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Evidence of Indus Script rebus tradition. hamsa 'Anser indicus' rebus: du. 'universal, & individual ātman'. Taxila stupa goose reliquary prayer seeking solace of ātman of Sira's parents in a future existence.

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Reliquary "The goose once contained a gold strip bearing an inscription, now lost (see Bibliographic field for details). The object itself is not inscribed. The text states that a relic of the Buddha was placed in the goose reliquary for the benefit of Sira's parents in a future existence." Why was the Anser indicus, bar-headed goose chosen to signify the after-life of Sira's parents? The answer is provided by Indian sprachbund expression hamsa which has two meanings: 1. Anser indicus, bar-headed goose; 2. du. " the universal and the individual ātman " ; accord. to Sāyaa, resolvable into अहं स , " I am that ". 

 Bar-headed Goose - St James's Park, London - Nov 2006.jpgBar-headed goose (Anser indicus) is a goose that breeds in Central Asia in colonies of thousands near mountain lakes and winters in South Asia, as far south as peninsular India. It lays three to eight eggs at a time in a ground nest.
हंस m. (ifc. f(). ; accord. to Un2. iii , 62 fr. √1. हन् , " to go? ") a goose , gander , swan , flamingo (or other aquatic bird , considered as a bird of passage ; sometimes a mere poetical or mythical bird , said in RV. to be able to separate सोम from water , when these two fluids are mixed , and in later literature , milk from water when these two are mixed ; also forming in RV. the vehicle of the अश्विन्s , and in later literature that of ब्रह्मा ; ifc. also = " best or chief among ") RV. &c
Rebus: the soul or spirit (typified by the pure white colour of a goose or swan , and migratory like a goose ; sometimes " the Universal Soul or Supreme Spirit " , identified with विराज् , नारायण , विष्णु , शिव , काम , and the Sun ; du. " the universal and the individual Spirit " ; accord. to Sa1y. resolvable into अहं स , " I am that ") Up. MBh. Hariv. &c; a man of supernatural qualities born under a partic. constellation VarBr2S; a spiritual preceptor  (Monier-Williams)
Full: Front















Full Front
Front:Bottom
  • Object type

  • Museum number

    1867,0427.2
  • Description

    Bird, probably a goose, carved in rock crystal.
    The bird was found inside BM 1867.0427.1 and contained an inscription (lost). The globular hollow body is open at the top with a rim of rounded section except at the back where it may have been partly flattened in antiquity, perhaps for a lid; a thin hole in the centre of the junction of the tail with the body may have served to attach it. The head is joined to the body by a short neck, and the head has protruding eyes and a broad bill. At the sides projections of oval outline with a cross-hatched band forward and with horizontal grooves to the back (that is, coverts and flight feathers) represent wings, and the tail has regular straight grooves at right angles to the body. The underside is clumsily pierced with two small holes at each side, with local damage to the surface, perhaps to attach legs.
  • School/style

  • Culture/period

  • Date

    • 1stC
  • Production place

  • Findspot

  • Materials

  • Technique

  • Dimensions

    • Height: 3.8 centimetres
    • Diameter: 3.4 centimetres (maximum)
    • Length: 10 centimetres (max.)
    • Width: 6.9 centimetres
  • Inscriptions

      • Inscription Type

        inscription
      • Inscription Script

        Kharoshthi
      • Inscription Comment

        The goose once contained a gold strip bearing an inscription, now lost (see Bibliographic field for details). The object itself is not inscribed. The text states that a relic of the Buddha was placed in the goose reliquary for the benefit of Sira's parents in a future existence.
  • Curator's comments

    Zwalf 1996:
    For the discovery and findspot see BM 1867.0427.1. The goose is said to have lain inverted on the central cone of BM 1867.0427.1 (Loewenthal, 1861: 413: Mitra. 1862: 176). For apparently comparable finds see Pearse, 1865: 113, who states that they are common; Cunningham, 1871: 131, 142. For the inscription see Konow, 1929: 83-6 and pl. XVII. I with references and discussion of the goose as symbol for the soul. For a further comment in this connection see Kottkamp. 1992: 64-5 and fn.Zwalf 1985
    This hollowed goose has a circular body with projections forming the head, neck, wings and tail. The wings and tail have incised lines and cross-hatching; the bottom of the body is pierced with two pairs of small holes. When found the goose contained an inscribed gold plate, now lost, which has been translated as meaning that a relic of the Buddha was placed in the goose by one Sirā for her parents' benefit in a future existence.
  • Bibliography

    • Zwalf 1985 5 bibliographic details
    • Zwalf 1996 657 bibliographic details
    • Koezuka (1994) 74 bibliographic details
    • Errington 1987 p.431 bibliographic details
    • Konow 1929 Pp. 83-6, pl. XVII.1 bibliographic details
  • Location

    Not on display
  • Exhibition history

    Exhibited:
    Buddhism: Art and Faith (BM, 1985) 1994, Kyoto National Museum, Masterpieces of Buddhist and Hindu Sculpture from the British Museum
    1994, Tokyo, Tobu Museum of Art, Masterpieces of Buddhist and Hindu Sculpture from the British Museum 2001 29 Jul-2 Sept, Nara, National Museum; The Aesthetics of Buddhist Relic Worship
  • Condition

    1.Crystal, chipped, cracked and discoloured. 2.Large internal fault or crack from neck to one side shows yellowish discoloration. 3.Proper left wing chipped and end of wing now lost.
  • Subjects

  • Associated names

  • Associated places

    • Used at: Taxila term details
    • (Asia,South Asia,Pakistan,Punjab,Rawalpindi District,Taxila (Gandhara))
  • Acquisition date

    1867
  • Acquisition notes

    Purchased from M. Caspari.
  • Department

    Asia
  • Registration number

    1867,0427.2
  • Additional IDs


Priest is pōtadāra पोतदार 'wealth assayer', animals, other pictographs of Indus Script are metalwork clusters, wealth accounting classifiers

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Discovery of tin-bronzes was momentous in progressing the Bronze Age Revolution of 4th millennium BCE. This discovery created hard alloys combining copper and tin. This discovery was also complemented by the discovery of writing systems to trade in the newly-produced hard alloys.The discovery found substitute hard alloys, to overcome the scarcity of naturally occurring arsenical copper or arsenical bronzes. The early hieroglyph signifiers of tin and copper on an ivory comb made by Meluhha artisans & seafaring merchants point to the contributions made by Bhāratam Janam (RV), ca. 3300 BCE to produce tin-bronzes. The abiding significance of the 'dotted circle' is noted in the continued use on early Punch-marked coins. 

The dotted circle as a signifier of interactions between Meluhha and Gonur Tepe has been brilliantly analysed in the context of the following artifacts cited by Dennys Frenez in: Manufacturing and trade of Asian elephant ivory in Bronze Age Middle Asia. Evidence from Gonur Depe (Margiana, Turkmenistan) by Dennys Frenez (2017)
https://www.academia.edu/34596109/Manufacturing_and_trade_of_Asian_elephant_ivory_in_Bronze_Age_Middle_Asia._Evidence_from_Gonur_Depe_Margiana_Turkmenistan
https://tinyurl.com/y93voqz8

Trefoil motifs are carved on the robe of the so-called "priest-king" statuette from Mohenjo-daro and are also known from contemporary sites in western Pakistan, Afghanistan, and  southern Central Asia.dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' tri-dhAtu,'‘three minerals". त्रिधातु mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive)RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6; n. the aggregate of the 3 minerals.tri त्रिधा ind. in 3 parts, ways or places; triply, ˚त्वम् tripartition; Ch. Up. -धातुः an epithet of Gaṇeśa. dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼMBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ
lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f.ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) 

त्रिधातुः is an epithet of Gaṇeśa. This may indicate three forms of ferrite ores: magnetite, haematite, laterite which were identified in Indus Script as poLa 'magnetite', bichi 'haematite' and goTa 'laterite'. 

Rebus readings of Indus Script hieroglyphs may explain the त्रिधातुः epithet of Gaṇeśa: karibha 'elephant's trunk' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'. 

It has been suggested at 
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/trefoil-of-indus-script-corpora-and.html?view=sidebar that the trefoil decorating the shawl of the 'priest-king' of Mohenjo-daro is a cross-sectional signifier of three strands of rope.

Thus, a dotted circle is signified by the word: dhāī  'wisp of fibre' (Sindhi). 
 Single strand (one dotted-circle)

Two strands (pair of dotted-circles)

Three strands (three dotted-circles as a trefoil)
These orthographic variants provide semantic elucidations for a single: dhātu, dhāū, dhāv 'red stone mineral' or two minerals: dul PLUS dhātu, dhāū, dhāv 'cast minerals' or tri- dhātu,      -dhāū, -dhāv 'three minerals' to create metal alloys'. The artisans producing alloys are dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻa caste of iron -- smeltersʼ, dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ)(CDIAL 6773).
dām 'rope, string' rebus: dhāu 'ore'  rebus: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda).

Semantics of single strand of rope and three strands of rope are: 1. Sindhi dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, Lahnda dhāī˜ id.; 2. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ (RigVeda)



I suggest that this fillet (dotted circle with a connecting strand or tape is the hieroglyph which signifies धातु (Rigveda) dhāu (Prakrtam) 'a strand' rebus: element, mineral ore. This hieroglyph signifies the पोतृ,'purifier' priest of dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters' of dhāū, dhāv 'red stone minerals'. 
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/priest-of-dhavad-iron-smelters-with.html Orthography of the 'dotted circle' is representation of a single strand: dhāu rebus: dhāū 'red stone minerals. 
Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord, string; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11212. (DEDR 5220)  vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268]N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 11212)

I suggest that the expression dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' signified by trefoil or three strands is a semantic duplication of the parole words:
dhāī 'wisp of fibre' PLUS vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Thus, it is possible that the trefoil as a hieroglyph-multiplex was signified in parole 
by the expression dhā̆vaḍ 'three strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'.


The shawl decorated with dhā̆vaḍ 'trefoil' is a hieroglyph: pōta 'cloth' rebus: 
पोता पोतृ, 'purifier' in a yajna. போற்றி pōṟṟi, போத்தி pōtti Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன். Marathi has a cognate in 
पोतदार [pōtadāra] m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith. The shawl decorated with dhā̆vaḍ 'trefoil' is a hieroglyph: pōta 'cloth' rebus: पोता पोतृ, 'purifier' in a yajna. போற்றி pōṟṟi, போத்தி pōtti Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன். Marathi has a cognate in 
पोतदार [pōtadāra] m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith. पोतृ पु० पुनाति पु--तृन् । ऋत्विग्मेदे अच्छावाकशब्दे ८५ पृ० दृश्यम् । होत्रादिशब्देन द्वन्द्वे ऋत आत् । पोताहोतारौ ।
पोता, [ऋ] पुं, (पुनातीति । पू + “नप्तृनेष्टृ-त्वष्टृहोतृपोतृभ्रातृजामातृमातृपितृदुहितृ ।”उणा० २ । ९६ । इति तृन्प्रत्ययेन निपात्यते ।) विष्णुः । इति संक्षिप्तसारोणादिवृत्तिः ॥ऋत्विक् । इति भूरिप्रयोगः ॥ (यथा, ऋग्वेदे ।४ । ९ । ३ ।“स सद्म परि णीयते होता मन्द्रो दिविष्टिषु ।उत पोता नि षीदति ॥”)
https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. )
 RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv. N. of विष्णु L. पौत्रपोत्री f. N. of दुर्गा Gal. (cf. पौत्री). pōtṛ

पोतृ m. One of the sixteen officiating priests at a sacrifice (assistant of the priest called ब्रह्मन्). पोत्रम् [पू-त्र] The office of the Potṛi. ब्रह्मन् m. one of the 4 principal priests or ऋत्विज्as (the other three being the होतृ , अध्वर्यु and उद्गातृ ; the ब्रह्मन् was the most learned of them and was required to know the 3 वेदs , to supervise the sacrifice and to set right mistakes ; at a later period his functions were based especially on the अथर्व-वेद) RV. &c होतृ m. (fr. √1. हु) an offerer of an oblation or burnt-offering (with fire) , sacrificer , priest , (esp.) a priest who at a sacrifice invokes the gods or recites the ऋग्-वेद , a ऋग्-वेद priest (one of the 4 kinds of officiating priest »ऋत्विज् , p.224; properly the होतृ priest has 3 assistants , sometimes called पुरुषs , viz. the मैत्रा-वरुण , अच्छा-वाक, and ग्रावस्तुत् ; to these are sometimes added three others , the ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , अग्नीध्र or अग्नीध् , and पोतृ , though these last are properly assigned to the Brahman priest ; sometimes the नेष्टृ is substituted for the ग्राव-स्तुत्) RV.&c नेष्टृ  m. (prob. fr. √ नी aor. stem नेष् ; but cf. Pa1n2. 3-2 , 135 Va1rtt. 2 &c ) one of the chief officiating priests at aसोम sacrifice , he who leads forward the wife of the sacrificer and prepares the सुरा (त्वष्टृ so called RV. i , 15 ,3) RV. Br. S3rS. &c अध्वर्यु m. 
one who institutes an अध्वर any officiating priest a priest of a particular class (as distinguished from the होतृ , the उद्गातृ , and the ब्रह्मन् classes. The अध्वर्युpriests " had to measure the ground , to build the altar , to prepare the sacrificial vessels , to fetch wood and water , to light the fire , to bring the animal and immolate it " ; whilst engaged in these duties , they had to repeat the hymns of the यजुर्-वेद , hence that वेद itself is also called अध्वर्यु)pl. (अध्वर्यवस्) the adherents of the यजुर्-वेद; उद्-गातृ m. one of the four chief-priests (viz. the one who chants the hymns of the सामवेद) , a chanterRV. ii , 43 , 2 TS. AitBr. S3Br. 
Ka1tyS3r. Sus3r. Mn. &c अच्छा-वाकm. " the inviter " , title of a particular priest or ऋत्विज् , one of the sixteen required to perform the great sacrifices with the सोम juice. ग्रावन् m. a stone for pressing out the सोम (originally 2 were used RV. ii , 39 , 1 ; later on 4 [ S3a1n3khBr.xxix , 1] or 5 [Sch. on S3Br. &c ]) RV. AV. VS. S3Br.= ग्राव-स्त्/उत् Hariv. 11363

pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√]Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ? -- Rather < *pōttī -- .(CDIAL 8404) *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, putipũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá --(CDIAL 8403) pōtana पोतन a. 1 Sacred, holy. -2 Purifying.

Hence the importance of the office of Potr̥, 'Rigvedic priest of a yajna' signified as 'purifier', an assayer of dhāˊtu 'minerals.

 






https://tinyurl.com/ycfaahgv


Indus Script hypertext evidence from Gonur Tepe, Tell Abraq, Mohenjo-daro include the following; both relate to documented accounting ledgers of Tin-Bronze Age metalwork:

 

1.Hieroglyph of tabernae montana on an ivory comb, on a bronze axe

2.Hieroglyph of dotted circles on ivory combs and on ivory artifacts


It is clear from the evidence that there was diffusion of metallurgical technologies between Meluhha artisans and Ancient Near East artisans.

 

The hypertexts signify: 

tabar = a broad axe (Punjabi). Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ tagara ‘tabernae montana’, ‘tulip’. Rebus: tagara ‘tin’.


Terracotta sivalinga, Kalibangan.Shape of polished lingam found at Harappa is like the summit of Mt. Kailas, Himalayas. Plate X(c), Lingam in situ in trench Ai (MS Vats, 1940, Exxcavations at Harappa, Vol. II, Calcutta). In trenches III and IV two more stone lingams were found. (MS Vats, opcit., Vol. I, pp. 51-52). The Hindu traditional metaphor of s'iva is the glacial river Ganga emerging from locks of his hair as he sits in penance on summit of Mt. Kailas, Himalayas. The metaphor results in Kailas in Ellora, showing Ravana lifting up the mountain 


Two examples from Indus Script Corpora demonstrate that the 'signs''ligatured signs' and pictorial motifs (field symbols) are all hieroglyphs deployed to composed Indus Script Hypertexts in Meluhha to document wealth-producing metalwork activitries.


See: Hieroglyph ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' proclamations on Indus Script  



https://tinyurl.com/ybe89ee9



Image result for pot with lid bharatkalyan97


Pictorial motifs: erga = act of clearing jungle (Kui) [Note image showing two men carrying 
uprooted trees] thwarted by a person in the middle with outstretched hands



m0478B tablet erga = act of clearing jungle (Kui) [Note image showing two men carrying uprooted trees].Aaru twig; airi small and thin branch of a tree; aari small branches (Ka.); aaru twig (Tu.)(DEDR 67). Aar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) Vikalpa: kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuhi = furnace (Santali) hakhara — m.n. ʻbranch without leaves or fruitʼ (Prakrit) (CDIAL 5524) Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' (Maithili) era, er-a = eraka = ?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.) •era_ = claws of an animal that can do no harm (G.) •era female, applied to women only, and generally as a mark of respect, wife; hopon era a daughter; era hopon a man’s family; manjhi era the village chief’s wife; gosae era a female Santal deity; bud.hi era an old woman; era uru wife and children; nabi era a prophetess; diku era a Hindu woman (Santali) •Rebus: er-r-a = red; eraka = copper (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) erako molten cast (Tu.lex.)  agasa_le, agasa_li, agasa_lava_d.u = a goldsmith (Te.lex.)  Hieroglyph: Looking back: krammara 'look back' (Telugu) kamar 'smith, artisan' (Santali) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.)


heraka = spy (Skt.); eraka, hero = a messenger; a spy (Gujarati); er to look at or for (Pkt.); er uk- to play 'peeping tom' (Ko.) Rebus: erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.) eraka ‘copper’ (Kannada) 


Hieroglyph: Looking back: krammara 'look back' (Telugu) kamar 'smith, artisan' (Santali)  kola, ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.); rebus: kol working in iron, blacksmith, ‘alloy of five metals, panchaloha’ (Tamil) kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu) Hieroglyph: era female, applied to women only, and generally as a mark of respect, wife; hopon era a daughter; era hopon a man’s family; manjhi era the village chief’s wife; gosae era a female Santal deity; bud.hi era an old woman; era uru wife and children; nabi era a prophetess; diku era a Hindu woman (Santali)
•Rebus: er-r-a = red; eraka = copper (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) erako molten cast (Tu.lex.)  agasa_le, agasa_li, agasa_lava_d.u = a goldsmith (Telugu) ḍhaṁkhara — m.n. ʻbranch without leaves or fruitʼ (Prakrit) (CDIAL 5524) Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'. Glyph: ‘impeding, hindering’: taṭu (Ta.) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Ta. taṭu (-pp-, -tt) to hinder, stop, obstruct, forbid, prohibit, resist, dam, block up, partition off, curb, check, restrain, control, ward off, avert; n. hindering, checking, resisting; taṭuppu hindering, obstructing, resisting, restraint; Kur. ṭaṇḍnā to prevent, hinder, impede. Br. taḍ power to resist. (DEDR 3031)



The rim of jar PLUS lid is read as hypertext rebus as: dhakka karni 'bright metal supercargo'.




 kuṭhi karṇī, 'smelter accountant (supercargo)'dhakka karṇī m. ʻferry accountant (supercargo) at quay, wharfʼ.

Image result for sign variants indus script rim of jarVariants of Sign 342



This is an addendum to: 
https://tinyurl.com/y95289xm
The process deployed is सांगड sāṅgaḍa 'joined animal parts' to create a catalogue or list. Indus Script hypertext reads rebus sã̄gah, saṅgrahḥ संग्रहः 'catalogue, list' of metalwork artisan guild.
When pictorial motifs provide catalogue items of wealth-accounting ledgers, ligaturing is the process deployed to create text expressions using hieroglyph-combinations.

For example, on a unique seal the pictorial motifs (or field symbols) are fused with ligatured 'signs' to convey a unique message on an Indus inscription.


See: 


 https://tinyurl.com/y8cpuzjv







m1405At Pict-97: Person standing at the center points with his right hand at a bison facing a trough, and with his left hand points to the ligatured glyph. Side B: tiger, rhinoceros in procession. kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', kol 'working in iron', kolle 'blacksmith' gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., °aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá --1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā. 2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., °ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., °ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← H. (CDIAL 4000). காண்டாமிருகம் kāṇṭā-mirukam , n. [M. kāṇṭāmṛgam.] Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Gujarati) Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi)

The inscription on the tablet juxtaposes – through the hand gestures of a person - a ‘trough’ gestured with the right hand; a ligatured glyph composed of ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph and ‘water-carrier’ glyph (Sign 15) gestured with the left hand. 

The Pali expression usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ provides the semantics of the word kāraṇika as relatable to a 'maker' of a product. usu-kāraṇika is an arrow-maker. Thus, kuTi kāraṇika can be explained as a smelter-maker. Supercargo is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. The Marathi word for Supercargo is: kārṇī . Thus, it can be suggested that kuTi kāraṇika was an ovrseer of the cargo (from smelter) on a merchantship. In the historical periods, the Supercargo has specific duties "The duties of a supercargo are defined by admiralty law and include managing the cargo owner's trade, selling the merchandise inports to which the vessel is sailing, and buying and receiving goods to be carried on the return voyage...A new supercargo was always appointed for each journey who also had to keep books, notes and ledgers about everything that happened during the voyage and trade matters abroad. He was to present these immediately to the directors of the Company on the ship's return to its headquarters ." 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Supercargo While a captain was in charge of navigation, Supercargo was in charge of trade.

कारण 1[p= 274,2] a number of scribes or कायस्थW. instrument , means;that on which an opinion or judgment is founded (a sin, mark; a proof; a legal instrument, document), Mn. MBh.

कारणिक [p= 274,3] mfn. (g. काश्य्-ादि) " investigating , ascertaining the cause " , a judge Pan5cat. a teacher MBh. ii , 167.

B. kerā ʻ clerk ʼ (kerāni ʻ id. ʼ < *kīraka -- karaṇika<-> ODBL 540): very doubtful. -- Poss. ← Ar. qāri', pl. qurrā'ʻ reader, esp. of Qur'ān ʼ.(CDIAL 3110) कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread', 'rim of jar', 'pericarp of lotus' karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra 'helmsman'.  kāraṇika m. ʻ teacher ʼ MBh., ʻ judge ʼ Pañcat. [kā- raṇa -- ] Pa. usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ; Pk. kāraṇiya -- m. ʻ teacher of Nyāya ʼ; S. kāriṇī m. ʻ guardian, heir ʼ; N. kārani ʻ abettor in crime ʼ; M. kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ, kul -- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ.(CDIAL 3058) kāraṇa n. ʻ cause ʼ KātyŚr. [√kr̥1Pa. kāraṇa -- n. ʻ deed, cause ʼ; Aś. shah. karaṇa -- , kāl. top. kālana -- , gir. kāraṇa -- ʻ purpose ʼ; Pk. kāraṇa -- n. ʻ cause, means ʼ; Wg. (Lumsden) "kurren"ʻ retaliation ʼ, Paš. kāran IIFL iii 3, 97 with (?); S. kāraṇu m. ʻ cause ʼ; L. kārnā m. ʻ quarrel ʼ; P. kāraṇ m. ʻ cause ʼ, N. A. B. kāran, Or. kāraṇa; Mth. kāran ʻ reason ʼ, OAw. kārana, H. kāran m., G. kāraṇ n.; Si. karuṇa ʻ cause, object, thing ʼ; -- postpositions from oblique cases: inst.: S. kāraṇikāṇe°ṇi ʻ on account of ʼ, L. awāṇ. kāṇAddenda: kāraṇa -- : Brj. kāran ʻ on account of ʼ.(CDIAL 3057) kiraka m. ʻ scribe ʼ lex.

eraka 'raised arm' Rebus: eraka 'metal infusion' (Kannada. Tulu) 

Sign 15:  kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka ‘smelting furnace account (scribe)’. 

Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex on m1405 is read rebus from r.: kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka eraka bharata pattar'goldsmith-merchant guild -- helmsman, smelting furnace account (scribe), molten cast metal. Meaning of hypertexts so derived enable reading in Meluhha expressions and understanding of the purport of Indus Script inscriptions in the context of documenttion of wealth-accounting ledgers related to metalwork.



Decipherment of Indus Script poses a challenge to historians and students of civilization studies to document the economic history along an Ancient Maritime Tin Route which predated Silk Road by two millennia, creating Arthaśāstra, study of the wealth of a nation. The Tin Route spans -- along the Indian Ocean Rim and Himalayan and Ancient Near Eastern navigable, riverine waterways -- a maritime regime ranging from Hanoi (Vietnam) to Haifa (Israel).

Indus Script Scribes are 4th millennium BCE कारणिका arbiters of metalwork wealth-accounting system symbolised by hieroglyph tagaraka tabernaemontana leguminous shrub. This tagaraka hieroglyph is documented on a potsherd dated to ca.3300 BCE at Harappa, signifying the world's early writing system  for a wealth-acounting system for a hypertext read rebus: tagara kolami 'tin smithy, forge'. The signifier of a smithy is a hieroglyph composed of three long linear strokes. Sign 102 which reads: kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. Thus, smithy, forge is identified as a cluster subset. This cluster subset hieroglyph of Sign 102 'three' explains why tabernae montana hieroglyph is repeated thrice on the porsherd. The larger sets of wealth-creating metalwork are signified by over 100 field symbols which accompany such ciphertexts of accounting category clusters. 

These larger sets of over 100 field symbols documented on Indus Script are presented in a separate addendum monograph supported by 
1. over 1150 monographs at https://independent.academia.edu/SriniKalyanaraman and 
2. over 8000 semantic clusters of Bhāratīya sprachbund (speech union) in Indian Lexicon of over 25+ ancient languages. 
3. over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions presented in 3 volumes of Epigraphia Indus Script, Hypertexts and Meanings (2017)
 

The thesis of this monograph is that Indus Script Scribes are कारणिका teachers, arbiters of metalwork wealth-accounting system. This is demonstrated in the context of the सांगड sāṅgaḍa system of cataloguing which is a 4th millennium BCE innovation of a wealth-accounting ledger entry system to document economic and mercantile transactions. 


The underlying sign design principle सांगड sāṅgaḍa 'joined parts' is HTTP hypertext transfer protocol. A hypertext on an Indus Script inscription is composed of hieroglyphs joined together which are classified as both composite 'signs' and composite 'field symbols', for e.g.,: 1. on field symbols with composite animals such as hieroglyphs of a bovine body with bos indicus (zebu horns), ram (hoofs), cobrahood (tail), elephant trunk, human face, scarfs on neck,; and 2. on texts with hypertexts wich are composite hieroglyphs such as a water-carrier hieroglyph superscripted by a rim-of-jar hieroglyph. 


It is indeed surprising that this design principle of Indus Script of the 4th millennium BCE is the underlying principle of the modern-day internet of things, cryptographic and computing systems with transmissions of overlaid texts, images, voice/video.

This HTTP thesis is elaborated in falsifiable clusters of:

1. semantics of the expression कारणिक a. (-का or -की f. a teacher MBh. ii , 167. कच्चित्कारणिका धर्मे सर्वशास्त्रेषु कोविदाः Mb.2.5.34.mfn. (g. काश्य्-ादि) " investigating , ascertaining the cause " , a judge (Pañcatantra)(Monier-Williams); Causal, causativ (Apte)

2. clusters of accounting classifiers of metalwork wealth categories created by śreṇi, guilds of artisans/seafaring-merchants

Introduction of a unique mercantile transaction system of jangaḍa, 'approval basis invoicing' is evidenced by the written ciphertext expressions of 'joined hieroglyphs': sāṅgaḍa m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together.(Marathi). For example, Mohenjo-daro Seal m0296 is a सांगड sāṅgaḍa, 'a hypertext orthograph formed of two or more components linked together'. Rebus: sangraha, sangaha 'catalogue, list' Rebus also: sanghāḍiyo, a worker on a lathe (Gujarati). samgraha, samgaha 'catalogue,list, arranger, manager' The earliest documented ledger entry is on a potsherd of Harappa dated in archaeological context by HARP to ca. 3300 BCE.
Harappa potsherd (discovered by Harvard HARP archeaology team). Accounting ledger entry. kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge' tagara 'tabernae montana' rebus: tagara 'tin'. तमर 'tin' (Monier-Williams). Thus,together the hypertext reds: tagara kolami'tin smithy, forge' 

The orthography of the hieroglyph repeated thrice on the potsherd signified a leguminous herb, āhulyamआहुल्यम् N. of a leguminous shrub (तगर, तरवट &c.) 
तगरक Tabernaemontana coronaria and a fragrant powder prepared from , it (वराह-मिहिर 's बृहत्-संहिताli)tagara1 n. ʻ the shrub Tabernaemontana coronaria and a fragrant powder obtained from it ʼ Kauś., °aka<-> VarBr̥S. [Cf. sthagara -- , sthakara -- n. ʻ a partic. fragrant powder ʼ TBr.] Pa. tagara -- n., Dhp. takara; Pk. tagara -- , ṭayara -- m. ʻ a kind of tree, a kind of scented wood ʼ; Si. tuvaratōra ʻ a species of Cassia plant. ʼ(CDIAL 5622)tagaravallī f. ʻ Cassia auriculata ʼ Npr. [tagara -- 1, vallī -- ]Si. tuvaralā ʻ an incense prepared from a species of Tabernaemontana ʼ. (CDIAL 5624) Rebus; Ta. takaram tin, white lead, metal sheet, coated with tin. Ma. takaram tin, tinned iron plate. Ko. tagarm (obl. tagart-) tin. Ka. tagara, tamara, tavara id. Tu. tamarů, tamara, tavara id. Te. tagaramu, tamaramu, tavaramu id. Kuwi (Isr.) ṭagromi tin metal, alloy. / Cf. Skt. tamara- id. (DEDR 3001)


Related imagem0296 See: 


Ten most frequently used signs, (listed in descending order of frequency from left to right).

kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account,karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.


sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá 1 m. ʻmetal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metalʼ PLUS mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (oval-/rhombus-shaped like a bun-ingot)


ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10;  gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]) 
 dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'


 khareḍo 'a currycomb' Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kharādī' turner, a person who fashions or shapes objects on a lathe ' (Gujarati) 


Sign 67 khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭamcoinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236) PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10;  gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]). Thus, ayo kammaṭa 'alloy metalmint'.
kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent  iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ) Rebus: khaṇḍa, khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’. kanda 'fire-altar'
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge. Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)
eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' arā 'spoke' rebus: āra 'brass'. 
Duplicated Sign 391 (as on Dholavira signboard) is read as: dula 'pair' rebus: dul'metal casting' of eraka 'moltencast copper', āra 'brass'. 

An eleventh sign may be added to the list:
 Sign 123 is comparable to Sign 99 'splinter' hieroglyph. kuṭi 'a slice, a bit, a small piece'(Santali) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph:  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā kuṭhi metalware smelter.

 Variants of Sign 293 Sign 293 is a ligature ofSign 287 'curve' hieroglyph and 'angle' hieroglyph (as seen on lozenge/rhombus/ovalshaped hieroglyphs). The basic orthograph of Sign 287 is signifiedby the semantics of: kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'  Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl°lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984) कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ कौटिलिकः 1 A hunter.-2 A blacksmith. Sign 293 may be seen as a ligature of Sign 287 PLUS 'corner' signifier: Thus, kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá 1 m. ʻmetal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metalʼ PLUS kuṭila 'curve' rebus: kuṭila 'bronze/pewter' (Pewter is an alloy that is a variant brass alloy). The reading of Sign 293 is: kanac kuṭila 'pewter'.

I find a surprisingly comparable Indus Script hieroglyphs.
 This 'sign' is a semantic expansion of the Sign 293 'curve +corner' duplicated, i.e.dula 'duplicated' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kanac kuṭila 'pewter'. May signify pewter casting. Alternative: kaḍī a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kaḍum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kaḍiyaṇa, kaḍiyeṇa a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (Gujarati)

h1028

h1029
Identical to h2049
h2049a baṭa 'rimless, wide-mouthed pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' PLUS ḍabu 'an iron spoon' (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo 'lump (ingot?). Thus, together, furnace ingots

The following 45 clusters of three consecutive signs (triplets) are examples of joined hieroglyph components to create a composite sign or ciphertext. Such 'joined hieroglyphs' exemplify sāṅgaḍa m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together.(Marathi). Seal m0296 is a सांगड sāṅgaḍa, 'a hypertext orthograph formed of two or more components linked together'. Rebus: sangraha, sangaha 'catalogue, list' Rebus also: sanghāḍiyo, a worker on a lathe (Gujarati). 

Cluster1

 Sign 293 kanac kuṭila 'pewter'; kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace', 'factory';

Sign 123 kuṭi 'a slice, a bit, a small piece'(Santali) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph:  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, kuṭhi khāṇḍā smelter metalware.

Sign 343 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman' PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā karṇī 'metalware supercargo'.

The inscription message:Pewter factory, smelter metalware,metalware supercargo.
Sign 178 is a ligature of  'three short strokes' and 'crook' hieroglyph shown infixed with a circumscript of duplicated four short strokes as in Sign 179
Sign 178 is: kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu.) मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) Together: kolami meḍ 'iron smithy'.
Sign 389 is a composite hypertext composed of Sign 169 infixed in 'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. 
Sign 169 may be a variant of Sign 162. Sign kolmo 'rice plant' rebus:kolami 'smithy, forge'. Thus, the composite hypertext of Sign 389 reads: mũhã̄ kolami 'ingot smithy/forge'.

Cluster 2

Sign 12 is kuṭi 'water-carrier' (TeluguRebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546)

Sign 178 reads:  kolami meḍ 'iron smithy'
Sign 389 reads: mũhã̄ kolami 'ingot smithy/forge'.

Sign 15 reads: Sign 12 kuṭi 'water-carrier' (Telugu) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS Sign 342 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'. Thus, the composite hypertext of Sign 15 reads: kuṭhi karṇika 'smelter helmsman/scribe/supercargo'.

Cluster 3

  
kuṭhi khāṇḍā smelter metalware. 
kolami 'smithy/forge' (for)
khaṇḍa kuṭhi 'implements, (from) smelter'.  

||| PLUSSign 190
Ciphertext 190: Sprouts (in watery field), twigs: kūdī ‘bunch of twigs’ (Sanskrit) rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) PLUS gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' khaṇḍa 'implements, metalware'.
||| Number three reads: kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. Thus,the hypertext of Sign 190 PLUS numeral three reads: kolami khaṇḍa kuṭhi 'smithy/forge (for) implements, (from) smelter'

Variants of Sign 190

h0048 Text of inscription: kolami khaṇḍa kuṭhi 'smithy/forge (for) implements, (from) smelter'

Shortugai, Bactria (Jarrige, 1984) Text of inscription: kolami khaṇḍa kuṭhi 'smithy/forge (for) implements, (from) smelter'. The same expression is a field-ssymbol on B12 set of Mohenjo-daro copper plates (One example out of 205 copper plates;on the reverse tiger PLUS text). kola 'tiger' rebus:kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith'.

 B12 set of an example from 205 Mohenjo-daro copper plates


Sign 123 kuṭhi khāṇḍā smelter metalware.
Sign 102 kolomo 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'


Togetherwith Sign102 and Sign 190, the pair of hieroglyphs reads: kolami khaṇḍa kuṭhi 'smithy/forge (for) implements, (with) smelter'.

Thus, Sign 123 which occurs in hypertext Cluster 3 is a semantic determinative: that, the products documented and accounted for in samgara, 'catalogue' relate to smithy/forge implements (from) smelter'.
Cluster 4

 kanac kuṭila kuṭhi khāṇḍā kolami, 'bell-netal, pewter smelter metalware (for/from) smithy/forge'.
Sign pair of Signs 123, 293 is instructive on the semantics of the hypertext 'slice' PLUS 'notch' hieroglyphs signified by Sign 123 The hypertext reads: kanac kuṭila kuṭhi khāṇḍā 'bell-metalpewter smelter metalware.'


Sign 293  kanac kuṭila 'pewter'.



Sign 123 kuṭi 'a slice, a bit, a small piece'(Santali) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph:  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, kuṭhi khāṇḍā smelter metalware.

Sign 102 kolomo 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.

Thus, the hypertext of the triplet of Cluster 4 reads: kanac kuṭila kuṭhi khāṇḍā kolami, 'smelter metalware (for/from) smithy/forge'.

Cluster 5

 The hypertext reads: ranku kuṭhi kanda kanka 'tin smelter, fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsmanPLUS kūdī ‘bunch of twigs’ (Sanskrit) rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) or kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.


ranku 'liquid measure' (Santal8i) Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) rango 'pewter'. ranga, rang pewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and antimony (anjana) (Santali).
  raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1] Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) B. rāṅ(g) ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10567) 
Sign 169 may be a variant of Sign 162. Sign kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. If interpreted as a sprout, the reading is: Sprouts (in watery field), twigs: kūdī ‘bunch of twigs’ (Sanskrit) rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali)
Sign 342kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman.

Cluster 6

Hypertext reads: mē̃ḍ koḍ dul kāṇḍā 'cast iron workshop';  'metalcast equipment'.

 Variants of Sign 245 Hieroglyph: khaṇḍa'divisions' Rebus: kāṇḍā 'metalware' Duplicated Sign 245: dula 'duplicated' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.
Sign 25 ciphertext is composed of Sign 1 and Sign 86. mē̃ḍ 'body' rebus: mē̃ḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.)Hypertext reads in a constructed Meluhha expression: mē̃ḍ koḍ 'iron workshop'.

Cluster 7

 This is Ciphertext comparable to Cluster 6 (without duplication of 'divisions' hieroglyph) PLUS 'notch' hierogglyph:.खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, the hypertext reads: mē̃ḍ koḍ kāṇḍā 'cast iron workshop';  'equipment, metalware'. 

Cluster 8
 Cluster 8 is a variant of Cluster 7.mē̃ḍ koḍ kāṇḍā 'cast iron workshop';  'equipment, metalware'. 

Cluster 9

 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman. PLUSkolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. Thus, the hypertext of Sign 345 reads: kolami karṇī 'smithy, forge, supercargo'.

 This is ciphertext comparable to Cluster 7 (but replacing 'notch' hieroglyph with hypertext 'rim-of-jar'+ infixed three short linearstrokes). The hypertext reads: mē̃ḍ koḍ kāṇḍā 'cast iron workshop; PLUS kolami karṇī 'smithy, forge, supercargo'.




Cluster 10

Sign 99 is sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
'notch' hierogglyph: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 
Sign 245 Hieroglyph: khaṇḍa'divisions' Rebus: kāṇḍā 'metalware'. The hypertext Cluster 10 reads: kāṇḍā sal 'metalware workshop'Semantic determinative: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 

Cluster11

 
 variants of Sign 336
Hypertext of Sign 336 has hieroglyph components: muka 'ladle' (Tamil)(DEDR 4887) Rebus: mū̃h'ingot' (Santali).PLUSSign 328  baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'. The hypertext reads: mū̃h bhaṭa 'ingot furnace'
Sign 102 variant Sign 89 kolomo 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. 
Sign 211 'arrow' hieroglyph: kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent  iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ) Thus ciphertext kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ is rebus hypertext kāṇḍa 'excellent iron', khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 

Hypertext Cluster 11 reads : (Catalogue accounting ledger entries) --  mū̃h bhaṭa kolami kāṇḍa  'ingot furnace, smithy/forge, metalware'.

Cluster 12 

Hypertext of Sign 267 is composed of rhombus/oval/bun-ingot shape and signifier of 'corner' hieroglyph. The hypertext reads: mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bell-metal'. Sign 267 is oval=shape variant, rhombus-shape of a bun ingot. Like Sign 373, this sign also signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109.2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ;  A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. (CDIAL 2756)

sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
Sign 211 'arrow' hieroglyph: kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent  iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ) Thus ciphertext kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ is rebus hypertext kāṇḍa 'excellent iron', khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 

Hypertext Cluster 12 reads:  mũhã̄ kañcu sal khāṇḍā 'bun ingot, bell-metal workshop, tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 

Cluster 13

sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10;  gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]) 
Sign 211 'arrow' hieroglyph: kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent  iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ) Thus ciphertext kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ is rebus hypertext kāṇḍa 'excellent iron', khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 

Hypertext Cluster 13 reads: sal ayas khāṇḍā 'workshop, alloy metal, tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 

Cluster 14

Hypertext of Sign 267 is composed of rhombus/oval/bun-ingot shape and signifier of 'corner' hieroglyph. The hypertext reads: mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bell-metal'. Sign 267 is oval=shape variant, rhombus-shape of a bun ingot. Like Sign 373, this sign also signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109.2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ;  A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. (CDIAL 2756)
ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10;  gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]) 
Sign 211 'arrow' hieroglyph: kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent  iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ) Thus ciphertext kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ is rebus hypertext kāṇḍa 'excellent iron', khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 

Hypertext Cluster 15 reads: mũhã̄ 'kañcu 'ayas khāṇḍā 'bun ingot, bell metal, alloy metal, tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 

Cluster 16

sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
Hypertext of Sign 336 has hieroglyph components: muka 'ladle' (Tamil)(DEDR 4887) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot' (Santali).PLUSSign 328  baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'. The hypertext reads: mū̃h bhaṭa 'ingot furnace'
Sign 211 'arrow' hieroglyph: kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent  iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ) Thus ciphertext kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ is rebus hypertext kāṇḍa 'excellent iron', khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 

Hypertext Cluster 16 reads: sal, mū̃h bhaṭa, khāṇḍā   'workshop, ingot furnace, tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'.

Cluster 17

kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá 1 m. ʻmetal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metalʼ PLUS mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (oval-/rhombus-shaped like a bun-ingot)
sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 17 reads:  kañcu muhã karṇī  'bell-metal ingot, supercargo, scribe' 

Cluster 18

sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' ays 'iron' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish fin rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner (DEDR 1236) Thus, ayo  kammaṭa, 'alloymetal mint'
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 18 reads: sal kammaṭa karṇī 'workshop, alloymetal mint, supercargo, scribe' 

Cluster 19

eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' arā 'spoke' rebus: āra 'brass'. 
sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'

kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 19 reads: eraka āra sal karṇī ''moltencast, copper, brass workshop, supercargo, scribe' 

Cluster 20

sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'


Variants of Sign 347
Sign 347 is duplicated Sign 162: dula 'duplicated,, pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge. Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali). The hypertext Sign 347 reads: dul kolami 'metal casting smithy, forge'
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 20 reads:  sal dul kolami karṇī workshop, metal casting smithy, forgesupercargo, scribe' 

Cluster 21

 Variants of Sign 293 Sign 293 is a ligature ofSign 287 'curve' hieroglyph and 'angle' hieroglyph (as seen on lozenge/rhombus/ovalshaped hieroglyphs). The basic orthograph of Sign 287 is signifiedby the semantics of: kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'  Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl°lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984) कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ कौटिलिकः 1 A hunter.-2 A blacksmith. Sign 293 may be seen as a ligature of Sign 287 PLUS 'corner' signifier: Thus, kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá 1 m. ʻmetal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metalʼ PLUS kuṭila 'curve' rebus: kuṭila 'bronze/pewter' (Pewter is an alloy that is a variant brass alloy). The reading of Sign 293 is: kanac kuṭila 'pewter'.
 Sign 123 is comparable to Sign 99 'splinter' hieroglyph. kuṭi 'a slice, a bit, a small piece'(Santali) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph:  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā kuṭhi metalware smelter.
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 21 reads:  kuṭila kañcu khāṇḍā kuṭhi karṇī  'pewter, bell-metal metalware, smelter, scribe, supercargo;.

Cluster 22

Sign 65 is a hypertext composed ofSign 59 and 'lid of pot' hieroglyph.Sign 134 ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' ays 'iron' PLUS dhakka 'lid of pot' rebus: dhakka 'bright' Thus, ayo dhakka, 'bright alloy metal.' Thus, Sign 65 hypertext reads: ayo dhakka 'bright alloy metal'
ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' ays 'iron' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish fin rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner (DEDR 1236) Thus, ayo  kammaṭa, 'alloymetal mint'

kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Clust 22 reads: ayo dhakka ayo  kammaṭa karṇī , 'bright alloy metal alloymetal mint, scribe, supercargo.'

Cluster 23


Sign 160 is a variant of Sign 137Variants of Sign 137 dāṭu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral' (Santali)
 Sign 123 is comparable to Sign 99 'splinter' hieroglyph. kuṭi 'a slice, a bit, a small piece'(Santali) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph:  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā kuṭhi metalware smelter.
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 23 reads: khāṇḍā kuṭhi dhatu karṇī  'metalware smelter, mineral, scribe, supercargo'

Cluster 24

Hypertext of Sign 336 has hieroglyph components: muka 'ladle' (Tamil)(DEDR 4887) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot' (Santali).PLUSSign 328  baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'. The hypertext reads: mū̃h bhaṭa 'ingot furnace'
Sign 102 variant Sign 89 kolomo 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. 
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 24 reads: mū̃h bhaṭa kolami, karṇī 'ingot furnace, smithy, forge, scribe, supercarggo'

Cluster 25

sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
käti ʻwarrior' (Sinhalese)(CDIAL 3649). rebus:  khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights'ʼVikalpa: bhaa 'warrior' rebus: bhaa 'furnace'.
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 25 reads: sal khäti ʻkarṇī 'workshop, wheelwright, scribe, supercargo'

Cluster 26

Sign 249 ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' Rebus: rango ‘pewter’. ranga, rang pewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and antimony (anjana) (Santali).  Hieroglyhph: buffalo: Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ (or < raṅku -- ?).(CDIAL 10538, 10559) Rebus: raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1] Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) B. rāṅ(g) ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10567)
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge. Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)

kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 26 reads: ranku kolami karṇī 'tin smithy, forge, scribe, supercargo'

Cluster 27

kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge. Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali) PLUS semantic determinative: kolom 'thrice' rebus:kolami 'smithy, forge'.

Thus, hypertext Cluster 27 reads: kolami 'smithy, forge'.

Cluster 28



eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' arā 'spoke' rebus: āra 'brass'. 
 Sign 99 sal 'splinter rebus: sal 'workshop'
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge. Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)

Hypertext Cluster 28 reads: eraka āra  sal kolami 'moltencast copper,brass workshop, smithy,forge'.

Cluster 29



Variants of Sign 343
Sign 343 hypertext is a composite of: 1. rim-of-jar hieroglyph and 2. notch. 'notch' hieroglyph:  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware' PLUS कार्णिक rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe',कर्णिक helmsman' कारणिका 'accountant'. Thus, the hypertext reads: khāṇḍā karṇī 'equipment scribe, accountant'

kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge. Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

Hypertext Cluster 29 reads: khāṇḍā karṇī kolami karṇika कर्णिक 'equipment scribe, accountant, smithy/forge, helmsman'.

Cluster 30


Variants of Sign 328
baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' baṭa 'iron'. dula 'duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'. Thus, hypertext of duplicated Sign328 hieroglyphs is read: dul bhaṭa 'metalcasting furnace'

Sign 12 variants
Sign 12 hieroglyph kuṭi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' 

Hypertext Cluster 30 reads: kuṭhi dul baṭa bhaṭa 'smelter, iron metalcasting furnace
Cluster 31

See: 

2. Bharat, name of a nation. Root: bharatiyo 'caster of metals', bharat 'metal alloy' in Indus Script  http://tinyurl.com/k58uysu
Variants of Sign 48 Seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.This pictorial motif gets normalized in Indus writing system as a hieroglyph sign: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu)
 Sign 48 is a 'backbone, spine' hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharata = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bha, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit. )baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) 
baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' baṭa 'iron'.
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge. Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)

Hypertext Cluster 31 reads: bhaṭa bharat kolami 'furnace, mixed alloy (copper, zinc,tin)smithy, forge'. The word bharat may explain the semantics of Bhāratīya, 'people working with bharata metal alloys'. bharatiyo are metalcasters, who -- together with agriculturists, textile workers, sculptors, śilpi, seafaring merchant guilds --śreṇi --, medicinemen -- created the wealth of a nation by the key economic factor of 'corporate form of organization' called śreṇi which contributed to 33% of global GDP in 1 CE (pace Angus Maddison).


Cluster 32

Variants/Sign modifications of Sign 373   
Sign 386 is a hypertext composed of Sign 373 and notch. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware' PLUS mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (oval-/rhombus-shaped like a bun-ingot).The hypertext Sign 386 reads two distinct wealth categories: muhã khāṇḍā 'ingots, equipment, tools, metalware'.

baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' baṭa 'iron'.
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge. Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)

Hypertext Cluster 32 reads: muhã khāṇḍā bhaṭa kolami 'ingots, equipment, tools, metalware, iron furnace, smithy, forge'.

Cluster 33

Sign 12 is kuṭi 'water-carrier' (TeluguRebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546)
baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' baṭa 'iron'.
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge. Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)

Hypertext of Cluster 33 reads: kuṭh bhaṭa kolami ' 'iron smelterfactory, furnace, smithy, forge'.


Cluster 34

Sign 67 khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236) PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10;  gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]). Thus, ayo kammaṭa 'alloy metalmint'.
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.
Variants of Sign 176
Sign 176 khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 

Hypertext Cluster 34 reads: ayo kammaṭa karṇī karaḍā खरडें  'alloy metal mint, supercargo, scribe, daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. kharādī ' turner' 

Cluster 35

 Sign 48 is a 'backbone, spine' hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharata = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bha, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit. )baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) 

kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.
Sign 176 khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 

Cluster 36

kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.

Sign 176 khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 

Cluster 37


Sign 65 is a hypertext composed ofSign 59 and 'lid of pot' hieroglyph.Sign 134 ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' ays 'iron' PLUS dhakka 'lid of pot' rebus: dhakka 'bright' Thus, ayo dhakka, 'bright alloy metal.' Thus, Sign 65 hypertext reads: ayo dhakka 'bright alloy metal'
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.

Sign 176 khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 

Hypertext Cluster 37 reads: ayo dhakka karṇī karaḍā खरडें 'bright alloy metal, scribe, supecargo, daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 

Cluster 38

Sign 193 signifies a structure, perhaps a pair of warehouse. A variant may be seen on Sohgaura copperplate topline of Indus Script hieroglyphs. dula 'two, pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS koṭhāri 'treasurer, warehouse'. Rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer' Together the hypertext reads: dul kuṭhāru 'metalcasting armourer'
Sohgaura copper plate. Bilingual (Indus Script hypertext+ Brāhmi syllabary) inscription describes functions of two warehouses for itinerant merchants.


kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.

Sign 176 khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 

Hypertext Cluster 38 reads:   dul kuṭhāru karṇī karaḍā खरडें 'metalcasting armourer, scribe, supecargo, daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 

Cluster 39

Sign 87 dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'
ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10;  gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.])

kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.

Hypertext Cluster 39 reads: dul ayas karṇī 'metalcasting, alloy metal, scribe (engraver), supercargo'

Cluster 40

sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
Sign 87 dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.

Hypertext Cluster 40 reads:  sal, dul, karṇī 'workshop, metalcasting, scribe (engraver), supercargo'

Cluster 41



Variants of Sign 403
Sign 403 is a duplication of  dula 'pair, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS  Sign'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dul mũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot'.

Sign 87 dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.

Hypertext Cluster 41 reads:dul mũhã̄ dul karṇī 'metalcast ingot, metalcasting, scribe (engraver), supercargo'.

Cluster 42


sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
Sign 87 dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'
ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10;  gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]) 

Hypertext Cluster 42 reads: sal dul aya 'workshop, metalcasting, alloymetal'

Cluster 43


sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10;  gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]) 
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.

Hypertext Cluster 43 reads: sal aya karṇī 'workshop, alloy metal, scribe (engraver), supercargo'

Cluster 44


sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
käti ʻwarrior' (Sinhalese)(CDIAL 3649). rebus:  khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights'ʼVikalpa: bhaa 'warrior' rebus: bhaa 'furnace'.
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'.

Hypertext Cluster 44 reads: sal bhakarṇī 'workshop, furnace, scribe (engraver), supercargo'

Cluster 45


Variants of Sign 48 Seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.This pictorial motif gets normalized in Indus writing system as a hieroglyph sign: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu)
 Sign 48 is a 'backbone, spine' hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharata = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bha, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit. )baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) 

kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa ix (कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)
&c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant vessel'
baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' baṭa 'iron'.

Hypertext Cluster 45 reads: 
bharat karṇī bhaṭa 'mixed alloys (5 copper, 4 zinc,1 tin), scribe (engraver), supercargo, iron furnace'.

Background note on how cluster analysis of Indus Script sign hypertexts help identify repeating, freuquently occurring triplets (i.e. three 'signs' in sequence) constituting a semantic cluster

This monograph is in effect an addendum to the cluster analysis of 'signs' presenting the 'sematnic' structure or accounting classifiers of wealth-accounting ledgers.

 

Using partition-based clustering (K-means algorithm) to analyse Indus Script texts, Nisha Yadav et al identify the following dominant (high-frequency occurrence) clusters. The cluster analysis is based on a subset of inscriptions. The number of texts included in a computer corpus called EBUDS is 1548. This is a filtered corpus excluding duplicates and ambiguous texts.EBUDS identifies 377 distinct signs. Strings of sign images are read from right to left. The statistical approach in creating EBUDS is detailed in:
Yadav, N., Vahia, M. N., Mahadevan, I. and Joglekar, H. 2008. A Statistical Approach for Pattern Search in Indus Writing. International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics. vol. XXXVII, pp. 39-52.

These 45 Semantic clusters of metalwork wealth-accounting are valided in a monograph Table 6 which lists 45 triplets of signs, which are of frequent occurrence.
After Table 6 in: Nisha Yadav, Ambuja Salgaonkar and Mayank Vahia. Clustering Indus Texts using K-means. International Journal of Computer Applications 162(1):16-21, March 2017

See:  

https://tinyurl.com/y8gr7amt This monograph is an addendum emphasising the significance of this brilliant cluster analysis done by Nisha Yadav, Ambuja Salgaonkar and Mayank Vahia (2017). At the outset, congratulations to Nisha Yadav, Ambuja Salgaonkar, and Mayank Vahia for this lucid, precisely presented, outstanding contribution which validates the decipherment of the Indus Scipt Cipher as a cataloguing, sāṅgāḍī 'joined parts' rebus: samgraha, samgaha 'catalogue,list, arranger, manager' -- an accounting classification of ledgers for wealth accounting during the Tin-Bronze Revolution, 4th millennium BCE.

 


Thesis of the monograph: Indus Script Field symbols are accounting ledger classifications of wealth categories, classified as metalwork.

This thesis is validated by a Cluster analysis of 33 sāṅgāḍī 'joined parts' Indus Script Field symbols evidences samgaha wealth categories for accounting ledgers, samgaha 'catalogue, list, arranger, manager'. The cargo listed in samgaha are inscribed -- as Indus Script inscriptions -- for delivery by જંગડિયો jangaḍiyo 'military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury' (Gujarati)  --in mercantile transactions on janga ,'invoiced on approval basis'. This mercantile process explains the repeated and frequent deployment of sāṅgāḍī 'joined parts' princple of writing system for both 'signs' and 'field symbols'.

Executive Summary

The cluster analysis presented in this monograph identify superstructures of wealth categories to which the ‘triplets of signs’ are substructures. The study suggests that there are 33 distinct structures relatedto wealth categories of metalwork to document work on: 1. Minerals; 2. Smelting; 3. Use of furnaces to create alloys by mixing minerals or infusing carbon element through carburization processes; smithy, forge work; 4. Forging of implements, tools, metalware; 5. Metalcasting, including cire perdue (lost-waxmethods) of metal casting; 6. Organization in guilds of artisans/seafaring merchants.

The following 38 categories of wealth accounting ledgers are identified by cluster analysis 

Cluster 1 Eagle in flight cluster, thunderbolt weapon, blacksmith classifier
Cluster 2 Metallurgical invention of aṅgāra carburization, infusion of carbon element to harden molten metal
Cluster 3 Svastika cluster, zinc wealth category
Cluster 4 Ficus clusters, copper wealth category
Cluster 5 Tiger cluster, smelter category
Cluster 6 Spearing a bovine cluster, smelter work
Cluster 7 A metallurgical process narrative in four clusters -- four sides of a tablet: 
Cluster 8 Seafaring boat cluster, cargo wealth category
Cluster 9 Bier cluster, wheelwright category
Cluster 10 Sickle cluster, wheelwright category
Cluster 11 Sun's rays cluster, gold wealth category
Cluster 12 Body of standing person cluster, element classifier
Cluster 13 Frog cluster, ingot classifier
Cluster 14 Serpent cluster as anakku, 'tin ore' classifier
Cluster 15 Tortoise, turtle clusters, bronze classifiers
Cluster 16 Seated person in penance, mint classifier
Cluster 17 Archer cluster, mint classifier
Cluster 18 ayakara 'metalsmith' cluster, alloy metal smithy, forge classifier
Cluster 19 Smelter cluster, wealth-category of smelted mineral ores
Cluster 20 Magnetite, ferrite ore cluster wealth-category or wealth-classification
Cluster 21 Dhokra 'cire perdue' metal cassting artisans classifier
Cluster 22 dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ, dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters' cluster, Iron, steel product cluster 
Cluster 23 Endless knot cluster, yajña dhanam, iron category, hangar ‘blacksmith’ category
Cluster 24 Dance-step cluster, iron smithy/forge
Cluster 25 Minerals Smelter, metals furnace, clusters
Cluster 26 Armoury clusters
Cluster 27 Double-axe cluster, armourer category
Cluster 28 Seafaring merchant clusters
Cluster 29 Smithy, forge clusters
Cluster 30 Equipment making blacksmithy/forge
Cluster 31 Tin smithy, forge clusters
Cluster 32 Alloy metal clusters
Cluster 33 Metal equipment, product clusters
-- Metalwork samgaha, 'catalogues' cluster सं-ग्रह complete enumeration or collection , sum , amount , totality (एण , " completely " , " entirely ") (याज्ञवल्क्य), catalogue, list
Cluster 34 śreṇi Goldsmith Guild clusters 
Cluster 34a Three tigers joined, smithy village,smithy shop category
Cluster 35 पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu'cluster,  magnetite ore category pōḷa, 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide
Cluster 36 Dotted circles, Indus Script Hypertexts dhāv 'red ores'
Cluster 37 Indus Script inscriptions on ivory artifacts signify metalwork wealth accounting
Cluster 38 Diffusion of Metallurgy: Meluhha and western Afghanistan sources of tin

This accounting classification of metalwork wealth categories is consistent with the finding that the writing system with a recognized pattern of clustering pictorial motifs was consistently used over the entire gamut of contact areas of Sarasvati civilization. Decipherment of the hieroglyph components of field symbols yields the semantic structure of underlying Meluhha speech in Bhāratīya sprachbund(Speech union).

The total number of objects on M Corpus with distinct, unambiguous pictorials or field symbols is 1894. It is unfortunate that most decipherment claims ignore an analysis of this dominant portion of the documented evidence of the civilization. Some brush them aside as 'cult symbols', some say they are 'religious symbols'. 

A cluster analysis of these 1894 Indus Script Field symbols has also been ignored by the cluster analysis of triplets of 'signs' done by K-means by Nisha Yadav et al. I submit that pictorial motifs or field symbols are integral parts of the hypertext messaging system of the Indus Script inscriptions. It should be noted that these pictorial motifs or field symbols occupy the major portion of the space for messaging used on an inscribed object in Indus Script Corpora (which now total over 8000 inscriptions). 

This demonstrable laxity in most decipherment claims or cluster analyses is governed by a hypothesis of the 'text' as the writing system, and perhaps ignoring the field symbol or pictorial motifs are extraneous to the messaging system. 

I submit that the field symbols or pictorial motifs are the dominant classifiers of the Indus accounting system to identify distinct wealth-accounting category ledgers to document the wealth of a guild of artisans and seafaring merchants. This monograph demonstrates the semantic structure of the field symbols or pictorial motifs in the framework of the principal design principle of the script (which applies to both 'signs' and 'field symbols') which is: sāṅgāḍī 'joined parts' rebus: samgraha, samgaha 'catalogue, list, arranger, manager' janga ,'invoiced on approval basis' -- an accounting classification of ledgers for wealth accounting during the Tin-Bronze Revolution, 4th millennium BCE. This sāṅgāḍī 'joined parts' principle of writing system design explains why animal parts are joined together to create 'fabulour' or 'composite' animal pictorial motifs or field symbols.

See:  

33 clusters of field symbols signify 33 metalwork wealth/guild work classifiers for accounting ledgers

FS 1-7                    1159 One-horned young bull (bos indicus aurochs)
FS 120                       67 One or more dotted circles
FS 122-123                19 Standard device
FS 8-9                          5 Two-horned young bull (bos indicus aurochs)
FS 10                         54 Bos indicus, zebu
FS 11-13                    95 Short-horned bull or ox (aurochs)
FS 15-17                    14 Buffalo
FS 18-20                    55 Elephant
FS 22-23                    16 Tiger
FS 24-25                       5 Horned tiger
FS 16-28                    39 Rhinoceros
FS 29                            1 Two rhinoceroses
FS 30-38                    36 Goat-antelope, short tail
FS 39-41                    26 Ox-antelope
FS 42                         10 Hare
FS 43                           1 Hare
FS 51                         20 Fabulous animal
FS 56                           9 Fabulous animal
FS 63-67                    49 Gharial (crocodile + fish)
FS 68                         14 Fish
FS 73                           9 Entwined serpent, pillar or rings on pillar
FS 74                           4 Bird (eagle) in flight
FS 75-77                    34 Kino tree on platform
FS 79                            3 Pipal leaf
FS 80-90                     22 Horned standing persons
FS 105                           3 Person grappling two tigers
FS 109                           5 Person seated on tree branch
FS 111                           3 Woman grappling two men with uprooted trees\
FS 118-119                  50 Svastika (on seals of Indus Script Corpora)
FS 124                           4 Endless knot, twisted rope
FS 125                           3 Boat
FS 131                           6 Sickle
FS 130                           3 Writing tablet
FS 133-139                  51 ornamental edges

TOTAL                    1894
...

Read on...https://tinyurl.com/y7tebv96




Decipherment of Indus Script seals in Arsh Gallery, Islamabad as wealth accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues

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https://tinyurl.com/y8j2smk8This is an addendum to: https://tinyurl.com/yca5pdcu Arsh gallery, auctioneer, Islamabad presents unprovenanced Indus Script hieroglyphs, hypertexts, all related to rebus metalwork translations. Three unprovenanced seals kept in the gallery are read as Indus Script inscriptions in Meluhha rebus readings related to wealth accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues.
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Seal 1, 2, 3 I suggest that the following three 'signs' on the three Indus Script seals of Arsh gallery -- labeled as Seals 1,2,3 are orthographic variants of Sign 124 (ASI 1977 Mahadevan concordance). Sign 124 reads rebus as Meluhha hypertext: ḍhālako khāṇḍā 'ingots, metalware'.

Seal 1 has the pictograph of a peacock : moraka, 'peacock' rebus: morakkaka (loha) 'calcining metal'. Thus, together with Sign 124, the inscription reads: morakaka 'calcining metal' PLUS
ḍhālako khāṇḍā 'ingots, metalware'.

Pictorial motifs on Seal 2 signify kundakō̃da कोँद gold furnace, phaa, paṭṭaa 'metals manufactory': Pictorial motifs on Seal 2: One-horned young bull with a cobra hood in front and perhaps a lady in a dance-step: phaa 'cobrahood', rebus: phaa, paṭṭaa 'metals manufactory' PLUS me 'dance step' rebus: me 'iron, copper' (Santali.Mu.Ho.Slavic languages). The text message on Seal 2:  hālako khāṇḍā 'ingots, metalware'; kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin).  Seal 3 shows a man standing beside a woman with dance-step and wearing a head-gear with twigs. The man standing is a dhangar 'blacksmith' PLUS kola 'woman' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' PLUS kūdī 'twig' rebus: kuhi 'smelter' The text message is: पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake' explained also as mūhā mẽhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali) --पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel' = ukku 'wootz steel' PLUS hālako khāṇḍā 'ingots, metalware'.


Sign 124 This sign is a hypertext composed of a slanted stroke ligaturred with a slanted notch. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 


Hieroglyph:  dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination'  ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.Addenda: ḍhāla -- . 2. *ḍhāllā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f.(CDIAL 5583). ḍhālako a large metal ingot.
Sign 293 kuṭila 'bent' CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. 'curve', kuṭika— 'bent' MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) 
Sign 373
I submit that these oval spots signify पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake' explained also as mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali) --पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel' = ukku 'wootz steel' 

Image result for zebu ingot shape bharatkalyan97
Slide 33. Early Harappan zebu figurine with incised spots from Harappa. Some of the Early Harappan zebu figurines were decorated. One example has incised oval spots. It is also stained a deep red, an extreme example of the types of stains often found on figurines that are usually found in trash and waste deposits. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 1.8 x 4.6 x 3.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow) http://www.harappa.com/figurines/33.html
The oval spots are shaped like the copper ingots shown on this photograh of Maysar, c. 2200 BCE:
Maysar c.2200 BCE Packed copper ingots INGOTSRelated imageCrucible steel button. Steel smelted from iron sand in a graphite crucible.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Crucible_steel_button.jpg See: 
Indus Script hypertext पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa ‘magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake'


kod. 'one horn'; kot.iyum [kot., kot.i_ neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (G.)kamarasa_la = waist-zone, waist-band, belt (Te.)kot.iyum [kot., kot.i_ neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (G.) [cf. the orthography of rings on the neck of one-horned young bull]. Te. kōḍiya, kōḍe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōḍe dūḍa bull calf), young, youthful; kōḍekã̄ḍu a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōḍē bull. Nk. 
khoṛe male calf. Konḍa kōḍi cow; kōṛe young bullock. Pe. kōḍi cow. Manḍ.kūḍi id. Kui kōḍi id., ox. Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōḍi bull; (Su. P.) kōḍi cow.(DEDR 2199). Ka. gōnde bull, ox. Te. gōda ox. Kol. (SR.) kondā bull; (Kin.) kōnda bullock. Nk (Ch.) kōnda id. Pa. kōnda bison. Ga. (Oll.)

kōnde cow; (S.) kōndē bullock. Go. (Tr.) kōnḍā, (other dialects) kōnda bullock, ox (DEDR 2216). खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. kōnda bullock (Kol.Nk.); bison (Pa.)(DEDR 2216). Te. kōḍiya, kōḍe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōḍe dūḍa bull calf), young, youthful; kōḍekã̄ḍu a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōḍē bull.

kōnde cow; (S.) kōndē bullock. Go. (Tr.) kōnḍā, (other dialects) kōnda bullock, ox (DEDR 2216). खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. kōnda bullock (Kol.Nk.); bison (Pa.)(DEDR 2216). Te. kōḍiya, kōḍe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōḍe dūḍa bull calf), young, youthful; kōḍekã̄ḍu a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōḍē bull.

Rebus: kod. = place where artisans work (Gujarati) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.) कोंड [ kōṇḍa ] A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste.कोंडडाव (p. 180) [ kōṇḍaḍāva ] m Ring taw; that form of marble-playing in which lines are drawn and divisions made:--as disting. from अगळडाव The play with holes.कोंडवाड [ kōṇḍavāḍa ] n f C (कोंडणें & वाडा) A pen or fold for cattle.कोंडाळें (p. 180) [ kōṇḍāḷēṃ] n (कुंडली S) A ring or circularly inclosed space. 2 fig. A circle made by persons sitting round.


कोंडण kōṇḍaṇa, 'cattlepen' kundaṇa 'goldsmith guild'.since the Marathi word has the meaning: कोंडण kōṇḍaṇa f A fold or pen. Rebus: kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1] N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻsmoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdākõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ latheʼ, kũdibākū̃d° ʻ to turn ʼ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi.kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m. (CDIAL 3295). kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1] A. kundār, B. kũdār°ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297). Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).
kō̃da कोँद  कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 133); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् ।कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165)(Kashmiri) 



R̥gveda gaṇa, Varāha & Gaṇeśa associated with temple frescos, from Badami to Afghanistan, Dunhuang (China), Indonesia, Vietnam, Japan in Ancient Far East

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-- Meluhha Indus Script hypertexts, wealth accounting ledgers of artisan & seafaring merchant guilds, signified by Varāha & Gaṇeśa 

Predating the anthropomorph with a boar's head found in the context of Copperhoard culture of Ancient Bharat, to signify a metalworker and metals merchant is a tradition traceable to Indus Script Hypertexts which signify Varāha and Gaeśa shown in pratimā as dancers together with other members of ga-- artisan & seafaring merchant guilds. Varāha and Gaeśa signified as dancers relates to the dancing halls --नाचण्याचा फड A nachhouse -- which is a component of structures used as metals manufactories called फडphaa,  'cobra hood' rebus: फडphaa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal weapons'. 

R̥gveda describes Marut gaṇa as dancers through the air; this metaphor leads to the sculptural frescos showing Marutgaṇa as dancers; the sculptural tradition is traceable to the pratimā created by craftsmen who created rock-cut sculptures of Badami caves (see the sculptural fresco of Naarāja with Gaṇeśa's dance-step: 

Image result for nataraja badami
RV 8.020.22 Maruts, dancing (through the air), decorated with golden breast-plates, the mortal (who worships you) attains your brotherhood; speak favourably to us, for your affinity is ever (made known) at the regulated (sacrifice).



Image result for kailasanatha maruts
Marut-gaṇa including Gaṇeśa (third from left) & Varāha (fourth from left) on a sculptural panel. Kailasanatha Temple,Kanchipuram.

R̥gveda gaṇa are Vrātam Vrātam gaam gaam, guilds of artisans, seafaring merchants. R̥gveda extols the contributions made by gaa to the creation and sharing of wealth created, using the vivid expression: Vrātam Vrātam gaam gaam. The semantics of this expression elaborate as guilds of artisans, seafaring merchants. The guild-master of such guilds is gaṇanāyaka also called gaṇapati, mahāvināyaka. A pratimā of mahāvināyaka is archaeologically attested in Gardez with precise semantic explanations using Indus Script hypertexts of cobrahood and feline paw, detailed in this monograph.

The veneration of gaṇapati as guild-master, Marut gaṇa is traceable to the tradition of R̥gveda attested in RV 3.26.6, RV 6.66, RV 2.23, RV 10.112.9.

This abiding veneration  finds expression in sculptural frescos all over the world which adores R̥gveda tradition.

RV 3.26.6 refers to Gaṇa in the context of Marut-s: व्रातं व्रातं गणम् गणम् Vrātam Vrātam gaṇam gaṇam In this expression, व्रात signifies a particular form of assembly, a guild. व्रात m. (connected with √1. वृ , or with व्रत्/अ and √2. वृ) a multitude , flock , assemblage , troop , swarm , group , host (व्र्/आतं व्रातम् , in companies or troops ; प्/अञ्च व्र्/आतास् , the five races of men) , association , guild RV. &c; n. manual or bodily labour , day-labour (Monier-Williams)

namo gaṇebhyo gaṇapatibhyaś ca vo namo namo vrātebhyo vrātapatibhyaś ca vo namo namaḥ (MS 2.9.4)


R̥gveda gaṇa are Marut gaṇa with two remarkable anthropomorphs: v, with the head of a boar and Gaṇeśa, with the head of an elepant. I suggest that v, with the head of a boar and Gaṇeśa, with the head of an elepant are Indus Script hypertexts. The hypertexts signify:

1.baḍhia = a castrated boar, a hog; rebus: बढई bahī m ( H) A carpenter; barea 'merchant'; and

2. karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'. Gaṇeśa is shown with a) cobrahood and b) tiger vestment to further add the semantic identifiers of: 

a) फडphaḍa,  'cobra hood' rebus: फडphaḍa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal weapons' and 

b) panja 'claw of beast, feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln', i.e. boar and elephant signify wood/iron worker and smelter guild. 

baḍhia = a castrated boar, a hog; rebus: बढई bahī m ( H) A carpenter. (Marathi)
baḍhi 'a caste who work both in iron and wood' bari 'merchant' barea 'merchant' (Santali) 
వడ్రంగి, వడ్లంగి, వడ్లవాడు (p. 1126) vaḍraṅgi, vaḍlaṅgi, vaḍlavāḍu or వడ్లబత్తుడు vaḍrangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. వడ్రంగము, వడ్లపని, వడ్రము or వడ్లంగితనము vaḍrangamu. n. The trade of a carpenter. వడ్లవానివృత్తి. వడ్రంగిపని. వడ్రంగిపిట్ట or వడ్లంగిపిట్ట vaḍrangi-piṭṭa. n. A woodpecker. దార్వాఘాటము. వడ్లకంకణము vaḍla-kankaṇamu. n. A curlew. ఉల్లంకులలో భేదము. వడ్లత or వడ్లది vaḍlata. n. A woman of the carpenter caste. vardhaki m. ʻ carpenter ʼ MBh. [√vardh] Pa. vaḍḍhaki -- m. ʻ carpenter, building mason ʼ; Pk. vaḍḍhaï -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, °aïa -- m. ʻ shoemaker ʼ; WPah. jaun. bāḍhōī ʻ carpenter ʼ, (Joshi) bāḍhi m., N. baṛhaïbaṛahi, A. bārai, B. bāṛaï°ṛui, Or. baṛhaï°ṛhāi, (Gaṛjād) bāṛhoi, Bi. baṛa, Bhoj. H. baṛhaī m., M. vāḍhāyā m., Si. vaḍu -- vā.(CDIAL 11375)
বরাহ barāha 'boar' Rebus: bāṛaï 'carpenter' (Bengali) bari 'merchant' barea 'merchant' (Santali) बारकश or बारकस [ bārakaśa or bārakasa ] n ( P) A trading vessel, a merchantman.
बढई bahī m ( H) A carpenter. (Marathi)  పట్టడ paṭṭaa paṭṭau. [Tel.] n. A smithy, a shop. కుమ్మరి వడ్లంగి మొదలగువారు పనిచేయు చోటువడ్రంగివడ్లంగి,వడ్లవాడు varagi, valagi, valavāu or వడ్లబత్తుడు varangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. వడ్రంగమువడ్లపనివడ్రము or వడ్లంగితనము varangamu. n. The trade of a carpenter. వడ్లవానివృత్తివడ్రంగిపనివడ్రంగిపిట్ట or వడ్లంగిపిట్ట varangi-piṭṭa. n. A woodpecker. దార్వాఘాటమువడ్లకంకణము vala-kankaamu. n. A curlew. ఉల్లంకులలో భేదమువడ్లత or వడ్లది valata. n. A woman of the carpenter caste. vardhaki m. ʻ carpenter ʼ MBh. [√vardh] Pa. vaḍḍhaki -- m. ʻ carpenter, building mason ʼ; Pk. vaḍḍhaï -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ°aïa -- m. ʻ shoemaker ʼ; WPah. jaun. hōī ʻ carpenter ʼ, (Joshi) hi m., N. bahaïbaahi, A. bārai, B. °ui, Or. bahaï°hāi, (Gajād) hoi, Bi. baahī, Bhoj. H. bahaī m., M. hāyā m., Si. vau -- vā.*vārdhaka -- .Addenda: vardhaki -- : WPah.kg. ḍḍhi m. ʻ carpenter ʼ; kg. he\ihi, kc. bahe  H. beside genuine ḍḍhi Him.I 135), J. hi, Garh. bahai, A. also hai AFD 94; Md. vaīnvain pl.(CDIAL 11375)  






Nataraja with 18 arms. gaṇa play drums. Gaṇeśa  in dance-step.
Also in the cave are Karthikeya and Gaṇeśa

Harihara with dancing gaṇa.
Fused sculpture of a composite animal. Elephant. Zebu.

Cave 2, Badami for Vishnu
Varaha anthropomorph.
Part human – part boar, holding Bhudevi (earth) in one hand, his discus (chakra) in the other. His left foot rests in the netherworld, as he rescues Bhudevi from the depths of the ocean. 
Svastika pattern.

Wheel with 16 spokes on the ceiling of Cave 2. Each spoke is a fish surrounding the central lotus.

This is an Indus Script hypertext. Eraka ‘nave of wheel’ rebus: eraka ‘copper, moltencast’ PLUS ayo ‘fish’ rebus: aya ‘iron’ ayas ‘alloy metal’ PLUS t
tāmarasa ‘lotus’ rebus: rebus: tamba ‘copper’.
Cave 3, Badami, Vishnu
Image result for badami dancing gana sculpture

The Durga Temple, Aihole, and the Saṅgameśvara Temple, KūḐavelli: A Sculptural Review

Carol Radcliffe Bolon
Ars Orientalis
Ars Orientalis
Vol. 15 (1985), pp. 47-64 (18 pages)
Published by: Freer Gallery of Art, The Smithsonian Institution and Department of the History of Art, University of Michigan
https://www.jstor.org/stable/4543046


Aihole showing the dance poses of Gaṇeśa and Varaha.

Gaṇa are shown as kharva, 'dwarfs' on sculptures to signifya nidhi or treasure of Kubera. खर्व mfn. (cf. /अ- , त्रि-) mutilated , crippled , injured , imperfect TS. ii , 5 , 1 , 7 Rebus: खर्व  m. N. of one of the nine निधिs or treasures of कुबेर L

 https://tinyurl.com/y9ug5h9y The guild-master signs off on the inscription by affixing his hieroglyph: palm squirrel,Sciurus palmarum' Hieroglyph: squirrel:  *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1] Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? (CDIAL 12723) Rebus: śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ] Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ,seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?) (CDIAL 12726) I suggest that the šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? is read rebus: śeṭhīśeṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ (Marathi) or eṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ(Prakrtam)
The key factor (together with land (resources), labour and capital) conributing to the wealth of bhārata of Veda times is a form of social economic organization called gaṇa. This gaṇa organizational form is also called śreṇi or guild which predates the Roman corporation by ca two millennia. श्रेणि f. ( L. also m. ; according to Un2. iv , 51 , fr. √ श्रि ; connected with श्रेटी above ) a line , row , range , series , succession , troop , flock , multitude , number RV. &c; a company of artisans following the same business , a guild or association of traders dealing in the same articles Mn. MBh. &c  
I suggest that the expression and metaphor of tāṇḍava nr̥tyam, the cosmic dance of शिव is a replication of the Soma samsthā yajña, to win the vasu, the wealths. The role of ताण्डव-प्रिय शिव, शिव's door-keeper नन्दिन् of yajña is replicated on wealth accounting archives of Indus Script Corpora.
An early form of dance is traceable to Rudra's dance. 
Bhīṣma's treatise of Mahābhārata on gaṇa (appended) provides the theoretical framework of  Arthaśāstraon creation of a nation's wealth. This treatise demonstrates how the R̥gveda narratives of Rudra, Marut, व्रातं व्रातं गणम् गणम् are the framework of metaphors in sculptures and Indus Script Hypertexts to document how ancient bhārata contributed to 33% of World GDP in 1 CE. 
IMG_2759Rudra, in a dance pose. Maruts, Rudra.
tāṇḍava nr̥tyam is a frantic dance by Naṭarāja Śiva accompanied by his व्रातं व्रातं गणम् गणम्. Many ancient sculptural friezes attest to this accompaniment.  

YajñaVarāha, Indus Script hypertexts baḍhia, barāha, rebus baḍhi, bāṛaï ' worker in wood and iron’ 

https://tinyurl.com/y9y2ubaw


Maruts are described as having wheels of gold and rushing like boars with tusks of iron (ayodaṁṣṭrān vidhâvato varâhûn). Association of Varāhu's tusk or tooth with ayo 'iron' is significant in the context of Bronze Age metalwork metaphors abounding in ancient ākhyāna.

 


RV8.20.22 8.020.22 Maruts, dancing (through the air), decorated with golden breast-plates, the mortal (who worships you) attains your brotherhood; speak favourably to us, for your affinity is ever (made known) at the regulated (sacrifice).
                                                                                                           [quote]'In Hinduism, the Marutas (/məˈrʊts/Sanskritमरुत), also known as the Marutagana and sometimes identified with Rudras, are storm deities and sons of Rudra and Prisni and attendants of Indra. The number of Marutas varies from 27 to sixty (three times sixty in RV 8.96.8). They are very violent and aggressive, described as armed with golden weapons i.e. lightning and thunderbolts, as having iron teeth and roaring like lions, as residing in the north, as riding in golden chariots drawn by ruddy horses.
Hymn 66 of Mandala VI of the Rig Veda is an eloquent account of how a natural phenomenon of a rain-storm metamorphose into storm deities.
In the Vedic mythology, the Marutas, a troop of young warriors, are Indra's companions. According to French comparative mythologist Georges Dumézil, they are cognate to the Einherjar and the Wild hunt.
According to the Rig Veda, the ancient collection of sacred hymns, they wore golden helmets and breastplates, and used their axes to split the clouds so that rain could fall. They were widely regarded as clouds, capable to shaking mountains and destroying forests.
According to later tradition, such as Puranas, the Marutas were born from the broken womb of the goddess Diti, after Indra hurled a thunderbolt at her to prevent her from giving birth to too powerful a son. The goddess had intended to remain pregnant for a century before giving birth to a son who would threaten Indra.'[unquote]
मरुत् [p= 790,2] m. pl. (prob. the " flashing or shining ones " ; cf. मरीचि and Gk. Î¼Î±ÏÎ¼Î±Î¯ÏÏ‰) the storm-gods (इन्द्र's companions and sometimes e.g. Ragh. xii , 101 = देवाः , the gods or deities in general ; said in the वेद to be the sons of रुद्र and पृश्नि q.v. , or the children of heaven or of ocean ; and described as armed with golden weapons i.e. lightnings and thunderbolts , as having iron teeth and roaring like lions , as residing in the north , as riding in golden cars drawn by ruddy horses sometimes called पृषतीः q.v. ; they are reckoned in Naigh. v , 5 among the gods of the middle sphere , and in RV. viii , 96 , 8 are held to be three times sixty in number ; in the later literature they are the children of दिति , either seven or seven times seven in number , and are sometimes said to be led by मातरिश्वन्) RV. &c; the god of the wind (father of हनुमत् and regent of the north-west quarter of the sky) Kir. Ra1jat. (cf. comp.); = ऋत्विज् Naigh. iii , 18; gold ib. i , 2

RV 6.66


6.066.01 May the like-formed, benevolent, all-pervading, all humiliating troop (of the Maruts) be promptly with the prudent man; the troop that ever cherishes all that among mortals is designed to yield (them) advantage; and (at whose wil) Pr.s'ni gives milk from (her) bright udder once (in the year). [That ever cherishes: marttes.u anyad dohase pi_pa_ya = tad ru_pam (maruta_m), martyaloke anyad os.adhi vanaspatya_dikam ka_ma_n dogdhum a_ya_yagoti, that form of the Maruts cause one or other thing in the world, herbaceous plants, forest trees, and the like, of flourish, so as to milk or yield wht is desired; Pr.s'ni: implies the firmament, which, by the influence of the winds, sends down its milk, i.e. rain, once, i.e. at the rainy season].

6.066.02 Unsoiled by dust the golden chariots of those Maruts, who are shining like kindled fires, enlarging themselves (at will) twofold and threefold, and (charged) with riches and virile energies, are manifest.
6.066.03 They (who are) the sons of the showerer Rudra, whom the nursing (firmamen is able) to sustain, and of whom, the mighty ones, it is known that the great Pr.s'ni has received the germ for the benefit (of man).
6.066.04 They who approach not to men any conveyance, being already in their hearts, purifying their defects; when brilliant they supply their milk (the rain) for the gratification (of their worshippers); they are watering the earth (manifesting their collective); from with splendour. [Being already in their hearts: the Maruts are regarded as identical wit the Pra_n.a_h, vital airs].
6.066.05 Approaching nigh to whom, and repeating the mighty name of the Maruts, (the worshipper is able) quickly to obtain (his wishes); the liberal donor pacifies the angry Maruts, who are otherwise in their might the resistless plunderers (of their wealth). [He pacifies those na ye stauna_ aya_so mahna_ nu cid, who now are thieves going with greatness verily ever].
6.066.06 THose fierce and powerfully arrayed (Maruts) unite by their strength the two beautiful (regions) heaven and earth; in them, the self-radiant, heaven and earth abide; the obstruction (of light) dwells not in those mighty ones. [Unite by their strength: by the rain, which may be said to form a bond of union between heaven and earth].
6.066.07 May your chariot, Maruts, be devoid of wickedness; that which (the worshipper) impels, and which without driver, without horses, without provender, without traces, scattering water and accomplishing (desires), traverses heaven and earth and the paths (of the firmament).
6.066.08 There is no propeller, no obstructer, of him, whom, Maruts, you protect in battle; he whom (you prosper) with sons, grandsons, cattle, and water, is in war the despoiler of the herds of his ardent (foes). [Despoiler of the herds: sa vrajam darta_ pa_rye adha dyoh = sa gava_m san:gham da_rayita_ san:gra_me dyoh; dyoh = vijigis.or va_ s'atroh, of one desirous to overcome, or an enemy].
6.066.09 Offer to the loud-sounding, quick-moving, self-invigorating company of the Maruts, excellent (sacrificial) food; (to them) who overcome strength by strength; the earth trembles, Agni, at the adorable (Maruts).
6.066.10 The Maruts are resplendent as if iluminators of the sacrifice, (bright) as he flames of Agni; entitled are they to donation, and like heroes making (adversaries) tremble; brilliant are they from birth, and invincible.
6.066.11 I worship with oblations that exalted company of the Maruts, the progeny of Rudra, armed with shining lances; the pure and earnest praises of the devout (adorer) are emulous in the invigoration (of the Maruts), as the clouds (vie in the emission of the rain). [The pure and earnest praises: divah s'ardha_ya s'ucayo manis.a_ girayo na_pa ugra_ aspr.dhran = of heaven of the strength pure praises mountains like waters fierce have vied; divah = stotuh, of the praiser or worshipper; s'ardha_ya = ma_ruta_ya, for the strength of the Maruts; giri = megha, a cloud].

मरुत्तः, पुं, (मरुदस्त्यस्येति । मरुत् + “तप् पर्व्वमरुद्भ्याम् ।” ५ । २ । १२२ । इत्यत्र काशि-कोक्त्या तप् ।) चन्द्रवंशीयराजविशेषः । स चअवीक्षिद्राजपुत्त्रः । यथा --क्रोष्टुकिरुवाच ।“अवीक्षितस्य नृपतेर्मरुत्तस्य महात्मनः ।श्रोतुमिच्छामि चरितं श्रूयते सोऽतिचेष्टितः ॥चक्रवर्त्ती महाभागः शूरः क्षान्तो महामतिः ।धर्म्मविद्धर्म्मकृच्चैव सम्यक् पालयिता भुवः ॥मार्कण्डेय उवाच स पित्रा समनुज्ञातो राज्यं प्राप्य पितामहात् ।धर्म्मतः पालयामास प्रजाः पुत्त्रानिवौरसान् ॥इयाज सुमहायज्ञान् यथावत् प्राज्यदक्षिणान् ।ऋत्विक्पुरोहितादेशादनिर्विण्णो महीपतिः ॥तस्याप्रतिहतं चक्रमासीद्द्वीपेषु सप्तसु ।गतयश्चाप्यविच्छिन्नाः स्वःपातालजलादिषु ॥”इति मार्कण्डेयपुराणे १०३ अध्यायः ॥(यदुवंशीयः करन्धमपुत्त्रः । यथा, श्रीमद्भाग-वते । ९ । २३ । १७ ।https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रु
मःमरुत् पु० मृ उति । १ वायौ अमरः २ मरुवके भावप्र० ३ देवे ४ ग्रन्धिपर्णे न० मेदि० । ५ पृक्कायां स्त्री शब्दर० ।स्वार्थे प्रज्ञाद्यण् । मारुतोऽप्यत्र । पृषो० ह्रस्वः ।मरुतोऽपि देवे च वायौ च व्याडिः ।
https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्

I submit that (dh)makara is a hypertext to signify a forge-bellows, blown by a blacksmith, to smelt mineral ores. The term Emūṣa to signify Varāha is also a hypertext: मूष [p= 827,2] m. f( and ). a rat , mouse Pan5cat. L. rebus: मूष, मूषिका [p= 827,2] a crucible Ma1rkP. Kull. L. Emūṣa signifiesVarāhamūṣa 'mouse' signifies Vāhana of Tridhātu Gaṇeśa. Thus, Rudra, Marut gaṇa, Tridhātu Gaṇeśa & Emūṣa Varāha are all hypertexts producing the wealth of the Bronze Age from smelters/forges/foundries. They are also ādidaivikā, ādhyātmikā and cosmological metaphors -- cosmic phenomena of storms, clouds, winds and meteors -- of unsurpassed excellence, insights, in Chandas and other ancient texts such as Mahābhārata with ākhyāna as itihāsa -- an abiding documentation of ancient traditions.  

See:  https://tinyurl.com/y84r4oyr Tridhātu Gaṇeśa & Emūṣa Varāha are Maruts, a Rudra gaṇa (offspring of Rudra) -- disgorged by makara -- working with smelters, forge-blowers and iconographically depicted emerging out of the snout/breath of hypertext: (dh)makara 'makara' rebus:   dhmakara, 'forge-blower',dhamaka 'blacksmith'. The breath of the makara is a metaphor for the winds blown from the bellows to increase the intensity of the blazing fires and ignite the mere earth, the mineral ores in the smelter. Maruts, sons of Rudra are the winds as R̥bhu-s, artisans, work to fashion the earth and minerals into wealth. This is a cosmic dance enacted in the kole.l 'smithy, forge' which is kole.l 'temple.

dhmakara 'forge-blower' is makara, the hypertext iconograph.
See: Indus Script hypertext makara rebus dhmakara ‘forge-blower, blacksmith’ is a divine signifier of wealth, nidhi 
https://tinyurl.com/yb2nabnf

Monument/Object: sculpture
Current Location: Indian Museum, Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Subject: Varuna, on makara
Photo Depicts: front
Monument/Object: sculpture
Current Location: Indian Museum, Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Subject: Varuna, on makara
Photo Depicts: front

Location: Bharhut Village, Satna Dt., Madhya Pradesh, India
Site: Bharhut Village
Monument/Object: Bharhut Stupa, architectural fragment, vedika (railing)
Current Location: Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India
Subject: elephant, with fishtail
Photo Depicts: roundel
Date: 2nd - 1st century BCE
Religious Affiliation: Buddhist
Material: stone
Scan Number: 11598
Photo Date: 1984
Image Source: Huntington Archive

Marut-s as Rudra-s, नृतु m. (nom. /ऊस्) a dancer , an actor RV. &c
A major wealth-producing activity of Bhāratam Janam has been metalwork. This monograph suggests that the forms of Gaṇeśa pratimā evolve in Indus Script hypertext tradition to document wealth-producing metalwork.

फडकरी phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain). फडझडती phaḍajhaḍatī f sometimes फडझाडणी f A clearing off of public business (of any business comprehended under the word फड q. v.): also clearing examination of any फड or place of public business. (Marathi) 

गण m. a flock , troop , multitude , number , tribe , series , class (of animate or inanimate beings) , body of followers or attendants RV. AV. &c; troops or classes of inferior deities (especially certain troops of demi-gods considered as शिव's attendants and under the special superintendence of the god गणे* ; cf. -देवताMn. Ya1jn5. Lalit. &c; a company , any assemblage or association of men formed for the attainment of the same aims Mn. Ya1jn5. Hit. (in summary, a guild).                                                                                                                                                                                                                          Gaņā or hosts of Bŗihaspathi—Brahmaņaspathi are venerated:

gaṇānāṃ tvā gaṇapatiṃ havāmahe kaviṃ kavīnām upamaśravastamam |  jyeṣṭharājam brahmaṇām brahmaṇas pata ā naḥ śṛṇvann ūtibhiḥ sīda sādanam ||RV_2,023.01|| This veneration of the leader of the guild posits Gaṇeśa as a Vedic divinity of the highest order, the leader of the heavenly bands and a sage (kavi) among sages.

sa suṣṭubhā sa ṛkvatā gaṇena valaṃ ruroja phaligaṃ raveṇa | bṛhaspatir usriyā havyasūdaḥ kanikradad vāvaśatīr ud ājat ||RV 4,050.05 ||

गण, also signify hosts of divine beings. Indra is a leader of the gana of Maruts.

ni ṣu sīda gaṇapate gaṇeṣu tvām āhur vipratamaṃ kavīnām | na ṛte tvat kriyate kiṃ canāre mahām arkam maghavañ citram arca ||RV_10,112.09||

[quote] The mantra ‘namo Gaebhyo gaapathibyasha vo namo’ (16-25) that occurs in  Śukla Yajurveda samhita refers to ganas, in plural, and says: salutations to you, Gaas and to the Lord of the Ganas. This mantra appears also in the Rudra praśnam (4.1.5) and in the Maitrāyaṇī Samhitā (2,9.4). Gaa  in these contexts signifies a group of people as also a collection of mantras. 

namo gaṇebhyo gaṇapatibhyaś ca vo namo namo vrātebhyo vrātapatibhyaś ca vo namo namaḥ kṛchrebhyaḥ kṛchrapatibhyaś ca vo namo namo virūpebhyo viśvarūpebhyaś ca vo namo namaḥ senābhyaḥ senānībhyaś ca vo namo namo rathibhyo varūthibhyaś ca vo namo namaḥ kṣattṛbhyaḥ saṃgrahītṛbhyaś ca vo namo namo bṛhadbhyo ‘rbhakebhyaś ca vo namo namo yuvabhya āśīnebhyaś ca vo namo namaḥ //MS_2,9.4//
The Taittirīya Samhitā interprets Gaas as paśus (the beasts of Śiva). They are the Gaas of Shiva — Rudrasya Ganapathyam .There were also Bhuta ganas, the weird and grotesque looking guards of Shiva. Thus, Shiva the Paśupathi; and Śiva the Bhūtanāth was also a Gaapathi.[unquote] https://sreenivasaraos.com/tag/ganesha                                                                     


Dancing Ganesha, Gangaikonda-cholapuram, Tamil Nadu, 11th century CE.
Image result for dancing gana bharatkalyan97
Dancing Gaṇeśa in relief at Hoysaleshwara temple, Halebidu
A tree associated with smelter and linga from Bhuteshwar, Mathura Museum. Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE. Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava,  AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa°ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ  Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228)

Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE (Fig. 6.2). This is the most emphatic representation of linga as a pillar of fire. The pillar is embedded within a brick-kiln with an angular roof and is ligatured to a tree. Hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. In this composition, the artists is depicting the smelter used for smelting to create mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) of mēḍha 'stake' rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda)मेड (p. 662) [ mēḍa ] f (Usually मेढ q. v.) मेडका m A stake, esp. as bifurcated. मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. मेढा (p. 665) [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. 2 A dense arrangement of stakes, a palisade, a paling. मेढी (p. 665) [ mēḍhī ] f (Dim. of मेढ) A small bifurcated stake: also a small stake, with or without furcation, used as a post to support a cross piece. मेढ्या (p. 665) [ mēḍhyā ] a (मेढ Stake or post.) A term for a person considered as the pillar, prop, or support (of a household, army, or other body), the staff or stay. मेढेजोशी (p. 665) [ mēḍhējōśī ] m A stake-जोशी; a जोशी who keeps account of the तिथि &c., by driving stakes into the ground: also a class, or an individual of it, of fortune-tellers, diviners, presagers, seasonannouncers, almanack-makers &c. They are Shúdras and followers of the मेढेमत q. v. 2 Jocosely. The hereditary or settled (quasi fixed as a stake) जोशी of a village.मेंधला (p. 665) [ mēndhalā ] m In architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a double चौकठ (door-frame) connecting the two. Called also मेंढरी & घोडा. It answers to छिली the name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi)
मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda) 

The association of dwarfs, gaNa is consistent with the interpretation of Ganesa iconography with elephant trunk: karibha 'elephant trunk' (Pali) rebua: karba 'iron' (Tulu); ib 'iron' (Santali) kara 'trunk' khAr 'blacksmith'. Siva's gaNa are Bharatam Janam, metalcaster folk engaged with पोतृ pōtṟ 'purifier priest' to signify dhā̆vaḍ, dhamaga 'smelter, blacksmith' working in alloy of three mineral ores. The garland depicted on Bhutesvar sculptural friezes signifies: dhAman 'garland, rope' rebus: dhamaga 'blacksmith', dhmAtr 'smelter'.
Glyph: meD 'to dance' (F.)[reduplicated from me-]; me id. (M.) in Remo (Munda)(Source: D. Stampe's Munda etyma)Ta. meṭṭu (meṭṭi-) to spurn or push with the foot. Ko. meṭ- (mec-) to trample on, tread on; meṭ sole of foot, footstep, footprint. To. möṭ- (möṭy-) to trample on; möṭ step, tread, wooden-soled sandal. Ka. meṭṭu to put or place down the foot or feet, step, pace, walk, tread or trample on, put the foot on or in, put on (as a slipper or shoe); n. stepping, step of the foot, stop on a stringed instrument; sandal, shoe, step of a stair; meṭṭisu to cause to step; meṭṭige, meṭla step, stair. Koḍ. moṭṭï footprint, foot measure, doorsteps. Tu. muṭṭu shoe, sandal; footstep; steps, stairs. Te meṭṭu step, stair, treading, slipper, stop on a lute; maṭṭu, (K. also) meṭṭu to tread, trample, crush under foot, tread or place the foot upon; n. treading; maṭṭincu to cause to be trodden or trampled. Ga. (S.3meṭṭu step (< Te.). Konḍa maṭ- (-t-) to crush under foot, tread on, walk, thresh (grain, as by oxen); caus.maṭis-. Kuwi (S.) mettunga steps. Malt. maḍye to trample, tread. (DEDR 5057)

Image result for kailasanatha maruts
Marut-gaṇa including Gaṇeśa & Varaha on a sculptural panel. Kailasanatha Temple,Kanchipuram.
Dancing dwarves, gaa.
Candi-Sukuh Gaṇeśa is shown in a dance-step, in the context of smelting, forging of sword by Bhima and by the bellows-blower Arjuna. The building in the background is a smelter/forge.
The dance step of Ganesa (elephant head ligatured to a dancing person) on Candi Sukuh frieze is also explained by the gloss: meD 'dance step' rebus: meD 'iron'.

The association of Gaṇeśa with iron-working gives him the name tri-dhātu 'three minerals' wich are:
goṭa 'laterite, ferrite ore' poḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' bicha 'haemtite, ferrite ore'. These three ferrite ores are signified by the hieroglyphs: goṭa 'round pebble stone' poḷa 'zebu, dewlap, honeycomb' bica'scorpion'. 

Gaṇeśa is signified as part of Marut गण[p= 343,1] troops or classes of inferior deities (especially certain troops of demi-gods considered as शिव's attendants and under the special superintendence of the god गणे*श ; cf. देवता) Mn. Ya1jn5. Lalit. &c;  m. a flock , troop , multitude , number , tribe , series , class (of animate or inanimate beings) , body of followers or attendants RV. AV. &c. 

Source: 
Une tête d'éléphant en terre cuite de Nausharo (Pakistan)
In: Arts asiatiques. Tome 47, 1992. pp. 132-136. Jarrige Catherine
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arasi_0004-3958_1992_num_47_1_1330

The elephant head ligatured with a buffalo at Nausharo is a curtain-raiser for the practice of ligaturing in Indian tradition for utsava bera 'idols carried on processions'. The phrase utsava bera denotes that processions of the type shown on Mesopotamian cylinder seals or Mohenjo-daro tablets are trade processions for bera 'bargaining, trade'. Thus, the processions with hieroglyphs may be part of trade-exchange fairs of ancient times. It is significant that the utsava bera of Ganesa is shown together with a rat or mouse -- as vāhana: ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'. mūṣa 'rat, mouse' Rebus: mūṣa 'crucible'.  Thus both rat/mouse and elephant face ligatured to a body, are Meluhha hieroglyphs related to metallurgical processes.

sangaDa 'joined animals' rebus: sangara 'proclamation': karibha 'elephant trunk' (Pali) Rebus: karba 'iron' (Tulu) ib 'iron' (Santali) kara 'trunk of elephant' Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' ranga 'buffalo' Rebus: ranga 'pewter'. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron' kole.l 'smithy, temple' kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
Related image
Location: Amaravati, Guntur Dt., Andhra Pradesh, India
Site: Amaravati
Monument/Object: sculpture
Current Location: Madras Government Museum, Madras, Tamil Nadu, India
Subject: Sankhanidhi, with purse of coins in left hand
Period: Satavahana
Date: ca. late 2nd - 3rd century CE
Religious Affiliation: Buddhist
Material: marble, white
Scan Number: 26927
Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.
Location: Amaravati, Guntur Dt., Andhra Pradesh, India
Site: Amaravati
Monument/Object: relief sculpture, fragment
Current Location: Madras Government Museum, Madras, Tamil Nadu, India
Subject: gana, dancing
Photo Depicts: front
Period: Satavahana
Date: ca. 2nd century CE
Religious Affiliation: Buddhist
Material: marble, white
Scan Number: 27734
Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.
Image result for dancing gana bharatkalyan97
meḍ 'dance-step' rebus: meḍ 'iron'
Why are dwarfs shown on Begram ivories, Bharhut, Sanchi, Mathura sculptures and stone reliefs? The reason is the Indian sprachbund gloss: kharva which means 'dwarf'. The rebus-metonymy-layered rendering reads: kharva 'a navanidhi, a treasure, wealth' (one of nine nidhis or nine treasures of Kubera). The dwarf image is also used to denote gaNa of Siva or Rudra.

खर्व (-र्ब) a. [खर्व्-अच्] 1 Mutilated, crippled, imperfect; Yv. Ts.2.5.1.7. -2 Dwarfish, low, short in stature. -र्वः, -र्वम् A large number (1,,,). -3 N. of one of the treasures of Kubera. -Comp. -इतर a. not small, great; प्रमुदितहृदः सर्वे खर्वेतरस्मयसंगताः Śiva. B.22.71. -शाख a. dwarfish, small, short.खर्वित kharvita खर्वित a. (anything) That has become dwarfish; निशुम्भभरनम्रोर्वीखर्विताः पर्वता अपि Ks.51.1.

खार्वा khārvā The Tretā age or second Yuga of the world. (Samskritam)

Rebus: खर्वटः kharvaṭḥ टम् ṭam खर्वटः टम् [खर्व्-अटन्] 1 A market-town. -2 A village at the foot of a mountain; this word generally occurs joined with खेट; Bhāg.1.6.11;4.18.31;7.2.14; धनुःशतं परीणाहो ग्रामे क्षेत्रान्तरं भवेत् । द्वे शते खर्वटस्य स्यान्नगरस्य चतुःशतम् ॥ Y.2.167. Mitākṣarā says खर्वटस्य प्रचुरकण्टक- सन्तानस्य ग्रामस्य खर्वटानि कुनगराणि । (प्रश्नव्याकरणसूत्रव्याख्याने). -3 A mixed locality on the bank of river, partly a village and partly a town (according to the text of Bhṛigu, quoted in Shrīdharasvāmin's commentary on the Bhāg.); cf. Rājadharmakaustubha, G. O. S.72, p.13. -4 A principal village among two hundred ones (Dānasāgara, Bibliotheca Indica 274, Fasc. I, p.145); cf. also दण्डविवेक, G. O. S.52, p.277.

Hieroglyph: gaNa, 'dwarf' Rebus: gaNa is a guild. Accoding to NaighaNTu, gaNa is speech, Mleccha, Meluhha speech as distinct from chandas, prosody: m. = वाच् (i.e. " a series of verses ") Naigh. i , 11
Sunga. Kubera. National Museum, Delhi
Location: Amaravati, Guntur Dt., Andhra Pradesh, India
Site: Amaravati
Monument/Object: coping fragment, relief sculpture
Current Location: Madras Government Museum, Madras, Tamil Nadu, India
Subject: ganas and elephant
Period: Satavahana
Date: ca. mid-2nd - 3rd century CE
Religious Affiliation: Buddhist
Material: marble, white
Scan Number: 27084
Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.
Association of karba 'elephant' with gaṇa = kharva 'dwarfs' rebus: karba 'iron'.
Image result for gana dancers hindu templesA Dancing gana, Daśāvatāra temple, Deogarh
Dancing gaṇa of Badami caves.
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Badami. Entrance of Cave 1. Nataraja next to panels of dancing gaṇa
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Panels of dancing gaṇa. Badami caves.
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Badami caves.
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Pattadakal Wall Carving Nataraja
Image result for nataraja badamiPattadakal Nataraja
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6th-century Nataraja in Cave 21, Ellora Caves
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Nataraja and a panel of dancing gaṇa.
Image result for dancing gana kanchipuram templeDancing Dwarf or Gana, attendant of Kutera, god of wealth, Museum of the Rock temple of Isurumuniya, Anuradhapura Sri Lanka
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Sculpture on the wall of Nataraja Temple Chidambaram
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Shiva Nataraja castle lintel of Phanomrung historical park in Buriram, Thailand
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शिव's dance after Gajasura is vanquished. SriMukhalingam temple. 8th century CE. Built by Kamarnava II of Eastern Ganga dynasty of Orissa 
Nataraja Sirpur, Chattisgarh
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Related imageRavanaphadi Cave. Aihole. 6th cent. Dancers Nataraja, with Gaṇeśa
Matrika-s including Varahi are also dancing on the adjacent panel of Ravanaphadi
.
Image result for nataraja badamiDancers. Mahakuta Temples, Badami, Karnataka
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Image result for nataraja badamiNataraja in Avanibhajana Pallaveshwaram temple
ताण्डव mn.(g. अर्धर्चा*दि ; fr. तण्डु?) dancing (esp. with violent gesticulation) , frantic dance (of शिव and his votaries) मालतीमाधव, कथासरित्सागर, भागवत-पुराण, x;  मत्स्य-पुराण, राजतरंगिणी &c (cf. Religious Thought and Life in India, also called 'ब्राह्मन् ism and हिन्दू ism,' by Sir M. Monier-Williams, p.84); ताण्डव--° तालिक m. " dancing and clapping the hands (fr. ताल) " , शिव's door-keeper नन्दिन् ; ताण्डव--प्रिय m. " fond of the ताण्डव dance " , शिव (Monier-Williams) 

tāṇḍiḥ ताण्डिः The science of dancing. tāṇḍavḥ वम् vam ताण्डवः वम् 1 Dancing in general; मदताण्डवोत्सवान्ते U.3.18; भ्रू˚ dance or playful movement of the eye- brows; 3.19. -2 Particularly, the frantic or violent dance of Śiva; त्र्यम्बकानन्दि वस्ताण्डव देवि भूयादभीष्ट्यै च हृष्ट्यै च नः Māl.5.23;1.1. -3 The art of dancing. -4 A sort of grass. -5 (In prosody) A foot of three short syllables. -Comp. -तालिकः an epithet of Nan- din, the door-keeper of Śiva. -प्रियः N. of Śiva. tāṇḍavita ताण्डवित a. 1 Dancing, made to dance; Māl.2. -2 Moving round in a wild dance; U.5.36. -3 Fluttering; P. R.1.34. -4 Frowning (Apte)

ताण्डवं, क्ली, पुं, नृत्यम् । इत्यमरः । १ । ७ । १० ॥ ताण्डेन मुनिना कृतं ताण्डि नृत्यशास्त्रं तद-स्यास्तीति । इति भरतः ॥ तण्डुना प्रोक्तमितिस्वामी ॥(“पुंनृत्यं ताण्डवं प्राहुः स्त्रीनृत्यं लास्यमुच्यते ॥”इति शब्दार्थचिन्तामणिधृतवचनेन पुंनृत्यम् ॥)तृणविशेषः । उद्धतनृत्यम् । इति मेदिनी । वे,३६ ॥ (यथा, मत्स्यपुराणे । १ । १ ।“प्रचण्डताण्डवाटोपे प्रक्षिप्ता येन दिग्गजाः ।भवन्तु विघ्नभङ्गाय भवस्य चरणाम्बुजाः ॥”)
ताण्डवतालिकः, पुं, (ताण्डवे शिवनृत्यकालेयस्तालः स कार्य्यतयास्त्यस्येति । ठन् ।) नन्दी ।स शिवद्वारी । इति त्रिकाण्डशेषः ॥
ताण्डवप्रियः, पुं, (ताण्डवं उद्धतनृत्यं प्रियमस्य ।)शिवः । इति शब्दमाला ॥ https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः
 gaṇa गण
Sculpture of a Gana on the ceiling of the Shiva Temple in Bhojpur, India.
Gaatantra (republic) system of rule means a state run by peoples' assemblies.
The story of creation of Virabhadra from the Shiva's lock and destruction of Daksha by Virabhadra and his ganas are popular stories from the Puraṇas.




RV 3.26.4-6 as prayer to Maruts is explained : 4 Let them go forth, the strong, as flames of fire with might. Gathered for victory they have yoked their spotted deer. Pourers of floods, the Maruts, Masters of all wealth, they who can Never be conquered, make the
mountains shake. 5 The MarutsFriends of men, are glorious as the fire: their mighty and resplendent succour we implore. Those storming Sons of Rudra clothed in robes of rain, boongivers- of good gifts, roar as the lions roar. 6 We, band on band and troop following troop, entreat with fair lauds Agnis' splendour and theMaruts' might.
This prayer to Maruts is a prayer also to gaṇa are vrāta. The repetition of the two words, indicates that both gaṇa are vrāta are guilds or associations of people and both gaṇa are vrāta participate in the performance of yajña.
RV 3.26.Griffith translation: 1. REVERING in our heart Agni Vaisvanara, the finder of the light, whose promises are true,
The liberal, gladsome, carborne- God we Kusikas invoke him with oblation, seeking wealth with
songs.
2 That Agni, bright, Vaisvanara, we invoke for help, and Matarisvan worthy of the song of praise;
Brhaspati for mans' observance of the Gods, the Singer prompt to hear, the swiftlymoving- guest.
Age after age Vaisvanara, neighing like a horse, is kindled with the women by the Kusikas.
May Agni, he who wakes among Immortal Gods, grant us heroic strength and wealth in noble steeds.
4 Let them go forth, the strong, as flames of fire with might. Gathered for victory they have
yoked their spotted deer.
Pourers of floods, the Maruts, Masters of all wealth, they who can Never be conquered, make the
mountains shake.
5 The MarutsFriends of men, are glorious as the fire: their mighty and resplendent succour we
implore.
Those storming Sons of Rudra clothed in robes of rain, boongivers- of good gifts, roar as the
lions roar.
6 We, band on band and troop following troop, entreat with fair lauds Agnis' splendour and the
Maruts' might,
With spotted deer for steeds, with wealth that never fails, they, wise Ones, come to sacrifice at
our gatherings.
Agni am I who know, by birth, all creatures. Mine eye is butter, in my mouth is nectar.
I am light threefold, measurer of the region exhaustless heat am I, named burntoblation-.
8 Bearing in mind a thought with light accordant, he purified the Sun with three refinings;
By his own nature gained the highest treasure, and looked abroad over the earth and heaven.
9 The Spring that fails not with a hundred streamlets, Father inspired of prayers that men should
utter,
The Sparkler, joyous in his Parents' bosorn, him-, the Truthspeaker-, sate ye, Earth and Heaven.

मरुत् m. pl. (prob. the " flashing or shining ones " ; cf. मरीचि and Gk. Î¼Î±ÏÎ¼Î±Î¯ÏÏ‰) the storm-gods (इन्द्र's companions and sometimes e.g. Ragh. xii , 101 =देवाः , the gods or deities in general ; said in the वेद to be the sons of रुद्र and पृश्नि q.v. , or the children of heaven or of ocean ; and described as armed with golden weapons i.e. lightnings and thunderbolts , as having iron teeth and roaring like lions , as residing in the north , as riding in golden cars drawn by ruddy horses sometimes called पृषतीः q.v. ; they are reckoned in Naigh. v , 5 among the gods of the middle sphere , and in RV. viii , 96 , 8 are held to be three times sixty in number ; in the later literature they are the children of दिति , either seven or seven times seven in number , and are sometimes said to be led by मातरिश्वन्RV. &c
gaṇḥ गणः  -द्रव्यम् public property, common stock; Y.2.187. -2 a variety of articles. 
गण m. a flock , troop , multitude , number , tribe , series , class (of animate or inanimate beings) , body of followers or attendants RV. AV. &c; troops or classes of inferior deities (especially certain troops of demi-gods considered as शिव's attendants and under the special superintendence of the god गणे* ; cf. -देवताMn. Ya1jn5. Lalit. &c
गणे* श m. (= °ण-नाथN. of the god of wisdom and of obstacles (son of शिव and पार्वती , or according to one legend of पार्वती alone ; though गणे* causes obstacles he also removes them ; hence he is invoked at the commencement of all undertakings and at the opening of all compositions with the words नमो गणे*शाय विघ्ने*श्वराय ; he is represented as a short fat man with a protuberant belly , frequently riding on a rat or attended by one , and to denote his sagacity has the head of an elephant , which however has only one tusk ; the appellation गणे* , with other similar compounds , alludes to his office as chief of the various classes of subordinate gods , who are regarded as शिव's attendants ; cf. RTL. pp. 48 , 62 , 79 , 392 , 440 ; he is said to have written down the MBh. as dictated by व्यास MBh. i , 74 ff. (Monier-Williams)

Bhīṣma's treatise of Mahābhārata on gaṇa, a treatise on gaṇa creating a nation's wealth 

Note: The word is Gaṇa (translated as aristocracy fo wealth). The word literally means an assemblage. There can be no doubt that throughout this lesson the word has been employed to denote the aristocracy of wealth and blood that surround a throne.

Book 12: Santi Parva 

Kisari Mohan Ganguli, tr.

[1883-1896]


The Santi Parva is a huge interpolation in the Mahabharata, in the genre known as 'wisdom literature.' The narrative progression is placed on hold almost from the first page. Instead we get a long and winding recapitulation of Brahmanic lore, including weighty treatises on topics such as kingcraft, metaphysics, cosmology, geography, and mythology. There are discussions of the Sankya and Yoga philosophical schools, and mentions of Buddhism. It is apparent that the Santi Parva was added to the Mahabharata at a later time than the main body of the epic.

PRODUCTION NOTES: (11/30/2004) The printed edition we used divides this book into three (apparently arbitrary) parts. Note that each part's page numbering starts at page one, so if you cite a page number in this etext for some reason, you will also need to cite the part. There was no 'Section CCCCLXIV' in the source edition I used. --John Bruno Hare.

The Mahabharata in Sanskrit

Book 12
Chapter 108

  1 [य]
      बराह्मणक्षत्रियविशां शूद्राणां च परंतप
      धर्मॊ वृत्तं च वृत्तिश च वृत्त्युपायफलानि च
  2 राज्ञां वृत्तं च कॊशश च कॊशसंजननं महत
      अमात्यगुणवृद्धिश च परकृतीनां च वर्धनम
  3 षाड्गुण्य गुणकल्पश च सेना नीतिस तथैव च
      दुष्टस्य च परिज्ञानम अदुष्टस्य च लक्षणम
  4 समहीनाधिकानां च यथावल लक्षणॊच्चयः
      मध्यमस्य च तुष्ट्यर्थं यथा सथेयं विवर्धता
  5 कषीणसंग्रह वृत्तिश च यथावत संप्रकीर्तिता
      लभुनादेश रूपेण गरन्थ यॊगेन भारत
  6 विजिगीषॊस तथा वृत्तम उक्तं चैव तथैव ते
      गणानां वृत्तिम इच्छामि शरॊतुं मतिमतां वर
  7 यथा गणाः परवर्धन्ते न भिद्यन्ते च भारत
      अरीन हि विजिगीषन्ते सुहृदः पराप्नुवन्ति च
  8 भेदमूलॊ विनाशॊ हि गणानाम उपलभ्यते
      मन्त्रसंवरणं दुःखं बहूनाम इति मे मतिः
  9 एतद इच्छाम्य अहं शरॊतुं निखिलेन परंतप
      यथा च ते न भिद्येरंस तच च मे बरूहि पार्थिव
  10 [भ]
     गणानां च कुलानां च राज्ञां च भरतर्षभ
     वैरसंदीपनाव एतौ लॊभामर्षौ जनाधिप
 11 लॊभम एकॊ हि वृणुते ततॊ ऽमर्षम अनन्तरम
     तौ कषयव्यय संयुक्ताव अन्यॊन्यजनिताश्रयौ
 12 चारमन्त्रबलादानैः सामदानविभेदनैः
     कषयव्यय भयॊपायैः कर्शयन्तीतरेतरम
 13 तत्र दानेन भिद्यन्ते गणाः संघातवृत्तयः
     भिन्ना विमनसः सर्वे गच्छन्त्य अरिवशं भयात
 14 भेदाद गणा विनश्यन्ति भिन्नाः सूपजपाः परैः
     तस्मात संघातयॊगेषु परयतेरन गणाः सदा
 15 अर्था हय एवाधिगम्यन्ते संघातबलपौरुषात
     बाह्याश च मैत्रीं कुर्वन्ति तेषु संघातवृत्तिषु
 16 जञानवृद्धान परशंसन्तः शुश्रूषन्तः परस्परम
     विनिवृत्ताभिसंधानाः सुखम एधन्ति सर्वशः
 17 धर्मिष्ठान वयवहारांश च सथापयन्तश च शास्त्रतः
     यथावत संप्रवर्तन्तॊ विवर्धन्ते गणॊत्तमाः
 18 पुत्रान भरातॄन निगृह्णन्तॊ विनये च सदा रताः
     विनीतांश च परगृह्णन्तॊ विवर्धन्ते गणॊत्तमाः
 19 चारमन्त्रविधानेषु कॊशसंनिचयेषु च
     नित्ययुक्ता महाबाहॊ वर्धन्ते सर्वतॊ गणाः
 20 पराज्ञाञ शूरान महेष्वासान कर्मसु सथिरपौरुषान
     मानयन्तः सदा युक्ता विवर्धन्ते गणा नृप
 21 दरव्यवन्तश च शूराश च शस्त्रज्ञाः शास्त्रपारगाः
     कृच्छ्रास्व आपत्सु संमूढान गणान उत्तारयन्ति ते
 22 करॊधॊ भेदॊ भयॊ दण्डः कर्शनं निग्रहॊ वधः
     नयन्त्य अरिवशं सद्यॊ गणान भरतसत्तम
 23 तस्मान मानयितव्यास ते गणमुख्याः परधानतः
     लॊकयात्रा समायत्ता भूयसी तेषु पार्थिव
 24 मन्त्रगुप्तिः परधानेषु चारश चामित्रकर्शन
     न गणाः कृत्स्नशॊ मन्त्रं शरॊतुम अर्हन्ति भारत
 25 गणमुख्यैस तु संभूय कार्यं गणहितं मिथः
     पृथग गणस्य भिन्नस्य विमतस्य ततॊ ऽनयथा
     अर्थाः परत्यवसीदन्ति तथानर्था भवन्ति च
 26 तेषाम अन्यॊन्यभिन्नानां सवशक्तिम अनुतिष्ठताम
     निग्रहः पण्डितैः कार्यः कषिप्रम एव परधानतः
 27 कुलेषु कलहा जाताः कुलवृद्धैर उपेक्षिताः
     गॊत्रस्य राजन कुर्वन्ति गणसंभेद कारिकाम
 28 आभ्यन्तरं भयं रक्ष्यं सुरक्ष्यं बाह्यतॊ भयम
     अभ्यन्तराद भयं जातं सद्यॊ मूलं निकृन्तति
 29 अकस्मात करॊधलॊभाद वा मॊहाद वापि सवभावजात
     अन्यॊन्यं नाभिभाषन्ते तत्पराभव लक्षणम
 30 जात्या च सदृशाः सर्वे कुलेन सदृशास तथा
     न तु शौर्येण बुद्ध्या वा रूपद्रव्येण वा पुनः
 31 भेदाच चैव परमादाच च नाम्यन्ते रिपुभिर गणाः
     तस्मात संघातम एवाहुर गणानां शरणं महत
 1 [y]
      brāhmaṇakṣatriyaviśāṃ śūdrāṇāṃ ca paraṃtapa
      dharmo vṛttaṃ ca vṛttiś ca vṛttyupāyaphalāni ca
  2 rājñāṃ vṛttaṃ ca kośaś ca kośasaṃjananaṃ mahat
      amātyaguṇavṛddhiś ca prakṛtīnāṃ ca vardhanam
  3 ṣāḍguṇya guṇakalpaś ca senā nītis tathaiva ca
      duṣṭasya ca parijñānam aduṣṭasya ca lakṣaṇam
  4 samahīnādhikānāṃ ca yathāval lakṣaṇoccayaḥ
      madhyamasya ca tuṣṭyarthaṃ yathā stheyaṃ vivardhatā
  5 kṣīṇasaṃgraha vṛttiś ca yathāvat saṃprakīrtitā
      labhunādeśa rūpeṇa grantha yogena bhārata
  6 vijigīṣos tathā vṛttam uktaṃ caiva tathaiva te
      gaṇānāṃ vṛttim icchāmi śrotuṃ matimatāṃ vara
  7 yathā gaṇāḥ pravardhante na bhidyante ca bhārata
      arīn hi vijigīṣante suhṛdaḥ prāpnuvanti ca
  8 bhedamūlo vināśo hi gaṇānām upalabhyate
      mantrasaṃvaraṇaṃ duḥkhaṃ bahūnām iti me matiḥ
  9 etad icchāmy ahaṃ śrotuṃ nikhilena paraṃtapa
      yathā ca te na bhidyeraṃs tac ca me brūhi pārthiva
  10 [bh]
     gaṇānāṃ ca kulānāṃ ca rājñāṃ ca bharatarṣabha
     vairasaṃdīpanāv etau lobhāmarṣau janādhipa
 11 lobham eko hi vṛṇute tato 'marṣam anantaram
     tau kṣayavyaya saṃyuktāv anyonyajanitāśrayau
 12 cāramantrabalādānaiḥ sāmadānavibhedanaiḥ
     kṣayavyaya bhayopāyaiḥ karśayantītaretaram
 13 tatra dānena bhidyante gaṇāḥ saṃghātavṛttayaḥ
     bhinnā vimanasaḥ sarve gacchanty arivaśaṃ bhayāt
 14 bhedād gaṇā vinaśyanti bhinnāḥ sūpajapāḥ paraiḥ
     tasmāt saṃghātayogeṣu prayateran gaṇāḥ sadā
 15 arthā hy evādhigamyante saṃghātabalapauruṣāt
     bāhyāś ca maitrīṃ kurvanti teṣu saṃghātavṛttiṣu
 16 jñānavṛddhān praśaṃsantaḥ śuśrūṣantaḥ parasparam
     vinivṛttābhisaṃdhānāḥ sukham edhanti sarvaśaḥ
 17 dharmiṣṭhān vyavahārāṃś ca sthāpayantaś ca śāstrataḥ
     yathāvat saṃpravartanto vivardhante gaṇottamāḥ
 18 putrān bhrātṝn nigṛhṇanto vinaye ca sadā ratāḥ
     vinītāṃś ca pragṛhṇanto vivardhante gaṇottamāḥ
 19 cāramantravidhāneṣu kośasaṃnicayeṣu ca
     nityayuktā mahābāho vardhante sarvato gaṇāḥ
 20 prājñāñ śūrān maheṣvāsān karmasu sthirapauruṣān
     mānayantaḥ sadā yuktā vivardhante gaṇā nṛpa
 21 dravyavantaś ca śūrāś ca śastrajñāḥ śāstrapāragāḥ
     kṛcchrāsv āpatsu saṃmūḍhān gaṇān uttārayanti te
 22 krodho bhedo bhayo daṇḍaḥ karśanaṃ nigraho vadhaḥ
     nayanty arivaśaṃ sadyo gaṇān bharatasattama
 23 tasmān mānayitavyās te gaṇamukhyāḥ pradhānataḥ
     lokayātrā samāyattā bhūyasī teṣu pārthiva
 24 mantraguptiḥ pradhāneṣu cāraś cāmitrakarśana
     na gaṇāḥ kṛtsnaśo mantraṃ śrotum arhanti bhārata
 25 gaṇamukhyais tu saṃbhūya kāryaṃ gaṇahitaṃ mithaḥ
     pṛthag gaṇasya bhinnasya vimatasya tato 'nyathā
     arthāḥ pratyavasīdanti tathānarthā bhavanti ca
 26 teṣām anyonyabhinnānāṃ svaśaktim anutiṣṭhatām
     nigrahaḥ paṇḍitaiḥ kāryaḥ kṣipram eva pradhānataḥ
 27 kuleṣu kalahā jātāḥ kulavṛddhair upekṣitāḥ
     gotrasya rājan kurvanti gaṇasaṃbheda kārikām
 28 ābhyantaraṃ bhayaṃ rakṣyaṃ surakṣyaṃ bāhyato bhayam
     abhyantarād bhayaṃ jātaṃ sadyo mūlaṃ nikṛntati
 29 akasmāt krodhalobhād vā mohād vāpi svabhāvajāt
     anyonyaṃ nābhibhāṣante tatparābhava lakṣaṇam
 30 jātyā ca sadṛśāḥ sarve kulena sadṛśās tathā
     na tu śauryeṇa buddhyā vā rūpadravyeṇa vā punaḥ
 31 bhedāc caiva pramādāc ca nāmyante ripubhir gaṇāḥ
     tasmāt saṃghātam evāhur gaṇānāṃ śaraṇaṃ mahat

English translation by Kisari Mohan Gangu

Rajadharmanusasana Parva SECTION CVII

"Yudhishthira said, 'Thou hast, O scorcher of foes, described the course of duties, the general conduct, the means of livelihood, with their results, of Brahmanas and Kshatriyas and Vaisyas and Sudras. Thou hast discoursed also on the duties of kings, the subject of their treasuries, the means of filling them, and the topic of conquest and victory. Thou hast spoken also of the characteristics of ministers, the measures, that lead to the advancement of the subjects, the characteristics of the sixfold limbs of a kingdom, the qualities of armies, the means of distinguishing the wicked, and the marks of those that are good, the attributes of those that are equal, those that are inferior, and those that are superior, the behaviour which a king desirous of advancement should adopt towards the masses, and the manner in which the weak should be protected and cherished. Thou hast discoursed on all these subjects, O Bharata, laying down instructions that are plain according to what has been inculcated hi sacred treatise. Thou hast spoken also of the behaviour that should be adopted by kings desirous of conquering their foes. I desire now, O foremost of intelligent men, to listen to the behaviour that one should observe towards the multitude of courageous men that assemble round a king! 1 I desire to hear how these may grow, how they may be attached to the king, O Bharata, how may they succeed in subjugating their foes and in acquiring friends. It seems to me that disunion alone can bring about their destruction. I think it is always difficult to keep counsels secret when many are concerned. I desire to hear all this in detail, O scorcher of foes! Tell me also, O king, the means by which they may be prevented from falling out with the king.'
"Bhishma said, 'Between the aristocracy on the one side and the kings on the other, avarice and wrath, O monarch, are the causes that produce enmity. 2 One of these parties (viz., the king,) yields to avarice. As a consequence, wrath takes possession of the other (the aristocracy). Each intent upon weakening and wasting the other, they both meet with destruction. By employing spies, contrivances of policy, and physical force, and adopting the arts of conciliation, gifts, and disunion and applying other methods for producing weakness, waste, and fear, the parties assail each other. The aristocracy of a kingdom, having the characteristics of a compact body, become dissociated from


p. 234
the king if the latter seeks to take too much from them. Dissociated from the king, all of them become dissatisfied, and acting from fear, side with the enemies of their ruler. If again the aristocracy of a kingdom be disunited amongst themselves, they meet with destruction. Disunited, they fall an easy prey to foes. The nobles, therefore, should always act in concert. If they be united together, they may earn acquisitions of value by means of their strength and prowess. Indeed, when they are thus united, many outsiders seek their alliance. Men of knowledge applaud those nobles that art united with one another in bonds of love. If united in purpose, all of them can be happy. They can (by their example) establish righteous courses of conduct. By behaving properly, they advance in prosperity. By restraining their sons and brothers and teaching them their duties, and by behaving kindly towards all persons whose pride has been quelled by knowledge, 1 the aristocracy advance in prosperity. By always attending to the duties of setting spies and devising means of policy, as also to the matter of filling their treasuries, the aristocracy, O thou of mighty arms, advance in prosperity. By showing proper reverence for them that are possessed of wisdom and courage and perseverance and that display steady prowess in all kinds of work, the aristocracy advance in prosperity. Possessed of wealth and resources, of knowledge of the scriptures and all arts and sciences, the aristocracy rescue the ignorant masses from every kind of distress and danger. Wrath (on the of part the king), rupture, 2terror, chastisement, persecution, oppression, and executions, O chief of the Bharatas, speedily cause the aristocracy to fall away from the king and side with the king's enemies. They, therefore, that are the leaders of the aristocracy should be honoured by the king. The affairs of the kingdom, O king, depend to a great extent upon them. Consultations should be held with only those that are the leaders of the aristocracy, and secret agents should be placed, O crusher of foes, with them only. The king should not, O Bharata, consult with every member of the aristocracy. The king, acting in concert with the leaders, should do what is for the good of the whole order. When, however, the aristocracy becomes separated and disunited and destitute of leaders, other courses of action should be followed. If the members of the aristocracy quarrel with one another and act, each according to his own resources, without combination, their prosperity dwindles away and diverse kinds of evil occur. Those amongst them that are possessed of learning and wisdom should tread down a dispute as soon as it happens. Indeed, if the seniors of a race look on with indifference, quarrels break out amongst the members. Such quarrels bring about the destruction of a race and produce disunion among the (entire order of the) nobles. Protect thyself, O king, from all fears that arise from within. Fears, however, that arise from outside are of little consequence. The first kind of fear, O king, may cut thy roots in a single day. Persons that are equal to one another in family and blood, influenced by wrath or folly or covetousness arising from their very


p. 235
natures, cease to speak with one another. This is an indication of defeat. It is not by courage, nor by intelligence, nor by beauty, nor by wealth, that enemies succeed in destroying the aristocracy. It is only by disunion and gifts that it can be reduced to subjugation. For this reason, combination has been said to be the great refuge of the aristocracy.'" 1

Footnotes

233:1 The word is Gana. it literally means an assemblage. There can be no doubt that throughout this lesson the word has been employed to denote the aristocracy of wealth and blood that surround a throne.
233:2 If the king, moved by avarice, taxes them heavily, the aristocracy resent it and seek to pull down the king.
234:1 i.e., learned men of humility.
234:2 Probably, with the king.
235:1 The Burdwan Pundits make a mess of the last two verses. In 31, there is an incorrect reading in the Bengal texts. It is Pradhanaccha for pradanaccha. The Burdwan version repeats the error. K.P. Singha, of course, avoids it, but his version is rather incomplete.


Stock Photo: Gana Musicians at Upper Shivalaya, North Badami Fort, Karnataka.Gana Musicians at Upper Shivalaya, North Badami Fort, Karnataka

Dancing gana figures on the outer left wall. Badami , Karnataka
Image result for badami dancing gana sculpture

Cave 1 6th century lord Shiva temples of Badami Chalukyan king Mangalesa 593-610 A.D , Karnataka , India Heritage

Stock Photo: Elephant Pillar at the entrance of Upper Shivalaya temple, North Badami Fort, Karnataka.Elephant Pillar at the entrance of Upper Shivalaya temple, North Badami Fort, Karnataka

Stock Photo: Cave temple, Badami, Karnataka, India.Stock Photo: Upper Shivalaya temple, North Badami Fort, Karnataka, India.Cave 1 6th century lord Shiva temples of Badami Chalukyan king Mangalesa 593-610 A.D , Karnataka 

Source: https://www.agefotostock.com/age/en/Stock-Images/badami-cave-temple.html
Dunghuang, China. "Dunhuang was of great importance as a defensive and cultural center on the western borders of the Chinese empire at various points in its history. The routes west going north and south of the Taklamakan Desert split near Dunhuang. The route to the south and southwest was guarded by the so-called "Jade Gate" (Yü Guan) and "Southern Gate" (Yang Guan) which were garrisoned and supplied from Dunhuang. The Dunhuang region was the site of very important Buddhist monastic complexes, the most famous of which was at the Mogao Grottoes, where today one can see a treasure trove of Buddhist art covering a span of more than a millenium." http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/cities/china/dh/dh.html
Tang dynasty. Fresco portraying Ganesha from Dun hung caves from Gansu province, Northern China.
Vietnam. Iconography as detailed in Vishnudharmottara purana! (Naga Yajnopavita & Vyagra charma around waist) 
Not far from Anantnag, Kashmir, in Islamabad.
Rulers of Kamarupa/Assam adopted gaṇeśa on their royal seals.
Benzaiten, Kangiten & Bishamonten --Saraswati, Ganesha & Kubera--gracing ancient Daishō-in temple, Japan.   
Golden mask of gaṇeśa found at DiveAgar, Konkan coast. 
It was found in a copper trunk along with other jewels to adorn the idol, by a lady while loosening soil in her orchard. Source: https://twitter.com/vajrayudha11/status/754506012476964864
20000 Rupiah note of Indonesia signifies gaṇeśa

Figure 1: Elephant-headed figure from Luristan, western Iran, 1000 BCE. Was this the scribe of the Mahabharata?
Figure 2: Four armed Ganesha, Shankar Dhar, Afghanistan, 4th century CE.
Figure 3: Four armed Mahavinayaka, Gardez, Afghanistan, 5th-6th century CE.

Figure 4: Ganesha as the primordial sound or pranava mantra OM.
Figure 5: Ganesha under the Pipal tree.
Figure 6: Ganesha as head of ganas, Mihintale stupa, Sri Lanka, 2nd-3rd century CE.

Figure 7: Ganesha in bas relief, Fatehgarh, Uttar Pradesh, 3rd century CE.
Figure 8: Ganesh, Mathura, 5th century CE.

Figure 9: Ganesha, Deogarh, Madhya Pradesh, 5th century CE.

Figure 10: Ganesha, Samalaji, Gujarat, 5th century CE.

Figure 11: Ganesh, Badami, Karnataka, 6th-7th Century CE.

Figure 12: Ganesha with Saptamatrikas, Aihole, Karnataka, 8th century CE.


Figure 13: Ganesha with dancing Shiva, Badami, Karnataka, 6th-7th century CE.
Figure 14: Dancing Ganesha, Gangaikonda-cholapuram, Tamil Nadu, 11th century CE.




RV 10.112.9 

gaṇá m. ʻ troop, flock ʼ RV. [Poss. (despite doubts in EWA i 316) < *gr̥ṇa -- ʻ telling ʼ (cf. *gr̥nti -- and esp. gaṇáyati ʻ tells one's number (of troop of flock) ʼ Pa. Pk. gaṇa -- m. ʻ troop, flock ʼ; Tor. (Biddulph) gan m. ʻ herd ʼ; K. gan m. ʻ beehive ʼ = mã̄cha -- gan m.; WPah. bhal. gaṇ m. pl. ʻ bees ʼ; Si. gaṇaya ʻ company ʼ EGS 52 but prob. ← Pa.(CDIAL 3988) saṁgaṇikā f. ʻ society, the world ʼ Divyāv. [Cf. saṁgaṇanā -- f. ʻ counting together ʼ. -- gaṇá -- ]Pa. saṅgaṇikā -- f. ʻ association ʼ; Si. an̆ganiya ʻ assembly ʼ. (CDIAL 12846)

अर्क m. ( √ अर्च्) , Ved. a ray , flash of lightning RV. &c; fire RV. ix , 50 , 4 S3Br. Br2A1rUp.;praise , hymn , song (also said of the roaring of the मरुत्s and of इन्द्र's thunder) RV. and AV.; one who praises , a singer RV.  (Monier-Williams) arká1 m. ʻ flash, ray, sun ʼ RV. [√arc]Pa. Pk. akka -- m. ʻ sun ʼ, Mth. āk; Si. aka ʻ lightning ʼ, inscr. vid -- äki ʻ lightning flash ʼ.(CDIAL 624)

अर्क्   ark अर्क् 1 P. [अर्कयति, अर्कयितुम्, अर्कित] 1 To heat or warm. -2 To praise.   अर्क   arka अर्क a. [अर्च्-घञ्-कुत्वम् Uṇ.3.4.]. Fit to be worshipped (अर्चनीय). -र्कः 1 A ray of light, a flash of lightning (Ved.). -2 The sun; आविष्कृतारुणपुरःसर एकतो$र्कः Ś.4.2. -3 Fire. य एवमेतदर्कस्यार्कत्वं वेद Bṛi. Up. 1.2.1. -4 A crystal; पुष्पार्ककेतकाभाश्च Rām.2.94.6.  -9 N. of Indra. -1 A sort of religious ceremony. -11 Praise, hymn; praising, extolling, song of praise. -12 A singer (Ved. in these two senses). -13 A learned man.
  अर्कवत्   arkavat अर्कवत् a. Containing flashes of lightning.   अर्किन्   arkin अर्किन् a. Ved. 1 Shining, bright; इयं या नीच्यर्किणी Rv.8.11.13. -2 Praising; बृहदिन्द्रमर्केभिरर्किणः Rv.1.7.1. -3 Praised or worshipped.   अर्कीय अर्क्य   arkīya arkya अर्कीय अर्क्य a. [अर्क-छ; अर्च्-ण्यत् कुत्वम्] 1 Belonging to arka. -2 To be praised or worshipped. (Apte)

Rebus: अर्क copper (Monier-Williams)

Sāyaṇa/Wilson translation:

10.112.09 Lord of the companies (of the Maruts), sit down among the companies (of the worshippers), they call you the most sage of sages; without you nothing is done in the distance; have in honour, Maghavan, our great and various adoration.

Griffith translation:

Lord of the hosts, amid our bands be seated: they call thee greatest Sage among the sages.
Nothing is done, even far away, without thee: great, wondrous, Maghavan, is the hymn I sing thee.

 

https://tinyurl.com/ydawf9d7
A remarkable feature to note on thousands of ancient Indian coins is the continued use of Indus Script Hypertexts even after the invention of Kharoṣṭhī and Brāhmī scripts. 

While the Brāhmī and Kharoṣṭhī syllabic scripts were used to write down the namesof theissuing rulers, the Indus Script Hypertexts continue to be used to proclaim the metallurgical competence and metallurgical repertoire of ancient Indian mints.

This simply means that the Indus Script Cipher which was used to proclaim metalwork catalogues continued from Sarasvati Civilization days of 4th millennium BCE into the historical periods and in the Common Era.
 हूण 
Hunnic Kingdom, khār खार् 'blacksmiths' ?, silver drachm, c. 5th century CE
Diademed bust of king right, wearing fabtastic winged crown,
     Tamgha at left, Brāhmī legend at right: Sri Vishvarazukare ? /
Fire altar flanked by attendants
Weight: 2.91 gm., Diam: 29 mm.
Ref: MAC ---


"The Golden Age of the Guptas lasted some 150 years. In the fifth century, Hunnic tribes from the northwest started to pose a serious military challenge to the empire. Kumaragupta and later his son Skandagupta were able to initially repulse these invaders, but eventually the Huns were able to establish a major presence in the northwest of India... It shows a king's bust right in the Sasanian style, wearing a fantastic winged crown that features a sun and moon at the front, a bull's head behind that and a panther head on top, apart from the eagle wings on the sides. We do not know who this king is and the legend on the coin has never been read. This coin is the first one to have a fully legible legend. The letter forms are very complex, but I believe the legend reads Sri Vishvarazukare. The reverse of the coin features a traditional Sasanian style Zoroastrian fire altar, flanked by two attendants."

The Indus Script Hypertexts used on the Vishvarazukare coin are read rebus:
"tamga or tamgha "stamp, seal" (MongolianтамгаOld Turkic𐱃𐰢𐰍‎ tamgaTurkishdamga) is an abstract seal or stamp used by Eurasian nomadic peoples and by cultures influenced by them.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tamga

The -kare suffix in the name: signifies: khār खार् 'blacksmith'. cf. कर्मार m. an artisan , mechanic , artificer; a blacksmith &c RV. x , 72 , 2 AV. iii , 5 , 6 VS. Mn. iv , 215 &c;  karmāˊra m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ RV. [EWA i 176 < stem *karmar -- ~ karman -- , but perh. with ODBL 668 ← Drav. cf. Tam. karumā ʻ smith, smelter ʼ whence meaning ʻ smith ʼ was transferred also to karmakāra -- ]Pa. kammāra -- m. ʻ worker in metal ʼ; Pk. kammāra -- , °aya -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, A. kamār, B. kāmār; Or. kamāra ʻ blacksmith, caste of non -- Aryans, caste of fishermen ʼ; Mth. kamār ʻ blacksmith ʼ, Si. kam̆burā.
*karmāraśālā -- .Addenda: karmāˊra -- : Md. kan̆buru ʻ blacksmith ʼ. *karmāraśālā ʻ smithy ʼ. [karmāˊra -- , śāˊlā -- ]
Mth. kamarsārī; -- Bi. kamarsāyar?(CDIAL 2898, 2899)khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru -द्वकुरु‍&below; । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji -ग&above;जि&below; or -güjü -ग&above;जू&below; । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü -कूरू‍&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu -क&above;टु&below; । लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü -क&above;टू&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 -म्य&above;च&dotbelow;ू&below; । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu -न्यचिवु&below; । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.(Kashmiri)

I suggest that these 'tamgha' are also Indus Script Hypertexts which signify a portable furnace and a pellet as hieroglyphs; these are rebus signifiers of 'mint' and 'silver'.  కమటము kamaṭamu kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి. "చ కమటము కట్లెసంచియొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్"హంస. ii. కమ్మటము kammaṭamu Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste. Rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner (DEDR 1236) 

The small pebbles on the crucible signify: गोटा [ gōṭā ] m A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble (of stone, lac, wood &c.) 3 fig. A grain of rice in the ear. Ex. पावसानें भाताचे गोटे झडले. An overripe and rattling cocoanut: also such dry kernel detached from the shell. 5 A narrow fillet of brocade.गोटाळ [ gōṭāḷa ] a (गोटा) Abounding in pebbles--ground.गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा) A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble. 3 A large lifting stone. Used in trials of strength among the Athletæ. 4 A stone in temples described at length under उचला 5 fig. A term for a round, fleshy, well-filled body.
Rebus: गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा)  A lump of silver: as obtained by melting down lace or fringe. 

Hieroglyphs: गोटा [ gōṭā ] m A roundish stone or pebble Rebus: गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा)  A lump of silver: as obtained by melting down lace or fringe. 

kola 'tiger', Rebus: kolhe 'smelter'; kol 'working in iron'

ḍhangra 'bull' Rebus: ḍhangar 'blacksmith'


kuṭhi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter',

Sign 391      195 āra. Spoke of a wheel. See ஆரக்கால். ஆரஞ் சூழ்ந்த வயில்வாய் நேமியொடு (சிறுபாண். 253). Rebus: āram Brass; பித்தளை. (அக. நி.). Two spoked wheels: dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kunda 'naveofwheel' rebus: kō̃da 'fire-altar' (Kashmiri) payĕn-kō̃da पयन्-कोँद । परिपाककन्दुः f. a kiln (a potter's kiln (Kashmiri). Thus, the hypertext proclaims brass metal casting kiln.

kuṭhi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter',

kambha 'pillar' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint,coiner, coinage'; flanked by two anthropomorphic depiction of bulls personified as 'men': ḍhangra 'bull' Rebus:ḍhangar 'blacksmith' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, metalcaster smiths.
Khingila of the Alchon Huns young circa AD 440-490.jpgPortrait of king Khingila c. 440 - 490 CE.

हूण king Khingila, Khingala installed the pratimā of Mahā Vināyaka in Gardez, Afghanistan. This divine representation is an Indus Script Hypertext.

Mahāvināyaka of Gardez, Afghanistan. A 5th century marble Ganesha found in Gardez, Afghanistan, now at Dargah Pir Rattan Nath, Kabul. The inscription says that this "great and beautiful image of Mahāvināyaka" was consecrated by the Shahi King Khingala.(Dhavalikar, M. K., "Gaņeśa: Myth and Reality", in: Robert L. Brown 1991, Ganesh, studies of an Asian God, State University of New York Press, pp. 50,63).


फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्याचा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nach house, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singing shop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work, as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊसवांग्यामिरच्याखरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चालपडघालमांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फड पडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फड मारणेंराखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फड मारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्या मापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडास येणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. 

Two iconographic representations of Gaṇeśa which predate any pratimā  found in Bhārat are reported from China (dated to ca. 500 CE).

1. In Sri Lanka, the oldest image of Ganesh is found in the Kantak Chaitya in Mihintale dated to 1st century BCE.
2. Mahāvināyaka of Gardez, Afghanistan is dated to 5th century CE.
3. A painting of the elephant-headed deity is found in Cave 285 at Tun-huang, a chamber excavated in the Northern Wei dynasty but with some decorations dating the image to the T’ang dynasty.
4. A stone sculpture of the deity is found at Kung-hsien. The inscription on the image.datesit to 531 CE. Gaṇeśa of Kung-hsien is a two-armed seated figure, holds a lotus, the inscription described Gaṇeśa as the ‘‘Spirit King of Elephants’’.
The Chinese finds are reported in: Alice Getty, 1936, Ganesa, A monograph on the elephant-faced God, 1936, repr. Ed., Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1971), p.67, p.68.
File:Shoten.jpgButsuzō-zu-i 仏像図彙, “Collected Illustrations of Buddhist Images.” Published 1690 (Genroku 元禄 3).

“The theme of aiding the demonic spirits in order to control them and to stop the hindrances they create is continued in the works of a mid-eighth century Chinese disciple of Amoghavajra. Han-kuang pointed out that Vināyaka had many forms, the embracing figures, Ganapati, and the elephant-headed king. The Chinese Tantric master taught that the elephant-headed king is a symbol of the great power Vināyaka possesses, but just as an elephant can be tamed by the keeper, so Vināyaka can be tamed by certain rituals.” (Lewis Lancaster, 1991,  Gaṇeśa in CHina: Methods of transforming the demonic, in: Robert L. Brown 1991, Ganesh, studies of an Asian God, State University of New York Press, p.284).
The unique image of Ganesha of 1239 found at Bara belonging to Sangasari period is seen protected from the rear by a demonic face on the back of its head.
Gaṇeśa -- Prah Kenes (Khmer), Phra Phikanet (Thailand) -- from 1239 CE found at Bara belonging to Sangasari period is seen protected from the rear by a kīrtimukha face on the back of its head; skulls adorn the base of pratimā

http://staging.heritage-india.com/blog/ganeshaaroundtheworld/
Japanese Ganesha
"Kangi-ten (deva of bliss): This is the dual image known in Japanese as Kangi-ten. It shows two elephant-headed figures embracing their hands clasped behind each other’s back. This type of Ganesha-form came to Japan originally from China. This is a secret esoteric form of the god (Ganesha) Kangi-ten derived from the Tantric cult based on the Yoga doctrine of the union of the Individual with the Universal spirit." Another form Another form in Japan, Vajra Vinayaka or Kakuzencho, has three heads with three eyes, holds a sword, radish, sceptre and modak in his four hands.

http://staging.heritage-india.com/blog/ganeshaaroundtheworld/

See: Lewis Lancaster, 1991,  Gaṇeśa in CHina: Methods of transforming the demonic, in: Robert L. Brown 1991, Ganesh, studies of an Asian God, State University of New York Press, pp. 277-286) https://www.academia.edu/10470293/Ganesha_in_China_Methods_of_Transforming_the_Demonic

Gaṇeśa is invoked in the R̥gveda (RV 2.23.1) as leader of gaņa, the retinue of Śiva. (Wilson, H. H. Ŗgveda Saṃhitā. Sanskrit text, English translation, notes, and index of verses. Parimal Sanskrit Series No. 45. Volume II: Maṇḍalas 2, 3, 4, 5. Second Revised Edition; Edited and Revised by Ravi Prakash Arya and K. L. Joshi. (Parimal Publications: Delhi, 2001)

गणानां त्वा गणपतिं हवामहे कविं कवीनामुपमश्रवस्तमम् । ज्येष्ठराजं ब्रह्मणां ब्रह्मणस्पत आ नः शृण्वन्नूतिभिः सीद सादनम् ॥१॥ gaṇānāṃ tvā gaṇapatiṃ havāmahe kaviṃ kavīnāmupamaśravastamam | RV 2.23.1; "We invoke the Brahmaṇaspati, chief leader of the (heavenly) bands; a sage of sages."


Two verses in texts provide a description of the iconographic features of Gaṇeśa: 1. Black Yajurveda, Maitrāyaṇīya Saṃhitā (2.9.1) ( "tát karāţāya vidmahe | hastimukhāya dhîmahi | tán no dántî pracodáyāt||"and 2. Taittirīya Āraṇyaka(10.1) ("tát púruṣâya vidmahe vakratuṇḍāya dhîmahitán no dántî pracodáyāt||")

In these texts, two iconographic features recognized are: hastimukha 'elephant face' and vakratuṇḍa 'curved tusk'. A third iconographic feature recognized is that Gaeśa is surrounded by Maruts as attested in  R̥gveda: RV 10.112.9 (10092) ni ṣu sīda gaṇapate gaṇeṣu tvāmāhurvipratamaṃ kavīnām; "Lord of the companies (of the Maruts), sit down among the companies (of the worshippers), they call you the most sage of sages".
त्रि tri-धातुः an epithet of Gaṇeśa; -तुम् 1 the triple world. -2 the aggregate of the 3 minerals or humours. (Apte lexicon)  त्रि--धातु [p= 458,3] mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive) RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6; m. (scil. पुरोड्/आश) N. of an oblation TS. ii , 3 , 6. 1 ( -त्व्/अ n. abstr.); n. the triple world RV.; n. the aggregate of the 3 minerals or of the 3 humours W.; m. गणे*श L.

hēramb हेरम्बः [हे शिवे रम्बति रम्ब्-अच् अलुक् समा˚ Tv.] 1 N. of Gaṇeśa; जेता हेरम्बभृङ्गिप्रमुखगणचमूचक्रिणस्तारकारेः Mv. 2.17; हे हेरम्ब, किमम्ब, रोदिषि कथं, कर्णौ लुठत्यग्निभूः Subhāṣ. लुठत् [p= 904,1] mfn. rolling , falling down W.; flowing , trickling (?) ib.

RV_2,023.01a gaṇānāṃ tvā gaṇapatiṃ havāmahe kaviṃ kavīnām upamaśravastamam |
RV_2,023.01c jyeṣṭharājam brahmaṇām brahmaṇas pata ā naḥ śṛṇvann ūtibhiḥ sīda sādanam ||
RV_2,023.02a devāś cit te asurya pracetaso bṛhaspate yajñiyam bhāgam ānaśuḥ |
RV_2,023.02c usrā iva sūryo jyotiṣā maho viśveṣām ij janitā brahmaṇām asi ||
RV_2,023.03a ā vibādhyā parirāpas tamāṃsi ca jyotiṣmantaṃ ratham ṛtasya tiṣṭhasi |
RV_2,023.03c bṛhaspate bhīmam amitradambhanaṃ rakṣohaṇaṃ gotrabhidaṃ svarvidam ||
RV_2,023.04a sunītibhir nayasi trāyase janaṃ yas tubhyaṃ dāśān na tam aṃho aśnavat |
RV_2,023.04c brahmadviṣas tapano manyumīr asi bṛhaspate mahi tat te mahitvanam ||
RV_2,023.05a na tam aṃho na duritaṃ kutaś cana nārātayas titirur na dvayāvinaḥ |
RV_2,023.05c viśvā id asmād dhvaraso vi bādhase yaṃ sugopā rakṣasi brahmaṇas pate ||
RV_2,023.06a tvaṃ no gopāḥ pathikṛd vicakṣaṇas tava vratāya matibhir jarāmahe |
RV_2,023.06c bṛhaspate yo no abhi hvaro dadhe svā tam marmartu ducchunā harasvatī ||
RV_2,023.07a uta vā yo no marcayād anāgaso 'rātīvā martaḥ sānuko vṛkaḥ |
RV_2,023.07c bṛhaspate apa taṃ vartayā pathaḥ sugaṃ no asyai devavītaye kṛdhi ||
RV_2,023.08a trātāraṃ tvā tanūnāṃ havāmahe 'vaspartar adhivaktāram asmayum |
RV_2,023.08c bṛhaspate devanido ni barhaya mā durevā uttaraṃ sumnam un naśan ||
RV_2,023.09a tvayā vayaṃ suvṛdhā brahmaṇas pate spārhā vasu manuṣyā dadīmahi |
RV_2,023.09c yā no dūre taḷito yā arātayo 'bhi santi jambhayā tā anapnasaḥ ||
RV_2,023.10a tvayā vayam uttamaṃ dhīmahe vayo bṛhaspate papriṇā sasninā yujā |
RV_2,023.10c mā no duḥśaṃso abhidipsur īśata pra suśaṃsā matibhis tāriṣīmahi ||
RV_2,023.11a anānudo vṛṣabho jagmir āhavaṃ niṣṭaptā śatrum pṛtanāsu sāsahiḥ |
RV_2,023.11c asi satya ṛṇayā brahmaṇas pata ugrasya cid damitā vīḷuharṣiṇaḥ ||
RV_2,023.12a adevena manasā yo riṣaṇyati śāsām ugro manyamāno jighāṃsati |
RV_2,023.12c bṛhaspate mā praṇak tasya no vadho ni karma manyuṃ durevasya śardhataḥ ||
RV_2,023.13a bhareṣu havyo namasopasadyo gantā vājeṣu sanitā dhanaṃ-dhanam |
RV_2,023.13c viśvā id aryo abhidipsvo mṛdho bṛhaspatir vi vavarhā rathāṃ iva ||
RV_2,023.14a tejiṣṭhayā tapanī rakṣasas tapa ye tvā nide dadhire dṛṣṭavīryam |
RV_2,023.14c āvis tat kṛṣva yad asat ta ukthyam bṛhaspate vi parirāpo ardaya ||
RV_2,023.15a bṛhaspate ati yad aryo arhād dyumad vibhāti kratumaj janeṣu |
RV_2,023.15c yad dīdayac chavasa ṛtaprajāta tad asmāsu draviṇaṃ dhehi citram ||
RV_2,023.16a mā na stenebhyo ye abhi druhas pade nirāmiṇo ripavo 'nneṣu jāgṛdhuḥ |
RV_2,023.16c ā devānām ohate vi vrayo hṛdi bṛhaspate na paraḥ sāmno viduḥ ||
RV_2,023.17a viśvebhyo hi tvā bhuvanebhyas pari tvaṣṭājanat sāmnaḥ-sāmnaḥ kaviḥ |
RV_2,023.17c sa ṛṇacid ṛṇayā brahmaṇas patir druho hantā maha ṛtasya dhartari ||
RV_2,023.18a tava śriye vy ajihīta parvato gavāṃ gotram udasṛjo yad aṅgiraḥ |
RV_2,023.18c indreṇa yujā tamasā parīvṛtam bṛhaspate nir apām aubjo arṇavam ||
RV_2,023.19a brahmaṇas pate tvam asya yantā sūktasya bodhi tanayaṃ ca jinva |
RV_2,023.19c viśvaṃ tad bhadraṃ yad avanti devā bṛhad vadema vidathe suvīrāḥ ||





Griffith translation: RV 2.23
Brahmanaspati. 23
1. WE call thee, Lord and Leader of the heavenly hosts, the wise among the wise, the famousest of
all,
The King supreme of prayers, O Brahmanaspati: hear us with help; sit down in place of sacrifice.
Brhaspati, God immortal! verily the Gods have gained from thee, the wise, a share in holy rites.
As with great light the Sun brings forth the rays of morn, so thou alone art Father of all sacred
prayer.
3 When thou hast chased away revilers and the gloom, thou mountest the refulgent car of sacrifice;
The awful car, Brhaspati, that quells the foe, slays demons, cleaves the stall of kine, and finds
the light.
4 Thou leadest with good guidance and preservest men; distress overtakes not him who offers gifts
to thee.
Him who hates prayer thou punishest, Brhaspati, quelling his wrath: herein is thy great mightiness.
5 No sorrow, no distress from any side, no foes, no creatures doubletongued- have overcome the
man,
Thou drivest all seductive fiends away from him whom, careful guard, thou keepest Brahmanaspati.
6 Thou art our keeper, wise, preparer of our paths: we, for thy service, sing to thee with hymns
of praise.
Brhaspati, whoever lays a snare for us, him may his evil fate, precipitate, destroy.
7 Him, too, who threatens us without offence of ours, the evilminded, arrogant, rapacious man,
Him turn thou from our path away, Brhaspati: give us fair access to this banquet of the Gods.
8 Thee as protector of our bodies we invoke, thee, saviour, as the comforter who loveth us.
Strike, O Brhaspati, the Gods revilers down, and let not the unrighteous come to highest bliss.
9 Through thee, kind prosperer, O Brahmanaspati, may we obtain the wealth of Men which all desire:
And all our enemies, who near or far away prevail against us, crush, and leave them destitute.
10 With thee as our own rich and liberal ally may we, Brhaspati, gain highest power of life.
Let not the guileful wicked man be lord of us: still may we prosper, singing goodly hymns of
praise.
11 Strong, never yielding, hastening to the battlecry-, consumer of the foe, victorious in the
strife,
Thou art sins' true avenger, Brahmanaspati, who tamest even the fierce, the wildly passionate.
12 Whoso with mind ungodly seeks to do us harm, who, deeming him a man of might mid lords, would
slay,
Let not his deadly blow reach us, Brhaspati; may we humiliate the strong illdoers-' wrath.
13 The mover mid the spoil, the winner of all wealth, to be invoked in fight and reverently adored,
Brhaspati hath overthrown like cars of war all wicked enemies who fain would injure us.
14 Burn up the demons with thy fiercest flaming brand, those who have scorned thee in thy
manifested might.
Show forth that power that shall deserve the hymn of praise: destroy the evil speakers, O
Brhaspati.
15 Brhaspati, that which the foe deserves not which shines among the folk effectual, splendid,
That, Son of Law I which is with might refulgentthat- treasure wonderful bestow thou on us.
16 Give us not up to those who, foes in ambuscade, are greedy for the wealth of him who sits at
ease,
Who cherish in their heart abandonment of Gods. Brhaspati, no further rest shall they obtain.
17 For Tvastar, he who knows each sacred song, brought thee to life, preeminent over all the
things that be.
Guiltscourger-, guiltavenger- is Brhaspati, who slays the spoiler and upholds the mighty Law.
18 The mountain, for thy glory, cleft itself apart when, Angiras! thou openedst the stall of kine.
Thou, O Brhaspati, with Indra for ally didst hurl down waterfloods- which gloom had compassed
round.
19 O Brahmanaspati, be thou controller of this our hymn and prosper thou our children.
All that the Gods regard with love is blessed. Loud may we speak, with heroes, in assembly.
A dancing Tibetan Gaṇeśa.
Image result for Kung-hsien ganesa
Candi-Sukuh Gaṇeśa is shown in a dance-step, in the context of smelting, forging of sword by Bhima and by the bellows-blower Arjuna.

Forge scene stele.  Forging of a keris or kris (the iconic Javanese dagger) and other weapons. The blade of the keris represents the khaNDa. Fire is a purifier, so the blade being forged is also symbolic of the purification process central theme of the consecration of gangga sudhi specified in the inscription on the 1.82 m. tall, 5 ft. dia.  lingga hieroglyph, the deity of Candi Sukuh. 

karibha 'elephant's trunk' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron' PLUS me 'step' rebus: me 'iron, metal, copper'.


Saturday, September 6, 2008

Antiquity of Vinayaka worship.




Vinayaka worship has been an integral part of worship by means of homa / yajna.

The seeds of Vinayaka worship is traced to customary recital in all rituals of the Rig vedicmantras “gananam ganapathim havamahe..” (2.23.1) and ‘vi su sida ganapathe..’ (10.112.9) In the beginning of any ritual, Vinayaka is consecrated by sankalpa and prayed for removing obstacle.
One of the earliest mention about Vinayaka worship can be traced to Valmiki Ramayana, wherein it has been mentioned by Valmiki in Pattabhisheka sarga in Yuddha khanda, (131- 114) that ‘devathas like Vinayaka stand fixed (reside) in the house of one where Ramayana is recited or heard.’ (“Vinayakaa cha saamyanthi gruhE thishtanthi”)

This means where Ramayana is recited or where Rama nama is sung, Lord Vinayaka takes care to see that the person does not get any obstacles in his endeavors.

Though he is known as Vishvaksena in the parivara - devatha group of Vishnu, he has been mentioned as Vinayaka by Valmiki, making us conclude that he was worshiped in Rama’s times for this special trait in removing vignas / obstacles.

Based on this it is not right to say that Vinayaka worship was there in northern lands and not in Tamilnadu.


Vinayaka in Tamilnadu:-

Tamilnadu’s connection with Rama started as early as at the time of Ramavathara itself when Vibheeshana left the image of Lord Ranganatha, the ‘kula dhanam’ of Rama, at Srirangam, in the island of kaveri.

Skeptics might say that this period saw no human habitation as Ramavathra happened in Thretha yuga, some 17 lakh years ago. This must be understood properly.

The information on Yuga calculation is a much misunderstood one. We have to look into Siddhanthic literature of Jyothisha to know about time measurement. As per Jyothisha Sidhanthas, there are 10 types of kala-mana (measurement of time) of which the yuga classification of the above mentioned order is about the time scale of the Sun (souramana). The Human scale of yuga classification begins with the ‘Panchavarshathmaka yuga of 5 year duration (refer http://www.vedicastronomy.net/vedanga_yuga.htm in the side bar ‘must-be-read’) of 12 rounds measuring up to 60 years of human life named from Prabhava, Vibhava onwards in present times (adopted from ‘Vijaya’ onwards as in Brihaspathya mana). More on this in the earlier post



According to this time scale which is based on 28,800 year duration of Saptha rishi mandala measurement, Ramavathara took place 9000 years ago and Krishnavathara 5000 years ago.

Human habitation had exited then in Tamilnadu which was stretched far into the Indian ocean for more than 1000 miles and kings from this part had taken part in the yajnas conducted by king Dasaratha.

With Lord Ranganathar getting himself stationed at Srirangam, a community of devotees must have started thriving around this place. The Ramavathara recital must have started in Tamilnadu at that time itself and Rama-nama recital ensures the presence of Vinayaka around.

There is another proof for Vinayaka’s presence in Tamilnadu even before Ramavathara.
That was at the time of formation of river Kaveri.
If Tamilnadu takes pride in Kaveri as its river – the river that enriched the Chola lands, it is because of Vinayaka only.
But for him in the form of a crow, the river could not have flowed from the kamandal of sage Agasthya.
The first appearance of Kaveri flowing down the Tamil lands has been mentioned in the copper plates of Thiruvalangadu.
It happened before Ramavathara but after Bhageeratha brought the Ganga.
When and where Kaveri flowed, Agasthya must have been glorified there, so also Vinayaka who tricked him.
Another strong reason to say that Vinayaka was a God worshiped in Tamilnadu is his relationship with Lord Shiva and the so-called Tamil God Muruga.

If Shiva worship had been there in Tamilnadu from the antiquated Pandyan reign in the now sub-merged Kumari ever since Meenakshi- Sundaresar marriage took place and their son becoming the first king to rule as Gowriar ( son of Gowri ) (refer Thiruvilaiyadal puranam), and as ‘Panchavar’ as daughter of Gowri or PanchapaNi, surely Vinayaka worship also must have been there.
If Tamil nadu is known for worship of Tamil deivam, Murugan, then Vinayaka worship must have been there from then onwards or even prior to that.

Vinayaka worship must have been there as part yajnas, for, it was very much a practice for the kings to arrange for yajnas and Brahmins to conduct yajnas. (Thol kappiyan PuratthiNai sutra 20 – an example of it is ‘naLiyiru’ verse of Puranaanuru 26 as quoted by Nacchinaarkkiniyar).
A separate ‘kottam’ or temple might not have existed for Vinayaka.
But he was prayed in the beginning of all endeavors.
He can be consecrated at any place in any form just be thought force.
A detailed account of this was once written by Sri AM. Rajagopalan in Kumaudam Jyothidam.


From Texts:-

There had been reference to Vinayaka in sangam texts.
The term “piNi mukam” in verse 56 of Puranaanuru ( yetruval) refers to Vinayaka as per the undated commentary taken up from palm leaf writings and published by Dr U.Ve.Sa(Puranaanuru moolamum, uraiyum, 1950 edition).
Originally, ‘piNimukam’ means ‘peacock.

ChoodamaNi NigaNdu (3-50) has recorded piNimukam as the synonym of peacock.
Peacock was the in the flag of Vinayaka.

This peacock flag of Vinayaka was carried by Murugan in war fronts to remove all obstacles in his efforts.
This is mentioned in puranaanuru verse 56.
The lines 7 and 8 of this verse, “maNi mayil vuyariya maara vendri-p-piNimuka oordhi voN seiyyOn”
is explained by the urai asiriyar of undated past and unknown origin of a time in the past,
mayil kodiyai eduttha maaraadha vettriyai vudaiya, am-mayilaagiya oordhiyai vudaiya”
(translation- the peacock in the flag of that one who always wins, that peacock as the vehicle of Murugan).



The PiNimukam is not mentioned as elephant, but only as peacock.
Nowhere in ChoodamaNi nigaNdu, piNimukam is given as another name for elephant.
It is another name for peacock only.
PiNimuka oordhi is peacock- vehicle.
(also from Dhakka-yaaga-barani (114 urai) “pillaiyarudaiya dwja vaahanamaana thOgai mayilgaL”
(translation- The peacock is in his (pillaiyaar’s) flag and it is also his vehicle.)
But it can be noted that Pinimukam has been used as an inter-change between Vinayaka and peacock, since it is He who ensures victory through his peacock flag.

Dr U.Ve.Sa further gives corroboratory information from Kalladam in his foot note.
From the verse in Kalladam, we come to know that PiNimukam refers to Pillaiyar.
Kalladam mentions this peacock flag of Pillaiyar being taken in the front of army of Muruga.
piNimuka magjjai seru mukatthu yEndiya, mooviru thirumukatthoru vElavarku” (kalladam -7)
(translation- Velan of six (3x2) faces, holding piNimukam magjjai in the war-front)

Here Pini mukam and magjjai both mean peacock.
A repeat of it for two times can not make sense unless it is interpreted as ‘peacock’ of Vinayaka (PiNimukam) which was taken in front of the army.
It is inferred that since piNilukam or peacock is his flag, he also came to be known as PiNimukam. The flag with PiNimukam (peacock) is as though Vinayaka is leading the people in the form of the flag to remove all obstacles.



A corroboration of this is given by the urai asiriyar himself in the tips he has given.
“piNi mukam – pillaiyar yErum yaanai endrum sollubha” (page 137, “Puranaanuru moolamum, uraiyum, 1950 edition).
(translation - it used to be said that PiNimukam is the elephant mounted by pillaiyar)

Elephant and Pillaiyar carry a similarity in that both can cause obstacles if they want and also remove the obstacles if they want (Swami Harshananda in “Hindu Gods and Goddesses”).

The urai asiriyar considers that PiNimkukam as the elephant mounted by Pillaiyar.
But then elephant is again an inter-change for Vinayaka and one popular proof is that of Him in the form of an elephant helping in the marriage of Murugan with Valli.
(The places where the elephant is indicated as PiNimukam are Paripaadal 5 and Thirumurugaattru-p-padai 247.)

In addition to these, Ouvaiyar's Vinayagar agaval lend a Sangam antiquity to Vinayaka worship in Tamilnadu.


Vinayaka in Navagraha worship:-

Another information that readers must know is that Vinayaka is associated with Navagraha worship.

Since he is regarded as the Lord of Ganas, (Vedic hymn of “ganaanaam ..” ), all grahas come under his control.
Generally the term GaNa is associated with ‘marut ganas’ which were not formed fully when ‘arka’, the sun was born.



Cosmologically when the sun was formed from a supernova explosion, other parts of the supernova were scattered and could not become stars. These parts are very part of our neighborhood and are at time ramming into our solar system.
Some of them were captured as planets and have started going round the sun.
These gaNas are controlled by GaNapathi or Vinayaka.
Worship of him will help one in getting relief from the obstacles created by these gaNas popularly known as Gruhas.
Another dimension to His role as Navagraha pathi is the story related to moon waxing and waning.

Circumambulation or worship of navagrahas must be preceded by the worship of Lord Ganapathi
One must first worship ganapathi, make a sankalpa in mind for the worship / circumambulation of navagrahas for the many worries in one’s mind and seek permission from Ganapathi to do the worship of Navagrahas.
Then do the worship / circumambulation of navagrahas.
Then come back to the sannidhi of Lord Ganapathi and express in mind that the worship was done and then place one’s pleadings at the feet of Ganapathi to take care of the graha-chaara and their troubles to oneself. That is how the navagraha worship must be done.


Related article:-
32 Forms of Vinayaka from Mudgala purana in


https://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.com/2008/09/antiquity-of-vinayaka-worship.html

1. फडphaa,  'cobra hood' rebus: फडphaa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal weapons' 
2. lo 'membrum virile' rebus: loh 'copper'
3. karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ib 'needle' (writing stylus) ibbo 'merchant' 
4. मूष a [p= 827,2] rat, mouse Rebus: मूष a [p= 827,2] a crucible Ma1rkP. Kull. L.
5. दन्त danta [p= 468,2] an elephant's tusk , ivory MBh. R. &c Rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore'
6. me 'dance-step' Rebus; mẽht, me 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.).med 'copper' (Slavic) (cf. Candi-Sukuh Gaeśa) 

Ib 'elephant' rebus: ib 'needle', rebus: ib 'iron' is a rendering in hypertext of the iron stylus used by Gaeśa as a scribe of Mahābhārata Epic.

Candi-Sukuh Gaeśa is shown in a dance-step, in the context of smelting, forging of sword by Bhima and by the bellows-blower Arjuna. The building in the background is a smelter/forge.
 
The association of Gaeśa with iron-working gives him the name tri-dhātu 'three minerals' wich are:
goa 'laterite, ferrite ore' poa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' bicha 'haemtite, ferrite ore'. These three ferrite ores are signified by the hieroglyphs: goa 'round pebble stone' poa 'zebu, dewlap, honeycomb' bica'scorpion'.

Gaeśa is signified as part of Marut गण[p= 343,1] troops or classes of inferior deities (especially certain troops of demi-gods considered as शिव's attendants and under the special superintendence of the god गणे* ; cf. देवताMn. Ya1jn5. Lalit. &c;  m. a flock , troop , multitude , number , tribe , series , class (of animate or inanimate beings) , body of followers or attendants RV. AV. &c. 

 

Tracing back through the mists of time into the periods prior to 8th millennium BCE, it is possible to realize the significance of Tri-dhātu Gaṇeśa venerated from the days of R̥gveda. Veneration of Ganesha dates back to Rigvedic times (See RV 2.23 sukta gaṇānāṃ tvā gaṇapatiṃ havāmahe kaviṃ kavīnām upamaśravastamam -- with translation appended). In the tradition of Bharatam Janam, gana are related to kharva, dwarfs as part of Kubera's nidhi; rebus: karba 'iron'. 


Gardez Gaṇeśa with Indus Script hypertexts फड 'cobra hood' (फडनीस phaḍanīsa 'scribe' of) karaṇḍa mukuṭa to signify खरडा kharaḍā,'wealth-accounting ledger', करडा karaḍā 'hard alloy of iron'

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https://tinyurl.com/yd4abfqs


Broad strap antarīya on Gardez Gaṇeśa pratimā is Indus Script hypertext to signify metals (iron) manufactory of Sarasvati civilization. Amarakośa provides a synonym for Gaṇeśa with the expression tri-dhātu, 'three minerals'.


The pratimā has vivid iconographic details to further elaborate on the metaphor of Gaṇeśa an iron smelter, a wealth-accounting ledger keeper, a scribe. 


Gaṇeśa wears an unusual crown, shaped like a wicker basket. The rebus reading of the crown worn by Gaṇeśa is karaṇḍa hieroglyph करंडी   karaṇḍī f (Dim. of करंडा) A little covered basket of bamboo. karaṇḍa'wicker-basket' rebus: करडा karaḍā'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &38' A similar sounding word signifies that Gaṇeśa is a scribe, writer: खरड   kharaḍa f (खरडणें) A hurriedly written or drawn piece; a scrawl; a mere tracing or rude sketch.खरडा   kharaḍā a day-book; a note-book. Thus, Gaṇeśa is keeper of a day-book, wealth-accounting ledger.


These metaphors are conveyed by the karaṇḍa-shaped mukuṭa 'crown' worn by Mahāvināyaka of Gardez. Elephant trunk: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'; ib 'stylus' (as in English nib of stylus).


Gaṇeśa wears a yajñopavita, 'sacred thread' adorned with a cobra-hood:phaḍā'cobra hood'rebus phaḍā,paṭṭaḍe'metals manufactory'. kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith. panja 'claw of beast, feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln'.

Thousands of Gaṇeśa pratimā also show a mouse:mūṣa 'mouse' rebus: mūṣa 'crucible'. Thus, Gaṇeśa is an iron worker producing crucible steel. This metallurgical competence makes him the leader of the guild, ironworker guild-master,Mahāvināyaka.




A 5th century marble Ganesha found in Gardez, Afghanistan, now at Dargah Pir Rattan Nath, Kabul. The inscription says that this "great and beautiful image of Mahāvināyaka" was consecrated by the Shahi King Khingala.  For photograph of statue and details of inscription, see: Dhavalikar, M. K., 1991, "Gaņeśa: Myth and Reality" in:  In: Brown RL (ed) Ganesh: studies of an Asian God. State University of New York, pp.50,63.

The inscription says that this "great and beautiful image of Mahāvināyaka" was consecrated by the Shahi King Khingala.

I suggest that the paw of a feline is signified below the feline's face; the word is panja 'claw, paw' rebus: panja 'kiln' of metals manufactory: *pañjāpāka ʻ kiln for a heap ʼ. [*pañja -- , āpāka -- ]P. pañjāvāpãj° m. ʻ brick kiln ʼ; B. ̄jā ʻ kiln ʼ, G. pajāvɔ m (CDIAL 7686) panzĕ पन्ज़्य m. the wound made by an animal's claw (cf. panja) (K. 678). panja पंज पञ्चसंख्यात्मकः, अङ्गुलिपञ्चकसंघः m. an aggregate of five; a five (in cards, on dice, or the like); the hand with the five fingers extended (cf. atha-po, p. 61b, l. 2) (Gr.M.); the paw or claw of beast or bird (Gr.M.; Rām. 41, 61, 697-8, 73; H. xii, 16-17). -- dyunu ; पञ्चकाघातः m.inf. 'to give the five', i.e. to strike with the five fingers, to scratch with the five finger-nails or (of a wild beast) to tear with the claws. -ʦou ; छिन्नपञ्चशाखः adj. (f. -ʦüü ), one whose fingers, toes, or claws have all been cut off (of man, beast, or bird). panjī पंजी f. a bird's talon (El.); the five fingers (El. panjih, cf. panja; W. 114, panji).(Kashmiri) *pañja -- ʻ heap ʼ *pahuñca ʻ forearm, wrist ʼ. L. pôcā m. ʻ paw ʼ, (Shahpur) paucā m. ʻ paw, claw ʼ; P. pahũcā m. ʻ wrist, paw ʼ; N. paũjā ʻ paw ʼ; OAw. pahucihi obl. sg. f. ʻ wrist ʼ; H. pahũcā m. ʻ forearm, wrist ʼ; G. pɔ̃hɔ̃cɔ m. ʻ wrist ʼ, M. pohãcī f. PĀ1 ʻ drink ʼ: pa -- 1, pāˊtra -- , pāˊna -- , pānīˊya -- , pāyáyati, *pipāsaka -- , pipāsāˊ -- , pipāsitá -- , píbati, pītá -- 1, pīyátē, pēya -- ; āpāna -- 1, nipāna -- , prapāˊ -- . PĀ2 ʻ protect ʼ: pa -- 2, pā -- ; *āpāna -- 2. pā -- in cmpds. ʻ protecting ʼ: adhipāˊ -- , tanūpāˊ -- , paśupāˊ -- ; -- pa -- 2. Addenda: *pahuñca -- : S.kcch. paũco m. ʻ wrist ʼ, WPah.kg. pɔ́̄nj̈ɔ m.(CDIAL 8018)

 https://tinyurl.com/y9njyfaq

Gaṇeśa signified by फड, ‘a cobrahood’ on his body (cf. Mahāvināyaka, Gardez), is the फडनिशी or सीphaḍaniśī or sī f The office or business of फडनीस.  फडनीस phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीसनीस  nīsa m (निसणें) Sum, substance, essence; the extract or excerptum; the good portion picked out. v काढ, निघ. 2 Scrutiny or close inquiry into. v कर, काढ, पाह, पुरव g. of o. 3 नीस is sometimes used as ad or in comp. with the sense Essentially or purely, i. e. altogether, utterly; as नीस नंगा Wholly bare, void, or destitute (of money, decency &c.) ; नकलनविशी nakalanaviśī or -निशी f ( P) The office or business of नकलनवीस.; नकलनवीस nakalanavīsa or -नीस m ( P) A transcriber or copyist. 

Gaṇeśa is the account-in-charge recording wealth of a nation.

Gardez Gaṇeśa


How to Spot Fake Cuneiform Tablets -- Sara Brumfield (ANE Today, Sept. 2018)

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September 2018

Vol. VI, No. 9

How to Spot Fake Cuneiform Tablets

By Sara Brumfield

Interest in delineating between authentic and fake artifacts grew with the earliest discoveries of ancient lands and forgotten peoples. But as long as there has been an interest in ancient cultures, there have also been forgers ready to capitalize on enthusiasts and specialists alike.
By 1904, during the early period of cuneiform tablet collecting, J. Edgar Banks, a Mesopotamian explorer and tablet dealer, estimated that nearly 80% of tablets offered for sale in Baghdad were fakes. In 2016, Syria’s Director General for Antiquities and Museums reported that approximately 70% of seized artifacts in the country are fakes. And with the continuing conflict in the Middle East, there is no reason to believe that the proliferation of fake artifacts will subside.
Because cuneiform tablets can be relatively easy to make but relatively difficult to detect, there is a clear incentive for forgers to continue producing large quantities. The effects of this long tradition of forgery are already deeply rooted. Fake tablets have found their way into nearly every major collection and many small, private collections around the world.
Fake cuneiform tablets are nothing new; even in antiquity scribes tried to pass off their creations as something older. For example, the scribes who wrote what we call the Cruciform Monument (because of its defining “┼” shape) claimed to be writing in the Old Akkadian period (ca. 2350-2100 BCE). But in fact they were writing several centuries later, during the Old Babylonian period (ca. 2004-1595 BCE). The first Assyriologists to translate this ancient text believed the scribes. It wasn’t until additional Old Akkadian texts came to light that one scholar, I.J. Gelb, suggested that the Cruciform Monument was not what it claimed to be: “Without being able to put a finger on it, one gets the impression that there is something unusual about the inscription.”
Gelb’s insights highlight one of the enduring problems with identifying cuneiform fakes, whether from antiquity or modernity: authentication often relies on years of specialized training and finely honed instinctual observations about minute details. This need for an expert eye has been a major obstacle in identifying fake cuneiform tablets.
But why are fakes even important? They’re impostors in the historical record, misleading the academy and the public alike. Shouldn’t fakes just be ignored, discarded or destroyed? Why bother identifying them? These ideas stem from the notion that fake artifacts don’t represent history. But in fact they just represent a different history. A fake cuneiform tablet may not tell us authentic information about Mesopotamian society, economy or worldview, but it may help tell the story of a conflict zone, oppression and criminal organizations. Conflict makes smuggling across borders easier and drives demand for ancient tablets—both illicit and excavated. This increased demand for tablets thus promotes looting and forging. The cycle continues.
Mesopotamia was a land of water and clay, and the Mesopotamian world was built from these elements—their buildings, pottery and writing. Using reeds that grew along the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, ancient scribes impressed styli into wet clay, formed into a convenient writing surface in the palm of the hand. The materials are simple, but the writing system is not. The small size, ease and low cost of materials make cuneiform tablets appealing to forgers, and the small number of experts who can read cuneiform make forgeries hard to detect.
But there are some obvious cues that non-specialists can use to help flag cuneiform tablets as possible fakes. And, there are free online tools available to help familiarize you with cuneiform tablets. The Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative (CDLI) is an online repository for all cuneiform objects—real and fake—spanning the entire history of the writing system across all genres and locations. There are currently over 330,000 cuneiform records, many of which have images available.
Without training or context, studying a cuneiform tablet can be a daunting task. The surface is covered with clusters of wedges of different shapes and sizes, and even determining which way is up is a puzzle.
Fig. 1 A Cuneiform Tablet (Photo courtesy of the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative).

In fact, museums often display their cuneiform upside-down for this very reason. Through years of dedicated study, Assyriologists learn the rules governing wedge shape, orientation, placement and order for cuneiform signs. In a nutshell, the head of the wedge is on top with signs proceeding from left to right. This general rule can help orient a cuneiform tablet so that you can continue to assess its probable authenticity—or lack thereof.
Cuneiform tablets come in a variety of shapes and sizes, but most are small and rectangular and written on clay.
Fig. 2 Real cuneiform tablet showing correct orientation and layout.

A common forger’s mistake is making a rectangular tablet that is too thin, like a cell phone. Depending on the genre and time period, tablets can also be square, pillowy, round, lenticular, conical, cylindrical, prisms, even cruciform. Particularly important ancient inscriptions were often carved on stone, but these tend to be larger objects intended for display. You should be skeptical of small stone inscriptions, especially those appearing to be “regular” tablets.
Fig. 3 Stone tablet with nonsense signs and unconventional layout.

But, despite this variety, there are certain constants.
Many people assume that cuneiform tablets flipped from front to back like a page in a book. This assumption leads to orientation errors in modern fakes.
Fig. 4 Fake cuneiform tablet with incorrect orientation.

But the overwhelming majority of cuneiform tablets rotate top-to-bottom when moving from the front to the back of the tablet. By knowing which way is up (by the position of the wedge head), determining the rotation for tablets is much easier.
Writing systems change over time, like many elements of culture—language, style of dress, cuisine, music and artistic trends—and cuneiform is no exception. Just like the English writing system has changed since the eras of Beowulf, Chaucer and Shakespeare, cuneiform looks different depending on when it was written. Likewise, tablet shape changes as well, creating a complex correlation between the form and style of cuneiform signs and the shape and layout of the tablet. In some of the earliest periods of cuneiform writing, signs were contained in cases. But for most of Mesopotamian history, signs always hung from the top of the line (compare Figures 2 and 4). If you see signs unanchored to their top line (like in Figure 4), you should immediately be suspicious of the authenticity of the tablet.
To circumvent the complex composition of cuneiform signs, forgers have taken to creating fakes appearing to date from the earliest periods of cuneiform writing, when signs were still pictographic or tablets contained only simple numeric notation.
Fig. 5 Excavated cuneiform tablet from the earliest phases of writing.

These are more difficult to assess, but being aware that early styles of tablets are popular with forgers can help flag tablets for further analysis.
Requiring more specialized knowledge are a tablet’s sequence of signs, counting systems, spelling conventions, personal names, place names, year names and so on. It is often the conjunction of features that ascertains a tablet’s authenticity—or lack thereof. There are talented forgers familiar with the nuanced details of the cuneiform writing system and material culture, which is why it is important to open discussions about fakes and forgeries and share information across disciplines, institutions and organizations. Part of that effort is the goal of equipping museum and cultural heritage professionals with tools and resources to detect the large number of fake ancient Near Eastern artifacts already in collections.
There are untold numbers of fake cuneiform tablets in collections worldwide, but currently there are also robust markets for acquiring “new” fake tablets. Some tablets even come with forged documentation and certificates of authenticity. The purchase of antiquities has always carried risk, and today is no different. Research into this dark corner of antiquities is still growing, but analyses of fake cuneiform tablets are nearly non-existent. Hopefully, with increased collaboration and information sharing, we can gain new insights into the methods, pathways, motives and effects of forgers and fake tablets in order to curb the demand and production of faked ancient Near Eastern history.
Sara Brumfield has a Ph.D. in Near Eastern studies from UCLA. She is an independent researcher based in the Washington DC area and consults with various organizations to bring the world and culture of Mesopotamia to a popular audience.































Hypertext Gaṇeśa on a pedestal of skulls Hieroglyph kapāla, 'skull' rebus: kapāla, 'dish for पुरोडाश offering'त्रि--धातु m. गणे*श rebus पुरोडाश, 'oblation of Soma, rice ball'

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Why is Gaṇeśa shown surrounded by skulls? I suggest that the skulls signify offering dishes during Soma yajña. hieroglyph kapāla, 'skull' signifies rebus: kapāla, 'dish for पुरोडाश or (हुतशेष) Soma juice offering'. This oblation is a synonym of त्रि--धातु = गणे*श, signifier of three mineral ores.
Gaṇeśa Karangkates
Ganesha's ring of Skulls
Gaṇeśa pratimā of Singosari built by King Kritanagara (1268-1292). The deity sits on a throne which is surrounded with human skulls around it. There are also skulls depicted on Gaṇeśa’s body. An explanation for the depictions of skulls can be found in King Kritanagara’s philosophy (weltanshauung), namely tantrism. The pratimā is an expression of Indo-Javanese culture that developed from the eight to the fifteenth century.http://www.indomagic.com/articles/art-material-culture/sculptural-art/ganesha-of-singosari/
The unique image of Ganesha of 1239 found at Bara belonging to Sangasari period is seen protected from the rear by a demonic face on the back of its head.

The unique image of Ganesha of 1239 found at Bara belonging to Sangasari period is seen protected from the rear by a kīrtimukha on the back of its head. "Kirtimukha (Sanskrit kīrtimukha, also kīrttimukha, a bahuvrihi compound translating to "glorious face") is the name of a swallowing fierce monster face with huge fangs, and gaping mouth, very common in the iconography of Hindu temple architecture and Buddhist architecture in South Asia and Southeast Asia.[1] In Southeast Asia it is often referred to as Kala,https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kirtimukha
Kirtimukha at Kasivisvesvara Temple at LakkundiGadag districtKarnataka, India

A volcanic stone figure of Ganesha , Indonesia, Central Java, 9th century, 37 in. (94 cm.) high.
Source: https://nordonart.wordpress.com/2012/03/18/treasures-for-sale-during-asia-week-part-1/

Hypertext: त्रि--धातु m. गणे*

Rebus: त्रि--धातु mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive) RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6; n. the aggregate of the 3 minerals or of the 3 humours 

Rebus: त्रि--धातु m. (scil. पुरोड्/आशN. of an oblation TS. ii , 3 , 6. 1 ( -त्व्/अ n. abstr.)(Monier-Williams) Thus, synonym of त्रि--धातु = पुरोडाश पुरोधस्   purōḍāśa purōdhas पुरोडाश पुरोधस् &c. See under पुरस्.: पुरस्   puras पुरस् ind. 1 Before (in time or space), in front, in the presence of, before the eyes of (by itself or with gen.); ...-डाश् m., -डाशः (पुरोडाश्, -शः) 1 a sacrificial oblation made of ground rice and offered in kapālas or vessels; पुरोडाशाश्चरूश्चैव विधिवन्निर्वपेत् पृथक् Ms. 6.11. -2 an oblation in general; Ms.7.21. -3 an oblation of ghee with cakes of ground meal. -4 a kind of sacrificial ladle. -5 the leavings of an oblation (हुतशेष). -6 the Soma juice. -7 a prayer (मन्त्र) recited in offering oblations. (Apte) पुरो--डाश any oblation Mn. v , 23; the leavings of an offering; सोम juice; a prayer recited while offering oblations in fire Pa1n2. Sch. (Monier-Williams) पुरोडाशः, पुं, (पुरोऽग्रे दाश्यते दीयते इति ।दाश + कर्म्मणि घञ् । निपातनात् दस्य डः ।)हविर्भेदः । स तु यवचूर्णनिर्म्मितरोटिका-विशेषः । (यथा, मनुः । ६ । ११ ।“वासन्तशारदैर्मेध्यैर्मुन्यन्नैः स्वयमाहृतैः ।पुरोडाशांश्चरूंश्चैव विधिवन्निर्वपेत् पृथक् ॥”)पिष्टकचमसी । हुतशेषः । इति मेदिनी । शे, ३८ ॥सोमरसः । इति हेमचन्द्रः ॥पुरोडाश्यं, त्रि, (पुरोडाशाय हितमिति । पुरो-डाश + यत् ।) पुरोडाशीयम् । हविर्योग्यम् ।पुरोडाशाय हितम् । यथा, भट्टिः । ५ । १२ ।“आमिक्षीयं दधि क्षीरं पुरोडाश्यं तथौषधम् ।हविर्हैयङ्गवीनञ्च नाप्युपघ्नन्ति राक्षसाः ॥”https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः
He tore out the teeth of that god as he sat employed in eating the large sacrificial ball called Purodasa. (Mbh.13.160.13373)

Hieroglyph: कपाल the skull , cranium , skull-bone AV. ix , 8 , 22 ; x , 2 , 8 S3Br. i Ya1jn5. &c (Monier-Williams)

Rebus: कपाल mn. ( √कम्प् Un2. i , 117), a cup , jar , dish (used especially for the पुरोडाश offering) TS. S3Br. Sus3r. &c (cf. त्रिकपाल , पञ्च-कपाल , &c ); a fragment of brick (on which the oblation is placed) S3Br. vi , xii Ka1tyS3r. Sus3r. &c (Monier-Williams)

Rampurva copper bolt of Aśoka pillar, has Indus Script hypertexts signify metalwork catalogue, पोळ pōḷa 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus 'magnetite, ferrite ore', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake'

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"The Rampurva capitals are the capitals of a pair of Ashoka Pillars discovered in c. 1876 by A.C.L. Carlleyle.The archaeological site is called Rampurva, and is located in the West Champaran district of the Indian state of Bihar, situated very close to the border with Nepal.[3] The two capitals are in the Indian Museum in Kolkota." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rampurva_capitals


Indus Script hypertexts seen on Rampurva Aśoka pillars, copper bolt (metal dowel), bull & lion capitals are proclamations, ketu -- yajñasya ketu--  of Soma Yāga performance. 

All the pillars of Ashoka are built at Buddhist monasteries. “The pillars have four component parts in two pieces: the three sections of the capitals are made in a single piece, often of a different stone to that of the monolithic shaft to which they are attached by a large metal dowel. The shafts are always plain and smooth, circular in cross-section, slightly tapering upwards and always chiselled out of a single piece of stone. The lower parts of the capitals have the shape and appearance of a gently arched bell formed of lotus petals. The abaci are of two types: square and plain and circular and decorated and these are of different proportions. The crowning animals are masterpieces of Mauryan art, shown either seated or standing, always in the round and chiselled as a single piece with the abaci.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pillars_of_Ashoka#cite_ref-7
Geographical spread of known pillar capitals.
Image result for rampurva indus scriptBull capital, lion capital on Rampurva Aśoka pillarss
An Indus Script hypertext message on the copper bolt which joins the bull capital with the pillar is about metalwork competence of artisans of Rampurva who made the pillar with capital. The decorative motifs on the abacus are also Indus Script hypertexts documenting metallurgical competence.
Related image
An early representation of a zebu, on the Rampurva capital of the Pillars of Ashoka, third century BCE.पोळ pōḷa 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite (a ferrite ore)'  पोळा (p. 305) pōḷā m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship.  पोळ (p. 305) pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. 

कर्णक kárṇaka, 'pericarp of lotus' karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra 'helmsman'. Supercargo is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.
tāmarasa 'lotus' (Pkt.) rebus: tāmra, tamba 'copper'

Lotus base of an Ashokan capital from Odisha.


Frieze of the lost capital of the Allahabad pillar, with two lotuses with multiple calyx, framing a "flame palmette" surrounded by small rosette flowers, over a band of beads and reels.

John Murray, 1876 - Illustration for History of Indian and Eastern Architecture by James Fergusson (John Murray, 1876).
"The palmette is a motif in decorative art which, in its most characteristic expression, resembles the fan-shaped leaves of a palm tree. It has a far-reaching history, originating in ancient Egypt with a subsequent development through the art of most of Eurasia, often in forms that bear relatively little resemblance to the original. In ancient Greek and ancient Roman uses it is also known as the anthemion (from the Greekανθέμιον, a flower).https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palmette

An antefix (from Latin antefigere, to fasten before) is a vertical block which terminates the covering tiles of a tiled roof.

Antefixes in position.
An antefix in the form of a palmette. Frond is a large, fanlike leaf of a palm tree..
Ta. kara-tāḷam palmyra palmKa. kara-tāḷa fan-palm, Corypha umbraculifera Lin. Tu. karatāḷa cadjan. Te. (B.) kara-tāḷamu the small-leaved palm tree.(DEDR 1270) *tāḍa3 ʻ fan -- palm ʼ, tāḍī -- 2 f. in tāḍī -- puṭa -- ʻ palm -- leaf ʼ Kād., tāla -- 2 m. ʻ Borassus flabelliformis ʼ Mn., tālī -- , °lakī -- f. ʻ palm -- wine ʼ W. [Cf. hintāla -- ]
Pa. tāla -- m. ʻ fan -- palm ʼ, Pk. tāḍa -- , tāla -- , tala -- m., tāḍī -- , tālī -- f., K. tāl m., P. tāṛ m., N. tār (tāṛ ← H.), A. tāl, B. tāṛ, Or. tāṛatāṛitāḷa, Bi. tārtāṛ, OAw. tāra, H. G. tāṛm., M. tāḍ m., Si. tala. -- Gy. gr. taró m., tarí f. ʻ rum ʼ, rum. tari ʻ brandy ʼ, pal. tar ʻ date -- spirit ʼ; S. tāṛī f. ʻ juice of the palmyra ʼ; P. tāṛī ʻ the fermented juice ʼ; N. tāṛī ʻ id., yeast ʼ (← H.); A. tāri ʻ the fermented juice ʼ, B. Or. tāṛi, Bi. tārītāṛī, Bhoj. tāṛī; H. tāṛī f. ʻ the juice, the fermented juice ʼ; G. tāṛī f. ʻ the juice ʼ, M. tāḍī f. <-> X hintāla -- q.v.tālavr̥nta -- ; *madatāḍikā -- Addenda: tāḍa -- 3: S.kcch. tāṛ m. ʻ palm tree ʼ.(CDIAL 6750) tālavr̥nta n. ʻ palm -- leaf fan ʼ MBh., °aka -- n. lex. [*tāḍa -- 3, vr̥nta -- 1]Pa. tālavaṇṭa -- , ta° m. ʻ fan ʼ, Pk. tālaveṁṭa -- , °voṁṭa -- , tāliaṁṭa -- , talaveṁṭa -- , °viṁṭa -- n.; Si. talväṭa ʻ palmyra fan' (CDIAL 5802)

"From the 5th century, palmettes tended to have sharply splaying leaves. From the 4th century however, the end of the leaves tend to turn in, forming what is called the "flame palmette" design. This is the design that was adopted in Hellenistic architecture and became very popular on a wide geographical scale. This is the design that was adopted by India in the 3rd century BCE for some of its sculptural friezes, such as on the abaci of the Pillars of Ashoka, or the central design of the Pataliputra capital, probably through the Seleucid Empire or Hellenistic cities such as Ai-Khanoum." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palmette (loc.cit. "Reflections on The origins of Indian Stone Architecture", John Boardman, p.16). Reflections on the Origins of Indian Stone Architecture JOHN BOARDMAN
Bulletin of the Asia Institute New Series, Vol. 12, Alexander's Legacy in the East Studies in Honor of Paul Bernard (1998), pp. 13-22 Published by: Bulletin of the Asia Institute, a Non-Profit Corporation http://www.jstor.org/stable/24049089
"Flame palmette" design (center) at Didyma, 3rd century BCE.
Several antefixae with "flame palmette" designs, Ai Khanoum, Afghanistan, 2nd century BCE.


sangi 'mollusc', sangi 'pilgrim'; 


sippi 'mollusc', śilpin, sippi 'artificer'. 

sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ Rebus: sippī 'sculpture, sculptor'.

Hieroglyph: spathe, buds flanked by molluscs -- atop a ring flanked by two petas, dala 'petal'. DhALako 'ingot'.


Hackin 1954, p.169, figs.18 Ivory? Size: 10.6 x 15.8 x 0.4 cm Begram rectangular plaque depicting three palmettos with curled-up ends, held together by rings made up of lotus petals. Between the palmettos elongated fruit is shown . This scene is bordered by a band depicting a series of four-leaved flowers set in a square frame. In this hieroglyhphic multiplex, there are three distinct orthographic components:

Mollusc 1. mollusc (snail) pair depicted by a pair of antithetical S curved lines: sã̄khī Rebus: sã̄kh ʻconch-shell-cutterʼ

Palmetto or Spathe 2. spathe of a palm or palmetto: sippī f. ʻspathe of date palmʼ Rebus: sippi 'artificer, craftsman'. It could also be seen as a chisel:śaṅkula Rebus: sangin 'shell-cutter'.
Tied together, cord 3. a thread or cord that ties the mollusc pair and spath in the centre together into a composite orthographic unit. dām ʻropeʼ Rebus: dhamma 'dharma' dham̄a ʻemployment in the royal administrationʼ.  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/deciphering-indus-script-meluhha.html
Hieroglyph on a Begram ivory plaque: a pair of molluscs tied with a chisel
Hieroglyph: śaṅkula 'chisel' Rebus: sangin 'shell-cutter'. sangi 'mollusc' Rebus: sangi 'pilgrim'. Dama 'cord, tying' Rebus: dhamma 'moral conduct, religious merit'. A variant ties a fish with the hieroglyph complex: ayira, ayila 'fish' Rebus: ayira, ariya 'noble conduct'. Thus connoting ariya-dhama, ayira-dhamma; ariya-sangha, ayira-sangha (Pali). 
Torana from Mathura and Mathura lion capital which incorporates many hieroglyph elements later to be found in Bharhut-Sanchi: Pair of tigers (lions?), molluscs, srivatsa
Bharhut. Capital of Gateway post (After Cunningham)

Frieze of capital of Lat at Allahabad, with flame palmette within multiple calyx lotuses. Similarities with a frieze from Delphi featuring lotus with multiple calyx:

"Flame palmettes" around a lotus, Detail of Rampurva bull capital, detail of the abacus.
The abacus of the bull capital shows pericarp of lotus, rhizomes, palm fronds. These signify: कर्णिक, कर्णिका f. the pericarp of a lotus rebus: कर्णिका 'steersman, helmsman' (seafaring merchant) PLUS (base of the abacus) tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper' PLUS sippi 'mollusc', śilpin, sippi 'artificer'. Thus, the hypertext message is: helmsman, coppersmith artificer.

Related image
Lion Capital Chunar Sandstone Circa Century BCE Rampurva AC CN 62 98 62 99 Indian Museum Kolkata 2014 4350Lion Capital found at Rampurva. The abscus is decorated with varāha. The abacus of the lion capital show decorative motifs of aquatic birds, hamsa and varāha 'boars'. These Indus Script motifs signify: বরাহ barāha 'boar'Rebus: bāṛaï 'carpenter' (Bengali) bari 'merchant' barea 'merchant' (Santali) बारकश or बारकस [bārakaśa or bārakasa]
 n ( P) A trading vessel, a merchantman. karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaṛa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) 

The animals on the capital are Indus Script hypertexts: 

1. Zebu: पोळ pōḷa 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite (a ferrite ore)'
2.. arā 'lion' rebus: āra 'brass', ārakūṭ'brass alloy'

The pillars upholding the capital are Indus Script hypertexts: skambha 'pillar' rebus: kampaṭṭam, kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

Thus, these pillars with animal capitals of Rampurva are proclamations of metal- and mint-work by artisans of Rampurva. The tradition of mounting a pillar as a proclamation of performance of Soma Yāga is a tradition documented in R̥gveda which refers to an octagonal pillar as ketuaṣṭāśri yūpa, ketu to proclaim a somasamsthā yāga. The expression used describe the purport of the yūpa is:  yajñasya ketu (RV 3.8.8).


Location
Rampurwa, Champaran, Bihar, India  
Date
Upto 3rd century BC
ca 299-200 BCE  
Description
Plaster of Paris Stucco, 200 x 135 cm  
Status
Architectural fragment
Presently located at: Calcutta, Indian Museum 
View
Overview  
Image Identification
Accession No 36104
Negative No 249.87
American Institute of Indian Studies, Varanasi  
Notes
American Institute of Indian Studies, Varanasi 


"According to Cunningham, who wrote about the pillars says, that he excavated the surrounding of the site and disconnected its broken Capital from the shaft. The Capital was fastened to the shaft by a solid barrel shaped bolt of pure copper, measuring two and a half feet long and 5-5/16 inches in diameter at the centre and tapered slightly towards the ends where its circumference was 3-5/8 inches. The bolt projected exactly half its length or 1-1/4 inches from the shaft, and the projecting portion received the Capital; both ends were beautifully fitted into the stone, thus dispensing with any cement substance to firmly hold it together. The copper bolt was an exquisite piece of work, created into shape apparently with a hammer. The bolt is now kept in the Indian Museum, Kolkata and weighs 79 ½ lbs.Ref: Cunningham, ASI, XVI, pp.110-117; Carlleyle, CASI, XXII, pp.51-57; An. Rep., ASI, 1902-3, pp.38-40; 1907-8, pp.181-88; An Rep., ASI, E.C. 1906-7, p.16; 1912-13, p.36; BDG, Champaran, pp. 172-74. http://bhpromo.org.in/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=47&Itemid=54

The bolt is apparently forged into form by hammer after being cast. This is confirmed by the inscription on the bolt written in Indus writing. The lexeme is: koṭe ‘forging (metal)(Munda) 
The use of the Indus script glyphs on 
Rampurva copperbolt*** reinforce the decoding of smithy repertoire.



***Rampurva copper bolt “The starting place for the inquiry is the Rampurva copper bolt at present in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. This was discovered in 1880 by Cunningham and H.B. Garrick. It was buried beside the fallen southerly pillar on which was engraved a set of Asoka’s pillar edicts. The pillar and its lion capital were subsequently fully excavated by Daya Ram Sahni. The more northerly Rampurva pillar is that associated with the famous bull capital. The bolt was examined by Cunningham who concluded that there could be n doubt of its being original and that it must have served to hold the lion capital in place upon its pillar. It is probable that other Asokan pillars and capitals bear mortises for similar bolts. This one is described as barrel shaped, of pure copper measuring 2 ft. ½ in. in length, with a diameter of 4 5/16 in. in the centre, and 3 5/8 in. at each end. Cunningham makes no mention of any marks upon the bolt, but Durga Prasad published an impression of four marks. They are made of lines of impressed dots and include the hill-with-crescent, the taurine or Nandipada, and the open cross:



Here these signs occur upon an object which must have been made by craftsmen working for Asoka or one of his predessors.” (F.R. Allchin, 1959, Upon the contextual significance of certain groups of ancient signs, School of Oriental and African Studies, London.)







goṭ 'seed' Rebus: koṭe ‘forging (metal)(Munda); khoṭ 'alloy ingot'. खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. (Marathi) 


kanda 'fire-altar' Rebus: khaṇḍa 'metal implements'. 


goṭ 'round object' Rebus: khoṭ 'alloy ingot' PLUS bhaṭa 'rimless pot' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'; dhanga 'mountain-range' Rebus: dhangar 'metalsmith' PLUS bhaṭa 'rimless pot' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. Thus, the inscription on the Rampurva copperbolt provides technical specification on the metal object, the copper bolt: that it was made of an alloy ingot (from) furnace, (made by) metal implements metalsmith.



Alternative: goṭ  'round object' Rebus: khoṭ 'alloy ingot' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)

Thus, the Indus Script hypertext on the Rampurva copper alloy bolt is a message of the professional competence of metalsmiths of the Bronze Age at Rampurva: alloy metal castings, metal furnaces, ingots, metalsmithy, mintwork.
Hieroglyphs on the two-and-a-half feet long Rampurva copper bolt which joinss the bull capital to the pillar:
1. goṭ 'seed' Rebus: koṭe ‘forging (metal)
2. kanda 'fire altar' rebus: khaṇḍa 'metal implements'. 
3. goṭ 'round, stone' Rebus: khoṭ 'alloy ingot' PLUS aya khambhaṛā 'fish fin' Rebus: aya kammaṭa 'iron mint'
4. ḍanga 'mountain range' rebus: ḍangar 'blacksmith' PLUS bhaṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.

Thus, the hypertext on the Rampurva copper bolt is 1. a professional calling card of the metalsmithy/forge artisan with competence in forging metal implements, with iron mint and furnace and 2. proclamation of the performance of a Soma Yāga.

Thus, Indus Script hypertexts seen on Rampurva Aśoka pillars, copper bolt, bull & lion capitals are proclamations, ketu -- yajñasya ketu--  of Soma Yāga performance. 

Surprising confirmation of Bronze Age Linguistic Doctrine comes from a copper alloy bolt which holds the Rampurva Capital to the Asokan pillar.

The copper bolt is inscribed with hieroglyphs of Indus writing attesting to two facts: 1. hieroglyphic writing system as a continuum in Indian sprachbund; 2. hieroglyphs denote metallurgical processing.

Rampurva pillar edict text:

          Thus saith king Priyadarsi, Beloved of the Gods. Twelve years after my coronation, records relating to Dharma were caused to be written by me for the first time for the welfare and happiness of the people, so that, without violation thereof, they might attain the growth of Dharma in various respects.

          Thinking: “Only in this way the welfare and happiness of the people may be secured.” I scrutinize as to how I may bring happiness to the people, no matter whether they are my relatives or residents of the neighborhood of my capital or of distant localities. And I act accordingly. In the same manner, I scrutinize in respect of all classes of people. Moreover, all the religious sects have been honored by me with various kinds of honors. But what I consider my principal duty is meeting the people of different sects personally. This record relating to Dharma has been caused to be written by me twenty-six years after my coronation. 

A solid copper bolt (24 ½” in length and a circumference of 14” at the center and 12” at the ends), was found in the Rampurva Asoka Pillar near Nepal border.
Indus Script hypertext, hieroglyphs on the two-and-a-half feet long Rampurva copper bolt which joinss the bull capital to the pillar:
Related image

On some cast copper coins coming out of mints, in addition to these four hieroglyphs, two additional hieroglyphs are inscribed:
 

All these six hieroglyphs are a continuum of the legacy of Indus writing. The language is Meluhha (mleccha) of Indian sprachbund. The rebus readings of these six hieroglyphs evolved in the context of Bronze Age are as follows, the readings validate the Bronze Age Linguistic Doctrine which should replace the 'Aryan invasion' Linguistic Doctrine which is the ruling paradigm in language studies.


The Asur are found in the districts of Gumla, Lohardaga, Palamau and Latehar of Jharkhand state. They have been iron-smelters. The modern Asur vanavasi are divided into three sub-extended family divisions, namely Bir(Kol) Asur, Birjia Asur and Agaria Asur.


Rebus readings L: to R. are:
1. kōṭai mountain (Tamil) Rebus: kōṭṭam = temple (Tamil) koṭe ‘forging (metal)(Mu.) koḍ ‘workshop’ (G.) खोट khōṭa ] f ‘A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge’ (Kashmiri) baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus:  baṭa = furnace (Santali) 
2. Glyph: dulo ‘hole’ (N.); rebusdul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali) baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus:  baṭa = furnace (Santali) 
3. gaṇḍa ‘four’ (Santali) Rebus: kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil)
4. Pali. kuṭila— ‘bent’, n. ‘bend’; Prakrit. kuḍila— ‘crooked’ Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin
Thus, the inscription on Rampurva copper bolt describes the metallurgical processes of makiing the bolt:
1. a mass of khōṭa metal melted down in furnace; koṭe ‘forged'
2. the metal cast (dul) in a mould 
3. ingot subjected to fire-altar (kaṇḍ) furnace
4. Bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) used in casting the alloy, kuṭila
Rimless-pot glyph is ligatured to two glyphs: 1. mountain; 2. circle
baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus:  baṭa = furnace (Santali) bhrāṣṭra = furnace (Skt.) 
 
kōṭu summit of a hill, peak, mountain; kōṭai mountain (Tamil) kūṭa = peak 
(Telugu)
kūṭam = workshop (Tamil);
koṭṭamu, koṭṭama. [Tel.] n. A pent roofed chamber or house as distinguished from ‘midde' which is flat-roofed. Pounding in a mortar. A stable for elephants or horses, or cattle  A. i. 43. [ koṭṭāmu ] koṭṭāmu. [Tel.] n. A pent roofed house. [ koṭṭaruvu ] koṭṭaruvu. [Tel.] n. A barn, a grain store.  [koṭāru],  [Tel.] n. A store, a granary. A place to keep grain, salt, &c. కొఠారు [ koṭhāru ] Same as [ koṭhī ] koṭhī. [H.] n. A bank. A mercantile house or firm (Telugu) kṓṣṭha2 n. ʻ pot ʼ Kauś., ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ MBh., ʻ inner apartment ʼ lex., aka -- n. ʻ treasury ʼ, ikā f. ʻ pan ʼ Bhpr. [Cf. *kōttha -- , *kōtthala -- : same as prec.?] Pa. koṭṭha -- n. ʻ monk's cell, storeroom ʼ, aka<-> n. ʻ storeroom ʼ; Pk. koṭṭha -- , kuṭ, koṭṭhaya -- m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ; Sv. dāntar -- kuṭha ʻ fire -- place ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) kōti (ṭh?) ʻ wooden vessel for mixing yeast ʼ; K. kōṭha m. ʻ granary ʼ, kuṭhu m. ʻ room ʼ, kuṭhü f. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ; S. koṭho m. ʻ large room ʼ, ṭhī f. ʻ storeroom ʼ; L. koṭhā m. ʻ hut, room, house ʼ, ṭhī f. ʻ shop, brothel ʼ, awāṇ. koṭhā ʻ house ʼ; P. koṭṭhā, koṭhā m. ʻ house with mud roof and walls, granary ʼ, koṭṭhī, koṭhī f. ʻ big well -- built house, house for married women to prostitute themselves in ʼ; WPah. pāḍ. kuṭhī ʻ house ʼ; Ku. koṭho ʻ large square house ʼ, gng. kōṭhi ʻ room, building ʼ; N. koṭho ʻ chamber ʼ, ṭhi ʻ shop ʼ; A. koṭhā, kõṭhā ʻ room ʼ,kuṭhī ʻ factory ʼ; B. koṭhā ʻ brick -- built house ʼ, kuṭhī ʻ bank, granary ʼ; Or. koṭhā ʻ brick -- built house ʼ,ṭhī ʻ factory, granary ʼ; Bi. koṭhī ʻ granary of straw or brushwood in the open ʼ; Mth. koṭhīʻ grain -- chest ʼ; OAw. koṭha ʻstoreroom ʼ; H. koṭhā m. ʻ granary ʼ, ṭhī f. ʻ granary, large house ʼ, Marw. koṭho m. ʻ room ʼ; G. koṭhɔ m. ʻ jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse ʼ, ṭhī f. ʻ large earthen jar, factory ʼ; M. koṭhā m. ʻ large granary ʼ, ṭhī f. ʻ granary, factory ʼ; Si. koṭa ʻ storehouse ʼ. -- Ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kūṭhürü f. ʻ small room ʼ; L. koṭhṛī f. ʻ small side room ʼ; P. koṭhṛī f. ʻ room, house ʼ; Ku. koṭheṛī ʻ small room ʼ; H. koṭhrī f. ʻ room, granary ʼ; M. koṭhḍī f. ʻ room ʼ; -- with -- ra -- : A. kuṭharī ʻ chamber ʼ, B. kuṭhrī, Or. koṭhari; -- with -- lla -- : Sh. (Lor.) kotul (ṭh?) ʻ wattle and mud erection for storing grain ʼ; H. koṭhlā m.,  f. ʻ room, granary ʼ; G. koṭhlɔ m. ʻ wooden box ʼ kōṣṭhapāla -- ,  *kōṣṭharūpa -- , *kōṣṭhāṁśa -- , kōṣṭhāgāra -- ; *kajjalakōṣṭha -- , *duvārakōṣṭha-, *dēvakōṣṭha -- , dvārakōṣṭhaka -- .Addenda: kṓṣṭha -- 2: WPah.kṭg.kóṭṭhi f. ʻ house, quarters, temple treasury, name of a partic. temple ʼ, J. koṭhā m. ʻ granary ʼ, koṭhī f. ʻ granary, bungalow ʼ; Garh. koṭhu ʻ house surrounded by a wall ʼ; Md. koḍi ʻ frame ʼ, <-> koři ʻ cage ʼ (Xkōṭṭa -- ). -- with ext.: OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ, P. kuṭhālī f., H.kuṭhārī f.; -- Md. koṭari ʻ room ʼ.(CDIAL 3546) kōṣṭhapāla m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ W. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, pāla -- ] M. koṭhvaḷā m. (CDIAL 3547) 3550 kōṣṭhāgāra n. ʻ storeroom, store ʼ Mn. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, agāra -- ] Pa. koṭṭhāgāra -- n. ʻ storehouse, granary ʼ; Pk. koṭṭhāgāra -- , koṭṭhāra -- n. ʻ storehouse ʼ; K. kuṭhār m. ʻ wooden granary ʼ, WPah. bhal. kóṭhār m.; A. B. kuṭharī ʻ apartment ʼ, Or. koṭhari; Aw. lakh. koṭhār ʻ zemindar's residence ʼ; H. kuṭhiyār ʻ granary ʼ; G. koṭhār m. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ, koṭhāriyũ n. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. koṭhār n., koṭhārẽ n. ʻ large granary ʼ, -- rī f. ʻ small one ʼ; Si. koṭāra ʻ granary, store ʼ.kōṣṭhāgārika -- .Addenda:  kōṣṭhāgāra -- : WPah.kṭg. kəṭhāˊr, kc. kuṭhār m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ, J. kuṭhār, kṭhār m.; -- Md. kořāru ʻ storehouse ʼ ← Ind. (CDIAL 3550). kōṣṭhāgārika m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ BHSk. [Cf. kōṣṭhā- gārin -- m. ʻ wasp ʼ Suśr.: kōṣṭhāgāra -- ] Pa. koṭṭhāgārika -- m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ; S. koṭhārī m. ʻ one who in a body of faqirs looks after the provision store ʼ; Or. koṭhārī ʻ treasurer ʼ; Bhoj. koṭhārī ʻ storekeeper ʼ, H. kuṭhiyārī m. Addenda: kōṣṭhāgārika -- : G. koṭhārī m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ. kōṣṭhin -- see kuṣṭhin -- Add2. (CDIAL 3552) Ta. koṭṭakaished with sloping roofs, cow-stall; marriage pandal; koṭṭam cattle-shed; koṭṭil cow-stall, shed, hut; (STD)koṭambe feeding place for cattle. Ma. koṭṭil cowhouse, shed, workshop, house. Ka. koṭṭage, koṭige, koṭṭige stall or outhouse (esp. for cattle), barn, room.  Koḍ.  koṭṭï shed.  Tu.koṭṭa hut or dwelling of Koragars; koṭya shed, stall. Te. koṭṭā̆mu stable for cattle or horses; koṭṭāyi thatched shed. Kol. (Kin.)koṛka, (SR.) korkācowshed; (Pat., p. 59) konṭoḍi henhouse. Nk. khoṭa cowshed. Nk. (Ch.)  koṛka id.  Go.(Y.) koṭa, (Ko.) koṭam (pl. koṭak) id. (Voc. 880); (SR.) koṭka shed; (W. G. Mu. Ma.) koṛka, (Ph.) korka, kurka cowshed (Voc. 886); (Mu.) koṭorla, koṭorli shed for goats (Voc. 884). Malt. koṭa hamlet. / Influenced by Skt. goṣṭha-.  (DEDR 2058) கொட்டகை koṭṭakai, n. < gōṣṭhaka. [T. koṭṭamu, K. koṭṭage, Tu. koṭya.] Shed with sloping roofs, cow-stall, marriage-pandal; பந்தல் விசேடம். கொட்டகைத்தூண்போற் காலிலங்க (குற்றா. குற. 84, 4). கொட்டம் koṭṭam, n. House; வீடு. ஒரு கொட்டம்ஒழிச்சுக் குடுத்துருங்கோ (எங்களூர், 47). கோட்டம்² kōṭṭam, n. < kōṣṭha. 1. Room, enclosure; அறை.சுடும ணோங்கிய நெடு நிலைக் கோட்டமும் (மணி. 6, 59). 2. Temple; கோயில். கோழிச் சேவற்கொடியோன் கோட்டமும் (சிலப். 14, 10).
Glyph: dulo ‘hole’ (N.); rebusdul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali) 
Alternative: kuṭila ‘bent’;  kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’ (Skt.)(CDIAL 3231); rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ (Santali) CDIAL 3231 kuṭilá— ‘bent, crooked’ KātyŚr., aka— Pañcat., n. ‘a partic. plant’ lex. [√kuṭ 1] Pa. kuṭila— ‘bent’, n. ‘bend’; Pk. kuḍila— ‘crooked’ rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230)
खांडा [khāṇḍā] m  a jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’.
Glyph: ‘piece’: kōḍ कोड् m. a kernel (Kashmiri) खोट [khōṭa] A lump or solid bit (as of phlegm, gore, curds, inspissated milk); any concretion or clot. (Marathi) guḍá—1. — In sense ‘fruit, kernel’ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ‘nut, kernel’; A. goṭ ‘a fruit, whole piece’, °ṭā ‘globular, solid’, guṭi ‘small ball, seed, kernel’; B. goṭā ‘seed, bean, whole’; Or. goṭā ‘whole, undivided’, goṭi ‘small ball, cocoon’, goṭāli ‘small round piece of chalk’; Bi. goṭā ‘seed’; Mth. goṭa ‘numerative particle’ (CDIAL 4271) Rebus: koṭe ‘forging (metal)(Mu.) koḍ ‘workshop’ (G.).Sa. gOta? `to scrape, scratch'.Mu. gOta? `to scrape, scratch'.KW gOta?@(M087)  Rebus: खोट khōṭa ] f ‘A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge’ (Kashmiri) L. khoṭ f. ʻalloy, impurityʼ, °ṭā  ʻalloyedʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā  ʻforgedʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻbase, alloyʼ M.khoṭā  ʻalloyedʼ, (CDIAL 3931)

Mohenjjo-daro seal. Dotted circles + pellets + fire-altar
gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' PLUS गोटी [ gōṭī ] 'round pebbles, stones' rebus: गोटी [ gōṭī ] 'A lump of silver'. goṭa'laterite, ferrite ore'.
arye 'lion' (Akkadian) Rebus: āra 'brass'

Malt. múqe id. / Cf. Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot' mũhe 'ingot' mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native furnace. 
gaṇḍa ‘four’ (Santali) Rebus: kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil)
sangaḍa ‘lathe, portable furnace’. Rebus: jaṅgaḍ ‘entrusment articles’. jangaḍiyo ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’ (G.) sangaḍa ‘association, guild’. sangatarāsu ‘stone cutter’ (Telugu) sãghāiyo a worker on a  lathe (G.)
Vikalpa: meḍhi ‘pillar’. meḍ ‘iron’ : mṛht, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)
Glyph:kuṭi ‘tree’; kui, kuhi, kua, kuha a tree (Kaus'.); kud.a tree (Pkt.); kuṛā tree; kaek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). kuha, kua (Ka.), kudal (Go.)     kudar. (Go.)  kuha_ra, kuha, kuaka = a tree (Skt.lex.) ku, kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khut. = id. (Or.) kuamu = a tree (Te.lex.) Glyph: tree, rebus: smelting furnace
kuṭhi kuṭa, kuṭi, kuṭha a tree (Kaus’.); kuḍa tree (Pkt.); kuṛā tree; kaṛek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). Kuṭha, kuṭa (Ka.), kudal (Go.) kudar. (Go.) kuṭhāra, kuṭha, kuṭaka = a tree (Skt.lex.) kuṭ, kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khuṭ = id. (Or.) kuṭa, kuṭha = a tree (Ka.lex.) guṇḍra = a stump; khuṇṭut = a stump of a tree left in the ground (Santali.lex.) kuṭamu = a tree (Te.lex.) কুঁদ2 [ kun̐da2 ] n a stock or butt (of a gun); a stump or trunk (of a tree); a log (of wood); a lump (of sugar etc.). (Bengali) Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’ (B.)
কুঁদনকোঁদন [ kun̐dana, kōn̐dana ] n act of turning (a thing) on a lathe; act of carving; act of rushing forward to attack or beat; act of skip ping or frisking; act of bragging. (Bengali)কুঁদ [ kun̐da ] n a (turner's) lathe; a variety of multi-petalled jasmine.কুঁদ1 [ kun̐da1 ] v to turn (a thing) on a lathe, to shape by turning on a lathe; to carve; to rush forward to attack or beat; to skip, to frisk; to brag.
kuṭi, ‘smelting furnace’ (Mundari.lex.).kuṭhi, kuṭi (Or.; Sad. Koṭhi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuṭire bica duljaḍko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkuṭi has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kut.hi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the center, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity.


Vikalpa: M. ḍāhaḷ m. ʻloppings of treesʼ, ḍāhḷā m. ʻleafy branchʼ, °ḷī f. ʻtwigʼ, ḍhāḷā m. ʻsprigʼ, °ḷī f. ʻbranchʼ. (CDIAL 5546).ḍhāako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati) 


Metalwork wealth accounting in Indus Script. Samudra manthanam painting on Gaṇeśa Lena, world's largest rock-cut temples of Ellora with cannabis sativa clay plaster, date from 6th cent. CE

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Hempcrete buildings have long life due to material properties of the durable fibre. The hemp is used as clay plaster to bind stones in the world's largest monolithic rock-carved structure, the Ellora temples complex.

Abstract
Cannabis sativa L. (hemp) has preserved the ancient artwork in India’s sacred Ellora Caves for 1500 years. The long life of earthen plaster of Ellora, despite damaging environmental parameters, may be attributed to the material properties of hemp which is fibrous and durable as studied through stereo and scanning electron microscope. The properties of Cannabis sativa (hemp) including its ability to repel insects and regulate humidity must have been known to the ancient Indian technicians in 6th CE. Moreover, Cannabis has an excellent carbon dioxide sequestering capacity and is green house negative and these properties were exploited by ancient Indians in cave murals of Ellora. The finding could be applied in future construction technology, as well as conservation of historical structures, where more sustainable materials are being sought. However, it would be illegal in places where Cannabis is banned. The numerous useful properties of hemp can also be exploited for several environmental friendly applications. This paper deliberates upon the utilization of this plant from the ancient period to its present use to regulate green house impact.

(PDF) The scope of hemp (Cannabis sativa L.) use in Historical conservation in India. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge, Vol. 17(2), 2018, pp.. 314-321. See: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323265168_The_scope_of_hemp_Cannabis_sativa_L_use_in_Historical_conservation_in_India


Atop and surrounding the gopuram, as the base of temple structures, and in front of temples are sculpted, the following animals: Zebu (Nandi or humped bull), Four lions, elephants. A turtle is also the fulcrum for the Samudra manthanam painting on Gaṇeśa Lena cave. 
Pictorial motif 69 Indus Script. The Indus Script hypertext signifies in rebus Meluha wordds, bell-metal, metals mint.

kassa 'turtle' rebus: kãsā 'bell-metal' (Oriya), kamaṭha 'turtle' rebus: kãsā kammaṭa 'bell-metal coiner, mint, portable furnace'. Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)

The other sculptural friezes of animals of Ellora caves are classifiers of wealth accounting metalwork ledgers:

poḷa'zebu, bos indicus' rebus; poḷa'magnetite, ferrite ore'
karibha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron'
arye'lion' rebus: āra'brass'
Image result for churning of the ocean
Churning of the Milky Ocean (12th cent. Cambodia)

Bas Relief of Samudra Manthan from the Angkor Wat temple
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Churning of the Ocean of Milk bas-relief. Angkor Wat. Cambodia.
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Churning of the Ocean of Milk
The churning of the ocean of milk, Cambodia
churning of the ocean of milk, Cambodia, Prasat Phnom Da, Angkor vat style, first half of the XIIth century, sandstone. Musée Guimet, Paris

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Samudra manthan or 'Churning of Ocean of Milk' Deva and Dānava churn the ocean, using Vāsuki, the serpent as the rope and Mandara, the mountain as the churning rod. Gaṇeśa Lena, Ellora, ca. 11th cent. CE. I suggest that the centre-piece of the narrative is the turtle which acts as the fulcrum to the churning rod. Turtle is an Indus Script hypertext.

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Samudra manthanam. Ellora temple wall.
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Cave 16 of the Kailasanatha Temple, viewed from the top of the rock
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Entrance to Cave 16
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Entrance to Cave 21, Ellora.

Metallurgical wonders of Ancient India, non-rusting iron pillars of Konarak, Dhar

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Remarkable legacy of the Metals Age contributions of Sarasvati Civilization is evidenced by the non-rusting iron pillars of Vidisha (400 CE), Dhar and Konarak.

Corrosion resistance of the Dhar iron pillar R. Balasubramaniam & A.V. Ramesh Kumar
  
Abstract 

The corrosion resistance of the 950-year old Dhar iron pillar has been addressed. 
The microstructure of a Dhar pillar iron sample exhibited characteristics typical of ancient Indian iron. 
Intergranular cracking indicated P segregation to the grain boundaries. 
The potentiodynamic polarization behaviour of the Dhar pillar iron and mild steel, evaluated in solutions of 
pH 1 and 7.6, indicate that the pillar iron is inferior to mild steel under complete immersion conditions. 
However, the excellent atmospheric corrosion resistance of the phosphoric Dhar pillar iron is due to the 
formation of a protective passive film on the surface. Rust analysis revealed the presence of crystalline
 magnetite (Fe3 xO4), a-Fe2O3 (hematite), goethite (a-FeOOH), lepidocrocite (c-FeOOH), akaganeite 
(b-FeOOH) and phosphates, and amorphous dFeOOH phases. 
The rust cross-section revealed a layered structure at some locations.
http://home.iitk.ac.in/~bala/journalpaper/journal/journalpaper_34.pdf                                                                                                       


 Adivaraha






2 hours ago
Massive Iron beams used in the construction of Konark sun temple which haven't rusted much even after 700 years exposure to salty air!

History of the lesser known rust resistant Iron Pillar of Dhar and Iron beams of temples of Kalinga - unknown marvels of Indian metallurgy in medieval Times.

~1000 year old fragments of the massive rust resistant Iron Pillar of Dhar, Madhya Pradesh that haven't corroded yet.

From the available information it seems that the Iron pillar most probably forged during the reign of Raja Bhoja, was erected infront of a Shiva temple in the city of Dhar. The fame of the pillar must have been widespread since the temple itself was referred to as Lateshwara (Lord of the Pillar, Lat means Pillar) & province of Dhar as Latehsvara Mandala. (Lat means pillar). The pillar was forged in the shape of Shivlinga with trishul mounted on top. Its total length was around 15 meter... twice as large as Iron pillar of Delhi!





Dhar was conquered by Allaudin Khilji in 14th CE. After which Lateshwara Temple was converted into Lat Mosque. The pillar was erected infront of that mosque. A small top portion (probably broken at that time) was sent to Mandu & erected infront of the Jami mosque there. In 1531 Bahadur Shah - Sultan of Gujarat attacked and defeated Malwa. He wished to carry the Iron pillar from Dhar to Gujarat. However while digging out the pillar, it fell down & broke into pieces. So he abandoned his plan. Later on Jahangir wished to carry it to Agrato plant it as a lamp post infront of the tomb of Akbar. But somehow it never happened. The largest piece remained in the same sloping position from the time of its fall in 1531 till 1980 when ASI put all the 3 pieces togather on a platform. As for the piece which wa sent to Mandu, it has been identified by same with the iron pillar known as Khilji's spear which stands in the Jami mosque of Mandu.

Links to Gaṇeśa pratimā as metalwork guild hypertexts. Provenance of Gaṇeśa in the Hindu pantheon -- Manasataramgini

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1. Hypertext Gaṇeśa on a pedestal of skulls Hieroglyph kapāla, 'skull' rebus: kapāla, 'dish for पुरोडाश offering' त्रि--धातु m. गणे*श rebus पुरोडाश, 'oblation of Soma, rice ball' https://tinyurl.com/yd8otx6r


2. Gardez Gaṇeśa with Indus Script hypertexts फड 'cobra hood' (फडनीस phaḍanīsa 'scribe' of) karaṇḍa mukuṭa to signify खरडा kharaḍā,'wealth-accounting ledger', करडा karaḍā 'hard alloy of iron'  https://tinyurl.com/yd4abfqs


3. R̥gveda gaṇa, Varāha & Gaṇeśa associated with temple frescos, from Badami to Afghanistan, Dunhuang (China), Indonesia, Vietnam, Japan in Ancient Far East  https://tinyurl.com/y6uf4v3z 


Links to tweets by Manasatarmgini on Twitter.


 6 hours ago

...Total evidence should be considered textual, iconographic and archaeological. Archaeologically H deities appear in recognizable forms only starting earliest around 2300 YBP. But many of them clearly have long histories prior to that. Iconographically recognizable gaNesha-s are seen at least by around 1800 YBP suggesting that the deity had attained the extant form by that time. In textual terms the earliest vainAyaka ritual is to four seizing vinAyaka-s seen in the maitrAyaNIya kR^iShNa-yajurveda and atharvaveda traditions. There are no references to these deities in the saMhitA-s or the ancillary mantrapATha-s only later texts of these schools. Already in the RV rudra has several sons the marut-s who have a destructive side similar to the vinAyaka-s and are once even compared to violent elephants. In YV rudra is described on multiple occasions as the gaNapati and the rat is described as his animal. These features along with the general association of rudra with these raudra deities allowed to anchor the four vinAyaka-s to rudra and associate his singular form as a son. This appears in the late section of the bodhAyana kalpa tradition of the KYV i.e. the gaNa homa. A parallel tradition is also represented in the yAj~navalkya-dharma tradition where the four seizing vinAyaka-s clearly merge into a single elephant headed being. The nominal convergence with the Vedic god brAhmaNaspati likely gave him his axe. All these developments certainly preceded the appearance of the full-blown singular iconography around 1800 YBP. Now the famous gAyatrI-s of his which appear in the KYV schools of the M and T should be seen as later interpolations because: 1) These gAyatrI-s appear in a locus where there is multiplicity of gAyatrI-s. 2) They are highly polymorphic between the schools unlike the other mantra-s in the vicinity. These point to later innovation which might be temporally linked to their deployment in the gaNahoma to a singular vinAyaka. Finally, his mention is absent or polymorphism within the schools themselves. i.e. in the form of the four seizing vinAyaka-s in certain early purANa-s like core mArkaNDeya. Also absent in kAlidAsa. There is again enormous polymorphism in his paurANika utpatti narratives. This points of the equivalence of “positive selection” marking sudden expansive rise of the deity. Thus, we do think his origin was much earlier, especially in the 4 fold form, but his expansive rise to a central deity of the pantheon began only in the time of the inter-empire period; i.e. the period between the end of the shu~Nga-s and the rise of the gupta-s.

sippi, 'metal sculptor', ayo kammaṭa phaḍa mint-metals manufactory, copper mint signified by Sanchi, Barhut Indus Script hypertexts of shell, lotus, fish-fins, date-palm fragments

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https://tinyurl.com/ydxga2ao
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Sanchi. Medallion. Lotus. Pair of fish-fins
Section of a coping rail. 30.5x122 cm. 2nd cent. BCE Sunga. Bharhut.
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Stupa-1 North Torana, East pillar showing Triratna motif. Sanchi, Dist Raisen, Madhya Pradesh India


Indus Script Hieroglyphs/hypertexts

aya 'fish' rebus: aya'iron'ayas'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā''fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa'mint'

śrivatsa synonym next to the sippi'ivory/stone/metal sculptor' ayo kammaṭa'iron mint'& tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper' atop Sanchi torana.
The sculptural metaphor for sippi 'metal sculptors is sippī 'shell'. Bharhut sculptural frieze shows the sippi, 'metal sculptor' emerging out of sippi, 'the shell'.


फड (p. 313) phaa m (Commonly फडा) An end or a fragment of a branch of the Date-tree: also a leaf or spike of it. 

Rebus: Ta. paṭṭaṭai, paṭṭaṟai anvil, smithy, forge. Ka. paṭṭaḍe, paṭṭaḍi anvil, workshop. Te. paṭṭika, paṭṭeḍa anvil; paṭṭaḍa workshop. (DEDR 3865)  फड (p. 313) phaa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्या- चाफड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचाफड A nachhouse, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचाफड A singingshop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work,--as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊस, वांग्या, मिरच्या, खरबुजे&c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चाल, पड, घाल, मांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फडपडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फडमारणें- राखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फडमारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्यामापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडासयेणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. फडकरी (p. 313) phaakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain). फडनीस (p. 313) phaanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस

Itihāsa, Ancient Bharat Map is a treasure with old place names

Concept of Sarasvati in Jain Tradition and Art -- Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari and Shanti Swaroop Sinha

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Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari and Shanti Swaroop Sinha, 2018, Concept of Saraswati in Jain Tradition and Art, in: Indian Journal of Archaeology,Vol. 3/ No. 2/ April-July 2018, pp. 677 to 700
http://www.ijarch.org/Admin/Articles/5-Sarasvati%20in%20jain%20tradition%20&%20art.pdf

CONCEPT OF SARASWATI IN JAIN TRADITION AND ART
Dr. Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari
Emeritus Professor
History of Art
Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi-221005
&
Dr. Shanti Swaroop Sinha
History of Visual Arts & Design
Faculty of Visual Arts
Banaras Hindu University
Varanasi-221005
E-mail- sssbhu@gmail.com

List of illustrations:-
1. Sarasvati (inscribed), Kankali-Tila, Mathura, A.D. 132, in State Museum, Lucknow (Acc. No. J.24)
2. Tritirthi image showing two Jinas and Sarasvati together (as Shrutadevata), temple no. 2, Deogarh, 12th century A.D.
3. Sarasvati (worshipped by figures of Upadhyayas), temple no. 19, Deogarh, 11th century A.D.
4. Sarasvati, southern adhisthana, Parshvanatha temple, Khajuraho, 950-70 CE.
5. Sarasvati, Panchakuta Basti, Humcha (Shimoga, Karnataka), CE 1077
6. Sarasvati (flanked by inscribed figures of Kela and Loyana, the main architect and sculptor of temple), Brhamika ceiling, Vimala-Vasahi, c.1150 CE.
7. Sarasvati (flanked by 6-armed dancing divine figures), Bhramika ceiling, Vimala-Vasahi, c. 1150 CE.
8. Sarasvati, Pallu (Bikaner, Rajasthan), 11th century A.D., in National Museum, Delhi (Acc. No. 1/6/278)
9. Sarasvati (with 16 Mahavidya figures on torana pillar), Pallu, c. mid-11th century A.D., in Ganga Golden Jubilee Museum, Bikaner (Acc. No. 203)
10. Sarasvati, Ladnun (Nagaur, Rajasthan), 12th century A.D., in Modern Jain temple.











Sarasvati (also known as Bharati, Vak-devi, Vagishvari and Sharada etc.), the presiding goddess of wisdom, knowledge and music (Buddhi, Jnana and Sangita), was popular in Indian tradition since Vaidik times. The river Sarasvati on the banks of which Vaidik learning and Yajna took place, played vital role in the development of her mythology. As a result river became the personification of goddess Sarasvati. The hymns found in the Samaveda were chanted on her bank. It is because of the above reasons that she was conceived as holding manuscript (symbol of knowledge), rosary (akshamala) and water-vessel (kamandalu) which were symbolic attributes for Yajna and Upasana. The swan (hamsa) became her vahana (vehicle), which again symbolizes knowledge and also power of Nira-Kshira-Vivechana (discussion in the spirit of differentiation of water from milk). However it was from the Sunga - Kushan period that Sarasvati is represented in art and in the mythology. In the Puranas, she is associated with Brahma both as daughter and Shakti (consort) and at same times with Vishnu also along-with Lakshmi as his Shakti to be seem mainly in Pala art (8th – 10th century A.D.) of eastern India.
Sarasvati was assimilated in Shramanic tradition also. In Jainism she appears as Sarasvati and Shrutadevata (as Jina-Vani) atleast from second century A.D. (Kushana period), while in Buddhism she appears as Prajna-Paramita probably after the Gupta period (c. sixth century A.D.). Thus she was accepted in all the Indian religious traditions as goddess of knowledge and was to be shown invariably with Pustaka (manuscript) and Hamsa-Vahana (swan).
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Much has been written about Sarasvati in Vaidik-Puranic tradition and art and also about Prajna-Paramita in Buddhist tradition but very little is written on the concept, form and iconography of Sarasvati in Jain context. Therefore we have decided to focus mainly on Sarasvati in Jain Tradition and Art. The study reveals her powerful presence in Jain texts and visual renderings.
The earliest goddess to be worshipped by the Jains was Sarasvati1 also called the Shrutadevata, the personified knowledge embodied in of sacred Jain scriptures preached by the Jinas and the Kevalins (Vyakhya-Prajnapti-11.11.430 and Paumachariya-3.59)2. The dvadashanga –the twelve anga-text are described as the different limbs of the Shrutadevata while the fourteen purva texts are said to be her ornaments.3 Sarasvati is invoked for dispelling the darkness of ignorance, for removing the infatuation caused by the jnanavarniya karma (i.e. the karma matter covering right knowledge) and also for destroying miseries.
Sarasvati as the bestower of knowledge and purity has been endowed with symbols like swan (as mount), manuscript, rosary, varada-mudra and water-vessel (in hand), which do represent her distinctive character. Subsequently by the end of ninth century, she also became the presiding goddess of music and hence provided with Vina (lute) in hands and peacock as mount. The popularity of worship of Sarasvati in Jainism is established on the testimony of literary references in the Vyakhya-prajnapti (c. 2nd-3rd century A.D.), the Paksika-sutra of Shivasharma (c. 5th century A.D.), the Dvadasharanyachakravritti of Simha suri Kshamashramana (c. CE 675), the Panchashaka of Haribhardra suri (c. CE 775), the Samsaradavanala-stotra (also of Haribhadra suri), the Mahanishitha-sutra ( c. 9th century A.D.) and the Sharada-stotra of Bhappabhatti suri (c. 3rd quarter of the 8th century A.D.) and also by the archaeological evidence of the famous image of Sarasvati from Mathura belonging to the Kushana period (CE 132)4. The popularity of her worship can also be understood from the large number of Sarasvati figures placed at different parts of Jain temples particularly in western India. A special festival held in the honour of Sarasvati is called Jnana-panchami in the Svetambara tradition and Shruta-panchami in the Digambara tradition.5 Besides this festival, special penance like the Shrutadevata-tapas and Shruta-skandha and Shrutajnana-vratas are also observed by the Jains.6
The worship of Sarasvati was far more popular with the Svetambaras which is why, her images at the famous Digambara Jain sites like Badami, Aihole, Ellora, etc. are absent. Sarasvati at some stage in pre-medieval period began to be invoked by the Svetambaras as a power. The pursuit of supernatural powers and the development of rites to attain them had acquired strong tantric colours by medieval period and as a natural corollary, the hymns addressed to a number of Jain goddesses, including Sarasvati, often were composed after the tantric mode.
Indian Journal of Archaeology
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The Jains, particularly the monks friars and pontiffs such as Bappabhatti suri, Hemachandra, Mallisena, Mallavadi suri (II), Narachandra suri, are reported in the medieval literature to have acquired Sarasvat-power from Sarasvati, the medieval works being the Prabhavaka-charita of Prabhachandracharya (c. CE 1250), the Prabandhachinatamani of Merutungacharya (c. CE 1305-06), the Prabandhakosha of Rajashekhara suri (c. CE 1328-49) and the Kumarapalacharita of Jinamandana (c. CE 1435-36). The reason for such pursuit was not only to become a poet (kavi) of unequal merit and invincible dialectician (vadi)7 but also to obtain certain supernatural powers. There are references which distinctly reveal that the Jain Acaryas and poets sought to acquire the Sarasvata-mantra, a magic formula for obtaining mastery over speech. Hemachandra himself in his manual of poetics, the Alankarachudamani, admits unreservedly his faith in such means.8 The Jain works also make frequent reference to the journey of Hemachandra and other Jain Acharyas to Brahmidesha i.e. Kashmir for winning the favour of goddess Brahmi in order to overcome all their rivals in disputations (vada).9
The Prabandha-kavyas invariably refer to a story wherein Bappabhatti suri is said to have invoked Sarasvati for winning over a Buddhist deflection Vardhanakunjara at the court of Amaraja in Gopagiri.10 The Prabhavakacharita mentions that the vada between Bappabhatti and Varadhanakunjara continued for six months without any result. Bappabhatti thereupon invoked Giradevi i.e. Sarasvati in the mid night by the mantra given by his guru. The mantra was so forceful that Sarasvati forgot even to drape herself while appearing before Bappabhatti (anavrittashariram). Bappabbhatti then composed a stotra of 14 verses in praise of Sarasvati, and the goddess, after being pleased with the hymn disclosed that his rival Vardhankunjara was her great adorer for the last seven bhavas (births) and consequently obtained from her akshayavacana -gutika which enabled him at unstopping and flawless speech and hence made him aparajeya (unconquerable). On request Sarasvai also suggested Bappabhatti to win over Vardhanakunjara. That was by asking him, along-with other vadis present, to gurgle with water (mukhashauca) and while he would do so, the akshayavacana-gutika will drop out of his mouth by the grace of the goddess, where after Bappabhatti could easily defeat him in the vada. We further find that Bappabhatti acted accordingly and was able to defeat his rival and become vadi-kunjara-kesari, the lion for the elephants who are disputants.11 This anecdote distinctly gives an idea as to the power achieved by the invocation of Sarsavati. The akshayavacana-gutika of the story symbolizes the personified vani itself. Before disappearing, Sarasvati also asked Bappabhatti that he would neither recite before anybody nor even put the 14 stotras into writing because they are so forceful that the moment they are recited she would be compelled to appear in person before the sadhaka which cause great inconvenience to her.12 The Prabandhakosha also refers to this story without any change, except that Sarasvati is not shown as coming undraped.13
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Hemachandra (c. mid 12th century A.D.) was also blessed with Sarasvata-power along-with other magical powers.14 The Prabhavaka-charita mentions that Chaulukya king Jayasimha requested Hemachandra to prepare a new grammar on the model of the grammar of Paramara king Bhoja of Ujjain. Hemachandra then asked for eight ancient grammars which were to be found only in the library of the Sarasvati temple in Kashmir. Jayasimha at once sent his officials to Kashmir for bringing the manuscripts. Sarasvati pleased with the psalms of her praise by the officials appeared and ordered the librarian to send the desired manuscript to her favourite devotee, Hemachandra. On completion of the new grammar by Hemachandra, its 20 copies were sent to Kashmir which was accepted by Sarasvati herself for the library of her temple.15 The Prabandhakosha gives another story, according to which Hemachandra once invoked Sarasvati on the bank of river Sarasvati for knowing the previous existence (purvabhava) of Kumarapala Chaulukya. After three days dhyana Sarasvati (vidyadevi) appeared and told Hemachandra as to the purvabhavas of Kumarapala.16
Mallisena suri (c. CE 1047), the author of Bhairava-Padmavati-Kalpa and Bharati-Kalpa (wrongly called Sarasvati-mantra-kalpa), was also blessed with Sarasvata-power.17 From the various titles mentioned for him in his works we gather that he was not only a great mantric but also a great poet of Sanskrit and Prakrita, a grammarian, a dialectician and also well versed in all the sacred scriptures and was favoured by Sarasvati with a boon (Sarasvatilabdhavaroprasadah).18 Another reference pertains to Balachandra suri, author of the Vasantavilasha (c. early 13th century A.D.) who was well known as Siddhasarasvata i.e. one who has successfully practiced the sadhana of Sarasvati. He is described to have realized the form of Shri Sharada in a yogic trance.19
The Prabhavaka-charita and the Prabandhachintamani refer to Mallavadi suri of the court of Shiladitya20 who favoured with a logical treatise nayachakra by Sarasvati. She also descended into his throat in a vada with Buddhists to silence them.21 Mallavadi was able to please Sarasvati with his excellent memory alone. According to the anecdote, on one occasion, Sarasvati, roaming in the sky, asked him while he was engrossed in her worship ‘what things are sweet’ (kemistha)? He answered ‘grains of wheat’ (valla). Again after the laps of six months, the goddess returned at the same time asking him ‘with what’ (keneti). Malla then remembered the former dialogue and answered ‘molasses and ghee’ (guda ghrieneti). The answer apparently pleased Sarasvati and she blessed him with the desired boon [22]. According to the Prabhavaka-charita, Sarasvati blessed Mallavadi with the power to grasp the complete meaning of the shastra only by a single verse.23
One other story pertains to Vriddhavadi suri (c. 4th century A.D.) who is so called because he cultivated learning at a late age. Once he invoked Sarasvati in a Jinalaya (temple of Tirthankara) and observed fast for 21 days. Sarasvati pleased with his austerities appeared and favoured him with a boon of becoming the master of all vidyas (sarvavidyasiddha).24 After having the blessings of Sarasvati
Indian Journal of Archaeology
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Vriddavadi by his mantric power demonstrated the shower of flowers on a pestal (mushala) and hence become famous as Prajnamushala. The Prabhavaka-charita explains that he prayed Sarasvati to bless him with such powers.25 The Prabandha-kosha also calls him apratimalla-vadi upon whom on the that account, his preceptor Skandiacharya bestowed the status of an Acharya.26
The Prabandha-kosha also refers to an interesting story in its Harihara-Prabandha which bears testimony to Sarasvata power. The story pertains how a poet Someshvara from Gujarat was humiliated by a Gauda poet Harihara in the assembly of Vastupala. Once Someshvara composed a stotra of 108 verses and recited it before Vastupala and Harihara. Harihara, on hearing the stotra remarked that it is not an original composition and is just the copy of the work of Bhojadeva, he had seen in the cellar of Sarasvati-Kanthabharana-Prasada. To prove this he at once repeated the entire stotra verbatim. After Sometime, Harihara himself disclosed to the Vastupala that he had mastered the Sarasvata-mantra and was thus blessed with a tremendous memory by which he could remember 108 verses, Shatapadakavya and many more things. Just by listening to their recitation once he could reproduce them verbatim.27
The Prabandha-kosha in its Vastupala-prabandha also cites an example wherein Narachandra suri makes a prediction as to the death of Vastupala in V.S. 1298 ( CE 1241).28 Vastupala commented that his prediction regarding his death cannot go wrong in as much as he is Sarasvati siddhisampanna.29
The dhyanamantras of Sarasvati both in the Svetambara and Digambara tradition, reveal the tantric mode of her worship, wherein she is invariably conceived with two, four and even more arms and with differing attributes. The vahana of Sarasvati in the Svetambara tradition is swan, while in Digambara tradition she rides a peacock. The first tantric expression of the worship of Sarasvati is found in the Sharadastotra of Bappabhatti suri who is also invoked as Shrutadevata with Rishabhanatha and Munisuvrata in his Charturvimshatika.30 The later tantric Jain works such as the Bharati-Kalpa by Mallisena and the enlarged version of the Sarasvati-Kalpa attributed, though wrongly, to Bappabhatti (c. 10th -11th century A.D., the Sidhhasarasvat-stava (misread as of Sadhvi Shivarya but in reality the composition of Hemachandra suri) and Sharadastavana by Jinaprabha suri (c. 14th century A.D.) enjoin her worship in all the tantric rites such as the Shantika, Paushtika, Stambhana,31 Marana, Ucatana etc. The various tantric modes included her sakalikarana, archna, yantravidhi, pithasthapana, saubhagyaraksha and vashya-mantras along-with different rites to be performed. Apart from the propitiatory rites, the gruesome rites were also accepted and the terrific form of Sarasvati was also visualized from about the 10th -11th century A.D. The Bharati-Kalpa of Mallisena, the Sarasvati-kalpa of Arhaddasa, Sarasvatayantra-puja of Shubhachandra (c.10th century A.D.) and Jinasamhita of Ekasamdhi enunciate the goddess in horrible form with three eyes and crescent in her jata and also making terrifying sounds (humkaranada).32 These features bear testimony to her closeness with Shiva. Bappabhatti, in his
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Sarasvati-Kalpa invokes the goddess under the name Gauri.33 It may be noted in passing that the Sutasamhita of the Skanda-Purana (c. 13th century A.D.), likewise describes Sarasvati with three eyes and having jata-mukuta with crescent.34 A few later Jain works visualizing Sarasvati with goad and noose in her two hands further reveal her power aspect.35 However, she is also addressed by various such names as Kali, Kapalini, Kauli, Vijna, Trilochana, Raudri, Khadgini, Kamarupini, Nitya, Tripurasundari, Chandrashekhari, Shulini, Chamunda, Humkara, Bhairavi and so forth which attests to the amalgamation purely of tantric features in her worship.3 6
According to Vidyanushasana (c. 15th century A.D.) Vagishari should be worshipped in a form with sharp bare fangs and protruding tongue, three eyes and terrific appearance. Her worship in this form with Khadga-manta results in removing all mishaps.37 The Acharadinakara of Vardnaman suri (c. CE 1412) includes Sarasvati in the list of 64 yogins as well.38
The Sarasvati-Kalpa, the Bharati-Kalpa and the Sarasvata-Yantra-puja, however, speak of different yantras or magical diagrams for the sadhana of Sarasvati.39 The Saravata-yantras sometime give interesting information on the parivara of Sarasvati as well. The yantra-puja envisaged in the Sarasvati-kalpa of Bappabhatti suri mentions Moha, Nanda, Bhadra, Jaya, Vijaya, Aparajita, Jambha, Stambha, the Sixteen Vidyadevis (Rohini, Prajnapti etc), the eight Dikpalas, Ashtamatrikas40 and the Ashta-Bhairvas to be wroshipped in the mandala or yantra of Sarasvati.41 Bappabhatti and Mallisena in their respective Sarasvati-yantra-puja-vidhi refer to the formation of several diagrams to be made on the lotuses with eight, twelve, sixteen, sixty-four, 108 and 1000 petals, various tantric rites and rituals to be performed in the homakunda (sacrificial alter) and the recitation of mantras for 10000, 12000, 100000 and for even more times.42 All these tantric rites have been described as Siddhasarasvata-bija in the Sarasvati-kalpa.
The iconographic of study of Sarasvati images reveals that the spirit of tantra was never so overt in Jain sculpture43 as has been the case with Buddhists and Brahminic icons known form places like Ellora (Maharashtra), Nalanda (Bihar), Kurkihar (Bihar), Gurgi (Rewa, MP), Hinglajgarh (Mandsore, MP), Lokhari (Banda, U.P.), Malhar (Bilaspur, MP), Bhubaneshwar (Orissa), Bheraghat (Tripuri, MP) etc. Sarasvati, even when she came under the fold of tantric worship in Jainism during the medieval time, had her image hardly bearing any tantric shade. In Jain sculptures she usually is represented with benign appearance with only a few exceptions showing her as ‘Power’ especially of music and fine arts.
Jain Sarasvati has also some bearing of Vaidik-Pauranic Sarasvati who is conceived as consort both of Brahma and Vishnu. This closeness can be established on account of their common attributes, like pustaka, vina, akshamala, kamandalu, shruk, ankusha and pasha. The Achardinakara, however
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envisaged the same sets of symbols for Shrutadevata and Brahmani. The four armed Brahmani here is visualized like Sarasvati as riding on hamsa (swan) and holding vina, pustaka, padma and akshamala.44 The rendering of sruk with Sarasvati although never prescribed by any Jain text is noticed in good number of Jain Sarasvati figures which happens to be an invariant features of Brahma. 45
The early Jain works conceive Sarasvati only with two hands and as holding either a book and a lotus or a water-vessel and a rosary, and riding a swan.46 The Sarasvati-yantra-puja of Shubhachandra, however describes the two armed mayuravahini with three eyes and holding a rosary and a book.47 The four armed Sarasvati appears to have enjoyed the highest veneration among both the Svetambara and the Digambara sects. The four-armed goddess in both the sects bears almost identical attributes, except for the vahana. The Svetambara works invariably conceived her with the varada-mudra, a lotus. a manuscripts and a rosary.48 The Sarasavati-kalpa, however, gives two sets of symbols for four-armed Sarasvati; the first showing her with the abhaya-mudra, the varada-mudra, pustaka and a lotus, while in other the abhaya and the varada-mudra have been replaced by a vina and a rosary.49 The Bharati-kalpa renders the dhyana of the goddess showing abhaya-mudra, jnana-mudra, rosary and manuscript.50 It was only sometimes after the 9th century A.D. that Shrutadevta became the goddess of music as well and was consequently provided with a vina replacing the varada-mudra.51 The Jinendrakalyanabhyudaya refers to Sarasvati as holding a pasha in place of vina.52 According to Nirvanakalika of Padalipta suri (III) (c. 900 A.D.), Sarasvati bears a book, a rosary, a lotus, the varada-mudra and various other symbols in her numerous hands.53
The earliest representation of Sarasvati (Fig. 01) is known from Mathura (132 A.D.)54. The image now preserved in State Museum, Lucknow (Acc. No. J. 24), is inscribed and mentions the date and name of Sarasvati on the pedestal. The two-armed goddess squats on a rectangular pedestal, holds a manuscript in her left hand, while her mutilated hand was showing the abhayaksha. The hamsa-vahana is not carved in the present instance. Deogarh (Lalitpur, U.P.) a prolific Digambara Jain site has yielded a number of independent figures of Sarasvati, datable between c. 9th to 12th century A.D. Sarasvati in Deograh, riding either a swan or a peacock, is represented either with two or four arms. The rendering of Sarasvati twice in the group of 24 yakshis in particularly interesting. These figures carved on the façade of the temple no. 12 (862 A.D.) at Deogarh, represent her as the yakshi respectively of Jina Abhinandana and Jina Suparshvanatha with the labeling “Bhagavati Sarasvati” and ‘Mayuravahini (ni)’.55
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Fig 01: The earliest representation of Sarasvati
A figure of Sarasvati from Deogarh, carved on the exterior wall of temple No. 1 (now in the modern temples of Jain Dharmashala, late 11th century A.D.), shows the goddess in the tritirthi image (Fig. 02), wherein Sarasvati is depicted with two Jins standing on same pedestal. Sarasvati, occupying the left extremely of the tritirthi, is shown equal in size to the Jina figures, which may however be interpreted that as Shrutadevata, personifying Jina-vani, she is given a status as honourable as that of the Jinas. The four-armed goddess, standing in tribhanga-posture with peacock mount, shows the varada-mudra, a rosary, a lotus and a manuscript. She also finds representation on different door-lintels (temple no. 12) with Cakreshvari, Rohini, Ambika and Lakshmi.
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Fig 02: A figure of Sarasvati shown in the Tritirthi image, found in Deogarh
The two-armed Sarasvati in Deogarh usually bears the abhaya-mudra and a manuscript (temple no. 16). The four-armed figures, either wearing a dhammila or a jata-juta, shows the varada-mudra, the vyakhyana-cum-rosary, a long-stalked louts and a manuscript.56 In one instance (temple no. 19, Fig. 03), Sarasvati is accompanied by fly-whisk bearers, tiny Jina figures and also the Jain Acharyas, holding a manuscripts, the vyakhyana-mudra and a mayurapichika, which is the manifestation of her being the goddess of Jina-vani or agamic literature. A few instances carved mainly on the door-lintels, shows her with a vina and a water-vessel, sometimes the latter being replaced by a conch.57
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Fig 03: Sarasvati in Vyakhyaana Mudra
Khajuraho, a Digambara Jain site (Chhatarpur district of Madhya Pradesh), has yielded eight figures of Sarasvati wherein she, except for one instance58 is always four-armed.59 The figures, datable between c. 950-1100 A.D., depict her in lalita-mudra and as holding a manuscript, a vina (either in one or two hands), a lotus (usually in two hands) and also the varada-mudra (or a water-vessel or a rosary). However, the vahana swan is carved only in one instance on the northern adhisthana of the Parshvanatha temple (c. 950-70 A.D., Fig. 04). The six-armed Sarasvati on the southern adhisthana of the same temple, shows a lotus and manuscript in upper pair of hands, while the middle pair of hands are engaged in playing on vina. The remaining two hands, however, show the varada-mudra and a water-vessel. The presence of female chanvara-bearers, adorers, hovering maladharas and above all, small Jina figure overhead, signify that she was accorded a favoured position at the site.
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Fig 04: Sarasvati on her vahana swan
Belonging as they do to Digambara tradition, a few sculptures from different places in Karnataka have some indications as to the power aspect of Sarasvati. Three such examples, datable to 11th-12th century A.D., are known from the Panchakuta-basti, Humcha (Shimoga district, Fig. 05), Shantinatha-basti, Jinanathapura and Adinatha temple, Halebid (Hassan) all in Karnataka.60 Sarasvati, seated in dhyana-mudra without vahana, in all cases shows abhayaksha, goad, noose and manuscript. The face although much mutilated, has at least some suggestions of power through large open eyes, open lips and even somewhat swollen nose.
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Fig 05: Sarasvati seated in dhyana-mudra without vahana
The Svetambaras Jain temples in western India have yielded a large number of figures of Sarasvati coming as they do mainly from Osian, Kumbhariya, Mt. Abu and Taranga. The figures on the Mahavira temple at Osian (Jodhpur, Rajshthan) (close of eighth century A.D.) show the goddess both with two and four arms and riding either a peacock or a swan. The two-armed goddess holds a lotus and manuscript, while the four-armed goddess (mukhamandapa on west) shows a shruk, a lotus, a lotus and a manuscript. The figure of five Jain devakulikas at Osian (c. 10th-11th century A.D.) invariably show the four-armed goddess riding a swan and as holding a manuscript and lotus in two hands, and the remaining two showing the abhaya-mudra and a water-vessel or the varadaksha and a book.
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The figures from the Vimala-Vasahi (latter half of 12th century A.D.) and the Luna-Vasahi (13th century A.D.), Mt. Abu, Rajasthan and the Ajitanatha temple at Taranga (Mehesana, Gujarat, 12th century A.D.) are particularly interesting since they exhibit the goddess with two, four, six, eight and even 16 arms, thus distinctly suggesting her power aspect by way of increase in number of hands. Besides the usual four-armed figures of Sarasvati with swan as mount and the varada (or the abhaya-mudra), a lotus, a manuscript (sometimes shruk or vina replacing lotus or manuscript) and a fruit (or a water-vessel) in hands, Vimala-Vasahi has two other such figures which deserve our attention. In one case, carved in the southern bay ceiling, Sarasvati (Fig. 06) seated in lalitasana on a bhadrapitha and holding varadaksha, a spiral lotus, a manuscript and a water- vessel, is accompanied by two male figures, standing close to her with folded hands. These figures bear inscriptions, according to which the bearded figure to her right is sutradhara Loyana while the figure to left with a measuring-rod is sutradhara Kela. The first seems to be the chief architect of the rangamandapa, while the other was possibly the chief sculptor.61 The present figure apparently suggests that Sarasvati here has been visualized as the goddess of fine-arts, which also may be taken to be a step ahead towards the manifestation of her power aspect. The figures of 16 armed goddess (Fig. 07) carved in a bhramika-ceiling, depicts here as sitting on bhadrasana in lalita-pose with swan and holding the varada-mudra, a conch (suggesting her Vaishnavite character), small stick (possibly measuring rod in two hands), a chain (in uppermost pair of hands) a vina (in two hands), a noose, the kartari-mudra, an indistinct object, a goad, the abhayaksha, a fruit, a manuscript and a water-vessel. The goddess is joined by six-armed dancing male figure on each side, thus suggesting her command over musical power.
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Fig 06: Sarasvati seated in lalitasana on a bhadrapitha and holding varadaksha
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Fig 07: The 16 armed goddess sitting on bhadrasana in lalita-pose with swan
The figures in Luna-Vasahi show the goddess with four and six hands and riding a swan. An interesting point in this regard is the collective rendering of eight Sarasvati on each of the four pillars of the navachauki close to rangamandopa. The four-armed Sarasvati in these instances shows the varada-mudra (or varadaksha), a long-stalked lotus (or manuscript), manuscript (or vina) and water-vessel. There are two examples wherein Sarasvati possesses six hands. These figures are carved in the bhramika-ceiling of devakulika no. 11 and in the ceiling close to the rangamandapa on north. Accompanied by a swan, she in latter case bears the abhayaksha, a double petalled lotus (in two hands), a water-vessel and the jnana-mudra (with the middle pair of hands). The other instance again revealing her musical-power shows her as holding cymbals in middle pair of hand with a vina in the upper left. The remaining three hands, as usual, show the varadaksha, a spiral lotus and a manuscript.62
The most exquisite of all the known figure of Sarasvati are the two images from Pallu (Bikaner, Rajasthan). Of the two identical figures, one is in the National Museum, New Delhi (Acc. No. 1/6/278,
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Fig. 08), while the other is in the Ganga Golden Jubilee Museum, Bikaner (Acc. No. 203). These figures belonging to c. mid 11th CE, show the four-armed goddess as standing in tribhanga-posture on a lotus pedestal with a small figure of swan. The goddess, benign in appearance, is bedecked with beautifully carved ornaments and karanda-mukuta. The whole composition is endowed with divine grace and aesthetic qualities. She shows the varadhaksha, a full blown lotus, a manuscript and a water-vessel. The goddess is accompanied by two female figures playing on vina, topped by another two figures playing on flute, thus revealing her musical-power. What is particularly interesting about the image in the Ganga Golden Jubilee Museum (Fig. 09), Bikaner is the beautiful prabhatorana,63 containing the two-armed figures of 16 Maha-vidyas. Some of them may be identified with Apratichakra, Vajrankusa, Kali, Rohini and Prajnapti. The figures on the prabha-torana, possibly suggest that Sarasvati here has been conceived as the Superintending goddess of all the Great-Powers (Mahavidyas).64
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Fig 08: Sarasvati
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Fig 09: Sarasvati
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Another beautiful image of Sarasvati in marble (Fig. 10) is preserved in Modern Jain Temple at Ladnun (Nagaur, Rajasthan). The image inscribed in V.S. 1219 (1162 A.D.) gives the name of Sarasvati and refers to its carving at the instance of Shresthi’s (trader) wife Asha Deva. Sarasvati with a tiny seated Jina figure atop stands in tribhanga and wears tastefully chiselled karanda-mukuta, long vanamala hanging down to the knees and other ornaments, which make her sarvabharanabhushita. Sarasvati like Pallu images bears (clockwise) varadaksha, spiral lotus, manuscript and water-vessel in her four hands. The swan mount also is likewise shown in miniature form in the midst of beautifully delineated rolled lotuses on the pedestal exhibiting at its extremities male-female devotee (probably donors) with folded hands. Sarasvati also being the presiding goddess of music is joined by the figures of two female musicians playing on flute and vina along-with two flywhisk bearing female attendants. The beautiful oval face with benign smile and supple body emanates divine beauty and grace.
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Fig 10: Sarasvati
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The present study thus reveals that the worship and rendering of Sarasvati in Jain tradition and art, popular from the Kushana period through the centuries, evolved from being the goddess of wisdom to the presiding goddess of music and fine arts. She has been invoked mainly as benevolent goddess granting Sarasvata-power (power of knowledge) to the worshippers but in tantric invocation she has also been conceived in gruesome form with attributes like goad, noose and having such appellation as Kali, Kapalini, Kauli, Trilochana, Khadgini and Shulini.
Owing to the fact that Sarasvati in Jain context was visualized as personification of the preaching’s of the Jinas (Jina-Vani), she was provided not only with manuscript (symbols of Jinas preaching’s) but was also given a status equal to the Jinas, as it evident from an image of Sarasvati from Deogarh depicting her with Jinas on the same pedestal and in same composition and size.
References:-
1. She is variously called Shrutadevta, Sharada, Bharati, Vak, Vakdevata, Vagishvari, Vani, Vagvadini and Brahmi.
2. Vyakhya-prajnapti -11.11.430, Paumachariya-3.59
Jinapatiprathitakhilavangmayi Ganadharananmandapanartaki/ Chaturvimshatika (of Bappabhatti suri; appendix A- Sharada-stotra-3 (Ed. H.R Kapadia and Hiralal Jain, Bombay, 1926, p. 181).
3. …dvadsangashrutadevadhidevate Sarasvatyai Svaha –Nirvankalika, p.17, see U.P. Shah, ‘Iconography of Jain Goddess Sarasvati’, Jour University of Bombay, Vol. X (New series), P. II, Sept. 1941, p. 196.
4. Recent researches demonstrate that the Shaka era (CE 78) had started form the 1st Year of Kshatrapa Nahapana and has no relationship with the Kushana era. The Kushana era apparently began c. CE 105 as ascertained by Prof. A.K. Narain.
5. The Jnana-panchami falls on the fifty day of the bright fortnight of the month of Karttika while the shruta-panchami is the fifth day of the bright half of Jyestha.
6. U.P. Shah. Op.cit., p.196
7. Chaturvimashatika (of Bappabhatti suri) Appendix A-Sharada Stotra-11.; Amarshatanatanghih Kamadhenuh Kavinam- As quoted in Jain-Stotra-sandoha, Vol- I, Ed. Amarvijaya Muni, Ahmedabad, 1932, p. 346.
8. Alamkarachudamani I.4. (as quoted by G. Buhler in his ‘The Life of Hemachandracharya’ (Tr. By Manilal Patel), Singhi Jain Series-11, Shantiniketan, 1936, p. 10)
9. G. Buhler, Op-Cit., p. 10
10. Prabhavakacharita of Prabhachandracharya, (Ed. Jinavijaya Muni, Singhi Jains Granthmala-13, Ahamedabad- Calcutta, 1940), 11-Bappabhatti Suricharita; Prabandhakosha of Rajashekhara suri (Ed. Jinavijaya Muni, 1st Part, Singhi Jain Series-6, Shantiniketan 1935) a- Bappabhatti suri Prabandha.
11. Prabhavaka charita-11: Bappabhatti Suricharita-419-442
12. Chaturdasham punarvrittam na prakashyam kadapi hi/
Yatastatra shrute sakshad bhavitavyam maya dhruvam//
Bappabhattisuricharita-435-6; Prabhavaka-charita-11.
13. Prabandhakosha – 9; Bappabhattisuri-prabandha.
14. G. Buhler., Op.cit., p. 54
15. Ibid, pp. 15-16
16. Prabandhakosha- 10 Hemasuriprabhadha.
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17. Bhairava-Padmavati-kalpa, Appendix 11: Sarasvatimantra-kalpa (actually Bharati-kalpa),verse 3. (Ed. K. V Abhyankara, Gujarati trans. Sarabhai Manilal Nawab, Ahmedabad, 1937, p. 61)
18. Mohanlal Bhagwandas Jhaveri, Comparative and critical study of Mantrashastra, Ahmedabad, 1944, p. 300
19. Gaekwad Oriental Series, Vol. VIII, p. 5, Also Bhattacharya, Kanailal, Sarasvati (A Study on her Concept and Iconography), Calcutta, 1983, p. 109.
20. The name of the contemporary king, however, is anachronistic.
21. Prabandhachintamani (Eng. Trans. C.H. Tawney, Delhi, 1982, pp. 171-172)-Panchama-prakasha: 11 Prakirnaka-Prabhandha: Mallavadiprabandha (Ed. Jinavijaya Muni, Pt. I, Singhi Jain Series-I, Shantiniketan, 1933, p.107).
22. Prabhavaka-charita: 10 Mallavadisuricharita 22-35; Prabandhachintamani-Tawneys, trans., pp. 171-172.
23. Shlokenaikena shastrasya sarvamartham grahisyasi/
Mallavadisuricharita- verse 33; Prabhavakar-charita: 10.
24. Prabandhakosha: Vriddhavadi-Siddhasenaprabhandha, p. 15.
25. Prabhanvaka-charita: 8 Vriddhavadisuricharita, verse 30-31.
26. Prabandha-kosha: Vriddhavadi-Siddhasena-prabandha, p. 15.
27. Prabandhakosha: 12 Hariharaprabandha, pp. 59-60.
28. Actully the death occurred in CE 1239.
29. ………..1298 Varshe svargaroho bhavishyati/
tesham ca vacamsi na calanti Gihsiddisampannavat/
Prabandh-kosha: 24 Vastupalprabhadh, p. 128.
30. Chaturvimshatika, 4.1, 76.19, 80.20.
31. Stambhana is defensive magical bower for making the evil spirit motionless.
32. Abhayajnanamudrakshamalapustakadharini/
trinetra patu mam veni jatabalendumandita//
Bharati kalpa, verse 2
Chandraprabham nilagalaprayanam/
Trinetramyam svagunapratushtam//
Sarasvatamantra-puja (As quoted by U.P. Shah in ‘Iconography of Sarasvati’, p. 201, fn. 29, also his p. 211. fn. 71)
33. Sarasvati-kalpa, verse 6: As Appendix 12 of Bhairava-Padmavati-Kalpa.
34. T.A. Gopinatha Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, Pt. II, Delhi, 1971 (Reprint), P. 378.
35. The goad and noose, principal attributes respectively of Indra and Varuna (also of Yama), are suggestive of power since these are among the main attributes held by various Tantric deities in gruesome form. Sarasvati through these attributes perhaps control the evil spirits of ignorance.
36. Shri Sarasvatistotra (of unknown author), Publ. in Jain-stotra-sandoha, Vol. I, 107, pp. 345-46
37. As quoted by U.P. Shah in his article on ‘Supernatural Beings in the Jain Tantras’, Acharya Dhruva Commemoration Vol., Pt. III, Ahmedabad, 1946, p.75
38. Acharadinakara, Pt. II: Pratishthavidhi (Bhagavti mandala), Bombay, 1923, p. 207.
39. U.P. Shah, Iconography of Sarasvati, pp. 211-12.
40. Brahmani, Maheshvari, Kaumari, Varahai, Vaishnavi, Chamunda, Chandika and Mahalakshmi- Sarasvati-kalpa, p. 73.
41. Sarasvati-kalpa: Appendix 12 of Bhairava-Padmavati-Kalpa, pp. 69-76.
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42. The detailed Yantra-Puja is mentioned in the appendices 11 and 12 of Bhairva-Padmavati-Kalpa (of Mallisena), pp. 61-78.
43. Although a few dhyana-mantra of Sarasvati conceive her with three eyes and having crescent in jata but she has never been shown with such features in concrete manifestations.
44. Acharadinakara -I, p.12, II, p. 158, Bombay, 1923.
45. Such figures are in the Parshvanatha temple (eastern façade) at Kumbhariya, (c. 12th century A.D.), Ajitanatha temple at Taranga (c. 12th century A.D.), Vimala-Vasahi at Mt. Abu (ceiling of cell no. 48, c. CE 1150 and Mahavira temple at Jalore, c. 12th century A.D.).
46. The Chaturvimashatika (76.19) and the Sharada-stotra (verse- 1-2, 8) of Bappabhatti suri respectively give two different sets of symbols for Sarasvati who is visualized either holding kamandalu and rosary or pustaka and padma.
47. As quoted by U.P. Shah, ‘ Icongoraphy of Sarasvati’, p. 201, fn. 29.
48. Nirvanakalika of Padalipata suri (c. CE 900), p. 37. (Ed.) Mohanlal Bhagwandas, Muni Shri Mohanlal Jain Granthamala- 5, Bombay, 1926.
49. Sarasvati-kalpa, verse 6 and 11.
50. Bharati-kalpa, verse 2
51. Shrisharadastavana (of Jinaprabha suri-c. CE 1263-1333), verse 7: As in Appendix 14 of Bhairava Padmavati-kalpa, p. 81, Also Acharadinakara, supra, fn. 70.
52. Jinendrakalyanabhyudaya folio 98 (As quoted by U.P. Shah, ‘Iconography of Sarasvati’), p. 207, fn 58.
53. As quoted by U.P. Shah, Op. cit. p. 211, fn 70.
54. K.D. Bajpai, ‘Jain Image of Sarasvati in the Lucknow Museum’ Jain Antiquary, Vol. XI, No. 2, Jan. 1946, pp. 1-4; M. N. P. Tiwari and S. S. Sinha, Jain Art and Aesthetics, New Delhi, 2011, p. 131.
55. Bruhn, Kalaus, The Jina Images of Deogarh, Leiden, 1965, pp. 102, 105: The four-aremed mayuravahana yakshi, with Jina Suparshvanatha stands in tribhanga and shows the vyakhyana-mudra, a chamara, padma (typical of Deogarh), a manuscript and a conch; Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari, Jain Pratimavijyana, Varanasi, 1985; Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari and Shanti Swaroop Sinha, Jain Kala-Tirth: Deogarh, Lalitpur, 2012 (third edition), pp. 112-114; Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari and Shanti Swaroop Sinha, Jain Art and Aesthetics, p. 131-132
56. Of the three instance, two are in temple nos. 12 and 19 while the remaining one is near the entrance gate of the enclosure wall.
57. Door-lintels of temple Nos. 5, 12, 13 and the pillar figures of temple nos. 1, 4, 12, 24 & 25; For detail see- Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari and Shanti Swaroop Sinha, Jain Kala-Tirth: Deogarh, pp. 112-114; Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari and Shanti Swaroop Sinha, Jain Art and Aesthetics, p. 131-132
58. Figures on the southern adhishthana of the Parashvanatha temple at Khajuraho.
59. Figures on the façade of the Parshvanatha temple and the door-lintels of different temples; for detail see- Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari, Khajuraho Ka Jain Puratattva, Khajuraho, 1987, pp. 72-74.
60. Another image with the same symbols is preserved in the temple at Tiruparuttikunaram (Tamilnadu).
61. Jayantavijaya Muni, Holy Abu (Eng. Trans, U.P. Shah), Bhavanagar, 1954, p. 55, fn. 2; Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari and Shanti Swaroop Sinha, Jain Art and Aesthetics, p. 133.
62. Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari and Shanti Swaroop Sinha, Jain Art and Aesthetics, p. 133.
63. B.N. Sharma, Jain Images, Delhi, 1979, pp. 15-19: Sharma has opined that the prabha-torana, however, does not originally belong to the Sarasvati image.
64. Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari and Shanti Swaroop Sinha, Jain Art and Aesthetics, p. 133.
CONCEPT OF SARASVATI IN JAINA TRADITION AND ART
700 | P a g e w w w . i j a r c h . o r g

Gaṇeśa 'scribe' is కరణము 'village clerk', कारणिक 'judge, teacher'. The divine scribe: a new interpretation of the Gaṇeśa episode from the Mahābhārata (Bruno Lo Turco, 2018)

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https://tinyurl.com/y8r223xy

At the outset, Bruno Lo Turco should be congratulated for a vividly narrated episode from the  the Mahābhārata related to Gaṇeśa as a lekhaka, 'scribe'. In Bruno's view, 'presence of Gaṇeśa emphasizes precisely the relevance of the technology of writing and its professionals.'

Mahābhārata as constructed in the BORI critical edition by Vishnu S. Sukthankar is a testament of oral transmission of the episodes of the Great Epic as a monument of dharma and bhakti. The text is also an 'inscribed' document in the annals of ancient Bhāratiya literature.

The theatre of activities of Sarasvati Civilization and the locus of action of most of the episodes in the Mahābhārata is Sarasvati River Basin. Vedic texts are also framed on the life-experiences and insights of r̥ṣi-s introspecting on the banks of Sarasvati River and in the Himalayan sacred spaces.

In the course of the decipherment of over 8000 inscriptions of Indus Script documented in three volumes of Epigraphia Indus Script -- Hypertexts and Meanings (2018), it has been underscored that the continuum of the writing tradition is vivid on early punch-marked coins and in sculptural friezes of Sanchi, Bharhut, Sohgaura copper plate inscription. The inscriptions have been presented in Meluhha rebus readings as wealth accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues prepared by artisans and seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civilization.
 


I will present just one episode recorded in the Javanese version of Mahābhārata titled Bhimaswarga. This episode is presented on a sculptural frieze of Candi Sukuh, Java, Indonesia.
The episode is a metallurgical narrative par excellence. The actors shown on this frieze are Bhima as swordsmith, Gaṇeśa in a dance-step and Arjuna as bellows-blower. In my view, the role of Gaṇeśa as a lekhaka, 'scribe' is central on this sculptural frieze narrative and also in the narrative of the written text of Mahābhārata. On the Candi Sukuh narrative dance-step of Gaṇeśa signifies in Meluhha vāc, 'speech'me'dance step' rebus: meḍ'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali), med'copper' (Slavic languages). Thus, the intervention of Gaṇeśa is a semantic expansion that the ongoing metalwork narrated on the frieze relates to iron work. Arjuna is dhamakam. "a blower " , blacksmith (as blowing the forge)' Un2. ii , 35 Sch. Bhima is कर्मार   karmāra smith working at the forge forging a kris sword.

Paralleling this Indus Script inscription of Candi Sukuh is the role of Gaṇeśa as a lekhaka, 'scribe' of the written-down, inscribed Mahābhārata text-- inscribed because the incisions are made using the sharp edge of the tusk of Gaṇeśa. The role of Gaṇeśa in the continuum of Indus Script rebus writing system tradition is elaborated in the following monographs: 

1. Hypertext Gaṇeśa on a pedestal of skulls Hieroglyph kapāla, 'skull' rebus: kapāla, 'dish for पुरोडाश offering'त्रि--धातु m. गणे*श rebus पुरोडाश, 'oblation of Soma, rice ball' https://tinyurl.com/yd8otx6r
2. Gardez Gaṇeśa with Indus Script hypertexts फड 'cobra hood' (फडनीस phaḍanīsa 'scribe' of) karaṇḍa mukuṭa to signify खरडा kharaḍā,'wealth-accounting ledger', करडा karaḍā 'hard alloy of iron' https://tinyurl.com/yd4abfq

3. R̥gveda gaṇa, Varāha & Gaṇeśa associated with temple frescos, from Badami to Afghanistan, Dunhuang (China), Indonesia, Vietnam, Japan in Ancient Far East https://tinyurl.com/y6uf4v3z


On the pratima of Gardez Gaṇeśa the Indus script hypertexts deployed include:

फड phaḍa 'cobrahood' rebus: फड phaḍa, paṭṭaḍe'metals manufactory'
panja 'claw, feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln' of metals manufactory' 
kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'
Gaṇeśa is a dancer in नाचण्याचा फड A nachhouse, a dance-house. His dance-step is me 'dance step' rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali), med 'copper' (Slavic languages).
Gardez Gaṇeśa wears a crown of करंडी   karaṇḍī f (Dim. of करंडा) A little covered basket of bamboo. karaṇḍa'wicker-basket' rebus: करडा karaḍā'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &38' A similar sounding word signifies that Gaṇeśa is a scribe, writer: खरड   kharaḍa f (खरडणें) A hurriedly written or drawn piece; a scrawl; a mere tracing or rude sketch.खरडा   kharaḍā a day-book; a note-book. Thus, Gaṇeśa is keeper of a day-book, wealth-accounting ledger.

As a lekhaka, 'scribe', Gaṇeśa documents the wealth accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues.

The association of Gaṇeśa with metalwork is emphatic and attested by the continuum of Indus Script Cipher.


I submit that the new interpretation of the Gaṇeśa episode by Bruno Lo Turco should be modulated with the interpretations provided by the evidence of Indus Script inscriptions and by the sculptural metaphors of Hindu traditions as divinity of fortune, of wealth. He is also tri-dhātu, 'three minerals'.

Gaṇeśa 'scribe' is कारणिक 'judge, teacher';  కరణము  karaṇamu [Skt.] n. A village clerk, a writer, an accountant.

S.Kalyanaraman

The divine scribe: a new interpretation of the Gaṇeśa episode from the Mahābhārata (Bruno Lo Turco, 2018)

DRAFT

definitive version in: Rivista degli Studi Orientali N.S. 90 (2018) Supplemento 1, Palaeography
Between East & West. Proceedings of the Seminars on Arabic Palaeography at Sapienza University
of Rome, ed. by A. D’Ottone Rambach, pp. 153-178

1. INTRODUCTION

Gaṇeśa seems to be unknown to the Mahābhārata,1 with a single exception: he appears in a wellknown
brief passage that explains the circumstances in which the MBh itself was first written. This
passage is generally considered a late addition, or rather an addition to a passage that is already an
addition, occurring only in Devanāgarī manuscripts.2 That being said, my main concern here is not
the status of this episode in the MBh — whether it is an integral part of the epic or not — but its
significance. The episode, according to Satchidanandan (2009: 6), «raises several unresolved
questions and theoretical puzzles that seek to be heard and responded to». The narrative content can
be synthesized as follows. In the early addition, after composing the Bhārata, Vyāsa ponders on the
way to teach it to his pupils. Aware of Vyāsa’s concern, Brahmā appears to him. Vyāsa tells him
that he has created a poem containing a great heritage of knowledge, even if no scribe (lekhaka) can
be found for it on earth.3 However, Brahmā expresses his approval to Vyāsa. In the supplementary
addition, object of the present essay, Brahmā suggests that Vyāsa think of Gaṇeśa as a scribe and
goes back to his dwelling. Then Vyāsa asks Gaṇeśa to write down the whole epic at his dictation.
Gaṇeśa accepts on one condition: Vyāsa should dictate all the stanzas without interrupting himself.
Vyāsa agrees and imposes, in turn, the condition that Gaṇeśa write down only what he understands.
In order to delay Gaṇeśa, Vyāsa occasionally formulates a difficult verse. While Gaṇeśa tries to
decode it, Vyāsa completes new verses and gains time.

In order to look into the significance of this episode, I will address some general features of the
MBh (§ 2); then I will present the two main characters, Vyāsa (§ 3) and Gaṇeśa (§ 4); later I will
expound the questions posed by the interaction between these two (§ 5); the Sanskrit text of the
passage under consideration and a passage from Rājaśekhara’s Bālabhārata, which clearly refers to
the former, both accompanied by my translation, will follow (§ 6); then I will expound the previous
interpretations of the Gaṇeśa episode (§ 7); furthermore, I will briefly present the subject of orality
and writing (§ 8) and the figure of the scribe in the Brahmanic context (§ 9 ); finally, I will propose
a new interpretation of the Gaṇeśa episode (§ 10), which will be followed by some concluding
considerations (§ 11).

1 Henceforth MBh.
2 In the words of Courtright (1985: 151): «By scholarly consensus the tale is a late interpolation into this important text
that otherwise makes no significant mention of Gaṇeśa in the rest o 2 In the words of Courtright (1985: 151): «By scholarly consensus ft hiets tmalaes issi vae l actoer pinutse»r.p olation into this important text
that otherwise makes no significant mention of Gaṇeśa in the rest of its massive corpus».
3 The passage in which Vyāsa affirms that no scribe can be found for the poem (paraṃ na lekhakaḥ kaścid etasya bhuvi
vidyate), occurs in the following manuscripts listed in Sukthankar, 1933, all in Devanāgarī script: D2, 5, Dn
(manuscripts including the commentary of Nīlakaṇṭha), Dr (manuscripts including the commentary of Ratnagarbha),
K4, 6 (manuscripts belonging to the Kashmiri-Devanāgarī tradition, which tend to show a contamination from the North
Central tradition).

2. THE MAHĀBHĀRATA

According to the MBh itself, Vyāsa originally composed a poem called Bhārata, consisting of
24,000 stanzas. Afterwards, Vyāsa’s pupil Vaiśampāyana, in the presence of Vyāsa, recited the
Bhārata for the Kuru king Janamejaya, descendant of the Pāṇḍavas, on the occasion of the
sarpasattra, the sacrifice of the serpents (MBh, ed. 1.1.8-9; cf. Minkowski, 1989: 402-404).
Vaiśampāyana announced that the Bhārata was a Veda, capable of bringing purification and good
fortune (MBh, ed. 1.56.18-20). Some sūtas, ‘bards’, who according to Hiltebeitel (2001: 169; see
also 105-106) represent «oral tradition», «narrative skill», and perhaps “«a gift for improvisation»,
were present at the recitation and added it to their repertoires. One of these, Ugraśravas, recited a
Bhārata enriched with new materials, called MBh, consisting of 100,000 stanzas, to a secluded
community of Brahmans in the Naimiṣa forest, on their request (MBh, ed. 1.1.19; cf. Minkowski,
1989: 404-405). The poem itself insists on the fact that it was valued, assimilated, and performed by
brāhmaṇas (Fitzgerald, 1985: 132-133). Kumāralāta’s Kalpanāmaṇḍitikā Dṛṣṭāntapaṅkti (2nd-3rd
century A.D.) shows us exactly how some brāhmaṇas were wont to recite the Bhārata, and the
Rāmāyaṇa, to village-chiefs.4 However, the episode of Gaṇeśa, with its reference to the technology
of writing, is independent from the two frame stories of Vaiśampāyana and Ugraśravas.5
The MBh was put in written form during the first centuries of the Christian era, or maybe even a
little earlier, and certainly not later than the 5th century, even if it was based, at least in part, on
traditions of impromptu oral performance that could be much more ancient.6 In any case, the poem
does not mention the fact that it was committed to writing and that it was read, but only that it was
performed and heard (Sullivan, 1999: 11). The only exception is the episode of Gaṇeśa. As a matter
of fact, the very act of writing is hardly mentioned at all in the entire MBh (Malamoud, 2002: 132).
The first scholars devoted to the study of the MBh did not regard it as one book, but as a cluster of
materials (Adarkar, 2008: 305), among which a single original epic core had to be pinpointed.
Nevertheless, the critical edition (see Bibliography) could not disclose such a core (Fitzgerald,
1983: 611-615), so that in more recent times some influential researchers, first and foremost
Hiltebeitel (2001; cf. Fitzgerald, 1985: 126), have maintained that the MBh is a consistent textual
whole with a marked literary nature. Still, there is a general agreement among researchers that some
form of oral tradition preceded the written text (Brockington 1998, 103 ff.), except that Hiltebeitel
would not define this tradition as epic (Hiltebeitel, 2001: 19; cf. Fitzgerald, 2003: 813-814).
Probably the wider oral Bhārata tradition, from which the written MBh had supposedly developed,
did not cease to thrive beside the manuscript tradition (Fitzgerald, 2010: 103). Even more, «the oral
and written texts of the MBh flourished symbiotically, and continue to do so today» (Sullivan,
1999: 13). Pollock (2006: 316) depicts this situation vividly: «If oral compositions could be
literized, literized compositions could also return to oral circulation, and the interplay between oral
and literate composition and transcription could become dizzyingly complex».

Fitzgerald (2010: 108-109) believes that the enterprise of committing the MBh to writing could
have been a Brahmanic response to the Buddhist rule of the Mauryas. The smṛti literature,
especially Purāṇas and itihāsa, epic poetry, represented the main device by means of which the
Brahmanic culture tried to keep up with the proselytism of other cultures, first the Buddhist and the
Jain, then the Islamic (Lo Turco 2013). The reaction against the Mauryas might have come from
northeastern dynasties such as the Śuṅgas (2nd-1st century B.C.), or the Kāṇvas (1st century B.C.-1st
century A.D.), or from a southern dynasty such as the Śātavāhanas (1st century B.C.-2nd century A.D.),
or from the Mahāmeghavāhana kings of Kaliṅga (1st century B.C.). Indeed, considering the size of
the poem, «significant levels of royal or imperial support must have been involved in the production
4 我昔曾聞,有婆迦利人至中天竺,時天竺國王即用彼人為聚落主。時聚落中多諸婆羅門 [brāhmaṇas],有親
近者為聚落主說羅摩延書 [book of the Luomayan],又婆羅他書 [book of the Poluota] 說 [...] T201[280c28]. See
Lévi, 1908: 87; Huber, 1908: 126 (Lévi and Huber still confused Kumāralāta’s work with Aśvaghoṣa’s Sūtrālaṅkāra,

大莊嚴論經; see, e.g., Bronkhorst, 2014: 13).

5 On the nested narrative in the MBh see Minkowski, 1989, which deals with the Vedic ritual structures that might have represented the model for it.

6 For an overview of the state of research on the MBh, see Sullivan, 2016.
and propagation of any written version of the whole text» (Fitzgerald, 2003: 815). A pivotal
question is whether the MBh has been subjected, overtime, to planned additions of detectable strata,
as is claimed by Fitzgerald (1983: 614) and González-Reimann (2002: 205) — according to the
latter of whom, for example, «it is in the later strata of the poem that the yuga theory appears» — or
is essentially a single author’s work with minor interpolations, as is claimed by Hiltebeitel (2001:
26, 28).7

The MBh represents the first text that, while belonging to the Brahmanic ambit, is external to
Vedic knowledge. However, it describes itself as equivalent in value, significance, and effect to the
Vedas, even if, unlike the Vedas, it is formally addressed to all social strata, including women and
śūdras.8 As clarified by Fitzgerald (1983: 614), «the power of its acoustic reality alone, that is, the
power of its merely being recited, is potent, is capable of purifying the effects of one’s evil actions
and promoting one’s material and bodily well-being».

3. VYĀSA

The purāṇic tradition distinguishes twenty-eight Vyāsas. Among them, Kṛṣṇa Dvaipāyana Vyāsa,
who had a miraculous birth from a fisherwoman named Kālī, structured the Vedas in four parts.9
Not for nothing can the name Vyāsa be translated as «Arranger/Divider» (cf. Hiltebeitel, 2001: 8,
fn. 35). Furthermore, he composed the Purāṇas, the Upapurāṇas, the Brahmasūtra, and the Bhārata,
in the latter of which he also appears as a character (cf. Fitzgerald 1985: 131). He kept Dhṛtarāṣṭra
and Duryodhana from taking part in the battle, though he could not dissuade the Kauravas from
taking the field against the Pāṇḍavas. It is on this occasion that Vyāsa decided to record the events
in a poem. Three passages focus on Vyāsa as author: in the first Vaiśampāyana, before his
performance in front of Janamejaya, recounts the birth of Vyāsa (MBh, ed. 1.57); in the second
Ugraśravas reports the presence of Vyāsa at the sarpasattra of Janamejaya (MBh, ed. 1.54); in the
third Vyāsa’s son, Śuka, on the occasion of his own deliverance, celebrates his father (MBh, ed.
12.310-320; see also 12.337). Fitzgerald (2003: 817) claims, however, that these are only a few
peripheral episodes: the body of the work does not seem to refer to Vyāsa as its own author.
Indeed, the «status and authority» of the works attributed to Vyāsa are derived directly from the
status and authority of Vyāsa himself (Sullivan, 1994: 377). And Vyāsa is, to quote Biardeau (1968:
118; cf. Minkowski, 1989: 420), the emblem of «pure brahminhood». Therefore, Vyāsa’s
authorship is generally considered to be symbolic (Hiltebeitel, 2001: 33). Not only did Vyāsa, as a
ṛṣi, propagate the MBh, but also he generated it, as Brahmā did with the four original Vedas (MBh,
ed. 12.335.18-25). The MBh (ed. 1.57.74) regards itself as the fifth Veda, whose creator is exactly
the new ṛṣi Vyāsa. Indeed, he did not compose any ṛgvedic hymn, but is the grandson of the ṛṣi
Parāśara and the great-grandson of the ṛṣi Vasiṣṭha. Consequently, the authority of the epic is built
on «the archaic theme of the Vedic poetic composition proclaimed by a preternaturally insightful
and expressive seer, an ṛṣi» (Fitzgerald, 1985: 129). As such, Vyāsa is a kavi ‘poet’10, dhīmat
‘clever’, parāvarajña ‘knower of the past and the future’, satyavrata ‘devoted to the truth’,
amitabuddhi ‘of boundless intellect’ (MBh, ed. 1.54.5cd, 1.1.55c, 1.56.21d; see Fitzgerald, 1985:
130). Sullivan (1999: 113) notices that there are «extensive correspondences between Vyāsa and
Brahmā, suggesting that the epic poets are evoking Brahmā through the figure of Vyāsa, and are
encouraging us to see Vyāsa as the earthly counterpart of Brahmā». Vyāsa embodies the function of
guru in the same way as Brahmā (Sullivan, 1994: 386). Furthermore, Vyāsa is sometimes
assimilated to an incarnation of Nārāyaṇa, the supreme deity (MBh, ed. 12.334.9, 12.337; cf.
Sullivan, 1994: 378-379).

7 As for the oral or written origin of the MBh, an excellent outline of the issue of can be found in Adarkar, 2008: 305-306, 309.

8 Fitzgerald (1985: 129) specified that in reality the epic was aimed at kings, discussing the appropriate royal conduct in a world that is represented as on the brink of the kaliyuga.
9 He is, therefore, also known as Vedavyāsa.
10 On the relationship between the figure of the ṛṣi and that of the kavi see Lo Turco, 2009.

4. GAṆEŚA

As is well-known, Gaṇeśa, a member of Śiva’s family, and one of the five gods of the pañcāyatana
of the Smārta tradition, is the maker and dissolver of hindrances. He is the guardian at all entrances
and protector of all enterprises. Thus, he is the Lord of Beginnings (Courtright, 1985: 6; Narain,
1991: 19-20). According to Krishan (1981: 289) the god in the «classical form», beyond his main
characteristic, namely the elephant head with a single whole tusk, presents the following
iconographic features: a pot belly, a snake draped around the body as a Brahmanic thread, and four
arms holding a hatchet, a bowl of modakas, a noose, and his broken tusk or, what matters most here,
a «stylus for writing». What is more, it is popularly believed that Gaṇeśa broke off one of his tusks
to use it as a stylus (see, e. g., Hiltebeitel, 1999: 20), although there are other traditional
explanations of his impairment (Rocher, 1991: 78). Gaṇeśa steps into the limelight «in the post-
Epic or early Purāṇic period, around the fifth century A.D.» (Courtright, 1985: 8), and his
autonomous cult appears to be established by the tenth century (Narain 1991: 19). A celebrated
myth, known in different versions, recounts that there was a conflict between Gaṇeśa and his
brother Skanda about who was elder of the two. Their parents, Śiva and Parvatī, proposed that the
one who went around the world three times and came back first would be the winner. While Skanda
left the scene at a sprint, Gaṇeśa limited himself to walking around his parents three times. When
Śiva and Parvatī asked him why he was not taking part in the competition, he replied that his own
parents were the whole world. On his return, Skanda had to acknowledge his brother’s victory.
Hence «Gaṇeśa’s cleverness is often contrasted to the slower wit of his more athletic brother»
(Brown, 1991: 4).

The daily routine of the kavi requires that he, after praising Sarasvatī, patroness of the sciences
and arts, «sacrifices to or honours the God Gaṇeśa who removes obstacles from his way and
promotes the progress of his work» (Lienhard 1984: 14). Bhoi (2005: 82; see also 2010: 87)
reminds us that, at least from the 15th century and in Orissa, «[a]lmost all manuscripts begin with a
salutation to Ganesha or the favourite deity of the scribe».

5. GAṆEŚA AND VYĀSA IN THE MBH

The fact that Gaṇeśa appears only once in the MBh has aroused scholars’ curiosity. One of the first
to address this issue was Winternitz (1898a: 380), according to whom the Gaṇeśa episode «must
have been known to Rājaśēkhara, a poet who wrote a drama on the story of the Pāṇḍavas — the
Bālabhārata or Pracaṇḍapāṇḍava Nāṭaka — ca. 900 A.D.» (his italics). In this drama we find «the
same [Gaṇeśa] legend as told in the Mahābhārata». I have reproduced the passage of Rājaśekhara
under consideration below (§ 6). Unexpectedly, the Gaṇeśa episode is not mentioned or referred to
in the Bhāratamañjarī, another abridgment of the MBh composed by Kṣemendra, who lived in the
11th century.11 Furthermore, according to Winternitz (1898b: 80), «[t]here is nothing in the Southern
recension [of the MBh] that would justify us in assuming that its compiler knew the legend of
Gaṇeśa». Therefore, Winternitz (1898a: 382) concludes that the legend of Gaṇēśa was known already about 900 A.D. […], but […] even in Kṣēmēndra’s time […] it was probably not yet a part of the Mahābhārata. […] It seems to me highly improbable that Kṣēmēndra should have omitted such a characteristic story, if he had found it in his Mahābhārata, especially as he could easily have condensed the whole story into one or two verses. [...] if one and the same passage is omitted by Kṣēmēndra and in the South Indian recension, we are […] more than justified in suspecting it of being an interpolation […]. (his emphases) Coming to the critical edition of the MBh (see Bibliography), its editor-in-chief, Sukthankar (1933: LXXV), proved to be in agreement with Winternitz: «Only a very late interpolation in some inferior
Devanāgarī manuscripts speaks of the text as having been written down by Gaṇēśa to the dictation
of Vyāsa, a fantastic story that we may ignore with an easy conscience». Indeed, as reported by
Rocher (1991: 72), «[t]he twenty-line passage has been relegated not only to an appendix — the
normal procedure for suspect passages — but to a footnote to an appendix». Fitzgerald (1985: 26)
11 The Bhāratamañjarī must have been quite successful, since «Kṣemendra usually refers to himself by the title ‘Vyāsadāsa’, ‘Slave of Vyāsa’» (Warder, 1992: 365).emphasizes the fact that while the critical edition has revealed that a single written prototype is at the base of the entire manuscript tradition, the episode of Gaṇeśa was not part of it.12 However, the episode became widely known and was traditionally regarded as part and parcel of the poem.13 As such, it appears in the ‘vulgate’, namely the text of the MBh as commented on by Nīlakaṇṭha in his celebrated Bhāratabhāvadīpa (ed., pp. 12-13, vv. 1.73bc-83). Another point of consideration is that the story of a Gaṇeśa engaged in writing the MBh is conspicuous by its absence in the Purāṇic literature. There is no sign of it even in the Gaṇeśapurāṇa or the Gaṇeśakhaṇḍa of the Skandapurāṇa (Winternitz, 1998a: 383) or the Mudgalapurāṇa, as far as I can tell.

If the MBh has an initial epic core (see above, § 2), according to what Hiltebeitel (2001: 40)
defines critically as «certain received ideas», then a historical Vyāsa, whatever his real name was,
must have been its author. The title of this core is supposed to be Jaya and its consistency is
allegedly provided in the episode of Gaṇeśa, in which the number of 8800 stanzas is mentioned (cf.,
e.g., Washburn Hopkins, 1898: 6, fn. 1; Venkatachellam Iyer, 1922: 31; Thapar, 2013: 164).
Nonetheless, Hiltebeitel (2001: 41) maintains that in reality Jaya is equivalent to Bhārata and
«there would seem to be no connection between anything called Jaya and the enumeration of eight
thousand eight hundred verses that appears in a late passage describing Gaṇeśa as Vyāsa’s scribe».
Indeed, the MBh never states that Vyāsa composed a Jaya that precedes the Bhārata. It seems that
the figure of 8800 stanzas «more probably refers to the number of obscure verses meant to slow
Gaṇeśa down» (Brockington, 1998: 21). However, such stanzas are untraceable at present. Vaidya
(1960) has examined the alleged granthagranthis or kūṭaślokas — otherwise known as vyāsakūṭas
(Bhattacharya, 1970: 94), or vyāsakaṣṭas, or kāvyakaṣṭas (Raghavan, 1963: 798-799) — ‘enigmatic
stanzas’, of the MBh (in particular those of the Karṇaparvan), on which Vimalabodha’s (12th
century) commentary, known as Viṣamaślokī or Kūṭaślokī, focuses, and concluded that these, far
from being part of the oldest written version of the epic, «are fabricated by ingenious commentators
or interpreters or reciters». In short, these stanzas are late interpolations.

The MBh presents itself as what was thought (mata) by Vyāsa (e.g. MBh, ed. 1.1.23c; cf.
Fitzgerald, 1985: 131) or even seen by him (a ṛṣi, as mentioned above, § 3) with his divine vision
(dṛṣṭvā divyena cakṣuṣā) (MBh, ed. 18.5.33d; cf. Minkowski, 1989: 420). Thus, one question raised
by the episode of Gaṇeśa is: why cannot Vyāsa write the MBh himself? This question implies
another: why does the MBh mention its commitment to writing at all? Indeed, in the context of the
smṛti literature this mention seems a singular circumstance, as noted by Mackenzie Brown (1986:
76). After all, in this literature the verb likh refers to writing only in the literal sense of the word. It
never implies the authorial creation of a work (Doniger, 1993: 95). A second question is: why does
Brahmā suggest that Vyāsa choose Gaṇeśa as the scribe of the poem? Moreover, why does Gaṇeśa
demand that Vyāsa not stop his dictation? A further question: why does Vyāsa request that Gaṇeśa
not write unless he understands the sense of the stanzas? Furthermore, it is initially assumed that
Vyāsa has already composed the poem in his head, before turning to Gaṇeśa; but later it is said that
Vyāsa creates new stanzas while Gaṇeśa is reflecting on the difficult stanzas that Vyāsa has just
dictated. This contradiction, highlighted by Venkatachellam Iyer (1922: 30), requires an explanation
as well.

6. TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS

The Gaṇeśa passage occurs in the following manuscripts: D2-12, Dnl-3, Drl-4, K4, and K6 (as for
K4, the passage is found on sheets of addenda and corrigenda, śodhapattra) (Sukthankar, 1933:
LI). 

12 In spite of the fact that the episode does not occur at all in the southern manuscripts of the MBh, Sullivan (1999: 12) claims that it originated from South India. In addition to that, Mehendale (2001: 193, fn. 3) summarizes the philological aspects of the Gaṇeśa passage as follows: «The passage is found mainly in the Devanāgarī version to an already added passage which occurs, besides the Devanāgarī version, also in some mss. of the Southern recension. It does not occur at all in Śāradā, Nepali, Maithili and Bengali versions of the northern recension».

13 Even al-Bīrūnī reports the episode. See Sachau, 1888: 118.
T1
Ādiparvan, MBh ed., vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 884-885, footnote (insertion after 1.53ab, line 30, of the
constituted text) = vulgate of the MBh 1.1.70-83 (see Bhāratabhāvadīpa, ed.)
brahmovāca | [...]
kāvyasya lekhanārthāya gaṇeśaḥ smaryatāṃ mune |
sautir uvāca |
evam ābhāṣya taṃ brahmā jagāma svaṃ niveśanam ||1||
tataḥ sasmāra herambaṃ vyāsaḥ satyavatīsutaḥ |
smṛtamātro gaṇeśāno bhaktacintitapūrakaḥ ||2||
tatrājagāma vighneśo vedavyāso yataḥ sthitaḥ |
pūjitaś copaviṣṭaś ca vyāsenoktas tadānagha ||3||
lekhako bhāratasyāsya bhava tvaṃ gaṇanāyaka |
mayaiva procyamānasya manasā kalpitasya ca ||4||
śrutvaitat prāha vighneśo yadi me lekhanī kṣaṇam |
likhato nāvatiṣṭheta tadā syāṃ lekhako hy aham ||5||
vyāso ’py uvāca taṃ devam abuddhvā mā likha kvacit |
om ity uktvā gaṇeśo ’pi babhūva kila lekhakaḥ ||6||
granthagranthiṃ tadā cakre munir gūḍhaṃ kutūhalāt |
yasmin pratijñayā prāha munir dvaipāyanas tv idam ||7||
aṣṭau ślokasahasrāṇi aṣṭau ślokaśatāni ca |
ahaṃ vedmi śuko vetti saṃjayo vetti vā na vā ||8||
tac chlokakūṭam adyāpi grathitaṃ sudṛḍhaṃ mune |
bhettuṃ na śakyate ’rthasya gūḍhatvāt praśritasya ca ||9||
sarvajño ’pi gaṇeśo yat kṣaṇam āste vicārayan |
tāvac cakāra vyāso ’pi ślokān anyān bahūn api ||10||
Brahmā said: […]

In order to write the poem, think of Gaṇeśa, O sage!
Sauti14 said:
Having said so, Brahmā went to his dwelling. Then Vyāsa, son of Satyavatī15, thought of Heramba16. Gaṇeśa, as soon as he is thought of, satisfies the devotees’ thought. Vighneśa17 came there, where Vedavyāsa18 was. He was saluted and sat down. Then Vyāsa said: “O faultless Gaṇanāyaka19, be the scribe for this Bhārata, which was composed by me in my mind, while I declaim it”. Hearing that, Vighneśa, said: “If my pen, while I am writing, does not stop even for a moment, then, indeed, I will be the scribe”. Vyāsa also told the god: “If you do not understand, do not write at all”.

Saying in turn “om”, Gaṇeśa became indeed the scribe. Then the sage made a disguised knot in the work out of curiosity, but therein keeping the deal the sage Dvaipāyana20 uttered this [poem]. Eight thousands stanzas and eight hundred stanzas I [Sauti] understand, Śuka21 understands, Sañjaya22 understands or does not. Even now that multitude of stanzas, knotty, well secured, O sage, cannot be broken, because of the secrecy of the hidden meaning. While even the omniscient Gaṇeśa stays examining it for a moment,
Vyāsa made many other stanzas.

In the Bālabhārata, which stages the narrative core of the MBh until Duryodhana’s defeat and
Yudhiṣṭhira’s success, Rājaśekhara also provides us with a reenactment of the Gaṇeśa episode. In
the first viṣkambhaka (interlude) we find Vālmīki in the guise of teacher and Vyāsa in the guise of
pupil on the scene. Vālmīki wants to know how Vyāsa’s new itihāsa, the Bhārata, is going. He
expresses warm approval of it but adds the following (cf. Warder, 1988: 525):
T2 = Bālabhārata ed., p. 5, l. 5
14 Sauti or Ugraśravas. See § 2.
15 Satyavatī or Kālī. See § 3.
16 One of the many names of Gaṇeśa.
17 Another name of Gaṇeśa.
18 See fn. 6.
19 Another name of Gaṇeśa.
20 Epithet of Vyāsa.
21 Vyāsa’s son.
22 A pupil of Vyāsa.
[vālmīkiḥ — …] kiṃ tu śrutam asmābhir yad utātivirase kāvyakaṣṭe ’bhiniviṣṭo ’si |
vyāsaḥ — idam upādhyāyapādebhyo vijñāpyate —
vināyako yaḥ śivayor apatyam ardham pumān ardham ibhaś ca devaḥ |
sa vartate bhāratasaṃhitāyāṃ vṛtas tapobhir mama lekhako ’tra ||20||
tena ca cchalayitum aham upakrāntaḥ — yad uta bāḍham ahaṃ te lipikāraḥ, kiṃ punar yena raṃhasā likheyaṃ tena
yadi [na] saṃdṛbhase tat te vighnaḥ syāt | tato mayāpi praticchalitaḥ — om ity astu | kiṃ punar bhavatā bhāvayatā
likhitavyam iti | ataḥ kāvyakaṣṭe ’bhiniviṣṭo ’smi |
Vālmīki — But we heard that you are intent on the extremely distasteful trouble of poetry.

Vyāsa — This appears from the verses of the preceptors:
«Gaṇeśa, offspring of Śiva and his wife, half man and half elephant, chosen due to my penances, is occupied in the Bhāratasaṃhitā as its scribe». And therefore I have begun to play tricks: “Certainly, I am your scribe; however if you do not compose at the speed at which one has to write, then there will be an obstacle for you”. Then I also played a counter-trick: “Om, be it so. However, write only if you understand!” Hence I am intent on the trouble of poetry. 

7. PREVIOUS INTERPRETATIONS

As for the question of the commitment to writing, Raghavan (1963: 799) believes that the Gaṇeśa
episode originated from popular imagination, which devised this story in order to account for the
granthagranthis, ‘enigmatic stanzas’. Such a hypothesis emphasizes the role of these stanzas. Thus,
the narration of writing of the MBh is useful to explain its flaws. Sullivan (1994: 396, fn. 40; cf.
1999: 113-114) adds the following:

It is noteworthy that putting the composition in written form would not much augment its status and authority. The Hindu text with the most authority and status was of course the Veda, which was not written until comparatively recent times. This passage, in fact, says that writing the MBh was desired to make teaching easier. Fitzgerald (1985: 128) has an opposite view about the episode: he believes that it «acknowledges and sanctions a written version of the MBh — a highly remarkable development in itself for a text ‘sacred’ to Brahmans»; in other words, it «presents a deliberately developed conception of the
fixed, written text of the Mbh as a distinct cultural entity». This perspective gives priority to the commitment to writing and puts the issue of the enigmatic stanzas on the back burner. In the same
vein, Mackenzie Brown (1986: 76) clarifies the value of the written version: The story as a whole strongly suggests that one of the primary reasons for the commitment to writing is to benefit all people. While paying its respect to the high Vedic tradition, the epic makes clear that, unlike the Vedas, it is not the
exclusive prerogative of the priestly class. This well-known social openness or inclusivism of the epic […] seems to be yet another important factor in the development of scripture as a book.

To this we can add that ‘openness’ and ‘inclusivism’ are probably attitudes imposed by the war for
the conquest of the masses. A part of this openness must have been represented precisely by the
appreciation of writing. Probably Brahmanism was progressively compelled to make use of writing:
otherwise it could not have competed with Buddhism and Jainism. Ideally the male members of the
three highest social classes had to approach religious doctrines through śruti, whose nature was
understood as essentially oral, namely the Vedas. Women and members of the labor class (śūdra),
on the other hand, were allowed to approach the same knowledge only through the less authoritative
smṛti (Rocher, 1986: 16; Smith, 1989: 25), which was typically considered — and presented itself
— as made out of granthas or pustakas, that is, books (Mackenzie Brown, 1986: 70 ff.). And, as a
matter of fact, Hindu socio-religious practice generally conformed to smṛti. Nonetheless, according
to Mackenzie Brown (1986: 83): The Purāṇas, of course, are not only written scriptures but oral as well. The integration of speech and writing is well symbolized in a late Puranic portrayal of the Goddess of Learning, Sarasvatī. In two of her four hands she holds a rosary and a book, representing the mantric and written traditions, respectively. Further, the goddess is referred to both as vagdevī, Goddess of Speech, and as lipidevī, Goddess of the Alphabet.

Regarding an acknowledgment of the value of writing, Hiltebeitel (2001: 316) has a peculiar
position:

Even though none of the Mahābhārata’s three frames speak of writing, I believe it is among the things they keep hidden. But Vyāsa’s back-of-the-mountain hermitage does become the mise en scène of writing in a northern interpolation that in my view only makes explicit what the frame stories keep from view.
More precisely, Hiltebeitel believes that the story of Śuka, the son of Vyāsa, hints, through an
elaborate allegory, at the written nature of the MBh. The «northern interpolation» represented by
the Gaṇeśa episode merely unveils the allegory. Fitzgerald (2003: 816-817) has effectively
criticized this theory as an over-interpretation, a reading unsubstantiated by the text itself.
The question of the need for a scribe has not been extensively discussed so far. Only
Satchidanandan (2009: 7) ventures a guess: does such a need derive from the fact that Vyāsa, «a
fisherwoman’s son, did not know how to write though he had a poet’s vision and imagination like
many excellent rural poets»? In short, Vyāsa’s inability to write is seen as a circumstance consistent
with the narrative logic of Vyāsa’s story.

In respect of the choice of Gaṇeśa as the scribe, Courtright (1985: 151) affirms that «[…] the
Gaṇeśa/Vyāsa story may reflect an attempt to get Gaṇeśa into the epic of which it is said anything
that is not included within it does not exist». In line with this position, Rocher’s (1991: 79)
clarification of the episode of Gaṇeśa is quite straightforward: «The story of his writing down the
Mahābhārata at the dictation of Vyāsa looks like an effort, ex post facto, to connect Gaṇeśa with
the epic, even an effort to do so in a big way». Thus, the intent to promote the figure of a god on the
rise allegedly represents an essential factor in the addition of the Gaṇeśa episode to the textual body
of the epic. Now, what remains to be explained is why Gaṇeśa appears to be involved precisely in
the context of writing on dictation, since he could have been involved in many other different
contexts. Fitzgerald (1985: 128) maintains that the passage under consideration «was an ingenious
and persuasive way to bring the manuscript tradition of a profoundly disturbing text under the
benevolent aegis of the god Gaṇeśa». Brown (1991: 4) observes that «Gaṇeśa’s association with
mental agility and learning is probably one reason he is assigned the role as scribe for Vyāsa’s
dictation of the Mahābhārata». Courtright (1985: 152) notes the following:

As Lord of the Beginnings and Obstacles, Gaṇeśa is an appropriate scribe. This story appears at the very beginning of the epic. The act of writing is a matter of making a beginning, to bring word and sense into form, a form that takes on a life of its own once it leaves the pen of its author.

In other words, Courtright, like Fitzgerald, believes that the episode expresses an understanding of
the autonomization of the written text. Sullivan (1999: 12; cf. Adluri, 2010: 50) explains how this
autonomization is tantamount to the overturning of the Vedic model with the help of Gaṇeśa’s
figure:

It is remarkable […] that in the creation of the MBh’s written text, Vyāsa and Gaṇeśa invert the Vedic paradigm. Whereas the Vedas were regarded as divinely created, with the Vedic seers merely transmitting the divinely created verses, the seer Vyāsa created the MBh and the god Gaṇeśa helped to transmit the text more effectively by committing it to writing. In another departure from the Vedic paradigm, the Vedas were always transmitted orally, while the MBh was in written form as well as being transmitted orally.
On the other hand, Bhattacharya (1970: 94) definitely downplays the role of writing:

[…] it is not difficult to understand the symbolic meaning of the episode. Vyasa has had certain spiritual perceptions which he wishes to communicate to others for the benefit of mankind. In order to find the language and form which would be comprehended by the general mass of people, he has to take the help of Gana-isa, ‘Lord of the masses’, who alone knows how to couch spiritual revelations in human language.
Therefore in this story the act of writing supposedly stands for a type of communication understood
by the masses, namely the epic and purāṇic discourse (actually, it is improbable that the masses
would have understood Sanskrit), and does not really refer to the technology of writing as such.
Adluri (2010: 53) also attaches little importance to writing in and of itself: «The Gaṇeśa story is
neither an interpolation nor about transcription, it is the transplantation of consciousness onto the
corpus of the epic. […] Gaṇeśa symbolizes the reader’s understanding (dhīḥ) and receptivity».

Adluri (2010: 53, fn. 56) further specifies that Gaṇeśa’s function in the epic exceeds that of a mere scribe. As the epic’s first ‘reader’ or ‘hearer’, he highlights elements essential to the reception of the text such as a keen understanding, intellect, etc. Gaṇeśa symbolizes receptivity rather than the skill of writing. His function is to underscore the light of intellect that is present in the reader which thus appears as a reflection or exteriorization of divine intellect.

The main objection that can be raised against this interpretation is that if Gaṇeśa had symbolized
«the reader’s understanding», he would have been directly represented as a reader. There was no
reason to depict him as a scribe.

As for the reason why Gaṇeśa requires that Vyāsa not pause while dictating, even this question
has not received enough attention. Winternitz (1898b: 79) states that «the legend of Gaṇeśa was
chiefly invented in order to enhance the vastness of the Mahābhārata, and the profoundness of its
teaching, and to shew the skill of Vyāsa in dictating the poem without a stop». Satchidanandan
(2009: 7), looking at the episode from the perspective of its internal narrative logic, believes that
otherwise Gaṇeśa could have inadvertently slipped some verses of his own into the poem;
alternatively, he theorizes a concern of Gaṇeśa about the author’s free flow of creativeness.
Lastly, it is necessary to dwell on Vyāsa’s request that Gaṇeśa limit himself to writing what he
understands. This condition allows the insertion of the granthagranthi theme. In Fitzgerald’s (1985:
128) opinion the Gaṇeśa episode «acknowledges and explains the numerous difficult verses found
in the written Sanskrit tradition». Along the same lines, Doniger (2014: 513) assumes that the
‘knots’ thrown in by Vyāsa during the dictation justify «the many scribal errors, corrupted lines,
and linguistic stumbling blocks in the manuscript tradition of the great epic». In her opinion these
difficulties are typical of a «combined oral/written tradition» such as that of the MBh. Courtright
(1985: 152) regards the theme of the ‘knots’ as a metaphor of the transposition of the oral
composition into a written text:

When the reciter disappears into the text as its author, the “knots” appear, for the text only transmits the words, it cannot convey the subtle but essential gesture and intonations that the speaker uses in communicating the text. […] As the text takes on an identity and life of its own apart from the author, it initiates ambiguity and creates obstacles to its understanding. […] The text as spoken word, with its animation from the vital breath of the poet and the immediacy of response between poet and audience, becomes disembodied and reified. This transition is evoked by the symbol of the
knot.

Even the theme of the ‘knots’, then, could allude to the above-mentioned autonomization of the
written text. As for the rest, no scholar who deals with the Gaṇeśa episode seems to have tried to
clarify the reason why Vyāsa needed time to create stanzas belonging to the very same poem he had
already finished composing in his head.

8. AURALITY IN THE BRAHMANIC WORLD

In India, the earliest evidence of writing, namely the very well-known rock edicts of Aśoka in
Brāhmī script, goes back to the 3rd century B.C. From that moment on, the technology of writing
must have started to become an integral part of Indian culture. Manuscripts were probably
extensively available already in classical times. For example, if we consider the range and detail of
philosophical debate, we have to conclude that literacy was quite widespread: a precise knowledge
of the opponent’s position must be based on written materials (see, e.g., Bronkhorst, 2002: 19;
Torella, 2006: 248 ff.). Nevertheless, in classical and medieval Brahmanic literature, writing is
regarded as a minor, menial activity.23 After all, it was believed that a work committed to memory
was preserved more accurately than a work committed to writing. Such a notion bears the ring of
truth: the mnemonic devices used by the vaidikas, the Brahmans experts in the Vedas, were highly
sophisticated (Malamoud, 1989: 304-305). At best, books were regarded as simply accessory. And
on top of that, writing is often depicted as equivocal, turbid and, ultimately, impure, that is, as anti-
23 On the difference and the interaction between the Brahmanic approach and the non-orthodox (Buddhist, Jaina, Muslim) ways to the technology of writing see Lo Turco, 2013b.

Brahmanic (Malamoud, 2002: 127-149). It is no coincidence that the MBh (ed., 13.24.70cd)
proclaims that «the scribes of the Vedas shall indeed go to hell».24 Mackenzie Brown (1986: 72-73)
reminds us that the Pāṇinīyaśikṣā condemns one who learns from a manuscript as among the worst of learners; Nārada asserts that attending to books is one of the six obstacles to knowledge (along with gambling, addiction to the theater, women, drowsiness, and sleep), and he also argues that “whatever is learned from a book and is not learned in the presence of a teacher (guru) does not
shine in the midst of an assembly”.

What is written gives access to knowledge only inasmuch as it leads to knowledge of phonemes.
Knowledge was not regarded as a collection of pieces of information but as something made of vāc,
speech, or śabda, sound (cf. Malamoud, 2002: 131). And sound was understood as an ontological
and cosmological principle. According to Mackenzie Brown (1986: 73): « […] what is of critical
importance in scripture is not only its content or meaning, artha, but also its sound, śabda. Indeed,
meaning was often radically subordinated to sound». In other words, the semantic dimension, even
if not necessarily neglected, is not understood as the fundamental one. The primary nature of the
text is its own sonic essence. The written text was seen as a tool, and not as the text in itself. For
example, Kumārila Bhaṭṭa (8th century) expresses the view that the knowledge of dharma cannot
come from a written text.25 Moreover, Brahmanic literature was chiefly in Sanskrit. And in
Brahmanic ideology the divine peculiarities of the Vedas were gradually transferred to Sanskrit. At
the end of the process, Sanskrit was considered perennial and transcendent like the Vedas,
understood as the first embodiment of vāc itself (Aklujkar, 1996). Therefore, a Sanskrit text was a
manifestation of vāc, which was regarded as an ultramundane, timeless principle. While strictly
speaking a sonic essence characterizes only Vedic texts, namely texts that are considered to be
revealed, in reality this explanatory structure concerns every authoritative text, of which the Vedas
implicitly but inevitably are considered to be the archetype or source. Thus, a text was considered to
be truly known only if learned by heart. It was exclusively in this way, by being entirely present in
the mind at the same time, that it would show its authentic timeless nature. The emphasis on
learning texts by heart tended to bring about their dehistoricization, which implied neglecting also
the events connected to the written transmission (Malamoud, 1989: 305-306). Since the real essence
of a text was seen as eternal, the historical circumstances in which the text had been composed were
usually considered of no importance whatsoever. While a Purāṇa generally has a lot to say about the
lineage that handed it down by word of mouth, including a god, Vyāsa and his pupils, and a
sequence of bards (sūta), no Purāṇa has anything to say about the circumstances in which it was
first written down. Again, these are viewed as a totally negligible detail (Mackenzie Brown, 1986:
76). It goes without saying that if there were no teacher, there would be no text or, at least, the text
would be confined to an unattainable transcendent dimension. According to Mackenzie Brown
(1986: 73; cf. Verpoorten, 2006: 66): «Unlike a written text, the teacher can explain difficulties and
reveal deeper, esoteric meanings, and of utmost significance, at least regarding Vedic learning, he
may instruct the disciple in the proper modulation and accentuation of the holy words».

Thus, we can describe the Indian cultural environment as follows: orality is highly praised and
writing overtly despised or, at least, unmentioned; at the same time writing is de facto largely in
use, but never rises to the status of an independent mode of expression. If we take the example of
kāvya, we know that the publication of a work consisted in the kavi’s public recitation and not in the
dissemination of a written text (Pollock, 2006: 85-87). This particular enduring juxtaposition of
exalted orality and neglected literacy is specifically Indian, and I suggest that it can be called
‘aurality’. As a matter of fact, aurality, especially on the basis of Ong’s (1982) work, is usually
understood as a transitional, albeit long-lasting, stage between orality and literacy. In other words, it
is considered either an attenuated kind of orality or an incomplete kind of literacy. Contrary to this,
24 vedānāṃ lekhakāś caiva te vai nirayagāminaḥ || Cf. Mackenzie Brown, 1986: 69.
25 yathaivānyāyavijñātād vedāl lekhyādipūrvakāt | śūdreṇādhigatād vāpi dharmajñānaṃ na saṃmatam || «Just as the knowledge of the dharma from a Veda that is improperly known, connected with a written text etc., or studied by a śūdra, is not accepted…» (Tantravārttika ad Mīmāṃsāsūtra 1.3.7, ed., p. 123).
by aurality here I mean a stable condition in which an ideology based on the written word was not
developed, although the technology of writing was known and widespread.

Still, śabda and artha should not be contrasted too severely: in order to accomplish a sacrifice, a
Brahman had to be aware of the narrative that accounted for a certain Vedic mantra, and the history
of the mantras in its entirety was known precisely as purāṇa or purāṇetihāsa. Now, the texts that
later were termed purāṇa and itihāsa, namely a substantial part of the smṛti literature, revived the
combination of mantric and narrative. Mantric qualities are often attributed also to those narrative
texts that are otherwise very distant from the Vedic mantras: for example, it is said that hearing
even a small portion of them brings prosperity, health and, what is more, deliverance. Nevertheless,
while in the śruti context artha was ancillary to śabda, in the smṛti context it is śabda that is
ancillary to artha: here the primary way to deliverance is still the comprehension of the text. The
dominance of artha marks the smṛti literature (Mackenzie Brown, 1986: 74-75).

9. THE MANUSCRIPT TRADITION AND THE SCRIBE

Rājaśekhara in the Kāvyamīmāṃsā (1.10, ed. p. 50, ll. 7-10) includes a scribe (lekhaka) among the
assistants of a poet. He should be sadaḥsaṃskāraviśuddhyarthaṃ sarvabhāṣākuśalaḥ, śīghravāk, cārvakṣaraḥ, iṅgitākāravedī, nānālipijñaḥ, kaviḥ, lākṣaṇikaś ca lekhakaḥ syāt | tadasannidhāv atirātrādiṣu pūrvoktānām anyatamaḥ | … versed in all languages in order to correct the accomplishments of the assembly, rapid with the words, using pleasant syllables, acquainted with signs and expressions of the face, a knower of different scripts, poet and interpreter of signs (lākṣaṇika). When he is absent, in the overnight sessions etc., there should be someone among those above mentioned [a substitute].

According to Bhoi (2005: 73): «[…] we have largely focussed on the tradition of writing and
ignored the persons involved in it, i.e. scribes. […] Literary and epigraphical sources nevertheless
scantily refer to scribes and only from these scant data one can examine their status in the then
society».26 The scribe, in colophons and inscriptions, is generally called lekhaka. It can also be
called, less frequently, lipikara (Bhoi, 2005: 75), a term that appears already in the edicts of Aśoka
(see, e.g., Pugliese Carratelli, 2003: 105), or even karaṇa (Verpoorten, 2006: 65). In the colophons
(puṣpikās) «the scribes often described themselves as wicked, ignorant, wretched, lowly and
unlettered» (Bhoi, 2005: 76, see also 77-78). Thus, they call upon the readers to show some
tolerance for possible scribal errors. Indeed, a good many colophons show orthographic and
syntactic errors or a mix of Sanskrit and vernacular (Banerjee, 1991: 9). This type of scribe is the
opposite of that to which Rājaśekhara refers in the Kāvyamīmāṃsā. Instead, the former type is
effectively defined by a copyist’s “popular verse” (Banerjee, 1987: 76; 1991: 10): yādṛśaṃ pustake
dṛṣṭaṃ tādṛśaṃ likhitaṃ mayā | yadi śuddham aśuddhaṃ vā mama doṣo na dīyate; «I wrote exactly
what I saw in the book; whether correct or incorrect, it is not my fault». Thus, scribes often
acknowledge that they cannot and must not distinguish between correct and incorrect readings. The
Brahmanic culture made use of the technology of writing in order to safeguard texts from being
forgotten, not in order to create or circulate them. One who could write was not necessarily a
cultured person (Doniger, 1993: 95). The writing process was often viewed merely as a technical
service offered by specialists. In India the function of scribe has not been recognized or valued as
much as in other cultures (Verpoorten, 2006: 60). Nevertheless, a scribe can describe himself as a
kavi and even attempt to demonstrate his poetic ability in the colophon (Banerjee, 1991: 4).
Rājaśekhara depicts his ideal scribe exactly as a kavi and, in addition, «versed in all languages». It
seems, therefore, that we can distinguish two models of scribe: the first is a mere craftsman, while
the second is «a sort of thinking tool» (Malamoud, 2002: 135), who actively assists the author. It
has to be noted that sometimes the activity of writing, as employment, was explicitly connected to
an originally non-Āryan people, the tribe of the Āmbaṣṭhas, later on assimilated as a rather low
caste, that of the Kāyasthas (Thapar, 1971: 429; cf. Verpoorten, 2006: 64). The malice of the
26 Bhoi (2005) describes some palm-leaf manuscripts kept in the Sambalpur University Museum, Jyotivihar, and in the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar.

Kāyasthas, who are portrayed as greedy, cruel, and treacherous, became a cliché in Sanskrit
literature (Malamoud, 2002: 135-136).

What social class (varṇa) and caste (jāti) did scribes belong to? The answer can be found in many
colophons. Unfortunately, the evidence we have easy access to does not go back to the centuries in
which the Gaṇeśa episode must have been composed (see below, § 10). The situation becomes
clearer around the birth of the modern era. Brahmans and kāyasthas, the two social groups devoted
to culture, could be involved in writing. Brahmans, the holders of knowledge, were at the very top
of the social hierarchy, while kāyasthas, the members of the caste of scribes (kāraṇa), occupied a
rather low position. Still, it seems that also kṣatriyas, vaiśyas, and even śūdras, muslims, women,
and convicts could work as scribes. Among the śūdras, washermen, farmers, barbers, and potters
could be involved in writing. All in all, to quote Bhoi (2005: 77), «the scribe was just another
craftsman in society and eked out a living by copying manuscripts». In the traditional Sanskrit
schools, pupils served as scribes, so that they could pay off their debts to teachers. Nonetheless,
outside of the schools, people who needed the service of a scribe generally resorted to a kāyastha
(Banerjee, 1991: 1-2). Pecchia (2009: 150-152) identifies three types of scribes on the basis of their
relationship with the profession: writing professionals, semi-professional copyists, learned copyists.
The writing professionals were not necessarily very familiar with Sanskrit, nor were they usually
intellectuals. They copied the original syllable by syllable, without worrying about comprehending
the text. The semi-professional copyists generally coincided with the students who copied a work so
as to be able to study it, or at the teacher’s behest. The learned copyists were those who copied
manuscripts as part of a broader specialized occupation, generally for their own use. They were not
particularly concerned with the exterior characteristics of the manuscripts, which could be made of
poor materials, nor were they skillful calligraphers. They were inclined to comment on the text in
the margins. Moreover, these copyists tended to alter the text both consciously, in order to correct
alleged scribal mistakes or to improve the text itself, and subconsciously, on the basis of their own
understanding of the text.

The manuscripts could be copied by scribes who read an exemplar in front of them, but Banerjee
(1987: 77; cf. Bhoi, 2005: 82) informs us that sometimes the colophons refer to the fact that the
manuscript has been written by dictation; for example we find formulas such as ācārya-śrīvidyādevena
likhāpitaṃ likhitañca kāyastha-śrī-tathāgatadevena, «dictated by the teacher Vidyādeva and written by the scribe Tathāgatadeva». Pupils, indeed, used to write at the dictation of their teachers. Among other things, the method of dictation allowed a single reader, dictating simultaneously to a number of copyists, to generate several copies from the same exemplar — clearly the most effective method of increasing production. This procedure (pronunciatio) was common in European medieval scriptoria as well (Zumthor, 1987).

Of course, copying a text, which is what we have dealt with so far, is one thing, writing at the
author’s dictation quite another. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to assume that authors turned to
writing professionals when they wished to commit their works to writing. Rājaśekhara’s description
of a scribe is part of a highly idealized picture of the poet and the courtly ambience in which he
lived. It should not be taken as the depiction of a real ordinary situation. Still, it seems possible to
conclude that the scribe’s presence was regarded as indispensable during the composition of poems.

10. A NEW INTERPRETATION

As for the interpretation of the Gaṇeśa episode, my proposal is that we do not resort to a set of
already existing conceptual instruments. On the contrary we should dwell, lest we be too arbitrary,
on the very letter of the text. Thus, we can distinguish two parts in T1. The first part (vv. 1-6),
which is clearer, narrates the initial commitment to the writing of the MBh. The second part (vv. 7-
10) accounts for an alleged characteristic of the MBh: the presence of granthagranthis (v. 7ab).
This part leads to some questions: we are not told the reason why Sauti understands, Śuka
understands, Sañjaya understands or does not (v. 8cd) — nor, actually, do we know why we are
even given this information; we cannot identify the 8800 stanzas containing the granthagranthis. If
we stick to what we understand, however, we find the interaction between an author and a scribe.
Ancient and medieval Brahmanic literature usually does not describe such an interaction; therefore
the Gaṇeśa episode could prove a precious source of information. Now, does the description of that
interaction have to be totally unrealistic? In fact, there existed a propensity to realism (svabhāvokti)
in Sanskrit literature, which is acknowledged and discussed by theorists of literary forms such as
Bhāmaha and Daṇḍin (see, e.g., Srinivasacharyulu, 1983). Nonetheless, one might assume that the
description is unrealistic because it involves two fantastic characters such as Vyāsa, a semi-divine
being, and Gaṇeśa, a god. All in all, fantastic characters must be devoted to fanciful enterprises.
Moreover, why tone down a lofty narration with the description of a trivial, customary interaction? I
believe that one of the keys to the interpretation of the Gaṇeśa episode lies here. My hypothesis is
that the tone of the passage is characterized by irony. Irony is, of course, a rhetorical figure that is
obtained when the opposite of what is meant is deliberately stated, creating a divergence between
what might be expected and what actually occurs, allowing the interlocutor to notice the discrepancy. Here the ironic tone is signaled by an undeniable contradiction that we have already noticed above (§ 5): on the one hand we are told that Vyāsa had already composed the poem in his head (v. 4d) — and in any case we already knew that; on the other hand we are told that Vyāsa composes new stanzas while Gaṇeśa tries to understand the granthagranthis that Vyāsa deliberately has dictated to him (v. 10). One of the two statements must be false. Since the statement «while Gaṇeśa stays examining it for a moment, Vyāsa made many other stanzas» is put at the end of the passage, a position that lends it the additional emphasis of a punchline, we understand that the other statement was the false one. As part of this ironic tone, two fantastic characters are depicted within an ordinary context. If my hypothesis is correct, and the description is realistic, the episode shows how a work usually was first written. The author dictated what he had already composed in his head, or what he pretended to have already composed, as in this case, and the scribe wrote it. The act of composing a work was different from its commitment to writing. The written text was a record of the oral performance. It took its form through an act of dictation. And here lies the answer to the above-mentioned question (§ 5): why could not Vyāsa write the MBh himself? Basically, the
author did not write the work himself, especially if he was a Brahman — and Vyāsa embodies the
ideal Brahman. Brahmans, bearers of culture par excellence, in fact boast about their incompetence
in writing (Malamoud, 2002: 135).

Of course, irony normally has a target. Who is the target here? It is seemingly Vyāsa: he is
implicitly accused of pretending to have already composed the whole poem in his head, while in
reality he takes advantage of the pauses that he imposes on his divine scribe to make new stanzas.
At this point, let us focus on the figure of the scribe, namely Gaṇeśa: he is unknown to the MBh,
with the exception of this single episode. For this reason, as we saw above (§ 5), the episode has
been considered a late interpolation. As we also saw (§ 7), various scholars believe that it was
aimed at promoting Gaṇeśa, a god on the rise, who is called upon to serve as a scribe. In short,
Gaṇeśa was extolled using the figure of the scribe. However, all things considered, the opposite is
more probable: the figure of the scribe is extolled using Gaṇeśa’s prestige and especially «his
association with mental agility and learning». As a matter of fact, scribes often do not get good
press in Brahmanic India (above, § 9). The occupation of scribe is not suitable for celebrating the
traits of a benevolent god. The only god in the MBh (ed., 13.130) besides Gaṇeśa that is engaged in
writing is Citragupta, the secretary of Yama, the god of death (cf. Verpoorten, 2006: 65). In order to
judge the dead, Yama uses the register of the good and evil actions that his secretary keeps updated.
The figure of Citragupta, the ancestor of all the Kāyasthas, links writing to the ideas of death,
judgment, and conviction (Malamoud, 2002: 138-142). Therefore, the Gaṇeśa episode looks more
like an attempt to playfully restore the scribes’ honor than an effort to promote the god Gaṇeśa
himself or to connect him forcibly with the epic, as claimed by Rocher (above, § 7).

It is possible to date, albeit very roughly, the episode of Gaṇeśa. It must follow the appearance of
the worship of the god — since his mention in a frame story of the MBh presupposes that he had
gained a certain popularity — but predate the mention in the Bālabhārata (9th – 10th century AD),
which clearly presupposes that the episode of Gaṇeśa was already well-known. Judging from the
iconographic evidence, it seems likely that the worship of Gaṇeśa, understood as a benevolent god,
«began to be popular from Gupta period onwards» (Dhavalikar, 1990: 23; cf. Michael, 1983: 109-
110), that is, from the 4th century. Consequently, we have to consider a period between the 4th and
9th century. Now, if the episode makes use of Gaṇeśa’s prestige in order to promote the figure of the
scribe, it must have been written after Gaṇeśa had attained that prestige. From an epigraphical
perspective, the earliest invocation of the god seems to appear in a Baijanath (Kangra district,
Himachal Pradesh) praśasti of the 8th century and in a Ghatiyala (Jodhpur district, Rajasthan)
inscription of the 9th century. From a literary perspective, we find an early invocation to Gaṇeśa in
the opening of Bhavabhūti’s Mālatīmādhava, which also goes back to the 8th century (Dhavalikar,
1990: 23). In any case, as we saw (§ 4), a specific cult for this god was established by the 10th
century. We may assume, then, that the episode was composed around the 8th-9th century.27

Let us reflect on the granthagranthis. They account for the unintelligible passages of a work
blaming the author and not the scribe or the copyists: the author deliberately inserts difficult
passages in his work in order to hamper the scribe. At the same time he unavoidably hinders future
readers. The category of scribes is thus absolved of the errors with which it is usually charged.
Scribal errors are transformed into difficult passages that the author composes on purpose. Then the
target of the irony is not so much Vyāsa but rather the figure of the author as opposed to that of the
scribe. The episode shows, and makes fun of, the typical Brahmanic attitude towards books: the text
written down by the scribe is supposed to be the mere transcription of an already existing oral
composition of the author — the final line reveals that this is not exactly the case.

Incidentally, in the interpretation provided by T2 the whole story hinges on the issue of the
kāvyakaṣṭa, that is, the granthagranthis understood as poetic flaws. Here, as can be seen, there is no
mention of Brahmā, but otherwise there is little doubt about the fact that Rājaśekhara is referring to
the Gaṇeśa episode of the MBh. Winternitz (1898a: 381-382) himself — even though he did not
believe that the episode was already included in the text of the MBh at Rājaśekhara’s time — notes
that the om ity astu of the theatrical interlude (T2, l. 7) is an echo of the om ity uktvā of the epic (T1,
l. 13). Rājaśekhara is mainly concerned with the status of the MBh: can it be classified as a kāvya,
in spite of its roughness, which is shown by the kāvyakaṣṭa? It is no coincidence that the word
kāvyakaṣṭa is repeated at the beginning and at the end of the passage. But, apart from that,
Rājaśekhara keeps the ironic tone of the MBh passage. Again, the target is Vyāsa: his composition
does not respect the conventions of kāvya, so he assumes the role of a pupil of the brighter Vālmīki,
who in fact is younger than he.

My guess is that a scribe, who, as such, was in the ideal position to do it, added the Gaṇeśa episode to the textual body of the MBh. This Gaṇeśa in the form of divine scribe is probably a reaction to Citragupta, an entirely different kind of divine scribe. This is my answer to the abovementioned question (§ 5): why does Brahmā suggest that Vyāsa chose Gaṇeśa as the scribe of the poem (v. 1ab)? We also asked why the MBh mentions its commitment to writing at all. Again, this was the necessary background of an attempt to emphasize the role of scribes. I also would like to return to two questions that were posed earlier: why does Gaṇeśa demand that Vyāsa not stop his dictation (v. 5)? And why does Vyāsa request that Gaṇeśa not write what he dictates without comprehending the sense (v. 6b)? I believe that the core of the episode lies exactly here. These two requests express a conflict between author and scribe. The scribe implicitly accuses the author of lying about the fact that he has composed his work entirely in his head. If the author wants to demonstrate that he masters his work by heart, he will have to dictate it seamlessly. That a work is real only if entirely committed to memory is an assumption of the Brahmanic culture for which the scribe holds a healthy mistrust, since it devalues him. As a matter of fact, the writing of smṛti works must generally have been regarded as a secondary fact, since it is generally not mentioned in the works themselves, as if these existed independently of and before their written text. Nonetheless, the scribe understands that in reality his professional service has become necessary in order for the author to compose. And it is all the more necessary in view of the challenges posed by a gigantic work such as the MBh. On the other hand, the author implicitly accuses the scribe of ignorance: the 27 Brown (1991: 4) flatly affirms that the episode goes back to the 8th century, which is not at odds with my hypothesis.

Unfortunately he does not clarify how he has ascertained this date. scribe is a mere writing professional, a craftsman, who does not understand what he writes because of his low level of education. As a matter of fact, the scribe could write without understanding at all what he has written. The text was probably dictated syllable by syllable. In fact, due to the scriptio continua, the scribe did not even have to be aware of word boundaries. But the author expects an active participation from the scribe; he aspires to hire a scribe like that described by Rājaśekhara (above, § 9), a scribe that is a lekhaka and not a kāyastha. He demands something more than mere graphic competence (cf. Malamoud, 2002: 133). In an aural culture, such as the Brahmanic one, a mere passive recording of an oral poetic performance is hardly understandable or justifiable.

11. CONCLUSIONS

To my knowledge, the line of interpretation according to which the Gaṇeśa episode represents ironically an interaction between author and scribe, aimed at extolling the figure of the scribe, has remained uncharted so far. It is opposed to Winternitz’s (1898b: 79) view, according to which, as discussed above (§ 7), the episode was meant «to enhance the vastness of the Mahābhārata, and the profoundness of its teaching, and to shew the skill of Vyāsa in dictating the poem without a stop». But on the contrary, the episode ridicules Vyāsa, even if of course very discreetly. And, in any case, here Vyāsa symbolizes the figure of the Brahmanic author, who pretends that he can compose his works without the scribe’s assistance. Thus, we are confronted with a rare proposal, at least in the sphere of Brahmanic culture: an acknowledgment of the need for writing in reference to the composition of original works. Contrary to what Bhattacharya and Adluri thought (above, § 7), the presence of Gaṇeśa emphasizes precisely the relevance of the technology of writing and its professionals. Nonetheless, what this episode teaches is not exactly a «conception of the fixed, written text of the Mbh as a distinct cultural entity», as maintained by Fitzgerald (1985: 128). The
interpretation of the episode according to which it symbolizes the autonomization of the text (above, § 7) does not take into account a specific feature of the Brahmanic culture, namely its aurality. In an aural culture the written text is not seen as an independent entity per se but, if anything, as a secondary manifestation of the spoken text. The scripture does not take on an identity of its own, because its essence tends to be regarded as vocal anyway. That said, the Gaṇeśa episode sheds light on a fundamental mechanism of cultural production in the Brahmanic world of the 8th or 9th century: the relationship between author and scribe, which is described in terms of division of labor and, at the same time, as rivalry.

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https://www.academia.edu/36268508/The_divine_scribe_A_new_interpretation_of_the_Ga%E1%B9%87e%C5%9Ba_episode_from_the_Mah%C4%81bh%C4%81rata

Astronomical Association Of Natarāja’s Dance With Apasmara And Agastya -- Rupa Bhaty

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Astronomical Association Of Natarāja’s Dance With Apasmara And Agastya
This paper deals with understanding human’s first interaction with time and its relationship with Cosmic Consciousness or Awareness. Significance of stellar readings by early humans, who got connect between the movements of Earth vs Celestial beings, is being studied and elaborated. Indic scripture assigns Lord Śiva as kaal, i.e time, and Agastya-as a muni, who is closely associated with Lord Śiva and is celebrated as one of the lead proponent of Shaivism. The paper here will try to understand relationship between “Natarāja – Śiva’s one form and Agastya-muni-the propagator of Shaivism” vs “Iconography of Natarāja in sky as Orion constellation and its connection, if any, with Agastya as Canopus navigational star”. The study will try to understand Apasmāra in the iconography of Natarāja and also if it has any significant link with loss of memory of some astronomical event which was confined to certain latitude. It will mainly touch different parts of graphical representations of Natarāja. A computational astronomical study has been undertaken to understand different part of iconography of Natarāja with Celestial star movements. Approach and emphasize has been on the visibility and availability of Canopus in southern India in various epochs to understand the significance of the latitude of Chidambaram where Natarāja dances to the cosmic bliss.

Introduction

Music and Dance are a tradition and an alleyway to divinity. Not only it is a Hindu tradition but it is a worldwide phenomenon from prehistoric times which could easily be sensed through cave arts and observing remotest untouched tribes. The Hindu conception of two main God’s attributed to Dancing via God Śiva as Natarāja within the Cosmos and Krishna in his Rāsamanadal stresses the idea of a divine urge of spiritual eurhythmics which finds its way from the display of dance in India. Every Hindu philosophy arrives from metaphysics and many a times directly from sciences such as astrophysics and astronomy. Astral evidences are braided in Indic scriptures in the form of puzzling philosophies of which many are yet to be explored and revealed. The Hindu god Śiva is not only the Lord of Dance but also the deity of creation, destruction, rebirth, dissolution, and salvation. Since He is creating and destroying He is a metaphor for time. He is thus pulsating, and thus dancing the tune of time in macro to microcosmic form.
While everyone is familiar with Natarāja –the dancing Shiva, this paper explains the specific astronomy aspects of Natarāja metaphor.
#. What does Natarāja has to do with Orion, i.e. Mṛgaśīrṣa + Ardra Nakshatra,
#. Identification of Apasmāra as an impression of Agastya-Canopus. Apasmāra is a symbol of loss of memory in regard to an astronomical event, i.e. rise of Agastya
#. Visibility of Agastya was never an issue in the Southern Indian Peninsula
In a nutshell;
1. Before going into astronomical details let us first understand the iconographies-characters involved in the study undertaken.
1.1 Natarāja,
1.2 Apasmāra, and
1.3 Agastya as a Muni and Agastya as a Canopus Star
Apasmāra means forgetfulness and epilepsy. It represents Agastya when Agastya is not visible from parts of India.
2.1 Natarāja in sky represents Orion (Indian Mṛgmandala= Ardra + Mṛgaśīrṣa)
2.2 Apasmāra represents western constellation Lepus-hare which is loss of memory of some astronomical event which was confined to certain latitude.
3. Cosmic Natarāja has to do with identification of Agastya’s location. All of these have deep connection to ancient Indian tradition of navigation. However, elaboration of that subject is beyond the purview of this paper.
1.1 Natarāja
Let us see some of the important and most likely known characteristics of Natarāja
posture.
(1) He dances within a circular or cyclically closed arch of flames (Prabhāsmandal or Prabhāvalli), which symbolically represent the cosmic fire that in Hindu cosmology creates everything and consumes everything.
(2) His legs are bent, which suggests an energetic dance with a posture of balance or equilibrium corresponding to time.
(3) His long, matted tresses are shown to be loose and flying out in thin strands during the dance, also touches the Prabhāsmandal, sometimes it is shown as flowing down on his back especially in Chidambaram. Shilpashāstra bring in oral tradition to do as per Śruti.
(4) On the matted hair of right side is adorned with Gangā on the thin strand spread into a fan behind his head personified as a goddess.
(5) And the other side on the matted lock is the Soma-Chandra.
(6) The upper right-hand holds a small drum shaped like an hourglass that is called a ḍamaru in Sanskrit. A specific hand gesture (mudrā) called ḍamaru-hasta (Sanskrit for “surprising-hand”) is used to hold the drum. It symbolizes rhythm and time.
Cosmic Consciousness And Astronomical Association Of Natarāja 01Pic[1] Natarāja. By permission from Shri Raj Mutharasan, Scientist at National science foundation (NSF) and Drexel University
(7) The upper left hand contains Agni or fire, which signifies forces of creation and destruction. Agni is one of the five elements of equilibrium in a body.
(8) A cobra uncoils from his lower right forearm, while his palm shows the Abhaya mudrā. Abhaya means not to fear, since destruction is the seed of new creation.
(9) The second left-hand points towards the raised foot which suggests the viewer to be active and dance to the circumstances, or alternatively as a sign of upliftment and liberation; liberation from dissolution.
(10) The face shows two eyes plus a slightly open third on the forehead, which symbolize the triune in Shaivism.
(11) The dwarf, on the lotus pedestal on which Natarāja dances, is the demon Apasmāra( Muyalaka, as it is known in Thamizh) Purusha who is the conjunction point of two Makara adjacent on both sides and which symbolizes action and dance that leads to victory over demonic evil or ignorance.
(12) The two Makara at the base creates an overall oval shape around the mūrti. Sometimes it is seen on the summit of the Prabhāsmandal. Makara is a Sanskrit word which means ‘sea dragon’ or ‘water-monster’, a porpoise or a Gangetic dolphin which is similar to Shishumāra [2] of Indic scriptures. In a Hindu temple, the Makara often serves as the structural bookends of a thoranam or archway around a deity. The arch emerges up from the jaws of one Makara, rises to its peak, the Kīrtimukha (the ‘Face of Glory’), and descends into the gaping jaws of another Makara, but they both never meet. Example of Makara anklet is given in a picture below where two Makara (or any other animal head figure) never meets, but still complete a circle at one point.
A pair of gold anklets North India with two Makara endings gaping into each other, antique, late 18th cent (courtesy Pinterest; internet)
(13) Natarāja is also known as Koottan in Tamil which has phonetic resemblance with navigational Kootu for Orion as spoken in Kerala. Mṛgaśīrṣa + Ardra Nakshatra makes Orion constellation which is also known as Kālapurusha in Bengal; a reference point for all navigational compass and calendars. In antiquity Kerala, Tamilnadu and parts of southern India were under the domain of Pandya kings.
1.2 Apasmāra; A dwarf demon, and a sleep state.
Apasmāra; the dwarf demon, trodden underfoot lies facing to its proper right in all statues. Apasmāra is facing right, but exceptionally noticed to the left also with a strange shift of leg position of Natarāja. It is depicted as having an anchuli mudra or holding a snake. He is defined as ignorance (known as Muyalaka in Thamizh), and is danced upon which symbolizes Natarāja’s action. The dance leads to victory over demonic evil and ignorance. See pic [3] below.
1.3 Agastya- Canopus.
As a Star; Agastya-Canopus moves fast above Dhruvamandala[4]. There are many scriptural references to Agastya-Canopus being a star starting from Veda, Brāhmanas, Aranyaka[5], Puranas[6], Śruti[7], smṛti, Epics[8], Poetries[9] and Surya-Siddhānta. 359
Pic: Agastya-Canopus
As a Muni; See pic[10] above; Agastya (Kumbhayoni)-born from a pitcher into which Mitra and Varuṇa dropped their vīrya at the sight of the charms of Urvaśī: a brother of Vasiṣṭha.[11] He had a residence at Malay-Mahāmalaya-(Pothigai)[12]; married the first born daughter of King Malayadhvaja Pāṇḍya, and had a son Dṛḍhācyuta[13], also present at Rāma’s abhiṣeka. [14] Dwarfed the Vindhyas roughly parallel to the Narmada River, made a home in Laṅkā: seeing the universe troubled by Tāraka and other Asuras caused the ocean to dry up by drinking the waters and brought relief to the Devas: performed tapas seated on Mount Malaya with his wife Lopāmudrā: white in colour, with four hands, Akṣa mālā & Kamaṇḍalu, narrated Ajāmila[15] a contemporary of Kṛṣṇa and Rāma; and a resident of Mt. Malaya. Visited by Balarāma. Came to Syamantapañcaka to see Kṛṣṇa, Called on Parīkṣit practising prāyopaveśa etc. Kamban has praised high of Agastya muni as a giver of Tamil grammar. Agastya muni is associated with lord Śiva. Agastya muni was also a dwarf.
Apasmāra means forgetfulness and epilepsy. It represents Agastya when Agastya is not visible from parts of India. Astronomical evidences, are philosophically braided in Indian scriptures, alludes to ignorance and forgetfulness about the star Agastya. It represents a lost memory of an astronomical event, moreover, which has been a neglected part in understanding of Natarāja’s iconography.
Evidence of Natarāja mentioned as a “nartaka” in MBH
Rarest of the thought would ever come to our minds that Natarāja may relate to astronomical phenomena which may be a hypogeal impression for the evolution of “Supreme Cosmic Consciousness” philosophy. The excerpt on Śiva being a Dancer-“nartaka” comes from Śivasahastranāmastrotam from MBH[16] where Śiva is mentioned as a continuous Dancer and who is ardent lover of dance and is continuously dancing. The thirteenth-century Shaiva Siddhāntic text[17] describes Natarāja as sacchidānanda or “Being Consciousness and Bliss”[18]; constantly in dancing state. From nartaka to Natarāja, it has been in the memories of Indian coastal people which come to us through Sangam literature. A verse by Manikavachakar goes, ‘He who creates, protects, and destroys the verdant world…’ Tamil literature gives extract as Pray to Śiva, who owns the South. Pray to Him who is the God of all countries.[19]
The likely worship of Natarāja by the Pallava period at Chidambaram with an idea of cosmic creation is suggested in Manikavāchakar’s Tiruvachakam which says , ‘Let us praise the dancer (Kuttan) who in good Tillai’s hall dances with fire, who sports (vilaiyatu) creating, destroying, this heaven and earth and all else.’ In essence, it represents the continuous cycle of creation and destruction of time astronomically. Ardra Darshan celebrates this ecstatic dance of Lord Śiva. On this day Lord Śiva becomes Natarāja with reddish fame aura around.
How Śiva as a Natarāja is a creator, protector and destroyer of time through his dance?
Shloka 59[20] says on Śiva being “nakshatra vigraha”/ analyser and “knower of gati”-speed of nakshatras, “layaḥ”-He is the place of deluge thus a destroyer, prajāpati- nakshatraadhipati / sire of all asterisms in sky, which indicates Śiva is the timekeeper of all nakshatras, Vishvabāhuḥ- emanating his arms on all sides (as if to reach out other nakshatras), vibhaagaḥ- He is the seperation, sarvagaḥ-He is the universal soul, amukhaḥ-He who is having no mouth. In astronomical sense He is the point of ending and begining without any celestial logitudinal difference.
There are two unique star clusters which are used as timekeepers and are common in all parts of the world from all the ages. They are 1. Orion 2. Big Dipper. The Orion constellation has served as a timekeeper for eons in every known civilization due to its prominent three waist belt star- Alnilam, Almitak etc and has not changed for thousands of years. In Indic culture the three belt stars are known as Mṛgaśīrṣa Nakshatra. He is also called kālayogī-the one who knows the time/era/eon through yoking. He is the one who generates new loka-world, and He is the only one in which the old world gets dissolved[21]. This evidently speaks of the same point of celestial longitude from where new era starts dissolving the old oneŚiva as a creator is also known from Vishnupurāna which states Raudra-sṛishti[22] nirmāna; at the begining of kalpa Brahma thought of creating a son like ownself and while thinking alone a son of bluish reddish color appeared in his lap.
2.1 Natarāja in the sky representing western star cluster Orionis (Indian Mṛgamandal+ Ardra+Mṛgaśīrṣa)
Natarāja’s association with Archaeo-astronomy Let us look at Archaeo-astronomy pieces of evidence related to Dance of Natarāja. But before that let’s understand what Archaeo-astronomy is? It is a scientific discipline that combines mnemonics to know more about the timeline of history, culture, science and technology of observational astronomy with ancient evidence of astronomy references, metaphors and ancient civilizations.
2.1.1 Ardra/Arudra Dārisanam; A living culture and an astronomical evidence from past.
The first eye-catching evidence is Arudra /Ardra darisanam festival of Tamilnadu which is a ten day annual festival in December related to the moon being full in the lunar asterism(nakshatra) Ardra (i.e, alpha Orionis), associated with wrathful aspect of Śiva. On this day Śiva becomes Natarāja or Koothan. In Kerala, the festival is celebrated as the birthday of Lord Śiva. Thiruvathira is the Ardra nakshatra or “star” as per the Malayalam calendar of Lord Śiva. Indeed some astronomical event must have had happened in Ardra nakshatra sometime in past due to which the festival of Arudra Darisanam continues till date. One such is a speculated event of supernovae explosion which has been assumed by many writers. My conjecture would show that it has been related to a new-year beginning on vernal equinox day. We come across another verse in regard of yearly phenomena,-“tasmai te rudra saṃvatsareṇa namaskaromi“[23] This verse serves as a piece of evidence for year beginning with Rudra (deity of Ardra Nakshatra) on the ecliptic node and this was happening around 6000 BCE-5000BCE. Another piece of evidence comes from Shatapatha Brahmana where it has been mentioned ‘with doubt’ whether or not, to kindle a fire under Mṛgaśirśa. This conjecture gives evidence of shifting of vernal point from constellation Mṛgaśirśa and reaffirms that once year beginning was happeing near Constellation Orion. This is also the millennium of Mahabharata war, as established, based on study of 200 Plus astronomy observations of MBH text by Shri Nilesh Oak. It thus makes sense as to why śivasahastranāmstrotram is so revered in MBH texts.
The other memory of wrathfulness of Śiva is of deluge in Pumpoohar near Chidambaram. Enormous evidence exists from around the world for the significant and sudden sea level rise during 6th millennium BCE. Further a question may arise, why Ardra considered on the point of vernal equinox and why not on any other cardinal point? For this again the same shloka from MBH comes to our rescue. Svarbhanu[24], i.e. the ecliptic node as mentioned in MBH. This evidence again affirms samvatsar[25] phenomena and vernal equinox happening in Ardra, from the very same verse which also says Śiva is samvatsakaraH- the maker of the year.
In Malayalam Koothu is the name of Orion constellation used for N-W navigation while in Tamil Kuttan-koothan becomes a name of Natarāja, connection giving pratyaksha-evidence of Natarāja Orion. Once, the whole of South India was under Pandya kings. The evidence of Pandya kings fighting in Bharata War is found in the MBH texts. śivasahastranāmstrotram from MBH is abundant in pieces of astronomical evidence which has been not been explored.
2.1.2 Prabhāsmandal of Natarāja; Orb of Flame and its connection to Mṛga-Mandala
encompassing different stars and star clusters in the vicinity
A comparative study of radiating rays around a human figure in Harappa seal (IVC) Rudra and flame on Chola Bronze Natarāja. Harappa seal (IVC) Standing man who has been identified as Rudra[26] and the adjacent picture of Natarāja, both with orb of flame, affirms pan Indic nature of Śiva. Harappa IVC Rudra is being depicted with radiating arrows/rays upon Prabhāsmandal around the Rudra iconography which is similar to flame marks on the orb of Natarāja statues from southern part of India. This brings evidence on geographical northern, north-western and southern regional connection from primitive times. It is evident that Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization also had an impact of Śiva as Linga which is known to us as one of the significant archaeological find from Harappa and Kalibanga.
“Prabhāsmandala ”, circle of flames means a circle emanating rays, bhas- “bhāsyati means to make visible”. It is the inkling towards astronomy too which points towards “mṛg-mandala”. While mṛg gamanārthaka from mrij dhātu-verbroot means “to chase”. Therefore, mṛg-mandala stars/constellations, the easiest star cluster percieved via human eyes from prehistoric times, were used to help chase different stars nearby in vicinity like Procyon, Sirius-mṛgavyādha in south and Aurigae in north, Castor Pollux, Plaiedas, Vela, Canopus in their respective directions.
Nataraja-Koothan overlay on navigational Orion Koothu, chases all the stars around
The MBH says “Amongst the Rudras[27] He is the Sire Rudra and amongst the most effulgent Gods He is the prabhā-best illumination”, this connect with prabhā-mandala-orb of flame. It also says “He is the one who achieves or “aims at( different) nakshatras/ asterisms”[28]. Thus, it make sense to equate Prabhāsmandal with astronomical Mṛga-mandala. In the iconography of Natarāja Prabhāsmandal, orb or the circle of flame does help chase other stars in vicinity.
The three parallel horizontal lines drawn using ash/bhasma/vibhuti on the forehead of Śiva devotees with the help of Mṛga-śīrṣa mudra is known as the Tripundra. The thumb and little finger are raised. It springs from Gauri, who used the Mṛgaśīrṣa hand mudra to draw three lines on her forehead when practicing tapas for the sake of Śiva. A mnemonic way to remember Mṛgaśīrṣa three stars from Orion belt. Points above elaborated, discussed and tested concludes Natarāja in the sky as an Astronomical Case.
2.1.3. Why is Harappan IVC seal -Rudra Orion?
The three emanating lines from the crown of IVC seal , Next pic depics ‘Tripundra mark sparingly used by shavites on their forehead and adjacent right pic depicts Mṛgaśīrṣa mudra’
2.2 Apasmāra gets overlay upon western constellation Lepus-hare
From the above Pic it is found that Apasmāra gets superimposed upon a separate constellation called ‘Lepus’, which is shown trampelled by Śiva-Natarāja, and which rises before Agastya- Canopus during the rising and setting of Orion in the sky. Lepus is also braided in with Hunter constellation from greek iconography similar to Apasmāra braided with Natarāja iconography. This is interesting to note that Lepus constellation of western astronomy alludes Hare iconography which has a connection with moon[29] and Amarkosha says Indu-Saśi-Soma-are names of Mṛgaśīrṣa nakshatra and this has noteworthy resemblance with the meaning of Apasmāra from Ayurveda texts [moon-Luna-lunatic (unpredictable), epilepsy i.e. forgetfulness or ignorance, recollection or consciousness]. It indicates ignorance about the rise of Canopus which is still present in the sky but unseen at some horizon at some point of time.
Apasmara with anchuli/drinking mudra is an impression of Agastya indicating loss of memory of it’s rise from certain latitude at certain epoch in astronomical sense. Agastya drinking ocean is an indication to unnravel stars at horizon in relative sense.
3. Cosmic Natarāja has to do with identification of Agastya’s location. All of these have deep connection to ancient Indian tradition of navigation and mobilization. In nutshell, after evaluating the empirical evidence and by testing them, it was found that the latitude of Chidambaram30 was the threshold from where Agastya became invisible while navigating due north away from this latitude when Canopus was at its highest declination, very near to the south celestial pole being a pole star[31]. This astronomical event happened during 11000BCE- 13000BCE. Below Chidambaram latitudes Canopus was always visible. This is tested via computational simulation. However, elaboration of that subject is beyond the purview of this paper.

Conclusion

The paper has comprehensively dealt with each element of Natarāja’s Iconography. It has elaborated and discussed over the inferences drawn, empirically tested and evidences are concluded in regard of understanding of each element of Natarāja’s Iconography. The enigma of Apasmāra is determined via objectively testing of the theory in terms of explanation, prediction and testing with the context of background knowledge. The representation of Apasmāra as an impression of Agastya is proven with loss of memory of an astronomical event which was confined to certain latitude.

Bibliography

  1. Coomaraswamy, Ananda K., The Dance of Śiva, 1912
  2. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Meenakshi_Amman_Temple (retrieved 14-05-2012)
  3. On visibility of Agastya-Canopus in India. By K Chandra Hari
  4. Folklore and Astronomy; Agastya- a sage and a star by K D Abhyankar
  5. Professor Southworth, an Emeritus Professor of South Asian Linguists, University ofPennsylvania in his article published in Rice (2011) 4:142-148 notes the deep connectivity of theDravidian languages.*
  6. When did Mahabharata war happen; Mystery of Arundhati. By Nilesh Oak

References

[1] Pic source; Permission has been granted to publish these photographs from Shri Raj Mutharasan, Scientist at National science foundation (NSF) and Drexel University
[2] Found in Brahmānd Purāna and Vishnu Purāna as one of the northern constellations. archives.org, Gita press)
[3] Published by permission from Shri Raj Mutharasan, Scientist at the US National science foundation (NSF) and Drexel University, USA.
[4] Br. II. 21..
[5] Taittirīya- ĀraNyaka 1.11.2), viśvāmitro jamadagnirbhāradvājo’tha gautamaH|atrirvasishthaḥ kaśyapa ityete saptarishayaḥ ||
[6] Bhā. VI. 18. 5, 28. 32; Br. IV. 5. 38 M. 61. 21-31; 201. 29; 202. 1., Vāyu pu. 48. 23,
[7] saptānām rishīnām agastyāshTamānām yadapatyam tadgotramityācakShate || (Āśvalāyana Śrauta Sūtra; PariśiSTa)
[8] MBH
[9] Raghuvansham XVI.44, in regard of ‘Agastya- chinhād’
[11] Bhā. VI. 18. 5; Br. IV. 5. 38 M. 61. 21-31; 201. 29; 202. 1.
[12] Vāyu pu. 48. 23
[13] Bhā. IV. 28. 32
[14] 2(a) Vishnu. IV 4. 99.
[15] Bhā., VI. 3. 35; M. 61. 17; 36-41; Br. III. 56. 53.
[16] BahubhutaH bahudharaH swarbhaanuH mitogatiH
[17] Text- Kunchitangrim Bhaje by Umapati of Chidambaram
[18] (Smith 1998: 21).
[19] Thennadudaiya S’ivanae PoRRi, Ennattavarkkum IRaiva PoRRi’
[20] न”#$व&हम)तगु-णबु01धल-योऽगम:।8जाप)त$व-<वबाहु$व-भाग: सव-गोऽमुख:॥५९॥ MBH śivasahastranāmstrotram Anushāsana parva 6th Khanda, 17th adhyāya
[21] यतो लोकाः सEभविGत न भविGत यतः पुनः॥२९॥ MBH śivasahastranāmstrotram Anushāsana parva 6th Khanda, 17th adhyāya*
[22] from Vishnupurāna 8th adhyāya कIपादावाKमनLतुIयं सुतं 8NयायतLतत:।8ादुरासीठाभोरRके
कुमारो नीललोTहत:॥२॥
[23]-“तLमै ते VW संवKसरेण नमLकरोXम”, तै$YरZयकृ\ण यजुव]द संTहता – taittirīyakṛṣṇa Yajurveda saṃhitā5।5।7।3-4
[24] Swarbhānu; name of Rahu, also a name of Shiva,. Rahu is an astronomical mate of ArdraNakshatra
[25] संवKसरकरः॥३९॥ śivasahastranāmstrotram Anushāsana parva 6th Khanda, 17th adhyāya
[26] By Indologist Dr. Rekha Rao
[27] _Wाणम$प यो VW: 8भा 8भवताम$प॥२८॥ śivasahastranāmstrotram, MBH
[28] न”#साधकः॥३७॥ śivasahastranāmstrotram, MBH
[29] Ridpath, Ian; Tirion, Wil (2001), Stars and Planets Guide, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-08913-2
[30] Chitt +ambaram; ambaram in Sanskrit means sky, horizon, compass.
The paper “Cosmic Consciousness And Astronomical Association Of Natarāja’s Dance With Apasmara And Agastya” was originally presented at Waves 2018 and has been republished with permission.

Towards a definition of consciousness as a microtubularwave. Metaphor of Naṭarāja 'cosmic dancer', subduing Apasmāra, अप-स्मार= व्यभीचारः vyabhīcāra 'change, alteration, lapse of consciousness'

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https://tinyurl.com/y7a38czh

What is the significance of the metaphor of Naṭarāja, cosmic dancer subduing अप-स्मार  Apasmāra with his dancing steps?

I suggest that a possible answer likes in unerstanding conciousness in neuroscience terrms. One line of enquiry is Epilepsy which is defined as अप-स्मार 'lapse of consciousness or inconstant state of memory'.

I suggest that the term 'consciousness' in neuroscience can be defined in terms of changed or altered states of consciousness, apparent in situations of epilepsy which are termed Apasmāra (or altered states of consciousness)

If the blink of an eye can result in perceptions of altered states of consciousness, what is the reality of consciousness? स्मार m. remembrance , recollection of (comp.TA1r.; (fr. स्मर) relating or belonging to the god of love Naish.  स्मर   smar-a [√smri] remembering (--°, rare); m. recollection, memory; love; god of love; expounder of the Veda (rare); -ana, n. remembering, recollection, of (g., --°); memory (rare); teaching (rare): -padavî, f. path of memory: -m gamitah, caused to go the way of memory=dead.  स्मृति   sm-ti remembrance, recollection, of (lc., --°); memory; authoritative tradition (exclusive of sruti or Vedicwritings), canonical traditional law-book, code, statement of a law-book: smritim api na te yânti, they are not even remembered: -kârin, a. awakening memory, producing recollection; -tantra, n. law-book; -da, a. strengthening the memory; -patha, m. path of memory: -m gâ, go the way of memory, perish; -pâthaka, m. one learned in the law; -bhû, m. god of love; -bhramsa, m. loss of memory; -mat, a. having recollection; possessing full consciousness; having a good memory; versed in law; -rodha, m. failure of memory; -vartman, n. path of memory: ac. w. i, be remembered; -vibhrama, m. derangement of memory; -vishaya, m. range of memory: -tâm gamita, dead; -sâstra, n. law-book; -sîla, n. du. tradition and usage; -sesha, a. surviving in memory only, destroyed: -m kri, destroy. स्मृत   smri-ta recollection: -mâtra̮ âgata, pp. come (when only=) as soon as thought of. (Monier-Williams)    स्मरः   smarḥ स्मरः [स्मृ-भावे अप्] 1 Recollection, remembrance; स्मरो वावाकाशाद्भूयः Ch. Up.7.13.1,2. -2 Love; स्मर एव तापहेतुर्निर्वापयिता स एव मे जातः Ś.3.11. -3 Cupid, the god of love; स्मर पर्युसुक एष माधवः Ku.4.28,42,43. -4 The 7th astrological mansion. -Comp. -अङ्कुशः 1 a finger-nail. -2a lover, lascivious person. -अगारम्, -कूपकः, -गृहम्, -मन्दिरम् the female organ. -अधिवोसः the Aśoka tree. -अन्धः a. blinded by love, infatuated with passion. -आकुल, -आतुर, -आर्त, -उत्सुक a. pining with love, love-sick, smit with love. -आसवः saliva. -उद्दीपनः a sort of hair-oil. -उन्मादःamorous folly. -उपकरणम् implement of love (as perfumes &c.). -कथा lovers' prattle. -कर्मन् n. any amorous action, a wanton act. -कार a. exciting love. -गुरुः an epithet of Viṣṇu. -चक्रः, -चन्द्रः a kind of sexual union. -छत्रम् the clitoris. -दशा a state of love, state of the body produced by being in love (these are ten). -दुर्मद a. infatuated by love. -ध्वजः 1 the male organ. -2 a fabu- lous fish. -3 N. of a musical instrument. (-जम्) the female organ. (-जा) a bright moon-light night. -प्रिया an epithet of Rati. -भासित a. inflamed by love. -मोहः infatuation of love, passion. -लेखः a love- letter. -लेखनी the Sārikā bird. -वल्लभः 1 an epithet of Spring. -2 of Aniruddha. -वीथिका a prostitute, harlot. -शासनः an epithet of Śiva. -शास्त्रम् a manual of erotics. -सखः 1 the moon. -2 the spring. -स्तम्भः the male organ. -स्मर्यः a donkey, an ass. -हरः an epithet of Śiva; श्मशानेष्वाक्रीडा स्मरहर पिशाचाः सहचराः Śiva-mahimna 24. स्मरमय   smaramaya स्मरमय a. Produced by love; प्रकटयन्त्यनुरागमकृत्रिमं स्मरमयं रमयन्ति विलासिनः Śi.6.61.  स्मरवती   smaravatī स्मरवती A woman in love.   स्मरणम्   smaraṇam स्मरणम् [स्मृ-ल्युट्] 1 Remembering, remembrance, recollection; केवलं स्मरणेनैव पुनासि पुरुषं यतः R.1.29. -2 Thinking of or about; यदि हरिस्मरणे सरसं मनः Gīt.1. -3 Memory. -4 Tradition, traditional precept; इति भृगुस्मरणात् (opp. श्रुति). -5 Mental recitation of the name of a deity. -6 Remembering with regret, regret- ting. -7 Rhetorical recollection, regarded as a figure of speech; thus defined:-यथानुभवमर्थस्य दृष्टे तत्सदृशे स्मृतिः स्मरणम् K. P.1. -णी A rosary of beads (for counting). -Comp. -अनुग्रहः 1 a kind remembrance. -2 the favour of remembrance; अद्य तूच्चैस्तरं ताभ्यां स्मरणानुग्रहात्तव Ku. 6.19. -अपत्यतर्पकः a turtle, tortoise. -अयौगपद्यम् the non-simultaneousness of recollections. -पदवी death.   स्मरणीय स्मर्तव्य स्मर्य   smaraṇīya smartavya smarya स्मरणीय स्मर्तव्य स्मर्य a. To be remembered, memorable.   स्मर्तृ   smartṛ स्मर्तृ A teacher, preceptor.   स्मार   smāra स्मार a. Relating to Smara or the god of love; रूक्षस्मारेक्षुचापच्युतशरनिकरक्षीणलक्ष्मीकटाक्ष...... Viṣṇupāda. S.43; स्मारं पुष्पमयं चापं बाणाः पुष्पमया अपि । तथाप्यनङ्गस्त्रैलोक्यं करोति वशमात्मनः ॥ -रम् Recollection, memory; स सभाद्वारमागम्य विदुरः स्मारमोहितः Mb.3.6.3.   स्मारक   smāraka स्मारक a. (-रिका f.) Reminding. -कम् A memorial (a modern use).   स्मारणम्   smāraṇam स्मारणम् 1 Calling to mind, reminding, causing to remember. -2 Calculating, checking; रमणीयेषु देशेषु घोषाः संप्रति कौरव । स्मारणे समयः प्राप्तो वत्सानामपि चाङ्कनम् ॥ Mb.3.239.4.   स्मार्त   smārta स्मार्त a. [स्मृतौ विहितः, स्मृतिं वेत्त्यधीते वा अण्] 1 Relating to memory, remembered, memorial. -2 Being within memory; स्मार्तमस्ति पुराणं मे यथैवाधिगतं तथा Mb.3. 179.2. -3 Based on or recorded in a Smṛiti, prescrib- ed in a code of laws; कर्म स्मार्तविवाहाग्नौ कुर्वीत प्रत्यहं गृही Y.1.97; Ms.1.18. -4 Legal. -5 Following or pro- fessing the law-books. -र्तः 1 A Brāhmaṇa well-versed in traditional law. -2 One who follows the traditional law; धर्मो$यं गृहमेधिनां निगदितः स्मार्तैर्लघुः स्वर्गदः Pt.1.253. -3 N. of a sect. -तम् An act or rite enjoined by the Smṛiti, a legal act. -Comp. -कालः 1 the period to which memory may extend. -2 a century.   स्मार्तिक   smārtika स्मार्तिक a. Traditional. (Apte)

smarḥ स्मरः is remembrance; smaraṇam स्मरणम् [स्मृ-ल्युट्] is remembering, remembrance, recollection.

Consciousness is an oscillation, a wave comparable to a radio wave or a micro wave which is realized through the ether or ākāśa आ-काश m. (Ved.) or (later) n. (ifc. f().) a free or open space , vacuity AitBr. S3Br. MBh. &c; the ether , sky or atmosphere Naigh. S3Br. Mn. &c; n. (in philos.) the subtle and ethereal fluid (supposed to fill and pervade the universe and to be the peculiar vehicle of life and of sound) Veda1ntas. &c; n. ब्रह्म (as identical with ether); n. = आकाश-भाषित n. (in theatrical language) speaking off the stage (to one out of sight) Comm. on Mr2icch. (Monier-Williams)

"Radio waves are a type of electromagnetic radiation with wavelengths in the electromagnetic spectrum longer than infraredlight. Radio waves have frequencies as high as 300 gigahertz (GHz) to as low as 30 hertz (Hz). At 300 GHz, the corresponding wavelength is 1 mm, and at 30 Hz is 10,000 km. Like all other electromagnetic waves, radio waves travel at the speed of light. They are generated by electric charges undergoing acceleration, such as time varying electric currents. Naturally occurring radio waves are emitted by lightning and astronomical objects.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Radio_wave

"Microwaves are a form of electromagnetic radiation with wavelengths ranging from one meter to one millimeter; with frequencies between 300 MHz (100 cm) and 300 GHz (0.1 cm)." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Microwave

What is a consciousness wave?

I suggest that consciousness is a wave which operates as an oscillation comparable to a microwave, but at frequencies which are yet to be identified and mapped and linked with cosmic energy forms. 

A microtubularwave is posited. The challenge is to identify and delineate the physical properties of this wave.

Inconstant states of memory is seen in normal behavior of all persons. This is best illustrated by the illusion of the spinning dancer. Is the picture of a clock-wise dance movement or anti-clockwise dance movement? The perception depends on the altered state of consciousness as the vision of 'depth' is altered by the blink of eyes, or movement of the eyes (the instrument or apparatus of vision sensation or sensory experience) of the ātman, 'life-experience or sensation'.
I suggest that such altered states of perception are a form of अप-स्मार or epilepsy. 

The suggested hypothesis for neuroscientific enquiry is: why does vision get registered in such inconstant memory registers in the brain?

The problem can be re-state for further inquiry in a neuroscience lab: Why does the altered state of consciousness occur oscillating between perception of clock-wise and anti-clockwise movements of the spinning dancer?

This example of the spinning dancer indicates that consciousness is not a constant state. It is in a continuous state of diseequilibrium, defining the spinning dancer's movement now as clock-wise and the next moment, as anti-clockwise.

Is consciousness a perpetual pulsating state, like a microwave or radiowave curve in motion pushing protons and electrons? And hence, impossible to define in two-dimensional terms, say, in a CATSCAN?

In Hindu tradition, Naṭarāja, cosmic dancer is a depiction of a state of consciousness which overcomes this pulsating state called अप-स्मार  Apasmāra. Iconographically, this is signified by Naṭarāja subduing अप-स्मार  Apasmāra with his dancing steps.

अप-स्मार  Apasmāra  want of memory, confusion of mind (in rhet. one of the व्यभिचारिभावs, q.v.), Sa1h.; 
m. epilepsy , falling sickness Sus3r. &c (Monier-Williams) *anusmara ʻ memory ʼ. [Cf. ánusmarati ʻ remembers ʼ RV., Pa. anussarati, Pk. aṇussaraï: √smr̥]Si. nusaraya ʻ memory, thought ʼ.(CDIAL 340) स्मर mf()n. remembering , recollecting (» जाति-स्मर); m. (ifc. f().) memory , remembrance , recollection ChUp. Uttarar. (Monier-Williams)

अप-स्मार  Apasmāra is a व्यभिचारिभाव, 'changeable, inconstant'

व्यभिचर्   vyabhicar व्यभिचर् 1 P. 1 To go astray, deviate from; as in अव्यभिचरितं साध्यसामान्याधिकरण्यं व्याप्तिः Tarka. K. -2 To transgress against, be faithless to; तस्मात् स्वधर्मं भूतानां राजा न व्यभिचारयेत् Kau. A.1.3. -3 To act crookedly. -4 To offend, injure. -5 To fail, miscarry. -6 To practise sorcery.    व्यभिचरणम्   vyabhicaraṇam व्यभिचरणम् Uncertainty, doubt.    व्यभि bhī चारः   vyabhi भी cārḥ व्यभि (भी) चारः 1 Going away from, deviation, leaving the right course, following improper courses; मन्त्रज्ञमव्यस- निनं व्यभिचारववर्जितम् H.3.16; मां च यो$व्यभिचारेण भक्तियोगेन सेवते Bg.14.26; -2 Transgression, violation; व्यभिचारेण वर्णानाम् (... जायन्ते वर्णसंकराः) Ms.1.24. -3 Error, crime, sin. -4 Separableness. -5 Infidelity, faithlessness (of a wife or husband), unchastity; व्यभिचारात्तु भर्तुः स्त्री लोके प्राप्नोति गर्ह्यताम् Ms.5.164; वाङ्मनःकर्मभिः पत्यौ व्यभिचारो यथा न मे R.15.81; Y.1.72. -6 An anomaly, irregu- larity, exception (to a rule). -7 (In logic) A fallacious hetu, the presence of the hetu without the sādhya; हेतोः साध्याभाववद्वृत्तित्वं व्यभिचारः Tarka. K. -8 Absence (अभाव); अन्यो$न्यतो$स्मिन् व्यभिचारतो मृषा नित्ये परे ब्रह्मणि केवले शिवे A. Rām.7.5.32. -Comp. -कृत् a. committing adultery. -विवर्जित a. free from extravagance or debauchery.   व्यभिचारिणी   vyabhicāriṇī व्यभिचारिणी An unchaste wife, adulteress.व्यभिचारिन्   vyabhicārin व्यभिचारिन् a. Straying or deviating from, going astray, erring, trespassing; निगृह्य दापयेच्चैनं मयव्यभिचारिणम् Ms.8.22. -2 Irregular, anomalous. -3Untrue, false; see अव्यभिचारिन्. -4 Faithless, unchaste, adulterous. -5 Profligate, wanton. -6 Departing from its usual meaning, having several secondary meanings (as a word). -7 Changeable, inconstant; नात्मा जजान न मरिष्यति नैधते$सौ न क्षीयते सवनविद्व्यभिचारिणां हि Bhāg.11.3.38. -m., -व्यभिचारिभावः A transitory feeling, an accessory (opp. स्थायिन् or स्थायिभाव q. v.). (Though like the Sthāyibhāvas these accessories do not form a neces- sary substratum of any rasa, still they act as feeders to the prevailing sentiment, and strengthen it in various ways, whether openly or covertly. They are said to be 33 or 34 in number; for an enumeration of these, see K. P. Kārikās 31-34, S. D.169 or R. G. first Ānana; cf. विभाव and स्थायिभाव also). व्यभीचारः   vyabhīcārḥ व्यभीचारः 1 Transgression, offence. -2 Change, alteration.(Apte)

अपस्मारः, पुं, (अपस्मर्य्यते पूर्ब्बवृत्तं विस्मर्य्यतेऽनेन, अप + स्मृ + करणे घञ् ।) रोगविशेषः । मृगी इति भाषा । तत्पर्य्यायः । अङ्गविकृतिः २ ला- लाधः ३ भूतविक्रिया ४ । इति राजनिर्घण्टः ॥ * ॥ तस्य सामान्यरूपं । “तमःप्रवेशः संरम्भो दोषोद्रेकहतस्मृतेः । अपस्मार इति ज्ञेयो गदो घोरश्चतुर्व्विधः” ॥ * ॥ तस्य निदानपूर्ब्बिका सम्प्राप्तिः । “चिन्ताशोकादिभिः क्रुद्धादोषा हृत्स्रोतसि स्थिताः । कृत्वा स्मृतेरपध्वंसमपस्मारं प्रकुर्व्वते” ॥ * ॥तस्य पूर्ब्बरूपं । यथा, --“हृत्कम्पः शून्यता स्वेदो ध्यानं मूर्च्छा प्रमूढता ।निद्रानाशश्च तस्मिंश्च भविष्यति भवत्यथ” ॥ * ॥वातिकस्य रूपं ।“कम्पते प्रदशेत् दन्तान् फेनोद्वामी श्वसित्यपि ।परुषारुणकृष्णानि पश्येद्रूपाणि चानिलात्” ॥ * ॥पैत्तिकस्य रूपं ।“पीतफेनाङ्गवक्त्राक्षः पीतासृग्रूपदर्शनः ॥सतृष्णोष्णानलव्याप्तलोकदर्शी च पैत्तिकः” ॥ * ॥श्लैष्मिकरूपं ।“शुक्लफेनाङ्गवक्त्राक्षः शीतहृष्टाङ्गजो गुरुः ।पश्यन् शुक्लानि रूपाणि श्लैष्मिको मुच्यते चिरात्” ॥ *त्रिदोषजरूपं ।:“सर्व्वैरेभिः समस्तैश्च लिङ्गैर्ज्ञेयस्त्रिदोषजः” ॥ * ॥असाध्यलक्षणं ॥अपस्मारः स चासाध्यो यः क्षीणस्यानवश्च यः ॥ * ॥अरिष्टलक्षणं ।“प्रस्फुरन्तं सुबहुशः क्षीणं प्रचलितभ्रुवं ।नेत्राभ्याञ्च विकुर्व्वाणमपस्मारो विनाशयेत्” ॥ * ॥तस्य वेगकालः ।“पक्षाद्वा द्वादशाहाद्वा मासाद्वा कुपिता मलाः ।अपस्माराय कुर्व्वन्ति वेगं किञ्चिदथांन्तरं ॥देवे वर्षत्यपि यथा भूमौ वीजानि कानिचित् ।शरदि प्रतिरोहन्ति तथा व्याधिसमुच्चयाः” ॥इति माधवकरः ॥ * ॥ तस्य चिकित्सा । यथा, --“तैलेन लशुनः सेव्यः पयसा च शतावरी ।ब्राह्मीरसश्च मधुना सर्व्वापस्मारभेषजं ॥ * ॥चूर्णैः सिद्धार्थकादीनां भक्षितैरथवापि तैः ।गोमूत्रपिष्टैः सर्व्वाङ्गलेपैः म्यत्यपस्मृतिः” ॥सिद्धार्थकादिः उन्मादोक्तः ॥ * ॥“शिग्रुकट्वङ्गकिणिहीनिम्बत्वग्रसपाचितं ।चतुर्गुणे गवां मूत्रे तैलमभ्यङ्गने हितं” ॥कट्वङ्गः शोनापाठा । किणिही चिरिचिरा ॥ * “निर्गुण्डीभववन्दाकनावनस्य प्रयोगतः ।उपैति सहसा नाशमपस्मारो महागदः ॥ * ॥मनोह्वा तार्क्ष्यविष्ठा वा शकृत् पारावतस्य च ।अञ्जनाद्धन्त्यपस्मारमुन्मादञ्च विशेषतः” ॥मनोह्वा मनःशिला । तार्क्ष्यो गरुडः । शकृत्विष्ठा ॥ * ॥“यः खादेत् क्षीरभक्ताशी माक्षिकेण वचारजः ।अपस्मारं महाघोरं चिरोत्थं स जयेद्ध्रुवं” ॥वचा घुरवच् ॥ * ॥“कुष्माण्डकफलोत्थेन रसेन परिपेषितं ।अपस्मारविनाशाय षष्ठ्याह्वं च पिबेत् त्र्यहं” ॥त्र्यहमिति एतस्य पानाद्दिवसत्रयेणैवापस्मारोप-शमो भवतीत्यभिप्रायः ॥ * ॥“ब्राह्मीरसवचाकुष्ठशङ्खपुष्पीशृतं घृतं ।पुराणं स्यादपस्मारोन्मादग्रहहरं परं” ॥एतस्य प्रक्रिया । पुराणं गोघृतं प्रस्थमितं वचा-कुष्ठशङ्खपुष्पीणां समुदितानां कुडवमितानां क-ल्केन प्रस्थमितब्राह्मीरसपिष्टेन पचेत् । ब्राह्मी-घृतं ॥ * ॥“कुष्माण्डकरसे सर्पिरष्टादशगुणे पचेत् ।यष्ट्याह्वकल्कं तत्पानमपस्मारविनाशनं” ॥कुष्माण्डकघृतं ॥ * ॥“द्वौ कीटमेषौ विधिवदानीय रविवासरे ।कण्ठे भुजे वा संधार्य्य जयेदुग्रामपस्मृतिं” ॥अयन्तु कीटो नदीतीरे सिकतामध्ये तिष्ठति ॥ * ॥“शिग्रुकुष्ठजलाजाजीलशुनव्योषहिङ्गुभिः ।वस्तमूत्रे शृतं तैलं नावनं स्यादपस्मृतौ” ॥जलं बालकं । अजाजी जीरकः । वस्तः छागः ।नावनं नस्यं ॥ * ॥ इत्यपस्माराधिकारः । इतिभावप्रकाशः ॥
https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः
अपस्मार पु० अपस्मारयति स्मरणं विलोपयति अप + स्मृ-णिच्--कर्त्तरि अच्, अपगतः स्मारः स्मरणंयतो वा । १रोगभेदे । स च सुश्रुते दर्शितो यथा स्मृतिर्भूतार्थविज्ञानमपश्चपरिवर्जने अपस्मार इति प्रोक्तस्ततोऽयं व्याधिरन्तकृत् ॥मिय्यादियोगेन्द्रियार्थकर्म्मणामतिसेवनात् । विरुद्धमलिना-हारविहारकुपितैर्मलैः । वेगनिग्रहशीलानामहिताशुचि-भोजिनाम् । रजस्तमोऽभिभूतानां गच्छताञ्च रजस्वलाम् ॥तथा कामभयोद्वेगक्रोधशोकादिभिर्भृशम् । चेतस्यभिहतेपुम्सामपस्मारोऽभिजायते ॥ संज्ञावहेषु स्रोतःसु दोषव्याप्तेषुमानवः । रजस्तमःपरीतेषुमूढो भ्रान्तेन चेतसा ॥ विक्षिपन्हस्तपादौ च विजिह्वभ्रूर्विलोचनः । दन्तान् वादन् वमन्फेनं विवृताक्षः पतेत् क्षितौ ॥ अल्पकालान्तरञ्चापि पुनःसंज्ञां लभेत सः । सोऽपस्मार इति प्रोक्तः स च दृष्टश्चतुर्विधः ॥वातपित्तकफैर्नॄणाञ्चतुर्थः सन्निपाततः । हृत्कम्पः शून्यतास्वेदोध्यानं मूर्च्छा प्रमूढता ॥ निद्रानाशश्च तस्मिंस्तु भविष्यतिभवन्त्यथ । वेपमानो दशेद्दन्तान् श्वसन् फेनं वमन्नपि ॥यो ब्रूयाद्विकृतं सत्वं कृष्णं मामनुधावति । ततो मे चित्त-नाशः स्यात्सोऽपस्मारोऽनिलात्मकः ॥ तृट्तापस्वेदमूर्च्छा-र्त्तोध्वनन्नङ्गानि विह्वलः । यो ब्रूयाद्विकृतं सत्वं पीतंमामनुधावति ॥ ततो मे चित्तनाशः स्यात्स पित्तभवउच्यते । शीतहृल्लासनिद्रार्त्तः पतन् भूमौ वमन् कफम् ॥यो ब्रूयाद्विकृतं सत्वं शुक्लं मामनुधावति । ततो मे चित्त-नाशः यात्सोऽपस्मारः कफात्मकः ॥ हृदि तोदस्तृडुत्क्लेद-स्त्रिष्वप्येतेषु संस्थया । प्रलापः कूजनं क्लेशः प्रत्येकन्तुभवेदिह ॥ सर्व्वलिङ्गसमावायः सर्व्वदोषप्रकोपजे ।अनिमित्तागमाद्व्याधेर्गमनादकृतेऽपि च ॥ आगमाच्चाप्यप-स्मारं दन्त्यन्ये न दोषजम् क्रमोपयोगाद्दोषाणां क्षणि-कत्वात्तथैव च ॥ आगमाद्वैश्वरूप्याच्च स तु निर्वर्ण्यते बुधैः ।वर्षत्यपि यथा देवे भूमौ वीजानि कानिचित् ॥ शरदिप्रतिरोहन्ति तथा व्याधिसमुद्भवः । स्थायिनः केचिदल्पेनकालेनाभिप्रवर्द्धिताः ॥ दर्शयन्ति विकारांस्तु विश्वरूपान्नि-सर्गतः । अपस्मारो महाव्याधिस्तस्माद्दोषज एव तु” इति ॥“धूर्त्तोऽपस्माररोगी स्यादिति” शाता० कर्म्म० । “अपस्मा-रादिरोगाणां ज्वरादीनां विशेषत इति” घटुकस्तोत्रम् ।अपस्मारिन् त्रि० अपस्मार + अस्त्यर्थे इनि । १ अपस्माररोगयुक्ते । स्त्रियां ङीप् ।
https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्

"In order to preserve knowledge in the world, Apasmāra could not be killed; to do so would throw out the balance of knowledge and ignorance, as to kill Apasmāra would mean attaining knowledge without effort, dedication and hard work. Consequently, this would lead to the devaluing of knowledge in all forms. In order to subdue Apasmāra, Lord Śiva adopted the form of Śrī Naṭarāja - the Lord of Dance and performed the cosmic dance of Tāṇḍava. During this dance, Śrī Naṭarāja suppressed Apasmāra by crushing him with his right foot. As Apasmāra is one of the few demons destined to immortality, it is believed that Lord Śiva forever remains in his Śrī Naṭarāja form suppressing Apasmāra for all eternity."

"Epilepsy – Ayurvedic understanding and its treatment – Dr. MS Krishnamurthy


Epilepsy is a condition where transient loss of consciousnesss is found for certain period of time which may last from few seconds to few minutes.. An epileptic attack is an abrupt and excessive electric discharge of cerebral neurons. Ayurveda explains epileptic attacks as Akshepaka (convulsions) and the syndrome is termed s ‘Apasmara’. Acharya Charaka defined this condition as a disorder with the characteristic features of  offasional loss of consciousness associated with suspended memory, intellect and mind. It is presented with the cardinal features of loss of memory (consciousness) by feeling or entering into darkness with involuntary movements."

https://easyayurveda.com/2014/04/23/epilepsy-ayurvedic-understanding-treatment/

A critical drug review of ingredients of Sarasvatha choorna: used as a remedy for dementia T. D. N. Karunaratne1* , Kahapola Sugataratana2 , H. A. S. Ariyawansa1 , H. A. de Silva3 1 Institute of Indigenous Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka. 2Faculty of Humanities, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka. 3Faculty of Medicine, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka.

Abstract According to the present data, there is a high (3.1%) prevalence of Mental Disease among elders of Sri Lanka. Prevalence of Dementia (Smruthibramsha in Ayurveda) is 3% of elders in between the age of 60 to 80 years. This will be a big issue for Health policy planning and Health management in future. Objective of this study is carried out critical drug review of ingredients of Sarasvatha choorna which has been using mental Disease in Ayurveda. This is a literal review article gathering information from specially relevant chapters of unmada (Insanity), apasmara (Epilepsy) in vriddathrai, laguthrai, bhavaprakasha, materia medica books and literature survey of Dementia in journals and web sources. Among many preparations as a treatment of manasa roga mentioned in the authentic Ayurvedic Sanskrit texts, Sarasvtha choorna has been frequently used as a treatment and management of Unmada (Insanity) which has mentioned in Bhavaprakasha. It is indicated person who are mentally retarded and who have low levels of intellect. If, this preparation is regularly consumed, decisive mind, intellect, comprehension and improved memory gradually. Many research have been shown that the Ingredients of Saarasvtha choorna have antioxidant, anti stress, anti Demential, brain-tonic, nervine stimulant and tonic, enhance the learning and memory abilities, anti diabetic, anticancer and immunomodulatory, analgesic, antimicrobial, anthelmintics, analgesics and antiinflammatory, spasmolytic, bronchodilator, gastro protective, hepatoprotective, nephroprotective, prevention of neurodegeneration in Alzheimer's disease, intellect promoting, behavior modifying, anticonvulsant, acetyl cholinesterase inhibitory & memory enhancing properties. It can be concluded that the Sarasvatha choorna can be used for many mental diseases, mental conditions and in the Management of Dementia.

http://www.jipbs.com/VolumeArticles/FullTextPDF/309_JIPBSV4I307.pdf 

https://www.academia.edu/5473235/Tarih_Boyunca_Epilepsi (2006) Epilepsy throughout history (Turkish)

Dementia in Ayurveda

The ancient Indian medical system, Ayurveda, included geriatrics as 1 of 8 medical divisions. Well-documented evidence exists for treating aging and age-related disorders including dementia. Geriatrics was termed Rasayanatantra. Cognitive function was well recognized and Sanskrit terms existed such as Buddhi for intelligence and Cittanasa (Citta means mind, nasa means loss of) for dementia. A normal human life span was considered to be 100 years. It could be prolonged to 116-120 years through the use of preventive treatments, if they were started during late youth or middle age. Treatments included herbal preparations, diet, exercise, and attention to general mode of life and social behavior. Several herbal formulations are described, including details of their composition and preparation. The mode of action of antiaging drugs was believed to occur at 3 levels. Detailed descriptions of the mode of action of several herbs are provided, and recent research confirms some of this activity.
https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/abs/10.1089/acm.1999.5.81

Abstract

The ancient Indian medical system, Ayurveda, meaning science of life, is the oldest system of medicine in the world. Epilepsy is defined as Apasmara: apa, meaning negation or loss of; smara, meaning recollection or consciousness. Aura was recognized and was called Apasmara Poorva Roopa. A large number of symptoms indicative of aura were listed. Worthy of mention are subjective sensation of sounds, sensation of darkness, feeling of delusion, and dream-like state. An actual attack of Apasmara includes falling down; shaking of the hands, legs, and body; rolling up of the eyes; grinding of the teeth; and foaming at the mouth. Four major types of epilepsy based on the disturbance of doshas (humors) that govern the physiological and physiochemical activities of the body are mentioned. Apasmara is considered a dangerous disease that is chronic and difficult to treat. Several causes are mentioned. Treatment included correcting the etiological factors and dietary regimen and avoiding dangerous places that may result in injuries.
 B.V. Manyam (1992), Epilepsy in ancient India. Epilepsia. 1992 May-Jun;33(3):473-5

Kedareśwar temple,Halebid
Siva in the 'anandatandava' position as Lord of Dance (Siva Nataraja), with Ganga flowing through his hair and Apasmara, the dwarfish demon of ignorance, under his right foot. The god is shown at the end of one cycle and the beginning of another. The arch is broken above the proper left shoulder of the figure. Cast in a copper alloy.
British Museum Number 1987,0314.1 Cast in copper alloy. 

bronze (pancha loha). Lost-wax cast. Chola (Reign of Kulotunga I) , ca, 1100 CE Height: 89.5 centimetres Exhibited:
Shown in 'Manifestations of Shiva' : Philadelphia Museum of Art (March29-Jun7, 1981) Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth (Aug 1 to Sept 27, 1981 Seattle Art Museum (Nov. 25 to Jan 31, 1982) LACMA (Mar. 23 to May 30, 1982). This object was bought from C T Loo at Paris in 1946 by the Honolulu Academy of Arts and de-accessioned by them in 1964. A note in the HAA's annual bulletin in 1947 confirms this acquisition history. Bought by Mr William Wolff of New York in the year of its de-accession by the HAA, it was purchased by the British Museum in 1987.
  • A bronze figure of Siva Nataraja (with associated Ganga and Apasmara images). The arch (tiruvashi) broken above the proper left shoulder of the figure.
    Full: Front
  • COMPASS Title: Granite figure of Dakshinamurti
    Full: Front
  • COMPASS Title: Granite figure of Dakshinamurti
    Full: Front
  • COMPASS Title: Granite figure of Dakshinamurti
    Full: Front
  • COMPASS Title: Granite figure of Dakshinamurti
    Full: Front
  • COMPASS Title: Granite figure of Dakshinamurti
    Full: Front
  • COMPASS Image Caption:Back
    Full: Back
  • COMPASS Image Caption:Front
    Full: Front
  • Siva in the 'anandatandava' position as Lord of Dance (Siva Nataraja), with Ganga flowing through his hair and Apasmara, the dwarfish demon of ignorance, under his right foot. The god is shown at the end of one cycle and the beginning of another. The arch is broken above the proper left shoulder of the figure. Cast in a copper alloy.
    Full: Back
  • Siva in the 'anandatandava' position as Lord of Dance (Siva Nataraja), with Ganga flowing through his hair and Apasmara, the dwarfish demon of ignorance, under his right foot. The god is shown at the end of one cycle and the beginning of another. The arch is broken above the proper left shoulder of the figure. Cast in a copper alloy.
    Detail: Other
  • Siva in the 'anandatandava' position as Lord of Dance (Siva Nataraja), with Ganga flowing through his hair and Apasmara, the dwarfish demon of ignorance, under his right foot. The god is shown at the end of one cycle and the beginning of another. The arch is broken above the proper left shoulder of the figure. Cast in a copper alloy.
    Detail: Other
  • Related image



    Book review: The Mountain Peoples in the Ancient Near East. The Case of the Zagros in the First Millennium BCE -- Silvia Balatti (2017)

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    TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 2018

    Bryn Mawr Classical Review
    2018.09.31
    Silvia Balatti, The Mountain Peoples in the Ancient Near East. The Case of the Zagros in the First Millennium BCE. Classica et Orientalia 18. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 2017. Pp. xxviii, 452; 22 plates. ISBN 9783447108003. €89.00. ISBN 9783447196383. ebook.Reviewed by Geoffrey D. Summers, Oriental Institute, University of Chicago (summersgd@gmail.com)
    Version at BMCR home site

    Table of Contents
    Since prehistory, communities principally engaged in herding activities have occupied the intermontane valleys and plains of the Zagros (Western Iran). Relations, tensions and cultural exchange between the inhabitants of the mountains and those of the Mesopotamian plains already occurred during the Bronze Age. These contacts increased in the course of the 1st millennium BCE, as is suggested by Near Eastern and subsequently by Greek and Latin sources which provide us with numerous new names of peoples living in the Zagros. The present volume, based on the author's 2014 doctoral dissertation at the University of Kiel and already enjoying widespread recognition,1 investigates the social organisation and life style of the peoples of the Zagros Mountains in the 1st millennium BCE and examines their relationships with the surrounding environment and with the political authorities on the plains.
    Among these peoples, for example, were the 'fierce' Medes, breeders and purveyors of fine horses, the Manneans, who inhabited a large territory enclosed between the two contending powers of Assyria and Urartu, and the 'warlike' Cosseans, who bravely attempted to resist the attack of Alexander the Great's army. The Southern Zagros Mountains, inhabited by mixed groups of Elamite and Iranian farmers and pastoralists, were also of key importance as the home of the Persians and the core area of their empire. Starting from Fārs, the Persians were able to build up the largest empire in the history of the ancient Near East before Alexander.
    Balatti's valuable study provides an extensive tool for all scholars of the Ancient Near East, and particularly those with interests in the first millennium BCE. In particular, the interdisciplinary approach adopted in this study, which juxtaposes historical records with archaeological, zooarchaeological, palaeobotanical and ethnographic data, is meant to offer a new, holistic and multifaceted view on an otherwise little-known topic in ancient history. The work is concerned with the important subject of the peoples who dwelt in the Zagros Mountains that stretch from the Southern Caucasus in the north to the eastern side of the Persian Gulf in the south, forming a high spine that divides Mesopotamia from the Iranian Plateau. Today the southern and central portions of the range lie within Iran, while a more northerly section straddles the border between Iran and Iraq before merging with the high Eastern Massif in eastern Turkey. On the west side of this northern limit is the high and mountainous area around Lake Van, the homeland of Urartu, while on the eastern side, in northwest Iran, is the Urmia Lake basin. Yet further north lies the Southern Caucasus that, although largely but not entirely beyond the scope of this book, are referred to as necessary. In scope the core of this study has the great merit of spanning the period from the rise and aggressive expansion of the Neo-Assyrian state at the beginning of the first millennium BCE down to the end of the Seleucid Period, rather than closing with the more common division marked by the conquests of Alexander the Great that ushered in the Hellenistic Period. In so doing Balatti has been able to include in the discussion not only the relevant Ancient Near Eastern texts, but also Greco-Roman accounts.
    As said, the work claims to be an all-too-rare attempt to consider the written testimony provided by ancient texts and inscriptions alongside, and on an equal footing with, the evidence of archaeology and ethnography together with, innovatively, paleo-climatic and environmental studies. For the most part the various mountain peoples of the Zagros were illiterate, and no texts have yet been found by archaeologists. Thus the only written accounts available to us come either from lowland kingdoms and empires (Assyrian, Urartian, Babylonian and, to the east of Mesopotamia, Elamite and Achaemenid) or from Greco-Roman accounts that begin with Xenophon and end with Strabo. The mountain dwellers themselves have not left much more than generally scant archaeological remains, often amounting to little other than graves. One consequence of this bias in the types of available evidence is that, regardless of intentions, the study under review is very largely based on textual sources.
    The author has gathered together a large corpus of ancient texts that cast various shades of light on the geography and ecology of the Zagros Mountains as well as their inhabitants in the first millennium BCE. The texts themselves and a discussion of their contents form the core of the book. Each text is both transliterated and translated. None of the translations are new, most are in English. Neo-Assyrian documents are considered first (chapter 3), followed by those from Urartu (chapter 4), then by the Neo-Elamite, Neo-Babylonian, and Achaemenid sources grouped together (chapter 5). Lastly comes the Greco-Roman evidence (chapter 6). This order is largely chronological but, at the same time, geographic, because it trends from north to south as the focus shifts over time from Assyria to Southern Mesopotamia. Many of the Neo-Assyrian sources deal with the same areas of the northern Zagros as those of Urartu, although Urartian interests extended further northwards through the Urmia Basin into the Southern Caucasus.
    The first question to be addressed is whether the peoples of the Zagros in the first millennium BCE make a suitably well-defined subject for an in-depth study of this kind. The short answer is yes, because this high range of mountains that divides the Iranian Plateau from Mesopotamia played (and continues to play to this day) key roles in the history and archaeology of the Ancient Near East. But such geographic simplicity does not provide the entire picture, and can be misleading. To begin in the north, where the eastern end of the Taurus merges with the Zagros, the chain of high peaks is not so greatly elevated above the Van basin, Lake Van itself being at c. 1650 m above sea level, while on the eastern side Lake Urmia lies above 1200 m. Throughout the Early and Middle Bronze Ages the archaeological cultures in these two lake basins display considerable homogeneity, with few indications that the northernmost section of the Zagros Mountains formed a cultural barrier between them. In the Early Iron Age, too, such evidence as is available suggests strong cultural relationships, for instance between Hasanlu V/IV and the cemetery at Karagündüz. From the time of the conquests of Menua, king of Urartu, in the late ninth century until the collapse of the Urartian state in the mid-seventh, the entire region stretching northwards as far as Lake Sevan in the Trans-Caucasus was under Urartian domination. That is not to say that all the inhabitants were Urartians: the temple inscription from Ayanis, ancient Rusahinili Eiduru-kai, lists deported peoples some of whom may very well have been brought from the northern Zagros.
    With regard to the Central Zagros, the Neo-Assyrian and Urartian texts make reference to tribes, peoples, localities and routes. These texts are mostly concerned with military campaigns, the principal purpose of which was to keep open trade routes, and thus access to raw materials, to the Iranian Plateau and beyond. The earlier Neo-Assyrian kings did not attempt to conquer and occupy the mountain territories themselves. Eventually, however, in 737 Sargon II imposed direct Assyrian control over the whole of the western side of the Central Zagros, thus following a pattern seen elsewhere in the Assyrian Empire, that is, territorial annexation and direct rule following failure to gain loyalty by means of threat and terror. As this study makes clear, one consequence of this Assyrian policy is that the written information concerning the peoples of the Zagros themselves, be it from inscriptions or accounts of campaigns, or indeed from pictorial representations carved on Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs, is very scant. The peoples and their cultures were not of interest to Assyrian despots.
    Turning now to the southern end of the mountain range the situation was somewhat different. First to be considered are the Neo-Elamite and related texts. Balatti discusses the difference between the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian sources, on the one hand, and the Neo-Elamite and Achaemenid written accounts, on the other, but perhaps there was more to say here. Neo-Assyrian sources tended to view the mountain peoples as remote, unfamiliar, and inferior or uncivilised, not least because they did not live in what the Assyrians would have considered cities. Neo-Elamites and Persians, on the other hand, were far more familiar with the mountain peoples and interacted with them much more closely. Indeed, they might be considered as peoples of the foothills as much as peoples of the plains.
    The later sources, from Xenophon to Strabo, provide fuller accounts with considerably more descriptive details, and of course subjective remarks. Balatti makes all of this clear, sifting out what might be relevant to her subject from what might be considered ancient travel writing designed for a foreign, Greek-speaking audience.
    Essentially this book is, then, a study based on written testimony. Yet the peoples who form the subject of the study were largely or completely illiterate. Thus the only direct evidence of themselves available to us comes through archaeology. From the point of view of an archaeologist, such as this reviewer, it can be bluntly stated that rather than starting with analysis of the archaeological evidence, and then attempting to reconcile or contrast such evidence with the written accounts of neighbouring, more complex, polities, Balatti has focussed on the texts, paying attention to the archaeological evidence only on those rare occasions where it might illuminate or strengthen what is essentially a historical approach. She cannot be blamed for the omission of studies that appeared only as the volume was in final stages of production, such as the dramatic evidence for the Neo-Assyrian sack of Musasir as well as other ongoing work in what is now Iraqi Kurdistan,2 or for the rather cursory emphasis given to the important volume by Danti on the excavations of Hasanlu V that appeared just in time for inclusion in the bibliography.3 More disappointing is the omission of any reference to, let alone discussion of, the well-known stele depicting warriors with weapons and other attributes found at Hakkari in the south-eastern corner of Turkey that are extensively published by Veli Sevin.4 In this way the book highlights the relatively scant archaeological evidence from the highlands that, for much of the period under discussion, comprises cemeteries with little indication of settlements or campsites. Nevertheless, there is no detailed discussion or analysis of such evidence as is available, be it derived from physical anthropology or from the numerous grave goods.
    Before the book draws towards its conclusions issues of environment and ecology are addressed. Chapter 8 is a useful overview of the published environmental evidence for this area spanning the entire Holocene that includes a description of modern climate and vegetation as well as the data based on pollen obtained from lake cores. It needs to be pointed out, however, that such studies are very difficult to integrate with the kinds of historical texts available. The importance of viticulture and orchards in the Iron Age is axiomatic, but it is extremely difficult to demonstrate in the environmental record. Likewise, complex issues such as deforestation as a result of harvesting timber for lowland consumption, the destructive effects of large-scale goat herding, or charcoal making for metal production are impossible to disentangle with the currently available evidence. Trends are discernible over the longue duree, but even isolating changes in the first millennium BCE is a daunting challenge.
    The standard of English is excellent, with only very occasional typos. One reference (Herles 20085) is missing from the bibliography. Most illustrations seem to be of little relevance, as though added as an afterthought. The plan of Hasanlu IVb on Plate 8 is over-reduced, while the interesting images of Kül-e Farah on Plate 6 deserved a far better presentation as well as an explanatory caption.
    To summarise, the volume will be an extremely useful tool for any study of the peoples of the Zagros in the Iron Age, and Balatti is to be thanked for bringing together such a wealth of historical evidence, as well as for her insightful discussions. While it may not entirely live up to its claim to be a fully integrated study of the textual, archaeological and environmental evidence, it is in fact a piece of good and interesting historical scholarship.



    Notes:
    1.   The book has won several prizes, such as the 2018 World Award for Book of the Year of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of Iranian Studies and the Johanna Mestorf Award for outstanding dissertations in the field of human- environmental research and landscape archaeology.
    2.   Danti, M.D. 2014. "The Rowanduz Archaeological Project: Searching for the Kingdom of Musasir," Expedition 56.3: 27-33. Marf, D.A. 2014. "The Temple and the City of Musasir/Ardini: New Aspects in the light of New Archaeological Evidence," Subartu Journal8: 13-29.
    3.   Danti, M.D. 2013. Hasanlu V: The Late Bronze and Iron I Periods. Hasanlu Excavation Reports III. University Museum Monograph. University of Pennsylvania Press.
    4.   Sevin, V. 2005. Hakkâri Taşları: Çıplak Savaşçıların Gizemi, Istanbul: Yedi Kredi Yayınları; and 2015. Hakkâri Taşları II: Gizmin Peşinde, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu.
    5.   Herles, M. 2008. "Das Kamel in Assyrien und Urartu," Aramazd, Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 3.2: 153-180.


    http://www.bmcreview.org/2018/09/20180931.html

    Cosmic energy and ātman, 'individual consciousness'. Still in the dark -- Michael Brooks

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    This is an addendum to: 

    https://tinyurl.com/y7a38czh


    Search for dark energy in cosmos is at a dead end.
    God particle continues to be elusive.
    Consciousness is a dark issue in neurosciences.


    Where do we go from here in the frontiers of scientific enquiry of the cosmic dance of Naarāja

    The metaphor of the cosmic dance is also linked to the act of subduing अप-स्मार  Apasmāra which is explained as 'lapse of consciousness'.

    The search for dark matter, the search for God particle and the search for consciousness linked to cosmic energy and waves of ether carrying signals of consciousness are somehow related issues for a precise definition of consciousness or ātman, 'life principle, principles of sensation'.

    ātman is conscious at the level of an individual life-entity; paramātman is cosmic energy. the dance metaphor of  Naarāja describes both consciousness and अप-स्मार  Apasmāra, 'lapse of consciousness at an individual entity level'.

    What is the significance of the metaphor of Naṭarāja, cosmic dancer subduing अप-स्मार  Apasmāra with his dancing steps?

    19 SEPTEMBER 2018

    Is the search for dark energy a dead end?


    After decades of research, dark matter and dark energy remain elusive. Is it time to admit that cosmology is ensnared by dimly understood forces? Michael Brooks investigates.





    SHANNON ROSE
    In 2006, I ventured to the Carnegie Institution in Washington DC. There, I had a long conversation with the astronomer Vera Rubin. Thirty-six years earlier, she was one of the first modern cosmologists to suggest that a huge part of the universe was missing. At the time, she had suggested it might take a decade to find this missing stuff, now best known as “dark matter”.
    By 1990, two decades later, when dark matter was still missing, the English Astronomer Royal Martin Rees said it would turn up within a decade. In 1999 dark matter hadn’t made an appearance, but Rees was unbowed: he declared himself “optimistic” that, in five years’ time, he would be able to report what dark matter is.
    But by the time Rubin and I met in Washington, astronomers were all still empty-handed. What’s more, things had gotten worse: in 1997 astronomers had discovered “dark energy”, another missing component of the cosmos. Now a full 96% of the universe involved a form of matter and energy unknown to science.
    Has there been progress since then? Not really. In 2018, more than 20 years after we had to acknowledge our ignorance of the vast majority of the universe, we still haven’t identified what dark matter or dark energy might be. “I’m certainly ready for the great leap forward,” says Rocky Kolb, an astronomer based at the University of Chicago.
    And there is not much hope of making such a leap either. In fact, some researchers are proposing that we might be living through our generation’s “ether moment”. For centuries, mainstream science believed that light propagated through a space filled with a mysterious stuff – the ether. But by the turn of the 20th century, the ether’s existence had been refuted. Could both dark matter and dark energy be similarly seductive illusions?


    96% of the universe is made of a form of matter and energy unknown to science.
    96% of the universe is made of a form of matter and energy unknown to science.
    SHANNON ROSE

    The first hint of a dark side to the universe came in 1933, when the Swiss astronomer Fritz Zwicky noticed that the Coma galaxy cluster was spinning so fast that it should be falling apart due to centripetal forces. Zwicky suggested that they might be holding together because of the gravitational action of embedded massive particles that didn’t betray their presence by reflecting light. He called this hypothetical stuff “Dunkle Materie”: dark matter.
    The search didn’t really get off the ground though until the 1970s. It was the heyday of particle physics, so when Rubin noticed an anomaly in the Andromeda galaxy “that suggested the presence of a novel form of matter particle”, physicists were all ears. Rubin had measured the galaxy’s “rotation curve”, a graph of the speed at which its stars are orbiting the galaxy’s centre, plotted against their distance from the centre. The problem Rubin noticed was that, far out from the centre, the graph was flat.
    Just as Pluto’s motion through space is slower than Earth’s, the outer stars should have a lower velocity than the inner stars. If their velocity is equally high, what’s to stop them flying off into space? Certainly not the gravitational pull of the galaxy’s visible matter, which is nowhere near strong enough. There must be a gravitational pull from dark matter holding these fast-spinning stars in place, Rubin said.
    So what is this stuff? Physicists have come up with various candidates. The basic qualification is that it must have mass but no interaction with electromagnetic radiation: it must, in other words, have a gravitational pull without being detectable in any other way.
    Contenders have included mini black holes, neutrinos, hypothesised particles called axions, other things called Massive Compact Halo Objects (MACHOs) – and many more. There have been scores of experiments direct and indirect, looking for such candidates, and none have succeeded.


    The stars in the outer reaches of the Andromeda galaxy are spinning too fast for the centre to hold them. Why haven’t they been flung out into space?
    The stars in the outer reaches of the Andromeda galaxy are spinning too fast for the centre to hold them. Why haven’t they been flung out into space?
    SHANNON ROSE

    Two elaborately designed snares for dark matter caused particularly bitter disappointment when they failed to capture anything. One involved smashing dense particles of matter like protons together in the Large Hadron Collider at CERN, the European particle physics lab in Geneva, and looking for dark matter candidates in the debris. None have been found. The other was the Large Underground Xenon or LUX experiment in the former Homestake gold mine in South Dakota, which hoped to detect “Weakly Interacting Massive Particles” or WIMPs, that are believed to gently rain down on our planet.
    LUX’s detector, buried deep underground to avoid noise, comprises a cylinder filled with cooled liquid xenon. The idea is that if a WIMP collides with a xenon atom, the atom emits a tiny flash of light that gets picked up by a bank of detectors encircling the tank. However, since we don’t know how often a WIMP would nudge a xenon atom, or how hard, the detector has had to search through a range of possible energy levels. In 2016, after a two-year, $US10 million-dollar search, its operators gave up the hunt, their snares conspicuously empty.
    “I thought this would be the decade of the WIMPs,” Kolb says. “But we are 70% through the decade, with experiments and observations that in principle finally have the sensitivity and range to have discovered a WIMP. And we are empty-handed. All of the parameter space hasn’t been closed yet but it’s getting less likely that a WIMP is the answer.”
    As a result, physicists are starting to look for new ideas about dark matter particles, or resurrecting ideas that were previously discarded. As Martin Sloth of the University of Southern Denmark has put it: “Everybody is signing up, thinking that they now have a chance”.
    But if all comers are now welcome in the new search for dark matter particles, alternative explanations for the anomalous observations in galaxy rotation curves and galaxy cluster spins are not. Take, for example, the work of Stacy McGaugh, a professor at Case Western Reserve University in Ohio and a former colleague of Vera Rubin. McGaugh has gone back to the drawing board. Rather than a problem of insufficient matter, perhaps gravity simply obeys a different rule over the huge, intergalactic distances involved?
    HAS THERE BEEN PROGRESS SINCE THE 1990S? NOT REALLY. COULD DARK MATTER AND DARK ENERGY BE SEDUCTIVE ILLUSIONS?
    The idea that gravity might not obey Newtonian (or Einsteinian) laws, so called Modified Newtonian Dynamics (MOND), was first put forward in the 1980s by Israeli physicist Mordehai Milgrom. “There are already observations explained by modified gravity that can’t be explained by dark matter,” McGaugh points out. One, he suggests, is the distribution of mass in dwarf spheroidal galaxies, which are small, dim galaxies dotted around the edges of the Milky Way and Andromeda. Because they contain comparatively little dust, their contents are relatively easy to scrutinise.
    But modifying gravity certainly doesn’t solve all the cosmological conundrums that astronomers want to resolve. Even McGaugh admits that for some observations, such as gravitational lensing where light from distant galaxies is bent by the pull of invisible matter, dark matter is a better explanation than modified gravity.
    But, rather than point scoring for the different theories, McGaugh says it’s time for a reckoning. If the dark matter search has turned up nothing since the 1930s, who gets to decide how long we keep looking? “Every five years for the past 25 years I’ve heard a talk by some impressive person in which it was confidently asserted that in five years we would know what the dark matter was,” McGaugh says. “It was always an ‘odds on slam dunk’ – and always an overly optimistic assessment.”
    The problem is, we can’t ever rule out dark matter’s existence just because we haven’t found it. “If we get tired of looking for WIMPs, maybe it is axions. When we tire of those, we’re free to make something else up, ad infinitum,” McGaugh says. He believes this transgresses the very idea of a scientific endeavour. “Is that science? Popper would say ‘no’.”
    The iconic 20th century science philosopher, Karl Popper, held that if there is no piece of evidence that – if found – could show unequivocally that your theory is false, you’re not doing science. The theory of dark matter is unfalsifiable, McGaugh says.
    But according to Michela Massimi, a philosopher of science based at the University of Edinburgh, that doesn’t disqualify its merit. Invoking Popper’s falsifiability is inadequate for capturing cosmology’s issues, she says.
    Indeed, while most cosmologists today still hope to find evidence for dark matter through Popperian experiments, the evidence actually accrues through a variety of channels: from the cosmic microwave background radiation (an echo of the big bang) to the motion of galaxy clusters, among others. “Until and unless a rival dark-matter-free model can be found that proves as successful at explaining all these phenomena, the hypothesis of cold dark matter is bound to remain live, even in the absence of direct detection evidence,” Massimi says.
    Massimi is sympathetic to those trying to work on rival ideas, though. She describes McGaugh’s work as important and regrets that his ideas, and those of others, don’t receive the attention they should. She remains optimistic, however. “I think things are slowly changing,” she says.
    Colin Rourke, a mathematician at the University of Warwick, doesn’t share Massimi’s optimism. Like McGaugh he has also developed a mathematical model of galaxies that does away with the need for dark matter. Instead, he suggests that a rotating, superheavy black hole at the centre of galaxies is enough to create the flat rotation curve.


    ILLUSTRATIONS BY SHANNON ROSE

    In his mathematical scheme, which builds on the early 20th century ideas of Austrian Ernst Mach (of sound speed fame), the rotating mass creates a distortion in space-time that would alter the apparent velocity of the stars around it. Because of the distortion (an effect known as frame-dragging), they look from the outside like they are being pulled around more quickly, which creates the illusion of dark matter’s existence. “It’s just something in the geometry, something warping in space-time,” he says.
    Though he has many mathematical admirers and collaborators, Rourke has had no success trying to get his idea taken seriously by cosmologists, or published in any of the mainstream cosmology journals. “It’s been like dropping it down a deep well. I’m still waiting to hear something,” he says.
    For Donald Saari, a mathematics professor from the University of California, Irvine, the answer to missing matter lies in the mathematics of many-body problems or how forces interact between multiple objects. He says he has created simulations that show the theoretical rotation curves of galaxies – the root of Rubin’s observation of dark matter – are the wrong shape.
    SIMULATIONS SHOW THE THEORETICAL ROTATION CURVES OF GALAXIES – THE SOURCE OF THEORIES OF DARK MATTER – ARE THE WRONG SHAPE.
    That is because they rely on solving the two-body problem to give the theoretical rotation curve, approximating the motion of any particular star by assuming it is pulled by the galaxy as a whole, rather than each of the other objects at once.
    Saari has worked out the effects of having billions of massive objects simultaneously moving and pulling on one another. The result, he claims, gives precisely the rotation curve that’s observed. “I’ve had it reviewed by astronomers, and they have not found any errors in what I’ve done. They just don’t like the conclusion.” He published his analysis in the Astronomical Journal three years ago, after a four-year review process, but it hasn’t changed anything. “It’s had no impact that I’m aware of,” he says.
    Saari is relatively sanguine about being ignored. McGaugh is less happy, and expends a significant amount of energy engaging with the cosmology community, offering new tests for modified gravity, exploring where and how astronomers might test whether it, or dark matter, is the more accurate idea.
    Despite all the effort, it is unlikely to make any difference. Modified gravity researchers have long battled mainstream cosmologists over the interpretations of observations, drawing conflicting conclusions from the same evidence.
    Even if we were to solve the dark matter problem, we’re still left with another huge hole in our picture of the cosmos – though this too might be an illusion induced by a faulty theory. This hole is occupied by dark energy, and it accounts for 70% of the total mass and energy in the universe. That’s almost three times the size of the dark matter hole, which accounts for about 27%.
    As with dark matter, dark energy’s existence was initially inferred from astronomical observations – this time from light emanating from exploding stars known as supernovae. Analysing how the wavelengths of the light had stretched as it travelled through space to our telescopes suggested not only that space was expanding, but also that the expansion was speeding up.
    This Nobel prize-winning discovery by the teams of Saul Perlmutter at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, Brian P. Schmidt of the Australian National University and Adam Riess of Johns Hopkins University was a complete surprise in 1997. Our understanding was that in the aftermath of the big bang, gravity should have put a brake on the exploding universe.
    We assume that there must be an energy source for this acceleration: hence the hypothesis of dark energy. But so far all attempts to work out what it is, and where it comes from, have failed. There are also those who think it might be a mathematically induced illusion.
    One possibility is that we may have made some false assumptions: essentially, the universe is more complex than we might have hoped. Carl Gibson of the University of California San Diego, for instance, reckons we can’t do reliable cosmology without taking into account turbulence and other complexities of fluid dynamics that might have arisen in the high-energy environment of the big bang.
    It’s not just about turbulence, though. In order to have a manageable theory, we assume that the universe is isotropic – the same in every direction – and homogeneous, with no areas of the cosmos that have special, peculiar characteristics. Those assumptions make the equations easier to solve, but they may be oversimplifying things. Kolb has been suggesting for more than a decade that we need a more complex, nuanced theory that can work without these assumptions. The trouble is: the maths is prohibitively difficult and, according to some, the effort might be a waste of time. Martin Kunz of the University of Geneva, for instance, has published work suggesting the inhomogeneities would have to be unrealistically huge to account for the dark energy. Kolb isn’t convinced. Rumours of the idea’s death are “exaggerated”, he reckons.
    Alternatively, might there be problems with our supernova observations? The conclusions about dark energy rely on all supernovae of the same type emitting their light in exactly the same way. That’s why the ones used for the dark energy calculation are known in the community as “standard candles”.
    THE CONCLUSIONS ABOUT DARK ENERGY RELY ON SUPERNOVAE ALL EMITTING THEIR LIGHT IN THE SAME WAY. MAYBE THAT’S A DANGEROUS ASSUMPTION?
    But maybe that’s another dangerous assumption. We’re currently puzzled by a set of observations of supernova iPTF14hls, for example. Instead of dimming continuously after its initial explosion, it has brightened on occasion, maintaining this variable luminosity for years. Though this is not the same type of supernova as used in dark energy measurements, it does raise the question of whether we understand supernovae as well as we think.
    But this avenue of inquiry is still a long shot – like all the others, it seems. Take the idea that the solution to dark energy might come with a re-examination of Einstein’s cosmological constant. Einstein introduced the term as a fudge factor: while his equations showed the universe was expanding, he “knew” the universe to be static. He later referred to this as his biggest blunder and removed it from the equations. But physicists have essentially re-inserted it because since the discovery of dark energy, we need a term that will push hard on space and time, causing the accelerating expansion we observe.
    Not everyone is convinced, though, that this simple re-insertion is the right way to account for the observations. After all, the cosmological constant term makes the equations work but doesn’t actually give us any clue about the source of the dark energy. Maybe there are better fudges? “To me, looking for flaws in the cosmological constant is the thing to do,” Kolb says.


    Dark matter and energy challenge the laws of gravity. But perhaps gravity obeys different laws over intergalactic distances.
    Dark matter and energy challenge the laws of gravity. But perhaps gravity obeys different laws over intergalactic distances.
    SHANNON ROSE

    It’s worth noting that the universe’s rate of expansion is already the subject of controversy. The value obtained by using stellar measurements such as supernova standard candles is different to the value obtained using the record of the universe’s first moments preserved in the cosmic microwave background (CMB). (Here the expansion rate of the universe is inferred from gravitational lensing effects on the photons of the CMB.)
    Some of the researchers involved think we might be able to explain the discrepancy with a hitherto unknown particle called a “sterile neutrino” – which could also be the source of dark matter. “That remains one of the stronger possibilities,” says Riess of Johns Hopkins University.
    His group’s latest analysis of the tension, which has been accepted into the Astrophysical Journal, suggests the discrepancy between supernovae and CMB data is not going away with better measurements.
    So, as things stand, there is no resolution in sight to the dark energy problem. There are myriad further data-gathering plans, such as the Australian Dark Energy Survey (OzDES), led by Chris Lidman of the Australian Astronomical Observatory in North Ryde, New South Wales, which is measuring the output of more than 3,000 new supernovae to give us more information about the universe’s expansion.
    But this will all take years, maybe several decades, to give us a firm conclusion. In the meantime, there’s a familiar non-committal refrain floating through the ether. “It’s just a hard problem,” Riess says. “I am optimistic we will learn more about dark energy in the coming decade.”
    Likewise for dark matter. It seems we will just to have to wait for something to change. At the edge of what’s known, Kolb points out, science is not a slow steady march of progress: it’s leaps, bounds and occasional missteps. “I’m willing to be patient for a while longer,” he says.

    MICHAEL BROOKS is a science writer noted for explaining complex scientific research to the general population. He is based in England.
    https://cosmosmagazine.com/space/the-dark-universe

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