These arose from the Bandung Conference in 1955 at which 29 newly independent nations gathered to forge a new path rather than falling in line with either of the rival camps in the emerging Cold War.

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The Belt and Road Initiative. Credit: Shutterstock.

In the 21st century, these older alliances have come under pressure as China and India elbow each other for dominance in the Indian Ocean. China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative involves massive transport and port infrastructure and aims to extend China’s footprint across much of the Indian Ocean arena. In response, New Delhi has bolstered its economic and military activity in this domain.

Deep Histories of the Indian Ocean

While the uniquely well-travelled surface of the Indian Ocean has received much attention, its depths barely register in the cultural or historical imagination. Its waters constitute nearly 20% of the ocean’s total volume, and its deepest point, the Sunda Deep of the Java Trench, lies nearly 8km below the surface. Yet its seafloor, like much of the world’s oceans, is largely unmapped.

Seafloor features determine weather patterns, fish concentrations and tsunami dynamics. Initial explorations by mining companies revealed mineral-rich deposits on submarine volcanic vents, while new species are continually being discovered.

The deep Indian Ocean is far less studied than the depths of the other oceans, for economic reasons: it is ringed by underdeveloped countries. The second International Indian Ocean Expedition was launched only in 2015, fifty years after the first. It aims to increase understanding about the oceanographic and biological characteristics of this undersampled ocean, as well as the ways in which it is changing.

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Maldives Indian Ocean coral reef. Credit: Shutterstock.

Paying attention to the submarine world is becoming increasingly important in a time of climate change prompted by human activities. The Indian Ocean is warming faster than any of the other oceans, holding more than 70% of all the heat absorbed by the upper ocean since 2003. Indian Ocean islands – the Maldives being a well-known example – are already being submerged by rising global sea levels.

Cyclone patterns are shifting further south and happening more often as a result of the ocean’s rising temperature. The monsoon, which underpinned the Indian Ocean’s shipping networks and the rainfall patterns on its coastlines, is losing its power and predictability.

Deities, Spirits and Ancestors

While the Indian Ocean’s depths are in many ways opaque, they are not unpopulated in people’s imaginations. The ocean bustles with water deities, djinns, mermaids and ancestral spirits – a mythical submarine world that reflects the cosmopolitanism of its land populations.

In southern Africa this mix is especially rich: Khoisan/ First Nation water sprites, Muslim djinns introduced by South East Asian slaves, African ancestors, one of whose domains is the ocean, and British imperial ideas about the romance of the sea.

These ideas encounter each other and turn bodies of water into rich sites of memory and history. They have been explored by the Oceanic Humanities for the Global South project. Work by Confidence Joseph, Oupa Sibeko, Mapule Mohulatsi and Ryan Poinasamy explores the literary and artistic imaginations of southern Africa’s creolized waters.

Afrofuturist science fiction is also turning to the deep Indian Ocean. Mohale Mashigo’s Floating Rugs is situated in a submarine community on South Africa’s east coast. Mia Couto’s stories from the Mozambican coastline have long paired myths of mermaids with marine biology. Yvonne Adhiambo Owuor’s novel The Dragonfly Sea links contemporary Afro-Asian networks to the undersea.

Deep Sea Mining

Some exploration of the deep ocean can seem science-fictional, but isn’t.

The International Seabed Authority, a branch of the United Nations in operation since 2001 and responsible for parcelling out potential marine mining areas, has granted contracts for mining exploration in the Indian Ocean. At the same time, researchers are discovering an astonishing number of new deep ocean species on the same sites.

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Underwater pearl farm. Credit: Getty Images.

The submarine world has long been plundered for riches. Histories of pearl diving in the Indian Ocean – as in a central scene of Jules Verne’s Twenty Thousand Leagues under the Sea – are continued in today’s illegal abalone trade. Poachers on the coast of South Africa don scuba gear to harvest abalone to trade with Asian markets, linking the undersea to Indian Ocean criminal underworlds, along the same lines as the ancient trade networks.

At times these networks are the source of treasure. On the Island of Mozambique, for instance, the shards of blue pottery that were traded around the Indian Ocean are one of the objects of the active treasure hunting trade today. While some of the treasures are sold by dealers in antiquities, others provide crucial evidence for maritime archaeological research. Recently, the Slave Wrecks Project has discovered slave shipwrecks that provide concrete symbols of the transatlantic slave trade and link it to histories of Indian Ocean slavery and indenture.

The old waterfronts of East African port cities like Mombasa, Zanzibar and Lamu are dominated by buildings with a pure white finish. This present-day architecture echoes a centuries-old tradition of building houses, mosques and tombs from white coral stone and dressed with lime plaster. Made from shells and corals that began their life under the sea, this luminous plaster made port cities visible from afar to incoming vessels.

The ocean’s submarine life and its human histories are always entangled. And now writers, artists and scholars are increasingly drawing attention to their connectedness.

Isabel Hofmeyr is Professor of African Literature at the University of the Witwatersrand.

Charne Lavery is a Lecturer and Research Associate at the University of the Witwatersrand.

https://getpocket.com/explore/item/exploring-the-indian-ocean-as-a-rich-archive-of-history-above-and-below-the-water-line?utm_source=pocket-newtab .

Seal found with a skeleton in Mohenjo-daro tragedy is a metalwork catalogue of bell-metal, alloy-metal mint of an ornament gold-smith

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https://tinyurl.com/y6djt3s2

 

The following Blogpost presents details of the context of the 'tragedy' at Mohenjodaro, described by John Marshall:

Jayasree Saranathan: Evidence of the comet-hit of 3136 BCE from Sindhu kingdom (Mohenjo-Daro) to the Alps. (Part 15: Mahabharata date)

I will focus on the decipherment of the seal.

Field symbol: hieroglyphs/hypertexts of: 1. forward-thrusting, spiny-horned young bull' and 2. standard device composition of 'lathe' on upper register and 'portable furnace' on the bottom register.

Decipherment: singhin 'forward-thrusting, spiny-horned' rebus: singi 'ornament gold' PLUS खोंड [khōṇḍa] m A young bull, a bullcalf' rebus: kōṇḍa 'fire-trench with live coals' agnikuṇḍa 'sacred fire-altar'; rebus: कोंद kōnda 'engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems'; kō̃da कोँद । कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 1033); a lime-kiln. (Kashmiri) rebus: kundan 'fine gold'.

Text message: from r. to l.

Sign 267 is oval=shape variant, rhombus-shape of a bun ingot. Like Sign 373, this sign also signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109.2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ;  A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. (CDIAL 2756)

sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'

Sign 389 = Sign 373 PLUS Sign 169 (infixed)

Sign 373 (

with infixed hieroglyph of sprout, Sign 169) has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingot
mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. PLUS  kor̤u 'sprout'  Rebus: kor̤u 'bar of metal' Thus, bar of metal ingot.

Sign 67 fish + fish-fin


ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ rebus: kammaa 'coiner, coinage, mint (Kannada)

Sign 403

karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār 'blacksmith' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'

Sign 162

kolma 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

Thus, the seal from Mohenjo-daro found with one of the victims of the 'tragedy' signifies metalwork catalogue of work done in smithy,forge; alloy metal mint; producing bar of metal ingot; bell-metal workshop.

Itihāsa. Gāndhāri's curse & start of Kali Yuga 36 years after Mahābhārata War -- Jayasree Saranathan

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Jayasree Saranathan presents astrological arguments validating the beginning of Kaliyuga in 3102 BCE and hence, the MBh war 36 years before this date, consistent with Gāndhāri's curse mentioned in the MBh. text in reference to the exit of Sri Kr̥ṣṇa. 

Kudos to Dr. Smt. Jayasree Saranathan.

This date of 3102 in a hallowed Hindu tradition for over thousand-three-hundred years from ca. 600 CE recorded in 436 inscriptions, as detailed in Kaliyuga-Inscriptional Evidence by Dr. ML Raja

Āryabhaṭīya emphatically records the beginning of Kaliyuga at 3102 BCE.

Āryabhaṭīya

10. When three yugapādas and sixty times sixty years had elapsed (from the beginning of the yuga) then twenty-three years of my life had passed.

“If Āryabhaṭa began the Kaliyuga at 3102 BCE as later astronomers did, and if his fourth yugapāda began with the beginning of the Kaliyuga, we arrive at the date 499 CE. It is natural to take this as the date of composition of the treatise. “ (The Āryabhaṭīya of Āryabhaṭa—an Ancient Indian work on Mathematics and Astronomy, tr. By Walter Eugene Clark, Univ. of Chicago Press, Illinois, 1930 (pp.54-55)

Source: https://archive.org/stream/The_Aryabhatiya_of_Aryabhata_Clark_1930#page/n3/mode/2up

Any date of MBh war arrived at by astronomers from the textual references in MBh text should be consistent with this hallowed tradition.

Kalyan

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Sanatana Dharmi.

Friday, December 25, 2020

Validating the Traditional date of Mahabharata War: Determining the date of Kali Yuga (Part 1)

On this auspicious day of Vaikuntha Ekadasi when Vishnu, the Atman, as the Sun in his chariot in Margashira, instructs the self, in the nature of the Moon, having taken refuge at His feet, let Jayam spring up from this upavāsa.

nārāyaṇaṃ namaskṛtya naraṃ caiva narottamam
      devīṃ sarasvatīṃ caiva tato jayam udīrayet

The date of Mahabharata War is as contentious as the war itself !

The date, already embedded within the Itihāsa, is lost from sight due to various causes, the important one being our lack of knowledge of the features of the calendar system in vogue ever since Krishna left his mortal coils. The Kali Maha Yuga calendar started since then. Thirty five years before that, the Mahabharata war was fought. This offers the best hint to arrive at the year of the war which can be cross-checked with the astronomy references found in the text.

Here comes the next issue of locating the astronomy positions precisely. We are not able to locate the astronomy positions concurring with the date derived from the Kali date and we fail to understand the cause for it. The only external element being the simulator in use, we fail to probe that external element but instead start finding fault with the verses or manipulate the verses of Mahabharata.

These two issues are to be resolved– Kali Yuga date and the precise astronomy positions - before I begin decoding the verses to validate the Traditional date of the war.  

Kali Yuga date forms the basis for deriving the date of Mahabharata war.

Very often we come across references to Kali Yuga in Mahabharata – mostly used in the context of dharma (or adharma) prevailing then. When adharmic fighting technique was used by Bhima to slay Duryodhana, Krishna himself said, “prāptaṃ kaliyugaṃ viddhi”[1]

{Prāptā = attained to, reached to.

Viddhi = the act of piercing, perforating (second person singular present imperative class 2 parasmaipada √vid)}

If this is construed as referring to the start of Kali Maha Yuga, then we must justify another verse, pertaining to the entry of Kali in Parikshit’s time. Parikshit needs no external citation, for, his name was mentioned by Krishna himself after Aswattama shot his astra to destroy the fetus growing in the womb of Uttarā, the wife of Abhimanyu, his nephew. Krishna said that the fetus would be saved and the son born would be known as Parikshit and would rule for sixty years.[2]

Parikshit came to the throne after the Pandavas relinquished the throne which happened soon after Krishna left the world. On the day of exit of Krishna, Kali Maha Yuga started, says the same author Vyasa in Srimad Bhagavatam at two places.[3]

We have two entries of Kali by now – one at the time of Bhima killing Duryodhana and another after Krishna left this world. And for the third time we see the entry of Kali “kaliṁ praviṣṭaṁ” after Parikshit started ruling the country.[4] However Parikshit succeeded in restraining Kali from entering his country but remain in five designated places.[5] So who is this Kali who entered here?

We have to gauge the circumstances and the meaning together. At the time of the war and at Parikshit’s time the Kali’s entry was about Adharma setting in. Whenever Adharma exceeded Dharma, it was said that Kali had entered. Malyavan, the maternal grandfather of Ravana warned Ravana that, “when adharma swallows dharma, it stimulates Kali yuga” and this dialogue took place in Treta Yuga![6] Similarly we come across a reference to the entry of Kali in Treta Yuga when the sage Chyavana, covered inside an anthill due to his continuous penance, started watching the young girl Sukanya without her knowledge. This was told by the sage Lomasa in Dwapara Yuga in Mahabharata![7]

So Kali could enter Treta Yuga and Dwapara Yuga but remain muted in Kali Yuga when it had to be active. This shows that we need to do contextual analysis of the Kali verses in Mahabharata to understand whether it is about an increase in Adharma or a reference to the Time scale.

In the Time scale, there are sub divisions and units to measure time. The solar year is the basic unit and 4,32,000 solar years make the duration of this Kali Yuga. The Kali Yuga duration in turn becomes the basic unit of the Catur Maha Yuga. Two times the Kali Yuga duration is Dwapara Yuga; three times the duration is Treta Yuga; four times the duration is Krita Yuga. Thus from Krita to Kali, the time period can be expressed as 4:3:2:1 in which 1 part is equal to 4,32,000 years which is the duration of Kali Yuga. Basically all the Yugas are measured in solar years, or in other words, by the celestial entity. This in turn suggests that only celestial entities mark the beginning and the end date of the Yugas. We do come across such reference, only when we search the relevant texts- the relevant texts being the Jyothisha Siddhantas.

 Gruha sāmānyam Yugam” says Aryabhatiya, a Tantra Siddhanta[8] Here Catur Maha Yuga is identified in terms of planets sharing commonality or coming together. Traditionally it is being held that all the planets except one of the nodes congregated near zero degree Aries when Kali Yuga began. Most scholars are skeptical about this feature that it is fictitious and not supported by any textual reference. The major reason is that they are not able to get this congregation at the traditional date of Kali Yuga! 

It is indeed true that we are not able to get a direct citation from any text. However a combined reading of Aryabhatiya and Surya Siddhanta offers an indirect reference to the grouping of planets at the beginning of Aries.

Aryabhatiya does refer to the congregation of all the planets except Rahu at the beginning of Aries when Krita Yuga started on a Wednesday.[9] Can this be taken to mean that this congregation repeats at the beginning Kali Yuga, having the basic unit of time of the Catur Maha Yuga (4,32,000)? In the absence of any explicit citation in support of this we have to analyze the existing verses. Going by the Aryabhatiya verse quoted above, the congregation must repeat at the beginning of every Krita Yuga that starts after 10 rounds of the duration of Kali Yuga (4+3+2+1).[10]

Here we get to see a verse from Surya Siddhanta saying that at the END of Krita Yuga the mean places of the all the planets except the nodes coincide with each other at the first point of stellar Aries.[11] This means that the planets congregate at Aries at the beginning of Treta Yuga, after crossing 4 parts of Krita Yuga each having the duration of 4,32,000 years. If it is assumed that this congregation occurs for the second time after the previous one happening at the beginning of Krita Yuga, it upsets the very idea of such a congregation, for the reason, the subsequent congregation can occur at the middle of Dvapara Yuga (3 parts of Treta + 1 part of Dvapara) and further next, at the middle of Krita Yuga (remaining 1 part of Dvapara + 1 part of Kali Yuga + 2 parts of Krita Yuga). This cannot be true going by the mandatory requirement of the congregation at the beginning of Krita Yuga.

This leaves us with only two probable choices for the congregation of planets, either at the beginning of every 4,32,000 years or at the beginning of double that time. If the second choice is taken, there won’t be a congregation at the beginning of Kali Yuga. Kali Yuga being the basic unit of the Yuga, there must be some form of identification to mark its beginning. Except planetary movements no other markers are available or cited in any text. Therefore the second choice is ruled out. This leaves us with the first choice which is logically tenable in that being the basic unit of the Catur Yuga. In other words, all the planets come together at the beginning of Aries once in 4,32,000 years. By implication this means that any specific planetary configuration cannot occur more than once within the period of 4,32,000 years.

Vyasa on noticing the gathering of all planets at the beginning of Aries sensed the arrival of the new Yuga. When he came to know about the exit of Krishna, that was a clinching evidence of the arrival of Kali Yuga. Any derivation of the sky map for the date of Kali Yuga must have all the planets (with the exception of Rahu as stated in Aryabhatiya) close to zero degree of Aries.

That date can be derived from the simulator – not in tropical simulator but in astrology simulators using the ayanamsa as zero. [12] (Figure 1)

Fig 1: The Date of Kali Yuga with the conjunction of all the planets at zero degree Aries.

Eight planets except Rahu congregated at zero degree Aries with most of them at the last one or two degrees of Pisces. The date was 22nd January of 3101 BCE in the Gregorian calendar (including the 0 year). This corresponds to the year Pramathi, Amawasya in Caitra when the sun and the moon joined at the beginning of Aries on a Thursday. Traditionally these are the exact Pancanga features at the time of the beginning of Kali Yuga. A new Epoch was born by which the world became different after that.

One may recall a near similar congregation on 26th December 2019, when six planets congregated at the sign, Sagittarius. (Figure 2)  It was followed by a complete change in the life of the people around the world with the advent of the Covid-19 virus.

Fig 2: Six planets congregated at Sagittarius before the global outbreak of Covid 19.

This is to show that this kind of large scale changes are noticed when many planets congregate at a strategic corner accompanied with a solar eclipse. We are finding only this kind of description in Mahabharata, and not the language of the astronomers. All the astronomy references of Mahabharata were spelt by associating with some calamity or fear of calamity. When a result is associated with planetary features, it is no longer about astronomy; it enters the domain of astrology.

When we compare the two figures we will see a difference in the ayanamsa. Figure 1 was simulated for zero ayanamsa as deduced from Surya Siddhanta concept of the equinoxes. Figure 2 is simulated to the current ayanamsa (based on current location of equinox). Suppose the ayanamsa is changed for Figure 2, the planetary features would not be the same. This addresses the 2nd issue raised earlier on getting the exact planetary positions.

Only when we simulate for zero ayanamsa we get the exact planetary positions. Figure 1 showing the Kali Yuga combination is a solid proof for this. Since a new Yuga starts at the conjunction at zero degree Aries with the tropical equinox coinciding with the sidereal equinox, we have to check the astronomy features of Mahabharata only for the Surya Siddhanta ayanamsa.

Inscriptional evidence for Kali Yuga date

Further corroboration comes from the inscription of Janamejaya, the son of Pariskhit, quoted by Kota Venkatachela Paakayaaji in his book[13] from Indian Antiquary P.P. 383 334.The inscription was issued in the 29th regnal year of the king Janamejaya to Lord Sitaram temple on the banks of Tungabhadra River, in today’s Hampi. The Pancanga features were Plavanga year, Amawasya, Monday and Sahasya month referring to Pushya month. Only the star of the day is not given.  These four out of five features of the Panchanga were checked in astrology software.[14] The horoscopy chart generated for these details show that the month was Tapasya (Phalguna). The year exactly matching with the count from the Kali Yuga year (Pramathi), and other Pancanga features concurring exactly, it is deduced that Tapasya was mistakenly written as Sahasya. (Figure 3)

              Fig 3: The date of Janamejaya inscription

In 89 years after the start of Kali Yuga, the ayanamsa had moved by a degree.

Another inscription indicating the Kali date is from Aihole issued in the name of Pulikesin II, but there is a controversy regarding the event mentioned there. The year matches with 3101 BCE, but the event referred to is ‘Bhāratādāhāvāditah’ – interpreted as referring to the time of the war. This is incongruous since the date concurs with that of the Traditional Kali Yuga date and validated by the planetary and Pancanga features. There is either a mistake in the letters or in our understanding of the word.

This expression is much like ‘Bhāratāt Purvam’ used by Aryabhata to indicate the beginning of Kali Yuga, that was interpreted by ancient commentators as referring to Bhāratā (Pandavas) relinquishing the throne.[15] The Bhāratā renounced everything and cast off their sacred fires too.[16] Bhāratā dāha avādita could refer to the sacrifice of the Bharata clan after coming to know of Krishna’s demise (when Kali Yuga started). The time of Pulikesin II coming within 150 years of Aryabhata, this kind of reference to the start of Kali Yuga seems to be widespread in use. The other way of looking at it is that a powerful and prosperous king like Pulikesin II could have found it difficult to ascribe to the view that Kali was running in his country, much like Parikshit who detested the presence of Kali. Perhaps this made him pick out the alternate marker for the Yuga beginning, the sacrifice of the Bhāratā (Pandavas) on coming to know of Krishna’s exit.

Deriving the date of Mahabharata War from Kali Yuga. 

Once having established the date of Kali Yuga at 3101 BCE, it is not difficult to derive the date of Mahabharata War. There was a gap of 35 years between the war and the exit of Krishna.

On seeing the death of her children and all relatives in the war Gandhari vented out her frustration at Krishna that he (Krishna) after causing the slaughter of his kinsmen would perish in the wilderness on the 36th year.[17] On the 36th year a huge carnage did take place wiping out the Krishna-clan.

When the 36th year (after the war) arrived Yudhishthira noticed many unusual omens, says the first chapter of Mausala Parva.[18] In the next chapter it is said that a great calamity overtook the Vrishnis on the 36th year. [19] In the third chapter, Krishna on seeing the inauspicious omens understood that the thirty sixth year had arrived when Gandhari’s curse given out of grief of losing her children was about to happen.[20]

What is special about the number 36?

The number 36 has a special relevance for the welfare of one’s progeny. A 36-year sacrifice (sattra) was in vogue during Mahabharata times. It is known from Pancavimsa Brahmana that the descendants of Sakti had conducted 36 year sattra.[21] By the mention of Gauriviti as one who did the satttra[22] , Sakti is identified as the father of Parasara whose son was Vyasa.. It is further said in the Brahmana text that the one who performs this sattra gets rulership and also ten strong sons.[23] Without doubt this sattra must have been popular with the Kauravas, the Pandavas and the Vrishinis. 

As biological descendants of Vyasa, the Kuru kings could have performed the sattra. Perhaps the Kauravas could not complete the 36 year long sattra[24] or else they could have won the war, retained rulership and children. It is doubtful the Pandavas had completed the sattra in view of the exile they had to undertake. Only the Vrishinis had survived the war and were expected to prosper more in the years after the war. The Vrishnis headed by Krishna were very clever in having chosen to support both the warring sides. Whichever side wins the war, the Vrishnis would bring home the advantages of the winner.

Gandhari’s anger naturally turned towards Krishna who she accused as not having worked enough to avert the slaughter of the Kuru-s. The Kauravas lost their progeny, so did the Pandavas by the time the war ended, but only the Vrishnis survived! The Vrishnis were already known for wealth creation and didn’t mind relocating to newer terrains (Dvaraka) to safeguard their wealth, works and resources.[25] Their clan continued to be intact after the war, unlike the Kuru clan which suffered heavy losses. Gandhari’s anger was such that the new 36 year sattra that was likely to be initiated by the Vrishnis after the war was over should collapse at the penultimate hour, thereby wiping out their progeny and rulership. It is not known if the sattra was done by the Vrishnis, but their end came in the 36th year just before the Sun entered Aries with all the planets gathered around it.

The year started in Uttarayana before that time. The 36th year happening to be Pramathi, we have to count backwards by 35 years. That leads us to the year Krodhi! That was the year of the Mahabharata War. The year corresponds to 3136 BCE in the Gregorian date. Thus we have two dates established without doubt of which the date of Kali Yuga continues to form the basis of time in all Vedic and traditional activities.

The date of Kali Yuga:  22nd January 3101 BCE, Year Pramathi, Caitra, Amawasya, Aswini, Thursday with all the planets except Rahu near the beginning of Aries when the tropical vernal equinox coincided with the beginning of sidereal Aries.  

The date of the Mahabharata War: 3136 BCE corresponding to the year Krodhi. Further details will be established in the course of this series.

In any research on the date of Mahabharata war, the deduced planetary positions must concur with the year Krodhi and with the corresponding Pancanga details such as tithi, star, karana and month - whichever among them was given in the text of Mahabharata for various events around the time of war. A systematic analysis of such inputs did validate the date of Mahabharata war that the reader can find in the upcoming posts.


[1] Mahabharata: 9-59-21

[2] Mahabharata: 10-16-14

[3] Srimad Bhagavatam: 1-15- 36; 12-2-33

[4] Srimad Bhagavatam: 1-16-10

[5] Srimad Bhagavatam: 1-17

[6] Valmiki Ramayana: 6-35-14

[7] Mahabharata: 3-121

[8] Aryabhatiya: 3-8

[9] Aryabhatiya: 1-3,4

[10] Kali yuga duration of 4,32,000 years is the basic unit in Maha Yuga. Two times the Kali years = Dwapara Yuga. Three times the Kali years = Treta Yuga. Four times of the Kali years = Krita Yuga. So the ratio is 4:3:2:1 from Krita to Kali. In other words Krita = 10 times of Kali years.

[11] Surya Siddhanta: 1-57

[12] Zero ayanamsa refers to the conjunction of the sidereal and tropical equinox at the beginning of Aswini / Aries. As time goes the tropical equinox shifts in the backdrop of the stars giving rise to a gap between the tropical equinox and zero degree Aries position. This gap is known as ayanamsa.

[13]“Chronology of Ancient Hindu History” Part 1, by Pandit Kota Venkatachela Paakayaaji (1957) Page 13-17

[14]The horoscopy illustrations are generated from Jagannatha Hora software, version 7.4

[15] Aryabhatiya: 1-5

[16] Mahabharata: 17-1-20

[17] Mahabharata: 11-25-41

[18] Mahabharata: 16-1-1

[19] Mahabharata: 16-2-2

[20] Mahabharata: 16 -3 –verses 18 & 19

[21] Pancavimsa Brahmana: 25-7-1

[22] Ibid. 25-7-2

[23] Ibid. 25-7-3 & 4

[24] The Sattra is of 4 parts, with nine nine-versed years, nine fifteen versed years, nine seventeen versed years and nine twenty one versed years. (Pancavimsa Brahmana: 25-7-1)

[25] Mahabharata: 2-13

Identifying the calendar of the Mahabharata period (Part 2: Mahabharata date)

Calendar is the basis for time computing. We have to first decipher the calendar used by the people of the Mahabharata period. Mahabharata does give a decipherable calendar that was in vogue at that time. Once we are able to decode it, many inputs on time mentioned here and there in Mahabharata do fall in place. The major evidence for the type of calendar is found in the version of Bhishma when he justified the completion of the exile period of the Pandavas.

The Pandavas were expected to complete 13 years in exile. But a few days before that period ended, their identity became known. The gap is only a few days and not more, is known from two verses, one by Karna and another by Draupadi.

The near completion of the exile period was conveyed by Karna, when on hearing the blare of the conch of Arjuna, as Vrihannala in the company of Uttara he stated that Vibhatsu (Arjuna) was engaged in the last eight and five years (13 years) in severe austerities to strike him in combat.[1] The number of days left can be gauged from the reply of Draupadi to Sudeshna, the queen of Virata when asked by her to leave the country upon the death of Kichaka. Draupadi pleaded to bear with her for just thirteen days after which she would leave. [2]  This implies that the exile period was going to get over in the next thirteen days.

Within this thirteen day period, emboldened by the absence of Kichaka, the Trigartas started attacking the Matsya country aided by the Kauravas. The Kauravas were pursued by Arjuna in the guise of Vrihannala whose identity was recognized by the Kauravas by the sound of his conch. Thinking that Arjuna was spotted by them before the end of the exile, they asked Bhishma for clarification.  Bhishma’s reply helps us to identify the calendar in vogue at that time.

Deciphering the extra days in exile spent by the Pandavas.

Bhishma said that there was an excess of 5 months and 12 days in the 13 years spent by Pandavas in exile.[3] This was calculated on the basis of the 5-Year Yuga system in which for every 2 and half solar years, one lunar month gets increased. To quote the exact words of Bhishma,

“The wheel of time revolves with its divisions, viz., with Kalas and Kasthas and Muhurtas and days and fortnights and months and constellations and planets and seasons and years. In consequence of their fractional excesses and the deviations of also of the heavenly bodies, there is an increase of two months in every five years. It seems to me that calculating this wise, there would be an excess of five months and twelve nights in thirteen years. Everything, therefore, that the sons of Pandu had promised, hath been exactly fulfilled by them. Knowing this to be certain, Vibhatsu hath made his appearance.” (Ganguli’s translation)[4]

From Vedanga Jyothisha it is known that this is about the 5-year Yuga system in which two lunar months increase (Adhika masa) every five years. In ten years 4 months increase and in the next 3 years, 1 month and some days increase.  Overall there will be an addition of 5 months and some days. The days are given as “dvādaśa ca kṣapāḥ” in which kṣapāḥ is variously interpreted while the number of days are known as twelve.[5]

When we apply the aphorisms found in Vedanga Jyothisha for the 5-year Yuga, we are able to decode Bhishma’s calculation. 

No of solar days in a year = 366[6]

In 5 years (Yuga) = 366 x 5 = 1830

In 13 years = 366 x 13 = 4758

No of lunar days in 5 years (Yuga) = 1830 + 62 = 1892

In 13 years = 4919 days (d), 6 muhurta (m).

The lunar days had far exceeded the solar days. Subtracting the solar days from the lunar days we get the excess days spent by the Pandavas in exile.

Lunar days – Solar days = (4919 d + 6 m) – 4758 d= 161 d + 6 m

Converted into months and muhurtas = (161 d + 6 m) / 30 = 5 months, 11 days, 6 muhurtas

This exactly matches with Bhishma’s version of extra 5 months and “dvādaśa ca kṣapāḥ”, referring to less than 12 days as per the above calculation. Among the many meanings of ‘Kshapa’, ‘night’ was suggested by some. With the calculation coming to more than 11 days but less than 12 days, by having only 6 Muhurtas on the 12th day, Bhishma meant the other meaning, i.e. “diminishing” for Kshapa. This establishes that the Pandavas spent an additional 5 months and less than 12 days in exile. Within the last 13 days (as per Draupadi’s reply to Sudeshna), Arjuna revealed his identity.

Bhishma’s calculation shows it was the 5- year Yuga in use at that time. The earliest reference to this Yuga appears in the 1st Mandala of the Rig Veda on the sage, Dirghatamas. It is stated that the sage grew old (or perished) in the 10th Yuga.[7] This is a reference to the 10th Yuga in his life that works out to the five year period between 45th to 50th years of his life. This sage lived before Ramayana period that is known from the existence of a country by name Anga, ruled by Romapada in Ramayana. Anga got its name from a person Anga who was fathered by Dirghatamas.[8] This is to show that this Yuga system was in vogue in Bhartavarsha from before the Ramayana times. Decipherment of the date of both the Itihasas must comply with the rules of this Yuga system.

Let us begin to do that decipherment to know the exact years within the exile period when the five Adhika months had occurred. The sequence must be known, because of the crucial derivation from Mahabharata that Bhishma, who seemed to be an authority on calculation of timefailed to judge the arrival of Uttarayana and was forced to wait for more than a month in what seems to be a case of Adhika masa! So our next step is to find out whether the extended stay was due to an Adhika masa at that time as a natural sequence or by other causes.


[5] Mahabharata: 4-47, verses 3-4  http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/mbs/mbs04047.htm

[6] Y-VJ: 28 (“Vedanga Jyothisha by Lagadha” by T.S.Kuppanna Sastry)

[7] Rig Veda: 1- 158 – 6 “dīrghatamā māmateyo jujurvān daśame yughe”.

[8] Vishnu Purana: 4-18

Sunday, December 27, 2020

Deducing the beginning of the 5-year Yuga period in Mahabharata. (Part 3: Mahabharata date)

In the 5-year Yuga concept, the year began on the day of Uttarayana, or the day after the sun turned north. This date is not the exact date of the sun turning to north in all the years of the 5 year Yuga. This is deduced from Lagadha’s Vedanga Jyothisha giving the basic concepts of the 5-year Yuga. The basic concepts are,

(1) The first year started on the day of the conjunction of the sun and the moon. [In Lagadha’s time, this conjunction occurred on Magha Amawasya[1] which means the lunar Phalguna month started the next day, though the solar month continued to be Tapas (Aquarius)]

(2) This conjunction repeated on the 6th year, i.e. after 5 years. By this it is known that the exact date of the Sun turning towards the North was taken as the time of the 1st year. The day (the star) the moon joined this Sun marked the 1st day of the first year of the Yuga.

(3) In the next four years, the same conjunction is not possible on the same star or tithi due to the faster movement of the moon.  As a result the star-tithi positions were derived in such a way that they match once again in the 6th year, i.e. the 1st year of the next Yuga.

(4) Within the 5 year period, there are 60 solar months (12 x5) but 62 lunar months. The extra two lunar months are the Adhika Masa-s.

The repetition of the conjunction of the sun and the moon on the 6th year (the 1st year of the Yuga) implies that the sun was at its true position of the winter solstice (Uttarayana) only in the 1st year. In the other four years, the sun could not be at the true Uttarayana degree; nor was the conjunction of the sun and the moon possible in those four years at the true Uttarayana degree.

This revelation is important in deciphering the dates of the events of Mahabharata. Since Bhishma was said to have waited for the sun to turn northward, it is necessary to know in which year he left the world. If the expected Uttarayana day was in a year other than the 1st year, then the true position of the sun at Uttarayana (seen in astronomy simulators) would not yield the correct date of Uttarayana at that time.

In this backdrop two inputs from Vayu Purana must also be remembered. According to Vayu Purana no date has sanctity unless it is connected with the sun and the moon. In this context Vayu Purana refers to Mesha (Aries) and Tula (Libra) as equinox months but identifies the date of equinox only by the position of the sun and the moon in opposition in specific pada of the star. [2]

(This should be an eye-opener to those who are pushing the idea that the Tropical winter solstice on 22nd December must be treated as the Uttarayana day for the current times. Without being touched by the Sun and the moon the day has no sanctity. Makara Sankaranti, now treated as Uttarayana has certain such cosmic connections besides other features which are outside the purview of this series; hence not discussed here)

The second input from Vayu Purana relates to the names of the five years of the Yuga. The five years are named as Samvatsara, Parivatsara, Idvatsara, Anuvatsara and Vatsara.[3] The point to be noted here is that the names Samvatsara and Vatsara are commonly used to refer to the year. If in a context any of these two names appear we must take a re-look at the verse to judge whether this is used to refer to the 1st and the 5th year respectively.

Applying these concepts to Mahabharata, it is found that Bhishma’s version on the upcoming Uttarayana did not match with the first point on the conjunction of the sun and the moon. He expected Uttarayana to start on Shukla Ashtami in the month of Magha when the moon was in Rohini which could happen in any year other than the 1st year of the 5- year Yuga!

This takes us to the task of identifying the first year of the 5- year Yuga closer to Krodhi (the year of the war deduced in Part 1) when the sun and the moon were together in the month of Magha. On checking the combination in jhora astrology simulator for Surya Siddhanta ayanamsa of close to zero ayanamsa of the Mahabharata times, there are twin surprises in Krodhi!

(1) The Adhika masa occurred in Caitra in Krodhi.

(2) And in Krodhi, the Uttarayana started at the conjunction of the Sun and the moon in the star Uttarashadha, which means Krodhi was the 1st year of the 5 year Yuga at that time.

Let us first take up the Adhika Masa in Krodhi. Figure 1 shows the Adhika Caitra in Shobhana (Shobhakrit, the year preceding Krodhi). The previous month was Adhika Masa in the year Krodhi, but the simulator recognizes it with the previous year, i.e. Shobhana, as it is based on the current practice of change of the year with the arrival of Caitra. We should remember that Uttarayana marked the year beginning in the 5 year Yuga. As such, the year Krodhi started from Magha, a month before Caitra. This can be expected to be seen written as the year Shobhana in the simulator.

                         Figure 1: Adhika Masa in Caitra in the year Krodhi (3137 BCE)

The next month was Nija Caitra which the simulator recognizes in the year Krodhi. (Figure 2)

                                         Figure 2: Nija Caitra in the year Krodhi (3136 BCE)

When we trace the beginning of Uttarayana in Krodhi, the date turns out to be 24th October, 3137 BCE. Interestingly the day shows the conjunction of the sun and the moon at the exact beginning of Capricorn where the 2nd pada of Uttarashadha begins. This conjunction can happen only in the 1st year of the Yuga! (Figure 3)

                               Figure 3: Uttarayana of Krodhi - the first year of the Yuga

The 1st year of the 5-year Yuga in Mahabharata times started on the first day of the month of Magha (Shukla Pratipat) when the sun and the moon were together in Uttarashadha. The previous day of Amawasya in the month of Pushya was the day the conjunction started, signaling the beginning of Uttarayana. This matches exactly with the zero degree ayanamsa at that time. Only then the winter solstice could start at the junction of Sagittarius and Capricorn with the Sun just having entered Capricorn. The Pandavas returned in this year that happened to be the 1st year of the 5 year Yuga, i.e. Samvatsara year.  The war was fought in this year.

The major revelation from this is:

The equinox was forward moving during Mahabharata times. From Magha Shukla Pratipat in Mahabharata, the Uttarayana shifted forward to Magha Amawasya in Lagadha’s time. This proves that the idea of continuous ‘precession’ of the equinoxes is erroneous.

Constructing the Mahabharata calendar from the first year of the Yuga

The relationship between the tithi and the nakshatra of the Uttarayana day is a standard one in the 5 year Yuga, as known from Lagadha’s Vedanga Jyothisha. [4] There are 6 synodic months and 6 tithis in an ayana (1 Yuga = 62 synodic months = 10 ayanas). 

So every 7th tithi starting from the 1st ayana of the 1st year (that began in Uttarayana) would give the starting tithi of the subsequent ayana. Similarly every 19th star starting from the star of the first day of Uttarayana (1st ayana) in the 1st year would be the star of the first day of the subsequent ayana. 

Using this formula we will be able to construct the tithi- nakshatra of the first day of all the 10 ayanas in the 5 years of Mahabharata times. Let me first derive the 5-year Yuga that started on Uttarashadha of Magha in Krodhi. (Figure 4)

                               Figure 4: Mahabharata calendar in vogue during the year Krodhi

The Yuga, the 1st year and the Uttarayana of the first year started with the conjunction of the sun and the moon in Uttarashadha. It can be seen that the Uttarayana date did not start on the same day every year, though the sun turned northward in the same star. A researcher in Mahabharata must bear in mind this anomaly in the calendar in vogue at that time. No modern simulator can detect this anomaly, since this Yuga system is not incorporated in any simulator.  

The 1st year was Krodhi - the year when the Pandavas ended their exile and the war was fought. At the end of the war, Bhishma waited for the Uttarayana, for his exit from the earth. That was the 2nd year of the Yuga, called Vishvavasu.

As per the above table, the Uttarayana must have started on Shukla Trayodasi in Magha, in the 2nd year of the Yuga when Bhishma was waiting to leave. So Bhishma must have told that he was waiting for Magha Shukla Trayodasi to leave the earth as that was the day of Uttarayana originally. But Bhishma stated that the Uttarayana was going to start on Magha Shukla Ashtami!

Why did Bhishma, an expert in calculating Time, determine the Uttarayana time 4 tithis earlier than the normal course?

How did this discrepancy happen?



[1] Conjunction of the sun and the moon in Sravishtha (R-VJ: 5-6  and Y-VJ: 6-7)

[2] Vayu Purana: 1-50-195 to 198

[3] Vayu Purana: 1-50-183.

[4]Rig Jyothisha 8 &9, Yajur Jyothisha 9 & 10.

Discrepancy in the time of Uttarayana remembered as Ratha Saptami (Part 4: Mahabharata date)

The Uttarayana that Bhishma was waiting for, must have started in Shukla Trayodasi of Magha. 

But Bhishma says, “The lunar month of Magha has come. This is, again, the lighted fortnight and a fourth part of it ought by this according to my calculations be over”.[1] 

māgho 'yaṃ samanuprāpto māsaḥ puṇyo yudhiṣṭhira
     tribhāgaśeṣaḥ pakṣo 'yaṃ śuklo bhavitum arhati (13-153-28)

At the face of it, the verse refers to Magha month and three fourth of it. Three fourth of a lunar month is seven and a half tithi (after Saptami / on Ashtami) in Krishna Paksha (waning phase). However by saying further “pakṣo 'yaṃ śuklo bhavitum arhati”, Bhishma had referred to the 7 and a half tithis in Shukla Paksha of Magha (waxing Magha). Bhishma identified the month as ‘Punya Masa’ of Magha. Magha was Punya Masa because the Uttarayana started in that month. Bhishma had made it clear that Uttarayana started after the completion of Saptami in Shukla Paksha of Magha.

An additional verse from Gita Press edition says that Bhishma's exit happened on “Magha Shuddha Ashtami and when the Moon was near Rohini

Śukla pakśasya cāṣṭamyām māgha māsasya pārthiva

prajāpatye ca nakṣatre madhyam prāpte divākare[2]

The additional information is that the sun was at the middle of Rohini, the star of Prajapati. This means that the sunrise occurred when the star of the day was Rohini (transited by the moon) and half of the star was crossed by the moon by the time of sunrise. This is an essential condition to identify the day Bhishma left the world. 

Since Magha Shukla Ashtami offers a definite time limit, the general tendency of researchers is to deduct 58 days from this date to arrive at the first day of the war. It more or less comes to the last day of Kartika month - the month in which Krishna went on a peace mission. Within a fortnight of this mission, the war must have started according to them, which however throws up a lot of improbabilities. But none thought for a moment how and why Bhishma, an adept in calculating the movement of the sun and the moon, miserably failed to judge the arrival of Uttarayana, for which he had to wait for not just a week or a paksha (fortnight) but nearly two months!

Additionally we have now found a discrepancy in the normal sequence of the calendar dates from the 2nd year of the Yuga. How could Shukla Trayodasi slip back to Shukla Ashtami in the following year?

A big mystery is staring at us!!

With this realization, let us proceed step by step in a systematic way.

Now by having known that Bhishma referred to a changed tithi- star position of the Uttarayana, let me produce the changed calendar for Uttarayana of Vishvavasu when Bhishma shed his mortal body. (Figure 1) The Year names and the corresponding Gregorian years are added at extreme right.

                             Figure 1: The changed calendar since Mahabharata war

Important observations from Figure 1:

  • The first row shows the first two ayanas of the 1st year in natural sequence of the calendar until then.
  • The 2nd row shows the tithi – nakshatra of the Uttarayana time (of the 2nd year) that Bhishma was waiting for. It ought to have been Shukla Trayodasi in Magha, but it turned out to be Shukla Ashtami – 4 tithis behind.
  • The regular 7 tithi difference between one ayana and the next also got disturbed. From Shukla Saptami in the 2nd ayana, it became Shukla Ashtami in the 3rd ayana. This signals the loss of tithis happening after the 2nd ayana (dakshinayana of the 1st year - Krodhi) started. In other words, during the ayana when the war took place, something odd had happened disturbing Time. 

Interestingly the star of the day remained the same in the 2nd and in the subsequent years as it used to be in the original calendar. Only the tithi had changed.  So something went wrong cosmically to upset the Time denoted by the moon! There was a loss of four tithis as a result!

This implies that Time slipped backwards!

We cannot match the first day of the next Yuga with Krishna Ekadasi of Magha (Fig 1), for that means 19 more tithis (and 22 stars) to go, but then the sun would have moved 20 degrees ahead in Capricorn to be at Shravana and not at the exact Uttarayana degree of northward turning!

The sun at zero degree Capricorn in the first year of the next Yuga is the essential condition to be present. When that condition is fulfilled, the lunar month happened to be the previous month.

One should keep in mind that there was no change in the movement of the sun; the day it turned northward remained undisturbed. The 1st year of the next round of the Yuga would start at the location where the sun turned northward.  Figure 1 shows the sun at zero degree Capricorn, but the tithi was different. This means the tithi- lunar month had got disturbed.

So some unexpected cause had changed Time once forever and this change of time coming into use from the time of Magha Shukla Saptami was frozen into memory as Ratha Saptami!

Ratha Saptami, an evidence for the change of Time in Mahabharata

Ratha Saptami marking a change in the direction of the chariot of the Sun God, celebrated even today is proof of the importance attached to this particular day. The sudden change in time resulting in the re-adjustment of Uttarayana on Magha Shukla Saptami was preserved in memory for all times to come by infusing certain practices by way of oblations to the departed on this day. No Mahabharata researcher can afford to ignore the significance of this day waited upon by Bhishma to come out of the distress he was undergoing on the arrow bed. He left the world in the next tithi, i.e. Ashtami. (The new ayana starts from the next tithi)

Further concurrence for this comes from the rules of ‘Ratha Saptami Vrata’ attributed to sage Garga. [3] Ratha Saptami vrata must be observed in Magha when there is “Tithi-dvayam” at sun rise. Tithi-Dvayam means two tithis within two sunrises. The previous tithi must end any time after the sun rise in a day, followed by the next tithi which also ends after the sun rise the next day.  For Ratha Saptami Vrata, Shashthi tithi must have ended the previous day, followed by Saptami tithi. This tithi (Saptami) must be present at sunrise the next morning but end up after some time, so that Ashtami would begin in the same day.

Tithi Dvayam is a conditional feature of Ratha Saptami, indicating similar Tithi Dvayam on the day Bhishma left. By its presence at sunrise, Saptami would be the tithi of the day marking the change of direction of the chariot of the sun, but Ashtami should follow sometime soon. This must be present on the day Bhishma left. Additionally Rohini must have been present at sunrise on that day having crossed the 2nd pada or at the end of 2nd pada. The date of Uttarayana should fulfill these two conditions. We will check them as we proceed with the derivations systematically.

The Ratha (of Surya) that Bhishma waited for, to bring peace to him is preserved in tradition as a Homa, known as “Bhishma Ratha Shanti homa”. This is done even today on completion of 70 years of age, though it needs to be ascertained whether this number refers to Bhishma’s age or the number of decades representing the number of tithis he waited after Magha started. Some people mistakenly mention this as Bheema ratha Shanti. The Ratha of Surya was waited upon by Bhishma, not Bheema.

The various austerities related to Bhishma’s departure as seen on Ratha Saptami, Bhishmashtami (when he left the world) and Bhishma Ratha Shanti that continue to be in vogue today are the standing proof of the unexpected change of time of the Uttarayana after the Mahabharata war.

There is another austerity having relevance to Magha Saptami, known as “Mandāra Saptami” vrata done on Magha “Shuddha” Saptamī. [4] This sounds strange because ‘Shuddha’ refers to ‘Nija’ masa in usage. Nija or Shuddha masa is the month following the Adhika Masa. Mandāra means Heaven. Those desiring to go to Heaven should do this vrata which goes on for 13 months starting from Magha shuddha Saptamī says the astrological text. This implies that this vrata is possible only in the year having an Adhika masa. An Adhika masa coming in between two Magha Shukla (waxing) Saptami fulfills the 13 month duration of the vrata. But the reference to Magha “Shuddha” Saptami and “Mandāra” being the fruit of the vrat – something on the lines of what Bhishma achieved, this seems to be connected with Mahabharata time or to have originated from an event of Mahabharata.

The reference “Shuddha” to Magha sounds strange as there can never be a Nija or Shuddha Magha, because Adhika Masa can never occur in the month of Magha!



[1] Mahabharata, 13-167.

[2] Mahabharata: 12-47-3 (Gita Press edition)

[3] “Jothida Varushadhi Nool” (Tamil), Kumaran Padhippagam, Chennai, p. 388

[4] “Jothida Varushadhi Nool” (Tamil) p.381

Tuesday, December 29, 2020

Can Adhika Masa occur in Magha month? (Part 5: Mahabharata date)

Adhika masa is the month when two New moons occur in a solar month or in other words, when there is no solar ingress in a lunar month. In this context it is necessary to know about another type of anomalous month, called Kshaya Masa, when there are 2 solar ingresses (Sankaranti) within a lunar month. In this event the lunar month is stretched into two signs of the zodiac such that the solar ingress occurs after the lunar month begins and the 2nd solar ingress into the next sign occurs before the lunar month ends. This happens because of the faster movement of the earth at the perihelion that covers the months from Margashira to Magha. Therefore the Kshaya Masa always occurs within these months and not at any other month. This also means that the Adhika Masa can never occur in the months Margashira, Pushya and Magha!

Any time a Kshaya Masa occurs, it would be accompanied with two Adhika Masa, one before and another after the Kshaya Masa. This one-in-149 year phenomenon occurred the last time in the year 1983 offering us a good case study. The Kshaya Masa started on 14th January 1983 when the solar ingress into Capricorn (Makara Sankaranti) started after Shukla Pratipat of the lunar Pushya month, and ended on 13th February before the lunar month ended. The very next month, Phalguna was an Adhika Masa with no solar ingress. Before the Kshaya Masa, an Adhika Masa occurred in Aswayuja. This recent event of Kshaya Masa occurring in a month at the  perihelion of lunar orbit, with an Adhika Masa immediately following it and another Adhika Masa a couple of months before the Kshaya Masa offers a better understanding of these anomalous  months.

Normally the Adhika Masa occurs any time between Phalguna and Aswayuja and not in the rest of the 4 months. Rarely the Adhika Masa can happen in Kartika, but never in Margashira, Pushya and Magha. Strangely we come across a vrata that suggests that there was an Adhika Masa in Magha! Stranger than that is the change in the date of Uttarayana that started in Magha after the Mahabharata war; strangest is the fact that the all-knowing Bhishma failed to calculate the date of Uttarayana correctly.

In this context I want to show the readers the absurdity of following the tropical simulator that works on continuing precession of the equinox. Now having known that Adhika Masa can never occur in Magha, let me show that 'it can', when we use the continuous precession of the tropical zodiac.

Figure 1 is simulated to continuous precession, shows Adhika Masa in the month Magha, but two years earlier than Krodhi, i.e. in Shubhakrit, in 3138 BCE.  Figure 2 shows the succeeding month, the Nija Masa in Magha! From this one can also understand how erroneous the deductions will be, when the simulators working on continuous precession are used.

                                  Figure 1: Adhika Magha in the year Shubhakrit (3138 BCE)

The next month was Nija Magha which, though the simulator recognizes as Shubhakrit, was in reality Shobhakri, the next year, due to the fact that the year was counted from Uttarayana in the 5 year Yuga calendar.

                                   Figure 2: Nija Magha in the year Shobhakrit (3138 BCE)

This simulation cannot be true for the reasons that (1) it is based on an unrealistic precession degree of 312-54 and (2) it occurred 37 years before the end of Krishna or the beginning of Kali Maha Yuga.

Now checking the same for the precession rate of Surya Siddhanta that was close to zero at the time of Mahabharata war, the adhika Masa didn’t appear in Magha. So it is clear that Adhika Masa could not have occurred as a natural sequence of the different speeds of the moon and the earth (detected in the movement of the sun) in the month Magha in general but it seemed to have occurred in the year Krodhi when Bhishma waited for a prolonged period on the arrow bed.

With Caitra of Krodhi being an Adhika Masano kshaya masa could have occurred in Magha that year; and no Adhika masa too could have occurred any time between Caitra and Magha in that year, so what happened then? How did the days get extended that forced  Bhishma to wait for the Uttarayana to come up?

Having now made the readers become aware that the time loss (tithi loss) is central to understanding Mahabharata verses, let me begin with the core story of Mahabharata relevant for dating. 

This story starts from the beginning of the exile of the Pandavas.  

Wednesday, December 30, 2020

Reconstructing the start and the end date of Pandava’s exile. (Part 6: Mahabharata date)

Previous

The sequence of events before the identity of the Pandavas became known is narrated in Mahabharata along with the tithis when such events occurred. This greatly helps in deducing the start and the end date of the exile period.

  • Susarma, the king of Trigarta started seizing the cattle of the Matsya country on a Krishna Saptamī. The month name is not given.
  • The Matsya troops began chasing the Trigartas after the sun crossed the meridian, on Krishna Saptamī and the fight continued at night. The Pandava brothers except Arjuna accompanied the Matsya king in the fight. They defeated Susarma in the night of Krishna Saptami after the moon had risen. They stayed in the battle field for the rest of the night. Messengers were sent to the city gate to give the victory news by the next morning.[1]
  • While the Matsya troops were away, the Kauravas started seizing the cattle of the Matsya country on the morning of Krishna Ashtami[2] This happened before the victory news reached the palace.
  • At that time Uttara (named Bhuminjaya), the Matsya prince, was in the capital. Arjuna in the guise of Vrihannala accompanied Uttara as his charioteer to challenge the Kauravas. This happened on the same day.
  • Arjuna revealed his true identity to Uttara on the same day, that is, on Krishna Ashtami! He also told him that he had completed one year of vrata in his (Matsya) kingdom.[3]So according to Pandava’s time keeping, they had completed one year period of incognito by Krishna Ashtami (Arjuna must have added the days of the Adhika masa in Caitra that year - Krodhi).
  • Arjuna didn’t conceal his identity in the fight with the Kauravas. He hoisted his banner (dhvaja) on the chariot while fighting. This created a flutter among the Kauravas raising doubts about the exact number of days completed by the Pandavas in exile and it was clarified by Bhishma (explained earlier).
  • Arjuna (Vrihannala), with Uttara as the charioteer successfully chased away the Kauravas and restored the cattle. The two returned to the palace on the same day, i.e. Krishna Ashtami.
  • When they entered the royal court, the king was already seated, but Arjuna didn’t reveal his identity.

On the 3rd day after that, all the Pandavas revealed themselves openly. It is written tatas tṛtīye divase”.[4] This can be taken as the third day counted from Ashtami. (tatas = thence, thereupon, after that)

That is the day of Krishna Dasami!

The name of the month or the ayana is not given. However the running season at that time is revealed in the words of Karna that their troops had come to an unknown place possessed by enemies and in the mighty forest in the hot Greeshma season.[5]

Greeshma has two solar months, Mithuna and Kataka and the corresponding lunar months, Jyeṣtha and Ashadha. If the date Arjuna revealed himself was Jyeshtha Krishna Ashtami, it was in the first half of the season when the sun was at mid-Mithuna. Since exhaustion of the troops is hinted in the verse for having travelled a long way in the Greeshma season, it is deduced that it was peak Greeshma. This matches with the second half of the season when Ashadha was running.

Dakshinayana started on Shukla Saptami in Ashadha month when the sun was in Punarvasu (at the junction of Mithuna and Kataka) and the moon in Uttara Phalguni in Krodhi, the 1st year named Samvatsara (Figure 4 of Part 3) It is reproduced here again in Figure 1.


     Fig 1The Mahabharata calendar starting from Krodhi as Samvatsara, the 1st year

Karna’s reference to Greeshma season coming on the day of Krishna Ashtami, it is more likely to be the month of Ashadha after Dakshinayana had begun. Counting from Uttara Phalguni on Ashadha Shukla Saptami (Dakshinayana day) to Ashadha Krishna Ashtami, there are 16 tithis / stars. The star happens to be Aswini on Ashadha Krishna Ashtami. The third day from that is Krittika!

The Pandavas revealed themselves on Ashadha Krishna Dasami when the moon was in KrittikaThe jhora simulation for the end of the exile is shown in Figure 2. (The ayanamsa must be strictly adhered to)

      Fig 2: The date of the end of the exile

The Pandavas ended the exile on 11th May, 3136 BCE in the year Krodhi when the moon was in Krittika at sunrise. Dakshinayana had already begun by then.

Thirteen years prior to this date, they started the exile period in Ashadha Krishna Dasami. This happened to be Khara corresponding to 7th May, 3149 BCERohini was running on that day. (Fig 3)

Fig 3: The date of the start of the exile
                                

A controversy

Here we have to address a version pointed out by some scholars that there was a solar eclipse on the day the Pandavas left for exile. In support of this the following verse is quoted.[6]

divolkāś cāpatan ghorā rāhuś cārkam upāgrasat
     aparvaṇi mahāghoraṃ prajānāṃ janayan bhayam

Translation by Ganguli: “Meteors fell from the sky, and Rahu by swallowing the Sun unseasonably alarmed the people terribly”

A solar eclipse can occur on Amawasya and not on any other tithi. Suppose the Pandavas started their exile on Amawasya (eclipsed or not), they must have completed the exile on Amawasya only. (In the 5-year Yuga, a date can be identified only on the basis of the solar month, the lunar phase, the tithi and the ayana). But the Pandavas ended the exile on Krishna Dasami.

Even if it is assumed that the exile ended a day later considering the verse “tatas tṛtīye divase” as referring to a count starting after Ashtami– it could be on Krishna Ekadasi which is three tithis behind Amawasya. Therefore the tithi of the end of the exile rejects an outward meaning of a solar eclipse for the above quoted verse.

So then what did this verse convey?

Two explanations are plausible.

1.      The simulation (Fig 3) shows Rahu behind the Sun 80 degrees away – just 10 degrees short of 90 degrees (quarter circle). Due to this, when the sun rises, Rahu would be at the night part on the other side of the globe. When the sun crosses overhead, Rahu would be rising in the east. (Fig 4). The context of the verse refers to the time Draupadi was dragged into the royal court. By the sequence of events it is deduced that this happened after the sun crossed the meridian, at which time Rahu entered the day sky as if to swallow the sun (rays of the sun). When the sun was at B, Rahu was at A-in the eastern horizon.

                        Fig 4: Rahu appearing at horizon (A) when the Sun is overhead (B)

This expression is found repeated in a couple of other events of Mahabharata. When Parasurama fell down on the earth afflicted by the shaft of Bhishma, it is said that Rahu forcibly attained the blazing sun[7]. Similarly when Arjuna was badly wounded by the Saindhavas during his military campaign for the Aswamedha yajna, it is said that Rahu swallowed both the sun and the moon at the same time.[8] 

This is an abnormal expression since only one of the two luminaries can be swallowed by Rahu (or Ketu). This verse makes it clear that it was a general, non-specific statement to express the gravity of a situation and not necessarily about a true event. In each of these contexts the Rahu verse is accompanied with meteors, earthquakes, the howl of animals and so on which are repeated by the sage Markandeya while explaining the nature of events at the end of Yuga or calamity.[9]

2.      The second cause can be attributed to Rahu-kāla on Sunday, the day the Pandavas left for exile.[10] On Sunday Rahu Kāla occurs at the last one-eighth part of the day time. (The concept must have developed from the time of Ramayana (or even before) that is known from the event of Hanuman facing the third and the last obstacle from Simhika, the mother of Rahu while crossing the ocean. This obstacle happening towards the end of the day can be taken to mean that Hanuman crossed the ocean on a Sunday. Sunday is meant for royal mission, and obstacles can be expected at Rahu Kāla on that day, as per astrological view.)

The humiliation suffered by Draupadi at the royal court on a Sunday must have happened at Rahu Kāla, the most wrathful time for the royalty, but Rahu afflicted the royal house at ‘aparvaṇi’ (out of season or out of normal time) – that is to mean, before the regular time of Rahu (Rahu Kāla). As such, the time of the sinful event was characterized as Rahu swallowing up the Sun (King or Royal house).

By all these it is conveyed that the verse does not refer to a solar eclipse.

From this let us proceed further to present the entire exile period in a table (Figure 5).

 

        Figure 5: The exile period of the Pandavas

The exile started in Khara year (3149 BCE), in Dakshinayana, Ashadha Krishna Dasami when the moon was at Rohini at sunrise.

The exile ended in Krodhi year (3136 BCE), in Dakshinayana, Ashadha Krishna Dasami when the moon was at Krittika at sunrise.

Within the 13 year period, 5 Adhika Masa-s occurred, with the last one occurring two months before the end of exile. The five Nija Masa (that followed the five Adhika Masa) details are given in Figures 6, 7 and 8.

 
      Fig 6: The Nija Masa-s in BCE 3147 and 3145.


      Fig 7: The Nija Masa-s in BCE 3142 and 3139


        Figure 8: The Nija Masa in BCE 3136

The details of the Nija Masa simulated to the ayanamsa of the Mahabharata time are given above to emphasize the fact that one cannot simply ‘insert’ an Adhika Masa to suit one’s date of Mahabharata.

The above derivations reveal that an Adhika Masa occurred a few months before the exile ended. This rules out an Adhika masa in the same year just after the war - in the most improbable month of Magha, but that it did occur shows there lies a hidden issue on Time resulting in the loss of four tithis.

As we progress in our search for the cause of this anomaly, the next task at hand is to establish the ritu- calculation of the Mahabharata calendar, with which we can locate the time of Krishna’s peace mission.


                               

[5]Mahabharata: 4-42-22

adeśikā mahāraṇye grīṣme śatruvaśaṃ gatā

     yathā na vibhramet senā tathā nītir vidhīyatām

http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/mbs/mbs04042.htm

[6] Mahabharata: 2-72 21

[7] Mahabharata: 5-183 -22 “arkaṃ ca sahasā dīptaṃ svarbhānur abhisaṃvṛṇot”

[8] Mahabharata: 14-76-15 “rāhur agrasad ādityaṃ yugapat somam eva ca”

[9] Mahabharata: 3-189 (Ganguli’s translation)

[10] Rahu Kala is the span of a day that is said to be unfavourable. The day time (12 hours) is divided into 8 parts of 1 and a half hours each.  As the sun progresses from the east in a particular place, the first part is free of affliction. Subsequent parts get afflicted by Rahu Kala in different parts in different days of the week. They repeat week after week. This is a continuing tradition in South India even today. 

Thursday, December 31, 2020

7. Krishna left on a peace mission in ‘Kaumudi’ month - which month is Kaumudi? (Part 7: Mahabharata date)

Previous

The Pandavas completed their exile on Ashadha Krishna Dasami in the year Krodhi (3136 BCE). This was 17 days after Dakshinayana began and 11 days before the Greeshma ritu ended (Part 6). Here we come across the term ‘ritu’, meaning season. This word appears again as we progress with the events, prompting us to define how seasons were calculated in Mahabharata times. Since the calendar is 5-year Yuga, the extant texts of Rig and Yajur Vedanga Jyothisha are helpful.

The sun is the prime cause for the change of seasons and therefore rightly associated with the seasons. The sun’s transit in two signs makes one season – with each sign having 2 and a quarter nakshatras.[1]

Seasons can also be defined in terms of lunar months. Yajur Vedanga Jyothisha defines the season as 2 synodic months and 2 tithis.[2] This must not be construed as synodic months starting from a New moon or a Full moon. Vedanga Jyotisha calculates it from the beginning of the 1st year of the 5 year Yuga period, i.e. from the Uttarayana of the 1st year.

Shishira was the first season covering the two months, Tapas and Tapasya that are known as Magha and Phalguna. Since Uttarayana started in Magha (found in the version of Bhishma) we can construct the Season- calendar of Mahabharata by counting 2 lunar months and 2 tithis from the first tithi of the 1st year that was found to be Magha Shukla Pratipat (Figure 4 in Part 3) The 8th ritu must start from the 15th tithi from the beginning of the 1st ritu, says Vedanga Jyothisha.[3] That is found fulfilled in the table in Figure 1, constructed for the 5 year Yuga period that started in Krodhi at the time of the war.

                                              Fig 1: The Ritu-Tithi calendar of Mahabharata time.

The four seasons of the 1st year (Samvatsara – Krodhi) are boxed to highlight that all the major events of the war had taken place within these four seasons. All the dating hints are also found within this period only.

·         The exile ended in the Greeshma ritu (highlighted) in the Ashadha month.

  • The next ritu was Varsha (rainy). No events were reported in the Varsha season. However there is scope to speculate that the marriage of Abhimanyu was conducted in this season in Shravana month, which is auspicious for marriage ceremony.  
  • This was followed by the Sharad season that started on Shukla Navami of Aswayuja month. The war preparations started from this season onwards.
  • The most important event of this season is that Krishna started on a peace mission.

The verse says, [4]

tato vyapete tamasi sūrye vimala udgate

      maitre muhūrte saṃprāpte mṛdv arciṣi divākare

kaumude māsi revatyāṃ śarad ante himāgame

      sphītasasyamukhe kāle kalyaḥ sattvavatāṃ varaḥ

Translation by Ganguli: “The night having passed away, a bright sun arose in the east. The hour called Maitra set in, and the rays of the sun were still mild. The month was (Kaumuda Kartika) under the constellation Revati. It was the season of dew, Autumn having departed. The earth was covered with abundant crops all around.”

This verse is a source of contention among researchers – the major issue being the month name – Kaumudi. The 3rd line “kaumude māsi revatyāṃ śarad ante himāgame” is disputed to refer to Varsha season and Kaumudi as ‘the month of lotuses.’ We have to resolve this before proceeding further.

Was Varsha season running then?

If Varsha (rainy) season was running then, lack of heat must have been indicated, since the sun could be mostly hiding behind the clouds. But the words “arciṣi divākare” in the second line says the opposite. Arciṣi is the name of one of the twelve suns that is characterized as blazing or in flame. The dictionary meaning of the stem word ‘Arci’ given in Figure 2 shows that the word was used in Rig Veda in that sense.

                                                   Fig 2: Dictionary meaning of ‘Arci’

The sun of the rainy season cannot be described as ablaze. In the very next line of the same verse on Kaumudi, the growth of abundant crops is mentioned as “sphītasasyamukhe kāle kalyaḥ sattvavatāṃ varaḥ”, thereby rejecting any scope for an interpretation that it was rainy reason.[5]  Enlarged (sphīta) corn or grains on top (sasyamukhe) had come up in time (kāle kalyaḥ) abounding with life. Crops of this description cannot be seen in the rainy season. These crops are the result of the rainy season that appear in the Sharad season. These were present in the surroundings under the blazing sun when Krishna started off from Upapalavya carrying the message of the Pandvas to the Kauravas.

Which month is Kaumudi?

The next question is identifying the month of Kaumudi. The dictionary meaning straightaway says that it is the month of Kartika. (Figure 3)

                                                 Fig 3: Dictionary meaning of Kaumudi

One of the meanings of Kaumudi given in Figure 3 is the day of the Full moon in Kartika. Since the month gets the name from the Full moon, it is obvious that Kartika was also known as Kaumudi. However there is another meaning in the list, pointing to the Full moon in Asvina. Though both Kartika and Asvina are the time of Sharad season, we have to clarify the overlapping version here, because the time was ‘Sharadante’ – the end of the Sharad season. This clarification is done using the Puranic versions.

The name Kaumudi was in common usage until a thousand years ago. Kaumudi festival is perhaps the oldest festival starting from the times of Mahabhali who offered land to Vāmana. It is explained in the context of the festival of Deepavali in memory of Bali in Padma Purana. While describing Deepavali, Padma Purana refers to the beginning of that festival on the thirteenth day (Trayodashi) of the waning phase of Kartika month, which is a reference to the month of Aswayuja, before Amawasya.  Light is offered to Yama on this day. On the next day (Krishna caturdasi), light is offered to Naraka, says the Purana. Then on the following day that happens to be the New moon day (Amawasya), charities and celebrations done by the king are explained, followed by the worship of Mahabali at night by keeping awake. Padma Purana states that the “Kaumudi” festival started since then. Perhaps Kaumudi was the earlier name for the Deepavali festival.

The same festival is described in Skanda Purana as Bali Pratipat, done on the first day of the bright phase of Kartika month.  The festivities are mentioned in the same way as written in Padma Purana, but the day after Amawasya marked the beginning of the Kaumudi festival. So by all means, Kaumudi is connected with Kartika month. Padma Purana refers to Aswayuja- month as Kartika but relates Kaumudi festival to the month next to Aswayuja, i.e. Kartika.

Padma Purana gives the meaning for Kaumudi, by splitting the word as Ku and Muda, where ‘ku’ stands for earth and ‘muda’ for joy. It says,

“Due to the root (meaning) of the two (words coming together) the festival is said to be (i.e. called) Kaumudī, since the people mutually rejoice (during it) on the earth. They are glad and pleased, are happy, so it is called Kaumudī. O son, since during it red lotuses are offered to Bali by kings for (removing) their sins, therefore it is called Kaumudī.”

The lotus is part of the festivity and not the basis for the name of the festival. Perhaps the flower - the lotus or water lily got the name Kaumudi from the etymology given by Padma Purana. Kartika in Sharad season is the time all the water bodies are full and cool- a suitable time for the bloom of lotus and water lilies. That is how Kartika came to be known as the month of lotuses. Such bloom cannot be seen in Varsha season dotted with frequent rains, making the water bodies turbulent. Lotus and lilies don’t grow in the turbulent waters of the rainy season.

Why Krishna chose Kaumudi month for the peace mission

Kaumudi festival seems to have a specific significance for the recovery of lost lands. By worshiping Bali who donated the earth to Vāmana, a king can prosper for a whole year, says Padma Purana. This connotation is found in the coronation of King Kalyanavarman of Magadha who was re-instated into the throne on the day of Kaumudi Mahotsav, the Full Moon Festival in Kartika month. A Sanskrit drama, ‘Kaumudi Mahotsav’ detailing this event in the life of this king of the 7th century CE, was staged at the palace of Suganga at Pataliputra on the “Autumnal  Full Moon Festival Day”, i.e.  Sharad Kaumudi Mahotsav.[6]  Going by the description of this festival in Padma and Skanda Purana, it appears that “Kaumudi Festival” that started on the day AFTER DEEPAVALI by worshiping Mahabali, culminated on the Full Moon day of Kartika.

In tune with the aim of the mission to restore the land of the Pandavas, Krishna started off after completing the worship of Bali, along with the Pandavas (in today’s parlance after Deepavali). Vyasa, who didn’t utter a word without signifcance, seems to have thoughtfully employed the name “Kaumudi” for Kartika, reflecting the expectations of the Pandava clan on their completion of Kaumudi austerities. The date of the mission seems to have been planned in such a way that, Krishna would return with a positive news by the Full Moon day of Kartika. But he didn’t!

The date of Peace Mission

Krishna started on the day of Revati which occurs in the waxing phase of Kartika. Assuming that the Full Moon of Kartika occurred in the star Krittika, the tithi on Revati was likely to be Shukla Dwadasi. By Kartika Shukla Dwadasi, half of Sharad season was over, considering the fact that the sharad season started on Aswayuja Shukla Navami (Figure 1). This prompted Vyasa to say that Krishna started at the end of Sharad season. 

                          Fig 4: The date of Krishna leaving Upaplavya on peace mission.

When simulated in astrology software for Surya Siddhanta ayanamsa, the details matched exactly (Figure 4). Krishna started on 25th August, 3136 BCE.

The above simulation was for 8 AM in the morning when “Maitri” Muhurta was running. The 3rd Muhurta since sunrise on any day is known as Maitri Muhurta. To know this muhurta we need the sunrise time of the day. It was 6 AM, and by adding 2 Muhurta duration of 96 minutes (48 + 48), the beginning of Maitri muhurta comes out to be 7-36 AM. The star Revati matches with Shukla Dwadasi derived conceptually.

I have given the horoscopy chart too, to show the auspiciousness of the time chosen by Krishna and the Pandavas for this crucial mission. More importantly, I boxed in red the nodes that are positioned at Leo and Aquarius to show that no single or double or triple eclipse could have occurred any time in Kartika or in the months before and after Kartika.

This is being emphasized here to educate the readers against the eclipse claims by some researchers of Mahabharata. We will discuss this later.

Now Krishna was seen off by the Pandavas. 

There were auspicious signs throughout the path of Krishna, but unusual events were witnessed at the same time at Hastinapur, the capital city of the Kauravas. What were they?



[1] Rig Vedanga Jyothisha: 9d. Yajur Vedanga Jyothisha: 10d

[2] Yajur Vedanga Jyothisha: V. 11

[3] Yajur Vedanga Jyothisha: V.11

[4] Mahabharata: 5-81- v.6,7

[6] “The Historical Drama of Kaumudi-Mahotsava, or Full-Moon Festival”, Sakuntala Rao Sastri https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/ibk1952/4/2/4_2_590/_article

Friday, January 1, 2021

Cosmic impact during Krishna’s peace mission (Part 8: Mahabharata date)

The events starting from the time Krishna left Upaplavya until his return are described in Mahabharata in three different view-points –as a general overview, from Sanjaya’s version given to Dhritarashtra and Krishna’s version to the Pandavas on his return. We have to combine all the three to construct the sequence of events. Perhaps this was Vyasa’s technique of keeping hidden the greatest secret of mankind. I have sequenced the odd events reported during the peace mission.

At the time of Krishna leaving Upaplavya

At the time Krishna was travelling from Upaplavya to Salibhavana on the way to Hastinapur, ominous events occurred in the country of the Kurus, and also felt at Hastinapur. To find out the root cause of those events, they are listed down here.[1]

  • Though there were no clouds in the sky, yet the roll of thunder accompanied by flashes of lightning was heard.
  • Fleecy clouds in a clear sky rained incessantly in the rear!
  • The seven large rivers including the Sindhu (Indus) though flowing eastwards then flowed in opposite direction.
  • The very directions seemed to be reversed and nothing could be distinguished.
  • Fires blazed up everywhere.
  • The earth trembled repeatedly.
  • The contents of wells and water-vessels by hundreds swelled up and ran out.
  • The whole universe was enveloped in darkness.
  • The atmosphere being filled with dust, neither the cardinal nor the subsidiary points of the horizon could be ascertained.
  • Loud roars were heard in the sky without any being visible from whom these could emanate. This phenomenon was noticed all over the country.
  • south-westerly wind, with the harsh rattle of the thunder, uprooting trees by the thousands, crushed the city of Hastinapura.

Thunderous roars from the cloudless sky heard all around, continuous rains in the absence of clouds noticed somewhere behind, atmosphere filled with dust causing all-round haze, the trembling of the earth, the sudden change in the direction of the river-flows and water from the wells and the vessels spilling out, can occur simultaneously in the event of a cosmic impact – of an object or fragments of an object colliding with the earth.

The south westerly wind suggests the trajectory of an object falling from the south western direction. The jet of air dragged by the falling object, while crossing the east flowing river, would obstruct the flow by which the water is pushed in the opposite (western) direction. Vyasa has indeed made a very meticulous observation of the changes in wind and water-flow. Figure 1 shows the south westerly winds caused by the falling object blocking the water flow, by which the water started flowing in the opposite direction.

                                 Fig 1: South-westerly wind blocking the east flowing rivers

This impact felt across a vast region from the river Sindhu to Ganga where Hastinapur is located, could not have been caused by single piece falling on the earth. The fact that this effect was not felt in the region travelled by Krishna on his way to Hastinapur goes to prove that there were several fragments falling from the south western direction in a vast region between the Sindhu and the Ganga where Hastinapur is situated. There was a rain of fragments, not just meteor showers, impacting the environment severely. Tremors and whirlwinds are environmental effects of asteroid-hit due to increase in kinetic energy, according to a discussion in UCMP session. [2] If several such asteroids are falling on the earth, it could be the case of broken parts of a larger asteroid or a comet. The dust thrown into the air blurs the directions. The asteroid hitting the ocean would cause an increase in water vapor in the air that pours down as rains following the path of the falling fragments, which is expressed as rains at the rear.

At the time of appointment of Bhishma as the Chief Commander

Similar calamities were seen again at the time Bhishma was installed as the Commander of the Kaurava troops. This appears in Krishna’s narration to the Pandavas on his return. Though there is no explicit reference to the day of this installation, there are sufficient hints to deduce it. While Krishna was in the court of the Kurus seeking peace, Bhishma, Vidura, Drona, Gandhari and Dhritarashtra persuaded Duryodhana to give Pandavas their due share. Particularly when Dhritarashtra told Duryodhna that he was not the son of a king, due to the reason he (Dhritarashtra) didn’t get the kingdom in normal course, Duryodhana’s anger found no bounds. He called the fellow kings present there and said again and again that the day was Pushya and let them all march to Kurukshetra.

  ajñāpayac ca rājñas tān pārthivan duṣṭacetasaḥ

      prayādhvaṃ vai kurukṣetraṃ puṣyo 'dyeti punaḥ punaḥ

  tatas te pṛthivīpālāḥ prayayuḥ saha sainikāḥ

      bhīṣmaṃ senāpatiṃ kṛtvā saṃhṛṣṭāḥ kālacoditāḥ

  akṣauhiṇyo daśaikā ca pārthivānāṃ samāgatāḥ

      tāsāṃ pramukhato bhīṣmas tālaketur vyarocata[3]

(Translation by Ganguli) “And all the kings (invited by him), prepared to lay down their lives, followed him behind. King Duryodhana then repeatedly ordered those wicked-hearted rulers, saying, 'Today constellation Pushya is ascendant--march ye (this very day) to Kurukshetra. Impelled by Fate, those monarchs then, with their soldiers, gladly set out, making Bhishma their generalissimo. Eleven Akshauhinis of troops have been, O King, assembled for the Kauravas. At the head of that host, shineth Bhishma, with the device of the palmyra on the banner of his car.”[4]

It is further said that after the night passed away (at day-break), Duryodhana arranged the army divisions.[5]  Bhishma was duly installed as the chief of the army. At that time some portents were seen.  Vaisampayana reports,

 prādurāsann anabhre ca varṣaṃ rudhirakardamam

     āsaṃś ca sarvayodhānāṃ pātayanto manāṃsy uta

 vācaś cāpy aśarīriṇyo divaś colkāḥ prapedire

     śivāś ca bhayavedinyo nedur dīptasvarā bhṛśam

 senāpatye yadā rājā gāṅgeyam abhiṣiktavān

     tadaitāny ugrarūpāṇi abhavañ śataśo nṛpa[6]


(Ganguli’s translation): “And although the sky was cloudless, a bloody shower fell and made the ground miry. And fierce whirl-winds, and earthquakes, and roars of elephants, occurring, depressed the hearts of all the warriors. Incorporeal voices and flashes of meteoric falls were heard and seen in the welkin. And jackals, howling fiercely, foreboded great calamity. And, O monarch, these and a hundred other kinds of fierce portents made their appearance when the king installed Ganga's son in the command of his troops.”

The earthquakes and whirlwinds when accompanied with meteorite showers are signs of a cosmic impact. This happened on a Pushya day, though Duryodhana was heard telling “Pushyodyeti” the previous day. Pushya started on the night of the previous day and was present throughout the next day. The installation of Bhishma on that day was in tune with Pushya Snana, an age-old practice of taking ritual bath and conducting Vedic austerities for the prosperity of kings. Writing on this ritual, Varahamihira refers to the practice of the king dressing himself in military attire.[7]

An important feature of this ritual is noting down the omens at the end of the Homa for making predictions! [8] The portents turned out to be inauspicious, raising a doubt on the planned march of the Kauravas to Kurukshetra on that day. The portents were the same as those witnessed on Revati day (the day Krishna started) eight days earlier.

The attack of a comet on Pushya day

The observation of meteorite attack at the time of installation of Bhishma as army chief on the Pushya day concurs with Vyasa’s narration to Dhritarashtra later,

“dhūmaketur mahāghoraḥ puṣyam ākramya tiṣṭhati”.[9]

The word Dhumaketu generally refers to a comet and it turns out to be so in this verse too, going by the description of portents after Bhishma was made the chief of the army. Similar portents appearing eight days earlier are very much in tune with a comet caught in the gravitational pull of the earth and colliding with the earth in a series of fragments after several rounds around the earth.

The hit is similar to the crash of the comet Shoemaker-Levy on Jupiter, after being caught in the gravitational field of Jupiter in 1994, and breaking into several pieces and falling on Jupiter over a span of seven days with the biggest fragment falling on the 3rd day.[10] 

At the time of Krishna leaving Hastinapur.

Similar portents were reported again on the day Krishna left Hastinapur, after talking to Kunti. Those portents were mentioned by Drona and Bhishma while trying to dissuade Duryodhana from fighting. They referred to the fall of blazing meteors blurring the sky and causing fear among animals and people.[11] This had taken place on the day of Uttara Phalguni, the day Krishna left Hastinapur after a failed mission.  

These observations appearing from Revati to Uttara Phalguni, hint at a comet breaking into fragments and hitting the earth over a period of 13 days, with the biggest hit on the  9th day when the Moon was crossing the star Pushya.

Counting from Revati (25th August, 3136 BCE) to Pushya when the major collision occurred, the date happened to be 2nd September in 3136 BCE (Figure 2)

                                 Fig 2: The date of cosmic impact on Pushya day

One may tend to dismiss this claim of a cosmic impact as fictitious, but one should be reminded that the bulk of all the astronomy observations found in Mahabharata pertain to this short period. Almost all the 78 nimittas (omens) narrated by Vyasa to Dhritarashtra before the war either as astronomy or non-astronomy omens fit in with the period of the cosmic impact and it’s after effects. The earliest reference to such observations were spoken by Karna to Krishna before Krishna left Hastinapur on the day of Uttara Phalguni, that was the 5th day from the day of the cosmic impact (Dhumaketu in Pushya).

Some of what Karna observed was repeated by Vyasa to Dhritarashtra. Some of them were told by him in weird ways which however are scientifically explainable in the backdrop of a cosmic impact – the most well-known one among them being the star Arundhati keeping the star Vasishtha at her back!

We will analyze them all in the upcoming parts.


[1] Mahabharata: 5-50-84 (Ganguli’s translation)  https://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/m05/m05084.htm

[2] “Examining the Potential Effects of an Asteroid Impact” https://ucmp.berkeley.edu/education/dynamic/session5/sess5_asteroid.htm

[3] Mahabharata: 5-5-148 – v. 3 -5

[5] Mahabharata: 5-5-152. V:1

[6] Mahabharata: 5-5-153. V: 28 -31

[7] Brihat Samhita, translated by N.C.Iyer. Ch 48- 74

[8] Ibid, Ch 48- 78

[9] Mahabharata: 6-3-12

[11] Mahabharata: 5-5-136. V: 20-22 https://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/mbs/mbs05136.htm

Saturday, January 2, 2021

Evidences that suggest collision from outer space during Krishna’s peace mission (Part 9: Mahabharata date)

 Previous

The first set of astronomy references appear in the dialogue of Karna with Krishna before Krishna left Hastinapur on the day of Uttaraphalguni. This day is deduced from the words of Krishna to Karna that Amawasya was going to occur on the seventh day from thence in the star of Indra - referring to the star Jyeṣtha whose lord was Indra.[1]

In this meeting Krishna told Karna his birth secret and wanted him to side with the Pandavas. A somewhat emotional Karna refused to switch sides but conceded for the first time that he along with Sakuni, Dussasana and Duryodhana were going to be instrumental (nimitta) for the destruction of the earth.[2]

So saying he continued to express five planetary features, four atmospheric features, one terrestrial feature and many features pertaining to animals as “utpāta lakshana[3] (signs of sudden, unusual, unexpected phenomenon or appearance of calamity). He started narrating them as frightful and cruel nimittas![4] Then he described the five planetary features as ‘nimittas’ indicating the approach of a terrible slaughter.[5] Within a chapter on the dialogue between Karna and Krishna, Karna is seen mentioning the word nimitta thrice! This word must be clarified to understand the events he narrated.

In the 1st instance of calling himself along with his friends as nimitta for destruction, the word is used in the sense of ‘instrumental cause’. A cause that leads to an effect is the nimitta for that effect. In this case both the cause and the effect are visible.

However at times when the cause is invisible but gives rise to a visible effect, the cause becomes a nimitta that is popularly understood as an “omen”.[6] The invisible cause may be manifest as a mark or a sign, then that becomes a nimitta with which the visible effect is related. In any case, the mark or the sign (nimitta) can exist for a few seconds or a few minutes but the fear it creates do seem to deliver a warning that something untoward is going to happen (There are good nimittas too which sprout positive feelings indicating good results)

 

Mahabharata is full of such nimittas. One will be surprised to know that the spiteful talks of Karna and Duryodhana when Draupadi was humiliated were brought to an end by Dhritarashtra not by any saner counsel, but on hearing the howl of the jackal in the Agnihotra (homa) chamber, followed by the braying of the asses and the cries of the bird – something perceived as ‘nimitta.’[7] Vidura and Gandhari who were well versed in the features of this kind of “utpatam ghoram” conveyed this nimitta to Dhritarashtra that made him call for a halt to the harassment to Draupadi and give her boons by which she got the Pandavas released from bondage.

The basic feature of the nimitta that led to the release of the Pandavas is its transient nature and non-human origin. The sudden and fearsome nature of these nimittas cause immense trauma to men and animals alike. This is reflected in one of the nimittas told by Karna, that “amongst the steeds, elephants and soldiers, in all the divisions of Duryodhana's army, it is seen, that while small is the food these take, ample is the excreta they evacuate.”[8] In any event of fear, the digestive system reacts immediately and adversely. So something terrible of unknown origin had happened causing a fear psychosis in all the living beings.

With this introduction to nimitta, let me begin analyzing the nimittas stated by Karna. Similar ones stated by Vyasa to Dhritarashtra later, i.e. before the war, are given along with to show that both of them were referring to the same events and same sightings. I am excluding the animal related nimittas and only giving terrestrial, atmospheric and celestial ones. The foremost one seeming to be the cause of all these is the fall of objects from the sky.

Cosmic impact

Karna: Meteors (Ulka) were falling from the sky with loud noise. There were whirlwinds accompanied with earthquakes.[9]

Vyasa: dhūmaketur mahāghoraḥ puṣyam ākramya tiṣṭhati (6-3-12)

Vyasa: anabhre ca mahāghoraṃ stanitaṃ śrūyate 'niśam (6-2-33)

Vyasa: abhīkṣṇaṃ kampate bhūmir (6-3-11)

Vyasa says explicitly that a comet attacked Pushya. Many researchers have treated this as sighting a comet near Pushya, but it turned out to be an attack on the earth on Pushya day!

The version of Karna taking place in Uttaraphalguni, on the 4th day from Pushya day, it is evident that he was referring to the meteor showers on Pushya day and probably continuing in the subsequent days.

Terrestrial features indicating a calamity

Karna: The wells in the midst of Duryodhana's encampment sent forth loud roars like those of huge bulls. [10] - This can happen in the event of earthquakes or tectonic movement – caused by a collision of an extra-terrestrial object with the earth.

Vyasa: phenāyamānāḥ kūpāś ca nardanti vṛṣabhā iva (6-3-32)

Vyasa: pratisroto 'vahan nadyaḥ saritaḥ śoṇitodakāḥ  (6-2-32)

Atmospheric features indicating a calamity

1.      Karna: There were showers of flesh and blood.[11] – This can happen with tornado like whirlwinds lifting animals or red mud and pour them down elsewhere.

Vyasa: āsīd rudhiravarṣaṃ ca asthi varṣaṃ ca (6-2-30)

Vyasa: māṃsavarṣaṃ punas tīvram āsīt kṛṣṇa caturdaśīm (6-3-31)

 

2.      Karna: Vapoury edifices of great effulgence with high walls, deep trenches, and handsome porches, are suddenly appearing in the skies.[12] - This could be the case of “Superior Mirage” when objects on the ground are reflected above them due to a process called temperature inversion’ and changed atmospheric index from greater to lower from ground to top layers.[13] This appearance is possible near water bodies. Eleven Akshauhinis of troops were assembled in tents in Hastinapur on the banks of the river Ganga. When the upper atmospheric layers were heated as an after-effect of an asteroid or fragments of a comet falling somewhere nearby, the cold air near the Gangetic shores where the army barracks had been set up causes the superior mirage in the sky of the structures on the ground. This is a temporary sight and as such a nimitta.

Vyasa does not mention anything similar to this. So the above appearance of ‘temperature inversion’ was an initial event soon after the cosmic impact, noticed on the banks of the river Ganga by Karna.

3.      Karna: Both twilights at sunrise and sunset indicate great terror.[14]

Though no exact information has been given by Karna, it is possible to deduce what he meant, from a reading of the chapter on twilights given in Brihat Samhita.[15] The colour of the sky, nature of the winds, dust, clouds and animal behavior at the time of the twilights were such that they were unusual, indicating some disturbance in the atmosphere.

4.      Karna: A black circle called ‘Parigha’ surrounding the solar disc appears to the view.  “kṛṣṇaś ca parighas tatra bhānum āvṛtya tiṣṭhati[16]

In the case of asteroid hits or volcanic eruptions, the dust, fumes and ash thrown into atmosphere appear as black halo around the sun. In the absence of any reference to a volcanic eruption, the asteroid hit(s) had caused this image. Brihat Samhita speaks about Parigha and its effects in quite a few places.[17]

Vyasa: śvetalohita paryantāḥ kṛṣṇa grīvāḥ sa vidyutaḥ
     trivarṇāḥ parighāḥ saṃdhau bhānum āvārayanty uta (6-2-21)

(Tri-coloured Parigha is reported with a black ring around the sun)

Vyasa’s observation of tri-coloured Parigha must have happened long after the collision. Such appearances sustain for a prolonged period after a cosmic-hit.

Celestial / Planetary features indicating a calamity.

All the five planetary nimittas stated by Karna had happened before the day of Uttaraphalguni and by our hypothesis on the day of Pushya and or between Pushya and Uttaraphalguni – with just four nights in between enabling observation of any celestial abnormality. I am reproducing the astrological simulation chart for the Pushya day from Part 8 (Figure 1) for cross-checking.

Fig 1: The date of the cosmic impact on Pushya day


1. Saturn afflicting Prajapati’s star-planet

Karna: prājāpatyaṃ hi nakṣatraṃ grahas tīkṣṇo mahādyutiḥ
      śanaiścaraḥ pīḍayati pīḍayan prāṇino 'dhikam

This is translated by Ganguli as,

“That fierce planet of great effulgence, Sanaischara (Saturn), is afflicting the constellation called Rohini, in order to afflict greatly the creatures of the earth.”

 

Prajapati’s star is Rohini, but Prajapatyam hi nakshatram graha is Moon! This is similar to Vyasa’s version given later on Krittikasu Graha[19]. Krittika’s graha (planet) is Sun! These expressions are straight from the astrology texts, proving us that the same rules of astrology that we use today were present in the Mahabharata times too. The 27 stars of the zodiac are divided into 9 groups of 3 each – with the three at equi-distance from each other, forming the corners of an equilateral triangle in the sky. The three stars of the same group are associated with a planet as the lord of the three stars. As such Rohini, Shravana and Hasta of a same group are lorded by Moon. So Moon is the graha of Prajapati nakshatra.

In the simulated chart for 2nd September, 3136 BCE, (Fig 1) we find Saturn positioned in the co-star of Rohini that is, Shravana and in direct opposition to Moon. Though both interpretations are fulfilled here, this sighting being a nimitta, the position of Saturn in exact opposition to Moon in the zodiac must have been construed as Saturn casting its sharp (Teekshna) rays of light on the Moon, the graha of Prajapati star. By having afflicted it with his sharp rays, Saturn can be said to have caused harm to the praja and therefore the reference to the Prajapati star. With the fast moving moon quickly moving out of direct affliction of Saturn, this coupling between Saturn and Moon is construed as a nimitta. The coupling between the two had happened at the time of collision from the sky! I am reproducing the chart for the same day but at little after sunset when the exact coupling between the moon and the Saturn started (Figure 2).

Fig 2: The date of cosmic impact at sunset in Hastinapur

Before proceeding further, we must know another tenet of astrology. Except the nodes all the seven planets (that include the sun and the moon) have their orbs. They are said to ‘catch’ each other when they come within the orbs. For Moon it is 8 ̊ and it is 9 ̊ for Saturn.[20] At 5 pm on that day the orb of moon at 13 ̊ and that of Saturn at 21 ̊ started coupling with each other (Figure 3).  

                                  Fig 3: Planetary position at the time of cosmic impact

The direct and teekshna affliction of Saturn on Moon happened until Moon left Cancer.

Vyasa also refers to Saturn’s affliction on Rohini.

Vyasa: rohiṇīṃ pīḍayann eṣa sthito rājañ śanaiścaraḥ (6-2-32)

Vyasa qualifies the reference with एष सथितॊ – meaning, by standing in his place Saturn has sent its affliction. From its position in Shravana, it afflicts Rohini at the other end of the equilateral triangle formed by Shravana, Rohini and Hasta. It could also refer to what Karna meant – afflicting the planet (moon), the planetary ruler of Rohini. So this nimitta by Vyasa is the same one described by Karna.

At the moment of hearing the sound of the falling pieces from the sky, Karna and Vyasa had noted down the position of the Prajapati star, its planetary dispositor (moon) and the affliction caused to either of the two. They found that Moon was in direct line of contact with Saturn positioned in a star (Shravana) of the class of Prajapati (Rohini). That was noted down by Karna and Vyasa. It is important to note that the direct coupling indicated in the verse happened at sunset time in Hastinapur.

2. Planet Mars wheeling backwards to Anuradha.

Karna: kṛtvā cāṅgārako vakraṃ jyeṣṭhāyāṃ madhusūdana
      anurādhāṃ prārthayate maitraṃ saṃśamayann iva[21]

This is translated by Ganguli as

“The planet Angaraka (Mars), wheeling, O slayer of Madhu, towards the constellation Jyeshtha, approacheth towards Anuradhas, indicating a great slaughter of friends.”

In the above simulation, Mars was in Jyeshtha star. From the verse it is known that its true position was in Jyeshtha only. A movement towards the previous star, i.e. Anuradha can happen in retrogression, but there was no retrogression at that time because Mars was on the other side of the Sun (as seen from the earth) and was seen closer to the Sun.[22] Mars cannot be in retrogression in Jyeshtha when the Sun was also in Jyeshtha or close to that in the same sign (Scorpio). This is a fact of astronomy (astrology too). And the observation being a nimitta, only a temporary appearance of movement must have been noticed. Similar kind of impossible movement is stated by Vyasa that

(1) Dhruva  moved in apasavyam direction (away from zenith)

(2) Arundhati  (star Alcor) kept Vasishtha (star Mizar) at her Prishṭha (exchange of places by which Vasishtha shifted to Arundhati’s right)

We will discuss them separately and for now focus on Mars in an impossible “retrogression”

When we look for possible scientific causes, there exists only one cause – but not possible under normal atmospheric conditionsThe right-ward movement of Mars can be caused by negative refractive index of the atmospheric layers which is rare to occur. This once again points to an extraordinary event of a massive cosmic impact causing a reversal in the density of layers of the atmosphere. The epicenter of the impact could not have been closer to Hastinapur, for in such an event, Hastinapur could have been completely destroyed. That it was not so goes to show that the impact was marginal with only fragments falling in nearby areas. However a massive, wider impact is detected by this evidence of momentary sighting of Mars as if it made retrograde movement.  

Mars being a red planet, the deflection must have been more than under ideal conditions, thereby causing a right-ward shift for an observer on the ground, giving rise to an impression that it is moving towards Anuradha. Figure 4 shows the shift in the position of Mars towards Anuradha (arrow mark) caused by the changed refractive index.

                                             Fig 4: Mars wheeling backward to Anuradha

Venus was also there in close quarters to Mars at that time. But no change in its position was noticed, presumably because its rays were white and not red. It is highly probable that Vyasa noticed the deviation of Arundhati around the same time Karna had noticed the deviation in the position of Mars.

  • Arundhati being part of a binary, the shift has caused a dramatic appearance with reference to Vasishtha. 
  • In the case of Mars, there is no close companion as a reference point, and therefore the right-ward shift of Mars was less dramatized and hence escaped the attention of Mahabharata researchers.

The next three observations pertain to Moon!

The features on the moon had shifted position, said Karna. The same was repeated by Vyasa. The features on the lunar disc as seen from the earth are permanent signs of volcanic seas and impact craters (Figure 5).

                                                      Fig 5: Features on the moon

The remark coming from Karna during the waning phase means the visible region of the moon was much less. Within that small region, already filled with marks, what did Karna see as something different?

Vyasa, the most knowledgeable of all - who has to his credit the compilation of the Vedas and composition of the Puranas - repeating the same observation could not have been just a figment of imagination or hallucination. With evidences for a cosmic impact emerging one after the other in the text, this observation about the Moon raises a question – did moon receive the major hit from the comet even while its fragments just brushed the earth?

(To be continued)                                                                   



[2] Mahabharata: 5-141 -2

[3]Mahabharata: 5-141-26

[4] Mahabharata:  5-141- 5 “nimittāni ca ghorāṇi tathotpātāḥ sudāruṇāḥ”

[5] Mahabharata: 5-141 – 12 “nimitteṣu mahābāho dāruṇaṃ prāṇināśanam”

[6] “yaḥ prekṣāpūrvakārī bhavati saḥ adhruveṇa nimittena dhruvaṃ nimittamupādatte vedikāṃ puṇḍarīkaṃ vā”. Maha Bhshya. on I.1.26 Vart.5.

[7] Mahabharata: 2-63: v.22-24

[8] Mahabharata: 5-141-13

[10]Mahabharata: 5-141-20

[11]Mahabharata: 5-141-21

[12] Ibid.

[14] Mahabharata: 5-141-22b

[15] Brihat Samhita: Ch 30

[16]Mahabharata: 5-141-22

[17]Brihat Samhita: Ch 30 & 47

[19] Mahabharata: 6-3-26

[20][20] Dr. B.V. Raman, “Varshaphal”, Page 16. The knowledge of orb is ancient as this was the basis for spontaneous prediction of calamities.

[21] Mahabharata: 5-141-8

[22] Retrogression of Mars or any outer planet can happen only when the planet is on the other side of the Sun, that is, with the earth in the middle and the Sun and the outer planet on either side of the earth. In the current discussion, Mars was on the same side as the Sun and much closer to it when seen from the earth. So retrogression of Mars is impossible in this situation.

Sunday, January 3, 2021

Evidences that suggest that moon was jolted in its orbit (Part 10: Mahabharata date)

 Previous

Karna’s talk with Krishna continued. He referred to three nimittas – all of them related to the moon. Let me sequence them one by one so that we can see continuity with a related observation by Vyasa which is crucial, as that marked the beginning of the tradition of Bodhayana Amawasya by Krishna! For reference, let me reproduce the sky chart of the Pushya day when a massive calamity struck the earth. The longitudes of the planets are to be noted from this. (Figure 1)

                                     Fig 1: Planetary longitudes on the Pushya day.

1.    Karna: rāhur arkam upeṣyati

In Ganguli’s translation, “Rahu also approacheth towards the sun.”

Most researchers have interpreted this as an eclipse. This was not possible as the Sun was far away from the nodes to be part of an eclipse. Rahu was at Magha and Sun at Anuradha. Assuming that we don’t have this chart, how to prove that there was no solar eclipse at that time (sun in Jyeshtha)? This is needed to be done for the reason that most of the researchers are of the opinion that a solar eclipse took place on Jyeshtha Amawasya.

To begin with, we must know the basics about Rahu (or Ketu) and the sun. Rahu and Ketu are not physical entities but points of intersection of the lunar orbit and the ecliptic (the ecliptic is the path of the sun which in reality is the projected orbit of the earth). Figure 2 shows the basic ideas about Rahu and Ketu (nodes).


Fig 2: Direction of the nodes and the sun

The moon and the sun always move in clockwise direction as seen from the earth, but the nodes move in opposite direction, i.e. anti-clockwise direction. The orbit of the moon (dotted blue in Fig 2) is slightly inclined from the ecliptic by 5 degrees by which one half of the lunar orbit lies above the ecliptic (north of the ecliptic), i.e. from Rahu to Ketu in anti-clockwise direction. The other half is below the ecliptic (south of the ecliptic), from Ketu to Rahu in anti-clockwise direction. When the moon is coming along the path in clockwise direction from Ketu to Rahu it would be seen in the north of the ecliptic. Once it crosses Rahu, it would be appearing in the southern side of the ecliptic.

With these basics let us look at the issues:

Where would one find Rahu if it were to approach the sun (as told by Karna)?

To reply this, let us take a look at Figure 3 that shows the stars from Uttaraphalguni (Up) to Sravana (Sr). The observation was narrated on Uttaraphalguni day. In seven days the Sun was going to be in Jyeshtha (Jy). If Rahu was positioned somewhere beyond Jyeshtha, say in Sravana (Sr), naturally it would be moving towards the sun.

Fig 3: Rahu in normal movement

The direction of the movement of the sun and Rahu is shown by the arrows. At any position in front of the sun, Rahu would be seen moving towards the sun due to its anti-clockwise motion. But then it could not be a nimitta! We must remember that a nimitta is a temporary sign. Here we see a continuous natural movement of Rahu which could not have caused any fear.  Therefore Rahu’s position beyond the sun is COMPLETELY RULED OUT.

Rahu must have been moving in the stars before the Sun or in the stars already trodden by the sun – in which case a meeting of them could never happen for nearly a year thereafter as they (Rahu and the sun) were moving away from each other. A solar eclipse is possible only when the sun and the moon meet Rahu or Ketu (here Rahu). Such a meeting in Jyeshtha is impossible here.

Then the issue is why did Karna say that Rahu was approaching the sun?

A visual observer can judge whether the moon had crossed Rahu or Ketu by watching its position in the ecliptic (north or south) in successive days. Karna said that Rahu moved towards the sun. The sun was in Kartika month (in Scorpio, within 7 degrees of Jyeshtha – counted at the rate of the sun’s movement of 1 degree per day) at the time of this dialogue. We had just proved that Rahu was in the previous stars to the sun moving further towards previous degrees due to its anti-clockwise movement.  Movement towards the sun could only happen if the intersection point moved clockwise. (Figure 4)

Fig 4:  Rahu moving towards the Sun

In Figure 4, M is the Moon in its original path (in blue). It is moving in clockwise direction towards the sun in the ecliptic (in red). It was expected to meet the sun (Amawasya) on Jyeshtha day. But before that (Amawasya) Rahu had moved towards the Sun, says Karna, which means R had shifted to R1 (clockwise). This can happen only if the moon shifted from M to M1 into a newer orbit (in dotted blue).

This observation was made on Uttaraphalguni, by which it is known that the shift of Rahu happened before Uttara Phalguni.

How did Karna make that observation?  

The moon covers 12 degrees of the sky in a day. This span is huge enough to gauge, particularly when it is crossing the ecliptic. The moon shifts to the south by crossing the point of Rahu. Only if the moon was seen to have shifted to the south of the ecliptic after the expected day (where Rahu was positioned), this observation could have been made. In Figure 4, the moon must have been sighted south of the ecliptic on the day after R, but it didn’t appear at the south. It appeared in the south of the ecliptic a little later, i.e. after R1. Seeing this delay Karna used the term “upeṣyati” in future tense – as though Rahu would go on continuously towards the Sun, by changing its directional movement. But this directional change is impossible to happen in nature. So what he observed was characterized by him as a “nimitta”! This shift (and observation) had happened before Uttaraphalguni, the day Karna narrated this!  

Since the shift had already happened before Uttaraphalguni, it is evident that the location of Rahu was before Uttara Phalguni, i.e.,anywhere between Pushya and Purvaphalguni but nowhere closer to Jyeshtha.

In view of the fact that Rahu was before Uttaraphalguni and Amawasya was expected on Jyeshtha – six stars away, i.e. 80 degrees away, a solar eclipse in Jyeshtha is ruled out. Moreover the essential condition for a solar eclipse is such that the sun should be within 19 degrees of the nearest node (here Rahu). From the day of this conversation the sun was going to be 80 degrees away. So there is no way to say that a solar eclipse took place.

Vyasa repeated the same observation.[1]

Vyasa: arkaṃ rāhustathāgrasat

Ganguli translates this in the same way as he did for Karna’s reference. Karna, Vyasa and others who had been watching the surroundings keenly more than ever before, in the wake of the calamity, must have noticed the moon slipping to the south later than expected, giving an impression that Rahu was moving towards the sun, but in view of the long distance between the sun and Rahu, a solar eclipse did not happen.

Behind this observation, lies a great fact that the lunar orbit had shifted! The moon had shifted from M to M1 and Rahu had shifted from R to R1 (Fig 4). This is further reiterated by the other two nimittas pertaining to moon

2. The star Chitra is afflicted by Gara

Karna: citrāṃ pīḍayate garaḥ[2]

चित्रांपीडयतेगरहः

Many researchers interpret ‘garaha’ as graha and assume that a planet has afflicted the star Chitra. There is no affliction to Chitra as per the simulated chart. Gara is the name of a Karana, the 5th anga of Panchanga. An analysis of Gara in Chitra shows that Amawasya had occurred on the 13th tithi – the same view expressed by Vyasa to Dhritarashtra.

Let us first understand what a Karana is.

A Karana is half of a tithi .A tithi is the gap between the sun and the moon as they move across the sky. In scientific terms it is the difference between the celestial longitudes of the sun and the moon calculated on a day to day basis. When the difference is zero it is Amawasya. When the moon completes one round around the earth and joins the sun, it is said to have travelled 360 degrees. This duration is divided into 30 parts, and each part is called a tithi. The duration of a tithi is 12˚ (360 / 30 = 12). It is numbered as first, second and so on until the moon reaches the 180th degree from the sun. That is the 15th tithi, also known as Paurnami. Then from Paurnami to Amawasya, another 15 tithis are covered by the moon in 180 degrees.

Half of a tithi is a Karana of 6˚span. Each day has two karanas spanning across one tithi. Karana is proof of meticulous tracking of the movement of the sun and the moon for 6˚ extent of the sky. The Tithi- karana alignment is a constant and cannot change. There are 11 Karanas and they keep repeating except before Amawasya which is not of concern here. A regular visual observer will be able to tell the tithi almost correctly by looking at the moon’s shape in the waxing phase and the waning phase. From that shape, a regular observer will be able to gauge the corresponding karana also. 

In his conversation with Krishna, Karna refers to a change in the karana! This is noticed in the 2nd half of the waning phase. Karna’s anguish that something went wrong is reflected in his reference to Gara karana coinciding with Chitra.

Let me show the normal alignment of the tithi- karana for the stars if Amawasya was expected to occur in Jyeshtha. 

In the above table the tithi is at sunrise but could be followed by the next tithi soon after. On Pushya day Shashti started by noon as per simulation. On the day of Uttara Phalguni when the conversation took place, Gara karana was present.

But Karna reports (expecting) Gara karana a day after, i.e. in Chitra (when Bava and Balava must be happening as per the normal alignment)  If Gara joins Chitra, then the karanas of Amawasya tithi, namely Chatuspad and Nagava would appear on Trayodasi. This means Amawasya (no-moon) would occur on Trayodasi! The realignment would appear as follows:

If Gara appears in Chitra, Amawasya will occur on the 13th tithi, in Visakha or Visakha- Anuradha junction and not in Jyeshtha!

This is in concurrence with the 13th tithi (Trayodasi) Amawasya mentioned by Vyasa[3].

caturdaśīṃ pañcadaśīṃ bhūtapūrvāṃ ca ṣoḍaśīm
     imāṃ tu nābhijānāmi amāvāsyāṃ trayodaśīm
 candrasūryāv ubhau grastāv ekamāse trayodaśīm
     aparvaṇi grahāv etau prajāḥ saṃkṣapayiṣyataḥ

(Unfortunately researchers are treating tithi as day. The two are not the same. The tithi is just 12 degree long, traveled by the moon. The day pertains to the sun and spans between one sunrise to anotherVyasa refers to tithi and Karna refers to karana - half of the tithi)

The 13th tithi Amawasya can never happen unless the circumference of the moon’s orbit had changed from the original. As per the current knowledge, the moon is 252,088 miles away from us at the farthest distance and 225,623 miles when it is at the closest. The average orbital distance is 238,855 miles. At the average distance 30 phases occur that correspond to 30 tithis (15 in waxing and 15 in waning phase).

The duration of a phase at average distance = 238,855 / 30 = 7961.8 miles

Now let us find out the range between the closest and farthest.

252088 - 238855 = 13233 miles.

This divided by 7961.8 = 1.66

This means that between the closest and the farthest orbit of the moon, the phases can vary within 2 phases (1.66) only.

At the farthest it is 15 +1

At the closest it is 15-1 (14th tithi)

That is why never it is stated in any text of astrology that Amawasya (no-moon) or Paurnami (full moon) can happen on the 13th tithiIf the 13th tithi phase occurs that means the moon has come closer to the earth, by a reduction in its orbital circumference by 6000 + miles. This drift can happen over millions of years but not in a day and within a phase or two, i.e. within a month.

It occurred in the lunar Kartika month soon after the unusual natural events on the Pushya day that suggest a comet hit! Only if a comet had hit the moon’s surface also, a change could have happened in the speed of the moon, thereby causing a change in its path. This may sound unprecedented, but Mahabharata is explicit in the description of the events as indicative of a terrible comet-hit on the earth which had not spared the moon as well.

The moon was disturbed in its orbit, moved towards the earth by which it went through two 13 tithi phases before it regained its original orbit, which we know from Vyasa’s version to be discussed soon.

The normal nakshatra – tithi- karana alignment is shown in the left in the figure below. The right side table shows the changed alignment since Pushya day.

After the comet-hit, the running Shashti tithi on Pushya day changed into Saptami.

A tithi was lost forever thereafter.

No simulator can detect this.

No man, no scientist had ever known this.

Only the great Itihasa of Mahabharata has retained this information meticulously, that we the Indians are ignorant of.

The cause of the ignorance is the absence of subject knowledge used in these verses.

Knowledge of the subject is more important for dating Mahabharata!

A massive collision had jolted the moon from its path that was perceived by Karna and Vyasa in the impossible forward movement of Rahu!

Its impact on Time was observed by Karna in the change of karana-tithi- star combination.

There is the fifth nimitta about moon told by Karna and later repeated by Vyasa – that gives us definite evidence that a major chunk of a comet fell on the moon.



[1]Mahabharata: 6-3-11

[2] Mahabharata: 5-141-9

[3] Mahabharata: 6-3-28, 29

Monday, January 4, 2021

The features on the lunar disc changed – hinting at a massive hit (Part 11: Mahabharata date)

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The 5th nimitta expressed by Karna sounds strange!

5. The sign on Moon’s disc had changed.

Karna: somasya lakṣma vyāvṛttaṃ[1]

Ganguli translates this as “The spot on the lunar disc hath changed its position”. The same verse appears in Vyasa’s narration, with the words jumbled.

            Vyasa: vyāvṛttaṃ lakṣma somasya (6-2-32)

Ganguli translates this as “The sign of the deer in the Moon hath deviated from its usual position.”

This being an important verse let me do a word for word translation:

vyāvṛttaṃ = to be distinguished, to become separated, to diverge from, to divide, to part with, to wind in different directions.

lakṣma = a mark, sign, stain, bad mark, blemish (neuter nominative, accusative, vocative, singular, stem: lakṣman)

somasya = of the moon (masculine, genitive, singular, stem: soma)

Overall meaning:

The mark (sign) of the moon became separated or parted with.

This observation looks bizarre but it refers to some abnormality with reference to the features found on the lunar disc. Not a shred of evidence of an eclipse in this meaning, but most researchers had treated this as evidence for a lunar eclipse.

This observation was given by Karna during the waning phase of the lunar Kartika month. So any lunar eclipse suggested by the researchers, must have occurred on Kartika Full Moon. Just before the Kartika Full Moon, Krishna left Upaplavya in the star of Revati. But then there is no mention of an eclipse soon after he started, anywhere in the continuing descriptions.  Whatever we have been reading right from the time Krishna left Upaplavya was about natural calamities related to a cosmic impact.

The same worded expression about a mark on the moon by Vyasa to Dhritarashtra before the war must have been about the same observation that Karna had made. This observation by Karna coming in the wake of the comet-hit and his apprehension about Rahu’s peculiar movement and Gara karana coming up on the star of Citra is symptomatic about  an extra-terrestrial object hitting hard on the moon’s surface.

Scientifically speaking, atmospheric turbulence can make the lunar surface appear to shimmer in naked eye observation under extreme conditions as experienced at that time. The dark marks on the lunar surface could have appeared blinking or shaky. Now after having established that the moon had received a massive hit or a series of hits from a breaking comet, the probability exists for visible changes in the spots, perhaps a new spot or a sign becoming visible in the featureless region giving an appearance that a pre-existing sign got separated and moved to a new location.

As per current scientific knowledge the lunar surface receives on an average 140 new craters every year and this includes those that are more than 10 meter across.[2] The object that shook the moon on the Pushya day must have been huge enough to have caused a deep and wide penetration on the lunar surface sending plumes of lunar dust settling down on a wider region around the impact area. Since the object doesn’t burn in the atmosphere-less moon, the impact zone remains true to the size of the hitting object with the displaced lunar mud and dust settling down around. A very huge spill-over region on the moon could have been detected by a regular visual observer from the earth immediately after the collision.

More than half the moon was originally visible in Krishna Shashti / Saptami on Pushya day. The waning moon appears like a huge walnut compared to the smaller visible surface of the waxing moon of the same tithi. It is possible for the observers on the earth (Karna and Vyasa) to have noticed a change in the marks on the moon on the very night of Pushya after the collision. Thereafter the spilled lunar sand would have settled down well, leaving no big change for the visual observer to detect. Moreover the Moon was waning and it was not possible to track the change visually on all days after that.

Identifying the impact region on the lunar disc

The observation of “Somasya lakṣma..” shows that major fragments of the disintegrating  comet landed on the earth and the moon simultaneously on the Pushya day. The impact on the earth was felt or heard towards the end of the anointment of Bhishma as the commander-in-chief. There was no way to know that something went wrong with the moon as well, until the moon rose around mid-night on that Shashti- Saptami day. Persons like Karna and Vyasa must have been watching the surroundings keenly to know what had happened.

As the moon started rising around mid-night their focus shifted on it. But alas, the moon appeared shrunk than expected for that tithi – or else it could not be possible for Karna to detect the jumping of the Gara karana to the star Citra. By stating that, he implied Amawasya could advance, but Krishna seemed hopeful to see it in the normal course – i.e. on Jyeshtha, seven days from then. That conversation seems to have this underlying difference of opinion between Karna and Krishna in identifying the day of Amawasya in the light of the changed phase of the moon seen on the night of Pushya.

And the moon on the night of Pushya threw up another shocker. The huge mark on the disc appeared to have split, with the split mark appearing away from the normal one. It is worth remembering here that the features on the moon are part of folk stories for all time in the past.  The most popular version compares the appearance on moon with an old woman sweeping the floorGanguli, the translator referred to it as a deer. Keen observation of the features being part of pastime stories in this country, any slightest deviation, could not have escaped the attention of the people – particularly on the night of the calamitous Pushya. Karna and Vyasa did not fail to see the deviation.

Figure 1 shows the waning moon on Shashti tithi.(Photo credit @bharanivt)

                     Fig 1: Features of the waning moon seen on Shashti tithi

The dark features in Fig 1 are normally seen on the lunar disc. The dark patches are volcanic ‘seas’ that were formed during the early period of the formation of the moon. They have always remained the same. Any collision in that part is not detectable, but a powerful collision in the blank region on the right side of the disc could create temporary marks formed by the scattered soil. That can be seen as a fresh mark on the face of the moon in the immediate aftermath of the collision. The same statement made by Karna and Vyasa - “somasya lakṣma vyāvṛttaṃ” (“The mark (sign) of the moon became separated or parted with”) goes to prove that the two had seen some fresh mark on the lunar disc on the night of Pushya.

Once the surface became calm, the fresh marks would no longer appear but the impact site would remain as a crater. There are numerous impact craters on the moon, but only two prominent ones are found in the blank part of the moon of the waning Shashti, giving us an idea about where the comet-piece could have landed. Figure 2 shows the two craters, Albategnius and Moretus outside the visible features of this part of the lunar disc.[3] The middle picture shows how the waning moon appears at rising on Shashti tithi from South India. (Almost the same as how it appears for an observer in Hastinapur) The impact caused the lighted area of Shashti further reduced a little - into Saptami.

                              Fig 2: Location of two prominent craters

The crater on the left, Albategnius is 131 km wide with its outer wall heavily eroded with impacts, valleys and landslips, indicating many subsequent impacts after its formation. This is noticed in very old impact craters. In contrast, the 114 km wide Moretus, the crater on the right in Figure 2, is without such features barring a very few impacts, thereby indicating its recent origin. For comparison the close-up view of the two craters is produced in Figure 3. 

                               Fig 3: Comparison of the two impact craters on the moon

The locations of these two craters are circled in Figure 4 to show the probable regions of the scattered lunar soil that could be visible as fresh signs on the lunar disc. These locations depict the exact meaning of the verse Somasya..” of the mark or the sign on the disc getting separated from the huge prominent feature occupying most part of the disc. When a single distinct mark appears on the blank region it was perceived as though the major feature got divided (vyāvṛttaṃ).

                  Fig 4: Probable location of the two craters on the lunar disc.

Of the two, the scattered soil around the location of Moretus is easily distinguishable for the earth-bound naked eye observer, as a newly formed mark on the face of the waning moon. Such an appearance is re-created in Figure 5.

          Fig 5: Probable location of the fresh mark seen by Karna and Vyasa.

Moretus crater was widely studied and rated as ‘young’- though this means millions of years old. Some of the features of this crater match with the impact hinted in Mahabharata. A study by Ivanov et al for choice of the crater for landing purpose says, “The excavation depth of Moretus impact exceeds the total thickness of ejecta of all lunar basins, regardless of the model applied.”[4] This means the impacting fragment had penetrated deeper and caused massive displacement of lunar material that can be seen as a fresh mark on the face of the moon. This crater has a chain of secondary craters, hinting at a trail of a falling fragmented object. The impact that caused the moon to alter its speed and path could not have been a single smaller piece.

There is a likelihood of some other crater being the impacted region of the comet fall; however such region must be in the feature-less space of the lunar disc shown in Figure 1, to have become visible from the earth.

The Pushya day events corroborate a simultaneous fall of the fragments on the earth and the moon. 

A comet caught in the gravitational pull of the earth- moon system started circulating the two for some time and finally landed on them much like the comet Shoemaker-Levy that fell on Jupiter after getting trapped by the gravitational pull of Jupiter. In this event the comet would be shattered as it comes closer and would crash land as a series of meteorites over a few days. The big chunks would cause heavy damage. One such big piece had fallen on the Pushya day on the moon while the accompanying smaller pieces had fallen on the earth simultaneously. A cosmic collision simultaneously on the earth and the moon has a probability ratio of 23:1.[5] 

The planetary nimittas told by Vyasa (to be discussed in the course of this series) do indicate that the collision has occurred at sunset time in Hastinapur. A shower of fragments was experienced in North India while the major chunk had fallen somewhere in Europe. Around that time four odd events were reported – all traced to a change in the atmospheric refractive index caused by the comet-hit. The Arundhati observation was one among them.

The moon must have received the biggest hit, around the same time. Figure 6 maps the position of the moon in Pushya and Rahu in Magha (based on simulator: Fig 1 in Part 10 ) at sunset time in Hastinapur (H). The directions are with reference to the earth.

       Fig 6: Simultaneous collision of a fragmented comet with the earth and the moon 

on Sep 2, 3136 BCE

The comet- fragments had come from the south western direction (based on the direction of the first hit from South west at the beginning of Krishna’s peace mission Part 8). Just before midnight, the battered moon started appearing in Hastinapur, with a fresh mark on its disc. The expected shape of Shashti phase was found changed into Saptami phase –its impact on tithi – karana – star, meticulously noted by Karna.

For the first ever time in recorded history Time changed by a tithi. From Vyasa’s version we come to know that two consecutive phases ended in Trayodasi (13th tithi) which are wrongly interpreted as twin eclipses by many researchers. Eclipses were ruled out in the nimittas of Karna. Vyasa’s version straightaway rejects any hypothesis on eclipses at that time. We will discuss it.  



[1] Mahabharata: 5-141-10

[4] Ivanov et al, (2018) “Geological characterization of the three high-priority landing sites for the Luna-Glob mission”, Planetary and Space science, p.195

[5] Terada et al., “Asteroid shower on the Earth-Moon system immediately before the Cryogenian period revealed by KAGUYA”, Nature Communications, p.6

No twin eclipses, but only loss of Tithi - heralding the concept of Bodhayana Amawasya (Part 12: Mahabharata date)

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The three nimittas stated by Karna about the moon and Rahu suggested a calamitous impact on the moon by which Amawasya advanced. The same version that Amawasya advanced unnaturally was expressed by Vyasa in his conversation with Dhritarashtra before the war started.

The phase that had seen the comet hit, ended up on Trayodasi when Amawasya occurred in Vishakha, instead of Jyeshtha. This is judged from the fact that Krishna originally expected Amawasya in Jyeshtha.[1]  Two tithis short of that indicates Vishakha as the star of the day, when the no-moon occurred on Trayodasi. A shocked Vyasa expressed,

caturdaśīṃ pañcadaśīṃ bhūtapūrvāṃ ca ṣoḍaśīm
     imāṃ tu nābhijānāmi amāvāsyāṃ trayodaśīm[2]

Since this verse is interpreted casually as referring to ‘days’ and drawing a non-existent eclipse from that, a word for word meaning is given to know what Vyasa conveyed.

Meaning:

caturdaśīṃ =  caturdaśī   (ī-stem, singular, accusative)

pañcadaśīṃ = pañcadaśī (ī-stem, singular, accusative)

bhūta =  actually happened, true, real (n. an actual occurrence, fact, matter of fact, reality)

pūrvāṃ =  formerly  (ā-stem, singular, accusative)

ca = and, also, moreover

ṣoḍaśīm = ṣoḍaśī (ī-stem, singular, accusative)

imāṃ = this

tu = but

na abhijānāmi = I have never known (I could not realize even until now : SB: 9-19-12)

amāvāsyāṃ =  the sun and moon "dwell together" (ā-stem, singular, accusative)

trayodaśīm = trayodaśī (ī-stem, singular, accusative)

Overall meaning:

This (Amawasya) in Caturdasi, Pancadasi and also formerly happened in Sodasi, but I have not known until now Amawasya in Trayodasi.”

There is absolutely no reference to an eclipse in this verse. Vyasa spoke about a never- heard, a never-happened-before event of the Amawasya occurring in Trayodasi.  

To know why it is a never-happened before event, we must know what Caturdasi, Pancadasi etc. are. They are Tithi-s of the lunar time scale each of them covering exactly 12 degree span of the sky in the lunar orbit. They are not days, that are reckoned from sunrise in a place on the earth. (Definition of a Tithi given in Part 10) Pancadasi (15th tithi) ends at the 180th degree in the orbit of the moon. For our easy understanding we may call it as the median position around which Amawasya or Paurnami occurs.

Sometimes Amawasya starts after Caturdasi (14th tithi) had started but never before Caturdasi, in which case it would mean Trayodasi (13th tithi). Similarly it could stretch a little forward of Pancadasi (15th tithi) touching Shodasi (16th tithi) but never go to Saptadasi, the 17th tithi. The sway occurs between the 14th and the 16th tithi with the 15th tithi as the median.

The drift can happen gradually over millions of years to either the 13th or the 17th tithi, due to a gradual change in the speed of the moon but not suddenly. If ever it goes to the 13th or the 17th tithi suddenly it is an indication of some calamity affecting the path and the speed of the moonThis basic scientific knowledge about the moon is essential for understanding this verse of Mahabharata!!

The verse is explicit in referring to tithis and the occurrence of Amawasya impossibly in Trayodasi tithi and not a “time interval of 13 days” between two eclipses that many researchers are proposing.

Thirteen day eclipse – single or twin or triple eclipses are proposed by almost all the Mahabharata researchers without realizing that Vyasa doesn’t talk about day but only about tithi. There is no reference to Rahu or Ketu either; whose conjunction with the sun and the moon is an essential condition for a solar eclipse (on Amawasya). There is only a reference to ‘aparvaṇi grahāv etau’ – of two grahas joining in, out of season. Vyasa says this in the next verse.

candrasūryāv ubhau grastāv ekamāse trayodaśīm

aparvaṇi grahāv etau prajāḥ saṃkṣapayiṣyataḥ[3]

Meaning:

Candrasūryāv = Moon and sun (dual, nominative, vocative, accusative)

Ubhau = both of them, against each other, i.e. opposite to each other (SB 10.63.23) (dual, nominative, vocative, accusative)

Grastāv = covered (SB 6.8.34: sva-tejasā grasta-samasta-tejāḥ sva-tejasā = by His personal effulgence covered all other influences = one upon another) (dual) stem: grasta. (Nominative, accusative, dual past passive participle)

ekamāse = in a month (locative)

trayodaśīm = trayodaśīm = trayodaśī (ī-stem, singular, accusative)

aparvaṇi = (locative case of a-parvan-) at the wrong time, out of season

grahāv = two grahas (moon and sun), (dual, nominative, vocative, accusative)

etau = these two (SB 10.41.31), these (SB 10.43.23, SB 10.46.31, SB 10.82.38, SB 11.11.6, SB 3.16.2)

prajāḥ = people

saṃkṣapayiṣyataḥ = will be destroyed

Overall mining:

These two grahas, the moon and the sun covered each other (Full-moon) at a wrong time in Trayodasi in a month, (by which) the people are to be destroyed.”

 

In the first line of this verse, ‘candrasūryāv, ubhau and grastāv’ are in dual case indicating the catching of only two planets, the moon and the sun. Since this followed Amawasya in Trayodasi in the previous verse, the meaning “against each other” referring to “opposite to each other” (Full-moon) is taken for ‘ubhau’. The event being that of Full-moon, the meaning ‘covered’ is taken for ‘grastav’ (dual declension). They covered each other at wrong time (aparvaṇi), a reference to Trayodasi –i.e. before the normal season on Pancadasi or even Caturdasi. This happened in ekamāse – in a month or in one month – which could be a reference to a solar month or two pakshas (phases of the moon) together, but can never be in a single lunar month, because by Amawasya, a lunar month ends and the next month starts from the next day.[4] In that month the Full Moon had happened at Trayodasi.

Thus there is absolutely no reference to an eclipse in this verse too. The word ‘grasta’ is mis-interpreted by some researchers to mean, Rahu!!!  Grasta can happen with or by any one. To have meant an eclipse, the verse should have made a mention about Rahu or Ketu by their alternative names[4] if not in their own names. It is repeatedly written in dual declension about the sun and the moon and what they did with each other.

The Amawasya in Trayodasi had occurred in the lunar month of Kartika (Kaumudi) in the star Vishakha and not in Jyeshtha. The simulated version from the astrology software for Surya Siddhanta ayanamsa (Figure 1) shows Vishakha starting in the evening of Krishna Trayodasi of Kartika month that ushered in the concept of Bodhayana Amawasya. Note the location of Rahu more than 90 degrees away from the sun. In the absence of a conjunction with Rahu or Ketu, an eclipse cannot occur.

Fig 1: Amawasya on Trayodasi in the star Vishakha

Bodhayana Amawasya initiated by Krishna 

The origin of the oral legend about Krishna starting to do Pitru Tarpan by inviting the sun and the moon earlier than normal had emerged from this unusual earlier occurrence of Amawasya. Though Krishna could not have done Pitru tarpan at that time for the fact that Vasudeva, his father lived until Krishna left this world, it must be noted that the odd Amawasya was retained in memory just as Amawasya and not as an eclipse. This extraordinary Amawasya was retained in tradition by the observance of what is called Bodhayana Amawasya.  A Trayodasi Amawasya can never recur, but the Amawasya starting earlier than Pancadasi, i.e. on Caturdasi can replicate the memory of that odd Amawasya that was witnessed at the end of Krishna’s mission.  

When Amawasya starts on the previous evening and ends before sunset the next day, the previous day (Caturdasi) is treated as Amawasya, as per Bodhayana Sutra. The rationale is that since Amawasya means conjunction of the sun and the moon, Amawasya tithi must be running at night time, though the tithi is recognized at sunrise. On 10th September 3136 BCE, Amawasya must have started by the evening of Trayodasi when Vishakha also started. Though it was there on 11th morning, it must have ended before sunset. No software, no manual calculation can establish this. This is deduced from the events revealed by the verses.

The people at that time could have done the tarpan on 11th noon, but Amawasya starting on the day of Trayodasi made that an exceptional event. Lot of commotion must have prevailed at that time and Krishna might have suggested the offer of tarpan on Trayodasi when moon became invisible by joining the sun. Perhaps in memory of that odd Amawasya, the tradition of observing Amawasya on the previous day (Caturdasi) if Amawasya doesn’t extend to the next night - had come into place. It was formalized in Bodhayana sutra.

The Bodhayana Amawasya span occurs in normal course three or more times in a year, but it was not treated as the time for tarpan ceremony until the unexpected Trayodasi Amawasya occurred. This is deduced from the tradition of Bodhayana Amawasya tarpan having been initiated by Krishna.

From the simulation shown above, it is known that there is absolutely no scope for an eclipse on that day. The fundamental rule for a solar eclipse being the conjunction of Rahu or Ketu with the sun and the moon was non-existent on that day. Rahu was away from the Sun by more than 90 degrees.

The second Trayodasi Paurnami repeated in Vyasa’s version.

The connection between the sun and the moon occurred on Trayodasi twice, first as Amawasya in the 13th tithi and then as Paurnami in the 13th tithi of that phase. The second is deduced from another verse also. Let me explain that deduction.

The Margashira month started on the next day of the Amawasya (on waning Trayodasi). In the normal course, the Full-moon of this month would occur in the star Mrigashira, but that would be the 16th tithi, when counted from Vishakha, whereas Vyasa noted specifically that the phase ended in the star Krittika! Normally, Full-moon would occur in Krittika or close to Krittika in the month of Kartika. Krishna started two days before the Full-moon in Krittika in Kartika month. That Full-moon was event-free. The major event of the comet fall happened four days after that Full-moon. So any reference to an affliction related to the Full-moon in the star Krittika was not about the Full-moon day of Kartika month. With this clarity let us read the statement by Vyasa.

ahorātraṃ mayā dṛṣṭaṃ tat kṣayāya bhaviṣyati

alakṣyaḥ prabhayā hīnaḥ paurṇamāsīṃ ca kārttikīm

candro 'bhūd agnivarṇaś ca samavarṇe nabhastale [5]

Meaning:

ahorātraṃ =  day and night, continually (dual number, neuter, vocative, singular, stem: ahorātra)

mayā = by me (deictic instrumentative, singular, stem: asmad)

dṛṣṭaṃ = is seen (SB 5.10.11), seen (SB 1.12.30), being seen, personally seen

tat =  there, in that place (neuter, nominative, accusative, singular, stem: tad)

kṣayāya =  for destruction (BG 16.9, SB 4.29.22), for the sake of diminishing (SB 2.7.22),  diminution, decay, loss (dative, singular, stem: kṣaya)

bhaviṣyati = it will be (SB 11.7.4), will appear (SB 2.7.38)   (locative, singular, future participle, stem: bhaviṣyat )

alakṣyaḥ = no particular marks (stem: lakṣyaḥ meaning mark), insignificant appearance.

Prabhayā = with its light (SB 10.51.29) (feminine, instrumentative, singular, stem: prabha)

hīnaḥ = bereft of (SB 4.14.39-40) (nominative, singular, past passive participle, stem: hīna)

paurṇamāsīṃ = Full moon (ī-stem, singular, accusative)

ca = and, also, moreover

kārttikīm = Full-moon in the constellation of Krittika, Full-moon in the month of Kartika (ī-stem, singular, accusative)

candro 'bhūd = candra  (moon) abhūt = Root verb:bhū, appeared (SB 10.19.7, SB 9.24.12) (third person, singular, tense paradigm aorist class, parasmaipada)

agnivarṇaś = having the colour of fire

ca = and, also, moreover

samavarṇe = of the same colour (singular, locative)

nabhastale = sky surface, firmament (neuter, locative, singular)

Overall meaning:

Day and night seen by me that the diminution will be happening; also in the firmament Full-Moon in Krittika without marks and bereft of light, appeared in the same colour, in the colour of fire.

This verse is misinterpreted by almost all the Mahabharata researchers as indicative of a lunar eclipse in 13 days! In support of this, they show ‘Kshaya”, “Prabhaya hina” and “agnivarna”!

The first point against the lunar eclipse is that it was seen by Vyasa ‘day and night’. Can the lunar eclipse that was going to happen in future (bhavishyati) be seen beforehand for day and night continuously?

The second point is how the Full-moon could occur in the star Krittika? Only the star is mentioned here, not the month. The Kartika month was already gone at the time Krishna left two days prior to the Full moon in Kartika. There was no eclipse at that time. But this Full-moon had occurred in Margashira, after the Amawasya in Trayodasi. So there is something wrong with it appearing in Krittika, the star. This is asambhavam – impossible, but it seemed it was going to happen; that is why Vyasa kept watching day by night.

The third point is against linking the term ‘Kshaya’ with eclipse (reduction in lighted surface during the lunar eclipse). ‘Kshaya’ refers to the tithi. Day and night Vyasa was observing the tithis, finding them diminishing (kshaya) by which the Full Moon would appear ‘out of season’- expressed in another verse (aparvaṇi).

To understand this one must know how tithis extend or reduce in a phase. A ‘kshaya tithi’ is that which starts after the sunrise and ends before the next sunrise  – by which that tithi is lost in counting. To give an example, suppose the tithi at sunrise is Dwitīya, then the tithi of the day is taken as Dwitīya only. Sometime after sunrise, Tritiya arrives but may get ended before the next sunrise when Caturthi has already started. By this the previous day had Dwitīya and the next day has Caturthi, and in between Tritiya is dropped from counting. Tritiya in this case is known as Kshaya tithi.

This phenomenon of kshaya tithi occurs due to variation in the speed of the moon. It would be faster at perihelion, by which a tithi (12 degree) gets ended between two sun rises. By this, three tithis are seen within two sunrises. Similar to the Kshaya masa event the Kshaya tithi would be followed or preceded by an extended tithi, known as Tri-dina spruk that stretches beyond two sun rises. This occurs when the moon is at aphelion. Within a month the moon crosses both the perigee and apogee in its orbit around the earth by which the Kshaya tithi and Tri-dina spruk occur in succession. At times Kshaya tithi is accompanied with Tithi-dvayam by which two tithis appear with in two sunrises. But whenever a Kshaya tithi occurs, either a Tithi-dvayam or a Tri-dina spruk is certain to occur a few days before or after the Kshaya tithi, in the same paksha (phase of the moon).

Particularly after Bodhayana Amawasya, which by itself is a case of early occurrence of a tithi, not matching with day and night, an extended tithi would occur within Pancami (the first 5 tithis). Strangely Vyasa was seeing only Kshaya tithis and no automatic adjustment by way of extended tithis. This means the moon was faster than normal.

This gives us the revelation that the 13th tithi Amawasya occurred because of faster than normal movement of the moon, caused by the comet-hit. That it continued in the next phase is made out from the expression, “tat kṣayāya bhaviṣyati” which was seen by Vyasa day and night.

The fourth point against the suggestion of an eclipse is about “alakṣyaḥ prabhayā hīnaḥ”. Taking the meaning of ‘alakshya’ as ‘invisible’, the Mahabharata researchers thought that it referred to an eclipse as there was a ‘reduction in the moonlight’ (prabhayā hīnaḥ). Alakshaya is the opposite of Lakshaya with one of the meanings, “mark”. Alaskya means without marks.

Here we must recall Vyasa’s verse on “Somasya lakshma vyavrittam” where he meant seeing changes in the marks on the lunar disc. So naturally he was expected to look intently at the waxing moon for the fresh mark that he had seen days ago. To his dismay no marks were seen anywhere on the moon. Then what did he see? He explains it in the next line, “candro 'bhūd agnivarṇa - the moon appeared in the colour of fire. Additionally, the increase in brightness day after day expected in the waxing phase was no longer happening. The lunar disc appeared entirely devoid of marks and bereft of light.

The three-lines perfectly express the dull appearance of the lunar disc that was recovering from a comet-hit. Even the normally appearing features were not seen as the disc appeared dull with red – made so by the catastrophic collision on its soil. The impact must have been phenomenal that the disturbed lunar soil did not settle down in the next 20 days that Vyasa was watching. And strangely the Full-moon occurred in the same star of the previous month!  The simulated horoscopy (Figure 2) shows Krittika joining Trayodasi, but that was Paurnami day at that time.

               Fig 2: The second Trayodasi phase of the moon

Trayodasi in this simulation is counted in normal course as no simulator can show the loss of tithis at that time. There must have been minimum two kshaya tithis without any extended tithi in that phase, bringing Paurnami on a tithi which would in normal count be Trayodasi. This is ascertained from the difference of four tithis at the start of Uttarayana the next year, from Shukla Trayodasi to Shukla Ashtami, explained earlier.

Another feature deduced from Figures 1 and 2 is that the two anomalies were likely to have occurred within a solar month (ekamāse). The 13th tithi Amawasya occurred when the sun was in 17/ 18th degree of Scorpio. The next 13th tithi event (Full-moon) could have started at the time of solar ingress into the next sign (Sagittarius). Figure 2 is simulated for a time when Trayodasi was in the last one-seventh part and Krittika in the last one-third part. If Full Moon started at the beginning of the tithi (Trayodasi) and the star, then the sun would have been at the junction between the two signs, which makes the two events happening in a single month of the sun.

The occurrence of the Full-moon in the same star (Krittika) consecutively for two months (in Kartika and Margashira) is proof of the loss of a complete month- a kind of kshaya masa. This has to get adjusted by an adhika masa after this, if the moon was recovering from the shock of the collisionBhishma busy with the war preparations obviously did not keep track of the change in time – in the lunar tithis. As a result he failed to foresee the piling up of days leading to an Adhika Masa at the most inappropriate time of Magha and prepared to lay down his life much earlier than the delayed arrival of Uttarayana! The sequence that is explained till now justifies an Adhika masa appearing at Magha! Without a grasp of these events, it is not possible to get the Mahabharata date right.

In the final analysis, Vyasa’s reference to Amawasya in Trayodasi in Kartika month followed by Paurnami in Krittika in Margashira month is proof of an anomaly in the moon’s speed which however returned to normal by the next phase. The temporary glitch in the lunar cycle finds an explanation only in the comet hit hinted by MahabharataThis written record pointing to a comet hit on the moon and the subsequent observations are the first of its kind in the world, and it must be brought to the notice of the world. It establishes the accuracy of Mahabharata and the well advanced Indic culture present as early as 5000 years ago.

The evidences for the comet-hit are not yet over. Vyasa’s version to Dhritarashtra reveals additional proofs and something more – that explains why Vyasa made an unusual observation of Arundhati keeping her husband at her back.




[1] Mahabharata: 5-140-18

[2] Mahabharata: 6-3-28

[3] Mahabharata: 6-3-29

[4] Rahu’s other names are Tamas, Agu and Asura. For Ketu, Shiki. “Brihat Jataka”: 2-3

[5] Mahabharata: 6-2. V.22-23

Vyasa’s nimittas suggesting a cosmic impact (Part 13: Mahabharata date)

 

The sequence of events discussed so far:

·         Krishna left Upaplavya on a peace mission on Kartika Shukla Dwadasi on Monday in Revati nakshatra (25th August 3136 BCE)

·         Duryodhana wanted to move his troops on Pushya nakshatra in Kartika month but the day saw a celestial object hitting the earth and the moon simultaneously (2nd September, 3136 BCE)

·         The Amawasya of that month advanced to Trayodasi tithi and occurred in Vishakha nakshatra, instead of Jyeshtha. (10th September, 3136 BCE)

·         Margashira, the next month started the next day. The Full-moon of this month occurred in the star Krittika. (24th September, 3136 BCE)

The first revelation from this sequence is that the Great War of the Bharatas did not take place until the Full-moon of Margashira!

There is a hint from Vyasa’s version that that war didn’t start anytime in the lunar month of Margashira.  

In his conversation with Dhritarashtra before the war started, Vyasa makes a statement (among many nimittas),

māṃsavarṣaṃ punas tīvram āsīt kṛṣṇa caturdaśīm
     ardharātre mahāghoram atṛpyaṃs tatra rākṣasāḥ (6-3-31)

It means “it was ghastly that the rakshasas were not satisfied with the rain of flesh appearing excessively over and over again on the midnight of Krishna Caturdasi

Krishna Caturdasi is the 14th tithi of the waning phase on the lunar month before Amawasya tithi. In the lunar month of Kartika there was no Krishna Caturdasi, because Amawasya abruptly started on Trayodasi. The next Krishna Caturdasi appears in the lunar month of Margashira. Therefore the earliest probability of the Krishna Caturdasi in Vyasa’s version could be that of Margashira which means until the end of Margashira the Great War did not start.

The next revelation from this is the time of the Bhagavad Gita!

As per tradition, the celebrated Gita given by Krishna to Arjuna was on Margashira Shukla Ekadasi! The lunar Margashira month having passed without any hint of a war, and the waxing phase of that month watched anxiously for symptoms of what went wrong with the moon, there is absolutely no scope to say that the Bhagavad Gita was uttered by Krishna in the lunar month of Margashira. The Gita must have been offered in the solar month of Margashira. It is wrongly being assumed that the Bhagavad Gita was given in the lunar Margashira.

[A brief note on Time is needed to be given in this context. The sun is the source of Time or Kāla from which every other computation of time follows, says Brahmanda Purana.[1] The fixation of the 5-year Yuga is decisively done on the basis of all units of time, these units being Saura (solar), Saumya (lunar), Nakshatra (star) and Savana (sacrificial day which is a reference to beginning the day at sunrise).[2] Any event must be marked by these four units of Time]

Nimittas given by Vyasa

More than 75 nimittas uttered by Vyasa to Dhritarashtra sometime before the beginning of the war make a strange reading, with all of them hinting at a single cause – a natural cause that terrified the living beings and vitiated the atmosphere. An examination of these nimittas matches with the after-effects of an extra-terrestrial collision that modern science has taught us. The entire talk of Vyasa to Dhritarashtra before the war began was centered on the sightings – terrestrial, atmospheric and celestial – at and after the comet-hit with only six  planetary references hinting at the time of war.[3]

Terrestrial nimittas given by Vyasa suggesting comet hit

Of the 47 terrestrial observations given as nimitta, six are directly related to an extra-terrestrial collision while the others pertain to the terrified behavior of the animals, birds and human beings in such an event. Those suggesting the fall of fragments from the sky are listed below.[4]

1.      The great rivers are flowing in opposite directions (similar event observed on the day Krishna was travelling to Hastinapur. This could be a reference to that or a similar event repeating on one or many of the days between the day of the comet-hit and the day of the conversation)

2.      The waters of rivers have become bloody (could be a vitiated appearance due to red sand )

3.      The wells, foaming up, are bellowing like bulls (tremors caused by a massive hit somewhere. Repeated by Karna)

4.       Meteors, effulgent like Indra's thunder-bolt, fall with loud hisses.(Repeated by Karna)

5.      From the mountains of Kailasa and Mandara and Himavat thousands of explosions are heard and thousands of summits are tumbling down (Indicates major disturbance in the Himalayan region, either due to collision or a secondary chain of events caused by the comet fall elsewhere)

6.       In consequence of the Earth's trembling, each of the four oceans having swelled greatly seems ready to transgress its continents for afflicting the Earth (Sudden sea level rise in coastal regions suggest the landing sites of huge fragments in the sea)

 

Atmospheric nimittas given by Vyasa suggest the after-effects of a comet-hit.

All the 12 nimittas of this category told by Vyasa are similar to the consequences of a comet attack.

1.      In both the twilights, prior and posterior, the sun during his rising and setting was covered by headless trunks. (The clouds looking like headless trunks are mentioned here. Shows the cloud formation cycle was affected)

2.      Tri-cloured clouds with their extremities white and red and necks black, charged with lightning, and resembling maces envelope the sun in both twilights.

3.       The sun, the moon, and the stars were all blazing with no variation throughout day and night. (Continuing heat condition indicated)

4.      At sun-rise flights of insects, by hundreds are seen (related to variation in heat – to be discussed later)

5.       In both twilights, the cardinal quarters seemed to be ablaze.

6.      The clouds showered dust and flesh (whirlpools carry smaller animals and fish and pour them as rains.

7.      Even though the sky is cloudless, a terrible roar is heard there.

8.      Strong winds were blowing fiercely carrying dust.

9.      All the quarters of the earth, being overwhelmed by showers of dust, look inauspicious.

10.  Fierce clouds, portentous of danger, dropped bloody showers during the night.

11.  Fierce winds charged with pointed pebbles were blowing, crushing mighty trees.

12.  In villages and towns trees, ordinary and sacred, were falling down, crushed by mighty winds and struck by lightning.

Planetary / celestial nimittas given by Vyasa suggesting comet-hit.

There are 19 planetary nimittas that include those of the stars. Only one among them was from an undated previous time cited for comparison which we will discuss at an appropriate context. Among the 18, seven were already discussed. They are listed here.

1.      Rahu approaching the sun

2.      The sign on the moon deviated from its place

3.      Saturn afflicted Rohini (Prajapati star whose graha Moon was afflicted by Saturn)

4.      A comet afflicted Pushya

5.      Amawasya in Trayodasi.

6.      Paurnami in Trayodasi

7.      Paurnami in Krittika star (in Margashira). This is same as above.

Among the remaining 11, three nimittas pointing to a comet hit are given below. The planetary longitudes at the time of the collision on 2nd September 3136 BCE are reproduced in Figure 1 for comparison.

                                     Fig 1: Planetary longitudes on the day of comet-hit


1. Shyama graha in Jyeshtha.

Shyama is the name for Venus as per astrology.[5] Vyasa says that it was blazing in Jyeshtha along with Mars.[6]

śyāmo grahaḥ prajvalitaḥ sa dhūmaḥ saha pāvakaḥ
     aindraṃ tejasvi nakṣatraṃ jyeṣṭhām ākramya tiṣṭhati

The term “Dhuma” is a reference to Mars, known by its Upagraha by that name. This combination (Venus and Mars) is not auspicious. This combination existed at the time of the comet-hit (Figure 1)

2. Parusha planet pointing at middle of Citra and Swati.

Vyasa says that a Parusho graha pointed amidst Citra and Swati.[7]

citrā svāty antare caiva dhiṣṭhitaḥ paruṣo grahaḥ

This verse is purely an astrological statement. Parusha refers to Saturn, known from the verse of Brihat Jataka that Saturn is “Parusha romaka” planet – having rough hairs.[8] In the simulated chart for comet-hit time, one can see Saturn in Capricorn. From there it is pointing (दृष्टि) to the region between Citra and Swati by its 10th aspect. Citra ends at 6-40 degrees in Libra after which Swati starts. Since Saturn’s orb starts from 9 degrees[9] earlier, its 10th aspect starts from 13th to 14th degree of Libra. At this distance Citra ends and Swati begins. This Dhrishti is a corroborative piece of evidence to locate Saturn in support of the direct affliction to the moon (Prajapati’s star-planet in  Part 9 ). The specific reference to Citra is because the full moon in Citra is considered as the parasol of the royals.[10]

3. Appearance of the sun

The appearance of the sun mentioned along with the star in which it was transiting, was narrated by Vyasa. This matches with the haze that blocks the sun rays after a cosmic impact. [11]

kṛttikāsu grahastīvro nakṣatreprathame jvalan
     vapūṃṣy apaharan bhāsā dhūmaketur iva sthitaḥ

A word for word meaning of this verse is given, since this is one of the mis-interpreted verses.

Meaning:

kṛttikāsu graha = the graha of Krittika (ablative, genitive).

tīvro = fierce (SB 10.27.12), sharp (SB 10.47.19) (masculine, vocative, singular, stem: tīvra)

nakṣatre = in the star (locative, singular)

pratahme = at first

jvalan =  blazing (masculine, nominative, singular, stem: jvalat)

vapūṃṣy = √vap = to shear, cut, shave, mow. (second person, singular, present imperative class 1 parasmaipada)

apaharan = taking away by cheating (SB 5.14.26)

bhāsā = to appear ("as"or"like" Nominal verb or instrumental case of an abstract noun) stem: bhās.

dhūmaketur = comet

iva = like

sthitaḥ = standing, staying,     there remaining (SB 11.1.10) (masculine, nominative, singular, past passive participle, stem: sthita)

Interpretation of kṛttikāsu graha: The sun is the “Kṛttikāsu graha”. Each planet is assigned 3 stars which become its dispositors. Krittika is the dispositor of the Sun and therefore the Sun is called as Krittika’s graha.

Tīvro nakṣatra : Among the star categories, Moola, Jyeshtha, Arudra and Aslesha are regarded as ‘sharp’ stars.[12] Among these the Sun entered Jyeshtha a week after the comet-hit. Therefore Jyeṣtha is indicated here as “tīvro nakṣatra”.

Overall meaning:

Krittika’s graha, the sun at first blazing in Jyeshtha, the tivro star, got sheared off and stayed appearing like a Dhumaketu, a comet.

The appearance of the sun in the days following the comet-hit is described in this verse. In the event of a comet-hit, the particulate matter thrown into the atmosphere blocks the sunlight and makes it appear smoky and dull. On the 7th day after the comet-hit, the sun entered Jyeshtha, the tivro star. By then the atmospheric aberrations obstructed the sun’s rays reaching the earth. It made the sun appear hazy and dusty like a comet with a tail.

Three nimittas on changed Refractive Index

Among the remaining 9 nimittas, three are the strangest nimittas because they defy Nature’s law! Karna’s nimitta on Mars going retrograde in the sign where the Sun was also positioned that we discussed in Part 9 can be clubbed along with these three. A closer scrutiny of all these four reveals a common thread –that their appearance can be explained by “negative” refractive index, which is impossible to happen in Nature.  They are listed here while a discussion on them will be taken up in the next part.

1.    Planet Mars wheeled towards Anuradha [13] (Told by Karna- discussed already)

              kṛtvā cāṅgārako vakraṃ jyeṣṭhāyāṃ madhusūdana

              anurādhāṃ prārthayate maitraṃ saṃśamayann iva

2.    Dhruva nakshatra blazing fiercely turned to its right, in the opposite direction[14]

              dhruvaḥ prajvalito ghoram apasavyaṃ pravartate

3.                3. Two coppery red- topped planets stood at the time of rise of Saptarishi Mandala.[15]

grahau tāmrāruṇa śikhau prajvalantāv iva sthitau
     saptarṣīṇām udārāṇāṃ samavacchādya vai prabhām

4.    Arundhati had kept her husband at her Prishṭha[16]

            arundhatī tayāpy eṣa vasiṣṭhaḥ pṛṣṭhataḥ kṛtaḥ

 

(To be continued)



[1] Brahmanda Purana: Ch. 23. V. 145 -147

[2] Vayu Purana: Ch. 50. V. 188

[3] Mahabharata: Ch.6. Sections 2 and 3

[4] Ibid

[5] Varahamihira, Brihat Jataka: II -4 ““gaura Indu...shyamah shukro Bhaskarihi Krishna dehah”

[6]Mahabharata: 6-3-15

[7] Mahabharata: 6-3- 16

[8]Brihat Jataka: 2-11 Saturn is ‘Parusha romaka” planet – having rough hairs

[9] Dr.B.V. Raman, “Varshaphal”, p.16.

[10] Pura Nauru: verse 60 (Tamil Sangam literature) As per the sub-division of “Kudai Mangalam” in Tolkappiyam, the full moon in Citra is designated as the Royal Umbrella that symbolizes protection to the subjects similar to how the Full moon protects the world from heat by absorbing the light rays of the sun and spreading only cool light to the earth.

[11] Mahabharata: 6-3-26

[12] Dr.B.V.Raman, “Muhurtha”, p. 23

[13] Mahabharata: 5-141-8

[14] Mahabharata: 6-3-16

[16] Mahabharata : 6-2-31

Arundhati (Alcor) shifted position, so did Dhruva (Polaris) (Part 14: Mahabharata date)


 Four unnatural sightings are found in Mahabharata, three stated by Vyasa and one by Karna.

Mars wheeling towards Anuradhi from Jyeshtha (in reverse) in a sign occupied by the Sun is impossible in nature. An outer planet such as Mars can never go retrograde while it is seen in the company of the sun. But this was stated by Karna on Uttaraphalguni day, i.e. the 5th day after the comet hit. Since there is no retrogression in the right sense of the term, Karna had only seen a temporary aberration and therefore characterized it as a nimitta. What caused this?

Long after this statement by Karna we find Vyasa telling Dhritarashtra that Dhruva made reverse motion! Which star he was referring to as Dhruva? Did he mean the pole star at the northern celestial polar point at the time of Mahabharata or the specific star known by the name Dhruva, identified as the son of Uttanapada who was elevated as Dhruva?

Identification of Dhruva

The identity of Dhruva needs to be addressed here, because if this dating research was conducted a hundred years ago, no one would have imagined that Vyasa was referring to the pole star of the time. The knowledge system retained in this country is such that only three pole stars of the north were ever spoken of by the sages and one among them was Dhruva!

A constellation by name Shishumara (Gangetic Porpoise) is detailed by the Puranas in whose tail the Dhruva is located. “Dhruva is remembered as the fourth and the last one after Agni, Indra and Kashyapa,” says Brahmanda Purana.[1] Of these Indra and Agni are interchanged or recognized together with the result only three pole stars have been identified. Of them only Dhruva is acknowledged as supreme. “Among Dhruva, Agni and Kashyapa, Dhruva is the most excellent,” says Vayu Purana[2]

Before the advent of western astronomy simulators incorporating the modern theory of continuous precession proposed by Milankovitch, the people of this country followed the ancient wisdom of precession that does not see the sun moving beyond 54 degrees at one stretch but reverse the direction after 54 degrees. One must remember that we are able to get the date of Kali Yuga accurately (refer Part 1only by means of this concept of limited precession found in Surya Siddhanta. This limited movement can be explained scientifically as being caused by the movement of the sun in a helical or sinusoidal path. This being outside the purview of this research, suffice to say that the pole stars mentioned in Mahabharata or Ramayana were only within this span.

In this to and fro movement of precession, the corresponding pole points moved only within 54 degrees. In this span the middle and the two extreme points were identified by three stars of which Dhruva is one. Figure 1 shows the identity of Shishumara as the constellation of Ursa Minor in whose tail Dhruva is positioned. This was derived be checking the 54 degree span of the polar region for the precession path that is reaching the extreme end at present. It is found that Polaris is at this end. Comparison of the three pole points of this span shows that Polaris is the brightest, by which we know that it is Dhruva, identified with the son of Uttanapada and Suniti, who attained the seat of Dhruva by penance.

                                Fig 1: Location of Dhruva

At any time in the past, Dhruva could be sighted at or near the northern celestial pole. The Saptarishi mandala (Ursa Major) is also found closer to this smaller span of the Shishumara and is seen to revolve around the Dhruva of that time. This Dhruva is invoked in marriage mantras even today, along with Arundhati in the Saptarishi mandala.

              Fig 2: Dhruva in Shishumara

At the time of Kali Yuga, i.e. 3101 BCE, the Polar region as visible from Hastinapur is simulated in Figure 3.

 

                                     Fig 3: Dhruva as it appeared in Mahabharata time.

The same appearance repeated in 499 CE when Aryabhata was around. Perhaps sensing the importance of that date he composed his Siddhanta. From 499 CE to now, that knowledge is gone, and we have not yet woken up to the fact that we are living at a unique time of Dhruva as our pole star. In some multiples of 7200 years ago facing the same part of the sky where we are now, Dhruva lived and was blessed to be identified with this star![3]

Figure 3 shows that there was no pole star in the exact point of NCP (Northern Celestial Pole).  Dhruva was not the pole star then but was revolving around the NCP. Dhruva and all the stars in this northern section move from east to west, i.e. in anti-clockwise direction when one is facing the north.

Vyasa had seen this Dhruva moving in clockwise direction, i.e. to our right. This is impossible to happen. Since this was mentioned as a nimitta it must have appeared so for a few seconds or a very short time.

Arundhati caused Vasishtha at Prishṭha.

Just before stating the deviation of the mark on the moon, Vyasa said that Arundhati, the star Alcor, who was praised in all the three worlds by the saintly people, had her husband Vasishtha, the star Mizar at her Prishṭha! The exact verse is

“arundhatī tayāpy eṣa vasiṣṭhaḥ pṛṣṭhataḥ kṛtaḥ[4]

Meaning:

Arundhatī = Arundhati

Tayāpy = √tay = going, moving, guarding, protecting, to go towards

eṣa = creep, glide, hasten towards, attain, obtain

vasiṣṭhaḥ = Vasishta

kṛtaḥ = done, made, accomplished, performed (third person singular tense paradigm injunctive class ātmanepada √kṛ)

pṛṣṭhataḥ = back, top (the many meanings produced in Figure 4)

Overall meaning

Arundhati moving towards Vasishtha caused him to be at Prishṭha.

The verse does not refer to an appearance running for thousands of years, but an appearance that was caused by Arundhati moving towards Vasishtha. Vyasa had witnessed that movement. Two derivations are made out of this. (1) If Arundhati had permanently shifted her position, words related to ‘stithi’ or ‘asti’ or ‘bhavati’ could have been used, but kritah refers to an act done or performed by her that he had seen. That process of movement had happened in front of his eyes. (2) Prishṭha has different meanings (Figure 4). It could mean backside or even upper side.

                           Fig 4: Meaning of Prishṭha (Source: http://sanskritdictionary.com/ )

In which way Vyasa had seen Vasishtha is not at all known. This appearance was seen by him and not by anybody else. Only if it appeared for a flash of a moment this would have escaped the attention of other observers.

The basic feature is this movement refers to the right-ward movement that we found about Mars and Dhruva references above. The normal appearance has Arundhati closely behind Vasishtha (Figure 5)

       Fig 5: Arundhati and Vasishtha at rising

The ladle like constellation turns anti-clockwise, the direction shown by the arrows. Arundhati is behind Vasishtha and this alignment continues as the constellation circles around the NCP. Vyasa has seen this at the time of rise of the Saptarishi mandala with Arundhati moving in such way that Vasishtha came behind her or above her. This means she shifted to right. A star shifting position in front of one’s eyes is impossible. By having shifted to the right, this nimitta is coming under the same category of Mars and Dhruva.

That the Saptarishi Mandala was rising at that time is told by Vyasa in the same narration of the nimittas. That nimitta solves the mystery of these sightings.

Two grahas with coppery red crest.

Vyasa mentions two grahas (planets) appearing with blazing top that obscured the luster of the rising Saptarishis!

grahau tāmrāruṇa śikhau prajvalantāv iva sthitau

saptarṣīṇām udārāṇāṃ samavacchādya vai prabhām (6-3-24)

Meaning:

Grahau = Two grahas (planets) masculine nominative dual stem: graha

tāmrāruṇa = coppery red dawn

śikhaḥ  = crest

prajvalan = burning, becoming inflamed (SB 10.89.3)

iva = like

sthitau = situated (BG 1.14, SB 4.12.2) masculine nominative dual past passive participle stem: sthita.

saptarṣīṇām =  Saptarishis (genitive, plural)

udaraṇa = rising, ascending

samavacchādya  =  samavachādyati = obscure

vai = particle of emphasis and affirmation    

prabhām = effulgent form (SB 3.20.22)

Overall meaning

The effulgence of the rising Saptarishis was obscured by two planets situated (standing ) with their crest appearing like the coppery red dawn.

This verse resolves the issue of rightward movement of Mars, Dhruva and Arundhati.

There are totally six celestial entities in all of these four nimittas – Mars, Dhruva, Arundhati, Vasishtha and two planets.

A closer scrutiny reveals a common thread running through the deviation reported in all the six celestial entities –that can be best explained by a scientific phenomenon called Atmospheric refraction’. There is substantial number of corroborative references in the words of Vyasa by naming as Nimittas to indicate a sudden occurrence of a natural calamity (comet-hit) in India or elsewhere impacting the atmospheric conditions and the density of air at different levels, thereby causing a change in the refractive index of the air at the surface of the earth from where he was observing. Both Vyasa and Karna were making these observations from Hastinapur.

The change was different from how it used to be under normal conditions. As an astute astronomer, being aware of the changes, Vyasa noticed the different changes at that time, all of which point out to a change in atmospheric refraction causing the change in the appearance of the celestial bodies.

Brief note on Atmospheric refraction.

The light from the star passes through the vast emptiness of space (vacuum) before entering the earth’s atmosphere. It travels with no obstruction on the way to bend it or refract it. Therefore the refractive index of vacuum is 1. Once the light ray enters the atmosphere it undergoes deflections caused by the different layers of atmosphere.  The star light is refracted differently in different layers causing it to appear twinkling. In reality the refractive deflections through the layers get cancelled out and the final refraction is determined by the refractive index at the ground level atmosphere. If the density is higher, which is the standard condition always, the light ray is refracted towards normal. (Figure 6) This causes the star to shift to the left of the actual position of the star.

Fig 6: Under normal conditions the star appears to the left of the actual position near horizon 

Near the horizon the light ray has to take a longer path through denser atmosphere. This causes the ray to refract more towards normal causing a slight shift in the apparent position of the star. The shift always happens towards the zenith (Figure 6)

The refractive index of the medium (here atmosphere) determines how much the light ray is bent. The index is always a positive number and never goes negative. The atmosphere should be rarer than vacuum for the refractive index to be negative – and this can never happen in nature.

Another feature is the colour of the refracted light. The star light contains all the seven colors of different wave lengths. Colors of shorter wavelength are deviated more than the colors of longer wavelength. Blue light has shorter wave length compared the red light having longer wave length. When the star is at the horizon, the different layers of the atmosphere behave like a prism that causes blue light to deflect more than the red light. These results in the rising star appear with blue crest (Figure 7)

             Fig 7: The Star appears with blue crest at rising under standard conditions

(Source: https://www.astrogeo.va.it/astronom/spettri/atmosferen.htm )

Strangely Vyasa is giving just the opposite of this appearance by saying in very clear terms that the crests of the planets were like the coppery red dawn! That means they appeared with red light on top, and not the regular blue light. This can happen when the surface level atmosphere was rarer and the upper levers were denser with the refractive index becoming negative. When light travels from denser to rarer, it gets deflected away from normal. In Figure 8 the diagram shows the reversed deflection of the red and blue rays.  The displacement was towards right.

                                 Fig 8: Reversal of refractive index

Greater deflection of red light away from normal was the cause for the red-top of the planets

This is absolutely impossible under standard conditions, but the fact this was specifically noted by Vyasa shows that ground level density of the atmosphere and heat had drastically changed – which can happen in extreme conditions like the cosmic collision.

So these nimittas must have been sighted on the twilight of the Pushya day when a major piece of the comet had fallen somewhere with the fragments falling on a wider region in India. On that day Mars and Venus were at the horizon in Jyeshtha (Fig 1 in Part 13) and the sun in Anuradha. After sunset these two planets appeared in the western sky. A little north from them the Saptarishis were rising. But their brightness seemed to be obscured by the flaming red colour on top of these two planets – indicating a sudden but temporary reversal in the refractive index of the atmosphere at the ground level.

In the same context Vyasa has listed down many features as nimitta that are related to causing variation in the atmospheric layers in terms of density, heat and humidity – the factors that cause refraction of the light-ray. More importantly the star- deviations reported by him (that include Arundhati) can be seen at lower atmosphere.

One can notice that all these four nimittas have one thing in common – they shifted to right which is not possible under normal conditions.

Except Dhruva which is a yellow star, the shifted ones were red – Mars in Karna’s observation – moving to right is a red star.

In the case of Arundhati- Vasishtha, Arundhati has a red binary companion!

Interestingly recent researchers have identified a dwarf companion for Arundhati (Alcor) that is red in colour! Two independent teams of astronomers have found out that Arundhati is being circled by a red dwarf companion star, a spectroscopic binary.[5] Based on the orbital motion of the companion star,[6] the appearance of Arundhati will keep changing, at times reddish or smoky purple.

This pair is a system of sextuples of Mizar (Vasishtha is a binary, each with two stars) and Alcor accompanied by a red dwarf. Researcher Mamajek believes that there must be another star or a planet circling Alcor as Alcor’s body doesn’t look perfectly round.[7]

                        Fig 9: The sextuple system of Alcor- Mizar stars

An amazing reference to red colour for Arundhati comes from the Tamil Sangam text, Padirru Patthu[8], wherein the star Arundhati is mentioned as red in colour! (Chemeen செம்மீன்)

The deflection of the rays of Arundhati and Vasishtha is not uniform but different given the fact the red companion’s light mingled with that of Arundhati. The shift in position will be there for the two starswith the wave length of their light also becoming a crucial factor in influencing the extent of the shift. One must remember that the light from Arundhati blended with a reddish spectral binary has a different refractive index than the blue or white light of Vasishtha! 

Temporary phenomenon of Arundhati ‘walking ahead’ of Vasishtha.

In the backdrop of the scientifically explained nimittas listed above, a strong case exists for the reversal of the atmospheric density caused by unusual natural calamities from outer space and from within the earth’s interior. The thermal convection released by tectonic explosions in north India had created hot conditions near the surface causing less density of air at the ground level. At the same time the upper layer of air was loaded with particles released by asteroid hits elsewhere. Heavy turbulence in the air is also detected from the description of shower of flesh witnessed over a period of time.  The rarer to denser conditions found normally from upper to lower atmosphere had changed to denser to rarer conditions causing unusual appearances of sorts that have been recorded as nimittas by Vyasa.

Of these, 3 stars and 3 planets appeared in impossible ways at the time of or as soon as the comet hit the earth causing ionization conditions.

·         Venus and Mars appeared with coppery-red crest.

·         Mars made a reverse movement towards Anuradha.

·         The pole star (Dhruva) appeared in apasavyam way.

·         Arundhati appeared in such a way that Vasishtha was at her prishṭha.

 

The phenomenon of coppery red top of the two planets is a pointer to what probably happened with the A-V stars. Greater deflection of red light away from normal was the cause for the red-top of the planets. Similar kind of deflection would make the Arundhati pair appear as follows:

                                       Fig 10: Deflection of Arundhati- Vasishtha pair

The picture is hypothetical and for illustrative purpose only to highlight a probable scenario, taking into account the red light of Arundhati and the greater deflection of red light away from normal that caused the planets appear with red colour on top.  In this figure both Vasishtha and Arundhati had shifted to the right (to V1 and A1), but Arundhati had shifted more due to higher deflection of the longer wave length of the red rays of her spectroscopic binary. I positioned her on top of Vasishtha in tune with the observation of Vyasa of red-crest of the two planets at the same time. The final appearance was as though Vasishtha had gone behind Arundhati. In reality Arundhati could have appeared differently from this (above figure) but the basic cause was a change in the refractive index, different from the standard number.

This A-V re-alignment was not reported any time before or after that particular moment of the day of asteroid hit. Vyasa has rightly observed it as a nimitta.

The A-V observation was not an astronomy event but a scientific event systematically derived through logical and scientific reasoning of the events reported by Vyasa.

The obscure appearance of Saptarishi Mandala in the north and the red topped planets (Venus and Mars) in the west suggest the initial atmospheric disturbance in North and Western directions.

The probable location of the fall of the major piece of the comet could be somewhere towards the North Western direction from India.

The moon also coming in the trajectory of the comet, and its original phase being waning Shashti (crossed 72˚), the direct hit on the moon and the earth could have impacted the region anywhere between 10˚E to 30˚E in Europe during the day in that impact location.[9] It was sunset time at Hastinapur.

The four odd events discussed above also reiterate the rarest of the rare event of a cosmic collision that caused change of Time cosmically.

This collision has upset the plans of Duryodhana.

Duryodhana could not move his troops on Pushya day. Krishna suggested Jyeshtha Amawasya for the preparations, but alas that Amawasya didn’t occur in Jyeshtha, further upsetting Duryodhana’s plans.

As for the celestial nimittas by Vyasa, we have established 12 out of 18 – all of them sighted at the time of comet-hit. Six are found to coincide with combinations on the first day of the war which we will discuss in the appropriate context.

There are a few other nimittas in support of reversal of atmospheric density. After giving a brief account of them, we will proceed with month-wise events from the time Pandavas returned from exile.

(To be continued)



[1] Brahmanda Purana: 1-2-23-108

[2] Vayu Purana: 23- 99

[3] 7200 years make one round in this precession or polar cycle.

[4] Mahabharata: 6-2-31

[6]Mamajek et al., “Discovery of a Faint Companion To Alcor Using MMT/AO 5 μm Imaging” https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/0004-6256/139/3/919

[7] Mamajek et al., “Discovery of a Faint Companion To Alcor Using MMT/AO 5 μm Imaging” https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/0004-6256/139/3/919

[8]Padirru patthu 31 – 28, 29

[9] Krishna Shashti moon appears in the horizon just before midnight at Hastinapur. It is 72˚ (6 x 12 where 12= 1 tithi) away from Hastinapur in the west where it was day and it was sunset at Hastinapur. The moon appeared at Hastinapur 5 to 6 hours after it rose up at that distance in the west. I have rounded off the time as 6 hours (that is when Krishna saptami appears) which is 45˚ on the globe. Deducitng 45˚ from the latitude of Hastinapur (78˚ E) we get 33˚ E. The miximum eastern limit being 33˚ E, I gave a range of 10˚E to 30˚ E from the Greenwich latitude.


Friday, January 8, 2021

Evidence of the comet-hit of 3136 BCE from Sindhu kingdom (Mohenjo-Daro) to the Alps. (Part 15: Mahabharata date)

 

The scale of the fragmentary fall from a disintegrating comet described in Mahabharata must have left widespread imprints on the earth particularly in Europe which seemed to have borne the brunt of a major fragment. Occasionally we come across information on the presence of nuclear radiation in different places outside India pointing to an atomic blast some 5000 years ago which we eagerly connect with the Mahabharata description of advanced warfare at Kurukshetra, least realizing that the war did not spill over to Europe. It is even claimed that nearly 100 craters of different sizes are found in Europe bearing evidence of some nuclear element. But in the absence of any clue they are becoming abandoned archaeology. The more plausible cause for those formations can be traced to the comet-hit than to the weapons of war used in Kurukshetra. In the event of a collision from outer space, the energy released is equal to nuclear blasts, leaving imprints of radiation too.

Our search starts from home – in India. The impacted region had spread from the River Sindhu to the River Ganga that experienced a reverse flow of the waters. This was told twice, at the time Krishna started off to Hastinapur from Upaplavya and later by Vyasa to Dhritarashtra before the war started. The other specific region told by Vyasa was Mount Kailash, Himavat and Mandara where Mandara could refer to the Vindhya Range that is recognized as Meru or Jambu Marga in Mahabharata.[1]

The most credible evidence of the impact exists in the Sindhu region but mired with controversies for nearly 100-years. This comes from the strewn skeletons found in a street under ashes and debris in Mohenjo-Daro.

Did a fragment of the comet fall in Mohenjo-Daro? 

In the Lower Town Area away from the Great Bath nearly 40 skeletons were found scattered in the streets and houses that were readily presumed to be “massacre victims” of the invading Aryans.

                                 Fig 1: Skeletons found in Mohenjo-Daro

Right from the time of this discovery cliams and counter claims on the mode of death and the date of death have been going on, but none thought of a la Pompei kind of devastation here from the findings of David Davenport, who after a study of the site and the skeletons for 12 long years detected the presence of radiation.

According to him, “The objects found at the site appeared to be fused, glassified by a heat as high as 1500°C, followed by a sudden cooling. Within the city itself there appeared to be an ‘epicenter’ about 50 yards wide, within which everything was crystallized, fused, or melted, and 60 yards from the center the bricks are melted on one side indicating a blast.”[2]

“In his book Riddles of Ancient History, A. Gorbovsky reported the discovery of at least one human skeleton in the area with a level of radioactivity approximately 50 times greater than it should have been due to natural radiation. Davenport claimed that what was found at Mohenjo Daro corresponded exactly to what was seen at Nagasaki and Hiroshima.”[3]

Skeletons of nine children were also found in such contorted positions showing signs of agonized death. Two skeletons found trying to climb the stairs but failing in that attempt was found in what is called the Well Room. (Figure 2)[4]

                                           Fig 2: The Well room tragedy.

Certainly these postures point out an unexpected and sudden death due to a natural calamity. The evidence of radiation attributed to a nuclear weapon inspired many to link it with the Mahabharata war. With the knowledge of the comet-hit derived from Mahabharata, a strong case exists for linking these deaths with a fragment of the comet landing at this site.

The Lower Town seemed to be the original and olden occupation before the Great Bath was built. This region was under the rule of the Sindhu King Jayadratha, the son-in-law of Dhritarashtra. He had ‘Varaha’ as his insignia. The Unicorn (Varaha) seal was found in one of the skeletons. (Figure 3)[5]

 

                                    Fig 3: Unicorn seal found in one of the skeletons.

The date of this tragedy is variously disputed, so also the mode of death by agony, mainly because these skeletons offer fodder to both the sides of the Aryan debate. With the comet-theory backed up Mahabharata, it is time a fresh approach is made to examine the date of this site and the dead. This region is more likely to have borne the brunt of the collision mentioned in Mahabharata.

Craters in North India around the date.

The Rann of Kachchh seems to have received the hit at many places. The Luna Crater with a diameter of 1.5 kilometers seems to be an impact crater dated around 2000 BCE. [6] Though this date is later than the Mahabharata comet by 1000 years, the detection of few more craters in the same region of Kachchh through the study of satellite images reveals that they cannot be individual meteorite hits but a cluster of fragments from a disintegrating asteroid or a comet.[7] With the firm evidence of comet hit in Mahabharata, this is more likely to have come from that source. Further studies are likely get the date right.

Detection of radiation is often reported from regions of Punjab. In the wake of the awareness about the Mahabharata period comet, our experts need to take a fresh approach to solving them.

Impact in the Himalayan region.

A phenomenon of transformation of material under pressure and temperature of the scale associated with the fall of a comet-fragment can be noticed in a study of the landslides in the Himalayan region of Langtang in Nepal.[8] The interesting feature is this was compared with similar event in Köfels in Austria. The landslide at Köfels is suggested to have been caused by a cosmic impact. The falling object did not cause a crater but slid down the slopes leaving the imprints of a cosmic impact.

Similar event at Langtang reminds us of the bursting of the mountain at Kailash and Himavat reported by Vyasa. Kailash is approximately 500 kilometers from Langtang, to its west. So far most researches had turned a Nelson’s eye to the probable cause as a collision. The Mahabharata comet must bring in another dimension in future researches.

The Impact in Austria.

The Köfels event in Austria which was initially thought to be just a landslide in spite of the imprints of a collision, gained acceptance as an impacted event, following the decipherment of the Sumerian cuneiform tablet. (Figure 4)[9]

                               Fig 4: The cuneiform tablet with a reading of a cosmic impact

This tablet made around 700 BCE contains the drawings of constellations with an object seeming to travel towards the earth. Based on the planetary positions the cosmic event is dated at 29th June, 3123 BC (Julian calendar) which is 13 years later than the Mahabharata comet date. This date is deduced from the western concept of continuous precession. The vernal equinox was at Orion whereas for the same date it was at close to zero degree Aries as per Surya Siddhanta. (Figure 5)


                                     Fig 5: The drawing on the Sumerian tablet

The date corrected to Surya Siddhanta ayanamsa would alter the date deduced now. In the ultimate analysis this tablet was found useful in detecting the trajectory of the falling fragment on the slopes of  Köfels. “The incoming angle was very low (six degrees) and means the asteroid clipped a mountain called Gamskogel above the town of Längenfeld, 11 kilometres from Köfels, and this caused the asteroid to explode before it reached its final impact point. As it travelled down the valley it became a fireball, around five kilometres in diameter (the size of the landslide). When it hit Köfels it created enormous pressures that pulverised the rock and caused the landslide but because it was no longer a solid object it did not create a classic impact crater.” [10]

The impact at the Himalayan Langtang being the same, it is understood that the fragments had fallen on the Himalayan region around Mount Kailash as told by Vyasa.

Piora Oscillation

Most important of all, the comet-hit coincides with a phenomenon recognized as “Piora Oscillation” – named after Piora valley where it was first detected. (Wiki article) A sudden onset of cooling and a shift in the weather pattern was experienced after 3200 BCE that lasted for 200 to 300 years which is attributed to a cosmic impact. This is closer to the comet-hit date of 3136 BCE that we deduced from the verses of Mahabharata.

The impact from an extra-terrestrial object is confirmed in the temperature swings researched for the Mid-Holocene period. In their paper “Climate pattern recognition in the Mid-Holocene (4800 BC to 2800 BC, Part 3)” the authors refer to a cosmic impact in the year 3200 BCE that cuts the peak of EOO-wave (Earth Orbital Oscillation) causing a cooling period called Piora Oscillation.[11] This is 64 years earlier than the date deduced from Mahabharata. There was only one impact in this period and the deduction from Mahabharata offers the most accurate date. A small shift in the axis of the earth due to this impact is hypothesized by Paul Dunbavin and there is also a view that the solstice lines slightly shifted around this time.[12]

The evidences for comet impact identified in the phenomenon of Piora Oscillation are listed below:[13]

1.      The Belfast tree ring chronology set the onset of cold weather at 3150BC (suggesting cold weather in Ireland and Britain, and NW Europe in general). This is just 14 years earlier that the comet-hit date.

2.      The Greenland ice cores have an acid spike at 3150BC (probably a volcano) but the Gisp 2 ice core shows a sulphate spike also in 3250BC, together with a methane trough. This could be a signature of a volcano or of a cosmic event (atmospheric explosion of meteoric or American South West cometary material). But the date of acid spike is close to the comet-hit date.

3.      In Germany, there was an increase in swamp oak (or bog oak in Irish terminology) suggesting water logging (as in Ireland and Britain) and possibly evidence of heavy flooding with the jet stream much further to the south than normal. The flooding and rains are scientifically associated with cosmic impact.

4.      Similar water logging is detected in for a brief period around this date.

5.      In Morocco there was a decline in oaks (as a result of declining rainfall, right across the Sahara region).

6.      The Nile flooded - giving rise to the myth of the inundation (perpetuated thereafter by the annual flooding event fueled by winter rains on the Ethiopian Highlands).

7.      Glaciers advanced in the Alps suddenly.

8.      Sudden spike in cold climate in Andes of Peru.

9.      Climate change found in Kenya, East Africa, Columbian Highlands and even Australia.

10.  There was a change in the monsoon track rendering the Sahara a desert and displacing people

11.  Dead sea level rose up by 300 feet.

 

Displacement and new life styles

Interestingly the OIT kind of displacements were noticed following this cosmic impact.

1.      The Maya calendar started at 3114 BCE, 22 years after the impact (or after the war) Maya danava was instrumental in building the palace of the Pandavas. He and his folks were residents of the forest of Khandava which was burnt by Arjuna. Maya was saved and in gratitude built the city of Indraprastha and a palace for the Pandavas. That was the last time we hear about Maya in North India. The Maya people seemed to have gone out of India after the Mahabharata war.

2.      Human activity seems to have declined around 3200BC in Britain. In other words there was a drop in the population.

3.      Displacements within Europe coincided with this date.

Piora Oscillation triggered by a cosmic impact offers the best evidence for the comet-hit theory deduced from Mahabharata.

With this we are reverting to the dating of the Mahabharata war.



[1] Mahabharata: 3-80

[3] Ibid

[4] George F.Dales, “The Mythical Massacre at Mohenjo-Daro” https://www.penn.museum/documents/publications/expedition/PDFs/6-3/The%20Mythical.pdf

[5] Gregory L. Possehl, “The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective”

[7] R.V. Karanth, “The Unusual Impact Crater of Luna in Kachchh, Western India”

[8] Masch et al, “Electron microscopy study of hyalomylonites—evidence for frictional melting in landslides” Tectonophysics, Volume 115, Issues 1–2, 10 May 1985

[11] J. Seifert, F.Lemke: Climate pattern recognition in the Mid-Holocene (4800 BC to 2800 BC)

[12] Paul Dunbavin “The Atlantis Researches” and “Under Ancient Skies”; C.R.Sant, “The Calendars of Megalithic Malta”

[13] Piora Oscillation, Society for Interdisciplinary Studies. https://www.sis-group.org.uk/news/piora-oscillation.htm

Saturday, January 9, 2021

Month-wise sequence of Mahabharata events after the exile (Part 16: Mahabharata date)

 Previous

The sequence in terms of months, tithi and nakshatra of the respective months would solve many problems and confusions in understanding the verses. A systematic listing of the events in respective months is done below to arrive at the correct date of the events.

1. Lunar Ashadha month: (Sun in Cancer)

  • Exile ended on Krishna Dasami (11th May, 3136 BCE)
  • With 5 days left for the month to end, developing acquaintances and discussions must have happened.
  • Proposal for marriage of Uttara, the daughter of King Virata, with Abhimanyu.

2. Lunar Shravana month: (Sun in Leo)

  • Marriage of Abhimanyu conducted.
  • After the marriage, intense discussion on ways to get back the kingdom from the Kauravas.
  • Krishna and Balarama returned to Dwaraka.

3. Lunar Bhadrapada month: (Sun in Virgo)

  • Pandavas began the preparations for war.
  • Both Arjuna and Duryodhana went to Dwaraka seeking support of Krishna for the war.[1](It is probable that this happened in the previous month.)
  • After getting assurance from Krishna to send army to support his side, Duryodhana went on to meet Balarama. Balarama refused to side with anyone, and expressed his inability to act against Krishna.
  • Emissary of King Drupada was sent on a peace mission to the Kuru kingdom on Pushya day.[2]This was in waning phase (Krishna Paksha) of Bhadrapada.

4. Lunar Ashvayuja month: (Sun in Libra)

  • The peace mission of Drupada’s emissary sent on Pushya day failed.
  • This was followed by a peace mission by the Kauravas headed by Sanjaya to Pandavas. This also failed. There is no reference to any Panchanga feature for this date.

5. Lunar Kartika month: (Sun in Scorpio)

  • Krishna started on the peace mission to Hastinapur in the star Revati (25th August 3236 BCE). Tremors and whirlwinds struck Hastinapur while Krishna was on the way.
  • During the presence of Krishna on the peace mission in the court of Dhritarashtra, Duryodhana ordered the moving of troops, since the day was Pushya, auspicious for the movement. He kept repeating that the troops be moved to Kuruskhetra, the day being Pushya![3]
  • On that day of Pushya, Bhishma was installed as the chief of the army of the Kauravas (2nd September, 3136 BCE).
  • Terrible nimittas which in reality were the collision effects of a comet were noticed on the evening of the Pushya day. (All these were discussed earlier)
  • After the failure of the peace mission, Krishna left the court of Dhritarashtra.
  • On the 4th day after that (Uttara Phalguni), Krishna left for Upaplavya, but before that he took Karna in his chariot to tell him his birth secret.  Karna turned a bit emotional and somewhat repentant in his conversation with Krishna, but was not willing to leave Duryodhana. He expressed his apprehension of a massive slaughter of people by pointing out certain nimittas (Discussed earlier)
  • When Krishna could not succeed in persuading him to switch over sides he advised him to tell Drona, Bhishma and Kripa to get ready for the upcoming war and worship Indra on Jyeshtha Amawasya that was to appear in 7 days.
  • This is a crucial verse that decides the dates of events that followed.[4] Krishna said,

saptamāc cāpi divasād amāvāsyā bhaviṣyati
     saṃgrāmaṃ yojayet tatra tāṃ hy āhuḥ śakra devatām

(Translation by Ganguli: Seven days after, will be the day of the new moon. Let the battle commence then, for that day, it hath been said, is presided over by Indra.)

Indra, the lord of Devas was worshiped for victory in the war and this was done by means of a homa to Indra’s banner.[5] Since the star Jyeshtha was ruled by Indra, Krishna told Karna to get ready for the war (yuddhāyābhyupāgatāḥ) by worshiping Indra on Jyeshtha. This holds good for both the armies and any king who was planning to join this war. The larger issue is something else.

Why did Krishna suggest war preparations to begin on Jyeshtha Amawasya, when Duryodhana had already started to march his army on the Pushya Day, three days before this conversation?

The hidden information is that Duryodhana, in spite of repeated talk of moving the army on the Pushya day, did not move his army on that day due to inauspicious nimittas caused by the comet-hit.  Krishna suggested Jyeshtha Amawasya as an alternate day for starting the war plan and marching the army.

  • Krishna’s suggestion regarding Jyeshtha Amawasya establishes that Duryodhana did not start as planned on the Pushya day.
  • Moreover the word “yojayet” used by Krishna is third person, causative optative class parasmaipada verb – expressing his wish for worship to done on Jyeshtha by Drona and others.
  • Why did Krishna desire such worship if the worship was already done on Pushya day?  This word with its stem ‘yuj’ refers to ‘join again.’‘Yojayati’ [6]means to restore, repair, put in order, adjust, arrange, undertake and such other similar words hinting at setting right the debacle that happened on the Pushya day. This is conveyed to Karna to have it done by Drona and others. This is not the same as ‘yajante’, the ātmanepada verb, nor ‘yojante’ to mean ‘plan or prepare’ suggested by other researchers.  It was to start again after offering ‘ahuti’ to Indra, on Jyeshtha day.
  • From Karna’s account of the nimittas we get the first indication that Amawasya did not occur on Jyeshtha as Krishna had said. This falsifies all the researches that positioned the start of the Mahabharata war on Jyeshtha Amawasya!
  • The expected Amawasya had instead occurred on the 13th tithi of the phase- i.e. in Vishakha (10th September, 3136 BCE)
  • The visual observers were many at that time. Balarama was observing it from where he was while others like Vyasa and Karna had observed from Hastinapur.
  • Right from the time they grasped the event of a comet fall, they must have been observing anxiously the sudden change in the shape of the moon.
  • On the night of Uttara Phalguni they must have seen the moon compressed as it would appear on Ekadasi, in the place of Dasami in the normal course.
  • On Chitra day, they must have seen the moon rising just two hours before sun rise whereas it should have risen four hours before sunrise. A perplexed Balarama rushed to Upaplavya to meet his brother and left soon after.
  • The day of Balarama’s arrival at Upaplavya is not known, but the day of leaving is given in Mahabharata as Anuradha. And he has gone ahead with the tirtha yatra from Upaplavya.
  • In the normal course, Balarama’s arrival at Upaplavya and return on Anuradha star must have happened in the lunar month of Kartika. Now with the advancement of Amawasya in Vishakha, the return of Balarama in Anuradha is fit to be clubbed with the events of the next month, i.e. Margashirsha.
  • The month ending on the 13th  tithi sends another message that the reference to the shower of flesh and blood on the 14th  tithi (Krishna Dwadasi)[7] by Vyasa did not occur in Kartika month as there was no waning Chaturdasi in that month.
  • However Karna did see a shower of flesh and blood, but that was within the first few days after the comet hit.[8]
  • The advancement of ‘Jyeshtha ‘Amawasya must have upset the war plans of Duryodhana for the second time within a fortnight.

6. Lunar Margashirsha month: (Sun in Scorpio / Sagittarius)

  • Anuradha must have been the first day of the month. Balarama returned to Tirtha yatra on this day.
  • The next day was Jyeshtha, and it is reasonable to assume that Duryodhana started his war plans on this day after worshiping Indra. There is no other reference in Mahabharata suggestive of the starting date for the Kaurava army.
  • The first fortnight of Margashirsha that followed the 13 tithi Amawasya in Kartika, did not complete a 15-day phase. The Full Moon of Margashirsha did not happen in the normal course (in the star Mrigashirsha), and not even on the 15th day from the last Amawasya.
  • Counting from Anuradha (13th tithi Amawasya), the 15th day was Rohini, and the 14th day was Krittika. Vyasa’s version indicates that Kshaya tithis were happening - with the result that the Full Moon occurred on what normally could be Trayodasi. The star Krittika was running at the time of Full-moon in the month of Margashira! (24th September, 3136 BCE)
  • The two verses on dull Pournami in Krittika in Vyasa’s narration hint at the 13th tithi Full Moon in Margashira.
  • The original Full Moon in Kartika month occurred soon after Krishna left Upaplavya for Hastinapur. No untoward sightings were reported then, though nimittas portending a calamity were reported in Hastinapur.
  • All the nimitta based astronomy and atmospheric sightings were reported after the Full Moon in the month of Kartika, i.e. in the waning phase and after the comet-hit on the Pushya day.
  • In the next round of the moon’s journey, Vyasa (among others) was watching the waxing moon anxiously for its colour, size (to check normal waxing) and whether it could reach the expected star for Full Moon.
  • It should have reached Rohini, the star of Moon (Indu) if everything was alright, but it did not.
  • The Margashira month continued after the Full Moon and then came the day the Pandavas moved the troops.
  • Krishna’s call for starting on Pushya reported in Shalya parva in the words of Sanjaya could have happened only in Margashira Pushya!
  • This call was made in Upaplavya after Krishna returned from Hastinapur, when Pushya of Kartika month was already over.
  • Closely following this verse, the narration continues to state that Balarama left for the Tirtha Yatra in the Mairti star (Anuradha).

When did Balarama start the tirtha yatra?

This is a crucial question because he reappears in the scene on the day of Gada Yuddha (mace –fight) between his two disciples, Bhima and Duryodhana.

And Balarama gives a hint on the duration of his yatra and the stars in which he started and returned – helping us to arrive at the day of the end of the war!

[8]Mahabharata: 5-141-21

http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.com/

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