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Indus Script narrative: Goat looks back Rebus reading: smelter -- of smith working in iron, copper metalcastings.

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https://tinyurl.com/wmymt93No photo description available.Seal discovered in Cholistan (near Ganweriwala). Surface find. https://blog.travel-culture.com/2012/02/07/rare-indus-seal-discovered-at-archeological-site-in-cholistan/

mlekh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu 'copper'; meḍh 'goat' rebus: meṛha, meḍhi  ‘merchant’s clerk; (Gujarati) मेढ ‘merchant’s helper’ (Pkt.) krammara 'look back' rebus: kamar 'artisan, smith' Thus,merchant-artisan of metal castings.Tail of the goat is a sprout hieroglyph: xoli 'fish-tail' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', kol ' working in iron' ; Ma. koṭi top, extremity, flag, banner, sprout; rebus: koD 'workshop'. Thus, the pictorial motif reads: artisan, smith working in iron, copper metalcastings.

Text message: dhvajapaṭa m. ʻ flag ʼ Kāv. [dhvajá -- , paṭa -- ]Pk. dhayavaḍa -- m. ʻ flag ʼ, OG. dhayavaḍa m.(CDIAL 6899) Rebus: धवड dhavaḍa (Or धावड) 'smelter' (Marathi) PLUS  ḍhāla 'slanted' rebus:  ḍhālaka 'large ingot' ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati) PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus, the hypertext reads: ingot metalcasting smithy, forge. 

The message reads: ingot metalcasting smithy, forge PLUS smelter -- of artisan, smith working in iron, metalcastings.

Spread of Meluhha to Fertile Crescent and Mon-Khmer, Indus script, tin ingot of Haifa shipwreck, Spread of Agriculture in East Asia (Stevens, Fuller, 2017)

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If rice farming was domesticated prior to 9000 BCE in India, as noted by Stevens and Fuller (See embedded document), the origin of India languages CANNOT be linked to steppe hypothesis of Renfrew. Indian sprachbund, language union or linguistic area is an indigenous evolution and hence, Meluhha speech form seen on Indus Script messages.

 If agriculture spread from India to the Fertile Crescent, PIE polemics will have to be turned upside down. I am happy because my Meluhha thesis for Indus Script decipherment stands validated with thousands of words of Meluhha spread all over Europe and in Mon-Khmer languages through Munda-Santali. I have posited an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa of 4th m.BCE whch explains why India was an economic superpower contributing to over 33% of Global GDP in 1 CE. The tin ingots of Haifa shipwreck had Indus Script hieroglyphs, deciphered as ranku dhatu muh 'tin ore ingot'.


S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Centre

See: http://indiafacts.org/how-old-is-indian-agriculture/?fbclid=IwAR0G4hRFwj9jtDMqkytIXsxAxcaCxWDa1pJAKZrXxg_SeTRyiWb9bP6Tjg0
How old is Indian agriculture? by Anil Suri
13 June 2018
Given the relatively abrupt appearance of cultivation practices in the Fertile Crescent, is it unreasonable to ask if agriculture may have actually come to the Fertile Crescent from India?
It is common knowledge now that food production in the northwestern part of the Indian subcontinent began with the Mehrgarh Neolithic in the early 7th millennium BCE. What is less known is that there were many independent centres for the development of agriculture on the subcontinent. There is evidence of rice ostensibly being used as food on the Ganga plains from 13,000 years ago. However, the archaeological data on early agriculture remains fragmentary. We take a look at a very recently published scientific paper which came up with some fascinating findings about the early agriculture on the eastern Ganga plain. Thereafter, we shall try to retrace the evolution of Indian agriculture from the earliest beginnings. This shall inevitably bring us to the commonly-held notion – one that has acquired the status of confirmed fact by sheer force of repetition – that agriculture arrived in India from the Near East. We shall look at other evidence from the subcontinent, not all of which is recent, but which has been surprisingly ignored, and re-examine textbook theories about the history of Indian agriculture.

Lahuradewa, the gift that keeps on giving

A paper published last month (May 2018) in Current Science came up with some stunning insights into early agriculture on the banks of Lahuradewa lake in eastern Uttar Pradesh. The area, located in the Sant Kabir Nagar District, has been in the limelight for over two decades now thanks to the discovery of outright rice cultivation from the mid-7th millennium (i.e., 6000s) BCE, carbonised rice grains dating as far back as ~11,000 BCE, and micro-charcoal particles and Cerealia pollen, providing evidence of human activity and some form of slash-and-burn agriculture in the region from at least 13,000 BCE. Owing to the wealth of archaeological evidence now available, it is now generally accepted that the Ganga plains were an independent centre for the domestication of rice, as opposed to the earlier – and still often repeated – view that rice cultivation originated in China and spread to India from there. However, while the evidence indicated people were growing and cooking rice by the lake from that long ago, it wasn’t clear what stage of agriculture had been reached by then.
The latest paper by Biswajeet Thakur, Anju Saxena and IB Singh fills in some major gaps in our understanding. They found a type of algae, called diatoms in the sediments of the lake going back around 10,000 years. Some of them would have been washed into the lake from the banks, and got embedded in the sediments. Diatoms can be of many types. Specifically, the discovery of the type of diatoms that thrive in standing water in paddy fields, called, simply, paddy field diatoms going back to ~7300 BCE, tells us that people were cultivating rice on the banks as early as the mid-8th millennium BCE. Additional corroboration is provided by the presence from ~6300 BCE of other types of diatoms which result from organic pollution from human activities (anthropogenic diatoms). This seems to push back the date for rice cultivation in the region by a few centuries, if not a full millennium.
What these findings tell us is that, when the lake swelled its banks in the monsoon, leading to stagnant water on the lands by the lake, the dwellers by the lake from as early as 9300 years ago were growing rice on the water-logged land, to harvest it in the autumn. This is not the end of the story – in fact, this is where it gets interesting.

So when did it actually begin?

Significantly, this means that the dwellers by Lahuradewa lake had progressed to wetland rice cultivation over 9000 years ago. Rice is grown in water-logged fields for a variety of reasons, including the very important one of controlling weeds, which do not grow very well in water. This is one of the reasons why rice transplantation was invented (although we don’t have the evidence to tell if the early Lahuradewa people were resorting to deliberate transplantation). So they had by then identified the varieties of rice which had adapted to growing in standing water. Also, clearly, they were adept at exploiting the monsoon for agriculture.
But what about before this time? After all, the earliest carbonized rice grains from the Lahuradewa region date back much further. Here, unfortunately, the physical limits of the lake play spoilsport. The base of the lake is dated to around 10,000 years ago, as that is when the lake had started forming. Although some diatoms have been found from that long ago, their identification is difficult. This is typical in shallow waters. Dr. Thakur says that, at that time, it was probably not the contiguous water body it was to evolve into later, and there were only many shallow pools of water, which may have nevertheless supported agriculture on the low land. But the shallow, disconnected pools would not have been conducive to the assembling and preservation of any diatoms from paddy fields on the banks.
This leaves us in a tantalising situation. Rice was first grown as a dryland crop, before it was adapted for wetland agriculture. This is perfectly natural: after all, rice, like all other cereals, is merely a variety of grass that was originally growing wild. So when did this progression to wetland agriculture take place?

Beyond the Holocene: Agriculture in the Pleistocene

By now, it will be obvious that obtaining archaeological evidence is a huge challenge on the subcontinent. Features like water bodies have undergone multiple changes over thousands of years, so they may not yield all the evidence we would like to have. While this is true of most of the world, what uniquely complicates matters in India is that most areas have been continuously lived on and used for agriculture from time immemorial to the present day, making any evidence irrecoverable. Barring the occasional stroke of luck, we are mostly down to reconstructing the past from sketchy data.
To trace the trajectory from incipient cultivation as a dry crop to the wetland crop rice had become by around 7500 BCE, we must journey south, indeed, as far down as the southern part of Sri Lanka. To the mesmerizingly beautiful Horton Plains National Park, to be precise. Here, there is evidence of cattle herding and grazing, microcharcoal indicating the use of fire to clear the land of forests, cultivation of edible plants, and early management of barley and oats from – hold your breath – 15,500 BCE. It is believed the subcontinent experienced a semi-arid climate between 22,000 and 15,500 BCE, followed by a sustained, progressively warmer spell, with a concomitantly strengthening monsoon, starting around 16,500 BCE. Thus, early attempts at pastoralism and agriculture begin almost as soon as the climate became ever so slightly conducive. The climate got progressively better for agriculture, peaking in an extremely humid period around 6700 BCE. As the humidity increased, cultivated rice made its first known appearance here around 13,000 BCE. Notice that the early dwellers of the Horton Plains seem to have figured out which crop was best suited to a particular climate. Closely following the improvement in the climate, intensive agriculture in the region began around 11,000 BCE, and there was an abrupt shift in emphasis from oats and barley to rice after 8000 BCE. The fact that intensive rice cultivation was being done on the Ganga plain by no later than the mid-8th millennium BCE, as described above, shows there were many independent centres for the establishment of agriculture in the subcontinent, and that the progress in agriculture happened closely in tandem with climactic changes.
In around 16,000 BCE, which falls in the Ice Age, India and Sri Lanka would have been contiguous as the sea level was about 120 metres lower than it is today. (Around 8000 BCE, it was still 50 metres lower.) This early attempt at agriculture was no flash in the pan. Archaeologists believe that there is a continuity of agricultural tradition in the subcontinent right from then. The archaeologist, Premathilake writes, The evidence of early form of agricultural activities found in the Horton Plains do not appear to have got isolated at the regional level and similar type of evidence in the form of cultivated pollen and other proxies is available in the Indian subcontinent.
Interestingly, it is from around the early 7th millennium BCE, at the time of maximum humidity, that we have the earliest evidence of food production in the Indus Valley Tradition, in Mehrgarh, Balochistan. In Rajasthan, the sediments of the salty Lunkaransar lake in the Bikaner district, and the well-known Sambar lake, show a marked increase of both carbonized (burnt) scrub and wood fragments as well as Cerealia pollen, from 8300 BCE and 7000 BCE respectively, clearly indicating agricultural activity. The Nilgiri hills also show Cerealia pollen from around 11,500 BCE, and a similar spurt in carbonized vegetable matter and Cerealia pollen from 8000 BCE (Chakrabarti DK in The Oxford Companion to Indian Archaeology: The Archaeological Foundations of Ancient India, OUP, New York, 2006, pp. 106).
Jhusi near Allahabad has provided evidence that, from the earliest 7th millennium BCE, if not earlier, multi-cropping was being practiced by the Neolithic people there.  Both winter crops, such as barley and many types of wheats, as well as rice and adlay millets, oil seeds like sesame, and a variety of legumes including masurmung, peas and horsegram, and fruits including grapes and amla (gooseberry), were being cultivated from the earliest known levels here. This stunningly diverse crop record implies several millennia of prior agricultural development.

Did agriculture arrive in India from the Fertile Crescent?

It is a long-standing myth that agriculture came to India from the Fertile Crescent (FC). This is regularly repeated even in the scholarly literature, in defiance of the wealth of archaeological evidence which clearly shows that agriculture in India was an indigenous, autochthonous development, and has now acquired the status of confirmed fact. Archaeologists casually talk of crops like barley and pulses having reached the Indus Valley from the FC in spite of the fact that wild barley is native to the region, and the archaeological data indicates the in situ organic development of agriculture from hunting-gathering. Indeed, you will get branded a “nationalist” or “saffron warrior” merely for pointing out that evidence contradicts the outdated west-to-east diffusion model. The earliest evidence of cultivation in the FC dates to only around 10,000 BCE. Also, contrary to the notion of a Biblical “cradle of civilization” which has persisted in modern scholarly discourse, even within the FC, there are believed to have been multiple, independent centres for the establishment of agriculture.
The commencement of agriculture virtually at the southernmost tip of the subcontinent, that too almost immediately after the onset of a favourable climactic spell as long ago as the 16th millennium BCE, unambiguously means that agriculture was indigenous to the subcontinent. This is corroborated by the fact that the establishment and progress of agriculture in various regions of India followed the strengthening monsoon over the millennia.

Did agriculture go to the Fertile Crescent from India?

Although the data from the subcontinent is still far from complete, this is now a possibility worth considering. The key is the regional climate, and the vegetation it would have supported. Between 15,000 BCE and 13,000 BCE, the Near East was a cold, open landscape, covered with plants like Chenopodiaceae and Artemisia. Thereafter, up to around 10,500 BCE, an increase in temperature and humidity led to the expansion of deciduous oak forests, as well as grasslands. The plant products that people living here may have used for food include nuts like pistachios, almonds and chestnuts, and edible fruits and roots that grew wild in the forests. At the same time, wild barleys, wheats and ryes made their appearance in the grasslands, and there is  evidence that, from around 11,000 BCE, these made their way for the first time into the diet of the people living in Abu Hureyra on the banks of the Euphrates in present-day Syria. However, at this time, there is no evidence of these species being cultivated, and the lifestyle of the local population was clearly one of hunting-gathering. This is almost exactly the same time from when we have the earliest discovered burnt rice grains in the Lahuradewa region, where the onset of slash-and-burn agriculture seems to go back at least a further two millennia.
Then, against the grain around 10,000 BCE, there was an abrupt regression to a colder climate, and the time of plenty came to an end. This cold phase, called the Younger Dryas, caused the grasslands to retreat, and reduced the availability of the wild plants like pistachio, almond and wild fruits, that had provided ready food for the hunter-gatherers, forcing them to look for greater food security by harnessing the cereals that were growing in the wild. Around 10,000 BCE, the first evidence of plant cultivation and livestock appears in the Ghab Valley in Northwest Syria. Around 9000 BCE we have evidence of the use of fire to systematically clear large swathes of the oak forests for agriculture.
The contrast with the subcontinent is very sharp. Whereas in the subcontinent, agriculture began as a spontaneous enterprise as soon as the climate turned conducive, a sudden, sharp glacial spell is needed to force a resort to plant domestication for food security in the FC. Better preservation means that there is earlier evidence (9th millennium BCE, to be precise) of crop “packages” comprising cereals, legumes and fruits in the FC than is available from the subcontinent, such as in Jhusi. However, that itself does not substantiate the “accepted view” that agriculture arrived in India from the west. Indeed, if one weighs the archaeological evidence properly and looks closely at the process of development of agriculture itself, the opposite appears the more logical conclusion.
Contrary to what we have been made to believe by our textbooks, the dates for the onset of agriculture in the FC – and indeed every stage of development – are at least two millennia later than those on the subcontinent, as described above. This is the inevitable result of the differences in climate in the two regions. Given the relatively abrupt appearance of cultivation practices in the FC, is it unreasonable to ask if agriculture may have actually come to the FC from India? After all, the subcontinent not only had an older agricultural tradition, but had also developed a diverse crop record to suit a range of climates much earlier, as can be seen from the Horton Plains. It is not necessary for crops themselves to have spread from one region to another, although that may inevitably have happened over time. Wild varieties of barley and wheat were probably native to both regions, and each region cultivated local varieties. However, India, with its clear head start, could have provided the FC with the knowhow for cultivating the right type of crops that could provide food security in the harsh Younger Dryas, which caught the so-called “cradle of civilisation” napping. The wild legumes and lentils that the hunter-gatherers of Abu Hureyra relied on for food, for instance, vanished completely for many centuries, and wild ryes and wheats dropped sharply, as they became unavailable in the cold weather, inspite of the fact that Abu Hureyra was one of the best-provided areas in terms of plants as well as animals that could be exploited for food. When domestication of wheats and ryes started here in the Dryas, and the legumes made their return, the grasslands could not have been re-established. Before the onset of the Dryas, given the easy availability of wild fruits, roots and tubers, wild grains were probably not a major source of food. So how did this leap in agriculture from an almost non-existent baseline happen in a hostile climate? The Horton Plains dwellers would have started agriculture from nothing too, but theirs had clearly been a conscientious endeavour to exploit a favourable climate. Could an external stimulus have helped the Abu Hureyra hunter-gatherers, and other communities like theirs elsewhere in the FC, find their feet?
An indication, if not an outright answer, is provided by the history of domestication of the grape (Vitis vinifera). It is commonly believed that the grape was domesticated around 7000 years ago somewhere in the South Caucasus, from where it spread all over the FC, and reached Egypt and Europe around 5000 years ago. As usual, the archaeological evidence from India is ignored. As mentioned above, grape has been found among other crops from the Neolithic period dating back to at least 8000 years ago at Jhusi. It is possible this early Indian cultivar may have died out, but without even factoring the archaeological evidence in, India cannot now be ruled out as the home of the grape, in which case, we would have a Neolithic-era spread of a crop from India to the FC and beyond.
The history of agriculture in India dates back to the 16th millennium BCE, when it started as a spontaneous endeavour to exploit the onset of favourable climate. Interestingly, the domestication of bovine species started near-simultaneously. Thus, the traditional strong connection between cattle-rearing and cultivation of crops is as old as the start of agriculture itself. This phenomenon is repeated in the Mehrgarh Neolithic, where the native Bos indicus appears to have predominated over the rearing of goats and sheep, implying continuity in agricultural practices in the subcontinent over several millennia even from this early time. New and significant findings continue to deepen our understanding of its origins and evolution, and may eventually turn the long-held and often-repeated theories of agriculture having arrived in India from the Fertile Crescent in the Near East, on their head.
The author is grateful to Dr. Biswajeet Thakur, Scientist, Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, Lucknow, for insightful comments. Views expressed are the author’s own.

https://www.scribd.com/document/435587301/Spread-of-Agriculture-in-EastAsia-StevensFuller2017

Annaikottai and Tissamaharama bi-scripts of Indus Script & Brāhmi refer to metalwork trade

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https://tinyurl.com/uct98ka


This monograph is presented in two sections dealing with inscriptions found in Sri Lanka which include both Indus Script hieroglyphs and Brāhmi syllables.

Section 1. Annaikottai seal inscription

Section 2: Tissamaharama inscription

The continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs on these two inscriptions is consistent with the fact that millions of early coins from mints also signified the Indus Script hieroglyphs to signify the wealth resources worked on in the mints. Indus Script is also used as top line on pre-Mauryan Sohgaura copper plate inscription. See:
https://tinyurl.com/uct98ka

The focus of this monograph is on the Indus Script hieroglyphs on these inscriptions while recognizing variant readings of Brāhmi syllables included in the inscriptions. It is seen that on both the inscriptions, the combination of Brāhmi syllables is NOT intended to be a transliteration of Indus Script readings but as signifiers of personal titles/names and of trade contract. Thus, Annaikottai seal Brāhmi syllables signify ko-veta'chieftain'; the Tissamaharam Brāhmi syllables signify tiraLi muRi 'agreement of the assembly'.

The accompanying Indus Script hieroglyphs amplify the Brāhmi message by adding on Annaikottai Brāhmi inscription 'metalcasting smithy, mint' and on Tissamaharama Brāhmi
 inscription, the agreement is between iron ore smelter, smith (Sign 18) and iron ore metal infusion smith (Sign 1)-- i.e., between persons signified by Sign 18 and Sign 1 (read from r.. to l.). If the ligature on Sign 1 is read as an arch, the reading is: manda 'arch' rebus: manda'warehouse'. Thus, Sign 1 variant on seal (with an arch atop the standing person) may read as mint warehouse.
 See: 

 https://tinyurl.com/rbqnfzu


Indus Scripthieroglyphs used on Annaikottai seal


  Sign307, Sign 162, Sign 162 of Indus Script

 Decipherment of Indus Script hieroglyphs: 
kamaḍha'archer' Rebus: kammaṭa'mint, gold furnace' PLUS 
kāˊṇḍa 'arrow' rebus: khṇḍa 'equipment' (See Santali expression shown below) PLUS kolmo'rice-plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS dula'duplicated' rebus: dul'metalcasting'. Thus, metalcasting smithy, mint.


Indus Script hieroglyphs used on Tissamaharama inscription

Indus Script hieroglyphs used on Annaikottai seal inscription compare with Sign 18 and Sign 1 of Indus Script Sign 1 is shown as a variant on an Indus Script seal with a standing person wearing a scarf as a pigtail. 

The standing person with pigtail (sacrf) compares with a standing person on an Indus Script seal

These two Indus Script hieroglyphs on Annaikottai seal have been deciphered: 

Sign 18: eraka 'upraised arm' rebus: arka, 'copper, gold'; eraka 'metal infusion,moltencast' PLUS meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron'. Thus, iron metal infusion (smith)

Sign 1 (with variant of scarf as pigtail): meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' PLUS dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu, 'mineral ore'. Thus, iron ore.( smelter, smith).

Framework:maNDA 'framework' rebus: manDA 'warehouse' PLUS text message:  
h179A, B 4307 Pict-83: Person wearing a diadem or tall W head-dress standing within an ornamented arch; there are two stars on either side, at the bottom of the arch.

Hieroglyph: कर्णक (ifc. f(आ).) 'a tendril' Rebus: कर्णक 'scribe, steersan' PLUS maNDA 'framework' rebus: manDA 'warehouse'.Thus, warehouse scribe, steersman. The three prongs as head-dress or crown of the standing person: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

Sign48 baraḍo 'spine, backbone' rebus: baran, bharat 'mixed alloys' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi)

kāmṭhiyɔ kāmaṭhiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.) (CDIAL 2760) rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner' ...

Sign 342 kanda kanka 'Equipment supercargo'

Pictorial motif of arch on h179 tablet

maṇḍa ʻ some sort of framework (?) ʼ. [In nau -- maṇḍḗ n. du. ʻ the two sets of poles rising from the thwarts or the two bamboo covers of a boat (?) ʼ ŚBr. (as illustrated in BPL p. 42); and in BHSk. and Pa. bōdhi -- maṇḍa -- n. perh. ʻ thatched cover ʼ rather than ʻ raised platform ʼ (BHS ii 402). If so, it may belong to maṇḍapá -- and maṭha -- ]Ku. mã̄ṛā m. pl. ʻ shed, resthouse ʼ (if not < *mã̄ṛhā < *maṇḍhaka -- s.v. maṇḍapá -- ).(CDIAL 9737) maṇḍapa m.n. ʻ open temporary shed, pavilion ʼ Hariv., ˚pikā -- f. ʻ small pavilion, customs house ʼ Kād. 2. maṇṭapa -- m.n. lex. 3. *maṇḍhaka -- . [Variation of ṇḍ with ṇṭ supports supposition of non -- Aryan origin in Wackernagel AiGr ii 2, 212: see EWA ii 557. -- Prob. of same origin as maṭha -- 1 and maṇḍa -- 6 with which NIA. words largely collide in meaning and form]1. Pa. maṇḍapa -- m. ʻ temporary shed for festive occasions ʼ; Pk. maṁḍava -- m. ʻ temporary erection, booth covered with creepers ʼ, ˚viā -- f. ʻ small do. ʼ; Phal. maṇḍau m. ʻ wooden gallery outside a house ʼ; K. manḍav m. ʻ a kind of house found in forest villages ʼ; S. manahũ m. ʻ shed, thatched roof ʼ; Ku. mãṛyāmanyā ʻ resthouse ʼ; N. kāṭhmã̄ṛau ʻ the city of Kathmandu ʼ (kāṭh -- < kāṣṭhá -- ); Or. maṇḍuā̆ ʻ raised and shaded pavilion ʼ, paṭā -- maṇḍoi ʻ pavilion laid over with planks below roof ʼ, muṇḍoi˚ḍei ʻ raised unroofed platform ʼ; Bi. mã̄ṛo ʻ roof of betel plantation ʼ, mãṛuāmaṛ˚malwā ʻ lean -- to thatch against a wall ʼ, maṛaī ʻ watcher's shed on ground without platform ʼ; Mth. māṛab ʻ roof of betel plantation ʼ, maṛwā ʻ open erection in courtyard for festive occasions ʼ; OAw. māṁḍava m. ʻ wedding canopy ʼ; H. mãṛwā m., ˚wī f., maṇḍwā m., ˚wī f. ʻ arbour, temporary erection, pavilion ʼ, OMarw. maṁḍavomāḍhivo m.; G. mã̄ḍav m. ʻ thatched open shed ʼ, mã̄ḍvɔ m. ʻ booth ʼ, mã̄ḍvī f. ʻ slightly raised platform before door of a house, customs house ʼ, mã̄ḍaviyɔ m. ʻ member of bride's party ʼ; M. mã̄ḍav m. ʻ pavilion for festivals ʼ, mã̄ḍvī f. ʻ small canopy over an idol ʼ; Si. maḍu -- va ʻ hut ʼ, maḍa ʻ open hall ʼ SigGr ii 452.
2. Ko. māṁṭav ʻ open pavilion ʼ.3. H. mã̄ḍhāmāṛhāmãḍhā m. ʻ temporary shed, arbour ʼ (cf. OMarw. māḍhivo in 1); -- Ku. mã̄ṛā m.pl. ʻ shed, resthouse ʼ (or < maṇḍa -- 6?]
*chāyāmaṇḍapa -- .Addenda: maṇḍapa -- : S.kcch. māṇḍhvo m. ʻ booth, canopy ʼ.(CDIAL 9740) Rebus: maṇḍā 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani) 

With these readigs of the Indus Script hieroglyphs on Annaikottai seal, the Brāhmi inscription read by Mahadevan seems concordant with the message of 

Tirali Muri  'written agreement of the assembly'.


Section 1. Annaikottai (variant spelling Annaicoddai) seal inscription

https://tinyurl.com/yfkq6fap
Image result for tree indus script
Metal seal is discovered by prof. Indrapala of Jaffna (The Hindu dated 28th Aptil 1981 )

kamaḍha 'archer'; kamāṭhiyo = archer; kāmaṭhum = a bow; kāmaḍ, kāmaḍum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kāmaṭhiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.lex.) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.)

kāˊṇḍa (kāṇḍá -- TS.) m.n. ʻ single joint of a plant ʼ AV., ʻ arrow ʼ MBh., ʻ cluster, heap ʼ (in tr̥ṇa -- kāṇḍa -- Pāṇ. Kāś.). [Poss. connexion with gaṇḍa -- 2 makes prob. non -- Aryan origin (not with P. Tedesco Language 22, 190 < kr̥ntáti). Prob. ← Drav., cf. Tam. kaṇ ʻ joint of bamboo or sugarcane ʼ EWA i 197]Pa. kaṇḍa -- m.n. ʻ joint of stalk, stalk, arrow, lump ʼ; Pk. kaṁḍa -- , °aya -- m.n. ʻ knot of bough, bough, stick ʼ; Ash. kaṇ ʻ arrow ʼ, Kt. kåṇ, Wg. kāṇkŕãdotdot;, Pr. kə̃, Dm. kā̆n; Paš. lauṛ. kāṇḍkāṇ, ar. kōṇ, kuṛ. kō̃, dar. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ torch ʼ; Shum. kō̃ṛkō̃ ʻ arrow ʼ, Gaw. kāṇḍ,kāṇ; Kho. kan ʻ tree, large bush ʼ; Bshk. kāˋ'n ʻ arrow ʼ, Tor. kan m., Sv. kã̄ṛa, Phal. kōṇ, Sh. gil. kōn f. (→ Ḍ. kōn, pl. kāna f.), pales. kōṇ; K. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ stalk of a reed, straw ʼ (kān m. ʻ arrow ʼ ← Sh.?); S. kānu m. ʻ arrow ʼ, °no m. ʻ reed ʼ, °nī f. ʻ topmost joint of the reed Sara, reed pen, stalk, straw, porcupine's quill ʼ; L. kānã̄ m. ʻ stalk of the reed Sara ʼ, °nī˜ f. ʻ pen, small spear ʼ; P. kānnā m. ʻ the reed Saccharum munja, reed in a weaver's warp ʼ, kānī f. ʻ arrow ʼ; WPah. bhal. kān n. ʻ arrow ʼ, jaun. kã̄ḍ; N. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛo ʻ rafter ʼ; A. kã̄r ʻ arrow ʼ; B. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛāʻ oil vessel made of bamboo joint, needle of bamboo for netting ʼ, kẽṛiyā ʻ wooden or earthen vessel for oil &c. ʼ; Or. kāṇḍakã̄ṛ ʻ stalk, arrow ʼ; Bi. kã̄ṛā ʻ stem of muñja grass (used for thatching) ʼ; Mth. kã̄ṛ ʻ stack of stalks of large millet ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ wooden milkpail ʼ; Bhoj. kaṇḍā ʻ reeds ʼ; H. kã̄ṛī f. ʻ rafter, yoke ʼ, kaṇḍā m. ʻ reed, bush ʼ (← EP.?); G. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ joint, bough, arrow ʼ, °ḍũ n. ʻ wrist ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint, bough, arrow, lucifer match ʼ; M. kã̄ḍ n. ʻ trunk, stem ʼ, °ḍẽ n. ʻ joint, knot, stem, straw ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint of sugarcane, shoot of root (of ginger, &c.) ʼ; Si. kaḍaya ʻ arrow ʼ. -- Deriv. A. kāriyāiba ʻ to shoot with an arrow ʼ.kāˊṇḍīra -- ; *kāṇḍakara -- , *kāṇḍārā -- ; *dēhīkāṇḍa -- Add.Addenda: kāˊṇḍa -- [< IE. *kondo -- , Gk. kondu/los ʻ knuckle ʼ, ko/ndos ʻ ankle ʼ T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 55]S.kcch. kāṇḍī f. ʻ lucifer match ʼ? *kāṇḍakara ʻ worker with reeds or arrows ʼ. [kāˊṇḍa -- , kará -- 1]L. kanērā m. ʻ mat -- maker ʼ; H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers ʼ. *kāṇḍārā ʻ bamboo -- goad ʼ. [kāˊṇḍa -- , āˊrā -- ]Mth. (ETirhut) kanār ʻ bamboo -- goad for young elephants ʼ < *ka&rtodtilde;ār. kāˊṇḍīra ʻ armed with arrows ʼ Pāṇ., m. ʻ archer ʼ lex. [kāˊṇḍa -- ]H. kanīrā m. ʻ a caste (usu. of arrow -- makers) ʼ.(CDIAL 3023 to 3026).

Hieroglyph: arrow
Sign 211 kaṇḍa ‘arrow’; Rebus: kaṇḍ = a furnace, altar (Santali) khaṇḍa 'implements' (Santali)
 
Tamil-Brāhmi inscriptions mixed in with Megalithic Graffiti Symbols found in Annaikottai, Sri Lanka.

The two duplicated graffiti symbols resemble and may be variants of Sign 162of Indus Script.

This sign 162 is read in Meluhha rebus as: kolmo 'rice-plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS dula 'duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'. Thus, metalcasting smithy.

The following details are taken from wikipedia.

[quote]Annaicoddai Seal is a steatite seal that was found in AnnaicoddaiSri Lanka during archeological excavations of a megalithic burial site by a team of researchers from the Jaffna University. The seal contains some of the oldest inscriptions in Tamil-
Brāhmi mixed with Megalithic Graffiti symbols found on the island and is dated to early 3rd or late 4th century BC. Although many pottery fragments have been found in excavations throughout Sri Lanka and Southern India that had both varieties of Brāhmi and Megalithic Graffiti Symbols side by side, Annaicoddai seal is distinguished by having each written in a manner that indicates that the Megalithic Graffiti Symbols may be a translation of the Brahmi characters. Read from right to left, the legend is read as ‘Koveta’ (Ko-vet-a). Linguists read it as in South Dravidian or early Tamil indicating a chieftain or king. Similar inscriptions have been found throughout ancient Tamilakam, in modern day South India. (Indrapala, Karthigesu (2007). The evolution of an ethnic identity: The Tamils in Sri Lanka C. 300 BCE to C. 1200 CE. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa, pp. 337–338Raghupathy, Ponnambalam (1987). Early settlements in Jaffna, an archaeological surveyMadras: Raghupathy, pp. 199-204). Investigators disagree on whether Megalithic Graffiti Symbols found in South India and Sri Lanka constitute an ancient writing system that preceded the introduction and widespread acceptance of Brāhmi variant scripts or non lithic symbols. The purpose of usage remains unclear. (Boivin, Nicole; Korisettar, Ravi; Venkatasubbaiah, P.C (2003), "Megalithic Markings in Context: graffiti marks on burial pots from Kudatini, Karnataka", South Asian Studies19 (1): 21–33, pp. 29-31). [unquote]


Section 2: Tissamaharama inscription

Readings of Tissamaharama inscription with bi-script, Brāhmi syllables and Indus Script hieroglyphs

-- variant readings by Mahadevan and Ragupathy

Mahadevan reads the meaning of Tirali Muri as written agreement of the assembly. He further postulates that it indicates the presence of a Tamil trade guild in Southern Sri Lanka in the 2nd century BCE.

P. Ragupathy reads it as indicating a vessel specified for the purpose of serving rice portionsHe postulates that it indicates the presence of common people not a trade guild.

For ready reference, the texts of some of the URL links are appended.

Tissamaharama potsherd evidences ordinary early Tamils among population

[TamilNet, Wednesday, 28 July 2010, 03:18 GMT]
A potsherd inscription in Tamil 
Brāhmi found some times back in an archaeological excavation by a German team at Tissamaharama in the Hambantota district of the Southern Province of Sri Lanka can be interpreted as meaning an equipment to measure, and thus evidences the presence of ordinary Tamil speaking people in the population of that region as early as at 2200 years before present, says archaeologist and epigraphist, Ponnampalam Ragupathy. The identification of the script of the legend as Tamil Brāhmi and the decipherment getting the reading Thira’li Mu’ri in Tamil by veteran epigraphist Iravatham Mahadevan in an article last month in The Hindu, has stirred interest of the archaeological circles in the island to unearth this old find from obscurity to limelight.
Tissamaharama
Inscribed potsherd from archaeological excavation at Tissamaharama, Hambantota District, Sri Lanka: From left to right the first letter is Li, second one is ra and the third one is ti. From right to left they are read as tiraLi. The fourth and fifth ones are symbols or graffiti marks. The sixth letter is mu and the seventh one is Ri. The last two are read from left to right as muRi. A little away is found a vertical line that perhaps marks the end of the legend. [Image courtesy: Department of Archaeology, Sri Lanka and the academics who sent it]


Full text of the article by Dr. P. Ragupathy:

An inscribed piece of pottery from Tissamaharama

An inscribed piece of Black and Red Ware pottery was found in the archaeological excavations at Tissamaharama in the Hambantota District of Southern Province, Sri Lanka, sometimes back.

Information of the find, along with decipherment of the legend, appeared in The Hindu on 24th June, in an article “An Epigraphic Perspective on the Antiquity of Tamil,” written by veteran epigraphist Iravatam Mahadevan. His article has kindled interest in the official circles of archaeology in Sri Lanka to take notice of the find, which was hitherto not brought by them to the knowledge of the public.

According to Iravatam Mahadevan, the piece of pottery was found in the earliest layer of the excavation and the German scholars who undertook the excavation provisionally dated it to around 200 BCE.

Mahadevan, who identifies the writing on the pottery as Tamil in the Tamil 
Brāhmi script, reads it as “tiraLi muRi” and interprets it as “written agreement of the assembly”.

“The inscription bears testimony to the presence in southern Sri Lanka of a local Tamil merchant community organised in a guild to conduct inland and maritime trade as early as at the close of the 3rd century BCE,” he further says in the article.

A few days ago, the present writer received a clear photograph and a drawing of the pottery sent by academic sources in Sri Lanka seeking opinion.

A perusal of the pottery legend as it appears in the photographs show that Iravatham Mahadevan’s identification of the script as Tamil 
Brāhmi and his reading of the legend in Tamil could hardly be challenged. But there are possibilities of alternative interpretations.

The legend is a combination of readable Tamil 
Brāhmi and unreadable graffiti or symbols that usually appear in megalithic and early historic pottery.

From left to right, the first three are 
Brāhmi letters, the next two are symbols and the following last two letters are again in Brāhmi. There is a vertical line, a little bit away from the legend that perhaps marks the end of the legend like a full stop.

Mahadevan reads the first three letters from right to left to get the reading ‘thiraLi’ and reads the last two letters from left to right to get the reading ‘muRi,’ keeping the unreadable symbols in the middle.
Brāhmi was usually written from left to right just like all the South Asian-origin scripts of today. In the very few occasions when Tamil Brāhmi was found written from right to left, the letters were inverted to serve the purpose of reading it from the above. (Mahadevan, I., 2003, Early Tamil Epigraphy p 179-180).

However, in the island of Sri Lanka, some examples have already been noticed in which 
Brāhmi was found written from right to left without inverting the letters, indicating that even though obscure it was a writing practice in the island. (Paranavitana 1970, Inscriptions of Ceylon Vol I, plate xxii; Karunaratne. S., 1984, cited by Mahadevan, ibid. p.180).

But, perhaps this is the first time, a single legend is partly read from right to left and partly read from left to right, keeping symbols in the middle. The reason for this way of the writing in the pottery needs investigation.

From left to right, the first letter of the pottery legend is a clear Tamil B
BrāhmiLi’ (palatal L). This script is known in the Brāhmi inscriptions of Sri Lanka too. No word begins from this letter in the known diction of Tamil, Sinhala, Prakrit or Sanskrit. Mahadevan is logical in reading the three letters placed left to the symbols from right to left to get the meaningful word ‘tiraLi’.

The last letter of the legend (as counted from left to right) is a clear Tamil 
Brāhmi script ‘Ri’ (retroflex R). A few years ago Prof. P. Pushparatnam identified the presence of retroflex R in the Brāhmi inscriptions of Sri Lanka. (Pushparatnam. P., cited by Mahadevan I., ibid., p.195).

Once again Mahadevan is logical in reading the last two letters placed right to the symbols from left to right to get the meaningful word ‘muRi’,

But why the legend meaning “written agreement of the assembly” of trade guild connotations according to Mahadevan, should appear on a small pottery of day-to-day use is a question.

Such pottery legends usually mark individual ownership, serving the purpose of identification.

Both ‘tiraLi’ and ‘muRi’ are connected to the words tiraL, muRi and muRai, listed as Tamil words in the Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (entries, 3245, 5008, 5010 and 5015).

The word ‘muRi’ as a noun has several shades of meaning in Tamil. In its literary usages it means sprout or young leaf in Cankam diction; writing, deed, document, written agreement etc in early medieval diction and settlement in old lexicons (Glossary of Historical Tamil Literature, Santi Sadhana, p.2028).

The word ‘muRai’, apart from agreement, approved code of conduct etc (DED 5015), also means share (panku), measure (aLavu) and portion (pakuti) in the Cankam diction itself. (nattiNai 336:6; neTunalvaaTai 70, 177)

The latter shades of meanings are from the verb form of the word muRi, which means ‘to divide, break down etc’ (DED 5008). In the lexicons muRai also means anything that is amassed (kooTTu). (Pinkalam 10:953).

In some instances of usage in Tamil inscriptions muRi means a division of land (DED 5008, Glossary of Tamil Inscriptions, Santi Sadhana, p.510).

Interestingly in a surviving usage of contemporary Eezham Tamil, muRi means a chunk, portion etc (as in ‘meen muRi’ for a piece of fish in the curry).

The shade of meaning, deed, agreement or written bond for the word muRi is found for the first time only in the devotional literature of the 7th century CE (Glossary of Historical Tamil Literature, ibid.). This shade of meaning must have come from the Cankam usage of the word for leaf. But the meanings share, division, measure etc from the verb root muRi are older shades of meaning as found in muRai and are more or less contemporaneous in usage to the pottery legend under discussion.

Therefore, it may be more appropriate to consider that the word ‘muRi’ in the potsherd legend means a measuring utensil or a standard cubic measure. The pottery in question is a flat bottomed and raised edged dish. But it is deep enough to be a cubic measure.

Interestingly, the other word ‘tiraLi’ could also mean the same – ‘an equipment to amass’.

The word ‘tiraL’ as a verb means, to become round, globular, assemble, congregate, collect in large numbers, accumulate, abound etc (DED 3245) and as a noun or adjective means, mass, matured produce, group, ball of rice, society, heap, pearl, congregation of people etc (Glossary of Historical Tamil Literature p.1049).

Even though tiraL could mean an assembly of people, neither the word nor the derivate tiraLi was ever found used to indicate a trade guild.

In fact, in available Tamil diction tiraLi as a noun only means a kind of fish. Another derivate tiraLai means a ball of cooked rice.

However, originating from the verb root tiraL, the word tiraLi could very well mean a utensil or equipment that was used in amassing commodities - in other words a cubic measure.

In this context, note the word-formation ‘uruLi’ in Malayalam for a particular type of vessel, originating from the verb root ‘uruL’ (to round).

There is another possibility that tiraLi muRi may mean ‘a mould for cooked rice’ or a measure for rice balls (from tiraLai). Various dishes made of cooked rice are served in the temples in the moulded form even today.

Such moulded rice items served in the temples are called taLikai (taLicai, taLucai, taLacil in Eezham Tamil), because, they are moulded by a type of eating-vessel or dish called by the same name taLikai.

Temples used to keep a separate vessel called taLikaik-ki’n’nam for this purpose (Winslow’s Tamil Dictionary). This vessel is used in inverted way.

Until recent past, payment of daily wages to certain categories of workers was in the form of cooked and moulded portions of rice, specified in numbers. Standard vessels of measurement must have been used for moulding the portions.

One could also see this practice in serving rice in the restaurants of Tamil Nadu. They use a dish-mould for serving uniform portions of rice.

Therefore, if considered as one phrase, 'tiraLi muRi' from the usages tiraL or tiraLai (rice ball) and muRi (portion) could also be interpreted as the vessel specified for the purpose of serving rice portions.

But the fact that one word being written from right to left and the other word from left to right brings out the question whether both words could make one phrase.

Probably tiraLi and muRi as discussed earlier are used as synonyms in this instance, individually meaning an equipment of cubic measure. One word was written right to left and the other left to right, keeping the symbols in the middle.

This also means that the symbols or graffiti at the centre were given the foremost importance in the legend and were probably incised first before writing the words in either direction in 
Brāhmi. Whether the symbols or graffiti have anything to do with the meaning of the words needs further research.

One word written in an unusual way, right to left, beginning from one symbol, and the other word written left to right beginning from the other symbol, may probably mean that there was an effort in the legend to convey that the words in phonetic writing are equivalents to the graffiti.

Megalithic graffiti, the lineage of which is traced back to the Indus Writing, appearing along with phonetic 
Brāhmi in suggesting ways, that too in combination with Tamil/Dravidian words during the transition period of megalithic into early historic, is a very significant topic for serious further investigation. In fact, the topic is of wider academic significance.
Anaikkoaddai
Graffiti in the first line and Brāhmi in the second line. A seal from the Megalithic burial at Aanaikkoaddai, Jaffna. Read from right to left as it is a seal, the Brāhmi legend is deciphered as 'Koveta' (Kō-vēt-a), which in Tamil / Dravidian means: the King's. The three components of the word, which are independently meaningful, may correspond to the three graffiti above. This steatite seal was probably a part of a signet ring. [Image courtesy: Early Settlements in Jaffna, 1987]
In 1980, a similar find, a steatite seal having graffiti in the first line and Brāhmi in the second line, has been found in the excavation of a megalithic burial at Aanaikkoaddai in the Jaffna Peninsula and its significance has already been discussed by two of the excavators (Indrapala, K., 26-04-1981, The Hindu; 2006, The Evolution of an Ethnic Identity, pp 337-338; Ragupathy. P., 09-07-1981, The Hindu; 1987, Early Settlements in Jaffna: An Archaeological Survey, pp. 199-204).

Many pottery fragments having legends written in the combination of 
Brāhmi and graffiti have also been found in the excavations of the megalithic site at Kodumanal in Tamil Nadu by Y. Subbarayalu and K. Rajan. (Subbarayalu. Y., 1988 and 1996, unpublished, cited by Mahadevan. I., ibid., pp. 206-210).

As far as the Tissamaharama find is concerned it may not perhaps mean the presence of a Tamil trade guild but means the presence of ordinary Tamil speaking people in the population.

Dr. P. Ragupathy taught archaeology at the University of Jaffna in the early 1980s, was Professor of South Asian Studies and Head of the Postgraduate Departments at the Utkal University of Culture, Bhubaneswar, and for a brief period served as consultant at the National Centre for Linguistic and Historical Research in the Republic of Maldives. He has authored Early Settlements in Jaffna: An Archaeological Survey (1987), An Etymological Dictionary of Maldivian Island Names (2008) and has co-authored Inscriptions of Maldives Vol I (2005).
The photograph of the inscribed piece of Black and Red Ware pottery, appeared in the article of Iravatham Mahadevan in The Hindu, 24th June 2010 [Image courtesy - The Hindu]


Chronology:


Related Articles:
27.06.10   Tamil Brahmi inscription found in Tissamaharama


External Links:
The Hindu: An epigraphic perspective on the antiquity of Tamil








Tissamaharama Tamil Brahmi inscription ‘missing’

[TamilNet, Thursday, 21 October 2010, 19:34 GMT]
The third century BCE potsherd inscription in Tamil language and in Tamil Brahmi script found at Tissamaharama in Hambantota district by German excavators is now missing in Sri Lanka’s Archaeology Department, informed sources said. The inscription found sometimes back was not included in the excavation reports of the Archaeology Department. Photo and decipherment of the inscription was brought out by Iravatam Mahadevan in The Hindu in June this year, followed by TamilNet. Meanwhile, accusing TamilNet for false publications, Dr. Susantha Goonatilleke in an article posted by transcurrents.com and published by Daily Mirror said that TamilNet had recently published inscriptions claimed to be from the South of Sri Lanka, which nobody in the Archaeology Department had seen.

Tissamaharama
Inscribed potsherd from archaeological excavation at Tissamaharama, Hambantota District, Sri Lanka: From left to right the first letter is Li, second one is ra and the third one is ti. From right to left they are read as tiraLi. The fourth and fifth ones are symbols or graffiti marks. The sixth letter is mu and the seventh one is Ri. The last two are read from left to right as muRi. A little away is found a vertical line that perhaps marks the end of the legend. [Image courtesy: Department of Archaeology, Sri Lanka and the academics who sent it]


The article of Susantha Goonatilake, a Sinhalese sociologist, appeared in Daily Mirror with the title “Fictional LTTE archaeology continues” and posted in transcurrents.com run by D.B.S Jeyaraj titled as "Tamilnet site is best witness to the separatist project being lost".

Apart from the photograph appeared in The Hindu, TamilNet has brought out another photograph of the potsherd inscription and a drawing of it made by the German excavator and a staff member of the Archaeology Department. Their names could be found in the drawing. (See image above)

Godawaya
The Late Brahmi inscription found on a rock at the Buddhist temple at Godawaya. The marked part in the inscription gives the ancient name of the port, Goda-pavata Patana. [Image courtesy: archaeology.lk. Marking by TamilNet]
In another instance, TamilNet published a Brahmi inscription still found on a rock at Godawaya temple in Hambantota district and was published by Paranavitana long back, giving the name of the place in Dravidian mixed with Prakrit. (See image on the right)

Some years ago, M S Nagaraja Rao, former Director General of Archaeology of the Archaeological Survey of India is said to have misidentified a megalithic grey ware potsherd found in the island as Painted Gray Ware pottery of the Gangetic plains. It was prestigiously displayed by the Archaeology Department in its museum at Anuradhapura in the 1990s, as an evidence for the arrival of ‘Aryans’. Recently also Nagaraja Rao visited the island for a lecture at the National Museum Auditorium in Colombo.

Whether the Tamil Brahmi potsherd is missing just because it is Tamil Brahmi and whether there will be an open investigation on this, are questions asked in academic circles.

Another complaint of Dr. Susantha Goonatilleke is the news appeared in TamilNet on Sri Lanka Archaeology Department taking over Kanniyaa hot-water springs in Trincomalee, long considered to be a sacred place by the local Hindus who associate them with the Ravana myth.

Of course the Ravana story is a myth, but Mahavamsa is equally a myth, commented academic circles. Colombo that lures tourists from India and other countries in Southeast Asia by showing the Ravana myth in southern Sri Lanka erases it in the North and East only to replace it by the Mahavamsa myth, they pointed out.

Goonatilleke denies the existence of the Siva temple at Trincomalee for which there is a hymn in the Theavaaram of 7th century CE that gives the name of the place as Koa’na-maa-malai. Many medieval literature in Tamil, such as Koa’neasar Kalveddu and Thadcha’na Kailaasa Puraa’nam note that the temple was the predominant religious structure at Trincomalee at that time. For the Portuguese who destroyed it, both a Hindu and a Buddhist structure was a ‘Pagoda’. Goonatilleke says the temple that was destroyed by the Portuguese was Buddhist.

After the war, state sponsored vandals destroyed Saiva temples in worship in Trincomalee such as the historic Siva temple at Kangkuveali.

Goonatilleke says there was no Tamil Buddhism in the North and East and everything was part and parcel of Sinhala Buddhism. His highlight about Kantharoadai in Jaffna, one of the earliest urban centres of the island arose from the basis of Megalithic Culture of South India, is the Kadurugoda Vihara mentioned in the medieval Sinhala literature Nam Potha.

Ironically the Nam Potha cited by him very clearly says that the said Vihara, and many other such places, were in Dema’la Patanama (The city or country of the Tamils).

Buddhist archaeological sites in the North and East and Hindu archaeological sites in the rest of the island, as far south as in the Dondra Head, cannot be contested and that is not the issue. By a deeply entrenched attitude, clearly demonstrated by the majority of the people in the island, the Tamil North and East and the Sinhala South have become two separate nations is the issue and is the reality. People like Dr. Goonatilleke only reflect it, commented an academic in Jaffna.

‘Temporal and spiritual conquest’ was the model set for colonialism in the last 500 years. Dehumanising the people of a land and deny them their ownership are prerequisites and that is what the Sinhala nation is doing to the Tamil nation. When there is Army and Archaeology it is a clear case of genocide, the academic further said.

Goonatilleke says that the Colombo government should stop Jaffna university academics studying their own region.

But, what the Army and Archaeology Department of Colombo are doing in the Tamil land have already been brought out to the outside world by Jeremy Page in The Times, to the chagrin of many a colonial Sinhala academics.

During the height of the war, Dr. Goonatilleke wrote that Colombo government should permanently settle the Army along with their families in the ‘conquered’ land of Tamils and that’s what Colombo is doing now. (See related article at the end, titled 'Vision' of a Sinhala sociologist)

Tamils are not historical owners of any part of the island; they were intruders into the ‘promised land’ of Sinhala-Buddhists and now as Mahinda Rajapaksa has ‘liberated’ the North and East the Sinhala-Buddhists are free to colonise it, is the picture given in the South.

After the war there were many Sinhalese on missionary visits to Jaffna to tell the youth that how once they were Sinhala Buddhists who have now become ‘degrading’ Tamil Saivites – a small twist of the kaleidoscope to show in the North.

Modern missionaries of Sinhala-Buddhist colonialism, armed with ‘Army and Archaeology’ and people like Goonatilleke are small fry, said the Jaffna university academic.

The naked genocide and colonialism committed on the Eezham Tamil nation and the dehumanisation process that is taking place are neither recognized nor stopped by the international community or its international organizations. The powers that dominate them and dehumanise entire humanity are a party to what is happening in the island and they are the real culprits, the academic said, adding that in this respect there is an unholy alliance between Brahmanism and Buddhism of the Establishments in New Delhi and in Colombo in their long-term agenda to subjugate Tamils.

The Sinhala-Buddhist missionaries have now gone beyond the island, into Tamil Nadu, seeking background support.

While Dr. Goonatilleke denies archaeological Buddhist heritage in the North and East to Eezham Tamils of that land, Prof. Sunil Ariyaratne of the University of Sri Jayawardenapura, delivering keynote address at the Mahabodhi Society in Chennai said, “As we are nearing 2600 Buddha Jayanthi, as a Sinhala Buddhist, this is my humble dream for the future: Tamil Buddhist temples should come up in Sri Lanka; Tamil children should embrace Buddhist monkhood; Buddhism must be taught in Tamil; preaching and worshipping Buddhism in Tamil; Tamil Bikkus should have Sinhala followers and Tamil Bhikkus must visit Sinhala homes. That togetherness should be there.”

If needed for socio-political purposes Tamil Nadu can rediscover its own Buddhism without polluting its culture by genocidal Sinhala-Buddhism, the Jaffna academic said.

Tamils becoming Buddhists is not the answer as one could see how the Orientalist-rediscovered Buddhism in the island of Sri Lanka turned genocidal, the academic said.

The Dravidian Movement of Tamil Nadu, which once was the vanguard of secularism of modern Tamil culture, taking it above religions, stopped at only attacking the Brahmins and now it worships the Mammon god. Only a true secularisation of Tamil culture on either side of the Palk Strait would strengthen the Tamil geopolitics against erring Establishments and would arrest genocide and colonialism, the academic further said.



Chronology:



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External Links:

Daily Mirror: Fictional LTTE archaeology continues
https://www.tamilnet.com/art.html?catid=79&artid=32843

Ancient port near Hambantota had Dravidian name mixed with Prakrit

[TamilNet, Thursday, 16 September 2010, 18:14 GMT]
Jars, Black and Red ware pottery and some timber sections were found in 2008 at a depth of 31 metres under sea, at a probable shipwreck site around 3 km off the coast of Godawaya, between Hambantota and Ambalantota in the Southern Province. Earlier, divers retrieved a stone bench having symbols engraved on it from the site. Stone pillars, probably remains of an old maritime structure were excavated and reported in 2001 at Godawaya fishing village, while a stone anchor was found in the sea near the coast in 2003. A late Brahmi inscription of 2nd century CE found on a rock at the Buddhist temple of Godawaya gives the ancient name of the port as Goda-pavata Patana, which is largely Dravidian mixed with Prakrit.
Godawaya
Remains of a jar at the probable shipwreck site. [Image courtesy: archaeology.lk]


Rasika Muthucumarana, Maritime Archaeologist of the Maritime Archaeology Unit of the Central Cultural Fund, Galle, wrote an article Monday, “Godawaya: An Ancient Port City (2nd Century CE.) and the Recent Discovery of the Unknown Wooden Wreck”, in archaeology.lk in which he discussed the maritime finds at the site.

He cited the Late Brahmi inscription found at Godawaya, recorded by S. Paranavitana earlier, in which the old name Goda-pavata Patana is found.
Godawaya
The Late Brahmi inscription found on a rock at the Buddhist temple at Godawaya. The marked part in the inscription gives the ancient name of the port, Goda-pavata Patana. [Image courtesy: archaeology.lk. Marking by TamilNet]


“The name Godapawatha, Gota pabbata or Godawaya means, mountain with boulders (Gota – Short and round / Pabbata – Rocky Mountain),” the archaeology.lk article says (see link below).

The interpretation of the place name brought out in the article may need modification and further explanation to understand its significance, an academic comment received by TamilNet said.

The comments follow:

The inscription clearly gives the spelling of the prefix as Goda and not as Gota.

Goda in Sinhala means heap, mass or land at water’s edge. Godæalla in Sinhala is hill, mound or rising ground. Goda is a very popular place name component in Sinhala in the names of places having rocks, hillocks, rocky hills, peaks and banks. In this sense, Goda also means a village or hamlet in Sinhala.

As Goda, in one shade of its meaning stands for land at water’s edge, the verb Godabaanawaa in Sinhala means, to unship, to unload, to land, to disembark etc.
Godawaya
Stone anchor found in the sea near Godawaya. [Image courtesy: archaeology.lk]
Godawaya
Small stone bench found in the seabed at the site of a probable shipwreck, 31 metres deep and 3km off the coast of Godawaya. [Image courtesy: archaeology.lk]
Godawaya
The symbols engraved on the stone bench found at the probable shipwreck site. Keeping the Srivatsa symbol at the centre, Nandipada, fish and ladder are on either side. [Image courtesy: archaeology.lk]
Godawaya
Ruins on the Godawaya hillock. [Image courtesy: Google Earth]
Godawaya
The present stupa at Godawaya hillock. [Image courtesy: Google Earth]
Godawaya
Location of Godawaya at the old mouth of river Walawe Ganga, between Hambantota and Ambalantota. [Image courtesy: Google Earth, Legend: TamilNet]
Goda is a close cognate of Koadu in old Tamil and Malayalam, which means, hill, hillock, peak, summit of a hill and bank of waters. The word Koadu in the shades of these meanings is listed as a Dravidian word (Dravidian Etymological Dictionary 2049, 2200).

Koadu was widely used in toponymic context in the Changkam Tamil literature. It is still found in the place names of the extreme south of Tamil Nadu (ex: Vi’lavang-koadu), and more popularly in the Malayalam place names (Ex: Koazhik-koad, Kaasara-goad).

The other component ‘Pavata’ in the name of the ancient port is a Prakrit form of Sanskrit ‘Parvata’, which means a hill or mountain.

The suffix Patana is a cognate of Tamil Paddinam, which means a port, port town, coastal village or small town, and is listed as a Dravidian word (Dravidian Etymological Dictionary 3868).

Goda-pavata Patana, found in the Brahmi inscription as the ancient name for Godawaya, therefore means ‘the port-town of the rock-hill’ or ‘the port-town of the coastal hill’.

It may even simply mean ‘the port of the hillock’ if Goda and Pavata are treated as Dravidian and Prakrit synonyms put together.

Such combinations of synonyms sometimes occur in the languages of South Asia when they are put to usage-influence of Sanskrit / Prakrit. For example: Kal-aal (The banyan tree. Kal in Sanskrit and Aal in Tamil both mean the banyan tree); Gha’ntaa-ma’ni (A bell. Gha’nta in Sanskrit and Ma’ni in Tamil both mean a bell).

The inscription is in Prakrit language and it refers to the donation of the customs duties of the port to the Vihara (Buddhist monastery) at that place by king Gama’ni Abaya.

However, the place name having strong Dravidian elements in it may be suggestive that the substratum was Dravidian and the use of Prakrit in the inscription was the trend of elitism at that time, which was progressing in the replacement of language.

Interestingly, the Prakrit repetition ‘Pavata’ is dropped in the place name today, while the Dravidian ‘Goda’ survives in Godawaya, which means the expanse or stretch of the rocky hillock (Godava-yaaya > Godawaya). Perhaps with the decline of the port the Patana part is also lost.

The rocky hillock at Godawaya facing the coast, where the Buddhist temple and the inscription are located, is 58 meters high, and is the highest spot in the stretch.

Among the finds of the probable shipwreck, the small stone bench has some interesting symbols engraved on it. At the centre of the panel could be found the symbol of Srivatsa, a stylized form of Sri or Lakshmi seated. This symbol is pan South Asian since protohistoric times.

Immediately on either side of Srivatsa in the panel, there are Nandipada (bull head) symbols, then there are fish symbols on either side and finally symbols of ladder on either side. All these symbols are also known as graffiti marks in the megalithic and early historic pottery.

Near Godawaya, at Ridiyagama in the estuary of the river Walawe Ganga, large quantities of Black and Red pottery incised with megalithic graffiti marks were found in the 1990s by Osmund Bopearchchi and other archaeologists.

Many early coins with Tamil Brahmi legends were found at Tissamaharama in the same Hambantota district and some of them were identified as belonging to the Changkam rulers of the ancient Tamil country.

At Tisamaharama an inscribed Black and Red Ware piece, dateable to c. 200 BCE was found in the excavations. The legend in Tamil Brahmi script and Tamil language found on it infers the presence of ordinary people speaking Tamil in that region at that time. But this significant find was not included in the excavation report and was brought to light only recently, when I. Mahadevan wrote on it in June.
Godawaya
Godawaya located at the old mouth of the river Walawe Ganga. Note the rocky hillock marked by a circular road. The maximum height of the hillock is 58 meters above Mean Sea Level. [Image courtesy: Google Earth]


Chronology:


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21.07.07   Ællegoda


External Links:
archelogy.lk: Godawaya: an ancient port city (2nd Century CE.) and the recent discovery of the unknown wooden wreck

Palani excavation triggers fresh debate

One of the two underground chambers of the grave was remarkable for the richness of its goods: a skull and skeletal bones, a four-legged jar with two kg of paddy inside, two ring-stands inscribed with the same Tamil-Brahmi script reading “va-y-ra” (meaning diamond) and a symbol of a gem with a thread passing through it, 7,500 beads made of carnelian, steatite, quartz and agate, three pairs of iron stirrups, iron swords, knives, four-legged jars of heights ranging from few centimetres to one metre, urns, vases, plates and bowls. It was obviously a grave that belonged to a chieftain ( The Hindu , June 28, 2009 and Frontline , October 8, 2010).
When K. Rajan, Professor, Department of History, Pondicherry University, excavated this megalithic grave, little did he realise that the paddy found in the four-legged jar would be instrumental in reviving the debate on the origin of the Tamil-Brahmi script. Accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) dating of the paddy done by Beta Analysis Inc., Miami, U.S.A, assigned the paddy to 490 BCE. “Since all the goods kept in the grave including the paddy and the ring-stands with the Tamil-Brahmi script are single-time deposits, the date given to the paddy is applicable to the Tamil-Brahmi script also,” said Dr. Rajan. So the date of evolution of Tamil-Brahmi could be pushed 200 years before Asoka, he argued.
This dating, done on the Porunthal paddy sent to the U.S. laboratory by Dr. Rajan, took the antiquity of the grave belonging to the early historic age to 490 BCE, he said. It held great significance for Tamil Nadu's history, he added. This was the first time an AMS dating was done for a grave in Tamil Nadu.
There are two major divergent views on the date of Tamil-Brahmi.
While scholars such as Iravatham Mahadevan and Y. Subbarayalu hold the view that Tamil-Brahmi was introduced in Tamil Nadu after 3rd century BCE and it is, therefore, post-Asokan, some others including K.V. Ramesh, retired Director of Epigraphy, Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), consider it pre-Asokan.
According to Dr. Rajan, the AMS dating of the Porunthal paddy grains has the following implications: the context of the Tamil-Brahmi goes back to 490 BCE and it is, therefore, pre-Asokan; Tamil Nadu's ancient history can be pushed back to 5th century BCE and it was contemporary to mahajanapadas (kingdoms) such as Avanti, Kosala, Magadha and so on; paddy cultivation goes back to 5th century BCE; and it establishes that the megalithic graves introduced in the Iron Age continued into the early historic times.
When contacted, Mr. Mahadevan, a leading authority on the Tamil-Brahmi and Indus scripts, and Dr. Subbarayalu, Head, Department of Indology, French Institute of Pondicherry, said it was difficult to reach a conclusion on the basis of one single scientific dating.
Mr. Mahadevan described the dating as “interesting” but said “multiple carbon-dates are needed” for confirmation. “If there are several such cases, history has to be re-written because up to now, the scientifically proved earliest date is from Tissamaharama in southern Sri Lanka, where a Tamil-Brahmi script is dated to 200 BCE.” If there is scientific evidence that the paddy is dated to 490 BCE, “we have to sit up and take notice, and wait for confirmation,” Mr. Mahadevan said.
The Asokan-Brahmi is dated to 250 BCE. Megasthenes, the Greek Ambassador to the court of Chandragupta Maurya, Emperor Asoka's grandfather, had stated that the people of Chandragupta Maurya's kingdom did not know how to write and that they depended on memory. Besides, there is no inscription of the pre-Asoka period available. Mr. Mahadevan said: “Supposing a large number of carbon-datings are available from various sites, which will take us to the period of the Mauryas and even the Nandas, we can consider. But to push [the date of the origin of the Tamil-Brahmi script] a couple of centuries earlier with a single carbon-dating is not acceptable because chances of contamination and error are there.”
Dr. Subbarayalu also argued that on the basis of one single scientific dating, it was difficult to reach the conclusion that Tamil-Brahmi was pre-Asokan. There should be more evidence to prove that Tamil-Brahmi was earlier to the time of Asoka, in whose time was available the earliest Brahmi script in north India.
Mr. Mahadevan's conclusion that Tamil-Brahmi is post-Asokan and it had its advent from about the middle of the third century BCE is based on “concrete archaeological as well as palaeographical grounds” and this date is as yet the most reasonable one, in spite of minor points of difference on his dating of individual inscriptions, said Dr. Subbarayalu.
The date of the Tamil-Brahmi script found at Porunthal, on palaeographic basis, could be put only in the first century BCE/CE and “cannot be pushed back to such an early date [490 BCE].” The three letters “va-y-ra” found on the ring-stands were developed and belonged to the second stage of Mr. Mahadevan's dating of Tamil-Brahmi. “It is premature to revise the Tamil-Brahmi dating on the basis of a single carbon date, which is governed by complicated statistical probabilities,” Dr. Subbarayalu said. The word “vayra” is an adapted name from the Prakrit or Sanskrit “vajra” and it is difficult to explain convincingly the generally dominant Prakrit element in Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions found on rock and pot-sherds if Tamil-Brahmi is indigenous and pre-Asokan and transported from south India to north India, he says.
On the other hand, Dilip K. Chakrabarti, Emeritus Professor, Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, called the Porunthal Tamil-Brahmi script “an epoch-making discovery in the archaeology of Tamil Nadu” and said there “is no doubt” that Tamil-Brahmi belonged to the pre-Asokan period. In two of his books — “An Oxford Companion to Indian Archaeology” and “India, an Archaeological History” — he had written that the evolution of Tamil-Brahmi should go back to circa 500 BCE.
He refuted the theory that Tamil-Brahmi was post-Asokan.
Dr. Ramesh, who retired as the ASI's Joint Director-General in 1993, said the Porunthal scientific dating strengthened the argument that Tamil-Brahmi was pre-Asokan. He dismissed the assessment that Tamil-Brahmi was post-Asokan as “the argument of people who say that there cannot be pre-Asokan inscriptions.” “How can you question the scientific dating given by an American laboratory?” Dr. Ramesh said the Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions found at Mankulam, near Madurai, were pre-Asokan. [The Mankulam inscriptions are the earliest Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions and they are dated to second century BCE]. “The consonants in the Mankulam inscriptions do not have vowel value attached to them. They are pre-Asokan and the script is more rudimentary than the Asokan-Brahmi,” he claimed.
The date given by the American laboratory was “a wonderful result,” said M.R. Raghava Varier, former Professor, Department of History, Calicut University, “because the earliest date given so far to a south Indian site was 300 BCE.” The archaeological sites of Uraiyur in Tamil Nadu and Arikkamedu in Puducherry fell within the time-limit of 300 BCE and Arikkamedu belonged to a later period than Uraiyur. While the [pre-Asokan] date given to a Tamil-Brahmi inscription found at Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka “has not been proved convincingly,” there was “a convincing date” at Porunthal and it was based on a scientific dating system, said Professor Varier, who was the honorary Editor of Kerala Archaeological Series. Its importance lay in the fact that while the Asokan-Brahmi began in the 3rd century BCE, the Porunthal script could be dated to 5th century BCE, he says. “But we cannot argue that Brahmi was invented by the southern people. That is a different issue.”

Amri Indus Script inscriptions, catalogues of metalwork artifacts

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https://www.academia.edu/40979840/Amri_Indus_Script_inscriptions_catalogues_of_metalwork_artifacts

Intesab Hussain 
19 No. 2019 https://www.facebook.com/messages/t/intesab
Amri location, on the edge of the Indian Ocean, close to Persian Gulf. cf. J.M. Casal: Fouilles d’Amri, Paris 1964
Image may contain: sky, tree, outdoor and nature
Amri is pre-harappan site part of Amri culture in Jamshoro,Sindh, Pakistan (210 km from Moen-jo-Daro) which dates back to 3600 BC (believed to be older than Moen-jo-Daro). Photo taken yesterday 17 November 2019. The site is under continuous threat due to flooding of river Indus every year which is just few meters away.
Amri 1, text 9085 kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal' PLUS खांडा [khāṇḍā] m a jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'.. Thus bronze/bell-metal workshop.
ḍhakk ʻ cover,lid ʼ. rebus: dhagg ʻ throb, glitter ʼ PLUS koD 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop'. Thus, workshop for blazing, glittering metal (equipment)
Amri 2 LID hieroglyph: *ḍhakk ʻ cover ʼ. 2. *ḍhaṅk -- . [Cf. ḍhakkana -- n. ʻ shutting ʼ Śīl.]1. Pk. ḍhakkaï ʻ shuts ʼ; S. ḍhakaṇu ʻ to cover ʼ; L. ḍhakkaṇ ʻ to imprison ʼ; P. ḍhakkṇā ʻ to cover ʼ, Ku. ḍhakṇo, N. ḍhāknu, A. ḍhākiba, B. ḍhākā, Bhoj. ḍhākal, OMarw. ḍhakaï; -- Pk. ḍhakkiṇī -- f. ʻ lid ʼ, S. ḍhakkaṇī f., P. ḍhakṇā m., ˚ṇī f., WPah. bhad. ḍhakkaṇ n., Ku. ḍhākaṇ, N. ḍhakni, A. ḍhākni, B. ḍhākanḍhāknā˚ni; Bi. ḍhaknā ʻ cover of grain -- pot ʼ, Mth. ḍhākni; Bhoj. ḍhaknī ʻ lid ʼ. -- Poss. K. ḍākürü f. ʻ wide shallow basket ʼ; N. ḍhāki ʻ basket ʼ, ḍhākar ʻ a kind of large basket ʼ; Bi. mag. ḍhākā ʻ large open basket ʼ; -- P. ḍhakkā m. ʻ pass between two hills ʼ.
2. Pk. ḍhaṁkissaï ʻ will cover ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) ḍaṅgeik ʻ to cover, shut, bury ʼ; Phal. ḍhaṅg -- ʻ to bury ʼ; Or. ḍhaṅkibā ʻ to cover ʼ, H. ḍhã̄knā, Marw. ḍhã̄kṇo, G. ḍhã̄kvũ, M. ḍhã̄kṇẽ; -- Pk. ḍhaṁkaṇa -- n., ˚ṇī -- f. ʻ cover, lid ʼ, Or. ḍhāṅkuṇi, H. ḍhãknī f., G. ḍhã̄kṇũ n., ˚ṇī f., M. ḍhã̄kaṇ n., ḍhã̄kṇī f.
Addenda: *ḍhakk -- 1: S.kcch. ḍhakṇū ʻ to cover, shut (a door) ʼ, WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhàkṇõ, Garh. ḍhakṇu; A. ḍhākiba (phonet. dh -- ) ʻ to cover ʼ, G. ḍhākvũ, M. ḍhākṇẽ. (CDIAL 5574) Rebus: Blazing,bright: *dhagg ʻ throb, glitter ʼ. [Cf. dhagiti ʻ at once ʼ Kād., dhagad -- dhagiti ʻ crack! ʼ HPariś., and *ḍag -- 1] Pk. dhagadhagaï ʻ flares ʼ, dhagadhaggamāṇa -- , dhaggīkaya -- ʻ blazing ʼ; H. dhagdhagānā ʻ to throb, glitter ʼ; G. dhagdhagvũ ʻ to burn fiercely ʼ; M. dhagdhagṇẽ ʻ id., to beat (of heart) ʼ; -- S. dhakdhaki f. ʻ palpitation ʼ; N. dhakāunu ʻ to pant ʼ; B. dhak ʻ sudden blaze ʼ, dhakdhakāna ʻ to throb, glitter ʼ; Or. dhaka ʻ blaze ʼ, dhakadhaka ʻ throbbing, blazing ʼ; H. dhakdhakānādhadhaknā ʻ to blaze ʼ, G. dhakdhakvũ; M. dhakdhakṇẽ ʻ to palpitate ʼ.*dhaṅga -- ʻ defective ʼ see *ḍagga -- 2.Addenda: *dhagg -- : Ko. dhaggu ʻ heat ʼ, dhagdhagu ʻ blazing heat ʼ.(CDIAL 6704)

Amri 7Sign 162 PLUS |||| Four linear strokes

Amri 6 Meaning, artha: Trade (and metalwork wealth production) of kōnda sangara 'metalwork engraver'... PLUS (wealth categories cited.). Spiny horned young bull: konda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold'; barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: baran, bharat  'mixed alloys' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin; ranku'antelope' rebus: ranku'tin'

Amri 7 aya 'fish' rebus: ayas'alloy metal'; मैंद [ mainda ] m (A rude harrow or clodbreaker; or a machine to draw over a sown field, a drag. (Marathi) matyà n. ʻ club with iron points' मैंद mainda 'harrow' rebus: mẽṛhẽt, 'iron' (Santali) me 'iron' (Mu.Ho.); cf. Sa. mE~R~hE~'d `iron'.  ! mE~RhE~d(M).Ma. mErhE'd `iron'.Mu. mERE'd `iron'.  ~ mE~R~E~'d `iron'.  ! mENhEd(M).Ho meD `iron'.Bj. merhd (Hunter) `iron'.KW mENhEd@(V168,M080)(Munda) Rebus: med 'copper' (Slavic languages)PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'; thus, iron castings 

Hieroglyph:duplicated harrow: 
ula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS மண்டா maṇṭā, 
n. Harpoon, hog-spear with short barbed prongs; மீன் பன்றி முதலிய வற்றைக் 
குத்த உதவும் ஈட்டிவகை. (W.) मैंद [ mainda ] m (A rude harrow or clodbreaker; or a 
machine to draw over a sown field, a drag. (Marathi) matyà n. ʻ club with iron points ʼ AV., 
ʻ a kind of harrow ʼ TS. 2. *matíya -- . 3. *madya -- 2. [Cf. matīkarōti ʻ harrows ʼ AitBr., 
Pa. su -- mati -- kata -- ʻ well harrowed ʼ; -- explanation of madi -- , madikā -- 
f. ʻ a kind of harrow or roller ʼ Kr̥ṣis., madī -- f. ʻ any agricultural implement (e.g. a plough) ʼ 
lex. as MIA. forms (EWA ii 566) does not account for *madya -- in NIA.]1. 
WPah.bhal. maċċ n. ʻ implement for levelling a rice -- field ʼ (whence maċċṇū 
ʻ to level ploughed ground ʼ).2. Pk. maïya -- n. ʻ harrow ʼ; L.awāṇ. may
 ʻ implement for levelling ʼ; WPah. (Joshi) moī f. ʻ implement for smoothing land 
after sowing ʼ; Ku. mayo ʻ harrow con<-> sisting of a plank for breaking up clods after 
ploughing ʼ, gng. me ʻ harrow ʼ; A. mai ʻ harrow ʼ (whence mayāiba ʻ to harrow ʼ), 
maiṭā ʻ single bamboo with its knot on used as a ladder ʼ; B. maïmoi ʻ harrow, 
ladder, ladder used as harrow ʼ; Or. maï ʻ ladderlike harrow ʼ; H. maī f. ʻ harrow ʼ; 
M. maĩd m. ʻ rude harrow or clod breaker ʼ (+ ?).3. K. maj (gender and spelling? for *maz?)
ʻ harrow consisting of a log ʼ; P.ḍog. mãj̈ f. ʻ ladder ʼ.*vaṁśamatiya -- .Addenda: matyà -- . 
2. *matíya -- : Pah.kṭg. m&tildemacrepsilon; f. (obl. -- i) ʻ a kind of harrow ʼ; J. moī f. 
ʻ a kind of plough to smoothe land after sowing ʼ.(CDIAL 9755).

Itihāsa. Agriculture in the Vedic Period -- Mira Roy (2009)

Counting the paternal founders of Austroasiatic speakers associated with the language dispersal in South Asia -- Prajjval Pratap Singh et al (2019)

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Explains Indus Script hieroglyphs on Karen and Dongson Bronze Drums.
I have posited 1) an Ancient Maritime Tin Route through Indian Ocean which linked the largest tin belt of the globe in Ancient Far East with Ancient Near East through ancient Meluhha; and 2) that over 8000 inscriptions of Indus Script are wealth-accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues. It is significant that Indus Scrit hypertexts are used on Dong Son/Karen Bronze drums. Image result for karen bronze drumhttps://3.bp.blogspot.com/-tmQQ_-YoNzA/WVr-yq6D8fI/AAAAAAABHSU/6OMrig4CVy00ZRWXht0OGFS2RwKzQFgBwCLcBGAs/s1600/dongson.jpg This image shows Indus Script hypertexts of frog, peacock, elephant, tree on the bronze drum -- all of which signify metalwork catalogues reinforcing the Munda-Mon-Khmer links with shared vocabulary of the Tin-Bronze revolution..
Salavo bronze drums. Hieroglyphs: frog, peacock, elephant, palm tree.

tALa 'palm' rebus: dhALa 'large ingot'.

maraka 'peacock' (Santali. Mu.) Rebus: मारक loha 'a kind of calcining metal' (Samskritam)

Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h ‘ingot’.  Muha. The quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace. (Santali) karibha 'trunk of elaphant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron'. Hieroglyph: arka 'sun' Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper, gold, moltencast'. miṇḍāl ‘markhor’ 

(Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) 

 Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)



maṇḍa (Sanskrit) OMarw. ako m. ʻ frog ʼ, ṁḍakī f. ʻ small frog ʼ, 
G. me_akme°m., me_kīme° f.; M. mẽūk -- mukh n. ʻ frog -- like face ʼ. 1. Pa. maṇḍūka -- m., °kī -- f. ʻ frog ʼ, Pk. maṁḍū˘ka -- , °ūa -- , °uga -- m., (CDIAL 9746) Rebus: mẽht, me ‘iron’ 
(Mu.Ho.)

kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS. [← Drav. T. Burrow TPS 1945, 87; onomat. Mayrhofer EWA i 137. Drav. influence certain in o of M. and Si.: Tam. Kan. Mal. kokku ʻ crane ʼ, Tu. korṅgu, Tel. koṅga, Kuvi koṅgi, Kui kohko] Pa. kaṅka -- m. ʻ heron ʼ, Pk. kaṁka -- m., S. kaṅgu m. ʻ crane, heron ʼ (→ Bal. kang); B. kã̄k ʻ heron ʼ, Or. kāṅka; G. kã̄kṛũ n. ʻ a partic. ravenous bird ʼ; -- with o from Drav.: M. kõkā m. ʻ heron ʼ; Si. kokā, pl. kokku ʻ various kinds of crane or heron ʼ, kekī ʻ female crane ʼ, kēki ʻ a species of crane, the paddy bird ʼ (ē?).(CDIAL 2595) Ta. kokku common crane, Grus cinerea; stork, paddy bird; kuruku heron, stork, crane, bird, gallinaceous fowl, aṉṟil bird. Ma. kokku, kokkan, kocca, kuriyan paddy bird, heron; kuru heron. To.košk heron. 
Ka. kokku, kokkare crane; kukku heron, crane. Tu. korṅgu crane, stork. Te. koṅga, kokkera, kokkarāyi crane; pegguru, begguru (< peru-kuru) adjutant crane. Kol. (Kin.) koŋga crane.  Pa.kokkal (pl. kokkacil) id. Ga. (S) kokkāle 
(pl. kokkāsil) heron; (S.2) koŋalin (pl. koŋasil), (S.3) kokalin crane. Go. (L.) koruku id. (Voc. 921); (Mu.) kokoḍal heron, duck (Voc. 870); (Ma. Ko.) koŋga crane (Voc. 874). Kui kohko paddy bird. Kuwi (S.) kongi  (Ṭ.) kokoṛa crane. Br. xāxūr 
demoiselle crane. / Cf. Skt. kaṅka- heron; Turner, CDIAL, no. 2595.(DEDR 2125) కొంగ (p. 0313) [ koṅga ] konga. [Tel.] n. A bird of the heron or stork kind. బకము (Telugu) Rebus: kang 'brazier' (Kashmiri)

See: 

Counting the paternal founders of Austroasiatic speakers associated with the language dispersal in South Asia

No photo description available.
Prajjval Pratap SinghShani VishwakarmaGazi Nurun Nahar SultanaArno PilvarMonika KarminSiiri RootsiRichard Villems Sr.Mait MetspaluDoron BeharToomas KivisildGeorge van DriemGyaneshwer Chaubey Sr.

Two Harappa indus script inscriptions detail iron smelter bell-metal wealth categories traded

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h139

Text
dhvajapaṭa m. ʻ flag ʼ Kāv. [dhvajá -- , paṭa -- ]Pk. dhayavaḍa -- m. ʻ flag ʼ, OG. dhayavaḍa m.(CDIAL 6899) rebus: धवड dhavaḍa (Or धावड) 'smelter
ḍhāla f (S through H) The grand flag of an army directing its march and encampments: also the standard or banner of a chieftain rebus: ḍhālako 'ingot

kanac 'corner
' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal

mēṭu 'height, eminence, hillock' rebus:  
meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.)

Thus, iron smelter bell-metal.

Meaning, artha: Metalwork wealth production) PLUS (wealth/business categories of furnace (fire-altar), smelter bell-metal, iron ingots and products).



h1022कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, script’ kundana ‘fine gold’ PLUS  jākaṛ 'sangar 'trade on approval basis'

meḍ 'body' rebus: meḍ 'ironmed 'copper' (Slavic) PLUS koa 'one' rebus: ko 'workshop'
mēṭu 'height, eminence, hillock' rebus:  meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.)
kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal
dhvajapaṭa m. ʻ flag ʼ Kāv. [dhvajá -- , paṭa -- ]Pk. dhayavaḍa -- m. ʻ flag ʼ, OG. dhayavaḍa m.(CDIAL 6899) rebus: धवड dhavaḍa (Or धावड) 'smelter
ḍhāla f (S through H) The grand flag of an army directing its march and encampments: also the standard or banner of a chieftain rebus: ḍhālako 'ingot

Thus, iron smelter bell-metal

Meaning, artha: Trade (and metalwork wealth production) of sangaḍa 'joined parts of animals' (Marathi) rebus: sangar 'trade' in many categories of metalwork, mintwork ..PLUS (wealth/business categories cited above).

Three types of monkeys Indus Script hieroglyphs as gifts to Shalamaneser III; Gift of 'unicorn' as writing was given to Chinese emperor Fu Xi

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-- Three types of monkeys as gifts from Muzri to Shalamaneser III

-- Gift of writing was given to Chinese emperor Fu Xi by an Indus Script unicorn which signifies fine gold, ornament gold workshop

Many toys showing animals have been found from a number of sites of Sarasvati Civilization. I submit that these toys are Indus Script hieroglyphs and signify metalwork wealth. 

No photo description available.

Hypertext khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ 'squirrel is plaintext khār 'blacksmith' śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaa) 

https://tinyurl.com/y9ug5h9y) After presenting a long catalogue of metalwork done, the documentation is signed off by the guild-master: hieroglyph: khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ 'squirrel’ rebus: śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master'. 

No photo description available.Monkey. 
Triple monkey figurine amulet with hole in center. This miniature carved faience bead or pin ornament shows three monkeys in tight embrace with amused expressions on their faces. Possibly placed on a stick or cord. Possibly molded and carved.
Material: yellow-brown glazed faience
Dimensions: 1.6 cm height, 1.4 cm dia.
Mohenjo-daro, HR 1053
National Museum, Karachi, NMP 50.870
Marshall 1931: pl. CLVIII, 5 https://www.harappa.com/indus/64.html

I submit that Indus Script records three types of monkeys as rebus renderings of metalwork catalogues:

Type 1 Monkey
Hieroglyph: mūhū 'monkey, langur, baboon' rebus: mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes;  iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end 

Type 2 Monkey

kuṭhāru 'monkey' rebus: 'armourer' Monkey is an Indus Script hieroglyph.
Indus script seal shows horned young bull PLUS monkey as field symbol. कुठारु kuṭhāru 'a monkey' Rebus:  कुठारु  kuṭhāru 'an armourer' (Monier-Williams) PLUS khoṇḍa 'young bull' rebus: kunda 'fine gold' PLUS singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'ornament gold'. Text message: mũha 'ingot shape' rebus: mũha 'ingot' PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool).This is a hieroglyph-multiplex: slant PLUS notch: DhAL 'slanted' rebus ḍhāḷako 'large ingot' khaṇḍa 'implements' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS khāṇḍā m A jag, notch rebus: khaṇḍa'implement' PLUS gaṇḍa'four' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implement' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'. Thus, the message reads alloy metal implement, large ingots. The seal conveys wealth resources: fine gold, ornament gold, armour (jewels), implements, ingots. If the monkey is female, the rebus reading is रत्नी ratnī 'female monkey dressed as woman' rebus ratna 'jewel, gem'.

On this seal, the monkey takes the place of 'standard device' which signifies: 1. kunda'lathe' rebus: kunda'fine gold' PLUS kammata'portable furnace' rebus: kammaṭa'mint, coiner, coinage'

Type 3 Monkey

She is held on a leash of a chain. ūkam, 'Female monkey' rebus: ukku 'steel' रत्नी  ratnī 'female monkey dressed as woman' Indus Script hieroglyphs rebus kuṭhāru 'monkey' rebus: 'armourer' Rebus: ratna 'gifts'; रत्निन् 'possessing or receiving gifts'. रतन   ratana n (Corr. from रत्न S) A gem or jewel. रत्न   ratna n (S) A gem, a jewel, a precious stone. 2 A common term for the fourteen precious things produced by the ocean when it was churned by the gods and giants. See चौदा रत्नें. 3 fig. A term of praise for an excellent thing in general, a jewel. रत्नखचित   ratnakhacita a (S) रत्नजडीत a Set or studded with gems.   रत्नदीप   ratnadīpa m (S) A gem serving as a luminary; a radiant or light-yielding gem. Such gems are fabled to be in Pátál.(Marathi)రత్నము  ratnamu. [Skt.] n. A jewel, precious stone, gem. మణి. A masterpiece of fine thing, the best of its kind of species స్వజాతి శ్రేష్ఠము, నవరత్నములు the nine precious stones, viz., మౌక్తికము a pearl, పద్మరాగము an emerald, వజ్రము a diamond. ప్రవాళము a coral, మరకతము. an emerald నీలము a sapphire, గోమేధికము an agate. పుష్యరాగము a ruby, వైడూర్యము a cat's eye. రత్నాకరము ratn-ākaramu. n. The abode of gems, that is, the ocean. సముద్రము. రత్నావళి ratnā-vaḷi. n. A necklace of gems.

rạthaर॑थ्न् or rạtaर॑त्न् । रत्नम्, रत्नभूतः m. (sg. dat. rạtnas र॑त्नस्), a gem, jewel, precious stone (El. rattan, a ruby; Śiv. 525, 855, 1153; Rām. 15-17, 1345; K. 28, 97, 178, 183, 555, 671, 673-5, etc.; H. xii, 10, 12, 14-15, 18, 20); met. (of a person) a jewel of a person, a virtuous and popular person (cf. rāza-ro, s.v. rāza) (cf. Rām. 1345); (of a thing) the most excellent and admirable of its kind. rạtna-dīph र॑त्न-दीफ् । रत्नदीपः m. (sg. dat. -dīpas -दीपस्), a jewelled lamp used, by Hindūs, in worship (Śiv. 108, 377). -ʦö̃gijü -च़ाँ॑गिजू॒ । नीराजना f. lustration of a god, an honoured guest, or the like, by waving a lamp over his or her head (Śiv. 1093 rạtan-ʦa).(Kashmiri)
रत्नम्   ratnam रत्नम् [रमते$त्र रम्-न तान्तादेशः Uṇ.3.14] 1 A gem, jewel, a precious stone; किं रत्नमच्छा मतिः Bv.1.86; न रत्नमन्विष्यति मृग्यते हि तत् Ku.5.45. (The ratnasare said to be either five, nine or fourteen; see the words पञ्चरत्न, नवरत्न, and चतुर्दशरत्न respectively.) -2 Anything valuable or precious, any dear treasure. -3 Anything best or excellent of its kind; (mostly at the end of comp.); जातौ जातौ यदुत्कृष्टं तद् रत्नमभिधीयते Malli; कन्यारत्नमयोनिजन्म भवतामास्ते वयं चार्थिनः Mv.1.3; अग्रेसरीभवतु काञ्चनचक्ररत्नम् Nāg.5.37; so पुत्र˚, स्त्री˚ V.4.25; अपत्य˚ &c. -4 A magnet.(Apte)

 देवजी or देवजीधसाडा   dēvajī or dēvajīdhasāḍā or ड्या m A name given to the male monkey (in monkey-sports) which is accoutred as a man. The female is termed रत्नी. 2 Hence An ugly and awkward fellow.   रत्नी   ratnī f (रत्न) In monkey-sports. A term given to the female monkey habited as a woman.(Marathi)
One of the four panels of tributes from Musri recorded on Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk.(827 BCE)Apart from sakea (animal with horn), there are other animals -- camels with two humps, river-ox, susu, elephant, monkeys, apes -- in the four sculptural frieze registers in row 3 of the Black obelisk of Shalamaneser III are also hieroglyphs which signify in Meluhha (Indian sprachbund, 'language union') tributes of wealth.

rátna n. ʻ gift ʼ RV., ʻ treasure, jewel ʼ Mn. [√raṇ1] Pa. ratana -- n. ʻ jewel ʼ, Pk. rayaṇa -- , ladaṇa -- m.n., Si. ruvan -- a.(CDIAL 10600) ratnākara m. ʻ jewel -- mine, ocean ʼ Kāv. [rátna -- , ākara -- ]
Pa. ratanākara -- m. ʻ mine of jewels or precious metals ʼ, Pk. rayanāara -- m.; -- Si. ruvanāra ʻ ocean ʼ (EGS 148) prob. ← Pa.(CDIAL 10601) रत्न n. ( √1. रा) a gift , present , goods , wealth , riches RV. AV. S3Br.; a magnet , loadstone Kap. Sch. (cf. मणि); रत्न--हविस् n. a partic. oblation in the राजसूय (having reference to persons who may be reckoned among a king's most valuable treasures) Ka1tyS3r. (cf. रत्न्/इन्). रत्निन् mfn. possessing or receiving gifts RV.; m. pl. N. of certain persons in whose dwelling the रत्न-हविस् (q.v.) is offered by a king (viz. the ब्राह्मण , राजन्य , महिषी , परिवृक्ती , सेना-नी , सूत ,ग्राम-णी , क्षत्तृ , संग्रहीतृ , भाग-दुघ , and अक्षावाप) TBr. S3Br.( °नि-त्व n. TBr. )
This is the figure of रत्नी  ratnī a monkey dressed as woman:

Ratana1 (nt.) [cp. Vedic ratna, gift; the BSk. form is ratna (Divy 26) as well as ratana (AvŚ ii.199)] 1. (lit.) a gem, jewel VvA 321 (not=ratana2, as Hardy in Index); PvA 53 (nānāvidhāni). -- The 7 ratanas are enumd under veḷuriya (Miln 267). They are (the precious minerals) suvaṇṇa, rajata, muttā, maṇi, veḷuriya, vajira, pavāḷa. (So at Abhp 490.) These 7 are said to be used in the outfit of a ship to give it more splendour: J ii.112. The 7 (unspecified) are mentioned at Th 2, 487 (satta ratanāni vasseyya vuṭṭhimā "all seven kinds of gems"); and at DhA i.274, where it is said of a ratana -- maṇḍapa that in it there were raised flags "sattaratana -- mayā." On ratana in similes see J.P.T.S. 1909, 127. -- 2. (fig.) treasure, gem of ( -- ˚) Sn 836 (etādisaŋ r.=dibb' itthi -- ratana SnA 544); Miln 262 (dussa˚ a very fine garment). -- Usually as a set of 7 valuables, belonging to the throne (the empire) of a (world -- ) king. Thus at D ii.16 sq.; of Mahā -- Sudassana D ii.172 sq. They are enumd singly as follows: the wheel (cakka) D ii.172 sq., the elephant (hatthi, called Uposatha) D ii.174, 187, 197; the horse (assa, Valāhaka) ibid.; the gem (maṇi) D ii.175, 187; the woman (itthi) ibid.; the treasurer (gahapati) D ii.176, 188; the adviser (pariṇāyaka) ibid. The same 7 are enumd at D i.89; Sn p. 106; DA i.250; also at J iv.232, where their origins (homes) are given as: cakka˚ out of Cakkadaha; hatthi from the Uposatha -- race; assa˚ from the clan of Valāhassarāja, maṇi˚ from Vepulla, and the last 3 without specification. See also remarks on gahapati. Kern, Toev. s. v. ratana suspects the latter to be originally "major domus" (cp. his attributes as "wealthy" at MVastu i.108). As to the exact meaning of pariṇāyaka he is doubtful, which mythical tradition has obscured. -- The 7 (moral) ratanas at S ii.217 & iii.83 are probably the same as are given in detail at Miln 336, viz. the 5: sīla˚, samādhi˚, paññā˚, vimutti˚, vimutti -- ñāṇadassana (also given under the collective name sīla -- kkhandha or dhamma -- kkhandha), to which are added the 2: paṭisambhidā˚ & bojjhanga˚. These 7 are probably meant at PvA 66, where it is said that Sakka "endowed their house with the 7 jewels" (sattar. -- bharitaŋ katvā). -- Very frequent is a Triad of Gems (ratana -- ttaya), consisting of Dhamma, Sangha, Buddha, or the Doctrine, the Church and the Buddha [cp. BSk. ratna -- traya Divy 481], e. g. Mhvs 5, 81; VbhA 284; VvA 123; PvA 1, 49, 141. -- ākara a pearl -- mine, a mine of precious metals Th 1, 1049; J ii.414; vi.459; Dpvs i.18. -- kūṭa a jewelled top DhA i.159. -- paliveṭhana a wrapper for a gem or jewel Pug 34. -- vara the best of gems Sn 683 (=vararatana -- bhūta SnA 486). -- sutta the Suttanta of the (3) Treasures (viz. Dhamma, Sangha, Buddha), representing Sutta Nipāta ii.1 (P.T.S. ed. pp. 39 -- 42), mentioned as a parittā at Vism 414 (with 4 others) and at Miln 150 (with 5 others), cp. KhA 63; SnA 201. (Pali)

Of the four panels of tributes from Musri to Shalamaneser III, the following three also include monkeys (See panel 3, following elephant karibha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron'). The associated monkeys are kuṭhāru 'monkey' rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer' . Hence, the armour produced by the armourers is of iron.

Image result for shalmaneser black obelisk
Image result for monkey indus scriptTerracotta toy monkeys, Mohenjo-daro
Image result for monkey indus script
Image result for three monkeys indus script
The rebus reading of the three-monkey figurine as an Indus Script hypertext composed of two hieroglyphs:

Combined animals: Hieroglyph: सांगड   sāṅgaḍa m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. सांगडणें   sāṅgaḍaṇēṃ v c (सांगड) To link, join, or unite together (boats, fruits, animals).Rebus: sangarh 'fortification'; सांगड   sāṅgaḍa That member of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied. सांगडीस धरणें To take into linkedness or close connection with, lit. fig.  saṁghāṭa m. ʻ fitting and joining of timber ʼ R. [√ghaṭ]Pa. nāvā -- saṅghāṭa -- , dāru -- s˚ ʻ raft ʼ; Pk. saṁghāḍa -- , ˚ḍaga -- m., ˚ḍī -- f. ʻ pair ʼ; Ku. sĩgāṛ m. ʻ doorframe ʼ; N. saṅārsiṅhār ʻ threshold ʼ; Or. saṅghāṛi ʻ pair of fish roes, two rolls of thread for twisting into the sacred thread, quantity of fuel sufficient to maintain the cremation fire ʼ; Bi. sĩghārā ʻ triangular packet of betel ʼ; H. sĩghāṛā m. ʻ piece of cloth folded in triangular shape ʼ; G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻ lathe ʼ; M. sãgaḍ f. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together, part of a turner's apparatus ʼ, m.f. ʻ float made of two canoes joined together ʼ (LM 417 compares saggarai at Limurike in the Periplus, Tam. śaṅgaḍam, Tu. jaṅgala ʻ double -- canoe ʼ), sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ, ˚ḍī f. ʻ lathe ʼ; Si. san̆gaḷa ʻ pair ʼ, han̆guḷaan̆g˚ ʻ double canoe, raft ʼ.Addenda: saṁghāṭa -- : Md. an̆goḷi ʻ junction ʼ?(CDIAL 12859)

Hieroglyph: mūhū 'monkey, langur, baboon' rebus: mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes;  iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end 

PLUS

Hieroglyph: kolom 'three' rebus; kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus, together, the three-monkey figurine signifies iron ingot smithy

Hieroglyph:
 Kuwi (F.) mūhū (pl. mūska) monkey (hanuman); (S.) mūhu monkey; (Su.) muhu (pl. muska), (Isr.) mūhu (pl. mūska) black-faced monkey.Ta. mucu langur, Semnopithecus priamus. Ma. mocca a light-coloured monkey (or with 4626 Ka. maṅga). Ka. musu, musuku, musuva a large and black kind of ape; (Hav.) muju black monkey; (Gowda, Dr. Ling., p. 98) mucca black-faced monkey. Koḍ. muccë langur. Tu. mujji, mujju a black monkey. Te. koṇḍa-muccu large black-faced monkey, baboon. Kol. muy black-faced monkey; (Haig) muī langur. Nk. muy black faced monkey.Pa. muy id. Ga. (P.) muy id. Go. (Tr.) mūnj (pl. mūsk) langur monkey (female); (W.) mūnjāl ape; (M.) munj monkey; (D. Mu.) mūnjal, (Ma.) mūnji, (S.) mūnju, (Ko.) mūnj black-faced monkey (Voc.2937). Kui mūsu (pl. mūska) sp. monkey or ape.  Malt. muge baboon.

Rebus:  mũh '(copper) ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes;  iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end (Santali) Santali

An Indus Monkey Figurine

 

See:

https://tinyurl.com/yctvpzgk




See:

 http://tinyurl.com/kdclwev Five hypertexts discovered at Daimabad dated to ca 2200 BCE reckoned as Late Harappa phase:

 1.Bronze chariot drawn by two humped bulls and decorated with hypertexts
2. Bronze Rhinoceros on wheels
3. Bronze elephant on wheels
4. Bronze water buffalo on wheels
5. Terracotta seal with 'rim-of-jar- hieroglyph

This monograph demonstrates that these five hypertexts are read rebus in Sarasvati Script Cipher of Meluhha words which signify metalwork, metalworkers and seafaring merchants/artisans. Daimabad archaeological evidence establishes the continuum of Sarasvati Civilization in parts of Bhāratam, south of the Vindhyas in what are characterised as 'chacolithic' cultures of Maharashtra and Western Bhāratam.
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Toy animals made for the Pola festival especially celebrated by the Dhanoje Kunbis. (Bemrose, Colo. Derby - Russell, Robert Vane (1916). The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India: volume IV. Descriptive articles on the principal castes and tribes of the Central Provinces. London: Macmillan and Co., limited. p. 40).


legged platform attached to four solid wheels 31X25 cm.; elephanton four-legged platform with axles 25 cm.; rhinoceros on axles of four solid wheels 25X19 cm. (MK Dhavalikar, 'Daimabad bronzes' in: Harappan civilization, ed. by GL Possehl, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 361-6; SA Sali, Daimabad 1976-1979, New Delhi, 1986).
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Sculpture of a water buffalo, 31 cm high and 25 cm long standing on a four-legged platform attached to four solid wheels.

ran:gā ‘buffalo’; ran:ga ‘pewter or alloy of tin (ran:ku), lead (nāga) and antimony (añjana)’(Santali)
Image result for boar elephant british museumSculpture of a rhinoceros 19 cm high and 25 cm long standing on two horizontal bars, each attached to an axle of two solid wheels. Hieroglyph, read rebus:Rhinoceros: gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., °aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá --1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā. 2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., °ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., °ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m. WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← H. (CDIAL 4000).காண்டாமிருகம் kāṇṭā-mirukam , n. [M. kāṇṭāmṛgam.] Rhinoceros; கல்யானை. (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.  
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25 cm high sculpture of an elephant on a platform 27 cm long and 14 cm wide, but axles and wheels missing; Elephant ‘ibha’. Rebus: ibbo (merchant of ib ‘iron’)ibha ‘elephant’ (Skt.) Rebus: ibbho 'merchant' (cf.Hemacandra, Desinamamala, vaṇika). ib ‘iron’ (Santali) karibha ‘elephant’ (Skt.); rebus: karb ‘iron’ (Ka.)


Buffalo on four-



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khōṇḍa, kODe A young bull, a bullcalf. rebus: koD'workshop'kunda'fine gold' PLUS singhin'spiny-horned' rebus: singi'ornament gold'. Thus ornaent gold, fine gold workshop.


(Jonathan M. KenoyerKimberley Burton Heuston, 2005, The Ancient South Asian World, Oxford University Press, p.50.)

"Fuxi (伏羲), also known as Paoxi, is a culture hero in Chinese legend and mythology, credited along with his sister Nüwa with creating humanity and the invention of hunting, fishing, domestication, and cooking as well as the Cangjie system of writing Chinese characters around 2,000 BCE...Traditionally, Fuxi is considered the originator of the I Ching, which work is attributed to his reading of the He Map (or the Yellow River Map). According to this tradition, Fuxi had the arrangement of the trigrams of the I Ching revealed to him in the markings on the back of a mythical dragon horse (sometimes said to be a tortoise) that emerged from the Luo River. This arrangement precedes the compilation of the I Ching during the Zhou dynasty. This discovery is said to have been the origin of calligraphy.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fuxi

See decipherment at: 

 https://tinyurl.com/yjavhlb8

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 https://tinyurl.com/wmymt93 The message reads: ingot metalcasting smithy, forge PLUS smelter -- of artisan, smith working in iron, metalcastings.


No photo description available.The short tail of the Cholistan Seal is comparable to the goat shown on a Bhirrana Seal.
Sign 162 is in front of the markhor

sign 169 is on the tail of the markhor Text message is six linear strokes, i.e. two +4. The decipherment of Field symbol including Sign 162: miṇḍāl 'markhor' rebus: mẽṛhet 'iron' PLUS koḍa 'sprout'.rebus: koḍa 'workshop'. PLUS  xoli 'fish-tail' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', kol 'working in iron' PLUS Sign162 kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus, the field symbol is iron smelter workshop and smithy. Text message: dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS gaNDa 'four' rebus: khaNDa 'equipment. baTa 'six' rebus: baTa 'iron' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. Thus, metalcast equipment.

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Decorated Greyware from Mehrgarh Period VII:
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For many scholars, the presence of etched and long tubular carnelian beads, both of which are characteristically Harappan, in the Royal Cemetery, and in particular the tomb of Pu-abum, offers evidence of even earlier links with Indus civilisation, that at its greatest extent reached as far west as the site of Sutkagen Dor in Makran, not far from the Iranian border.
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Golden Sisso leaves from the Royal Tomb at Ur.
śiṁśápā f. ʻ the tree Dalbergia sissoo ʼ AV., śiśapā -- f. R. [IA. *śīśampā -- → Pers. šīšam → P. sīsam m., H. śīsam m., G. sisam n.; -- MIA. *śĭ̄hava → Psht. šəwa IIFL iii 3, 169]
Pa. siṁsapā -- f. ʻ Dalbergia sissoo ʼ, Pk. sīsavā -- f., sīsama -- m.n., Paš.weg. šəwa (← Psht.?); *śiṁśapātaila ʻ oil from the wood of Dalbergia sissoo ʼ. [śiṁśápā -- , tailá -- ]
M. śĩsvelśĩsvyel n. ʻ id. ʼ (CDIAL 12424, 12425)

Ta. īṭṭi blackwood, Dalbergia latifolia. Ma. iruviḷ, irūḷ D. sisu; vīṭṭi Bombay blackwood, D. latifolia. Ka. iruguṇḍi D. sissoo; ibaḍi, ibbaḍi, bīṭe D. latifolia Roxb. Tu. bīṭi blackwood; kari-bīṭi ebony, D. latifolia. Te. iruguḍu, iruvuḍu D. latifolia; (B.) ibbaḍa, ibbeḍa a certain tree.(DEDR 483)
Image result for dalbergia sissooDalbergia Sissoo leaves.
Dalbergia sissoo, known commonly as North Indian rosewood, is a fast-growing, hardy deciduous rosewood tree native to the Indian Subcontinent and Southern Iran. D. Sissoo is a large, crooked tree with long, leathery leaves and whitish or pink flowers.
Common names for D. sissoo are sisutahli or tali, and also irugudujava. Indian common names are biradi, and sisau. Pakistani common names are 'sheesham' and 'tahli' in Punjab. In Afghanistan its name is shewa, and in Persian, it is called jagDalbergia sissoo is the state tree of India's Punjab state and the provincial tree of Pakistan's Punjab province.
The wood of D. sissoo is known as sheesham or shisham and is an important commercial timber. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dalbergia_sissoo
No photo description available.The identification of the golden leaves from Ur as Dalbergia sissoo undoubtedly constitutes supplementary evidence for the contacts between Mesopotamia and the countries lying to the East, beyond the vast Central Iranian Plateau.
No photo description available.No photo description available.Headdress of Queen Puabi at Ur:Pennsylvania Museum. The famous headress of Queen Pu-abum or Pu-abi at Ur is an object of great beauty.The gold leaves of her headress tell an interesting and rich story.Identified among them are the leaves of the Sisso tree.The medicinal and other properties of the Sisso tree were not only appreciated in Mesopotamia but in Eastern Iran and the Indus Valley,home to the Sisso tree.
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Trade connections between the Indus Valley and Mesopotamia have been recognized since the discovery of the Indus civilization in the 1920s, along with the probable corollary that people were moving back and forth from one or both regions (Mackay, 1928-29; Marshall, 1931)The primary evidence for interaction between these two distant regions has been distinctive artifacts of Indus origin found in Mesopotamia (Ratnagar, 2004),and Mesopotamian texts that refer to the presence of traders from the land of Meluhha (Parpola et al., 1977; Possehl, 1997)Indus seals with distinctive iconography and script have been found in Mesopotamian cities and artifacts such as carnelian beads have been recovered in the royal cemeteries at Ur and Kish (Mackay, 1943; Reade, 1972; Chakrabarti, 1982).

Exchange and interaction between early state-level societies in Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley during the 3rd millennium BC has been documented for some time. The study of this interaction has been dominated by the analysis of artifacts such as carnelian beads and marine shell, along with limited textual evidence. With the aid of strontium, carbon, and oxygen isotopes, it is now possible to develop more direct means for determining the presence of non-local people in both regions. This preliminary study of tooth enamel from individuals buried at Harappa and at the Royal Cemetery of Ur, indicates that it should be feasible to identify Harappans in Mesopotamia. It is also possible to examine the mobility of individuals from communities within the greater Indus Valley region.
(A new approach to tracking connections between the Indus Valley and Mesopotamia: initial results of strontium isotope analyses from Harappa and Ur:J. Mark Kenoyer,T. Douglas Price,James H. Burton)
Journal of Archaeological Science:Volume 40, Issue 5, May 2013

No photo description available.Aerial photograph of the "Great Bath," at the centre of the citadel of Harappa .The round stucture to the left of the bath is the well.
No photo description available.Headband and waist ornament found in female grave at Level III - Mehrgarh
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No photo description available.Grave of cemetery 9 at Mehrgarh showing the remains of the wall sealing the pit as well as a basket offering.Copper beads were found around the waist of the skeleton,in which the remains of a cotton thread were identified.
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Ancient Textiles of the Indus Valley Region::Jonathan Mark Kenoyer
University of Wisconsin,Madison

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https://www.facebook.com/KacchiPlains/photos/a.148853588582861/1584625188339020/?type=3&theater
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Baror.A seal made of steatite stone found in one of the trenches in Baror. It is a sure sign that the site belongs to the Mature Harappan phase. The seal has the carving of a unicorn standing in front of an incense burner and five Harappan characters on the top part. Photo:S. Subramanium
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Located at about 100 kms from Kalibangan and 13 kms from Anupgarh in India, Baror is found on banks of River Ghaggar. The soil mounds are about 11 metres and 200X150 m2 and appear to be the citadel with one side higher than other.

An Indian Italian archaeologist, Luigi Pio Tessitori found this site during 1916-17 and ascertained that this belongs to pre-historic period. After 1947, extensive excavations took place and at different points in time. The houses and other articles were found only in 2006-07 whereas the excavations had started in 2003-04 for over 400*300 square areas.
The archeologists have found pottery of Pre Harappan and Harappan period.
Period I – Pre-Harappan
Period II – Harappan
Period III – Mature Harappan
The remains of the Hakra period ware were found here at the lowest levels
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Sohr Damb,Nal,Balochistan.
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No photo description available.The Symbol contained within the 'Ensign of the Rising Sun of Mehrgarh' is taken from Faiz Mohammed greyware excavated in Mehrgarh.Viewed as a helicon, the four quadrants that constitute the ensign are interpreted to represent the four provinces.
Derived from a drawing by Catherine Jarrige.
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Mehrgarh:Nausharo figure terracotta In: Asian Arts. Volume 47, 1992. pp. 132-136:Jarrige Catherine.
Head of an elephant terracotta Nausharo,Mehrgarh. In: Asian Arts. Volume 47, 1992. pp. 132-136:Jarrige Catherine.

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Pre Indus, Kot Diji Phase gold beads or could be earrings.ca. 2600-2800 BCE found at HarappaNo photo description available.
Steatite disc bead necklace and three stone beads from adult male burial at Harappa.
(Stone Beads in Ancient South Asia - 7000-600 BC: A comparative approach to technology, style, and ideology)

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Image may contain: sky, outdoor and natureZiggurat. Mohenjo-daro.
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The Bird shaped Figurines from Mehrgarh.Ta. mūkku nose, nostril, beak, nose-shaped part of anything; mūkkaṉ man with a large or prominent nose; mukarai, mukari bottom of the nose. Ma. mūkku nose, nozzle, beak; mūkkan long-nosed. Ko. mu·k nose, funnel of bellows; mu·kn man with long nose; fem. mu·ky. To. mu·k nose (in songs); mu·ku·ṛ- (mu·ku·ṛy-) to meet (of persons, rivers); mu·ku·ṭ- (mu·ku·ṭy-) to cause to meet; ? mu·kuṟ- (mu·kuṟy-) (person, ceremony) approaches. Ka. mūgu, mū nose, forepart, snout, beak, nozzle; mūga, mūgi man with a nose. Koḍ. mu·kï nose. Tu. mūku, mūgu, mūṅku nose, beak; mūke man who snuffles or speaks through the nose; fem. mūki. Te. mukku nose, beak, end, point, tip. Kol. muŋgaḍ, (Kin.) mukk, (SR.) mukku nose. Nk. muŋgaṛ id. Nk. (Ch.) muŋgan id. Pa. muvāḍ (pl. muvācil) id. Ga. (Oll.) muŋan, (S.) muŋān, (P.) muŋgan id. Pe. muŋgel id. Manḍ. muŋgel id. Kui mungeli, (K.) muŋgi id. Kuwi (F.) mūngelli, (S.) mungeli, (Isr.) muṅgeli, (Su. P.) muŋgeli (pl. muŋgelka) id. Kur. muī˜ id. Malt. muṉyu id. Cf. 4895 Ka. mūkuti.(DEDR 5024) Rebus: muha 'ingot'.
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The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective
By Gregory L. Possehl

No photo description available.Mehrgarh:
ca. 3000–2500 B.C.
On view at The Met Fifth Avenue in Gallery 234

No photo description available.This clay figurine was found in a grave of Period I,LevelC9.The grave was of the classical type,with a wall closing the funerary chamber.It contained the remains of a 30 year old female,adorned with ornaments and also a belt and necklace around her body.She was holding the figurine close to her face in her clasped hands.The figurine is of the sitting type and covered with red ochre.
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One of the strange erotic female statuettes that often accompanied the Mehrgarh dead into their graves.
Mehrgarh is much older than the "classical" Indus culture, but the this statue is roughly contemporary to the first flowering of the Indus culture.

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Pl:39, Pl:40..Mehrgarh Stamp Seals Source:  "Forgotten Cities on The Indus".
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On 28 June 1989, the Pakistan Postal Service issued a series of four stamps to commemorate the Mehrgarh excavation .
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The oldest part of Mehrgarh that has been excavated so far is archaeological site MR3.

The oldest part of MR3 is marked pink on our map and dates back to around 9,000 years before the present.
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The map below shows the Indus civilization and its earliest historic neighbours. The eastern limits of the Indus civilization in the Ganges plains and beyond are highly uncertain. No traces of permanent settlements have been found there but there are some indications at least of trading as far east as Assam and even Burma.

There was definitively contact and trading with the emerging Mesopotamian civilizations and some closer contact with the Elamites. Just precisely what the role of the Elamites was in the Indus culture is unknown but they seem to have been in closer contact with the Indus civilization than any other known civilization. Unfortunately, of all the early Mesopotamian/Iranian cultures and states, the Elamite is the most enigmatic and least understood; their language is isolated (i.e. not known to be related to any other known language) but it might just possibly be related to the Indus language. The Indus language itself is completely unknown because the Indus script has not been deciphered.
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No photo description available.Figurine found in grave 258:The figurine is perforated by many holes.This paints a picture linked with religous practices and sympathetic magic.The symbol of the snake may indicate a desire to control the forces of Nature.As for the holes pierced through the clay,they either represent an attempt of a magical treatment of a pain,be it moral or physical.Or of a way to harm somone through an image.(Catherine Jarrige)
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The first human figurines from Mehrgarh were recovered from Period I, in the fills inside and outside the buildings of the 9 levels of Period I.We intend to show that this very early corpus of figurines previously unknown in this region represents the first stage of a long line of evolutions of human figurines,not only in the Kachi/Bolan area in Balochistan but throughout what we can call the Indo Iranian Borderlands.
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On a few other small clay sitting figurines, applied
coils figure out a snake creeping up the body. There
is even a red colour representation of a coiled
snake on a stone in the shape of a figurine .
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Stylistic evolution of the Mehrgarh figurines from Period I to Period VII. Top left to right): Periods I, II, IV, V, VI, VI, VIIA; Bottom,Periods VIIB.
No photo description available.Clay figurines from Mehrgarh - Nausharo,Period IB c. 2800-2700 BCE and Period ID c. 2600-2550 BCE
No photo description available.Clay figurines from Mehrgarh VIIB and Nausharo ID
No photo description available.Clay figurines from Mehrgarh Period VII:Nausharo ID,(left)Nausharo III(center)Harappa(right)
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Terracotta, Indus civilization, ca. 3000-2500 B.C.E., Mehrgarh style.
From the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
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Female figurine with three sets of chokers and necklaces. One of the largest female figurines found at Harappa with common fan shaped headdress with cups on either side of the head. Discovered in 1991.
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Dance Step.Mohenjodaro
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Faience beads of different shapes and colors were found in a bead pot at Harappa. Some of these appear to be imitations of the natural stones; deep azure blue lapis lazuli, blue-green turquoise and banded to imitate banded agate.
Lapis lazuli is composed of many minerals, the most important being lazurite, which gives it a distinctive azure color (Schuman, 1977). Its coarse granular crystalline structure does not flake easily and when hammered will shatter irregularly (Schuman, 1977). Large blocks are sawed or incised with chert blades and then snapped with wedges and/or hammer
Beads dating from approximately 6500 BC have been discovered in Neolithic burials at Mehgarh, Pakistan (Jarrige, 1984; 1985; Lechevallier and Quivron, 1985; Samzun, 1984 ms; Vidale, 1991 in press). Other early sites include Rehman Dheri (Durrani, 1984; 1986), Mundigak (Casal, 1961), Shahr-i-Sokhta (Tosi, 1970; Tosi and Piperno, 1973), Tepe Hissar (Bulgarelli, 1979), and numerous ones in Central Asia (Herrman, 1968). All these locations were within trading regions composed of settled agriculturalists and pastoral nomads who had access to lapis lazuli mining areas.Jonathan Mark Kenoyer
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Artefacts dating to the First Period of the Indus civilisation (2500-2300 BC), found at Chahun jo Daro. (Photo credit: MAFBI©Didier).

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Sickle,Mehrgarh,Balochistan,Pakistan.6000.B.C.
The sharp stone blades and bitumen glue are all thats left of this ancient sickle,which was used for cutting grass.

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From Jonathan M. Kenoyer, Kimberley Burton Heuston
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Sohr Damb/Nal, period II: gray ware beaker, tomb 768. DAI, Eurasien, Ute Franke. Photo: A. Lange.
Image may contain: textFeline mask
Mohenjo-daro kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kol 'blacksmith'
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From Left to Right (Mohenjo Daro, Indus Valley. Abydoss, Egypt and Sumeria). Source of image third from left: http://www.ancient-wisdom.com/indusvalley.htm
Indus Valley CivilisationThe person in the middle with elephantine legs is holding back two elephantsdraped in dotted circles scarf. karibha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron' PLUS dhāī 'wisp' rebus: धाव dhāva 'ores' PLUS vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus, together dhā̆vaḍa'iron smelter'.PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'. Thus, cast iron smelter.

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See: 
Indus Script Seals of mokka, ḍollu, karaṇa.'tumbler, drummer' rebus mokkha 'chief'ḍaulu'appraiser' (of guild) rango khāṇḍā 'pewter metalware' karaṇa 'accountant' https://tinyurl.com/yxlwvcx5
buffalo attack or bull-leaping scene, Banawali (after UMESAO 2000:88, cat. no. 335)
Signifiers of śreṇi 'guild', seṇi-mukha 'head of guild' mokka 'tumbler' mokkha 'chief' http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2016/10/signifiers-of-sreni-guild-seni-mukha.html

Text message: 1.     kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent  iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ)
2.     खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’.

Field symbol narrative:

Hieroglyph:  rã̄go 'water-buffalo' rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ  *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) ranga 'alloy of copper, zinc, tin'

Examples of acrobats as hieroglyphs:

கரணம்போடு-தல் karaṇam-pōṭu -, v. intr. < id. +. 1. To tumble heels over head; to gambol; தலைகீழாகப் பாய்தல்Colloq.குட்டிக்கரணம் kuṭṭi-k-karaṇam , n. < குட் டி¹ +. [M. kuṭṭikkaraṇam.] 1. Performing a somersault on the ground, as minor acrobatics; தலைகீழாக மறிந்துவிழும் ஒரு வித்தை.

Rebus:  கரணன் karaṇaṉ , n. < karaṇa. Accountant; கணக்கன். கரணர்கள் வந்தனர் கழல் வணங்கினார்(கந்தபு. மார்க்கண். 210).கரணிகம் karaṇikam , n. < karaṇa.  [T. karaṇikamu.] Office of accountant. See கருணீகம்Loc.கருணீகம்
 karuṇīkam , n. < karaṇa. [T. karaṇikamu.] Office of village accountant or karṇam; கிராமக்கணக்குவேலை.கருணீகன் karuṇīkaṉ , n. < id. 1. Village accountant; கிராமக்கணக்கன். கடுகை யொருமலை யாகக் . . . காட்டுவோன் கருணீகனாம் (அறப். சத. 86). 2. A South Indian caste of accountants; கணக்குவேலைபார்க்கும் ஒருசாதி.

karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār'blacksmith, iron worker'.

dolutsu 'tumble' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' Te. ḍollu to fall; ḍolligillu to fall or tumble over; ḍullu to fall off; ḍul(u)cu, (K. also) ḍulupu to cause to fall; ? ūḍuto fall off, come off, drop, give way, fail. Kol. ḍol- (ḍolt-) to lie down, be felled; ḍolp- (ḍolopt-) to fell (trees), pull down (wall).(DEDR 2988)   డొల్లు  , దొల్లు or దొరలు ḍollu. [Tel.] v. n. To fall, to roll over. పడు, పొరలు.
 డొలుచు  or డొల్చు ḍoluṭsu. [Tel.] v. n. To tumble head over heels as dancing girls do. డొల్లజేయు.
డోలు  ḍōlu. [Tel.] n. A drum.

Rebus:  డౌలు  or డవులు ḍaulu. [Tel.]  An estimate మదింపు. Demand or collection of revenue by the Government: డవులుదారు an appraiser. డవులుపట్టీ an account of the estimate of each farmer's produce.
   
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No photo description available.(Signatures of Human Settlements before 1500 B.C.in the Indian Sub-continent:Inputs from Archaeology:Kulbhushan Mishra and Vimal Tiwari,Indian Archaeological Society,New Delhi and Archaeological Survey of India.Lucknow.)
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No photo description available.Mehrgarh Period II and Period IIINo photo description available.
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Chanhudaro is about 130 km south of Mohenjodaro, it was excavated by Majumdar and E.J.H. Mackay between 1931 to 1936.Chanhudaro I a to c was termed Harappa Culture,Chanhudaro II was designated Jhukar culture and III was assigned to Jhangar culture.The animal motifs represented on Chanhudaro pottery consist of animals, both wild and domestic.
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Chanhudaro:A stamp seal (LII-19) recovered in the excavations at Chanhu-daro (courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts ,Boston)
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A goat motif from Amri(after Indus Civilization Exhibition, 2000)
No photo description available.Mehrgarh period II
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Horned bull motif from Mehi(after Satyawadi, 1994)
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Two bull motifs drawn together and a humped bull with etchings on its back.Kili Gul Muhammad.
No photo description available.Cattle and fish motif from Mehrgarh Period II.(Indus Valley Civilization Exhibition 2000) 

pola 'zebu, bos indicus'; pola 'magnetite ore' (Munda) poladu 'black drongo' rebus: polad 'steel' arka 'sun' Rebus: araka, eraka 'copper, moltencast' 






Hieroglyph: aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' 
No photo description available.Humped bulls from Kile Gul Mohammad(after www.harappa.com)
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Kot Diji is situated on the east bank of the Indus River in Khairpur division of Pakistan.It is about 50 km from Mohenjodaro.It was excavated by F.A.Khan of the Department of Archaeology, Govt. of Pakistan.Excavations took place in the high portions of the site (Area A) and in a lower area to the east (Area B).The lower levels (Phases 4 to 16) constitute an assemblage which Khan called Kot Dijian 3A is transitional and phases 1 to 3 are Harappan.(from Domestic Animals in Harappan Levels:
Archaeological Evidences)


[ mēḍha ] 'polar' star' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Mu.) PLUS Hieroglyph:  rã̄go 'water-buffalo' rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ  *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) ranga 'alloy of copper, zinc, tin'
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Kalibangan.
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Stone-Sculpture of Bull.Mature Harappan:ca. 2600–1900 B.C.On view at The Met Fifth Avenue in Gallery 403
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Terra cotta toy boat from Harappa. Such toys may have been used by children.

No photo description available.Terracotta sealing from Mohenjo-daro depicting a collection of animals and some script symbols. This sealing may have been used in specific rituals as a narrative token that tells the story of an important myth
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Mature Harappan:
ca. 2600–1900 B.C.On view at The Met Fifth Avenue New York.
Reclining mouflon

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Mehrgarh Period VII (Nausharo)
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The Harappan trade routes showing how their wealth of resources was traded along rivers and eventually into the Arabian Sea and beyond.
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From:Ancient Iran and Its Neighbours:
edited by Cameron A. Petrie

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Bison seal, Mohenjo-daro:This is a flat square double sided seal. On one side, four script symbols are inscribed in reverse, above a bison with head lowered to the feeding trough. A swastika motif turning counter clockwise is carved on the reverse. The seal is perforated from the side along the axis of the animal motif.
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Rakhigarhi:A toy from 2300 BC. Photo: Priyanka Parashar/Mint
No photo description available.Ornamental beads from 2300 BC found in Rakhigarhi show the high level of craftsmanship during the Harappan era. Photo: Priyanka Parashar/Mint
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Painted polychrome pottery from Mehrgarh.MR1
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No photo description available.A plate of the Kulli Culture in Balochistan.By 2600 BCE, the northern areas of Balochistan had been abandoned but the southern regions were populated by what is known as the Kulli culture. Named for a site in Kolwa in southern Balochistan, the Kulli sites were occupied from around 2500 to 2000 BCE. Their culture developed from nomadic camps into subsistence agricultural villages and into surprisingly well designed towns, before reverting to the nomadic camps. Nomadic herdsmen made up most of the population. The permanent settlements were possibly based on irrigation agriculture and appear to have been located along the major land routes between the lower Indus valley and the Harappan ports of Makran. The inhabitants of these towns were not nomadic.The most important Kulli site is Nindowari which features a central mound rising 80 feet above the Porali River.No photo description available.No photo description available.
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Sundaland:Sundaland is the name given to the Sunda shelf – part of the Southeast Asian continental shelf – when it was above water during the ice age; it also includes the Malay Peninsula, and the islands of Sumatra, Borneo and Java. Rising sea levels submerged Sundaland in several rapid stages, drowning a land area the size of India. Stephen Oppenheimer speculates that Sundaland may have been the cradle of civilization, and that before and during its inundation, its inhabitants migrated by land and sea to the Asian mainland, including China, India and Mesopotamia, and to the islands from Madagascar to the Philippines and New Guinea, from where they later colonized Polynesia as far as New Zealand, Hawaii and Easter Island. (David Pratt
January 2015)
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Harappan type brick found in Raghopur Diara during digging for pilling work of house
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The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture: The Indo-Aryan Migration Debate
By Edwin Bryant
Image may contain: people standingMehrgarh Period VII, c. 2800-2600 BCE

No photo description available.No photo description available.
An Early Harappan figurine found at Harappa. The subject is clothed, which is unusual; she wears a painted skirt and carries a bowl. Painted bangles cover her arms, and she is also wearing a necklace with pendants. Her hair is arranged in a tiered hairstyle tied at the back. (Richard H. Meadow, Courtesy Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan)
Early Harappan female figurine with painted features from Harappa.

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Mehrgarh Period III, terracotta tokens used in commerce, most likely as accounting pieces during purchases
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No photo description available.Pirak:terracotta figurines of horses and riders (1800 BC) © C. Jarrige
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Horse figurine from Mohenjo-daro.
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Miniature votive figurines or toy models from the Harappa region of Pakistan, ca. 2500. Recent archaeological findings proove the Indus River Valley civilization is up to 2,000 years older than previously believed.
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A patterened bead type seal and its impression from the early settlement period at Mehrgarh.Sixth millennium B.C.which Jarrige interprets as a cylindrical seal akin to a later Mesopotamian seal.
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Although the origins of the eye-bead may date to around 7000 BC at sites such as Mehrgarh, the development of numerous different types of eye beads is clearly associated with the urban period of the Indus Civilization:Bead Making Areas of Harappa:3300-1700BCE.
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Axe head and compartmented seals of copper from Shahi Tump cemetery.
No photo description available.
Harappan shell and stone beads from Gola Dhoro,Gulf of Kutch.
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No photo description available.By 1,500 BC the population of the Indus Valley was creating moulds for metal and terracotta ornaments. Gold jewellery from these civilizations also consisted of bracelets, necklaces, bangles, ear ornaments, rings, head ornaments, brooches, girdles etc. Here, the bead trade was in a full swing and they were made using simple techniques.
No photo description available.Discovery of a huge cache of gold and other ornaments in 2000, reportedly belonging to the Harappan period (2600-1900 B.C.) by the villagers of Mandi in the Muzaffarnagar District of Uttar Pradesh state, 93 miles east of New Delhi.

No photo description available.Wide shell bangles, each made from a single conch shell (Turbinella pyrum) found at Harappa.
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No photo description available.Shell works excavated from Balakot
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Libation vessels made of the conch shell Turbinella pyrum. One of these is decorated with vermilion filled incised lines. A single spiraling design is carved around the apex and a double incised line frames the edge of the orifice. This type of vessel was used in later times for ritual libations and for administering sacred water or medicine to patients.

AIthough the presence of a specialized shell industry and the widespread use of shell are well documented at sites of the Indus Civilization (2500-1750 B.C.), the early stages of this industry were not known until recent excavations at the site of Mehrgarh, Pakistan. It is fortunate that the sample of shell artifacts from Mehrgarh is relatively large because very few neolithic or early chalcolithic sites have been excavated in Balochistan or the Indus region, and little or no shell has been reported from this period. Because of this lack of comparative data, however, the significance of the Mehrgarh sample must be kept in perspective, especially since the site is located in a transitional zone at the edge of the Indus plain and the highlands of Balochistan:Jonathan Mark Kenoyer
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(Himanshu Prabha Ray)
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Sarasvati river perennial 80-20 ka & 9-4.5 ka, received sediments from Himalayas - Anirban Chatterjee et al

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https://www.scribd.com/document/436284605/Sarasvati-Perennial-River-Anirban-Chatterjee-et-al-2019

Figure 1Study area and subsurface stratigraphy along the river Ghaggar. (A) Schematic geographical map of north-western India and eastern Pakistan showing drainage basins of the Himalayan rivers. Red dots are studied sections and open squares are major cities along the river Ghaggar. HHC: Higher Himalayan Crystalline, LHS: Lesser Himalayan Series, SH: Siwalik Himalaya. (B) Composite stratigraphy of the Ghaggar alluvium based on field and age data from this and earlier studies. GS: Grey Sand (circles); YBS: Yellow Brown Sand (triangles); BM: Brown Mud (diamonds); MIS: Marine Isotopic Stages.

On the existence of a perennial river in the Harappan heartland

Anirban Chatterjee, Jyotiranjan S. Ray, […]Kanchan Pande 

Scientific Reports volume 9, Article number: 17221 (2019)

Abstract

The legendary river Saraswati of Indian mythology has often been hypothesized to be an ancient perennial channel of the seasonal river Ghaggar that flowed through the heartland of the Bronze Age Harappan civilization in north-western India. Despite the discovery of abundant settlements along a major paleo-channel of the Ghaggar, many believed that the Harappans depended solely on monsoonal rains, because no proof existed for the river’s uninterrupted flow during the zenith of the civilization. Here, we present unequivocal evidence for the Ghaggar’s perennial past by studying temporal changes of sediment provenance along a 300 km stretch of the river basin. This is achieved using 40Ar/39Ar ages of detrital muscovite and Sr-Nd isotopic ratios of siliciclastic sediment in fluvial sequences, dated by radiocarbon and luminescence methods. We establish that during 80-20 ka and 9-4.5 ka the river was perennial and was receiving sediments from the Higher and Lesser Himalayas. The latter phase can be attributed to the reactivation of the river by the distributaries of the Sutlej. This revived perennial condition of the Ghaggar, which can be correlated with the Saraswati, likely facilitated development of the early Harappan settlements along its banks. The timing of the eventual decline of the river, which led to the collapse of the civilization, approximately coincides with the commencement of the Meghalayan Stage.


On the existence of a perennial river in the Harappan heartland



Introduction

The occurrence of a large number of Harappan settlements along the banks of the Ghaggar-Hakra stream, which had remained a seasonal river for most part of its historical existence, has baffled archeologists since the 1950s. Since availability of water is the key to development of a stable urban civilization, many believe that the Ghaggar-Hakra river had a strong fluvial presence during the Harappan times (5.6-3.9 BCE)1,2,3,4. Interestingly, the Ghaggar-Hakra river-system also shares identical geographic position with the legendary glacier-fed river Saraswati mentioned in some of the ancient Indian scriptures (Rig-Veda, Mahabharata) and often been correlated with the latter1,2,4,5,6,7. Whereas changing climate is considered to be the primary cause for the deurbanization of the Harappans8,9,10,11, competing hypotheses consider disorganization of the Ghaggar-Hakra channels to be responsible for the end of the civilization3,12,13,14. Recent geochronological, geochemical and geophysical studies hypothesize that the rivers Yamuna, Sutlej and Beas were probably flowing into the palaeo-Ghaggar and that their migrations disconnected the river from its perennial glacial sources8,15,16,17. It has been proposed that owing to river avulsions, the Yamuna moved away during 49-10 ka and the connection to the Sutlej was lost during the Early-Holocene (~9 ka)15,16,18. These events suggest that the major paleo-channels of the northwestern India, identified through remote sensing5,6, dried up long before the Harappans settled in this region. Some of these studies even suggest that the lack of perennial flow of the river stabilized the landscape for the civilization to flourish11,16.
Whereas perennial water availability may not have been the major controlling factor for the evolution of the Harappan settlements along the banks of the Ghaggar18, the proposal that the river was ephemeral prior to and during the Harappan period18 raises more questions than answers. The observation that the Harappans in the Ghaggar valley made little effort to harvest rain-water, unlike their counterparts in the semi-arid Saurashtra and Rann of Kachchh regions19, in spite of the weakening of Indian Summer Monsoon (ISM) since ~7 ka10,20, raises serious doubt about the conclusion that the Ghaggar had seasonal water supply. Besides, the extraordinary argument that a dried river system was the best place for the Harappans to colonize, cannot explain the fact that two of their largest cities, Mohenjodaro and Harappa, and many other smaller settlements were built along mighty and frequently flooding Indus and Ravi, respectively. Considering that the pre-Harappan settlements proliferated in the alluvial plains of the north-western Indian subcontinent for at least two millennia, followed by seven centuries of urbanization without a break7,10,19, it appears that the Harappan settlements in the Ghaggar valley had thrived with only limited water supply from a petty seasonal stream. Although, evidence for localized increase in rainfall for a few centuries has been reported in the region during the onset of the urban locales20, it alone could not possibly have sustained the widespread Pre-Harappan settlements. Therefore, the important question that needs to be asked is: what made the early settlers to build their cities along a supposedly dying river instead of the well-watered plains of neighboring perennial Himalayan Rivers. In an attempt to answer this question and resolve issues related to the existence of the river Saraswati, we investigated the nature of the Ghaggar-Hakra river system during the Holocene by studying the changing provenance of its alluvium through time, at strategic locations (Fig. 1A). Details of sampling, analytical techniques and data used in this study are provided in the supplementary material.


Figure 1
figure1
Study area and subsurface stratigraphy along the river Ghaggar. (A) Schematic geographical map of north-western India and eastern Pakistan showing drainage basins of the Himalayan rivers. Red dots are studied sections and open squares are major cities along the river Ghaggar. HHC: Higher Himalayan Crystalline, LHS: Lesser Himalayan Series, SH: Siwalik Himalaya. (B) Composite stratigraphy of the Ghaggar alluvium based on field and age data from this and earlier studies. GS: Grey Sand (circles); YBS: Yellow Brown Sand (triangles); BM: Brown Mud (diamonds); MIS: Marine Isotopic Stages.

Results and Discussion

Stratigraphy of the Ghaggar alluvium

We established the subsurface stratigraphy of the Ghaggar alluvium along an ~300 km stretch of the basin based on field and age data from this work and earlier studies (Fig. 1B; Supplementary Fig. S1). Sedimentological analyses along the river valley helped us ascertain the river’s palaeo morpho-dynamics. The alluvium consists of three distinct sedimentary facies; grey micaceous coarse/medium grained sand (GS; grain size >250 μm), yellowish-brown fine-grained sand (YBS; grain size <125 μm) and brown colored mud (BM), deposited from bottom to top. The GS facies is composed of quartz, feldspar, heavy minerals (zircon, amphibole, kyanite, sillimanite, garnet, and pyroxene)21 and mica, which gives it a salt and pepper appearance. It contains poorly sorted coarse to medium, angular sand grains and no clay, which suggest their deposition as fluvial channel-fill/bar deposits under strong hydrodynamic conditions. The textural pattern of the GS facies resembles that of typical channel fills in neighboring Himalayan rivers16,22. The fining upward YBS facies contains clay, apart from fine sand and is overlain by the clay dominated BM facies.
The sharp changes in grain size, sorting and clay content from the GS facies to the overlying YBS and BM facies are indicative of the transformation of the fluvial system from a high-energy domain to a low-energy one. Similar observations have been made by many earlier studies in the Ghaggar alluvium16,21,23. However, what these studies lacked is the chronology of depositions of these three facies, which is presented in this work. We determined the timings of depositions of various facies by AMS C-14 dating of mollusk shells and optically-stimulated luminescence dating of sands (Supplementary Tables S1 and S2). Our results in conjunction with the existing information suggest that the suspended load, the BM facies, dominated the Ghaggar system since ~4.5ka, whereas sediments of the YBS facies got transported by the river during 20 and 3 ka (Fig. 1B)16,24,25. The deposition of the GS facies, on the other hand, can be traced back to the Pleistocene (Fig. 1B). Whereas most studies in the Ghaggar alluvium report cessation of deposition of the GS facies prior to the Holocene, a few report much younger occurrence of the GS facies, in the upper Haryana plains21,24. The lack of report of the younger phase of the GS facies in most of the earlier investigations could possibly have been due to sampling bias in a highly meandering fluvial system containing multiple buried channels. With these new data it can be clearly established that the GS facies occur in two time domains, during >80-20 ka and 9.0-4.5 ka with a break of about eleven millennia, along a long stretch of the Ghaggar palaeo-channel (Fig. 1B). The pre-Holocene deposits of the GS facies is generally accepted to be the relicts of a mega Himalayan paleo-river system15,16, however, the nature of the younger phase of the GS facies has not yet been explored. In this work we make an attempt to establish the origin of these Holocene sediments of the Ghaggar.

Provenance of the Ghaggar sediments

Since the coarse sands of the GS facies were deposited by a powerful channel of the river in the entire stretch of the alluvium (~300 km), it is reasonable to expect that the sediments were transported from a long distance (>600 km), most likely from the Himalayas. To determine the location of the sources, we utilized 40Ar/39Ar ages of coarse-grained muscovites present in these sands as provenance indicator. We dated three multigrain separates from the two depositional time intervals to capture the dominant age groups and their temporal distribution. Indistinguishable plateau and isochron ages, and intercepts showing atmospheric 36Ar/40Ar suggest that these muscovites were derived from igneous or metamorphic rocks which had reached argon closure temperature during 20.1-18.6 Ma (Supplementary Fig. S2). Presence of identical age mica clusters in both the sand horizons (Fig. 2A) suggests their derivation from similar sources. This age has a significant overlap with the mode of the 40Ar/39Ar age distribution for the muscovites in the Higher Himalayan Crystalline rocks (Fig. 2A), which establishes a most probable genetic link. The dominant source lithologies that could have provided the micas are the 20 ± 2 Ma leucogranites and associated migmatites located above the Main Central Thrust, in the glaciated regions of the Higher Himalaya26. The distribution of muscovite 40Ar/39Ar ages of the Lesser Himalayan rocks also shows a mode, albeit minor, at ~20 Ma (Fig. 2A), therefore, we cannot completely rule out the contribution of sediments from these rocks to the GS facies in the Ghaggar palaeo channels. The rocks of the Siwaliks are unlikely sources of the GS facies sediments, because the detrital muscovites in these rocks are much older than that found in the latter (Fig. 2A). In addition, removal of these mineral grains from the Siwalik rocks could only have contributed weathered mica grains or clays to the latter, which does not appear to be the case. An earlier study of 40Ar/39Ar ages of detrital mica from the Ghaggar alluvium16 had yielded similar results as ours.


Figure 2
figure2
Source fingerprinting with 40Ar/39Ar muscovite ages and Sr-Nd isotopic ratios of sediments. (A) Probability density plot of 40Ar/39Ar ages of muscovites from different Himalayan litho-tectonic units40 compared with our data from detrital muscovites from the Ghaggar alluvium - the orange band (18.6–20.1 Ma). (B) εNd vs. 87Sr/86Sr plot of sediments from the Ghaggar alluvium compared with binary mixing curves for the Higher Himalayan Crystalline (HHC) and the Lesser Himalayan Series (LHS) end-members46. LS: Local Sources in the Thar Desert27. SYG: Sutlej-Yamuna-Ganga.
To further constrain the provenance of the Ghaggar alluvium, we used Sr and Nd isotopic ratios of sediments for source fingerprinting (Supplementary Table S3). We found that the sediments in the GS facies horizons, irrespective of their depositional ages, have high 87Sr/86Sr (>0.75) and low εNd (<−17). These compositions overlap with that of sediments in the glacier-fed rivers like the Sutlej, Yamuna, and Ganga, which hint at their derivation from similar sources (Fig. 2B). A binary mixing model using possible Himalayan sources (Fig. 1A) suggests that the GS facies sediments had their sources in the Higher and Lesser-Himalayas (Fig. 2B). In contrast, the sediments of the BM and the YBS facies, having much different isotopic compositions (Fig. 2B), were likely derived from sources made up of already recycled sediments such as the Siwaliks, older alluvium and dunes of the Thar Desert (Fig. 1A)15,27. The dominance of smectite over illite in the clay mineral fraction of the YBS facies also supports a local origin for these sediments27, since smectite, a secondary clay, was believed to have been produced within the Ghaggar alluvium as a result of the second stage of chemical weathering process27. Isotopic data considered in conjunction with the 40Ar/39Ar ages of the detrital muscovite indicate that the GS facies sediments were directly deposited by a river which had its catchment in the Higher and Lesser Himalaya. An earlier provenance study in the Ghaggar alluvium based on detrital zircon U-Pb geochronology had also traced the sources of the GS facies to the Higher Himalayas16. However, the youngest GS facies horizon reported by these authors was older than 12.3 ka16, whereas we have encountered and studied much younger horizons of the facies (Fig. 1B; Fig. 3A; Supplementary Fig. S1).


Figure 3
figure3
Evolution of the Ghaggar from changes in sediment provenance and the Harappan settlement dynamics. (A) Stratigraphic changes in sediment Sr-Nd isotopic compositions in the Ghaggar alluvium during last 20 ka. Symbols and abbreviations are as in Fig. 1. (B) Evolution of the Harappan civilization in north-western India and eastern Pakistan as inferred from the settlement dynamics through ages (9.0-3.5 ka)7,10,47,48. Modern and inferred former courses (dashed lines) of the major Himalayan rivers are also shown. I: Indus; J: Jhelum; C: Chenab; B: Beas; S: Sutlej; SS: Saraswati (Ghaggar); Y: Yamuna; G: Ganga.

The evolving river system

A comprehensive reconstruction of the fluvial history of the Ghaggar, based on existing knowledge and results of this study (Fig. 1B; Fig. 3A), reveals that the river was perennial during the Marine Isotope Stages (MIS) 3 and 4 (80-20 ka), when it transported coarse-grained micaceous sand (GS facies) from the glaciated regions of the Higher-Himalaya onto the plains of north-western India. This fluvial phase ended during the peak aridity of the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM)25, which also had adversely affected the discharge in other major western-Himalayan rivers8. Subsequently, during 20-9 ka, the sediment load in the river got overwhelmed with material derived from the Siwaliks/local sources (YBS facies), which is clearly reflected in the shifts in 87Sr/86Sr and εNd of the Ghaggar alluvium (Fig. 3A). With the intensification of the ISM10 and melting of the Himalayan glaciers during the MIS-128 the GS facies made a reappearance at ~9 ka and continued its dominance until ~4.5 ka (Fig. 3A). Although, the Ghaggar received sediments from the Higher Himalaya during the river’s rejuvenated phase, there exists no evidence to suggest that any of its modern tributaries originated from glaciers. In this scenario, the possible pathways for delivery of such sediments into the Ghaggar could have been through the neighboring Sutlej and Yamuna, which currently flow through the Higher and Lesser Himalayan rocks. However, since it is believed that Yamuna had abandoned the Ghaggar channel during 49-10 ka15, the only remaining pathway for the Higher Himalayan sediments into the Ghaggar during the Holocene could have been the Sutlej. As a matter of fact, muscovites in the present-day Sutlej sand, which is derived from sources in both the Higher and Lesser Himalayas, have a major 40Ar/39Ar age mode at 16 ± 3 Ma16. Supporting evidence for such a hypothesis comes from the similarity of 87Sr/86Sr of in-situ mollusk shells from the grey-sand bodies (0.7184–0.7190; this work) with that of the water of the Sutlej (0.7166–0.7218)29,30. The U-Pb ages of detrital zircons from the Ghaggar alluvium also suggest that the majority of zircon populations in the younger deposits were predominantly originated from the Sutlej15,16. The Sutlej is known to have had substantial increase in its water and sediment flux in upper reaches during the Holocene31, which could have been delivered to the Ghaggar making the latter a perennial stream for the next few thousand years. At ~4.5 ka, 87Sr/86Sr and εNd of the alluvium revert to the pre-perennial values suggesting the end of supply of the Higher Himalayan sediments due to a break in the Sutlej-Ghaggar connection, which turned the Ghaggar into an ephemeral system. This final disruption of the river flow is also reflected in the sediment composition of its purported delta towards further south in the Great Rann of Kachchh32.

Dynamics of the Harappan settlements

A thorough scrutiny of the settlement dynamics of the Harappan Civilization reveals that the timing of the rejuvenated perennial phase of the Ghaggar (9-4.5 ka) coincides with that of the flourishing of the Pre-Harappan and Early Harappan cultures along its banks (Fig. 3B). Towards the end of the Mature Harappan phase (4.6-3.9 ka), there is a clear evidence of human migrations to the lower and upper reaches of the river, leaving the middle part sparsely populated (Fig. 3B), which could be attributed to the disorganization of the river as established in this work. The lower reaches of the river, in the Hakra sector, had possibly remained perennial, through a connection from the Sutlej, supporting mature and post-urban Harappan settlements (Fig. 3B). Our study brings to light the fact that the Harappans built their early settlements along a stronger phase of the river Ghaggar, during ~9 to 4.5 ka, which would later be known as the Saraswati. However, by the time the civilization matured, the river had already lost its glacial connection. These inferences confirm the observation of an earlier study, based exclusively on changes in the settlement patterns, that the Ghaggar first broke up at ~4.6 ka12. Interestingly, the timing of the ultimate disruption to the perennial phase of the Ghaggar roughly coincides with the beginning of the Meghalayan Stage (~4.2 ka)33. The urban Harappans abandoned their settlements in the Ghaggar valley within next few centuries and the civilisation declined by 3.9 ka. Although, the decline of the civilization in the Ghaggar-Saraswati valley postdates the exceptional changes to the flow of the river, a stronger perennial phase appears to have helped the early societies to sow the seeds of the earliest known civilization of the Indian subcontinent.

Methodology

In the arid to semi-arid climate of western India, preservation of organic carbon within the sandy sediments is rare. Therefore, for radiocarbon dating to constrain depositional ages we focussed on collection of mollusc shells buried in situ along with the sediments. Shells were cleaned with H2O2 to remove organic matter. Subsequently, they were dipped in 0.1 N HCl for ~5 seconds and washed thoroughly with deionized water to remove (any) altered outermost layers. Sample powders for dating were micro drilled from the umbo regions, which are generally considered resistant to alteration. AMS C-14 dating was done at the Centro Nacional de Aceleradores, Sevilla, Spain34, and the ages were calibrated using INTCAL 1335. The typical reproducibility (1σ) of our radiocarbon ages is <1% (Supplementary Table S1).
Optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) of quartz grains in a sediment sample is proportional to its burial age. This dating method works with the premise that the quartz grains have negligible inherited OSL signal prior to deposition and that they subsequently acquire it from ambient radiation. The zeroing of OSL signal in these grains happens upon exposure to daylight prior to deposition, while on transport, or during any recycling/re-exposure event. For dating purpose, total OSL of quartz grains, separated from a sample in dark-room conditions, is measured and converted to units of radiation dose or total paleo-dose, which is then divided by the dose rate to derive the age since last exposure. The dose rate is determined from measured concentrations of U, Th and K and estimated contributions from cosmic rays36 in the immediate burial environment of the sample. Samples for of this study, collected from freshly cleaned up stratigraphic sections using specially designed aluminium pipes, were dated using the Single Aliquot Regeneration (SAR) protocol for quartz grains37. Concentrations of U, Th and K were measured on a High purity Germanium detector (HPGe). The OSL dating was done at the Physical Research Laboratory, India. The typical reproducibility (1σ) of our OSL ages is <10% (Supplementary Table S2).
The closure temperature of the 40Ar/39Ar isotope system for muscovites is ~350 °C38, which enables it to capture the timings of the latest tectonothermal events experienced by the parent rocks. Since the litho-tectonic units of the Himalaya had exhumed diachronously, they contain various age populations of muscovites representing each of the exhumation event39. Therefore, the 40Ar/39Ar ages of detrital muscovites, derived from these rocks, serve as powerful source indicators40. To determine 40Ar/39Ar ages of detrital muscovites in the Ghaggar alluvium we handpicked ~200 mg of grains, with grain size >500 μm, from grey sand horizons from three distinct stratigraphic horizons with depositional ages of 37, >16 and 6.3 ka. Smaller mica grains were avoided because they are more easily affected by secondary alteration as compared to larger grains41. Moreover, determination of 40Ar/39Ar ages of smaller grains is difficult and can become erroneous because of Argon loss due to recoil during irradiation42. Samples were packed in aluminium capsules and irradiated in a research reactor by fast neutrons. The Minnesota hornblende reference material (MMhb-1), of age 523.1 ± 2.6 Ma43, was used as the flux monitor and high-purity CaF2 and K2SO4 salts for interference corrections arising from the production of Ar from Ca and K isotopes. Argon was extracted by incremental heating between 450 °C and 1400 °C at steps of 50 °C and isotopic ratios were measured in a Thermo Fisher ARGUS-VI multi-collector mass spectrometer at the Indian Institute of Technology Bombay. Plateau and isochron ages were calculated and plotted using the software ISOPLOT 2.4944.
Rocks in various sectors of the Himalayan Mountain Belt have distinct groupings in isotopic ratios of Sr and Nd45. Therefore, 87Sr/86Sr and 143Nd/144Nd ratios of sediments in the Indo-Gangetic plain can be utilized for source fingerprinting or provenance study. Our isotopic analyses were carried out in powdered (to <10 μm) and homogenized samples. Samples were heated to 650 °C for 2 hours to remove organic matter. They were decarbonated using dilute HCl and washed multiple times in deionized water to ensure removal of salts. Thus, further processing for isotopic analyses was done for the silicate fractions only. Samples were dissolved using the standard HF-HNO3-HCl dissolution procedure for silicate rocks and separation of Sr and Nd was done by conventional column chemistry27,4187Sr/86Sr and 143Nd/144Nd were measured in static multicollection mode on an Isoprobe-T thermal ionization mass spectrometer (TIMS) and Thermo Neptune Multi-Collector Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometer (MC-ICPMS), respectively at the Physical Research Laboratory27,32. The average values for NBS987 and JNdi-1 measured on TIMS over a period of 5 years are 87Sr/86Sr = 0.71023 ± 0.00001 (n = 70) and 143Nd/144Nd = 0.512104 ± 0.000004 (n = 60; ± 0.1 in εNd units) at 2σ level of uncertainty41. The average 143Nd/144Nd of the in-house lab standard, Merck Nd solution, was 0.511705 ± 27 (2σ, n = 56) for the MC-ICPMS measurements. To compare our data with that from literature, all the 87Sr/86Sr and 143Nd/144Nd ratios were normalized to 0.71025 for NBS987 and 0.511858 for La Jolla, respectively. All plots and discussion in this work are based on the normalized ratios.

Data availability

All data associated with this work are available in the supplementary materials.

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Acknowledgements

The authors thank Navin Juyal for valuable inputs and Bivin George for help in the fieldwork. Funding for this project came from the Department of Space, Government of India.

Author information

A.C. and J.S.R. conceived the idea and were responsible for sampling and isotopic analyses. A.D.S. and A.C. did the luminescence dating. K.P. did the 40Ar/39Ar dating. All the authors contributed towards the writing of the manuscript.
Correspondence to Anirban Chatterjee or Jyotiranjan S. Ray.

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Chatterjee, A., Ray, J.S., Shukla, A.D. et al. On the existence of a perennial river in the Harappan heartland. Sci Rep 9, 17221 (2019) doi:10.1038/s41598-019-53489-4







Astronomers capture brightest light ever seen by humanity, more energy in seconds than 10bn years of our sun

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21 Nov, 2019 09:08
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MsT9yJF5IGY (0:05)
After almost 50 years of waiting, scientists have finally directly witnessed a gamma ray burst, in an explosion which has set the record for the brightest light ever witnessed by humanity.
The brief but immensely powerful gamma ray burst (GRB) took place some seven billion light-years away, and expended more energy in a few seconds than our sun would burn in 10 billion years, as a dying star was torn asunder in a supernova on January 14, 2019. 
The burst, named GRB 190114C, was detected by the Neil Gehrels Swift Observatory and the Fermi Gamma-ray Space Telescope. Within just 22 seconds, the coordinates were transmitted to astronomers the world over. 
Two of the Major Atmospheric Gamma Imaging Cherenkov (MAGIC) telescopes on the Canary Islands were the first to survey the bursts, detecting particles of light measuring 0.2 and one tera electron volts (TeV).
This is equivalent to the kinetic energy released by proton collisions in the Large Hadron Collider, the most powerful particle accelerator humanity has ever developed. 
"It’s a trillion times more energetic than visible light. It makes this the brightest known source of TeV photons in the universe,” said Dr Gemma Anderson, co-author of the study.
This is the first time such a GRB has been observed directly since the phenomena were discovered 46 years ago, as they can only be detected when the beams are pointed directly at Earth and the angle must be ideal as a supernova shoots material into space at 99.99 percent the speed of light, meaning there’s essentially no margin for error to capture an event like this.
https://www.rt.com/news/473959-brightest-light-ever-seen/

Squirrel, ficus leaf hieroglyphs read rebus Meluhha lōhakāra, śrēṣṭhin khār guild-master of blacksmith artisans and merchants

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https://tinyurl.com/taskjyb

The clear identification of Sign51 as that of a palm-squirrel by Asko Parpola necessitates a review of all Indus Script inscriptions which use this Sign 51 and variants of Sign 51. 

This monograph establishes that the occurrence of this Sign 51 (and variants) is a signature tune of a guild-master of blacksmith artisans and merchants. Some variants may signify a bica, 'scorpion.' rebus: bicha 'haematite, stone ore'. The unique ligatures of Sign 51 are repeated only on a ficus glomerata leaf, yielding Sign 327.

 Sign 52 is Sign51 with the ligature of koDa'one' rebus: koD'workshop'. Sign 51 is śrēṣṭhin khār guild-master of blacksmith artisans and merchants. Thus, the ligatured Sign 52 reads: workshop of guild-master of blacksmith artisans and merchants.


   Sign 327 is Sign 320 ligatured with kāra 'ears'; thus, reads,  lōhakāra 'ironsmith, blacksmith'.Sign 232 is Sign 320 ligatured to a mountain-range: dang 'mountain range' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' (Semantic determinative) since loa 'ficus glomerata' rebus; loh 'copper, metal'.
I submit that the ligatures unique to Sign 51 and Sign 327 signify  *kāra6 ʻ ear ʼ. [Connexion with kárṇa -- is not clear]Wg. kār ʻ ear ʼ (← Kho. kār), Kt. kōr, Dm. ar Morgenstierne FestskrBroch 150, NTS xii 173; -- Ash. karmuṭäˊ ʻ ear ʼ, Kt. karmútə ʻ lobe of ear ʼ, Gaw. kumtak ʻ ear ʼ NTS ii 261 (or poss. all three < karṇapattraka -- ).kāra -- 7 m. ʻ tax ʼ see kara -- 2.Addenda: *kāra -- 6: Kho. kār ʻ ear ʼ certainly not ← Wg. BKhoT 69.(CDIAL 3056) Rebus: khār'blacksmith' 

When 'ears' are ligatured to ficus glomerata, the expression is: loa'ficus glomerata' rebus: loh'copper,metal' PLUS kāra 'ear' rebus: khār 'blacksmith'. Thus, loh khār'coppersmith'. lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, ˚rī -- f., ˚raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1]Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., ˚rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh˚ m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ.Addenda: lōhakāra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m.(CDIAL 11159)

When 'ears' are ligatured to squirrel, the expression is:khāra šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄  'squirrel rebus: 
śrēṣṭhin khār 'guild-master of blacksmith artisans' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa).

Thus, Signs 51 and 51 are deciphered as: lōhakāra'ironsmith, blacksmith' and śrēṣṭhin khār'guild-master of blacksmith artisans'.




Nindowari-damb seal Nd0-1; Mohenjo-daro seal m-1202; Harappa tablet h-771; Harappa tablet h-419 


Hypertext khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ 'squirrel is plaintext khār 'blacksmith' śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaa) 
m0001 text 1067Text 1067
Field symbol:  kõda ‘young bull-calf’. Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’. sangaḍa ‘lathe, furnace’. Rebus: samgara ‘living in the same house, guild’. sãgaḍa (double-canoe, catamaran) Hence, smith guild.
Meaning, artha of inscription: Trade (and metalwork wealth production) of kōnda sangara 'metalwork engraver'... PLUS (wealth categories cited.).
dhāi 'strand' (Rigveda) tri- dhāu 'three strands' rebus: dhāu 'red ore'. त्रिधातुः (magnetite, hematite, laterite) -- ferrite ores PLUS M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron-- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(CDIAL 6773)

khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ 'squirrel is plaintext khār 'blacksmith' śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaa)  Alternative reading: bicha 'scorpion' Rebus: bica 'hematite, sandstone ferrite ore

kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus:sal 'workshop'. Thus bronze/bell-metal workshop.

ḍhāla f (S through H) The grand flag of an army directing its march and encampments: also the standard or banner of a chieftain rebus: ḍhālako 'ingot

खांडा khāṇḍā A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon).  khaṇḍa 'implements'
m0146 text 1100Text 1100

kanda 'pot, jar' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements'. kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe

Hypertext khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ 'squirrel is plaintext khār 'blacksmith' śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaa) 

kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'  Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl°lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984) 

खांडा (p. 116) khāṇḍā A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon).  khaṇḍa 'implements'.
dhāḷ 'slanted stroke' rebus: dhāḷako 'ingot
dāṭu 'cross' rebus: dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhāṭnā 'to send out, pour out, cast (metal)' (CDIAL 6771) 
Text 6304
Kalibangan 068A 
[Is it a bird or an India River Otter? Could be a scorpion, a model for Signs 51 and 52 ? 

Kalibangan 068B 

 Text 8117 in Mahadevan The 'bird' on line 1 is a 'squirrel'
Meaning, artha: Trade (and metalwork wealth production) of kōnda sangara 'metalwork engraver'... PLUS (wealth categories cited.).
bicha 'scorpion' Rebus: bica 'hematite, sandstone ferrite ore
kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe'.

pōlaḍu'black drongo' pōḷad 'steel' पोलाद [ pōlādan (or P) Steel
kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe'.
khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) kharada खरडें daybook (wealth acounting classification ledger).
PLUS kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kaṁsa'bronze' (Telugu)

dula 'two' rebus: dul'metalcasting' PLUS baṭa 'rimless, wide-mouthed pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' baṭa 'iron'. Thus, iron furnace.

Gadd 18 Sign 51 variant of Text 9845
Seal impression; UPenn; steatite; bull below a scorpion; dia. 2.4cm.; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), p. 13, Pl. III, no. 15; Legrain, MJ (1929), p. 306, pl. XLI, no. 119; found at Ur in the cemetery area, in a ruined grave .9 metres from the surface, together with a pair of gold ear-rings of the double-crescent type and long beads of steatite and carnelian, two of gilt copper, and others of lapis-lazuli, carnelian, and banded sard. The first sign to the left has the form of a flower or perhaps an animal's skin with curly tail; there is a round spot upon the bull's back.

Field symbol: rango 'buffalo' rebus: rã̄g, rã̄gā ''pewter, tin'
Text message:

Variants of Sign 375
mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali) 
Lozenge shape, bun-ingot shape: mũh rebus:  Rebus: mũh 'ingot' (Munda) PLUS gaṇḍa ‘four’ Rebus: khaṇḍa ‘metal implements.. Thus, the sign is a hypertext signifying equipment and ingots.
Hypertext: कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread' rebus: कर्णक kárṇaka, 'helmsman'
bica ‘scorpion’ (Assamese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ bicha 'haematite ore' Alternative: 

Hypertext khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ 'squirrel is plaintext khār 'blacksmith' śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaa) 



m606B Text 2918

m606A Text 2918

Text 2918 


 The last sign is wrongly identified in Mahadevan (ASI 1987, Sign 51) Text 1400 in Mahadevan reads it as a variant of Sign 51

m0314 Seal impression, Text 1400 Dimension: 1.4 sq. in. (3.6 cm) Marshall 1931 (Vol. II, p. 402). 
The last sign on the last line flipped vertically and horizontally compares with the hieroglyph on Nindowari seal and is likey to signify 'squirrel'. 
Nindowari seal 1

 

m1202 Space on the side of the seal was used to inscribe a third line. Seal m1202 is that of a guild-master of blacksmith artisans and merchants.

Field symbol: barad, barat 'bull' Rebus: bharata, baran 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' PLUS pattar 'feeding-trough' rebus: பத்தர்; pattar, n. perh. vartaka. Merchants; வியாபாரிகள். (W.) Thus, merchant of metal alloys, bharata.
Text message: Part 1, Line 1
karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith'

Hypertext khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ 'squirrel is plaintext khār 'blacksmith' śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaa) 

kanda 'pot, jar' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements'. kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe

Text message: Part 2, line1
maĩd ʻrude harrow or clod breakerʼ (Marathi) rebus: mẽṛhẽt,med .'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali)
bhaṭā 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭā 'furnace'
kanda 'pot, jar' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements'. kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe

Text message, Line 2
Lozenge shape, bun-ingot shape: mũh rebus:  Rebus: mũh 'ingot' (Munda) 

Text message, LIne 3 (on the side of the seal)
Hypertext: कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread' rebus: कर्णक kárṇaka, 'helmsman' PLUS koDa 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop'. Thus, workshop of steersman.
Lozenge shape, bun-ingot shape: mũh rebus:  Rebus: mũh 'ingot' (Munda) PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS koDa 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop'.Thus, workshop for metalkcastings of ingots.
taTTal 'five' rebus: taTTar 'brass'


Nindowari-damb 2  The seal is the daybook of guild-master of blacksmith artisans.

Hypertext khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ 'squirrel is plaintext khār 'blacksmith' śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaa) Alternative: bicha 'scorpion' Rebus: bica 'hematite, sandstone ferrite ore'

kāru pincers, tongs. Rebus: khār खार्'blacksmith'
khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) kharada खरडें daybook (wealth acounting classification ledger). PLUS kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kaṁsa'bronze' (Telugu)
Field symbol: sãgaḍ 'lathe, portable furnace' rebus: sangara 'trade', samgraha, samgaha 'arranger, manager'. कोंद kōnda 'young bull' rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, script’; kundana ‘fine gold;  kundana ‘fine gold’Alternative: san:ghāḍo, saghaḍī (G.) = firepan; saghaḍī, śaghaḍi = a pot for holding fire (G.)sãghāṛɔ m. ‘lathe’ (G.) Rebus: san:gatarāśū = stone cutter (S.) jangaḍiyo ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’; sanghāḍiyo, a worker on a lathe (G.) H جاکڙ जाकड़ jākaṛ [fr. S. यतं+कृ; cf. jakaṛnā], s.m. A deposit or pledge left with a vendor for goods brought away for inspection or approval; goods taken from a shop for approval, a deposit or pledge being left; a conditional purchase; articles taken on commission sale;—adv. On inspection, for approval:—jākaṛ-bahī, s.f. Account book of sales subject to approval of goods, &c.:—jākaṛ bećnā, v.t. To sell conditionally, or subject to approval:—jākaṛ le jānā, v.t. To take away goods on inspection, or for approval, leaving a deposit or pledge with the vendor. (Urdu)
h771A, B baṭa 'rimless, wide-mouthed pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'PLUS gaṇḍa 'four'  rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements'. Thus, implements furnace.
karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār खार्'blacksmith'
Squirrel [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri).
dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, inscription message, in plain text: metalcasting blacksmith guildmaster (with implements furnace).
Squirrel
[√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri).
kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l'smithy, forge'  Or, warehouse  kuṭhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koṭho = a warehouse.
Meaning artha Trade of kōnda sangara  'metalwork engraver' (in) supercargo (of) smithy,forge implements workshop, bellows (forge) of blacksmith, furnace metal implements of smithy, forge.
m1634 ceramic stoneware bangle (badge)
 Read from r. to l.: 
Vikalpa: The prefixSign 403: Hieroglyph: bārī , 'small ear-ring': H. bālā m. ʻbraceletʼ (→ S. ḇālo m. ʻbracelet worn by Hindusʼ), bālībārī f. ʻsmall ear -- ringʼ, OMārw. bālī f.; G. vāḷɔ m. ʻ wire ʼ, pl. ʻ ear ornament made of gold wire ʼ; M. vāḷā m. ʻ ring ʼ, vāḷī f. ʻ nose -- ring ʼ.(CDIAL 11573) Rebus: bārī 'merchant' vāḍhī, bari, barea 'merchantbārakaśa 'seafaring vessel'. If the duplication of the 'bangle' on Sign 403 signifies a plural, the reading could be: karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār 'blacksmith, iron worker'.

The pair of signs on 1634 ceramic stoneware bangle confirms the reading of Sign 51 as khār'blacksmith' śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master'. Sign 403 on this bangle is thus a semantic
 determinative of the professional competence of the 'squirrel' hieroglyph which signifies a 'guild-master', specifying him as a 
guild-master of blacksmiths, artisans.


śrēṣṭhin khār kolimi, lōhakāra kolimi are rebus Meluhha expressions of guild-master smithy, artisan smithy

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This is an addendum to:

 https://tinyurl.com/taskjyb

Text m1244 (On this inscription, the Sign 254 is  composed of three linear strokes circumscribed by two 'notches'; this Sign 254 is comparable to one of the two ligatures on Sign 51 and Sign 327.
Sign 254 Orthography of two notches PLUS three horizontal lines: Sign 254        Two notches PLUS three horizontal lines: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) rebus: khaṇḍa 'equipment' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus dul khaṇḍa kolimi 'cast equipment smithy, forge'

Thus, the three horizontal strokes which signify kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' are also ligatured to Sign 51 and Sign 327 as one of the two ears ligatured to the base sign of squirrel and ficus glomerata, respectively.
Thus, Sign 51 and Sign 327  read rebus: śrēṣṭhin khār kolimi, lōhakāra kolimi to signify 1) smithy/forge of guild-master of blacksmith artisans; and 2) smithy/forge of blacksmiths, ironsmiths. Thus, Sign 51 and Sign 327 relate to 1) guild-master of blacksmith artisans & 2) blacksmith, ironsmith artisans and are deciphered respectively, as.śrēṣṭhin khār kolimi, and lōhakāra kolimi

This reading of three linear strokes ligatured as one of the two ears to Sign 51 and Sign 327 are consistent with the decipherment of Sign 242 as kole.l. This architectural feature of Sign 242 signifies kole.l'temple' rebus: kole.l'smithy, forge'.

 


26 Inscriptions in Mahadevan ASI 1977 Concordance contain the Signand expanded Sign 243 with a ligature infix of rimless pot.
I submit that the divided paritition of Sign 242 is the ligature of three short linear strokes on Sign 51 and Sign 327. Both these signs 51 and 327 have variants showing ligatures of two 'ears'. On many variants, one of the two 'ears' is replaced by three short linear strokes to signify kolom'three' rebus: kolimi'smithy, forge'.-- as semantic expansions to precisely locate the guild-master and artisans in relation to their workplace, which is smithy/forge.
m173 Text 1161

Text 1161

m747 Text 2471

Text 2471


m952

Text 2265 m952
m40 Text
m40
Text 1013

m950 Text 1013
m949a Text 1271

m949c

Text 1271 Sign 141

Text 1271
m948 Text 2250

Text 2250
Text 4574

h982 a text 4574

h982 b text 4574

h982 c text 4574

Sign241
Sign238
Sign242
Sign239







This is an addendum to: Indus script seals (5) with 5 hypertext narratives signify metal Guild-master, helmsman, supercargo's in charge of products out of smelter/furnace//smithy/forge http://tinyurl.com/hrud9v4

Hypertext narrative of a seal with six protomes: Seal of a Metal guild-master. Hieroglyph: śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus:  śrēṣṭhin, seh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace) are: blacksmith, turner, smelter, coppersmith, ironsmith (magnetite ore), Supercargo who is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. 


A protome (Greek προτομή) is a type of adornment that takes the form of the head and upper torso of either a human or an animal. Six such protomes are put together in a whorl on m417 with the 'stairs' as a connecting hieroglyph in the centre, connecting the six protomes. Unfortunately, the seal is broken. Three protomes are clearly visible: 1. 'Unicorn' with one curved horn; 2. 'Unicorn' with two zebu-like horns; 3. short-horned bull. 4. Horned tiger A fifth protome is also that of a 'unicorn' but the shape of horn(s) on this protome can only be guessed since this part of the seal is broken. Heads of the fifth and sixth protomes are also broken and can only be guessed. 

One sign as a text message appears on this seal of six protomes.The sign (Sign 17) signifies a warrior with a staff on his left shoulder. The shoulders of the person are fused into a 'ficus glomerata'. One possible reading of this Sign 17 is: loa 'ficus glomerata' rebus: loh 'copper,metal' PLUS 
कर्णक karaka m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 'spread legs'; (semantic ... कर्णक'spread legs' rebus: कर्णक  karaka 'helmsman', kari 'supercargo' lohakāra,  lohakaraka 
'metalsmith', metals helmsman or  loha kari 'metals supercargo '. lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, ˚rī -- f., ˚raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1]Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., ˚rī f., awā. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh˚ m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ.Addenda: lōhakāra -- : WPah.kg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m. (CDIAL 11159) These Meluhha pronunciation variants and semantics signify that  lōhakāra is ʻcoppersmith, ironsmithʼ (Phonetic form attested in Pali).

T
his rebus reading indicates that the six protomes of the Mohenjo-daro seal whorl m417 relate to the work of a metalsmith. Based on this inference, the clearly identifiable protomes can be read rebus: 

1. 'Unicorn' with one horn: kār-kunda 'adroit, clever, experienced, director,manager'. 
کارکند kār-kund (corrup. of P کارکن) adj. Adroit, clever, experienced. 2. A director, a manager;  کارکنده kār-kundaʿh. (Pashto). A crumpled, twisted horn is mer̥ha deren rebus: me 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic) PLuS kunda 'turner, lapidary'. Thus, a metalwork manager is signified.

2. 'Unicorn' with two horns: khō
ṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundār 'lathe, lathe-worker' PLUS ko 'horns' rebus: ko 'workshop'.  kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1]A. kundār, B. kũdār˚ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, ˚rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297) Thus, the workshop of a lapidary is signified.

3. Short-horned bull: barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin). Thus, an alloysmith is signified.


4. Tiger without horns: kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' Thus, an iron smelter is signified.


5 and 6 protomes: Broken. One guess is that they may signify elephant and zebu. If so, the readings are: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'; pola 'zebu' rebus: pola 'magnetite,ferrite ore'. Thus protomes 5 and 6 may signify iron smithy and magnetite metalwork. The basis for guessing the missing protomes as elephant and zebu is based on a composite animal of Mohenjo-daro seal m1175 which signifies the horns of a zebu and the trunk of an elephant ligatured to a human face:

 The ladder which unites the six protomes is: *śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720) *śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus:  śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M.śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12726) This denotes a mason (artisan) guild -- seni -- of 1. brass-workers; 2. blacksmiths; 3. iron-workers; 4. copper-workers; 5. native metal workers; 6. workers in alloys.

Eight such copper anthropomorphs decorate the lid of the wooden coffin, signifying a guild. 

The face is that of a bull with high horns like those of a zebu, bos indicus. 

The decorative hieroglyph between the horns is a ficus leaf which is loa'ficus glomerata' rebus: loh'copper, metal'. 

The bull's face is an Indus Script hypertext: dhangra'bull' rebus: dhangar'blacksmith'. 

If the horns signify zebu, bos indicus, the rebus readings are: poḷa'zebu' rebus: poḷa'magnetite, ferrite ore'. 

The bull-heads are shown with protruding ears which are also Indus Script Hypertexts: karṇika कर्णिक 'mfn. having ears , having large or long ears rebus: karṇika कर्णिक 'having a helm, a steersman' (Monier-Williams) 'The eight anthropomorphs may constitute a guild of metalworkers and seafaring merchants. 

In the context of the burials together with chariot burials, the eight persons may be guild-masters belonging to a श्रेणि a company of artisans following the same business , a guild or association of traders dealing in the same articles Mn. MBh. &c; the fore or upper part of anything. They are श्रेष्ठिन् m. an eminent artisan , the head or chief of an association following the same trade or industry , the president or foreman of a guild (alsof(इनी). a female artisan &c ) Hariv. Ka1v. VarBr2S. &c ; m. a warrior of high rank Ja1takam; m. a distinguished man , a person of rank or authority AitBr. S3a1n3khBr. KaushUp.(Monier-Williams). 


śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726)




చీమ [ cīma ] chīma. [Tel.] n. An ant. కొండచీమ. the forest ant. రెక్కలచీమ a winged ant. పారేచీమను వింటాడు he can hear an ant crawl, i.e., he is all alive.చీమదూరని అడవి a forest impervious even to an ant. చలిచీమ a black antపై పారేపక్షి కిందపారే చీమ (proverb) The bird above, the ant below, i.e., I had no chance with him. చీమంత of the size of an ant. చీమపులి chīma-puli. n. The ant lion, an ant-eater.

చీముంత [ cīmunta ] chīmunta.. [Tel.] n. A metal vesselచెంబు.






cīmara -- ʻ copper ʼ in mara -- kāra -- ʻ coppersmith ʼ in Saṁghāṭa -- sūtra Gilgit MS. 37 folio 85 verso, 3 (= zaṅs -- mkhan in Tibetan Pekin text Vol. 28 Japanese facsimile 285 a 3 which in Mahāvyutpatti 3790 renders śaulbika -- BHS ii 533. But the Chinese version (Taishō issaikyō ed. text no. 423 p. 971 col. 3, line 2) has t'ie ʻ iron ʼ: H. W. Bailey 21.2.65). [The Kaf. and Dard. word for ʻ iron ʼ appears also in Bur. čhomārčhumər. Turk. timur (NTS ii 250) may come from the same unknown source. Semant. cf. lōhá -- ]Ash. ċímäċimə ʻ iron ʼ (ċiməkára ʻ blacksmith ʼ), Kt. čimé;, Wg. čümāˊr, Pr. zíme, Dm. čimár(r), Paš.lauṛ. čimāˊr, Shum. čímar, Woṭ. Gaw. ċimár,Kalčīmbar, Kho. čúmur, Bshk. čimerTorčimu, Mai. sē̃war, Phal. čímar, Sh.gil. čimĕr (adj. čĭmārí), gur. čimăr m., jij. čimer, K. ċamuru m. (adj.ċamaruwu).(CDIAL 14496)























 





Kalibangan 080 Seal impression 8120 Text











m0143 Mohenjo-Daro seal 2002 Text











h701Ath701Bt 5329





Sign 186 Variants of Sign 186 


Hieroglyph: śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace) . 






śrēṇikā -- f. ʻ tent ʼ lex. and mngs. ʻ house ~ ladder ʼ in *śriṣṭa -- 2, *śrīḍhi -- . -- Words for ʻ ladder ʼ see śrití -- . -- √śri]H. sainī, senī f. ʻ ladder ʼ; Si. hiṇi, hiṇa, iṇi ʻ ladder, stairs ʼ (GS 84 < śrēṇi -- ).(CDIAL 12685). Woṭ. Šen ʻ roof ʼ, Bshk. Šan, Phal. Šān(AO xviii 251) Rebus: seṇi (f.) [Class. Sk. Śreṇi in meaning “guild”; Vedic= row] 1. A guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dāvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. ˚ -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni -- ). — 2. A division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- ˚ J vi.81, 49; seṇimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. Senā and seniya). (Pali)







    Seniya [fr. senā] belonging to an army, soldier J i.314.



Senā [Vedic senā2 perhaps fr. si to bind] an army Vin i.241; iv.104 sq. (where described as consisting of hatthī, assā, rathā, pattī), 160; S i.112; A iii.397; v.82; J ii.94; Miln 4; Nd1 95 (Māra˚), 174 (id.).



   -- gutta [sena˚] a high official, a minister of war, only in cpd. mahā -- ˚ J vi.2, 54; mahāsenaguttaṭṭhāna the position of a generalissimo J v.115. -- nāyaka a general Vin i.73. -- pacca the position as general Mhvs 38, 81. -- pati a general Vin i.233 sq.; Sn 556; A iii.38; iv.79; J i.133; iv.43; dhamma -- ˚ a general of the Dhamma Miln 343; DhA iii.305. -- patika a general A iii.76, 78, 300. -- byūha massing of troops, grouping & fitting up an army Vin iv.107; D i.6; Ps ii.213; DA i.85 ( -- vyūha).


*śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720)*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724)
*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) 
खार [ khāra ] A squirrel, Sciurus palmarum. खारी (p. 205) [ khārī ] (Usually खार) A squirrel. 
खडी [ khaḍī ] f खटी S) A squirrel खडू (p. 193) [ khaḍū ] f खडूळ f A squirrel.
खडी [ khaḍī ] f खटी S) A species of steatites used to rub over the writing-board, or to whitewash walls: also an unctuous and whitish stone, a sort of pipeclay. 2 A composition (of talc, gum &c.) for raising figures on cloth: also the figures raised.

The clear identification of Sign51 as that of a palm-squirrel by Asko Parpola necessitates a review of all Indus Script inscriptions which use this Sign 51 and variants of Sign 51. 


This monograph establishes that the occurrence of this Sign 51 (and variants) is a signature tune of a guild-master of blacksmith artisans and merchants. Some variants may signify a bica, 'scorpion.' rebus: bicha 'haematite, stone ore'. The unique ligatures of Sign 51 are repeated only on a ficus glomerata leaf, yielding Sign 327.


 Sign 52 is Sign51 with the ligature of koDa 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop'. Sign 51 is śrēṣṭhin khār guild-master of blacksmith artisans and merchants. Thus, the ligatured Sign 52 reads: workshop of guild-master of blacksmith artisans and merchants.
m973 text 2585

Text 2585

Field Symbol 100
Field Symbol 55


   Sign 327 is Sign 320 ligatured with kāra 'ears'; thus, reads,  lōhakāra 'ironsmith, blacksmith'.Sign 232 is Sign 320 ligatured to a mountain-range: dang 'mountain range' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' (Semantic determinative) since loa 'ficus glomerata' rebus; loh 'copper, metal'.I submit that the ligatures unique to Sign 51 and Sign 327 signify  *kāra6 ʻ ear ʼ. [Connexion with kárṇa -- is not clear]Wg. kār ʻ ear ʼ (← Kho. kār), Kt. kōr, Dm. ar Morgenstierne FestskrBroch 150, NTS xii 173; -- Ash. karmuṭäˊ ʻ ear ʼ, Kt. karmútə ʻ lobe of ear ʼ, Gaw. kumtak ʻ ear ʼ NTS ii 261 (or poss. all three < karṇapattraka -- ).kāra -- 7 m. ʻ tax ʼ see kara -- 2.Addenda: *kāra -- 6: Kho. kār ʻ ear ʼ certainly not ← Wg. BKhoT 69.(CDIAL 3056) Rebus: khār 'blacksmith' 

When 'ears' are ligatured to ficus glomerata, the expression is: loa 'ficus glomerata' rebus: loh 'copper,metal' PLUS kāra 'ear' rebus: khār 'blacksmith'. Thus, loh khār 'coppersmith'. lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, ˚rī -- f., ˚raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1]Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., ˚rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh˚ m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ.Addenda: lōhakāra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m.(CDIAL 11159)
When 'ears' are ligatured to squirrel, the expression is:khāra šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄  'squirrel rebus: 
śrēṣṭhin khār 'guild-master of blacksmith artisans' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa).

Thus, Signs 51 and 51 are deciphered as: lōhakāra 'ironsmith, blacksmith' and śrēṣṭhin khār 'guild-master of blacksmith artisans'.

Squirrel
[√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri).
kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l'smithy, forge'  Or, warehouse  kuṭhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koṭho = a warehouse.
Meaning artha Trade of kōnda sangara  'metalwork engraver' (in) supercargo (of) smithy,forge implements workshop, bellows (forge) of blacksmith, furnace metal implements of smithy, forge.

m1634 ceramic stoneware bangle (badge)
 Read from r. to l.: 
Vikalpa: The prefixSign 403: Hieroglyph: bārī , 'small ear-ring': H. bālā m. ʻbraceletʼ (→ S. ḇālo m. ʻbracelet worn by Hindusʼ), bālībārī f. ʻsmall ear -- ringʼ, OMārw. bālī f.; G. vāḷɔ m. ʻ wire ʼ, pl. ʻ ear ornament made of gold wire ʼ; M. vāḷā m. ʻ ring ʼ, vāḷī f. ʻ nose -- ring ʼ.(CDIAL 11573) Rebus: bārī 'merchant' vāḍhī, bari, barea 'merchantbārakaśa 'seafaring vessel'. If the duplication of the 'bangle' on Sign 403 signifies a plural, the reading could be: karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār 'blacksmith, iron worker'.
The pair of signs on 1634 ceramic stoneware bangle confirms the reading of Sign 51 as khār'blacksmith' śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master'. Sign 403 on this bangle is thus a semantic
 determinative of the professional competence of the 'squirrel' hieroglyph which signifies a 'guild-master', specifying him as a 
guild-master of blacksmiths, artisans.

 










This is an addendum to:





1. Conclusive proof from Kharaputta-Jātaka and Kanmer seal for khara as equus hemionus which draws a royal chariot; rebus khār 'blacksmith' https://tinyurl.com/y3xa9vmu




2. Design principles of pictographic Indus Script, gleaned from 'unicorn', 'rim-of-jar' https://tinyurl.com/yya6g9gf




Image result for herringbone fishHerringbone pattern.





This could be seen as an extension of fish-fins which are read rebus: khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' .


Sign 177


On Kanmer seal impressions and on Khirsara tablet, this Sign 177 has been read as 'ladder'. Maybe, this has an alternative reading: குத்தா kuttā, குத்துவா 


kuttuvā, n. A herring, golden, glossed with purple, Pellona brachysoma; கடல்மீன்வகை Rebus: kōḍa 'workshop'. 



Reverse side of a clay "token" from KanmerKutch, with incised signs depicting (from right to left) 'wild ass' and 'ladder' (photo by Indus Project of RIHN).

khara 'equus hemionus' rebus:khār 'blacksmith

śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seṭh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace). Thus, guild-master of the guild of blacksmiths. 

Kanmer seal impression as a token has two signs on the obverse which are repeated as a two-sign sequence on Khirsara tablet. 







Khirsara tablet two-sign sequence. The sequence is read rebus: 

khara 'equus hemionus' rebus:khār 'blacksmith' PLUS kuttuvā 'herring bone' rebus: kōḍa 'workshop'. Thus, together, blacksmith workshop. The same reading may relate to the obverse of Kanmer seal impression 'token'. (Many dialectical variant phonetic forms of kuttuvā 'herring bone' include: kuṭṭa, kuṭṭai 'knotty log, handcuffs', khoḍ ʻ trunk or stump of a tree ʼ, ˚ḍā m. ʻ stocks for criminals ʼ. Hence, the rebus reading kōḍa 'workshop, place of work of artisans' is realised.

Three identical seal impressions of Kanmer are used on a string to constitute a set. The seal impressions are composed of the inscription:



 PLUS  These two hieroglyphs read from r. to l.: koḍa 'one' rebus: koḍ 'workshop' PLUS khareḍo 'a currycombrebus kharada खरडें daybook PLUS karṇaka कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus kanahār 'helmsman'. Thus, the message is: khareḍo koḍ karṇaka rebus: khareḍo 'daybook' (of) koḍ 'workshop' (of) kanahār 'helmsman'. Together, the inscription message is: daybook of workshop of helmsman. Three such seal impressions on three tokens of Kanmer constitute the consolidated cargo to be compiled on a seal message.



khareḍo 'a currycomb' (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) Rebus: kharada 
खरडें daybook 

 Sign 38 is a hypertext composed of kharada 

खरडें daybook PLUS  kanahār 'helmsman'. Thus, helmsman's daybook.







Variants of Sign 176


Sign 176 khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 


कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 'spread legs'; (semantic determinant) Rebus: kanahār'helmsman', karNI 'scribe, account''supercargo'. कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman', karNi 'supercargo'; meṛed 'iron' rebus: meḍh 'merchant' ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'; 2. कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman', kari 'supercargo'  Indicative that the merchant is seafaring metalsmith. karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1]Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman ʼ.(CDIAL 2836) Decipherment: कर्णक 'helmsman' PLUS mē̃d, mēd 'body' rebus: mē̃d, mēd 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic). Thus the body hieroglyph signifies mē̃d कर्णक karṇi 'an iron helmsman seafaring, supercargo merchant.'
khoṇḍ, kõda 'young bull-calf' खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) ‘Pannier’  glyph: खोंडी khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) kũdār ‘turner, brass-worker’. कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) 






Khirsara1a tablet





Decipherment:Hypertext of Sign 336 has hieroglyph components: muka 'ladle' (Tamil)(DEDR 4887) Rebus: mū̃h'ingot' (Santali).PLUSSign 328  baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'. The hypertext reads: mū̃h bhaṭa 'ingot furnace'





khara 'equus hemionus' rebus:khār 'blacksmith [Alternative: ranku ‘antelope’; rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali)]










Sign 177 (Mahadevan ASI 1977 COncordance Signlist)





śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace). [Alternative: panǰā́r ‘ladder, stairs’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 7760) Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali)]





Thus, guild-master of the guild of blacksmiths. 






badhi ‘to ligature, to bandage, to splice, to join by successive rolls of a ligature’ (Santali) batā bamboo slips (Kur.); bate = thin slips of bamboo (Malt.)(DEDR 3917). Rebus: baḍhi = worker in wood and metal (Santali) baṛae = blacksmith (Ash.)





kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolimi ‘smithy’ (Te.)





khaṇḍ ‘division’; rebus: kaṇḍ ‘furnace’ (Santali) khaḍā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.)





bharna = the name given to the woof by weavers; otor bharna = warp and weft (Santali.lex.) bharna = the woof, cross-thread in weaving (Santali); bharni_ (H.) (Santali.Boding.lex.) Rebus: bhoron = a mixture of brass and bell metal (Santali.lex.) bharan = to spread or bring out from a kiln (P.lex.) bha_ran. = to bring out from a kiln (G.)  ba_ran.iyo = one whose profession it is to sift ashes or dust in a goldsmith’s workshop (G.lex.) bharant (lit. bearing) is used in the plural in Pan~cavim.s’a Bra_hman.a (18.10.8). Sa_yan.a interprets this as ‘the warrior caste’ (bharata_m – bharan.am kurvata_m ks.atriya_n.a_m). *Weber notes this as a reference to the Bharata-s. (Indische Studien, 10.28.n.2)





kuṭi = a slice, a bit, a small piece (Santali.lex.Bodding) Rebus: kuṭhi ‘iron smelter furnace’ (Santali)





Hieroglyph ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' 







meḍhi 'plait' meḍ 'iron'; daürā 'rope' Rebus dhāvḍā 'smelter'






kṣōḍa m. ʻ post to which an elephant is fastened ʼ lex. [Poss. conn. with *khuṭṭa -- 1 with kh -- sanskritized as kṣ -- ]Pk. khōḍa -- m. ʻ boundary post ʼ, ˚ḍī -- f. ʻ big piece of wood, wooden bolt ʼ, taṁtukkhōḍī -- f. ʻ peg in a loom ʼ; N. khoriyo ʻ land on which trees have been cut and burnt and crops sown ʼ (< ʻ *having stumps ʼ?); H. khoṛ m. ʻ piece of wood ʼ, ˚ṛā m. ʻ stocks, handcuffs ʼ, khoṛkā m. ʻ stump of a tree ʼ; G. khoṛ n. ʻ large block of wood ʼ; M. khoḍ n. ʻ trunk or stump of a tree ʼ, ˚ḍā m. ʻ stocks for criminals ʼ.(CDIAL 3748) *khuṭṭa1 ʻ peg, post ʼ. 2. *khuṇṭa -- 1. [Same as *khuṭṭa -- 2? -- See also kṣōḍa -- .]1. Ku. khuṭī ʻ peg ʼ; N. khuṭnu ʻ to stitch ʼ (der. *khuṭ ʻ pin ʼ as khilnu from khil s.v. khīˊla -- ); Mth. khuṭā ʻ peg, post ʼ; H. khūṭā m. ʻ peg, stump ʼ; Marw. khuṭī f. ʻ peg ʼ; M. khuṭā m. ʻ post ʼ.2. Pk. khuṁṭa -- , khoṁṭaya -- m. ʻ peg, post ʼ; Dm. kuṇḍa ʻ peg for fastening yoke to plough -- pole ʼ; L. khū̃ḍī f. ʻ drum -- stick ʼ; P. khuṇḍ˚ḍā m. ʻ peg, stump ʼ; WPah. rudh. khuṇḍ ʻ tethering peg or post ʼ; A. khũṭā ʻ post ʼ, ˚ṭi ʻ peg ʼ; B. khũṭā˚ṭi ʻ wooden post, stake, pin, wedge ʼ; Or. khuṇṭa˚ṭā ʻ pillar, post ʼ; Bi. (with -- ḍa -- ) khũṭrā˚rī ʻ posts about one foot high rising from body of cart ʼ; H. khū̃ṭā m. ʻ stump, log ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ small peg ʼ (→ P. khū̃ṭā m., ˚ṭī f. ʻ stake, peg ʼ); G. khū̃ṭ f. ʻ landmark ʼ, khũṭɔ m., ˚ṭī f. ʻ peg ʼ, ˚ṭũ n. ʻ stump ʼ, ˚ṭiyũ n. ʻ upright support in frame of wagon ʼ, khū̃ṭṛũ n. ʻ half -- burnt piece of fuel ʼ; M. khũṭ m. ʻ stump of tree, pile in river, grume on teat ʼ (semant. cf. kīla -- 1 s.v. *khila -- 2), khũṭā m. ʻ stake ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ wooden pin ʼ, khũṭaḷṇẽ ʻ to dibble ʼ.Addenda: *khuṭṭa -- 1. 2. *khuṇṭa -- 1: WPah.kṭg. khv́ndɔ ʻ pole for fencing or piling grass round ʼ (Him.I 35 nd poss. wrong for ṇḍ); J. khuṇḍā m. ʻ peg to fasten cattle to ʼ.(CDIAL 3893)

Ta. kuṭṭai, kuṭṭai-maram stocks; kaikkuṭṭai handcuffs. To. kuṭy, koy-kuṭy id.(DEDRF 1674) Ma. kuṭṭa a knotty log. Ko. guṭḷ stake to which animal is tied, any large wooden peg. To. kuṭy a stump. Ka. (Coorg) kuṭṭustem of a tree which remains after cutting it. Koḍ. kuṭṭe log. Tu. kuṭṭi stake, peg, stump. Go. (Mu.) kuṭṭa, guṭṭa, (G. Ma.) guṭṭa, (Ko.) guṭa stump of tree; (S.) kuṭṭa id., stubble; (FH.) kuta jowari stubble (Voc. 731). Pe. kuṭa stump of tree. Kui gūṭa, (K.) guṭa id. Kuwi (Su.) guṭṭu (pl. guṭka) id., stubble of paddy; (Isr.) kuḍuli log. / The items here, those in DBIA 104 (add: Go. [SR.] guṭṭam, [M.] guṭṭa, [L.] guṭā peg [Voc. 1112]), and those in Turner, CDIAL, no. 3893 *khuṭṭa-, *khuṇṭa- and no. 3748 kṣōḍa-, exhibit considerable convergence and present many problems of immediate relationship. (DEDR 1676)  Ka. (Hav.) kutta straight up. Tu. (B-K.) kutta vertical, steep, straight.(DEDR 1716) குத்தா kuttān. A herring. See குத்துவா.குத்தாங்கல் kuttāṅ-kaln. < குத்து- + ஆம் +. Stone or brick laid upright on edge; செங்குத்தாக வைக்குங் கல் அல்லது செங்கல்.குத்துக்கல் kuttu-k-kaln. < id. +. 1. Stone standing on edge; செங்குத்தான கல். 2. Bricks placed on edge, as in arching, terracing; செங்குத்தாகவைத்துக்கட்டுஞ் செங்கல். 3. Stone marking the depth of water in a tank; ஏரிநீரின் ஆழத்தைக்காட்டும் அளவுகல்.குத்துவா kuttuvān. A herring, golden, glossed with purple, Pellona brachysomaகடல்மீன்வகைகுத்துவாமீன் kuttuvā-mīṉn. < குத்துவா +. See குத்துவா.

 





Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/pnekpcq

Indus Script Corpora is catalogus catalogorum of metalwork. A tablet surface find from Rajanpura 70 km. northeast of Harappa is a revelation of the alloying and metalcasting by Meluhha artisans using zinc and iron ores (hematite and bichi 'stone ore') and a large portable furnace: kanga.
Rajanpur surface find tablet. Rajanpur is 70 km. northeast of Harappa.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/two-bulls-buffaloes-and-ring.html

Hieroglyphs and decipherment: 

Four Linear strokes gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'implements'
Rimless pot baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: baTa 'iron' bhaTa 'furnace'
svastika sattva 'svastika glyph' Rebus: sattva, jasta 'zinc'

Scorpion bicha 'scorpion' Rebus: bica 'stone ore' bichi 'hematite (iron ore)'
Crook  मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick) Rebus: meḍ 'iron'
Crossing dATu 'cross' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral'
Rim of jar  karNIka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNIka 'scribe'
Comb कंकवा (p. 123) [ kaṅkavā ] m A sort of comb. See कंगवा. कोंगें (p. 180) [ 
kōṅgēṃ ] n A long sort of honeycomb.Rebus: kanga 'portable furnace' Rebus: 
kangar 'large brazier': *kāṅgārikā ʻpoor or small brazierʼ.

The tablet is thus a metalwork catalog: alloy implements with zinc, hematite, 
iron ore,portable furnace supercargo. A documentation of the metallurgical competence of the artisan (guild)




-- Six protomes arranged in a whorl m417 Mohenjo-daro seal are artisan specialists who worki in a guild with śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' in smelting, alloying, casting, smithy/forge, turner/lapidary metalwork

I submit that six protomes on Mohenjo-daro seal m417 signify six metalwork specialists associated with a śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master', signified by Sign 17, hieroglyph of baṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. 





Circular seal of Bahrain found at Lothal. miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) gaNDa 'four' rebus: khaNDa 'implements' dhAtu 'strand' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral' tri-dhAtu 'three strands' rebus: tri-dhAtu 'three minerals' ALSO, dhAvaD 'strands' rebus: dhAvad 'smelter'. Thus, the seal signifies implements out of smelter for iron minerals.





Thus, all the six protomes on m417, together with only one sign, Sign 17 signifying a warrior, may convey the message of  lōhakāra 'coppersmith, ironsmith' with distinct categories of artisans with distinct professional specialisations in working with: 1. lathe; 2. smithy/forge; 3. alloymmetal equipment workshop; 4. smelter or metalcasting workshop; 5. iron smithy; 6. magnetite metalwork.
Many variants of this 'warrior' hieroglyph have been identified in Indus Script Corpora. The rebus reading is: baṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. his single sign hieroglyph signifies that 'furnacework' is common to all the six artisan specialists signified by the six protomes.
Sign variants of Sign 17 of ASI 1977 Mahadevan Sign List
Source: Character mapping of Indus Font at http://mohenjodaroonline.net/index.php/indus-script








Thus, all the six protomes on m417, together with only one sign, Sign 17 signifying a warrior, may convey the message of  lōhakāra 'coppersmith, ironsmith' with distinct categories of artisans with distinct professional specialisations in working with: 1. lathe; 2. smithy/forge; 3. alloymmetal equipment workshop; 4. smelter or metalcasting workshop; 5. iron smithy; 6. magnetite metalwork.

Hieroglyph components of eight copper anthropomorphs on Sanauli burial coffins. 
श्रेटी or श्रेडी or श्रेढी f. (in the vernaculars शेडि ; cf. श्रेणि) a partic. numerical notation or progression of figures (in arithm.) (Colebrook).

श्रेणि according to Un2. iv , 51 , fr. √ श्रि ; connected with श्रेटी above ) a line , row , range , series , succession , troop , flock , multitude , number RV. &c; a company of artisans following the same business , a guild or association of traders dealing in the same articles Mn. MBh.; the fore or upper part of anything 


श्रेष्ठिन् mfn. having the best , best , chief;m. a distinguished man , a person of rank or authority AitBr. S3a1n3khBr. KaushUp.;m. a warrior of high rank Ja1takam;m. an eminent artisan , the head or chief of an association following the same trade or industry , the president or foreman of a guild (also f(इनी). a female artisan &c Hariv. Ka1v. VarBr2S. &c

The bull-heads are shown with protruding ears which are also Indus Script Hypertexts: karṇika कर्णिक 'mfn. having ears , having large or long ears rebus: karṇika कर्णिक 'having a helm, a steersman' (Monier-Williams) 'The eight anthropomorphs may constitute a guild of metalworkers and seafaring merchants. 

The 'ficus glomerata' leaf shown between the horns of the Sanauli anthromorphs is one of two signs which get unique ligatures in Indus Script Corpora. The signs are Sign 51 and Sign 327 (Sign numbers are from 1977 Archaeological Survey of India Memoir).
Sign 51 of Indus Script 
   
Sign 327 The ligatures of 'ears' are on the Sign 326 which signifies loa 'Ficus Glomerata' rebus: loh 'copper, metal'.
Thus signs 51 and 327 are read as: Sign 51 bicha 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite, ferrite ore' PLUS karṇika 'steersman' Sign 327 loa'ficus glomerata' rebus: loh'copper,metal' PLUS karṇika 'steersman'. Thus, the two signs are hypertexts which signify steersman or helmsman responsible for the cargo of 1. haematite, ferrite ore and 2. copper, metal.

The thesis is that the hieroglyph components signify Indus Script Hypertexts of metalworker and seafaring merchant guilds. 

A close-up may be seen in the photograph of the anthropomorphic figure on the coffin lid depicting headgear made of horn and a pipal leaf in the centre. However, another expert view is that the carving is of a bull head.  Photo: Archaeological Survey of India. The 'ficus glomerata' leaf between the horns cannot be wished away as related to a bull head. It clearly is a metaphor, a rebus signifier in Meluhha language an Indus Script Hypertext.


















This is an addendum to:  http://tinyurl.com/hrud9v4Hypertext narrative of a seal with six protomes: Seal of a Metal guild-master. Hieroglyph: śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus:  śrēṣṭhin, seh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace) are: blacksmith, turner, smelter, coppersmith, ironsmith (magnetite ore), Supercargo who is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. 





India's thorium secrets

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Did Kudankulam Hackers Steal India’s Thorium Secrets?

After the cyberattack at KudankulamIndian authorities responsible for the security of the Nuclear power plant have admitted to their administrative system being breached by malware, although the actual damage assessment is yet to be determined. Meanwhile, the cybersecurity community is concerned whether the Kudankulam hackers did steal India’s thorium secrets.
Did Kudankulam hackers steal India's thorium secrets
Did Kudankulam hackers steal India’s thorium secrets
On the morning of October 29, 2019, GreatGameIndia was the first to report a cyberattack at Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant (KNPP). The officials at NPCIL (Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd) after initially claiming the reports to be ‘false information’, did actually admit the next day that their system ‘connected to the internet connected network used for administrative purposes’ was breached by the malware.
Further, the NPCIL official claimed that their system was ‘isolated from the critical internal network’ and that their investigation confirmed ‘that the plant systems were not affected’. But as per the cybersecurity expert Pukhraj Singh, who first blew the whistle on the cyberattack at Kudankulam, ‘mission-critical systems were hit’. Although the actual damage assessment is yet to be determined, the cybersecurity community is concerned whether the Kudankulam hackers did steal India’s thorium secrets.
IssueMake Labs, a not-for-profit organisation of cyber security experts based out of South Korea who have been monitoring foreign currency earning and financial hacking activity in the Indian cyberspace atleast since a decade, have claimed that ‘the possible reason behind the attack was to obtain information about thorium-based nuclear power’.
“India is a leader in thorium nuclear power technology. Since last year, North Korean hackers have continuously attempted to attack to obtain that information” claimed the South Korean cyber expert group.
India in Cognitive Dissonance Book by GreatGameIndia
The experts also claimed that as part of their analysis of the DTrack malware, used to attack the nuclear power plant, North Korean hacker groups had attempted to hack senior Indian nuclear scientists, including Anil Kakodkar and S A Bhardwaj through malware-laced emails. “Through them, hackers can contact anyone in India’s nuclear energy sector with trusted relationship”, the Seoul based group said.
On being contacted, Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) spokesperson Ravi Shankar told TOI that “Considering the sensitivity of the matter, DAE will first check the veracity of such tweets and will then respond.” Kakodkar told TOI, “I have to first figure out what are in the tweets and then I will be in a position to respond.”
Malware used in Cyberattack at Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant
Malware used in Cyberattack at Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant
IML founder Simon Choi told TOI that they will talk about the findings soon at a security conference. “We have been monitoring North Korean hackers since 2008. We were watching the hacker that made the attack,” he said. North Korea’s Kimsuky Group attempted to steal information on the latest design of advanced heavy water reactor (AHWR), an Indian design for a next-generation nuclear reactor that burns thorium into the fuel core, IML had tweeted in April.
According to IML, their analysis reveals that there were multiple hackers, including “hacker group B”, which uses a 16-digit password – dkwero38oerA^t@# – to compress a list of files on an infected PC. They have used the same password for multiple attacks since 2007. One of the attackers also included a group that infiltrated the South Korean military’s internal network in 2016 and stole classified information.
Anil Kakodkar is the former director of Bhabha Atomic Research Centre and Chairman of Atomic Energy Commission of India. Apart from playing a major role in India’s nuclear tests asserting sovereignty, Kakodkar champions India’s self-reliance on thorium as a fuel for nuclear energy. He believes that India should be self-reliant in energy, especially by use of the cheap national thorium resources. He continues to engage in designing the Advanced Heavy Water Reactor, that uses thorium-uranium 233 as the primary energy source with plutonium as the driver fuel. The unique reactor system, with simplified but safe technology, will generate 75 percent of electricity from thorium.
S A Bhardwaj is a former chairman of the Atomic Energy Regulatory Board. Bhardwaj has been associated with nuclear fuel design activities. He is amongst the first set of pioneers who took up the power reactor fuel design and engineering activities indigenously. The fuel designs at present in use in all the operating nuclear power plants in the country are based on his designs. Bhardwaj has applied innovative means of use of Plutonium, Thorium and depleted Uranium bearing fuels in Indian Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors.
The North Korean hackers launched spear-phishing attacks on India’s nuclear energy-related experts by disguising them as employees of India’s nuclear energy organizations such as AERB and BARC. They continued their attack for about two years.
Both of these high-profile Indian scientists targeted by hackers were working on Thorium based nuclear power – an area where India Is leading the world. One of the largest supplies of Thorium in the world, named after the Norse God of thunder Thor, is in India. In the 1950s India targeted achieving energy independence with the three-stage nuclear power programme:
  1. Stage-I : envisages, construction of Natural Uranium, Heavy Water Moderated and Cooled Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs). Spent fuel from these reactors is reprocessed to obtain Plutonium.
  2. Stage-II : evisages, construction of Fast Breeder Reactors (FBRs) fuelled by Plutonium produced in stage-I. These reactors would also breed U-233 from Thorium.
  3. Stage-III : would comprise power reactors using U-233 / Thorium as fuel.
In late June 2012, India announced that their “first commercial fast reactor” was near completion making India the most advanced country in thorium research. “We have huge reserves of thorium. The challenge is to develop technology for converting this to fissile material,” stated former Chairman of India’s Atomic Energy Commission. India’s first commercial fast breeder reactor is approaching completion at the Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research, Kalpakkam, Tamil Nadu and validation of its core reactor physics is underway.
India has projected meeting as much as 30% of its electrical demands through thorium by 2050. India is also developing up to 62, mostly thorium reactors, which is expected to be operational by 2025. India is the “only country in the world with a detailed, funded, government-approved plan” to focus on thorium-based nuclear power.
The United States based Thorium Energy Alliance estimates “there is enough thorium in the United States alone to power the country at its current energy level for over 1,000 years.” And India has the largest thorium reserves in the world, which could power entire South Asia for more than 1,000 years. Thorium based nuclear power is a highly sensitive technology, a strategic leap which has the potential to tip the geopolitical balance of power – on which the major powers have set their eyes on since inception.
The concept of using thorium as a nuclear fuel was proposed by the father of India’s nuclear program Homi Bhabha in the 1950s. This thorium focused strategy was in marked contrast to all other countries in the world, which at the time were more concerned about nuclear weapons. It is believed in the intelligence community that Homi Bhabha was assassinated to ultimately paralyse India’s nuclear program – specifically the research into Thorium based nuclear power.
Gregory Douglas, a journalist who taped interviews with former CIA operative, Robert Crowley, for four years, recorded their telephonic talks and later published their transcripts in a book called Conversations with the Crow. Crowley writes that CIA was responsible for assassinating Homi Bhabha. We urge the Indian government as we have done so multiple times before to launch a fresh investigation into the death of Homi Bhabha, to determine the root cause of his place crash over the Alps and thereby prepare an appropriate response.
When the Iranian Nuclear facility was hit it was claimed initially that the American National Security Agency was behind the cyberattack, since the codes and the pattern pointed to them. However, it was revealed after investigation that the hit was actually carried out by Israeli intelligence with stolen cyberweapons developed by the NSA. This methodology should be kept in mind while investigating the Kudankulam cyberattack, since all the fingers initially point to North Korea, the actual hackers maybe just using the code to mask its original identity.

Wealth categories detailed on Indus Script Corpora include gems, jewels & metalwork

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This is an addendum to:

Rosetta Stone for Indus Script has been found. It is Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk of Nimrud 825 BCE 





Evidence of other items of trade apart from metals and minerals have been found. They can be called ratnin 'gems, jewels'. 

The hieroglyph to signify these wealth categories traded are three monkeys, shown on Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk and also as a sculpture in the round from Sarasvati Civilisation.

Instead of the standard device, a monkey is shown on a Mohenjo-daro seal in front of young horned bull. The monkey may signify कुठारु kuṭhāru 'a monkey' Rebus:  कुठारु  kuṭhāru 'an armourer' (Monier-Williams)  Field symbol:  kõda ‘young bull-calf’. Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’. sangaḍa ‘lathe, furnace’. Rebus: samgara ‘living in the same house, guild’. sãgaḍa (double-canoe, catamaran) Hence, smith guild. Singhin ‘spiny-horned’ rebus: singi ‘ornament gold’ kunda ‘lathe’ rebus: kunda ‘fine gold’.
hree types of monkeys Indus Script hieroglyphs as gifts to Shalamaneser III; Gift of 'unicorn' as writing was given to Chinese emperor Fu Xi 



Hieroglyph: रत्नी   ratnī f (रत्न) In monkey-sports. A term given to the female monkey habited as a woman. Rebus:  रत्न  n. ( √1. रा) a gift , present , goods , wealth , riches RV. AV. S3Br.; a jewel , gem , treasure ,mfn. possessing or receiving gifts RV. (Monier-Williams)

Inline image
Three monkeys in a clasp. Mohenjo-daro faience sculpture in the round.

Triple monkey figurine amulet with hole in center. This miniature carved faience bead or pin ornament shows three monkeys in tight embrace with amused expressions on their faces. Possibly placed on a stick or cord. Possibly molded and carved.
Material: yellow-brown glazed faience
Dimensions: 1.6 cm height, 1.4 cm dia.
Mohenjo-daro, HR 1053
National Museum, Karachi, NMP 50.870
Marshall 1931: pl. CLVIII, 5


Itihāsa. Astronomical Evidence of 3143 BCE, Date of Mahabharata War (Dr.ML Raja, 2019)-- Book review

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A pioneering book by DrML Raja, published in 2019. 

The book is Astronomical Evidence ofthe Date of Mahabharata War, KochiKurukshetra Prakashan, Kochi, Author: Dr. M.L. Raja. 

The book dates the event to 3143 BCE.

A must read for everyone interested in civilization studies.

Congratulations, Dr. M.L.Raja for a brilliant work based on the traditions of Hindu Astronomy and based on the textual references in the Great Epic..

https://www.amazon.in/Astronomical-Evidences-Mahabharata-War-M-L-Raja-ebook/dp/B081NWQ491/ref=sr_1_fkmr0_1?keywords=astronomical+evidence+on+mahabharata+war&qid=1574567954&sr=8-1-fkmr0
Astronomical Evidences of Mahabharata War

The book is available on amazon.in

S.Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Centre

                  Astronomical Evidence of the Date of Mahabharata War
                   A book on the date of Mahabharata War written by Dr.M.L.Raja
Deriving the date of a text based on the astronomical references, described internally within that text, is a new tool developed recently.In Mahabharata text of Veda Vyasa, there are enough and appropriate references of astronomical events which occurred in and around the beginning of Mahabharata war. Based on these astronomical evidences, the date of Mahabharata war can be fixed suitably. In this book, the method and calculations are entirely based on the method and system used within the text of Mahabharata. Mahabharata text mentions the dates as Thithi, Nakshatra, Month and Year and follows Nirayana method of computing the positions of Nava Graha and the occurrences of eclipses. The very same is followed in this book and hence this book is coherent with the text. Further, the book follows the calculations of ancient astronomical texts of our Nation, for the derivation of Ahargana (the number of days elapsed since Epoch), mean and exact positions of Sun, Moon, Jupiter, Saturn, Mars, Venus and Mercury and Rahu and Ketu (the Ascending and Descending of Nodes of Moon), which can be collectively called as Nava Graha. These texts follow the trigonometric mathematical calculations (sine and cosine calculations) to account for the elliptical and eccentric orbits of Nava Graha. It can be repeatable. Hence it is totally scientific. It gave absolute results for more than thousands of years. Hence, it is well established and authentic.  Until now, no one has used it to derive the date of Mahabharata war. Hence the book is the pioneer and forerunner in it. Besides, in this method, the following corrections are carried out to derive the exact positions of Nava Graha from their Mean positions in the zodiac. They are Desantara (Longitude) Correction, Manda (Equation of Center) Correction, Sphuta (Annual Parallax and Elongation) Correction and Bhujantara (Equation of Time) Correction. Hence this method is totally scientific and accurate.
There are two types of computing the planetary positions in the zodiac. Nirayana method is one, where we are not taking into account of precession of equinox and Mesha 0 degree is fixed and Mahabharata text of Veda Vyasa and the ancient the astronomical texts of our Nation describe the positions of Nava Graha in this method only. The planetary software describes the positions of these celestial bodies in Sayana method, i.e. taking into account of Precession of Equinox and the Mesha 0 degree is drifting backwards. Now, the actual problem in the derivation of the date of Mahabharata war, using planetary software, is computing the actual value of Ayanamsa, i.e. the difference between Nirayana and Sayana values. Each scholar mentions different value and the Planetary software, as it is not concerned with Nirayana value, has not mentioned the actual value. Hence on converting Sayana into Nirayana value, the problem and error arise, as the value of ayanamsa is not derived uniformly. Besides, this value varies at different periods of time and we don’t know what was its value at the time of Mahabharata war. Hence, the best method is to adopt Nirayana calculations only. Thus, we have to follow the trigonometric calculations described in ancient astronomical texts to derive the positions of Nava Graha and the occurrences of Eclipses.
Mahabharata Text of Veda Vysa mentions that the Mahabharata War was fought just before the beginning of Kaliyuga (Adi and Vana Parva). Stree and Mausala Parva mention that there was 36 + years of difference between Mahabharata war and the beginning of Kaliyuga. Udyoga Parva mentioned that Sree Krishna went to Hastinapura on peace mission in the month of Karthika at Revati Nakshatra. Then occurred Karthika Full Moon and after that Sree Krishna met Karna at Hastinapura, on the eve of leaving Hastinapura. Sree Krishna told Karna that the war had to be started on New Moon day which would occur on 7th day and in Jyeshtha Nakshatra. Thus, Sun and Moon were at Jyeshtha Nakshatra in Vriscika Zodiac sign. Karna and Vyasa told that Rahu (ascending node of Moon) was approaching Sun. Thus, there was Solar Eclipse on New Moon day at Jyeshtha Nakshatra. Hence, Rahu should be at or nearer to Jyeshtha Nakshtra. Karna told that Mars was approaching Anuradha Nakshtra and thus Mars was at a few degrees before Anuradha Nakshatra. Vyasa and Karna told that Saturn was afflicting Rohini Nakshatra and Vyasa told the Saturn was nearer to Visaka Nakshatra and was afflicting Purva Phalgunni Nakshatra. Hence, Saturn must be in Anuradha or Jyeshtha Nakshatra in Vriscika Zodiac sign. Vyasa mentioned that Jupiter was nearer to Visaka and it was mentioned that Jupiter was afflicting Rohini Nakshatra. Hence Jupiter must be in Vriscika or Kanya zodiac sign. As there was a conjunction of 7 Mahagraha, Jupiter’s position in Vriscika is more correct than at Kanya. Vyasa mentioned that Venus was afflicting Purva Bhadrapada Nakshatra. Hence, Venus must be closer to Kanya zodiac sign. Mars should be within 18 to 28 degrees from the Sum, as this is the maximum limit of its elongation. Since Vyasa told that there were occurrences of Lunar and Solar Eclipses within the same month, there should be a possibility of Lunar Eclipse at Karthika Full Moon day and Solar eclipse at the immediate next New Moon day. The difference between Karthika Full Moon and New Moos was ill timed 13 days as per Veda Vyasa. This should be followed on explaining Lunar Eclipse. The statements of Sree Krishna and Vyasa show that the war was fought in Karthika and Margasirsa months and in Sarad and Hemanta Ritu. Besides, Bhishma Nirvana at Magha month Sukla Paksha (bright half of the month) Ashtami (8th) Thithi should is to be correctly accounted. The year which satisfies all these astronomical evidences will be the year of Mahabharata war. This is the methodology followed in this book.
        Based on the multiple, strong and concluding evidences, the book fixes the date of  Mahabharata war at 42nd year before Kaliyuga beginning i.e. 5161 years before present (at 2109 C.E.) i.e. at 3143 B.C.E.

Author mail id  mlrsreekrishna@gmail.com         
website   avinashresearch.org
Contact numbers   +91 9443370129,   +91 6382166863





The Idea of India -- Subhash Kak

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There are many who see India’s recent election results as a repudiation of the textbook idea of India. They find the results painful, as if the walls of the India of their imagination have been brought down.
They say they love India as much as anyone, so they can’t understand how the people could have been so destructive to vote the way they did.
Spring is passing, the birds cry, and the fishes fill with tears on their eyes. — Matsuo Bashō (17th century)
I want to present a different take on the election. I concede that the results are a rejection of an India that many have come to feel comfortable with, but it is an India based on falsehoods and half-truths, motivated by pseudoscience and racism.
If the changes that have occurred inspire people to investigate the foundations of the rejected idea of India and examine them with an open mind, that will be a good thing. I am hoping they will be convinced that the past described in textbooks is inaccurate, make peace with it, look at the future with hope, and discover new ways for growth and prosperity for all Indians.
That will be a new dawn!
My barn burnt down, I can now see the moon. — Mizuta Masahide (17/18th century)
The Old Idea of India
The old idea of India emerged from the work of British colonial administrators and European scholars motivated by the demands of the Raj, pseudoscience and racial prejudice. The British dismantled India’s schools and created a new system of colleges and universities using English as the medium of research and instruction. Their understanding of India was imperfect quite like someone claiming to know Britain ignorant of Shakespeare and Shelley, Austen and Dickens, or Darwin and Dirac. But the British ruled the narrative; Indian classics were thrown out, and Indians could enter the academy only on the terms set by them.
To provide justification for colonial rule, the British declared that Indian society was pre-rational and it needed guidance by Western ideas. Depicted thus in textbooks at all levels, Indians slowly came to believe this characterization, and this included nationalist politicians and intellectuals. So I was not surprised that even a nationalist poet like Ramdhari Singh Dinkar in his much-praised Sanskriti ke chār adhyāya parroted this understanding.
There were two main elements to this idea of India:
One: India is a land divided by rigid caste and hierarchy and its social and intellectual history must be seen within this framework and as an encounter between different races.
Two: Indian society is deeply conservative and religious and it has no real tradition of science, arts and innovation. There has been some innovation in mathematics, architecture, and philosophy, but it was done by outsiders who were descendants of invading or migrating groups. India has received most of its worthy ideas from the west and the north, and this includes writing.
After the British left, the education, administrative, and political ecosystem remained tethered to this idea. There was challenge to it from scholars who knew Indian texts and by subaltern groups, but they were strongly ridiculed. New research over the last few decades has undermined the previous model and a new generation of serious scholars has joined in the criticism. It has become clear that the idea of India conjured up by the British is false, and mostly a fabrication.
But there has also been a reaction by others in the academy who are driven by Eurocentrism and prejudice. Astonishingly, some have even resorted to fabrication of evidence in support of the old view (for example, see here).
Caste in India
Many will be shocked to discover that the modern idea of caste is a colonialist construct (see also this). There is no synonym for caste in any Indian language. The word ‘caste’ comes from the Portuguese casta, a word that was meant to describe the jāti system that is composed of clan or occupation based communities, but slowly it has come to have a much broader connotation. The term was conflated with varṇa, which is a theoretical classification based on social class.
India’s jātis represented a fluid system, not too dissimilar from that of other cultures. As people migrated from one region to another, they often changed occupation or were identified with a different class. There was also powerful religious sanction to the idea that varṇa, as representative of the class one fitted in best, was based on temperament rather than birth.
To get context for what was happening to the jātis, one should remember that the British destroyed India’s economy by crushing taxation and preventing investments in India just as the industrial revolution took off in Europe. India rapidly became deindustrialized and turned into a destination for British goods. This was great for the Empire but a disaster for India. The horror of that period may be guessed from the estimate that India’s share of the world manufacturing fell from 20% to about 1.4% during the British rule (the estimate if for 1750 -1914).
Colonial anthropologists failed to understand the complexities and fluidity of the jātis. The classification in terms of these castes was used to categorize people in the census forms in 1872. Most jātis were not aware of the specific varṇa class they belonged to but were squeezed into the varṇa system by the British administrators.
Based on his understanding of the 1872 Census, the British administrator Denzil Ibbetson argued that jātis were a social rather than a religious mechanism for those who had converted to Islam also had it. He insisted that varṇa categories of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra did not correspond to reality. He thought that the Kshatriya likely no longer existed and Vaishya certainly did not. There were classes of Brahmins who were viewed as outcastes even by the lowest ritual rank, the Shudra, and that the latter term was primarily used as a form of abuse rather than in any categorical sense.
But the ideas of racism were very strong and the perfect fit for the colonial project in India. Missionaries, anthropologists, and government officials set about identifying and classifying Indians into different castes. They used head measurements, skin color, physique, and occupation to develop a racial theory of Indian civilization.
The British Superintendent of the 1921 census summarized what they had done over the previous half-century: “We pigeon-holed everyone by caste and if we could not find a true caste for them, labelled them with the name of hereditary occupation. We deplore the caste system and its effect on social and economic problems, but we are largely responsible for the system we deplore.”
Some jātis were declared to be martial and therefore fit to serve in the army, others were left with menial jobs, and yet others were labeled criminal. The British created a system of institutionalized discrimination. Slowly, the jātis that came out on the top in this classification began to believe in the myth of their superiority since immemorial time. These false ideas have poisoned politics for over a century in the entire Indian subcontinent.
Think about this: H. H. Risley hoped to demonstrate that the social status “varies in inverse ration to the mean relative width of the nose” and his colleague guessed that “intelligence is in inverse proportion to the breadth of the nose.” People were discouraged to apply for clerical jobs if their nasal index exceeded 78.
The historian Thomas Trautmann considers H.H. Risley, who became Census Commissioner in 1899, along with the philologist Max Müller, to have most aggressively pushed the idea “that the constitutive event for Indian civilization, the Big Bang through which it came into being, was the clash between invading, fair-skinned, civilized Sanskrit-speaking Aryans and dark-skinned, barbarous aborigines.” Their influence is not entirely gone. Some of the most racist scholars are to be found in the Indology and Sanskrit departments of the West.
India and science
Writing in 1068, the Spanish-Arab savant Said al-Andalusi declared in his book Ṭabaqāt al-ʼUmam (Categories of Nations) comparing the science of the leading nations that Indians were the most advanced: “The Indians are the essence of wisdom, source of fairness and objectivity. They are the peoples of sublime pensiveness, universal apologues, and useful and rare inventions.”
The British administrators in the education system were generally ignorant of India’s history of science so they did not accept this characterization, even if they acknowledged that the Indian schools were able to impart basic education to broad segments of society, irrespective of their jāti. Macaulay famously stated, Indian knowledge was worthless, and reason enough to separate Indians from their traditions and books, and this became a cornerstone of their education policy.
It is now well accepted that India has been one of the leading scientific nations of the world. Since I have already written much on it elsewhere, here are the links to an overview of ancient Indian science and how it supplied the foundational bases of modern science. Nevertheless, this material is generally unknown to the layperson and therefore old myths persist.
An aside on why I ever got into the study of the history of Indian science. In the eighties, I happened to see a paper which argued that if there was something in Indian scientific texts that was not to be found in Greek or Babylonian texts, then it should be taken as an example of lost Greek or Babylonian knowledge. The fact that such a stupid hypothesis was taken seriously in the academy got me hooked into investigating this field (see also this).
The election and the aftermath
The election was held in the background of rapid economic growth (fastest of any major economy) when jobs have remained under pressure due to the inevitable increase in the use of automation and AI technologies. The policy differences between the BJP and the opposition parties were not large but their manifestos appeared to be motivated by distinctly different visions.
The BJP espoused a nationalism that appeared to reject the Western textbook idea of India, which was ridiculed by the media in India and overseas. The Left parties spoke of incremental change while continuing to see India through the colonial lens that has been the consensus for decades.
The magnitude of the Left’s defeat surprised most observers. The election turned out to have been a subaltern revolt against the elites. The well-informed subaltern felt morally and educationally superior to those with advanced degrees who are ignorant of India’s own history. Seen from this perspective, the election results are an indictment of India’s education system.
Let the light of knowledge banish old myths and darkness. To help that along, the government will do well to undertake these two administrative steps:
1. Discontinue the use of the inaccurate term caste in government and official documents, and replace it by jāti or community, as appropriate.
2. Introduce a course on the history of Indian science in high school and college curricula, and also a curriculum for those who are interested in Indian classics.
Indian culture is humanistic and universal; it has no dichotomy of believer and non-believer, and it has the capacity to deal with the challenges of artificial intelligence for all mankind.
If the people of India voted for progress (सर्वे भवन्तु सुखिनः, सर्वे सन्तु निरामयाः, let all be prosperous and let all be wholesome) and a rejection of the colonialist prejudices of the yesteryear, isn’t that a good thing?
https://medium.com/@subhashkak1/the-idea-of-india-180dfd5f8ca1

What is Indus Script? Written wealth-accounting ledgers of metalwork, lapidary work

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What is Indus Script? Indus Script Inscriptions are wealth-accounting ledgers in Meluhha language cipher. There is an ancient Indian expression called Citragupta, lit. secret pictures. The writing system is also called Mlecchita vikalpa, i.e. Meluhha cipher, by Vatsyayana. This was an art among 64 arts learnt by youth. Seal impressions were used to authenticate trade transactions by impressing seals on packages. Many tablets are work-in-process documentation in workshops, smithy, forge, smelter, lapidary operations. There are over 8000 inscriptions. See details in Epigraphia Indus Script -- Hypertexts and Meanings, 3 vols. See conclusive evidence of Gardez VinAyaka with tiger cub hieroglyph. The tiger cub shown on Gardez Vināyaka reads: panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace' PLUS  पेटा pēṭā 'tiger cub' rebus: पेटा pēṭā smelter guild region of  a town (and part of the phaḍa, paṭṭaḍa‘metals manufactory’).

Hieroglyph: पेटा  pēṭā A cub of a tiger or lion.

Rebus: पेटा pēṭā m (पेट S through H Belly.) Sphere, compass, comprehension, including quality or power: e. g. that of the provincial or county town over the minor towns and villages, that of a key-fort over the circumjacent country, that of a person of authority over his subordinates. Ex. एका नगराच्या पेट्यांत शंभर गांव असतात; मोठ्या पुरुषास आमंत्रण केलें म्हणजे त्याच्या पेट्यांत लाहनसाहन येतात. 2 A division of country consisting of a number of small towns and villages; a subdivision of a परगणा or तालुका. See under देश.  देश   dēśa m (S) A country, a tract, a region.  Under this word may be gathered, and exhibited in their gradations, the words देश, प्रांत, सुभा, पर- गणा, तालुका, जिल्हा, महाल, कसबा, पेटा, पुठा, मौजा, सम्मत, तरफ. देश & प्रांत are the most comprehensive.
Hieroglyph: पांडा   pāṇḍā m (Esp. with वाघाचा preceding.) A tiger's cub, esp. as half-grown;पाडा   pāḍā m A male calf.
Rebus: पाडा   pāḍā A hamlet or a cluster of houses of agriculturists. 3 The gathering of tree-fruits. A ward or quarter of a town.Tiger cub shown on Gardez Vināyaka is rebus पेटा pēṭā smelter guild region of a town
https://tinyurl.com/y6p5j4cu Mirror: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2019/09/tiger-cub-shown-on-gardez-vinayaka-is.html









 














Mundigak pillared hall, temple Mother divinities figurines.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mundigak
Mundigak was a large prehistoric town with an important cultural sequence from the 5th–2nd millennia BC. The mound was nine meters tall at the time of excavation.
Pottery and other artifacts of the later 3rd millennium BCE, when this became a major urban center, indicate interaction with Turkmenistan, Baluchistan, and the Early Harappan Indus region.
Mundigak flourished during the culture of Helmand Basin (Seistan), also known as Helmand Culture (Helmand Province).
With an area of 21 hectares, this was the second largest centre of Helmand Culture, the first being Shahr-i-Sokhta which was as large as 150 acres, by 2400 BCE.
Bampur, in Iran, is a closely related site.
Around 2200 BCE, both Shahr-i-Sokhta and Mundigak started declining, with considerable shrinkage in area and with brief occupation at later dates.
Apart from pottery and painted pottery, other artifacts found include crude humped bulls, human figures, shaft hole axes, adzes of bronze and terracotta drains.[Painting on pots include pictures of sacred fig leaves (ficus religiosa) and a tiger-like animal.Several stone button seals were also found at Mundigak. Disk Beads and faience barrel beads,copper stamp seals, copper pins with spiral loops were also found.
The female looking human figurines (5 cm height) found at Mundigak are very similar to such figurines found at another archeological site in Afghanistan, Deh Morasi Ghundai (cicra 3000 BCE).No photo description available.
Mundigak on a riverbank.
Image may contain: outdoor
Remains of a large pillared ''hall'' from Mundigak archaeological site in Afghanistan. This could be the earliest example of a palace or temple from Indian subcontinent. Such large pillared ''hall'' is not encountered in other ancient sites though. Mundigak had significant connections with Harappan / Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. Via A.
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=809132836215400&set=gm.744263516074450&type=3&theater&ifg=1


Mother goddess figurines, right, from Mundigak, left, from Deh Morasi Ghundai, 3rd Millennium B.C. (h. 5cm)
https://web.archive.org/web/20120218073852/http://www.afghanan.net/afghanistan/prehistory.htm

Identical composite animals on Amri, Mohenjo-daro, Dwaraka seals

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melh, mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' mleccha 'copper'

ډنګر ḏangar, s.m. (5th) A bullock or buffalo. Pl. ډنګر ḏangœrډنګره ḏangaraʿh, s.f. (3rd). Pl. يْ ey. 2. adj. Thin, weak, lean, meagre, emaciated, scraggy, attenuated. rebus: dangar 'blacksmith'.   भरताचें भांडें bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ n A vessel made of the metal भरतभरती   bharatī a Composed of the metal भरत.  भरत  bharata n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin. In a varriant spelling this is called baran in Punjabi  baran 'mixed alloys' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin).  

khoṇḍa singi 'horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold';  Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold.(DEDR 1725) rebus: koD 'workshop'. kōḍe dūḍa bull calf (Telugu); kōṛe 'young bullock' (Konda)Rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe' (Bengali). Thus, ornament gold, turner (lapidary) workshop.

शृङ्गिन्   śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् a. (-णी f.) [शृङ्गमस्त्यस्य इनि] 1 Horned. -2 Crested, peaked. -m. 1 A mountain. -2 An elephant. -3 A ram. -4 A tree. -5 N. of Śiva. -6 N. of one of Śiva's attendants; शृङ्गी भृङ्गी रिटिस्तुण्डी Ak. -7 A bull; शङ्ग्यग्निदंष्ट्र्यसिजलद्विजकण्टकेभ्यः Bhāg.1.8.25. shrang श्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a mountain (Kashmiri)

Hieroglyph, 'horned animal': siṅgin.'horned', having a horn Vin ii.300; J iv.173 (=cow); clever, sharp -- witted, false Th 1, 959; A ii.26; It 112; cp. J.P.T.S. 1885, 53. (Pali) OMarw. (Vīsaḷa) sīṁgī f.adj. ʻhorned (of cow)ʼ. (CDIAL 12595).

Rebus: singī & singi (f.) [cp. Sk. śṛngī] gold Vin i.38; S ii.234; J i.84 (Pali) śr̥ngī-नकम् gold used for ornaments. शृङ्गिः śṛṅgiḥ शृङ्गिः Gold for ornaments. शृङ्गी śṛṅgī Gold used for ornaments.

The one-horned bovine is thus read as: kār kunda siṅgin 'gold for use in ornaments' (by) 'blacksmith, turner, goldsmith.' Singin 'clever, sharp -- witted, false Th 1, 959; A ii.26; It 112; cp. J.P.T.S. 1885, 53.(Pali) is a synonym of کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto) kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1]N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻ smoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdākõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdibākū̃d˚ ʻ to turn ʼ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi. kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m.(CDIAL 3295) kunda 'a treasure of Kubera'; kunda 'gold' kundaa 'fine gold'. Thus, of کنده kār-kunda singin signifies 'fine gold, gold for ornaments'. kõdār 'turner' (Bengali) kō̃da 'kiln, furnace' (Kashmiri)

I suggest that the following three seals are identical with slight orthographic variations in the curvature of the horns of goat.
Turbinella pyrum seal. Dwaraka.
Amri 6Mohenjo-daro
J.M. Kenoyer describes it as a "square seal with animal whose multiple-heads include three important totemic animals: the bull, the unicorn, the antelope. All three animals appear individually on other seals along with script, but this seal has no script. The perforated boss on the back is plain, without the groove found on most seals." (Ancient Cities, p. 194).

E.J.H. Mackay wrote that "a possible explanation of this unusual devices is that its owner may have sought the protection or assistance of three separate deities represented by the heads of these three animals" (Further Excavations, I, p. 333).

See: 

 


Composite animals of Amri, Mohenjo-daro, Dwaraka seals are hypertexts of smithy workshops, traders

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This is an addendum to: Identical composite animals on Amri, Mohenjo-daro, Dwaraka seals https://tinyurl.com/wsolr99
Dwaraka seal is extraordinary. It is made of turbinella pyrum, s'ankha shell. The three seals showing three protomes attached to a bovine body signify blacksmith artisan/workshop dealing in 3 different metals: copper, tin, ornament gold, fine gold, alloy metal called bharata (alloy of 5 copper, 4 zincr, 1 tin). The body of the bovine signified dangar 'bull' rebus; dhangar 'blacksmith'. The word for combined animal parts is: sāṅgaḍa 'joined animal parts' rebus:sangar 'trade'. Thus, the entire composition signifies workshop of blacksmith artisans who are also traders in copper, gold (ornament, fine), alloy metals and products (wares, tools, weapons). The Dwaraka seal I have touched with my own hands (what a privilege!) is roughly 1 inch square. The other two seals from Amri and Mohenjodaro are also about this same size. Why is there no scritpt on the three seals, you ask. The answer is simple. The pictorial composition IS THE SCRIPT, writing system. Each protome signifies a particular word read rebus in Meluhha which is the lingua franca of the civilization. I call this the Indian sprachbund, 'language union' or linguistic area. Yes, size matters on a seal. For example, the Nindowari seal (attached image) with a squirrel hieroglyph signifies that the message is from a guild-master.

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