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Skilled artisans R̥bhu-s are founders of yajña, authors of Indus Script inscriptions


--  Vasu-s, wealth givers, Vṛṣākapi is a Rudra, hunter (Mṛgaśiras, Orion)

This is an addendum to: 

 https://tinyurl.com/ya969v73 
ऋभुक्ष
 इन्द्र's thunderbolt L.(इन्द्र's) heaven Comm. on Un2. iv , 12; m. इन्द्र L. ऋभुक्षिन्  Pa1n2. 7-1 , 85 ff.), N. of the above ऋभुs , and esp. of the first of them RV.; of the मरुत्RV. viii. 7 , 9 ; xx , 2; great , best ([ Sa1y. ]) RV. viii , 93 , 34. 
Rhibhus or Ribhus (ṛbhú-, pl. ṛbhava, also called  R̥
bhuksin). Their name's meaning is "clever, skillful, inventive, prudent", cognate to Latin labor and Gothic arb-aiþs "labour, toil", and perhaps to English elf. Aitareya Brāhmaṇa III, 30 describes them as "sun's neighbours or pupils".  Ribhus are artists who formed the horses of Indra, the carriage of the Ashvins, and the miraculous cow of Brihaspati, made their parents young, and performed other wonderful works which according to RV 4.51.6 were "done by the dawn". According to Yaska they also founded the yajña-s. ऋभु mfn. ( √रभ्) , clever , skilful , inventive , prudent (said of इन्द्र , अग्नि , and the आदित्यRV. ; also of property or wealth RV. iv , 37 , 5 ; viii , 93 , 34 ; of an arrow AV. i , 2 , 3).

Skilled artisans R̥bhu-s are founders of yajña, Vasu-s, wealth givers, Vṛṣākapi is a Rudra, hunter (Mṛgaśiras, Orion). I suggest that the skilled artisans and seafaring merchants are the architects of Sarasvati Civilization who have left for us the heritage of over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions which are wealth accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues.

The astronomical references point to 8th millennium BCE as the date the yajña wer founded.

Vṛṣākapi is a Rudra. Viṣṇu Purāa 1.5 lists eleven Rudra:  Hara, Bahurupa, Tryambaka, Aparajita,

Vṛṣākapi, Śambhu, Kaparddi, Raivata, Mrigavyadha, Sarva, and Kapāli. Rudra (/ˈrʊdrə/Sanskritरुद्र) is a Rigvedic deity, associated with wind or storm and the hunt In RV 7.46, Rudra is described as armed with a bow and fast-flying arrows रुद्र m. " Roarer or Howler " , N. of the god of tempests and father and ruler of the रुद्रs and मरुत्s (in the वेद he is closely connected with इन्द्र and still more with अग्नि , the god of fire , which , as a destroying agent , rages and crackles like the roaring storm , and also with काल or Time the all-consumer , with whom he is afterwards identified ; though generally represented as a destroying deity , whose terrible shafts bring death or disease on men and cattle , he has also the epithet शिव , " benevolent " or " auspicious " , and is even supposed to possess healing powers from his chasing away vapours and purifying the atmosphere ; in the later mythology the word शिव , which does not occur as a name in the वेद , was employed , first as an euphemistic epithet and then as a real name for रुद्र , who lost his special connection with storms and developed into a form of the disintegrating and reintegrating principle ; while a new class of beings , described as eleven [or thirty-three] in number , though still called रुद्रs , took the place of the original रुद्रs or मरुत्s: in VP. i , 7रुद्र is said to have sprung from ब्रह्मा's forehead , and to have afterwards separated himself into a figure half male and half female , the former portion separating again into the 11 रुद्रs , hence these later रुद्रs are sometimes regarded as inferior manifestations of शिव , and most of their names , which are variously given in the different पुराणs , are also names of शिव ; those of the Va1yuP. are अजैकपाद् , अहिर्-बुध्न्य , हर , निरृत , ईश्वर , भुवन , अङ्गारक , अर्ध-केतु , मृत्यु , सर्प , कपालिन् ; accord. to others the रुद्रs are represented as children of कश्यप and सुरभि or of ब्रह्मा and सुरभि or of भूतand सु-रूपा ; accord. to VP. i , 8रुद्र is one of the 8 forms of शिव ; elsewhere he is reckoned among the दिक्-पालs as regent of the north-east quarter) RV. &c (cf.RTL. 75 &c )

Mṛgaśira nakṣatra extends from after 23°20 in Vṛṣabha Rāśi up to 6°40 in Mithuna. Star is governed by mars and the presiding deity or God is a Soma God. Soma mean Chandra or Moon God. He hold amrita (nectar or eternity poison ). Symbol is Antelope or DeerThe first two carana/pada (quarters) of this nakṣatra are part of Vṛṣabha Rāśi (Devanagari: वृषभ) or Taurus. The latter half of this star belong to Mithuna Rāśi(Devanagari: मिथुन) or Gemini (from 23°20’ Taurus to 6°40’ Gemini). stars in λ, φ1, φ2 Orionis
7.048.01 R.bhu, (Vibhu), and Va_ja, leaders of rites, possessors of opulence, be exhilarated by our effused (libation); may your active and powerful (horses) bring to our presence your chariot, beneficial to mankind. [r.bhuks.an.o va_jah, the use of the plural implies that the three brothers are intended].
7.048.02 Mighty with the R.bhus, opulent with the Vibhus, may we overcome by strength, the strength (of our foes); may Va_ja defend us in battle; with Indra, our ally, may we destroy the enemy. [R.bhus: r.bhur r.bhubhih vibhvo vibhubhih: r.bhu and uru = great; vibhu vibhvah = rich or powerful].
7.048.03 They verily, (Indra and R.bhus), overcome multitudes by their prowess; they overcome all enemies in the missile conflict; may Indra, Vibhvan, R.bhuks.in and Va_ja, the subduers of foes, annihilate by their wrath the strength of the enemy. [Missile: uparata_ti: upara = upala, a stone; upalaih pa_s.a_n.asadr.s'air a_yudhai ta_yate yuddham, war that is waged with weapons like stones, is uparatati].
7.048.04 Grant us, deities, this day opulence; may you all, may you all, well-pleased alike, be (ready) for our protection; may the exalted (R.bhus) bestow upon us food; and do you (all) ever cherish us with blessings. [R.bhus: vasavah = Vasus; pras'asyah, an epithet of R.bhavah].
Vṛṣākapi (वृषाकपि):—One of the Eleven Rudras (ekādaśa-rudra), according to the Agni-purāṇa. The Agni Purāṇa is a religious text containing details on Viṣṇu’s different incarnations (avatar), but also deals with various cultural subjects such as Cosmology, Grammar and Astrology.  Vṛṣākapi (वृषाकपि).—A Rudra, and a son of Bhūta and Sarūpā: Fought with Jambha in the Devāsura war.

Viṣṇu Purāa 1.5 being devoted to it, was the wife of Prabhasa, the eighth of the Vasus, and bore to him the patriarch Viswakarma, the author of a thousand arts, the mechanist of the gods, the fabricator of all ornaments, the chief of artists, the constructor of the self moving chariots of the deities, and by whose skill men obtain subsistence. AjaikapadAhirvradhna, and the wise Rudra Twashtri, were born; and the self born son of Twashtri was also the celebrated Viswarupa. There are eleven well known Rudras, lords of the three worlds, or HaraBahurupaTryambakaAparajitaVrishakapiSambhuKaparddiRaivataMrigavyadhaSarva, and Kapali 17; but there are a hundred appellations of the immeasurably mighty Rudras 18.

AtharvavedaAV 20.126

[2012601] Men have abstained from pouring juice; nor counted Indra as a God.
Where at the votary s store my friend Vrishakapi hath drunk his fill.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012602] Thou, Indra, heedless passest by the ill Vrishakapi hath wrought; Yet nowhere else thou findest place wherein to drink the Soma juice.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012603] What hath he done to injure thee, this tawny beast Vrishakapi, With whom thou art so angry now? What is the votary s food ful store? Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012604] Soon may the hound who hunts the boar seize him and bite him in the ear, O Indra, that Vrishakapi whom thou protectest as a friend.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012605] Kapi hath marred the beauteous things, all deftly wrought, that were my joy.
In pieces will I rend his head; the sinner s portion shall be woe.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012606] No dame hath ampler charms than I, or greater wealth of love s delights.
None with more ardour offers all her beauty to her lord s embrace.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012607] Mother whose love is quickly won,I say what verily will be, My breast, O mother, and my head and both my hips seem quivering Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012608] Dame with the lovely hands and arms, with broad hair plaits and ample hips, Why, O thou hero s wife, art thou angry with our Vrishakapi? Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012609] This noxious creature looks on me as one bereft of hero s love. [p. 361] Yet heroes for my sons have I, the Maruts friend and Indra s Queen Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012610] From olden time the matron goes to feast and general sacrifice.
Mother of heroes, Indra s Queen, the rite s ordainer is extolled.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012611] So have I heard Indrani called most fortunate among these dames, For never shall her Consort die in future time through length of days.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012612] Never, Indrani have I joyed without my friend Vrishakapi, Whose welcome offering here, made pure with water, goeth to the Gods.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012613] Wealthy Vrishakapayi, blest with sons and consorts of thy sons, Indra will eat thy bulls, thy dear oblation that effecteth much.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012614] Fifteen in number, then, for me a score of bullocks they prepare.
And I devour the fat thereof: they fill my belly full with food.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012615] Like as a bull with pointed horn, loud bellowing amid the herds, Sweet to thine heart, O Indra, is the brew which she who tends thee pours.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012616] Indrani speaks.
Non ille fortis (ad Venerem) est cujus mentula laxe inter femora dependet; fortis vero estille cujus, quum sederit, membrum pilosum se extendit.
Super omnia est Indra.

[2012617] Indra speaks.
Non fortis est ille cujus, quum sederit, membrum pilosum se extendit: fortis vero est ille cujus mentula laxe inter femora dependet.
Super omnia est Indra.

[2012618] O Indra, this Vrishakapi hath found a slain wild animal, Dresser, and new made pan, and knife, and wagon with a load of wood.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012619] Distinguishing the Dasa and the Arya, viewing all, I go.
I look upon the wise, and drink the simple votary s Soma juice.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012620] The desert plains and steep descents, how many leagues in length they spread! Go to the nearest houses, go unto thine home, Vrishakapi.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012621] Turn thee again Vrishakapi; we twain will bring thee happiness.
Thou goest homeward on thy way along this path which leads to sleep.
Supreme is Indra over all.

[2012622] When, Indra and Vrishakapi, ye travelled upward to your home, Where was that noisome beast, to whom went it, the beast that troubles man? Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012623] Daughter of ManuParsu bare a score of children at a birth. [p. 362] Her portion verily was bliss although her burthen caused her grief.

[p. 363]

The legend of vr̥ṣākapi The legend appears in R̥gVeda X.86 which is not an easy hymn to understand. Tilak (1893) gives a long verse by verse discussion of this hymn and concludes that the import of the legend can be understood by taking vr̥ṣākapi to represent the sun at vernal equinox when the dog star started the equinoctial year. Again Tilak interpreted this to mean vernal equinox occurring at Orion. However, it is our opinion that this legend also refers to the same event namely the equinoctical year with the Dog star and is illustrated by the figure 8.
1.020.01 This hymn, the bestower of riches, has been addressed by the sages, with their own mouths, to the (class of) divinities having birth (lit. to the divine or brilliant birth; e.g. R.bhus--R.bhu, Vibhu and Va_ja were pious men, who through penance became divinities). [deva_ya janmane: lit. to the divine or brilliant birth; janmane: ja_yama_na_ya, being born, or having birth; deva_ya: deva-san:gha_ya, a class of divinities, R.bhus who achieved deification: manus.ya_h santastapasa_ devatvam pra_pta_h. R.bhus were three sons of Sudhanvan, a descendant of An:giras. Through their good work (svapas = su-apas), they became divine, exercised superhuman powers and became entitled to receive praise and adoration. They dwell in the solar sphere, identified with the rays of the sun].
1.020.02 They who created mentally for Indra the horses that are harnessed (carved) at his words, have partaken of the sacrifice performed with holy acts. (s'ami_bhih = ceremonies; i.e. they have pervaded, appropriated or accepted the sacrifice peformed with tongs, ladles, and utensils; an intimation of the mechanical skills of R.bhu). [grahacamasa_dinis'pa_danaru_paih karmabhir, yajn~am, asmadi_yam a_s'ata (vya_ptavantah): they have pervaded (or accepted) our sacrifice, performed with those acts which are executed by means of tongs, ladles, and other (utensils used in oblations). R.bhus invented these implements, and attest to their mechanical skills].
1.020.03 They constructed for the Na_satya_s, a universally-moving and easy car, and a cow yielding milk. (taks.an = ataks.an, lit. they (R.bhus) chipped or fabricated, mechanically, the appendages of Indra and As'vin). [They carved (tataks.uh) Indar's horse; they did it mentally (ma_nasa)].
1.020.04 The R.bhus, uttering unfailing prayers, endowed with rectitude, and succeeding (in all pious acts; vis.t.i_ = vya_ptiyuktah, i.e. encountering no opposition in all acts), made their (aged) parents young. [satya-mantra_h = repeating true prayers, i.e. prayers certain to achieve the objects prayed for; akrata: fr. kr., to make generally].
1.020.05 R.bhus, the exhilarating juices are offered to you, along with Indra, attended by the Maruts and along with the brilliang A_dityas. [Libations offered at the third daily, or evening sacrifice, are presented to Indra, along with the A_dityas, together with R.bhu, Vibhu and Va_ja, with Br.haspati and the Vis'vedeva_s (A_s'vala_yana S'rauta Su_tra, 5.3)].
1.020.06 The R.bhus have divided unto four the new ladle, the work of the divine Tvas.t.a_ (i.e. devasambandhih taks.ana.vya_pa_rah = divinity whose duty in relations to gods is carpentry; cf. tvas.t.a_ tvas.t.uh s'is.ya_h R.bhavah = R.bhus are the disciples of Tvas.t.a_; four ladles are an apparent reference to an innovation in the objects of libation for sharing). [Tvas.t.a_ is the artisan of the gods; he is a divinity whose duty is carpentry, with relation to the gods].
1.020.07 May they, moved by our praises, give to the offere of the libation many precious things, and perfect the thrice seven sacrifices [i.e. seven sacrifices in each of three classes: agnya_dheyam (clarified butter), pa_kayajn~a (dressed viands), agnis.t.oma (soma)]. [Trira_ sa_pta_ni: trih may be applied to precious things to sa_pta_ni, seven sacrifices].
1.020.08 Offerers (of sacrifices), they held (a moral existence); by their pious acts they obtained a share of sacrifices with the gods. [a_dha_rayanta = they held or enjoyed (pra_n.a_n, i.e. vital airs, life)] [marta_sah santo amr.tatvam anas'uh: beyong mortals, they obtained immprtality (RV. 1.110.4); saudhanvana_ yajn~iyam bha_gam a_nas'a: by the son of Sudhanvan was a sacrificial portion acquired (RV. 1.60.1); r.bhavo vai deves.u tapasa_ somapi_tham abhyajayan: r.bhus won by devotion the drinking of Soma among the gods (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 3.30)].


1.110.01 R.bhus, the rite formerly celebrated by me is again repeated, and the melodious hymn is recited in your praise; in this ceremony, the Soma is sufficient for all the gods; drink of it to your utmost content when offered on the fire.
1.110.02 When, R.bhus, you who are amongst my ancestors, yet immature (in wisdom), but desirous of enjoying (the Soma libations), retired to the forest to perform (penance), then, sons of Sudhanvan, throught he plenitude of your completed (devotions), you came to the (sacrificial) hall of the worshipper Savita_. [r.bhurvibhva_ va_ja iti sudhanvana a_n:girasasya trayah putra_h babhu_vuh (Nirukta 11.16): Sudhanvan, father of the R.bhus, was a descendant of An:giras; so is Kutsa; pra_n~cah = pu_rva ka_li_na, of a former period; Kutsa is a kinsman of R.bhus of a former period].
1.110.03 Then Savita_ bestowed upon you immortality, when you came to him, who is not to be concealed, and representd (your desire) to partake of the libations; and that ladle for the sacrificial viands which the Asura had formed single, you made fourfold. [Who is not to be concealed: In the previous hymn, Savita_ (fr. su, to offer oblations) perhaps refers to the presenter of oblations; in this hymn, the sun is alluded to].
1.110.04 Associated with the priests, and quickly performing the holy rites, they, being yet mortals, acquired immortality and the son of Sudhanvan, the R.bhus, brilliant as the sun, became connected with the ceremonies (appropriated to the different season) of the year.
1.110.05 Lauded by the bystanders, the R.bhus, with a sharp weapon, meted out the single sacrificial ladle, like a field (measured by a rod), soliciting the best (libations) and desiring (to participate of) sacrificial food amongs thte gods.
6 To the leaders (of the sacrifice), dwelling in the firmament, we present, as with a ladle, the appointed clarified butter, and praise with knowledge those R.bhus, who, having equalled the velocityof the protector (of the universe, the sun), ascended to the region of heaven, through (the offerings) of (sacrificial) food. [nr.bhyah = yajn~asya netr.bhyah; r.bhavo hi yajn~asya neta_rah: 'the r.bhus are the leaders of the sacrifice'; because of this position, they obtained immortality; the term is perhaps connected with antariks.asya, to the chief of the firmament; r.bhus also identified with the solar rays (a_dityaras'mayo api r.bhava ucyanti: the r.bhus are, indeed, said to be the rays of the sun].
1.110.07 The most excellent R.bhu is in strength our defender; R.bhu, through gifts of food and of wealth, is our asylum; may he bestow them upon us, Gods, through your protection; may we, upon a favourable occasion, overcome the hosts of those who offer no libations.
1.110.08 R.bhus, you covered the cow with a hide, and reunited themother with the calf; sons of Sudhanvan, leaders (of sacrifice), through your good works you rendered your aged parents young. [Legend: a r.s.i, whose cow had died, leaving a calf prayed to the r.bhus for assistance, on which, they formed a living cow, and covered it with the skin of the dead one, from which the calf imagined it to be its own mother].
1.110.09 Indra, associated with the R.bhus, supply us, in the distribution of viands, with food, and consent to bestow upon us wonderful riches; and may Mitra, Varun.a, Aditi--ocean, earth, and heaven, preserve them fo rus. [alternative: va_jebhir no va_jasa_tau aviddhi = protect us in battle with your horses].


1.161.01 Is this our senior or our junior who has come (to us); has he come upon a message (from the gods); what is it we should say? Agni,brother, we revile not the ladle which is of exalted race; verily we assert the dignity of the wooden (implement). [The legend: the three R.bhus were engaged in a sacrifice and about to drink the Soma; the gods sent Agni to see what they were doing. Agni noticed that they resembled each other; Agni assumed a like form. The hymn refers to this form, calling him brother, and questionign his comparative age. The next hymn states the purpose of Agni's visit is to order the conversion of one spoon or ladle, camasa, used for drinking Soma, or for libations, into four spoons].
1.161.02 Make fourfold the single ladle; so the gods command you; and for that purpose have I come, sons of Sudhanvan; if you accomplish this, you will be entitled to sacrifices along with the gods.
1.161.03 Then said they, in answer to Agni, the messenger (of the gods). Whatever is to be done, whether a horse is to be made, or a car is to be made, or a cow is to be made, or the two (old parents) are to be made young, having done all these (acts), Brother Agni, we are then ready to do (what you desire) to be done. [cf. su_ktas 20, 110 and 111 which relate the marvels of the R.bhus].
1.161.04 So doing R.bhus, you inquired: where, indeed, is he who came to us as a messenger? When Tvas.t.a_ observed the one ladle become four, he was immediately lost amongst the women. [gna_su antarnya_naje; the verb is explained: nyakto abhu_t; the combination of ni and anj is perhaps the converse of vyan~j, to be manifest, i.e. to be concealed, indistinct, or invisible. gna_ = stri_ (mena gna_ iti stri_n.a_m--Nirukta 3.21); str.yam a_tma_nam amanyata = he, Tvas.t.a_, fancied himself; woman, that is, he felt humbled, as feeble as a female].
1.161.05 When Tvas.t.a_ said: let us slay those who have profaned the ladle, (designed) for the drinking of the gods; then they made use of other names for one another as the libation was poured out; and the maiden (mother) propitiated them by different appellations. [Then they made us of other names: a legend accounts for the origin of the names of the chief officiating priests; to evade the indignation of Tvas.t.a_, the R.bhus assumed the titles: adhvaryu, hota_ and udgata_;an individual engaged in priestly functions at a sacrifice is to be always addressed by these titles, and never by his own name; propitiated them by different appellations: anyair ena_n kanya_ na_mabhih sparat: kanya_ = svotpa_dayitri_ ma_ta_, a mother self-engendering].
1.161.06 Indra has caparisoned his horses; the As'vins have harnessed their car; Br.haspati has accepted the omniform (cow); therefore, R.bhu, Vibhva and Va_ja, go the gods, doers of good deeds, enjoy your sacrificial portion.
1.161.07 Sons of Sudhanvan, from a hideless (cow) you have formed a living one; by your marvellous acts you have made your aged parents young; from one horse you have fabricated another; harness now your chariot, and repair unto the gods.
1.161.08 They, (the gods), have said, sons of Sudhanvan, drink of this water, (the Soma); or drink that which has been filtered through the mun~ja grass; or, if you be pleased with neither of these, be exhilarated (by that which is drunk) at the third (daily) sacrifice. [R.bhus may be participants of the libations offered at dawn or at noon; the right of the R.bhus to share in the third, or evening sacrifice is always acknowledged].
1.161.09 Waters are the most excellent said one (of them). Agni is that most excellent, said another; the third declared to many the Earth (to be the most excellent), and thus speaking true things the R.bhus divided the ladle. [The earth: vardhayanti_m = a line of clouds or the earth: vadhah arkah (Nirukta 2.20.7)].
1.161.10 One pours the red water (the blood) upon the ground; one cuts the flesh, divided into fragments by the chopper; and a third seperates the excrement from the other parts; in what manner may the parents (of the sacrifice) render assistance to their sons? [The R.bhus are identified with the priests employed in the sacrifice of a victim; the parents of the sacrifice: the parents pitr.s, = the institutor of the ceremony and his wife].
1.161.11 R.bhus, leaders (of the rains), you have caused the grass to grow upon the high places; you have caused the waters to flow over the low places; for (the promotion of) good works; as you have reposed for a while in the dwelling of the unapprehensible (Sun), so desist not today from (the discharge of) this (your function). [R.bhus are identified in this and following hymns with the rays of the sun, as the instruments of the rain and the causes of fertility; a_dityaras'mayo api r.bhava ucyante: (Nirukta 11.16); unapprehensible Sun: agohyasya gr.he: agohya = a name of the sun (Nirukta); who is not to be hidden, aguhani_ya;or, agrahan.i_ya, not to be apprehended, literally or metaphorically; so desist not: idam na_nugacchatha; anusr.tya na gacchatha, having come forth, go not away without doing this,idam, your office of sending down rain for as long a period as you repose in the solar orb; a truism is explained in Nirukta: ya_vat tatra bhavatha na ta_vadiha bhavatha, as long as you are there, you are not here].
1.161.12 As you glide along enveloping the regions (in clouds); where, then, are the parents (of the world)? curse him who arrests your arm; reply sternly to him who speaks disrespectfully (to you). [The parents of the world: the sun and the moon, the protectors of the world, which, during the rains, are hidden by the clouds; who speaks disrespectfully:  yah pra_bravi_t pra tasma_ abravi_tana: pra prefixed to bru_ = either to speak harshly or kindly, to censure or to praise].
1.161.13 R.bhus, reposing in the solar orb, you inquire: who awakens us, unapprehensive (Sun), to this office (of sending rain). The Sun replies: the awakener is the wind; and the year (being ended), you again today light up this (world). [The awakener is the wind: s'va_nam bodhayita_ram = the awakener is the dog; but, s'va_nam = antarks.e svasantam va_yum, the reposer in the firmament, the wind; sam.vatsare idam adya_ vyakhyata, you have made this world today luminous, after the year has expired; i.e. the rainy season has passed, the rays of the sun and moon are again visible].
1.161.14 Sons of Strength, the Maruts, desirous of your coming, advance from the sky; Agni comes (to meet you) from the earth; the wind traverses the firmament; and Varun.a comes with undulating waters.


4.033.01 I send my prayer as a messenger to the r.bhus; I solicit (of them) the cow, the yielder of the white milk, for the dilution (of the Soma libation); for they, as swift as the wind, the doers of good works, were borne quickly across the firmament by rapid steeds. [WSere borne quickly: as applicable to the deified mortals, the allusion is to their being transported to the sphere of the gods; if the reference is to the rays of the sun, it implies merely their dispersal through the sky].
4.033.02 When the r.bhus, by honouring their parents with renovated (youth), and by other works, had achieved enough, they thereupon proceeded to the society of the gods, and, considerate, they bring nourishment to the devout (worshipper).
4.033.03 May they who rendered their decrepid and dropsy parents, when, like two dry posts, again perpetually young, Va_ja, Vibhavan, and R.bhu associated with Indra, drinkers of the Soma juice, protect our sacrifice.
4.033.04 Inasmuch as for a year the R.bhus preserved the (dead) cow, inasmuch as for a year they invested it with flesh, inasmuch as for a year they continued its beauty they obtained by their acts of immortality.
4.033.05 The eldest said, let us make two ladles; the younger said, let us make three: Tvas.t.a_, R.bhus, has applauded your proposal.
4.033.06 The men, (the R.bhus), spoke the truth, for such (ladles) they made, and thereupon the R.bhus partook of that libation; Tvas.t.a_, beholding the four ladles, brilliant as day, was content.
4.033.07 When the R.bhus, reposing for twelve days, remained in the hospitality of the uncealable (sun) they rendered the fields fertile, they led forth the rivers, plants sprung upon the waste, and waters (spread over) the low (places).
4.033.08 May those R.bhus who constructed the firm-abiding wheel-conducting car; who formed the all-impelling multiform cow; they who are the bestowers of food, the doers of great deeds, and dexterous of hand, fabricate our riches.
4.033.09 The gods were pleased by their works, illustrious in act and in thought; Va_ja was the artificer of the gods, R.bhuks.in of Indra, Vibhavan of Varun.a.
4.033.10 May those R.bhus who gratified the horses (of Indra) by pious praise, who constructed for Indra his two docile steeds, bestow upon us satiety of riches, and wealth (of cattle), like those who devise prosperity for a friend.
4.033.11 The gods verily have given you the beverage at the (third sacrifice of the) day, and its exhilarqation, not through regard, but (as the gift of one) wearied out (by penance); R.bhus, who are so (eminent), grant us, verily, wealth at this third (diurnal) sacrifice. [Wearied out by penance: r.te s'ra_ntasya sakhya_ya = na sakhitva_ya bhavanti deva_h, the gods are not through friendship, s'ra_nta_t tapo yukta_t r.te except one wearied by penance; ete s'ra_nta ato saduh, they, wearied out, therefore gave].




4.037.01 Divine Va_jas, R.bhus, come to our sacrifice by the path travelled by the gods, inasmuch as you, gracious (R.bhus), have maintained sacrifice among the people, (the progeny) of Manu, for (the sake of) securing the prosperous course of days. [R.bhus: the text has r.bhuks.ah, nom. sing. of r.bhuks.in, a name of Indra; here, it is equated with r.bhavah, pl. nom. of r.bhu; in the following verses r.bhuks.a_n.ah is used, the nom. or voc. pl. of r.bhuks.in].
4.037.02 May these sacrifices be (acceptable) to you in heart and mind; may today the sufficient (juices) mixed with butter to you; the full libations are prepared for you; may they, when drunk, animate you for glorious deeds.
4.037.03 As the offering suited to the gods at the third (daily) sacrifice supports, you, Va_jas, R.bhuks.ans; as the praise (then recited supports you); therefore, like Manu, I offer you the Soma juice, along with the very radiant (deities) among the people assembled at the solemnity. [I offer you: juhve manus.vat uparasu viks.u yus.me saca_ br.had dives.u somam: upara = those who are pleased or sport near the worship of the gods, devayajana sami_pe ramantah; ta_su viks.u-praja_su = in or among such people; br.haddives.u is an epithet of deves.u implied].
4.037.04 Va_jins, you are borne by stout horses mounted on a brilliant car, have jaws of metal and are possessed of treasures; sons of Indra, grandsons of strength, this last sacrifice is for your exhilaration. [Possessed of treasures: va_jinah = possessors either of horses or food; ayahs'ipra_ = as hard or strong as metal, ayovat sa_rabhu_ta s'ipra_h; sunis.ka_h = having good nis.kas, a certain weight of gold; sons of Indra, grandsons of strength: the text has singular nouns, son of Indra, son or grandson of strength; this is followed by vah-vos, you in the plural; last sacrifice: ityagriyam = agre bhavam, the first, the preceding; explained as tr.ti_yam savanam].
4.037.05 We invoke you, R.bhuks.ans, for splendid wealth, mutually co-operating, most invigorating in war, affecting the senses, ever munificent, and comprehending horses. [Splendid wealth: the epithets apply to rayim, wealth: r.bhu yujam, va_jintamam, indrasvantam, sada_sa_tamam as'vinam].
4.037.06 May the man whom you, R.bhus and Indra, favour, be ever liberal by his acts, and possessed of a horse at the sacrifice. [A horse at the sacrifice: medhasa_ta_ so arvata_, perhaps a horse fit for the as'vamedha is implied].
4.037.07 Va_jas, R.bhuks.an.s, direct us in the way to sacrifice; for you, who are intelligent, being glorified (by us), are able to traverse all the quarters (of space).
4.037.08 Va_jas, R.bhuks.an.s, Indra, Na_satyas, command that ample wealth with horses be sent to men for their enrichment.

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Orion
Constellation Orioon


The legend of bhu-s

bhu-s occur in eleven suktas in gVeda, I. 20, I. 110, I.161, I. 164, IV. 33- IV.-37.


bhu-s are three in number, bhuvibhvan and vaj and are the sons of Sudhanvan. They learnt many crafts under Tvaṣṭr̥, and constructed rathas and other equipment for the devas. By their hard work the devas were pleased and they were granted immortality. saudhanvanā bhava¨sūraacakasah¨ samvatsare samapcyanta dhītibhih¨ RV (I. 110.4) The bhu-s, children of Sudhanvan, bright as suns, were in a year's course made associate with prayers ('connected with the ceremonies appropriated to the different seasons of the year'-Wilson) The bhus represent the three seasons of the year (lunar year of 354 days) at the end of which they take rest for 12 days in the house of aghohya (the unconcealable, the sun) before they start their work again in the New Year. They are

awakened from their sleep and vasta gives the information that they were awakened by the hound. 
suṣupvāmsa  r̥bhavaastadāpr̥cchat āgohya ka idam no abūbudhat
śvānam bastobodhayitāram abravīt samvatsara idamadyā vyākhyata (RV 1.161.13) 
bhus, reposing in the solar orb, you inquire, 'who  wakens us, unconcealable sun to this office of sending rain?'. Sun replies 'the awakener is the Dog and in the year you again today light up this world'. This legend can be taken as referring to the time of commencement of the year with vernal equinox. The śvāna obviously refers to the Dog star. Tilak(1893) regards this as referring to the equinox in mgaśiras (identified by him with the constellation Orion, which according to him also includes the Dog-star). He supported his interpretation with a large number of quotations from gveda and other Vedic texts. The date corresponding to the occurrence of vernal equinox at the Orion can be simulated assuming that the Orion is represented by its brightest star, α-Ori, also known as Betelguese. The vernal equinox occurring at α-Ori is shown in Figure 7.




Figure 7. Vernal Equinox at α-Ori. 5000 BCE. Note the passing of zero hour line of the coordinate Right Ascension (RA) through Betelguese.

Tilak(1893) in his book The Orion first proposed the date of 4500 BCE, and then later on proposed the date of 5000 BCE. However, Sengupta interprets the bhu legend as referring to the heliacal rising of Canis Major after the summer solstice. But this is not the correct interpretation either, as the beginning of the New Year was most likely at the vernal equinox. 

The legend refers to the vernal equinox, with the Dog star (Sirius) at the vernal equinox and is illustrated in Figure 8.Image may be NSFW.
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Figure 8. Vernal Equinox at Canis Major. 7100 BCEImage may be NSFW.
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Translation: Griffith
 Indra. 86
1. MEN have abstained from pouring juice they count not Indra as a God.
Where at the votarys' store my friend Vṛṣākapi hath drunk his fill. Supreme is Indra over all.
2 Thou, Indra, heedless passest by the ill Vṛṣākapi hath wrought;
Yet nowhere else thou findest place wherein to drink the Soma juice. Supreme is Indra over all.
3 What hath he done to injure thee, this tawny beaVṛṣākapi,
With whom thou art so angry now? What is the votarys' foodful store? Supreme is Indra over all.
4 Soon may the hound who hunts the boar seize him and bite him in the car,
Indra, that Vṛṣākapi whom thou protectest as a friend, Supreme is Indra over all.
Kapi hath marred the beauteous things, all deftly wrought, that were my joy.
In pieces will I rend his head; the sinners' portion sball be woo. Supreme is Indra over all.
6 No Dame hath ampler charms than 1, or greater wealth of loves' delights.
None with more ardour offers all her beauty to her lords' embrace. Supreme is Indra over all.
Mother whose love is quickly wibn, I say what verily will be.
Mybreast,, O Mother, and my head and both my hips seem quivering. Supreme is Indra over all.
Dame with the lovely hands and arms, with broad hairplaits- add ample hips,
Why, O thou Heros' wife, art thou angry with our Vṛṣākapi? Supreme is Indra over all.
9 This noxious creature looks on me as one bereft of heros' love,
Yet Heroes for my sons have I, the MarutsFriend and Indras' Queen. Supreme is Indra over all.
10 From olden time the matron goes to feast and general sacrifice.
Mother of Heroes, Indras' Queen, the rites' ordainer is extolled. Supreme is Indra over all.
11 So have I heard Indrani called most fortunate among these Dames,
For never shall her Consort die in future time through length of days. Supreme is Indra overall.
12 Never, Indralni, have I joyed without my friend Vṛṣākapi,
Whose welcome offering here, made pure with water, goeth to the Gods. Supreme is Indra over all.
13 Wealthy Vṛṣākapayi, blest with sons and consorts of thy sons,
Indra will eat thy bulls, thy dear oblation that effecteth much. Supreme is Indra over all.
14 Fifteen in number, then, for me a score of bullocks they prepare,
And I devour the fat thereof: they fill my belly full with food. Supreme is Indra over all.
15 Like as a bull with pointed horn, loud bellowing amid the herds,
Sweet to thine heart, O Indra, is the brew which she who tends thee pours. Supreme is Indra over
all.
18 O Indra this Vṛṣākapi hath found a slain wild animal,
Dresser, and newmade- pan, and knife, and wagon with a load of wood. Supreme is Indra over all.
19 Distinguishing the Dasa and the Arya, viewing all, I go.
I look upon the wise, and drink the simple votarys' Soma juice. Supreme is Indra over all.
20 The desert plains and steep descents, how many leagues in length they spread!
Go to the nearest houses, go unto thine home, Vrsakapi. Supreme is Indra over all.
21 Turn thee again Vṛṣākapi: we twain will bring thee happiness.
Thou goest homeward on thy way along this path which leads to sleep. Supreme is Indra over all.
22 When, Indra and Vṛṣākapi, ye travelled upward to your home,
Where was that noisome beast, to whom went it, the beast that troubles man? Supreme is Indra over
all.
23 Daughter of ManuParsu bare a score of children at a birth. Her portion verily was bliss although her burthen caused her grief.

Translation Sāyaṇa/Wilson
10.086.01 Indra speaks: They have neglected the pressing of the Soma, they have not praised the divine Indra at the cherished (sacrifices), at which the noble Vṛṣākapi becoming my friend rejoiced; (still) I, Indra, am above all (the world).  [Ma_dhavabhat.t.as ascribe the r.ca to Indra_n.i_ the wife of Indra, deprecating the preference given to Vṛṣākapi].
10.086.02 Indra_n.i_ speaks: You, Indra, much annoyed, hasten towards Vṛṣākapi; and yet you find no other place to drink the Soma; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.03 What (favour) has this tawny deer Vṛṣākapi done to you that you should like a liberal (benefactor) bestow upon him wealth and nourish me; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.04 This Vṛṣākapi whom you, Indra, cherish as your dear (son)-- may the dog which chases the boar (seize) him by the ear (and) devour him; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.05 The ape has spoiled the beloved ghi_-adorned (oblations) made to me (by worshippers); let me quickly cut off his head, let me not be the giver of happiness to one who works evil; Indra is  above all (the world). [The ape: kapi = ape; also, a shorter form of Vr.s.a_kapi].
10.086.06 There is no woman more amiable than I am, not one who bears fairer sons than I; nor one more tractable not one more ardent; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.07 [Vṛṣākapi speaks]: O mother, who are easy of access, it will quickly be as (you have said); may my (father) and you, mother, be united; may it delight my (father) and your head like a bird; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.08 [Indra speaks]: You who have beautiful arms, who have beautiful fingers, long-haired, broad-hipped, why are you angry with our Vṛṣākapi, O you wife of a hero; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.09 [Indra_n.i_ speaks]: This savage beast (Vṛṣākapi) despises me as one who has no male (protector), and yet I am the mother of male offspring, the wife of Indra, the friend of the Maruts; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.10 The mother who is the institutress of the ceremony, the mother of male offspring, the wife of Indra, goes first to the united sacrifice to battle, (and) is honoured (by the praisers); Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.11 (Indra speaks]: I have heard that Indra_n.i_ is the most fortunate among these women, for her lord Indra, who is above all (the world), does ot die of old age like other (men).
10.086.12 I am not happy, Indra_n.i, without my friend Vṛṣākapi; whose acceptable oblation here, purified with water, proceeds to the gods; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.13 [Vṛṣākapi speaks]: O mother of Vṛṣākapi, wealthy, possessing excellent sons, possessing excellent daughters-in-law, let Indra eat your bulls, (give him) the beloved and most delightful ghi_, Indra is above all (the world). [Mother of Vṛṣākapi: Vṛṣākapayin = wife of Indra; Vṛṣākapi may be a name of Indra, as the showerer of benefits].
10.086.14 [Indra speaks]: The worshippers dress for me fifteen (and) twenty bulls; I eat them and (become) fat, they fill both sides of my belly; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.15 [Indra_n.i_ speaks]: Like a sharp-horned bull roaring among the herds, so may your libation please your heart, Indra, (your libation) which she who desires to please you is expressing for you; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.16 The man who is impotent begets not progeny, but he who is endowed with vigour; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.17 [Indra speaks]: He who is endowed with vigour begets not progeny, but he who is impotent; Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.18 [Indra_n.i_ speaks]: Let this Vṛṣākapi, Indra, take a dead wild ass, (let him take) a knife (to cut it up), a fire-place (to cook it), a new saucepan, and a cart full of fuel; Indra is above all (the world). [A dead wild ass: parasvantam = parasvam, i.e. one who is of his own nature, i.e. an ape, kapi; a fire place: su_na_; cf. Manu 3.68].
10.086.19 [Indra speaks]: Here I come to the (sacrifice) looking upon (the worshippers), distinguishing the Da_sa and the A_rya; I drink (the Soma) of the (worshipper), who effuses (the Soma) with mature (mind); I look upon the intelligent (sacrificer); Indra is above all (the world). [cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. 2, p. 374].
10.086.20 Go home, Vṛṣākapi, to the halls of sacrifice (from the lurking-place of the enemy), which is desert and forest (how many leagues are there from there?) and from the nearest (lurking-place); Indra is above all (the world).
10.086.21 Come back, Vṛṣākapi, that we may do what is agreeable to you; you, who are the destroyer of sleep, come home again by the road; Indra is above all (the world). [Destroyer of sleep: i.e., the sun; cf. Nirukta 12.28].
10.086.22 Rise up and come home, Vṛṣākapi and Indra; where is that destructive beast, to what (region) has (that beast), the exhilarator of men, gone? Indra is  above all (the world). [To what region: Nirukta, 13.3].
10.086.23 The daughter of Manu, Pars'u by name, bore twenty children at once; may good fortune, O arrow of Indra, befall her whose belly was so prolific; Indra is above all (the world). [Indra is the deity invoked: Nirukta 13.3].

Metaphors of Rāṣṭrī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125, signify tribute to guilds of pāñcāla, pañca jātā, 'five artisans', seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civilization

https://tinyurl.com/yadqjo2d

-- R̥bhu-s are founders of yajña, are metaphors of material facets of Sarasvati Civilization.
-- praṇo devī sarasvatī, triṣadasthā, 'three-sourced'sapadhātuh, 'seven ores'pañca jātā, 'five artisans'vardhayantī, 'prosperer'.

I submit that Rāṣṭrī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125 is a tribute to the five guilds of artisans of Sarasvati Civiliization.






The divinities venerated in the Rāṣṭrī Suktam (RV 10.125), specifically identified are

Section 1. आदित्य, वरुण, मित्रअश्विनी-कुमार
Section 2. आ-हनस्, त्वष्टृ, पूषन्, भग
Section 3. वसु, रुद्र, ऋभु

In this manvantara, O King, the Adityas, the Vasus, the Rudras, the Visvedevas, the Maruts, the two Asvini-kumara brothers and the Rbhus are the demigods. Their head king [Indra] is Purandara. (Srimad Bhagavatam 8.13.4)

Old Lithuanian ašva and Sanskrit ashva mean "horse". Ašvieniai are represented as pulling a carriage of Saulė (the Sun) through the sky] Ašvieniai, depicted as žirgeliai or little horses, are common motifs on Lithuanian rooftops,placed for protection of the house.Similar motifs can also be found on beehives, harnesses, bed frames, and other household objects. Ašvieniai are related to Lithuanian Ūsinis and Latvian Ūsiņš (cf. Vedic Ushas), gods of horses.
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Ašvieniai, commonly called the little horses, on the rooftop of a house in Nida


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Image result for Trundholm Chariot
The Sun Chariot was found by first-time ploughing on Trundholm Mose, south of Højby, in September 1902. The find dates back to the old Bronze Age, about 1400 B.C. The Sun Chariot, which is made of bronze, consists of a gold coated disc of the sun, drawn by a horse, both placed on a small six-wheeled chariot. Probably a miniature version of a larger cult chariot. 
The original Sun Chariot is on display at the National Museu 
in Copenhagen and is considered to be one of the most famous Danish national treasures. 

https://www.webcitation.org/5tso8HIGS?url=http://blacktaj.homestead.com/files/documents/The_Sumerians_and_Gemini.pdf 
Hamacher, Duane W. "The Sumerians and Gemini: Sumerian Astronomical Interpretations as Origins of the Divine Horse Twins and Solar Chariots in Indo-European Mythology (Unpublished manuscript)"

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Nasatya (elder ashvin) was God of Health and Darsa (younger ashvin) was God of Medicines The twins Ashwini kummaras sons of the sun god Surya. Vedic gods that represent the brightness of sunrise and sunset

The invocation of these divinities is documented in  Rāṣṭrī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125. Hence, the Rāṣṭrī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125 constitutes the centrl theme, the essence, purport and function of the R̥gveda, The divinities are manifestations of skill, artisans, seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civilization...

The Ashvins are mentioned 376 times in the Rigveda, with 57 hymns specifically dedicated to them: 1.3, 1.22, 1.34, 1.46-47, 1.112, 1.116-120 (c.f. Vishpala), 1.157-158, 1.180-184, 2.20, 3.58, 4.43-45, 5.73-78, 6.62-63, 7.67-74, 8.5, 8.8-10, 8.22, 8.26, 8.35, 8.57, 8.73, 8.85-87, 10.24, 10.39-41, 10.143. The Nasatya twins are invoked in a treaty between Suppiluliuma and Shattiwaza, kings of the Hittites and the Mitannirespectively. 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A%C5%A1vieniai

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-E5xPEsP1A4 (3:29) A rendering of RV 10.125, "Devī Suktam"
Sāyaṇa/Wilson translation RV 10.125 

10.125.01 I proceed with the Rudras, with the Vasus, with the ādityas, and with the Viśvedevā; I support both Mitra and Varua, Agni and Indra, and the two Aśvins.[Deity Pramātmā: the word, or first of creatures].
10.125.02 I support the foe-destroying Soma, Tvaṣṭā, Pūṣan and Bhaga; I bestow wealth upon the institutor of the rite offering the oblation, deserving of careful protection, pouring forth the libation.
10.125.03 I am the sovereign queen, the collectress of treasures, cognizant (of the Supreme Being), the chief of objects of worship; as such the gods have put me in many places, abiding in manifold conditions, entering into numerous (forms. 
10.125.04 He who eats food (eats) through me; he who sees, who breathes, who hears what is spoken, does so through me; those who are ignorant of me perish; hear you who have hearing, I tell that which is deserving of belief. 
10.125.05 I verily of myself declare this which is approved of by both gods and men; whomsoever I will, I render formidable, I make him a Brahmā, a r̥ṣi, or a sage. [A Brahman: Brahmā, the creator].
10.125.06 I bend the bow of Rudra, to slay the destructive enemy of the Brāhmaa-s, I wage war with (hostile) men. I pervade heaven and earth.
10.125.07 I bring forth the paternal (heaven) upon the brow of this (Supreme Being), my birthplace is in the midst of the waters; from thence I spread through all beings, and touch this heaven with my body. 
10.125.08 I breathe forth like the wind giving form to all created worlds; beyond the heaven, beyond this earth (am I), so vast am I in greatness.


Griffith translation RV 10.125

1. I TRAVEL with the Rudras and the Vasus, with the Adityas and AllGods- I wander.
I hold aloft both Varuna and Mitra, Indra and Agni, and the Pair of Asvins.
2 I cherish and sustain highswelling- Soma, and Tvastar I support, Pusan, and Bhaga.
I load with wealth the zealous sdcrificer who pours the juice and offers his oblation
3 I am the Queen, the gathererup- of treasures, most thoughtful, first of those who merit worship.
Thus Gods have stablished me in many places with many homes to enter and abide in.
4 Through me alone all eat the food that feeds them, each man who sees, brewhes, hears the word
outspoken
They know it not, but yet they dwell beside me. Hear, one and all, the truth as I declare it.
5 1, verily, myself announce and utter the word that Gods and men alike shall welcome.
I make the man I love exceeding mighty, make him a sage, a Rsi, and a Brahman.
6 I bend the bow for Rudra that his arrow may strike and slay the hater of devotion.
I rouse and order battle for the people, and I have penetrated Earth and Heaven.
7 On the worlds' summit I bring forth the Father: my home is in the waters, in the ocean.
Thence I extend over all existing creatures, and touch even yonder heaven with my forehead.
8 I breathe a strong breath like the wind and tempest, the while I hold together all existence.
Beyond this wide earth and beyond the heavens I have become so mighty in my grandeur.


देवी सूक्त

अहं रुद्रेभिर्वसुभिश्र्चराम्यहमादित्यैरुत विश्र्वदेवैः ।
अहं मित्रावरुणोभा बिभर्म्यहमिन्द्राग्नी अहमश्र्विनोभा ॥ १ ॥
अहं सोममाहनसं बिभर्म्यहं त्वष्टारमुत पूषणं भगम् ।
अहं दधामि द्रविणं हविष्मते सुप्राव्ये यजमानाय सुन्वते ॥ २ ॥
अहं राष्ट्री संगमनी वसूनां चिकितुषी प्रथमा यज्ञियानाम् ।
तां मा देवा व्यदधुः पुरुत्रा भूरिस्थात्रां भूर्यावेशयन्तीम् ॥ ३ ॥
मया सो अन्नमत्ति यो विपश्यति यः प्राणितियईं श्रृणोत्युक्तम् ।
अमन्तवो मां त उप क्षियन्ति श्रुधि श्रुत श्रद्धिवं ते वदामि ॥ ४ ॥
अहमेव स्वयमिदं वदामि जुष्टं देवेभिरुत मानुषेभिः।
यं कामये तं तमुग्रं कृणोमि तं ब्रह्माणं तमृषिं तं सुमेधाम् ॥ ५ ॥
अहं रुद्राय धनुरा तनोमि ब्रह्मद्विषे शरवे हन्तवा उ ।
अहं जनाय समदं कृणोम्यहं द्यावापृथिवी आ विवेश ॥ ६ ॥
अहं सुवे पितरमस्य मूर्धन् मम योनिरप्स्वन्तः समुद्रे ।
ततो वि तिष्ठे भुवनानु विश्वोतामूं द्यां वर्ष्मणोप स्पृशामि ॥ ७ ॥
अहमेव वात इव प्र वाम्यारभमाणा भुवनानि विश्र्वा ।
परो दिवा पर एना पृथिव्यैतावती महिना सं बभूव ॥ ८ ॥ 
॥ इति देवी सूक्त ॥

देवी सूक्त हिंदी अनुवाद 

यह अनुवाद कल्याण प्रकाशनके वेद-कथा अंकसे अंशतः आभार सहित लिया गया हैं ।
भगवती पराम्बाके अर्चन-पूजनमे यह देवी सूक्त बहुत महत्व रखता हैं । ऋगवेदके दशम मण्डलका १२५वॉ "वाक्-सूक्त है । इसे आत्मसूक्त भी कहते हैं । इसमें अम्भृण ऋषिकी पुत्री वाक् उसे ब्रह्मसाक्षात्कारसे आत्मज्ञान प्राप्त होनेके कारण सर्वात्मदृष्टिको अभिव्यक्त कर रही हैं । ब्रह्मविद्की वाणी ब्रह्मसे तादात्म्यापन्न होकर अपने-आपको ही सर्वात्माके रुपमें वर्णन कर रही हैं । ये ब्रह्मस्वरुपा वाग्देवी ब्रह्मानुभवी जीवन्मुक्त महापुरुषकी ब्रह्ममयी प्रज्ञा ही हैं । इस सूक्तमें प्रतिपाद्य-प्रतिपादकका एकात्म्य सम्बन्ध दर्शाया गया है । 
 ब्रह्मस्वरुपा मैं रुद्र, वसु, आदित्य और विश्र्वदेवताके रुपमें विचरण करती हूँ, अर्थात् मैं ही उन सभी रुपोमें भासमान हो रही हूँ । मैं ही ब्रह्मरुपसे मित्र और वरुण दोनोंको धारण करती हूँ । मैं ही इन्द्र और अग्निका आधार हूँ । मैं ही दोनो अश्विनीकुमारोंका धारण-पोषण करती हूँ ।
२ मैं ही शत्रुनाशक, कामादि दोष-निवर्तक, परमाल्हाददायी, यज्ञगत सोम, चन्द्रमा, मन अथवा शिवका भरण पोषण करती हूँ । मैं ही त्वष्टा, पूषा और भगको भी धारण करती हूँ । जो यजमान यज्ञमें सोमाभिषवके द्वारा देवताओंको तृप्त करनेके लिये हाथमें हविष्य लेकर हवन करता है, उसे लोक-परलोकमें सुखकारी फल देनेवाली मैं ही हूँ ।
३ मैं ही राष्ट्री अर्थात् सम्पूर्ण जगत् की ईश्र्वरी हूँ । मैं उपासकोंको उनके अभीष्ट वसु-धन प्राप्त करानेवाली हूँ ।
जिज्ञासुओंके साक्षात् कर्तव्य परब्रह्मको अपनी आत्माके रुपमें मैंने अनुभव कर लिया है । जिनके लिये यज्ञ किये जाते हैं, उनमें मैं सर्वश्रेष्ठ हूँ । सम्पूर्ण प्रपञ्चके रुपमें मैं ही अनेक-सी होकर विराजमान हूँ । सम्पूर्ण प्राणियोंके शरीरमें जीवनरुपमें मैं अपने-आपको ही प्रविष्ट कर रही हूँ । भिन्नभिन्न देश, काल, वस्तु और व्यक्तियोंमें जो कुछ हो रहा है, किया जा रहा है, वह सब मुझमें मेरे लिये ही किया जा रहा है । सम्पूर्ण विश्वके रुपमें अवस्थित होनेके कारण जो कोई जो कुछ भी करता है, वह सब मैं ही हूँ ।
४ जो कोई भोग भोगता है, वह मुझ भोक्त्रीकी शक्तिसे ही भोगता है । जो देखता है, जो श्र्वासोच्छ्वासरुप व्यापार करता है और जो कही हुई सुनता है, वह भी मुझसे ही है । जो इस प्रकार अन्तर्यामिरुपसे स्थित मुझे नहीं जानते, वे अज्ञानी दीन, हीन, क्षीण हो जाते हैं । मेरे प्यारे सखा ! मेरी बात सुनो-- मैं तुम्हारे लिये उस ब्रह्मात्मक वस्तुका उपदेश करती हूँ, जो श्रद्धा-साधनसे उपलब्ध होती है ।
५ मैं स्वयं ही ब्रह्मात्मक वस्तुका उपदेश करती हूँ । देवताओं और मनुष्योंने भी इसीका सेवन किया है । मैं स्वयं ब्रह्मा हूँ । मैं जिसकी रक्षा करना चाहती हूँ, उसे सर्वश्रेष्ठ बना देती हूँ, मैं चाहूँ तो उसे सृष्टिकर्ता ब्रह्मा बना दूँ और उसे बृहस्पतिके समान सुमेधा बना दूँ । मैं स्वयं अपने स्वरुप ब्रह्मभिन्न आत्माका गान कर रही हूँ ।
६ मैं ही ब्रह्मज्ञानियोंके द्वेषी हिंसारत त्रिपुरवासी त्रिगुणाभिमानी अहंकारी असुरका वध करनेके लिये संहारकारी रुद्रके धनुषपर ज्या (प्रत्यञ्चा) चढाती हूँ । मैं ही अपने जिज्ञासु स्तोताओंके विरोधी शत्रुओंके साथ संग्राम करके उन्हें पराजित करती हूँ । मैं ही द्युलोक और पृथिवीमें अन्तर्यामिरुपसे प्रविष्ट हूँ ।
७ इस विश्वके शिरोभागपर विराजमान द्युलोक अथवा आदित्यरुप पिताका प्रसव मैं ही करती रहती हूँ । उस कारणमें ही तन्तुओंमें पटके समान आकाशादि सम्पूर्ण कार्य दीख रहा है । दिव्य कारण-वारिरुप समुद्र, जिसमें सम्पूर्ण प्राणियों एवं पदार्थोंका उदय-विलय होता रहता है, वह ब्रह्मचैतन्य ही मेरा निवासस्थान है । यही कारण है कि मैं सम्पूर्ण भूतोंमें अनुप्रविष्ट होकर रहती हूँ और अपने कारणभूत मायात्मक स्वशरीरसे सम्पूर्ण दृश्य कार्यका स्पर्श करती हूँ ।
८ जैसे वायु किसी दूसरेसे प्रेरित न होनेपर भी स्वयं प्रवाहित होता है, उसी प्रकार मैं ही किसी दूसरेके द्वारा प्रेरित और अधिष्ठित न होनेपर भी स्वयं ही कारणरुपसे सम्पूर्ण भूतरुप कार्योंका आरम्भ करती हूँ । मैं आकाशसे भी परे हूँ और इस पृथ्वीसे भी । अभिप्राय यह है कि मैं सम्पूर्ण विकारोंसे परे, असङ्ग, उदासीन, कूटस्थ ब्रह्मचैतन्य हूँ । अपनी महिमासे सम्पूर्ण जगत् के रुपमें मैं ही बरत रही हूँ, रह रही हूँ ।   


Section 1. आदित्य, वरुण, मित्रअश्विनी-कुमार

 ब्रह्मस्वरुपा मैं रुद्र, वसु, आदित्य और विश्र्वदेवताके रुपमें विचरण करती हूँ, अर्थात् मैं ही उन सभी रुपोमें भासमान हो रही हूँ । मैं ही ब्रह्मरुपसे मित्र और वरुण दोनोंको धारण करती हूँ । मैं ही इन्द्र और अग्निका आधार हूँ । मैं ही दोनो अश्विनीकुमारोंका धारण-पोषण करती हूँ ।

I wander in the forms of Rudra, Vasu, Aditya, Viśvedevatā. I bear both Mitra and Varua.

आ-धार m. support , prop , stay , substratum. I am the ādhāra of Indra and Agni. I support and nourish the twin, aśvinīkumāra.

अश्विनी-कुमार  m. the son of अश्विनी (said to be the father of the first physician) BrahmaP. i.

मित्र m. the sun; (orig. मित्-त्र , fr. √ मिथ् or मिद् ; cf. मेदिन्) a friend , companion , associate RV. AV. (in later language mostly n.); N. of an आदित्य (generally invoked together with वरुण cf. मित्रा-व्° , and often associated with अर्यमन् q.v. ; मित्र is extolled alone in RV. iii , 59, and there described as calling men to activity , sustaining earth and sky and beholding all creatures with unwinking eye ; in later times he is considered as the deity of the constellation अनुराधा , and father of उत्सर्गRV. &c

वरुण the water, the oceanm. (once in the TA1r. वरुण्/अ) " All-enveloping Sky " , N. of an आदित्य (in the वेद commonly associated with मित्र [q.v.] and presiding over the night as मित्रover the day , but often celebrated separately , whereas मित्र is rarely invoked alone ; वरुण is one of the oldest of the Vedic gods , and is commonly thought to correspond to the ÎŸá½ÏÎ±Î½ÏŒÏ‚ of the Greeks , although of a more spiritual conception ; he is often regarded as the supreme deity , being then styled " king of the gods " or " king of both gods and men " or " king of the universe " ; no other deity has such grand attributes and functions assigned to him ; he is described as fashioning and upholding heaven and earth , as possessing extraordinary power and wisdom called माया , as sending his spies or messengers throughout both worlds , as numbering the very winkings of men's eyes , as hating falsehood , as seizing transgressors with his पाश or noose , as inflicting diseases , especially dropsy , as pardoning sin , as the guardian of immortality ; he is also invoked in the वेद together with इन्द्र , and in later Vedic literature together with अग्नि , with यम , and with विष्णु ; in RV. iv , 1 , 2, he is even called the brother of अग्नि; though not generally regarded in the वेद as a god of the ocean , yet he is often connected with the waters , especially the waters of the atmosphere or firmament , and in one place [ RV. vii , 64 , 2] is called with मित्र , सिन्धु-पति , " lord of the sea or of rivers " ; hence in the later mythology he became a kind of Neptune , and is there best known in his character of god of the ocean ; in the MBh. वरुण is said to be a son of कर्दम and father of पुष्कर , and is also variously represented as one of the देव-गन्धर्वs , as a नाग , as a king of the नागs , and as an असुर ; he is the regent of the western quarter [cf. लोक-पाल] and of the नक्षत्र शतभिषज् [ VarBr2S. ] ; the जैनs consider वरुण as a servant of the twentieth अर्हत् of the present अवसर्पिणी) RV. &c &c (cf. IW.10 ; 12 &c )

आदित्य  mfn. ( Pa1n2. 4-1 , 85) belonging to or coming from अदिति TS. ii , 2 , 6 , 1 S3Br. &c; m. pl. N. of seven deities of the heavenly sphere RV. ix , 114 , 3 , &c S3Br. iii , 1 , 3 , 3 (the chief is वरुण , to whom the N. आदित्य is especially applicable ; the succeeding five are मित्र , अर्यमन् , भग , दक्ष , अंश ; that of the seventh is probably सूर्य or सवितृ ; as a class of deities they are distinct from the विश्वे देवाःChUp. ; sometimes their number is supposed to be eight TS. Sa1y. ; and in the period of the ब्राह्मणs twelve , as representing the sun in the twelve months of the year S3Br. iv , 5 , 7 , 2 , &c ) आदित्या f. (?) the sun VS. iv , 21

Section 2. आ-हनस्, त्वष्टृ, पूषन्, भग

 मैं ही शत्रुनाशक, कामादि दोष-निवर्तक, परमाल्हाददायी, यज्ञगत सोम, चन्द्रमा, मन अथवा शिवका भरण पोषण करती हूँ । मैं ही त्वष्टा, पूषा और भगको भी धारण करती हूँ । जो यजमान यज्ञमें सोमाभिषवके द्वारा देवताओंको तृप्त करनेके लिये हाथमें हविष्य लेकर हवन करता है, उसे लोक-परलोकमें सुखकारी फल देनेवाली मैं ही हूँ ।

आ-हनस् mfn. to be beaten or pressed out (as सोम); to be skimmed (as milk) RV. The expression अहं सोममाहनसं is significant inproviding a lead to the nature of the product, soma. A remarkable expression yields the early avocation of the soma presser. The expression is: ahan-gār अहन्-गार् (= ) m. a blacksmith (H. xii, 16) (Kashmiri) P آهن āhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهن ګران āhan-garānآهن ربا āhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهن رباوي āhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنهپنه aos-panaʿh, s.f. (3rd) Iron. Also used as an adjective to qualify another noun, signifying, Iron-like, hard. Pl. يْ eyاوسپنخړيَ aos-panḵẖaṟṟaey, s.m. (1st) The dross of iron left after melting. Pl. يِ ī.(Pashto) The Pashto expression aos-pana is cognate of gveda word ayas'alloy metal'aya'iron' (Gujarati) अयस् steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]); n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10; gold. The word āhan <अशन् m. (connected with √ अश्) ([only /अश्ना (instr.) and /अश्नस् , perhaps better derived from /अश्मन् q.v. , cf. Whitney's Gr. 425 e]) , stone , rock RV. x , 68 , 8; a stone for slinging , missile stone RV. ii , 30 , 4 and iv , 28 , 5; ( NBD. ) the firmament RV. i , 164 , i ; 173 , 2 ; x , 27 , 15 [in the first two of these three passages the form /अश्नस् has before been taken as nom. sg. m.fr. 1. अश्न q.v.]; अश्न m. (cf. /अशन्) , a stone RV. viii , 2 , 2. The early association of stone with a thunderbolt yields the term अशनी f. = अश्/अनि , the thunderbolt S3Br. xi (voc.R. iii , 35 , 40.

मैं ही त्वष्टा, पूषा और भगको भी धारण करती हूँ| I support tvaṣṭr̥, Puṣa, Bhaga.

त्वष्टृ m. a carpenter , maker of carriages (= त्/अष्टृ) AV. xii , 3 , 33; " creator of living beings " , the heavenly builder , N. of a god (called सु-क्/ऋत् , -पाण्/इ , -ग्/अभस्ति , -ज्/अनिमन् , स्व्-/अपस् , अप्/असाम् अप्/अस्तम , विश्व्/अ-रूप &c RV. ; maker of divine implements , esp. of इन्द्र's thunderbolt and teacher of the ऋभुs i , iv-vi , x Hariv. 12146 f. R. ii , 91 , 12 ; former of the bodies of men and animals , hence called " firstborn " and invoked for the sake of offspring , esp. in the आप्री hymns RV. AV. &c MBh. iv , 1178 Hariv. 587 ff. Ragh. vi , 32 ; associated with the similar deities धातृ , सवितृ , प्रजा-पति , पूषन् , and surrounded by divine females [ग्न्/आस् , जन्/अयस् , देव्/आनाम् प्/अत्नीस् ; cf. त्व्/अष्टा-व्/अरूत्री] recipients of his generative energy RV. S3Br. i Ka1tyS3r. iii ; supposed author of RV. x , 184 with the epithet गर्भ-पति RAnukr. ; father of सरण्यू [सु-रेणु Hariv. ; स्व-रेणु L. ] whose double twin-children by विवस्वत् [or वायु ? RV. viii , 26 , 21 f.] are यमयमी and the अश्विन्s x , 17 , 1 f. Nir. xii , 10 Br2ih. Hariv. 545 ff. VP. ; also father of त्रि-शिरस् or विश्वरूप ib. ; overpowered by इन्द्र who recovers the सोम [ RV. iii f. ] concealed by him because इन्द्र had killed his son विश्व-रूप TS. ii S3Br. i , v , xii ; regent of the नक्षत्र चित्रा TBr.S3a1n3khGr2. S3a1ntik. VarBr2S. iic , 4 ; of the 5th cycle of Jupiter viii , 23 ; of an eclipse iii , 6 ; त्वष्टुर् आतिथ्य N. of a सामन् A1rshBr. ); a form of the sun MBh. iii , 146 Hariv. 13143 BhP. iii , 6 , 15;name of an आदित्य MBh. i Hariv. BhP. vi , 6 , 37 VP. i , 15 , 130 ; ii , 10 , 16; name of a रुद्र , i , 15 , 122.

पूषन् m. (the अ not lengthened in the strong cases , but acc. °षाणम् , in Ma1rkP. N. of a Vedic deity (originally connected with the sun , and therefore the surveyor of all things , and the conductor on journeys and on the way to the next world , often associated with सोम or the Moon as protector of the universe ; he is , moreover , regarded as the keeper of flocks and herds and bringer of prosperity ; in the ब्राह्मणs he is represented as having lost his teeth and feeding on a kind of gruel , whence he is called करम्भा*द् ; in later times he is one of the 12 आदित्यs and regent of the नक्षत्र रेवती or पौष्ण ;du. " पूषन् 
and अर्यमन् " VP. Sch.)

भग m. (ifc. f(आ and ई). g. बह्व्-ादि) " dispenser " , gracious lord , patron (applied to gods , esp. to सवितृ) RV. AV.; N. of an आदित्य (bestowing wealth and presiding over love and marriage , brother of the Dawn , regent of the नक्षत्र उत्तर-फल्गुनी ; यास्क enumerates him among the divinities of the highest sphere ; according to a later legend his eyes were destroyed by रुद्र) ib. &c; the नक्षत्र उत्तर-फल्गुनी MBh. vi , 81; mn. = यत्न , प्रयत्न , कीर्ति , यशस् , वैराग्य , इच्छा , ज्ञान , मुक्ति , मोक्ष , धर्म , श्री L. [cf. Zd. bagha = Old Pers. baga ; Slav. bogu8 , bogatu8 ; Lith.bago4tas , na-ba4gas.]

३ मैं ही राष्ट्री अर्थात् सम्पूर्ण जगत् की ईश्र्वरी हूँ । मैं उपासकोंको उनके अभीष्ट वसु-धन प्राप्त करानेवाली हूँ ।

Section 3. वसु, रुद्र, ऋभु

वसु  
a symbolical N. of the number " eight " VarBr2S.; N. of the gods (as the " good or bright ones " , esp. of the आदित्यs , मरुत्s , अश्विन्s , इन्द्र , उषस् , रुद्र , वायु , विष्णु , शिव , and कुबेरRV. AV. MBh. R.; of a partic. class of gods (whose number is usually eight , and whose chief is इन्द्र , later अग्नि and विष्णु ; they form one of the nine गणs or classes enumerated under गण-देवता q.v. ; the eight वसुs were originally personifications , like other Vedic deities , of natural phenomena , and are usually mentioned with the other गणs common in the वेद , viz. the eleven रुद्रs and the twelve आदित्यs , constituting with them and with द्यौस् , " Heaven " , and पृथिवी , " Earth " [or , according to some , with इन्द्र and प्रजा-पति , or , according to others , with the two अश्विन्s] , the thirty-three gods to which reference is frequently made ; the names of the वसुs , according to the विष्णु-पुराण , are , 1. आप [connected with अप् , " water "] ; 2. ध्रुव , " the Pole-star " ; 3. सोम , " the Moon " ; 4. धव or धर ; 5. अनिल , " Wind " ; 6. अनल or पावक , " Fire " ; 7. प्रत्यूष , " the Dawn " ; 8. प्रभास , " Light " ; but their names are variously given ; अहन् , " Day " , being sometimes substituted for 1 ; in their relationship to Fire and Light they appear to belong to Vedic rather than Puranic mythology) RV. &c. The hieroglyph, homonymous (similar sounding word) which signifies the thunderbolt is: श्येन m. a hawk , falcon , eagle , any bird of prey (esp. the eagle that brings down सोम to man) RV. &c; firewood laid in the shape of an eagle S3ulbas.; श्यैन mfn. coming from a hawk &c (» श्येन).

रुद्र 
m. N. of the number " eleven " (from the 11 रुद्रs) VarBr2S.; m. " Roarer or Howler " , N. of the god of tempests and father and ruler of the रुद्रs and मरुत्s (in the वेद he is closely connected with इन्द्र and still more with अग्नि , the god of fire , which , as a destroying agent , rages and crackles like the roaring storm , and also with काल or Time the all-consumer , with whom he is afterwards identified ; though generally represented as a destroying deity , whose terrible shafts bring death or disease on men and cattle , he has also the epithet शिव , " benevolent " or " auspicious " , and is even supposed to possess healing powers from his chasing away vapours and purifying the atmosphere ; in the later mythology the word शिव , which does not occur as a name in the वेद , was employed , first as an euphemistic epithet and then as a real name for रुद्र , who lost his special connection with storms and developed into a form of the disintegrating and reintegrating principle ; while a new class of beings , described as eleven [or thirty-three] in number , though still called रुद्रs , took the place of the original रुद्रs or मरुत्s: in VP. i , 7, रुद्र is said to have sprung from ब्रह्मा's forehead , and to have afterwards separated himself into a figure half male and half female , the former portion separating again into the 11 रुद्रs , hence these later रुद्रs are sometimes regarded as inferior manifestations of शिव , and most of their names , which are variously given in the different पुराणs , are also names of शिव ; those of the Va1yuP. are अजैकपाद् , अहिर्-बुध्न्य , हर , निरृत , ईश्वर , भुवन , अङ्गारक , अर्ध-केतु , मृत्यु , सर्प , कपालिन् ; accord. to others the रुद्रs are represented as children of कश्यप and सुरभि or of ब्रह्मा and सुरभि or of भूतand सु-रूपा ; accord. to VP. i , 8, रुद्र is one of the 8 forms of शिव ; elsewhere he is reckoned among the दिक्-पालs as regent of the north-east quarter) RV. &c (cf.RTL. 75 &c )

ऋभु R̥bhu mfn. ( √रभ्) , clever , skilful , inventive , prudent (said of इन्द्र , अग्नि , and the आदित्यs RV. ; also of property or wealth RV. iv , 37 , 5 ; viii , 93 , 34 ; of an arrow AV. i , 2 , 3)

I submit that त्वष्टृ, वसु, रुद्र, ऋभु are metaphors in Chandas in the context of wealth of a nation. Hence, the use of the central phrase: Rāṣṭram personified, deified as fem. Rāṣṭrī in R̥gveda 10.125 with the expression rendered in a soliloquy: 

अहं राष्ट्री संगमनी वसूनां चिकितुषी प्रथमा यज्ञियानाम् । तां मा देवा व्यदधुः पुरुत्रा भूरिस्थात्रां भूर्यावेशयन्तीम् ॥ ३ ॥

This राष्ट्री, 'nation' divinity of the Suktam makes an offering to Devatā ātmā. 

Devatā ātmā invoked in these mantra-s of R̥gveda 10.125 are an invocation of principle of life and sensation. In my view, this is a tribute to life activities of people engaged in producing, acquiring wealth for the nation to be shared as a commonwealth with all the peoples. 

Since Indus Script Hypertexts in over 8000 inscriptions are wealth accounting ledgers, metalworking catalogues, I suggest that the narrative of these inscriptions constitute the quintessence of the Rāṣṭrī suktam (RV 10.125) which categorically states that I am the Rāṣṭram, the collectress, mover of wealth. 

In the context of life activities, the devatā of the Suktam is ātmā, 'life principle and sensation' which is epitomised in the activities of artisans and seafaring Meluhha merchants engaged in creating the wealth of a Nation, Rāṣṭram. 

Descriptors which are perceptions in awe of the might of a river

Sarasvati, the Mother of Floods

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7.36: 1. LET the prayer issue from the seat of Order, for Surya with his beams hath loosed the cattle. With lofty ridges earth is far extended, and Agnis' flame hath lit the spacious surface.
2 O Asuras, O Varuna and Mitra, this hymn to you, like food, anew I offer. One of you is a strong unerring Leader, and Mitra, speaking, stirreth men to labour.
3 The movements of the gliding wind come hither: like cows, the springs are filled to overflowing. Born in the station even of lofty heaven the Bull hath loudly bellowed in this region.
4 May I bring hither with my song, O Indra, wise Aryaman who yokes thy dear Bay Horses, Voracious, with thy noble car, O Hero, him who defeats the wrath of the malicious.
5 In their own place of sacrifice adorers worship to gain long life and win his friendship.He hath poured food on men when they have praised him; be this, the dearest reverence, paid to Rudra.
6 Coming together, glorious, loudly roaring - SarasvatiMother of Floods, the seventh-With copious milk, with fair streams, strongly flowing, full swelling with the volume of theirwater;
7. And may the mighty Maruts, too, rejoicing, aid our devotion and protect our offspring.Let not swiftmoving- Aksara neglect us: they have increased our own appropriate riches,
8 Bring ye the great Aramati before you, and Pusan as the Hero of the synod,Bhaga who looks upon this hymn with favour, and, as our strength, the bountiful Purandbi.
9 May this our song of praise reach you, O Maruts, and Visnu guardian of the future infant.May they vouchsafe the singer strength for offspring. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.
( In the original, the plurals are juxtaposed with the singular sarasvat
ī saptathī sindhu-mātā. The notion of ‘seven mother rivers’ implicit in ‘the seventh mother river’ makes the transition possible.) See  Aklujkar section §3.7 for “Mother of Floods, the seventh.” 

sarasvatī the seventh (RV 7.36.6), naditama (RV 2.41.16), sindhumātā, mother of rivers (RV 7.36.6), seven mighty rivers that seek he sea (RV 1.71.7), swells with rivers (RV 6.52.6), two sapta sindhavah (RV 8.54.4), associates named dadvati, āpayā (RV 3.23.4), with kings on her banks (RV 8.21.18), in the mountains (RV 7.95.2), samudra, gatherer of the waters (RV 7.95.2), surpasses all other rivers in majesty and might (RV 7.95.2), fierce (RV 6.62.7), swifter than other streams (RV 6.61.13), its tempestuous roar (RV 6.61.8), bursts ridges with strong waves (RV 6.61.2), three-fold source for its spring (RV 6.61.12), prosperer of five peoples (RV 6.61.12),  seven rivers joining in number (RV 6.61.12), sapta svasa, 'seven-sistered' (RV 6.61.10).

பஞ்சகம்மாளர் pañca-kammāḷarn. < pañcan +. The five castes of artisans, viz., taṭṭāṉ, kaṉṉāṉ, ciṟpaṉ, taccaṉ, kollaṉதட்டான், கன்னான், சிற்பன், தச்சன் கொல்லன் என்ற ஐவகைப் பட்ட கம்மாளர். (சங். அக.)  பஞ்சகம்மியர் pañca-kammiyarn. < id. +. The five castes of artisans; பஞ்சகம்மாளர். (சிற்பரத். முகவுரை, பக். 10.)

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5.46.1-4: 1. WELL knowing I have bound me, horselike, to the pole: I carry that which bears as on and gives us help. I seek for no release, no turning back therefrom. May he who knows the way, the Leader, guide me straight.
2 O AgniIndraVaruna, and Mitra, give, O ye Gods, and Marut host, and Visnu. May both NasatyasRudra, heavenly MatronsPusanSarasvatiBhaga, accept us.
Indra and AgniMitraVarunaAditi, the WatersMountainsMarutsSky, and Earth and Heaven, Visnu I call, Pusan, and Brahmanaspati, and BhagaSamsaSavitar that they may help.
4 May Visnu also and Vata who injures none, and Soma granter of possessions give us joy; And may the Rbhus and the AsvinsTvastar and Vibhvan remember us so that we may have wealth.

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6.61:1. To Vadhryasva when. be worshipped her with gifts she gave fierce Divodasa, canceller of debts.
Consumer of the churlish niggard, one and all, thine, O Sarasvati, are these effectual boons. 

2 She with her might, like one who digs for lotusstems-, hath burst with her strong waves the ridges of the hills. Let us invite with songs and holy hymns for help Sarasvati who slayeth the Paravatas.
3 Thou castest down, Sarasvati, those who scorned the Gods, the brood of every Brsaya skilled in
magic arts.Thou hast discovered rivers for the tribes of men, and, rich in wealth! made poison flow away from them.
4 May the divine Sarasvati, rich in her wealth, protect us well, Furthering all our thoughts with might
5 Whoso, divine Sarasvati, invokes thee where the prize is set, Like Indra when he smites the foe.
6 Aid us, divine Sarasvad, thou who art strong in wealth and power Like Pusan, give us opulence.
7 Yea, this divine Sarasvati, terrible with her golden path, Foeslayer-, claims our eulogy.
8 Whose limitless unbroken flood, swiftmoving- with a rapid rush, Comes onward with tempestuous roar.
9 She hath spread us beyond all foes, beyond her Sisters, Holy One, As Surya spreadeth out the days.
10 Yea, she most dear amid dear stream, Seven sistered-, graciously inclined, Sarasvati hath earned our praise.
11 Guard us from hate Sarasvati, she who hath filled the realms of earth, And that wide tract, the firmament!
12 Seven sistered-, sprung from threefold source, the Five Tribes' prosperer, she must be Invoked in every deed of might.
13 Marked out by majesty among the Mighty Ones, in glory swifter than the other rapid Streams,
Created vast for victory like a chariot, Sarasvati must be extolled by every sage.
14 Guide us, Sarasvati, to glorious treasure: refuse us not thy milk, nor spurn us from thee.
Gladly accept our friendship and obedience: let us not go from thee to distant countries.





10.64.1-17: 1. WHAT God, of those who hear, is he whose wellpraised- name we may record in this our sacrifice;and how?Who will be gracious? Who of many give us bliss? Who out of all the Host will come to lend us aid?
2 The will and thoughts within my breast exert their power: they yearn with love, and fly to all the regions round.None other comforter is found save only these: my longings and my hopes are fixt upon the Gods.
3 To Narasamsa and to Pusan I sing forth, unconcealable Agni kindied by the Gods. To Sun and Moon, two Moons, to Yama in the heaven, to TritaVata, Dawn, Night, and the AtvinsTwain.
4 How is the Sage extolled whom the loud singers praise? What voice, what hymn is used to laud Brhaspati? May AjaEkapad- with Rkvans swift to hear, and Ahi of the Deep listen unto our call.
Aditi, to the birth of Daksa and the vow thou summonest the Kings Mitra and Varuna. With course unchecked, with many chariots Aryaman comes with the seven priests to tribes of varied sort.
6 May all those vigorous Coursers listen to our cry, hearers of invocation, speeding on their way; Winners of thousands where the priestly meed is won, who gather of themselves great wealth in every race.
7 Bring ye Purandbi, bring Vayu who yokes his steeds, for friendship bring ye Pusan with your songs of praise: They with one mind, one thought attend the sacrifice, urged by the favouring aid of Savitar theGod.
8 The thriceseven- wandering Rivers, yea, the mighty floods, the forest trees, the mountains, Agni to our aid,KrsanuTisya, archers to our gatheringplace-, and Rudra strong amid the Rudras we invoke. 
9 Let the great Streams come hither with their mighty help, SindhuSarasvati, and Sarayu with waves. Ye Goddess Floods, ye Mothers, animating all, promise us water rich in fatness and in balm.
10 And let Brhaddiva, the Mother, hear our call, and Tvastar, Father, with the Goddesses and Dames
RbhuksanVajaBhaga, and Rathaspati, and the sweet speech of him who labours guard us well!
11 Pleasant to look on as a dwelling rich in food is the blest favour of the MarutsRudrasSons. May we be famed among the folk for wealth in kine. and ever come to you, ye Gods, with sacred food.
12 The thought which ye, O MarutsIndra and ye Gods have given to me, and ye, Mitra and Varuna, Cause this to grow and swell like a milchcow with milk. Will ye not bear away my songs upon your car?
13 O Maruts, do ye never, never recollect and call again to mind this our relationship? When next we meet together at the central point, even there shall Aditi confirm our brotherhood.
14 The Mothers, Heaven and Earth, those mighty Goddesses, worthy of sacrifice, ecune with the race of Gods. These Two with their support uphold both Gods and men, and with the Fathers pour the copious genial stream.
15 This invocation wins all good that we desire Brhaspati, highlypraised- Aramati, are here, Even where the stone that presses meath rings loudly out, and where the sages make their voices heard with hymns.
16 Thus hath the sage, skilled in loud singers' duties, desiring riches, yearning after treasure, Gaya, the priestly singer, with his praises and hymns contented the Celestial people.
17 Thus hath the thoughtful sage the son of Plati, praised you, O Aditi and all AdityasMen are made rich by those who are Immortal: the Heavenly Folk have been extolled by Gaya.

10.65.1-15: 1. MAY Agni, Indra, Mitra, Varuna consent, Aryaman, Vayu, Pusan, and SarasvatiAdityas, Maruts, Visnu, Soma, lofty Sky, Rudra and Aditi, and Brahmanaspati.
2 Indra and Agni, Herolords- when Vrtra fell, dwelling together, speeding emulously on, And Soma blent with oil, putting his greatness forth, have with their power filled full the mighty firmament.
3 Skilled in the Law I lift the hymn of praise to these, Lawstrengtheners-, unassailed, and great in majesty.
These in their wondrous bounty send the watery sea: may they as kindly Friends send gifts to make us great.
4 They with their might have stayed Heaven, Earth, and Prthivi, the Lord of Light, the firmament, the- lustrous spheres. Even as fleetfoot- steeds who make their masters glad, the princely Gods are praised, most bountiful to man.
5 Bring gifts to Mitra and to Varuna who, Lords of all, in spirit never fail the worshipper, Whose statute shines on high through everlasting Law, whose places of sure refuge are the heavens and earth.
6 The cow who yielding milk goes her appointed way hither to us as leader of holy rites, Speaking aloud to Varuna and the worshipper, shall with oblation serve Vivasvan and the Gods. 
7 The Gods whose tongue is Agni dwell in heaven, and sit, aiders of Law, reflecting, in the seat of Law.
They propped up heaven and then brought waters with their might, got sacrifice and in a body made
it fair.
8 Born in the oldest time, the Parents dwelling round are sharers of one mansion in the home of Law.
Bound by their common vow Dyaus, Prthivi stream forth the moisture rich in oil to Varuna the Steer.
9 Parjanya, Vata, mighty, senders of the rain, Indra and Vayu, Varuna, Mitra, AryamanWe call on Aditi, Adityas, and the Gods, those who are on the earth, in waters, and in heaven.
10 Tvastar and V
āyu, those who count as Rbhus, both celestial Hotar priests-, and Dawn for happiness,
Winners of wealth, we call, and wise Brhaspati, destroyer of our foes, and Soma Indras' Friend.
11 They generated prayer, the cow, the horse, the plants, the forest trees, the earth, the waters, and the hills. These very bounteous Gods made the Sun mount to heaven, and spread the righteous laws of Aryas
over the land.
12 O Asvins, ye delivered Bhujyu from distress, ye animated Syava, Vadhrmatis' son. To Vimada ye brought his consort Kamadyu, and gave his lost Visnapu back to Visvaka

13 Thunder, the lightnings' daughter, AjaEkapad-, heavens' bearer, Sindhu, and the waters of the sea:
Hear all the Gods my words, Sarasvati give ear together with Purandhi and with Holy Thoughts.
14 With Holy Thoughts and with Purandhi may all Gods, knowing the Law immortal, Manus' Holy Ones,
Boongivers-, favourers, finders of light, and Heaven, with gracious love accept my songs, my prayer, my hymn. 

15 Immortal Gods have I, Vasistha, lauded, Gods set on high above all other beings.
May they this day grant us wide space and freedom: ye Gods, preserve us evermore with blessings.
I, therefore, submit that RV 10.125 Rāṣṭrī suktam is the R̥gveda textual metaphor Chandas equivalent of the Indus Script Hypertexts rendered in Meluhha speech forms (Indian sprachbund, speech union).


वसु N. of the gods (as the " good or bright ones " , esp. of the आदित्यs , मरुत्s , अश्विन्s , इन्द्र , उषस् , रुद्र , वायु , विष्णु , शिव , and कुबेर) RV. AV. MBh. R.; of a partic. class of gods (whose number is usually eight , and whose chief is इन्द्र , later अग्नि and विष्णु ; they form one of the nine गणs or classes enumerated under गण-देवता q.v. ; the eight वसुs were originally personifications , like other Vedic deities , of natural phenomena , and are usually mentioned with the other गणs common in the वेद , viz. the eleven रुद्रs and the twelve आदित्यs , constituting with them and with द्यौस् , " Heaven " , and पृथिवी , " Earth " [or , according to some , with इन्द्र and प्रजा-पति , or , according to others , with the two अश्विन्s] , the thirty-three gods to which reference is frequently made ; the names of the वसुs , according to the विष्णु-पुराण , are , 1. आप [connected with अप् , " water "] ; 2. ध्रुव , " the Pole-star " ; 3. सोम , " the Moon " ; 4. धव or धर ; 5. अनिल , " Wind " ; 6. अनल or पावक , " Fire " ; 7. प्रत्यूष , " the Dawn " ; 8. प्रभास , " Light " ; but their names are variously given ; अहन् , " Day " , being sometimes substituted for 1 ; in their relationship to Fire and Light they appear to belong to Vedic rather than Puranic mythology) RV. &c; a partic. ray of light VP.; a symbolical N. of the number " eight " (वराह-मिहिर 's बृहत्-संहिता)

रुद्र m. " Roarer or Howler " , N. of the god of tempests and father and ruler of the रुद्रs and मरुत्s (in the वेद he is closely connected with इन्द्र and still more with अग्नि , the god of fire , which , as a destroying agent , rages and crackles like the roaring storm , and also with काल or Time the all-consumer , with whom he is afterwards identified ; though generally represented as a destroying deity , whose terrible shafts bring death or disease on men and cattle , he has also the epithet शिव , " benevolent " or " auspicious " , and is even supposed to possess healing powers from his chasing away vapours and purifying the atmosphere ; in the later mythology the word शिव , which does not occur as a name in the वेद , was employed , first as an euphemistic epithet and then as a real name for रुद्र , who lost his special connection with storms and developed into a form of the disintegrating and reintegrating principle ; while a new class of beings , described as eleven [or thirty-three] in number , though still called रुद्रs , took the place of the original रुद्रs or मरुत्s: in VP. i , 7, रुद्र is said to have sprung from ब्रह्मा's forehead , and to have afterwards separated himself into a figure half male and half female , the former portion separating again into the 11 रुद्रs , hence these later रुद्रs are sometimes regarded as inferior manifestations of शिव , and most of their names , which are variously given in the different पुराणs , are also names of शिव ; those of theVa1yuP. are अजैकपाद् , अहिर्-बुध्न्य , हर , निरृत , ईश्वर , भुवन , अङ्गारक , अर्ध-केतु , मृत्यु , सर्प , कपालिन् ; accord. to others the रुद्रs are represented as children of कश्यपand सुरभि or of ब्रह्मा and सुरभि or of भूत and सु-रूपा ; accord. to VP. i , 8, रुद्र is one of the 8 forms of शिव ; elsewhere he is reckoned among the दिक्-पालs as regent of the north-east quarter) RV. &c (cf. RTL. 75 &c )


7.048.01 R.bhu, (Vibhu), and Va_ja, leaders of rites, possessors of opulence, be exhilarated by our effused (libation); may your active and powerful (horses) bring to our presence your chariot, beneficial to mankind. [r.bhuks.an.o va_jah, the use of the plural implies that the three brothers are intended].
7.048.02 Mighty with the R.bhus, opulent with the Vibhus, may we overcome by strength, the strength (of our foes); may Va_ja defend us in battle; with Indra, our ally, may we destroy the enemy. [R.bhus: r.bhur r.bhubhih vibhvo vibhubhih: r.bhu and uru = great; vibhu vibhvah = rich or powerful].
7.048.03 They verily, (Indra and R.bhus), overcome multitudes by their prowess; they overcome all enemies in the missile conflict; may Indra, Vibhvan, R.bhuks.in and Va_ja, the subduers of foes, annihilate by their wrath the strength of the enemy. [Missile: uparata_ti: upara = upala, a stone; upalaih pa_s.a_n.asadr.s'air a_yudhai ta_yate yuddham, war that is waged with weapons like stones, is uparatati].
7.048.04 Grant us, deities, this day opulence; may you all, may you all, well-pleased alike, be (ready) for our protection; may the exalted (R.bhus) bestow upon us food; and do you (all) ever cherish us with blessings. [R.bhus: vasavah = Vasus; pras'asyah, an epithet of R.bhavah].
Vṛṣākapi (वृषाकपि):—One of the Eleven Rudras (ekādaśa-rudra), according to the Agni-purāṇa. The Agni Purāṇa is a religious text containing details on Viṣṇu’s different incarnations (avatar), but also deals with various cultural subjects such as Cosmology, Grammar and Astrology.  Vṛṣākapi (वृषाकपि).—A Rudra, and a son of Bhūta and Sarūpā: Fought with Jambha in the Devāsura war.

Viṣṇu Purāa 1.5 being devoted to it, was the wife of Prabhasa, the eighth of the Vasus, and bore to him the patriarch Viswakarma, the author of a thousand arts, the mechanist of the gods, the fabricator of all ornaments, the chief of artists, the constructor of the self moving chariots of the deities, and by whose skill men obtain subsistence. AjaikapadAhirvradhna, and the wise Rudra Twashtri, were born; and the self born son of Twashtri was also the celebrated Viswarupa. There are eleven well known Rudras, lords of the three worlds, or HaraBahurupaTryambakaAparajitaVrishakapiSambhuKaparddiRaivataMrigavyadhaSarva, and Kapali 17; but there are a hundred appellations of the immeasurably mighty Rudras 18.

AtharvavedaAV 20.126

[2012601] Men have abstained from pouring juice; nor counted Indra as a God.
Where at the votary s store my friend Vrishakapi hath drunk his fill.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012602] Thou, Indra, heedless passest by the ill Vrishakapi hath wrought; Yet nowhere else thou findest place wherein to drink the Soma juice.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012603] What hath he done to injure thee, this tawny beast Vrishakapi, With whom thou art so angry now? What is the votary s food ful store? Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012604] Soon may the hound who hunts the boar seize him and bite him in the ear, O Indra, that Vrishakapi whom thou protectest as a friend.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012605] Kapi hath marred the beauteous things, all deftly wrought, that were my joy.
In pieces will I rend his head; the sinner s portion shall be woe.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012606] No dame hath ampler charms than I, or greater wealth of love s delights.
None with more ardour offers all her beauty to her lord s embrace.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012607] Mother whose love is quickly won,I say what verily will be, My breast, O mother, and my head and both my hips seem quivering Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012608] Dame with the lovely hands and arms, with broad hair plaits and ample hips, Why, O thou hero s wife, art thou angry with our Vrishakapi? Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012609] This noxious creature looks on me as one bereft of hero s love. [p. 361] Yet heroes for my sons have I, the Maruts friend and Indra s Queen Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012610] From olden time the matron goes to feast and general sacrifice.
Mother of heroes, Indra s Queen, the rite s ordainer is extolled.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012611] So have I heard Indrani called most fortunate among these dames, For never shall her Consort die in future time through length of days.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012612] Never, Indrani have I joyed without my friend Vrishakapi, Whose welcome offering here, made pure with water, goeth to the Gods.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012613] Wealthy Vrishakapayi, blest with sons and consorts of thy sons, Indra will eat thy bulls, thy dear oblation that effecteth much.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012614] Fifteen in number, then, for me a score of bullocks they prepare.
And I devour the fat thereof: they fill my belly full with food.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012615] Like as a bull with pointed horn, loud bellowing amid the herds, Sweet to thine heart, O Indra, is the brew which she who tends thee pours.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012616] Indrani speaks.
Non ille fortis (ad Venerem) est cujus mentula laxe inter femora dependet; fortis vero estille cujus, quum sederit, membrum pilosum se extendit.
Super omnia est Indra.
[2012617] Indra speaks.
Non fortis est ille cujus, quum sederit, membrum pilosum se extendit: fortis vero est ille cujus mentula laxe inter femora dependet.
Super omnia est Indra.
[2012618] O Indra, this Vrishakapi hath found a slain wild animal, Dresser, and new made pan, and knife, and wagon with a load of wood.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012619] Distinguishing the Dasa and the Arya, viewing all, I go.
I look upon the wise, and drink the simple votary s Soma juice.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012620] The desert plains and steep descents, how many leagues in length they spread! Go to the nearest houses, go unto thine home, Vrishakapi.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012621] Turn thee again Vrishakapi; we twain will bring thee happiness.
Thou goest homeward on thy way along this path which leads to sleep.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012622] When, Indra and Vrishakapi, ye travelled upward to your home, Where was that noisome beast, to whom went it, the beast that troubles man? Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012623] Daughter of ManuParsu bare a score of children at a birth. [p. 362] Her portion verily was bliss although her burthen caused her grief.
[p. 363]

The legend of vr̥ṣākapi The legend appears in R̥gVeda X.86 which is not an easy hymn to understand. Tilak (1893) gives a long verse by verse discussion of this hymn and concludes that the import of the legend can be understood by taking vr̥ṣākapi to represent the sun at vernal equinox when the dog star started the equinoctial year. Again Tilak interpreted this to mean vernal equinox occurring at Orion. However, it is our opinion that this legend also refers to the same event namely the equinoctical year with the Dog star and is illustrated by the figure 8.
1.020.01 This hymn, the bestower of riches, has been addressed by the sages, with their own mouths, to the (class of) divinities having birth (lit. to the divine or brilliant birth; e.g. R.bhus--R.bhu, Vibhu and Va_ja were pious men, who through penance became divinities). [deva_ya janmane: lit. to the divine or brilliant birth; janmane: ja_yama_na_ya, being born, or having birth; deva_ya: deva-san:gha_ya, a class of divinities, R.bhus who achieved deification: manus.ya_h santastapasa_ devatvam pra_pta_h. R.bhus were three sons of Sudhanvan, a descendant of An:giras. Through their good work (svapas = su-apas), they became divine, exercised superhuman powers and became entitled to receive praise and adoration. They dwell in the solar sphere, identified with the rays of the sun].
1.020.02 They who created mentally for Indra the horses that are harnessed (carved) at his words, have partaken of the sacrifice performed with holy acts. (s'ami_bhih = ceremonies; i.e. they have pervaded, appropriated or accepted the sacrifice peformed with tongs, ladles, and utensils; an intimation of the mechanical skills of R.bhu). [grahacamasa_dinis'pa_danaru_paih karmabhir, yajn~am, asmadi_yam a_s'ata (vya_ptavantah): they have pervaded (or accepted) our sacrifice, performed with those acts which are executed by means of tongs, ladles, and other (utensils used in oblations). R.bhus invented these implements, and attest to their mechanical skills].
1.020.03 They constructed for the Na_satya_s, a universally-moving and easy car, and a cow yielding milk. (taks.an = ataks.an, lit. they (R.bhus) chipped or fabricated, mechanically, the appendages of Indra and As'vin). [They carved (tataks.uh) Indar's horse; they did it mentally (ma_nasa)].
1.020.04 The R.bhus, uttering unfailing prayers, endowed with rectitude, and succeeding (in all pious acts; vis.t.i_ = vya_ptiyuktah, i.e. encountering no opposition in all acts), made their (aged) parents young. [satya-mantra_h = repeating true prayers, i.e. prayers certain to achieve the objects prayed for; akrata: fr. kr., to make generally].
1.020.05 R.bhus, the exhilarating juices are offered to you, along with Indra, attended by the Maruts and along with the brilliang A_dityas. [Libations offered at the third daily, or evening sacrifice, are presented to Indra, along with the A_dityas, together with R.bhu, Vibhu and Va_ja, with Br.haspati and the Vis'vedeva_s (A_s'vala_yana S'rauta Su_tra, 5.3)].
1.020.06 The R.bhus have divided unto four the new ladle, the work of the divine Tvas.t.a_ (i.e. devasambandhih taks.ana.vya_pa_rah = divinity whose duty in relations to gods is carpentry; cf. tvas.t.a_ tvas.t.uh s'is.ya_h R.bhavah = R.bhus are the disciples of Tvas.t.a_; four ladles are an apparent reference to an innovation in the objects of libation for sharing). [Tvas.t.a_ is the artisan of the gods; he is a divinity whose duty is carpentry, with relation to the gods].
1.020.07 May they, moved by our praises, give to the offere of the libation many precious things, and perfect the thrice seven sacrifices [i.e. seven sacrifices in each of three classes: agnya_dheyam (clarified butter), pa_kayajn~a (dressed viands), agnis.t.oma (soma)]. [Trira_ sa_pta_ni: trih may be applied to precious things to sa_pta_ni, seven sacrifices].
1.020.08 Offerers (of sacrifices), they held (a moral existence); by their pious acts they obtained a share of sacrifices with the gods. [a_dha_rayanta = they held or enjoyed (pra_n.a_n, i.e. vital airs, life)] [marta_sah santo amr.tatvam anas'uh: beyong mortals, they obtained immprtality (RV. 1.110.4); saudhanvana_ yajn~iyam bha_gam a_nas'a: by the son of Sudhanvan was a sacrificial portion acquired (RV. 1.60.1); r.bhavo vai deves.u tapasa_ somapi_tham abhyajayan: r.bhus won by devotion the drinking of Soma among the gods (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 3.30)].


1.110.01 R.bhus, the rite formerly celebrated by me is again repeated, and the melodious hymn is recited in your praise; in this ceremony, the Soma is sufficient for all the gods; drink of it to your utmost content when offered on the fire.
1.110.02 When, R.bhus, you who are amongst my ancestors, yet immature (in wisdom), but desirous of enjoying (the Soma libations), retired to the forest to perform (penance), then, sons of Sudhanvan, throught he plenitude of your completed (devotions), you came to the (sacrificial) hall of the worshipper Savita_. [r.bhurvibhva_ va_ja iti sudhanvana a_n:girasasya trayah putra_h babhu_vuh (Nirukta 11.16): Sudhanvan, father of the R.bhus, was a descendant of An:giras; so is Kutsa; pra_n~cah = pu_rva ka_li_na, of a former period; Kutsa is a kinsman of R.bhus of a former period].
1.110.03 Then Savita_ bestowed upon you immortality, when you came to him, who is not to be concealed, and representd (your desire) to partake of the libations; and that ladle for the sacrificial viands which the Asura had formed single, you made fourfold. [Who is not to be concealed: In the previous hymn, Savita_ (fr. su, to offer oblations) perhaps refers to the presenter of oblations; in this hymn, the sun is alluded to].
1.110.04 Associated with the priests, and quickly performing the holy rites, they, being yet mortals, acquired immortality and the son of Sudhanvan, the R.bhus, brilliant as the sun, became connected with the ceremonies (appropriated to the different season) of the year.
1.110.05 Lauded by the bystanders, the R.bhus, with a sharp weapon, meted out the single sacrificial ladle, like a field (measured by a rod), soliciting the best (libations) and desiring (to participate of) sacrificial food amongs thte gods.
6 To the leaders (of the sacrifice), dwelling in the firmament, we present, as with a ladle, the appointed clarified butter, and praise with knowledge those R.bhus, who, having equalled the velocityof the protector (of the universe, the sun), ascended to the region of heaven, through (the offerings) of (sacrificial) food. [nr.bhyah = yajn~asya netr.bhyah; r.bhavo hi yajn~asya neta_rah: 'the r.bhus are the leaders of the sacrifice'; because of this position, they obtained immortality; the term is perhaps connected with antariks.asya, to the chief of the firmament; r.bhus also identified with the solar rays (a_dityaras'mayo api r.bhava ucyanti: the r.bhus are, indeed, said to be the rays of the sun].
1.110.07 The most excellent R.bhu is in strength our defender; R.bhu, through gifts of food and of wealth, is our asylum; may he bestow them upon us, Gods, through your protection; may we, upon a favourable occasion, overcome the hosts of those who offer no libations.
1.110.08 R.bhus, you covered the cow with a hide, and reunited themother with the calf; sons of Sudhanvan, leaders (of sacrifice), through your good works you rendered your aged parents young. [Legend: a r.s.i, whose cow had died, leaving a calf prayed to the r.bhus for assistance, on which, they formed a living cow, and covered it with the skin of the dead one, from which the calf imagined it to be its own mother].
1.110.09 Indra, associated with the R.bhus, supply us, in the distribution of viands, with food, and consent to bestow upon us wonderful riches; and may Mitra, Varun.a, Aditi--ocean, earth, and heaven, preserve them fo rus. [alternative: va_jebhir no va_jasa_tau aviddhi = protect us in battle with your horses].


1.161.01 Is this our senior or our junior who has come (to us); has he come upon a message (from the gods); what is it we should say? Agni,brother, we revile not the ladle which is of exalted race; verily we assert the dignity of the wooden (implement). [The legend: the three R.bhus were engaged in a sacrifice and about to drink the Soma; the gods sent Agni to see what they were doing. Agni noticed that they resembled each other; Agni assumed a like form. The hymn refers to this form, calling him brother, and questionign his comparative age. The next hymn states the purpose of Agni's visit is to order the conversion of one spoon or ladle, camasa, used for drinking Soma, or for libations, into four spoons].
1.161.02 Make fourfold the single ladle; so the gods command you; and for that purpose have I come, sons of Sudhanvan; if you accomplish this, you will be entitled to sacrifices along with the gods.
1.161.03 Then said they, in answer to Agni, the messenger (of the gods). Whatever is to be done, whether a horse is to be made, or a car is to be made, or a cow is to be made, or the two (old parents) are to be made young, having done all these (acts), Brother Agni, we are then ready to do (what you desire) to be done. [cf. su_ktas 20, 110 and 111 which relate the marvels of the R.bhus].
1.161.04 So doing R.bhus, you inquired: where, indeed, is he who came to us as a messenger? When Tvas.t.a_ observed the one ladle become four, he was immediately lost amongst the women. [gna_su antarnya_naje; the verb is explained: nyakto abhu_t; the combination of ni and anj is perhaps the converse of vyan~j, to be manifest, i.e. to be concealed, indistinct, or invisible. gna_ = stri_ (mena gna_ iti stri_n.a_m--Nirukta 3.21); str.yam a_tma_nam amanyata = he, Tvas.t.a_, fancied himself; woman, that is, he felt humbled, as feeble as a female].
1.161.05 When Tvas.t.a_ said: let us slay those who have profaned the ladle, (designed) for the drinking of the gods; then they made use of other names for one another as the libation was poured out; and the maiden (mother) propitiated them by different appellations. [Then they made us of other names: a legend accounts for the origin of the names of the chief officiating priests; to evade the indignation of Tvas.t.a_, the R.bhus assumed the titles: adhvaryu, hota_ and udgata_;an individual engaged in priestly functions at a sacrifice is to be always addressed by these titles, and never by his own name; propitiated them by different appellations: anyair ena_n kanya_ na_mabhih sparat: kanya_ = svotpa_dayitri_ ma_ta_, a mother self-engendering].
1.161.06 Indra has caparisoned his horses; the As'vins have harnessed their car; Br.haspati has accepted the omniform (cow); therefore, R.bhu, Vibhva and Va_ja, go the gods, doers of good deeds, enjoy your sacrificial portion.
1.161.07 Sons of Sudhanvan, from a hideless (cow) you have formed a living one; by your marvellous acts you have made your aged parents young; from one horse you have fabricated another; harness now your chariot, and repair unto the gods.
1.161.08 They, (the gods), have said, sons of Sudhanvan, drink of this water, (the Soma); or drink that which has been filtered through the mun~ja grass; or, if you be pleased with neither of these, be exhilarated (by that which is drunk) at the third (daily) sacrifice. [R.bhus may be participants of the libations offered at dawn or at noon; the right of the R.bhus to share in the third, or evening sacrifice is always acknowledged].
1.161.09 Waters are the most excellent said one (of them). Agni is that most excellent, said another; the third declared to many the Earth (to be the most excellent), and thus speaking true things the R.bhus divided the ladle. [The earth: vardhayanti_m = a line of clouds or the earth: vadhah arkah (Nirukta 2.20.7)].
1.161.10 One pours the red water (the blood) upon the ground; one cuts the flesh, divided into fragments by the chopper; and a third seperates the excrement from the other parts; in what manner may the parents (of the sacrifice) render assistance to their sons? [The R.bhus are identified with the priests employed in the sacrifice of a victim; the parents of the sacrifice: the parents pitr.s, = the institutor of the ceremony and his wife].
1.161.11 R.bhus, leaders (of the rains), you have caused the grass to grow upon the high places; you have caused the waters to flow over the low places; for (the promotion of) good works; as you have reposed for a while in the dwelling of the unapprehensible (Sun), so desist not today from (the discharge of) this (your function). [R.bhus are identified in this and following hymns with the rays of the sun, as the instruments of the rain and the causes of fertility; a_dityaras'mayo api r.bhava ucyante: (Nirukta 11.16); unapprehensible Sun: agohyasya gr.he: agohya = a name of the sun (Nirukta); who is not to be hidden, aguhani_ya;or, agrahan.i_ya, not to be apprehended, literally or metaphorically; so desist not: idam na_nugacchatha; anusr.tya na gacchatha, having come forth, go not away without doing this,idam, your office of sending down rain for as long a period as you repose in the solar orb; a truism is explained in Nirukta: ya_vat tatra bhavatha na ta_vadiha bhavatha, as long as you are there, you are not here].
1.161.12 As you glide along enveloping the regions (in clouds); where, then, are the parents (of the world)? curse him who arrests your arm; reply sternly to him who speaks disrespectfully (to you). [The parents of the world: the sun and the moon, the protectors of the world, which, during the rains, are hidden by the clouds; who speaks disrespectfully:  yah pra_bravi_t pra tasma_ abravi_tana: pra prefixed to bru_ = either to speak harshly or kindly, to censure or to praise].
1.161.13 R.bhus, reposing in the solar orb, you inquire: who awakens us, unapprehensive (Sun), to this office (of sending rain). The Sun replies: the awakener is the wind; and the year (being ended), you again today light up this (world). [The awakener is the wind: s'va_nam bodhayita_ram = the awakener is the dog; but, s'va_nam = antarks.e svasantam va_yum, the reposer in the firmament, the wind; sam.vatsare idam adya_ vyakhyata, you have made this world today luminous, after the year has expired; i.e. the rainy season has passed, the rays of the sun and moon are again visible].
1.161.14 Sons of Strength, the Maruts, desirous of your coming, advance from the sky; Agni comes (to meet you) from the earth; the wind traverses the firmament; and Varun.a comes with undulating waters.


4.033.01 I send my prayer as a messenger to the r.bhus; I solicit (of them) the cow, the yielder of the white milk, for the dilution (of the Soma libation); for they, as swift as the wind, the doers of good works, were borne quickly across the firmament by rapid steeds. [WSere borne quickly: as applicable to the deified mortals, the allusion is to their being transported to the sphere of the gods; if the reference is to the rays of the sun, it implies merely their dispersal through the sky].
4.033.02 When the r.bhus, by honouring their parents with renovated (youth), and by other works, had achieved enough, they thereupon proceeded to the society of the gods, and, considerate, they bring nourishment to the devout (worshipper).
4.033.03 May they who rendered their decrepid and dropsy parents, when, like two dry posts, again perpetually young, Va_ja, Vibhavan, and R.bhu associated with Indra, drinkers of the Soma juice, protect our sacrifice.
4.033.04 Inasmuch as for a year the R.bhus preserved the (dead) cow, inasmuch as for a year they invested it with flesh, inasmuch as for a year they continued its beauty they obtained by their acts of immortality.
4.033.05 The eldest said, let us make two ladles; the younger said, let us make three: Tvas.t.a_, R.bhus, has applauded your proposal.
4.033.06 The men, (the R.bhus), spoke the truth, for such (ladles) they made, and thereupon the R.bhus partook of that libation; Tvas.t.a_, beholding the four ladles, brilliant as day, was content.
4.033.07 When the R.bhus, reposing for twelve days, remained in the hospitality of the uncealable (sun) they rendered the fields fertile, they led forth the rivers, plants sprung upon the waste, and waters (spread over) the low (places).
4.033.08 May those R.bhus who constructed the firm-abiding wheel-conducting car; who formed the all-impelling multiform cow; they who are the bestowers of food, the doers of great deeds, and dexterous of hand, fabricate our riches.
4.033.09 The gods were pleased by their works, illustrious in act and in thought; Va_ja was the artificer of the gods, R.bhuks.in of Indra, Vibhavan of Varun.a.
4.033.10 May those R.bhus who gratified the horses (of Indra) by pious praise, who constructed for Indra his two docile steeds, bestow upon us satiety of riches, and wealth (of cattle), like those who devise prosperity for a friend.
4.033.11 The gods verily have given you the beverage at the (third sacrifice of the) day, and its exhilarqation, not through regard, but (as the gift of one) wearied out (by penance); R.bhus, who are so (eminent), grant us, verily, wealth at this third (diurnal) sacrifice. [Wearied out by penance: r.te s'ra_ntasya sakhya_ya = na sakhitva_ya bhavanti deva_h, the gods are not through friendship, s'ra_nta_t tapo yukta_t r.te except one wearied by penance; ete s'ra_nta ato saduh, they, wearied out, therefore gave].





4.037.01 Divine Va_jas, R.bhus, come to our sacrifice by the path travelled by the gods, inasmuch as you, gracious (R.bhus), have maintained sacrifice among the people, (the progeny) of Manu, for (the sake of) securing the prosperous course of days. [R.bhus: the text has r.bhuks.ah, nom. sing. of r.bhuks.in, a name of Indra; here, it is equated with r.bhavah, pl. nom. of r.bhu; in the following verses r.bhuks.a_n.ah is used, the nom. or voc. pl. of r.bhuks.in].
4.037.02 May these sacrifices be (acceptable) to you in heart and mind; may today the sufficient (juices) mixed with butter to you; the full libations are prepared for you; may they, when drunk, animate you for glorious deeds.
4.037.03 As the offering suited to the gods at the third (daily) sacrifice supports, you, Va_jas, R.bhuks.ans; as the praise (then recited supports you); therefore, like Manu, I offer you the Soma juice, along with the very radiant (deities) among the people assembled at the solemnity. [I offer you: juhve manus.vat uparasu viks.u yus.me saca_ br.had dives.u somam: upara = those who are pleased or sport near the worship of the gods, devayajana sami_pe ramantah; ta_su viks.u-praja_su = in or among such people; br.haddives.u is an epithet of deves.u implied].
4.037.04 Va_jins, you are borne by stout horses mounted on a brilliant car, have jaws of metal and are possessed of treasures; sons of Indra, grandsons of strength, this last sacrifice is for your exhilaration. [Possessed of treasures: va_jinah = possessors either of horses or food; ayahs'ipra_ = as hard or strong as metal, ayovat sa_rabhu_ta s'ipra_h; sunis.ka_h = having good nis.kas, a certain weight of gold; sons of Indra, grandsons of strength: the text has singular nouns, son of Indra, son or grandson of strength; this is followed by vah-vos, you in the plural; last sacrifice: ityagriyam = agre bhavam, the first, the preceding; explained as tr.ti_yam savanam].
4.037.05 We invoke you, R.bhuks.ans, for splendid wealth, mutually co-operating, most invigorating in war, affecting the senses, ever munificent, and comprehending horses. [Splendid wealth: the epithets apply to rayim, wealth: r.bhu yujam, va_jintamam, indrasvantam, sada_sa_tamam as'vinam].
4.037.06 May the man whom you, R.bhus and Indra, favour, be ever liberal by his acts, and possessed of a horse at the sacrifice. [A horse at the sacrifice: medhasa_ta_ so arvata_, perhaps a horse fit for the as'vamedha is implied].
4.037.07 Va_jas, R.bhuks.an.s, direct us in the way to sacrifice; for you, who are intelligent, being glorified (by us), are able to traverse all the quarters (of space).
4.037.08 Va_jas, R.bhuks.an.s, Indra, Na_satyas, command that ample wealth with horses be sent to men for their enrichment.



8.093.01 You rise, O sun, on (the sacrifice of Indra) the showerer (of blessings), the bountiful giver, famed for his wealth, the benefactor of men. [Indra is one of the twelve A_dityas].
8.093.02 Who cleft the ninety-nine cities by the strength of his arm, and, slayeer of Vr.tra, smote Ahi. [Ninety-nine cities: RV. 2.19.6; ahi = the cloud].
8.093.03 May Indra, our auspicious friend, milk for us, like a richly-streaming (cow), wealth of horses, kine and barley.
8.093.04 Whatsoever, O Sun, slayr of Vr.tra, you have risen upon today-- it is all, Indra, under your power.
8.093.05 When, swelling in your might, lord of the good, you think, 'I shall not die', that thought of yours is indeed true. [Lord of the good: lord of the naks.atras].
8.093.06 You go at once, Indra, to all those Soma-libations which are effused afar or effused near.
8.093.07 We invigorate that (great) Indra for the slaying of mighty Vr.tra, may he be a bounteous showerer (of wealth).
8.093.08 Indra was created for giving; he, the most mighty was set over the exhilarating Soma; he, the glorious one the lord of praise, is worthy of the Soma. [made = bale; Indra was created: by Praja_pati at the time of creation].
8.093.09 The mighty (Indra), unassailed by his foes, hastens to confer wealth on his worshippers-- rendered keen by their praises as a weapon, full of strength and invincible. [r.s.vah = ugrah].
8.093.10 Indra, worthy of our praise, do you, hymned by us, make our path plain even in the midst of difficulties, (hear us), Maghavan, if you love us.
8.093.11 You whose command and rightful empire neither god nor irresistible hero can harm. [Rightful empire: svara_jya = svargasva_mitva].
8.093.12 Yes, deity of the handsome jaw, the two goddesses, heaven and earth, both worship your resistless consuming might.
8.093.13 It is you that keep this bright milk in the black, red, and spotted cows.
8.093.14 When all the gods fled in various directions from the splendour of the demon Ahi, and when fear of the deer seized them.
8.093.15 Then was my Indra the repeller; then did the smiter of Vr.tra put forth his might, he who has no existent enemies, the invincible.
8.093.16 (Priests), I bring to you men, for great wealth, that renowned and mighty one who utterly destroyed Vr.tra. [a_s'us.e = a_s'is.e; cars.an.i_na_m: renowned and mighty among men].
8.093.17 O you bearing many names and praised by many, when you are present at our various Soma-libations, may we be endowed with a kine-desiring mind. [May we be endowed: maywe obtain kine; gavyaya_ = with a desire for milk; come with this mind, with this desire for milk, whenyou are present at our Soma-offerings].
8.093.18 May the slayer of Vr.tra, to whom many libations are offered, know our desires-- may S'akra hear our praises. [bodhinmana_ = bodhanmana_h].
8.093.19 Showerer (of blessings), with what coming of yours do you gladden us, with what coming bring you (wealth) to your worshippers?
8.093.20 At whose hymn-accompanied libations does the showerer, the lord of the Niyuts, the slayer of Vr.tra, rejoice to drink the Soma?
8.093.21 Rejoicing (in our oblations), bring us wealth a thousandfold; remember that you are the giver to your votary.
8.093.22 These Soma-libations with their wives proceed (to Indra) longing to be drunk; the stale Soma, pleasing to the taste, goes to the waters. [Ya_ska, Nirukta 5.18: patni_vantah = with their wives or protectresses: an allusion to the two kinds of water, the vasati_varyah and the ekadhana_h, used in the Soma offerings (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 2.20). At the time of the avabhr.tha, or concluding ceremonies of purification, the r.ji_s.a or stale Soma is thrown into the waters. nicumpunan.ah = ni_cama_nena pr.n.a_ti].
8.093.23 The sacrificing priests, invigorating (Indra) by their offerings at the sacrifice, have by their might dismissed him to the avabhr.tha.
8.093.24 May those two golden-maned steeds together exulting bring him to our wholesome offering.
8.093.25 Resplendent (Agni), these Soma-libations are effused for you, the clipped grass is spread; bring Indra here for his worshippers.
8.093.26 May he give strength and his brilliant heaven and precious things to you his worshipper, and to his praising priests; worship Indra.
8.093.27 I prepare, S'atakratu, your strong (Soma) and all your praises; be gracious, Indra, to your hymners.
8.093.28 Bring us what is most auspicious, S'atakratu, (bring us) food and strength, if you have favour to us, Indra.
8.093.29 Bring us all blessings, S'atakratu, if you have favour to us, Indra.
8.093.30 Bearing the effused libation, we invoke you, mightiest slayer of Vr.tra, if you have favour to us, Indra.
8.093.31 Come with your steeds to our effused libation, lord of the Soma-- come with your steds to our effused libation.
8.093.32 Indra, S'atakratu, mightiest slayer of Vr.tra, you whose power is known in a two-fold way, come with your steeds to our effused libation. [Whose power is known in a two-fold way: i.e., you are known in your terrible form as the slayer of Vr.tra, etc., and in your merciful form as the protector of the world].
8.093.33 Slayer of Vr.tra, you are the drinker of these Soma juices, come with your steeds to our effused libation.
8.093.34 May Indra bring to us the bounteous R.bhu R.bhuks.an.a to partake of our sacrificial viands; may he, the mighty, bring the mighty (Va_ja). [R.bhuks.an.a: was the eldest and Va_ja the youngest of three brothers. The R.bhus have a share in the evening libation between Praja_pati and Savita_ (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 3.30); the r.ca is addressed to the R.bhus in the evening libation on the ninth day of the dva_das'a_ha ceremony (Aitareya Bra_hman.a5.21)].

The legend of bhu-s

bhu-s occur in eleven suktas in gVeda, I. 20, I. 110, I.161, I. 164, IV. 33- IV.-37.


bhu-s are three in number, bhuvibhvan and vaj and are the sons of Sudhanvan. They learnt many crafts under Tvaṣṭr̥, and constructed rathas and other equipment for the devas. By their hard work the devas were pleased and they were granted immortality. saudhanvanā bhava¨sūraacakasah¨ samvatsare samapcyanta dhītibhih¨ RV (I. 110.4) The bhu-s, children of Sudhanvan, bright as suns, were in a year's course made associate with prayers ('connected with the ceremonies appropriated to the different seasons of the year'-Wilson) The bhus represent the three seasons of the year (lunar year of 354 days) at the end of which they take rest for 12 days in the house of aghohya (the unconcealable, the sun) before they start their work again in the New Year. They are

awakened from their sleep and vasta gives the information that they were awakened by the hound. 
suṣupvāmsa  r̥bhavaastadāpr̥cchat āgohya ka idam no abūbudhat
śvānam bastobodhayitāram abravīt samvatsara idamadyā vyākhyata (RV 1.161.13) 
bhus, reposing in the solar orb, you inquire, 'who  wakens us, unconcealable sun to this office of sending rain?'. Sun replies 'the awakener is the Dog and in the year you again today light up this world'. This legend can be taken as referring to the time of commencement of the year with vernal equinox. The śvāna obviously refers to the Dog star. Tilak(1893) regards this as referring to the equinox in mgaśiras (identified by him with the constellation Orion, which according to him also includes the Dog-star). He supported his interpretation with a large number of quotations from gveda and other Vedic texts. The date corresponding to the occurrence of vernal equinox at the Orion can be simulated assuming that the Orion is represented by its brightest star, α-Ori, also known as Betelguese. The vernal equinox occurring at α-Ori is shown in Figure 7.




Figure 7. Vernal Equinox at α-Ori. 5000 BCE. Note the passing of zero hour line of the coordinate Right Ascension (RA) through Betelguese.

Tilak(1893) in his book The Orion first proposed the date of 4500 BCE, and then later on proposed the date of 5000 BCE. However, Sengupta interprets the bhu legend as referring to the heliacal rising of Canis Major after the summer solstice. But this is not the correct interpretation either, as the beginning of the New Year was most likely at the vernal equinox. 

The legend refers to the vernal equinox, with the Dog star (Sirius) at the vernal equinox and is illustrated in Figure 8.Image may be NSFW.
Clik here to view.
Figure 8. Vernal Equinox at Canis Major. 7100 BCE 

Die ganze Arroganz der Moderne -- Arbogast Schmitt. Trans. The whole arrogance of modernity

Introduction

As I read through this interview, two statements stand out: 

1. Do Indians lack access to the “true” meaning of their texts ?

2. "You do not need the Indologists, or their degrees, or their permission, to read texts. Pick up a work of literature and read it." -- Adluri

I am posting this interview in the context of a 'methodology' question  Nilesh Nilkanth Oak poses to himself on how to go about reconciling conflicting conclusions about the dates of events described in the Mahābhārata text.

I suggest that the questions of 'philosophy' can be best left to Vishwa Adluri and Joydeep Bagchee to counter 'indologists'.

For critical analyses of 'astronomy'-related citations, I suggest three steps: 

1. List all references in the text which have an astronomical connotation or skymap observation
2. List alternative readings of the texts related to these connotations or observations. The alternative readings are critical because there could be varying interpretations of key words; for e.g. graha may signify a planet or graha may signify a comet. 
3. Isolate the readings of texts which have been subjected to varying interpretations, for e.g. using a statement as an 'omen' in astrological terms or using a statement as a skymap event relatable to a terrestrial event in the MBh narrative.
4. Create of sets of skymap readings which provide for a chronological sequence of events related to the MBh war described in great detail in the cited texts.

NB: Attempts at correlating textual references with archaeological findings should be kept to the minimum, since skymaps are very reliable documentary evidences for reconstructing the chronology of MBh war events.

Avoid 'the whole arrogance of modernity' by remembering the words of ancient Indian wisdom: vidyā dadaāti vinayam 'enquiry gives humility'. In debate, use the framework of tantra-yukti to agree upon agreed interpretations of reading textual references as relatable to specific skymaps. See: 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q2JzqYjCjMU&t=3476si (57:59 to 1:39:00)


Kalyanaraman


Image may be NSFW.
Clik here to view.
Against Occidentalism: A Conversation with Alice Crary and Vishwa Adluri on “The Nay Science”


How should we read and interpret texts? And how might the modes through which we read be informed, enriched and revised by our understanding of our cultures of interpretation? These questions have driven the work of Vishwa Adluri and Joydeep Bagchee, doctoral alumni of the Department of Philosophy at The New School for Social Research.
This winter, Anthem Press will publish their second book, Philology and Criticism: A Guide to Mahābhārata Textual Criticism. To mark the occasion, Research Matters presents excerpts of Adluri’s conversation with Philosophy Professor Alice Crary. They talk about Adluri and Bagchee’s first book, The Nay Science: A History of German Indology (Oxford University Press), the practice of reading and interpreting texts and a history of Indology.
Indology—the academic study of India—originated in Germany and served as a foundation for western academic interpretations of Indian texts and traditions. The Nay Science charts the history of German Indology to show how the nascent discipline was rooted in troubling philosophical assumptions that generated inaccurate readings of the culture it was studying. Against stubbornly persistent biases, Adluri and Bagchee write in favor of a more sincere reading of ancient and Eastern texts—a kind of “innocent reading” that goes beyond a postcolonial critique—that might enable us to meet texts outside the Western Christian tradition on their own terms.
Pressing beyond a critique of the specific history of Indology and its effects on our understanding and our modes of reading ancient texts, The Nay Science offers vital reflections on philosophical and social scientific methods. Adluri says that the book teaches us to, “read texts carefully but respectfully because, if you read them respectfully, they will talk to you.”
Adluri also reflects on his training at The New School. On the practice of philosophy, he says: “You have to read every single thing, struggle your whole life to claim the life of an intellectual. If they are competent—perhaps competent is not the right word—if they can hang on and do the work, there is no greater reward than philosophy.”

Alice Crary (AC): The occasion for this interview is your magnum opus, the 2014 monograph written with Joydeep Bagchee, The Nay Science: A History of German Indology. I want to sit with you and talk about its significance and implications. I thought we should get some background first—who you are and what you have done since your time at The New School for Social Research’s (NSSR) Philosophy Department. Can you tell us a bit about your life and your intellectual work at NSSR and afterwards?
Vishwa Adluri (VA): Thank you, Alice. I went to The New School where I got my first PhD for a dissertation on ancient Greek philosophy (since published as Parmenides, Plato and Mortal Philosophy). After that, I continued my work in ancient Greek philosophy (I published an edited volume titled Philosophy and Salvation in Greek Religion in 2013), but also branched out into Indian philosophy. My education at The New School sensitized me to the need to ponder the conditions of modernity. My teacher and mentor Reiner Schürmann had the greatest influence on me. In Broken Hegemonies, Reiner describes modernity as a project grounded in an inward turn toward self-consciousness as the primary referent for all knowledge. He calls self-consciousness “the modern hegemon,” and describes how it conditions our relationship to the world and ourselves. I began to see how, when we approach the ancients—ancient Greeks, for example—or other civilizations, we automatically subject them to our prejudices as moderns, as Europeans and as post-Enlightenment. I wanted to investigate this problem in a different field. I turned to “Indology” as a test case to study the influence of method on a non-Western episteme. About the same time I met a fellow NSSR student who was living and studying in Berlin. Working together, we mapped the emergence and decline of this field. The resulting book was published by Oxford University Press (OUP) in 2014. OUP India released a South Asian edition last month (August 2017). We were humbled by the enthusiasm among scholars whose work we read and in turn admired (Richard Wolin, Bryan W. Van Norden, Peter K. J. Park, Susannah Heschel, Arbogast Schmitt, Edward P. Butler and Robert Yelle). But we were simultaneously traumatized by the disciplinary force contained in academic disciplines, facing enormous resistance for talking about things as obvious as the link between Orientalism and anti-semitism.
AC: Can you talk about how you got started after the first monograph? What got you started on this project?
VA: I was working with Arbogast Schmitt on Greek philology at Marburg. I had contacted him because he had written a wonderful book, Die Moderne und Platon, that I wanted to translate into English (my translation appeared as Modernity and Plato in 2012). His ideas resonated with what I had learned from Reiner. Like Reiner, Arbogast had rethought the relationship of the ancients and moderns. He has this wonderful phrase, “Die ganze Arroganz der Moderne,” which defines our attitude not only to the past but also to cultures labeled “pre-modern.” Arbogast knew I was interested in the Sanskrit epic, The Mahābhārata, which I had been reading alongside my work on Homeric epics. Taking Nietzsche’s and Reiner’s cue, I had looked at the pre-Socratics and Plato in relation to Homer. Arbogast knew the Indology professor at Marburg and he introduced us quite casually over a glass of wine. The professor, Michael Hahn, suggested I turn my writings into a dissertation under his and Arbogast’s guidance; a pilot project for collaboration between their departments (classics and Indology). Back then—remember I was Seth Benardete’s student and came from classics—I could not have known the problems with so-called Indian philology or Indology. What they presented in the name of a “critical” philology was anti-semitic and anti-Brahmanic resentments, theological maxims and racial prejudices (about ancient Aryans, Indo-Germans, etc.).
AC: You say there are parallels between the way you were treated; parallels reflected in the attitudes you trace in part one of your book, where you argue that a partial and flawed positivism was a cover for the projection and imposition of different strains of Protestant theologizing, Eurocentrism and also various kinds of racialized and even racist thought.
VA: Yes. The racism I encountered in Marburg was not the kind we see among the “alt-right” or the discrimination black and minority citizens face daily. That kind of racism is easier to spot and to call out. This was more insidious. It was scientific or scientized racism. The Indologists had for so long told themselves that Indians lacked access to the “true” meaning of their texts that they no longer considered it a prejudice but a methodological principle and a necessary one at that. The question was, “How do we approach these texts scientifically and critically?” The answer was, “Obviously not as Indians read them, for Indians never developed scientific, critical thinking.” Apart from the fact that, except by skin color, I am not Indian—I have lived and studied in the US most of my life, have a PhD in Western philosophy and know German intellectual history inside out—I was not approaching the Sanskrit epic in a “traditional” way. I was reading it alongside Homer and the tragedians. I knew the scholarly literature, had presented at the American Philological Association (now known as the SCS) and was offering a cogent interpretation. Yet, whenever I opened my mouth, the Marburg Indologists could only hear an Indian, and thus, whatever I said had to be negated to maintain Indology’s status as a science. And then I realized: scientism and racism are linked. Indologists enact this discrimination not because they are vulgar racists—obviously, they think they are cultured, enlightened and cosmopolitan—but because their authority depends on it.
AC: Can you explain a bit more?
VA: Certainly. Here is the situation. Someone proposes a reading of a text. You may disagree with him, but then you must give grounds. This was different: they were accusing me, quaIndian, of being incapable of methodological, scientific studies; of being incapable of reading texts without a dogmatic faith in gods and metaphysical entities. One professor wrote me:
“What I was arguing against in my assessment of your work was your peculiar method to use ‘theology,’ that is in this case an Indian religious view of the text, not as the object of research (which we do all the time), but as a key approach. While I have no problems with theologians, with whom I work here, I would not accept a work with a theological approach for our department of philology, but send him to my colleagues in theology. So, in fact, it is your method, which does not fit into the academic self-understanding of ‘Indologie.’”
The problem was that I was not proposing an “an Indian religious view.” I had not studied the text traditionally. I began with a reference to Jean-Luc Nancy, his idea of the flight of the Gods. NSSR students know this has been a pervasive theme in German thought since Hölderlin. Heidegger talks about it. I then used Nietzsche, Merleau-Ponty and Plato to explore what this flight might mean. You know the theological turn in Continental philosophy (Levinas, Marion, Courtine, Derrida, etc.). The Mahābhārata likewise takes a theological turn in response to nihilism and materialism. But rather than seeing my work as Western to its core, the Indologists saw it as hopelessly naïve and backward. The same professor, Jürgen Hanneder, wrote:
“To an international discussion of methods appropriate for academic studies of Sanskrit texts I always look forward, but I have to disappoint you: this discussion is not really brand new. In Europe it is as old as the emancipation of the humanities from theology.”
This triggered my deconstructive project: whence these prejudices? Why this insecurity? Why this need to prove oneself “modern” by disparaging the ancients? The popular view of the Enlightenment is that it overcomes theology. But this is hardly accurate. The German Enlightenment, especially, was ambiguous about religion. There was a strong Pietist influence (think, for example, of Thomasius and Zinzendorf). Kant famously declared, “I had to deny knowledge in order to make room for faith.” (CPR Bxxx) The Indologists’ own work emerged from Protestant debates over scripture (sola scriptura, the emphasis on the sensus litteralis sive historicus, Semler’s Kanonkritik). Do you see the problem with preaching to an NSSR graduate about having overcome theology? Whence this arrogance?
And then I realized that the supersessionism inherent to modernity itself underwrites the Indologists’ arrogance. The Indologists really believe it is their mission—as Europeans—to teach Indians to receive their own texts correctly and “critically.” There is now a narrative about history as a progression from the darkness of religious belief to the light of reason. Europe, having exited religious superstition first, has a privileged status. Other cultures must look to it for guidance, as they are—allegedly—on the same path. Husserl can now declare that “the spiritual telos of European Man [includes] the particular telos [sic] of individual nations.” Notice the provincialism, the reduction of other cultures to one’s own. Notice the negation and subsumption of ancient cultures. Everything they thought is only preliminary. And finally, notice the disparity instituted. Europeans are mündig (mature), whereas non-Europeans are unmündig, and hence candidates for (Um)erziehung ((re)education). I wish us to hear this word with all the disciplinary force inherent in it. At stake is an Umerziehung, rather than an Erziehung des Menschengeschlechts (in the spirit of Lutheran theology and its specific Menschenbild).
AC: Heidegger just came up, but Gadamer plays a big role in the project also. It is a positive role and he is Heidegger’s heir. As I understand it, Heidegger plays an ambiguous role here. Is that right? Can you explain why Heidegger and Gadamer appear in different ways?
VA: Heidegger’s role is ambiguous because, while he has profound philosophical insights, he also buys into “Germanness.” In several passages, he declares that philosophy is uniquely Greek, European and German. The Germans are the true inheritors of this legacy and the German language is the philosophical language par excellence. Germany has a role to play in the destiny of the Occident by recapturing the true meaning of Being (Pauline, not Greek). Studying Indology opened my eyes to how Germany, after Kant and Goethe, laid exclusive claim to the idea of thought and scholarship. I saw how, through this ideology, people from rather humble backgrounds, first-generation school-goers, began to dominate the reception of ancient thought. I saw how, through the Humboldtian university, they injected Protestant prejudices into other textual cultures. I saw how, out of their provincialism—what Germans call Deutschtümelei—they arrogantly declared that those cultures had failed to grasp their own texts and only Germans, or German-trained scholars, could interpret them.
Gadamer is alert to the problem. In Truth and Method, he expands Heidegger’s hermeneutic circle to an a priori condition of interpretation. He shows that all understanding is historically mediated. The idea of “presuppositionlessness” (Voraussetzungslosigkeit) arises from the Enlightenment prejudice against all prejudices. But it is no less prejudicial. The genuine meaning of prejudice is not an unjustified prepossession but a pre-understanding (Vorverstehen). Without this pre-understanding, no understanding is possible. Every interpretation therefore must engage with past interpretations (that is, with the text’s Rezeptionsgeschichte). The Indologists systematically overlooked this fact. They modeled themselves on the natural sciences, forgetting Dilthey’s distinction—indeed, if they ever knew it—between Geisteswissenschaften, which aim at understanding (Verstehen), and Naturwissenschaften, whose goal is explanation (Erklären). This is why we ultimately took the critique of Indology towards a discussion of the methodology of the social sciences (the title of a lecture course by Reiner in the Schürmann Archives). Contrary to what the Indologists may think, the book is not just about them: it is a nuanced critique of “method” in the humanities.
AC: I want to talk about the reception to the book. A minute ago you said something that I had not detected earlier. As far as I know, the book was greeted as a huge accomplishment, but you suggested that, contrary to what the Indologists say, you are a nuanced thinker. Do you think that in some places, the book was received as a polemic? Has it gotten the reception you expected and hoped for?
VA: Outside Indological circles, the book received strong reviews. We had fantastic responses from classicists, who saw it as continuing Nietzsche’s legacy. We had fantastic responses from philosophers—including a fellow New School alum—who grasped its Foucauldian archaeological-genealogical project. A reviewer for History of Religions wrote that we had “hoist[ed] earlier Western scholars by their own petards.” I must confess, I had to look up the expression. A petard is a small bomb (from French peter, meaning “to break wind”; pet “the expulsion of intestinal gas”). And this is quite appropriate because, essentially, we just translated everything the Indologists had said into English. More exciting, the book created waves in fields we least expected; fields like German studies, history and even Jewish studies. I received an email from Susannah Heschel, who wrote, “I want to thank you and Joydeep Bagchee for your hard work and remarkable insights. The book is real gem.” Susannah is Abraham Joshua Heschel’s daughter, whom I read as a religion undergraduate. It was very gratifying. In a way, I felt I had come full circle. The Nazi legacy tormented Reiner his whole life. By tracing what he calls those “distant and profound origins,” (Broken Hegemonies, 3) I felt I had repaid my debt to him.
AC: I want to talk a bit about larger morals we can draw from the book. I know you considered its relationship to postcolonial studies. We could start there. When I think about what you and Joydeep have done, there is a moral about the nature of interpretation. Interpretation has an ethical dimension, especially as making sense of people distant from us in time and place. At the same time, the book itself is an exercise in social criticism. It is a critique: writ large, its moral about the nature of interpretation is, simultaneously, a moral about what powerful critique is like.
VA: That is very perceptive. The book does not just present a critique. Through its backstory, it also enacts a critique. It illustrates how we must question established paradigms. Critique cannot be only historical, but must be directed against existing institutions. Remember that Foucault said, “Schools serve the same social functions as prisons and mental institutions—to define, classify, control and regulate people.” I would like to throw a challenge out to NSSR students: how does our institutional framework—the research university, the dissertation refereeing past research, the encyclopedic tome, the reverential relationship to German scholars, the Eurocentrism exhibited, for example, in Husserl’s Vienna Lecture—limit what we think? They should read not just the primary figures, but should also study their historical context: issues in German political and social life, how figures like Hegel were embedded in a specific religio-philosophic context. They should read critiques of the university (Nietzsche’s “Anti-Education”and Arrowsmith’s “The Shame of the Graduate Schools” are good starting points). The Nay Science let me emancipate myself from an idealized vision of Germany. Meeting Indologists was a wake-up call. I saw behind the façade and beheld racism, supremacism and chauvinism.
Everyone studies Hegel at The New School. But how many actually experience the systematic othering the Hegelian narrative effects? How many will perceive the absurdity of declaring that ideas that arose in Germany at a specific moment and have their historical reasons are the telos of world history? Indology was my second education. It forced me to rethink everything I knew about the Enlightenment and German philosophy. I returned to Herder, Schlegel and Hegel with new eyes, and saw they had betrayed Kant’s and Humboldt’s legacy. Positively, I learned about what you called the ethical dimension of interpretation. I saw that we must respect what others respect and not perform autopsies on the ethical spinal cord of living cultures. I saw that the university’s arrangement into area-specific disciplines reifies cultural boundaries, ethnicity and race. I saw that this structure was itself “disciplinary,” since it gathers every culture into the university and lays it bare to the viewing of a master gaze in the same way museums of natural history gather animal and human specimens. And I saw that my narrative could no longer fit this paradigm. I was neither eastern nor western, neither German nor Indian, neither modern nor traditional and neither religious nor a participant in modern iconoclasm. I had exploded the Indologists’ categories.
AC: I am interested in how you started working with Joydeep. I knew you both independently, so I know he started at The New School after you. I also know that when he talks about you he talks, in the most glowing terms possible, about you as a great teacher and role model. How did you start working together, and how would you describe the collaboration?
VA: We reconnected in Berlin after many years. He had gone to Germany to study Heidegger in Berlin and Freiburg. And after three years, he became extremely frustrated with the German system—its cult of the God-professor, the endless posturing and the lack of dialogue. He was about to quit because he really cared about philosophy. I went to Berlin, and when I read his dissertation, I realized his was not an ordinary mind. He was wrestling with genuine philosophical questions. I later realized that Joydeep is very logical. In his dissertation, he was trying to reconstruct Heidegger’s grounding of Dasein in facticity, and he had this sense of circularity. I always say that he broke Heidegger’s hermeneutic circle. I see him as Reiner’s successor, so he has been my greatest conversational partner after Reiner.
AC: We were just talking about Hegel. I wanted to ask about the role Foucault plays in the book. I take it that when you talk about genealogical method, you have not just Nietzsche but also Foucault in mind.
VA: Foucault is important. Joydeep and I read, admired and learned from him. His writings on nineteenth-century institutions like Victorian sexuality, the prison and the madhouse anticipate our struggle with Indology: another nineteenth-century disciplinary institution. His writings on power/knowledge, disciplinary mechanisms (especially the panopticon) and, finally, modes of subjectivization, now assumed a new significance. We could, for the first time, see these principles at work. We saw how Indologists had constituted a knowledge domain, introduced verification techniques and distributed authority between those who could speak and those condemned to be silent observers, the subjects on whose bodies they played games of truth and power. I know to most people a history of Indology must sound banal. Who cares about these nineteenth-century figures? But if you read The Nay Science with Foucault in mind, you will see it is a journey into an institution like the nineteenth-century madhouse or prison, except its inhabitants are our contemporaries and we have yet to see it as the perverse and inhuman system it is.
AC: A related philosophical question, since you just described Foucault. I think it comes out really clearly that this is what the book really does: it provides the resources or methods to critically dismantle a discipline. Foucault is also brought to bear in many other people’s work, positively, to describe the kind of self-awareness and methods one needs to positively approach a text. Listening to the references to his writings on these topics and the things you just said, it strikes me as one of the most interesting things about your project is that you do not recommend a skeptical moral about our relationship to texts.
VA: The Nay Science argues for a new way of reading texts—call it innocent reading. I am thinking of Deleuze’s quote, “If you don’t admire something, if you don’t love it, you have no reason to write a word about it.” In their quest to prove Indian texts monstrous, false and debased, the Indologists forgot this basic qualification. They advocated a historicist approach, aware it would frustrate the texts’ ability to address the reader. From their perspective, this was essential. They wanted to insert themselves between the reader and the text. Having historicized the texts, they could claim the reader needed their expertise to decode the texts’ historical layers and lay them bare in their primitivity.
Deleuze again: “[I came] to see the history of philosophy as a sort of buggery… I saw myself as taking an author from behind and giving him a child that would be his own offspring, yet monstrous. It was really important for it to be his own child, because the author had to actually say all I had him saying. But the child was bound to be monstrous too, because it resulted from all sorts of shifting, slipping, dislocations, and hidden emissions that I really enjoyed.”
Does this not apply to the Indologists? Did not their literary productions—the purified versions of the transmitted texts they proposed—result from their “buggery” of the ancients? The Nay Science opposed this perverted, self-serving reading to the texts in their immediate presence. You do not need the Indologists, or their degrees, or their permission, to read texts. Pick up a work of literature and read it.
AC: I heard you say that your book can be read as an argument for Indian philosophy. Can you clarify that?
VA: What has been the single greatest obstacle in reading Indian philosophy for the past two hundred years? The conviction that India did not develop philosophy, that everything we call philosophy is really only “religion.” This conviction is false and prejudicial. Indian philosophy is rigorously logical. It is based on the principle of noncontradiction. It developed sophisticated systems of debate and criteria for validity (including a critical epistemology). The separation of theology and philosophy did not happen in Europe itself until the Reformation. When we accuse Indian philosophy of being “religion,” we apply a post-Reformation prejudice (here religion, which is a matter of faith; there philosophy, which was hubristic with the Greeks and uncritical with the Scholastics, but is now limited to self-reflection or critique and, importantly, cannot say anything about God, the soul and the universe). The allegation serves to negate a potential challenge to Christianity. This prejudice can be traced to Hegel, who largely fashioned the Western image of India (India only developed an abstract Absolute, it lacks a historical sense, it does not know of concrete individuality, etc.). Hegel’s aim was to head off the challenge from Indian philosophy to his Lutheran faith. Remember, Hegel said, “I am a Lutheran, and through philosophy have been at once completely confirmed in Lutheranism.” And again, “We Lutherans (I am and will remain one) have a better faith.” Hegel’s entire philosophy thus serves to justify Protestantism and the Prussian state. The university is the link between them (Hegel knew this in saying, “Our universities… are our churches.”). Hegel’s Protestantism is now well known and the Prussian state has collapsed. Nietzsche has exposed the link between philosophy, Protestantism (“The Protestant pastor is the grandfather of German philosophy, Protestantism itself is its peccatum originale”) and how the humanities and philology, in particular, serve to neutralize the threat from ancient thought to Christianity (from Wir Philologen: “The philologists are… ardent slaves of the State, Christians in disguise [and] philistines”). When, then, have we not revised our judgment about Indian philosophy? One reason is the university’s inherent inertia. Once Hegel rejected Indian philosophy and parceled it out to departments of Religion and Indology, Philosophy never reclaimed it, partly because of its own Christian inheritance and partly because of its Eurocentrism. We would rather study Hegel, who needed the resources of the Prussian university system to preserve his fame (“Verein von Freunden des Verewigten”) than look at Indian thought afresh. Indology draws sustenance from this snobbery and contributes to it. By dismantling Indology, The Nay Science lets us reclaim Indian thought; to read it as contemporaneous rather than as a stage of thought that Spirit allegedly bypassed on its way to Germany.
AC: Is there anything further you want to say about the project’s wider consequences, including political ones?
VA: We have seen the problems that result when academics play politics. Consider, for example, Bernard Lewis’s role in the Neocon movement. American intervention in the Middle East was disastrous. Likewise, the Indologists, having failed at an epistemic justification, have turned to politics. It is their last hope for their chairs. The Nay Science did not address this because we are disinterested in politics. But we know the danger power-hungry sophists represent. Instead of sticking to grammar, the Indologists turned to policing and petitioning. They wish to ride a wave of self-righteousness without questioning what they do, whom they serve and how they use or misuse their authority. Why should taxpayers fund them if they do not serve society?
AC: I know you just finished another book, Philology and Criticism. Is that a continuation of this project? You suggested it was at the beginning of the interview. What aspects of The Nay Scienceare you still working on?
VA: We sometimes call Philology and Criticism The Nay Science: Part 2, even though it is a book of a different nature. The Nay Science presented a genealogy of German Indology. It returned to Indology’s roots to understand its emergence from neo-Protestant theology and its anti-clerical prejudices. The Indologists’ justification has been that Indology is neither theology nor religious studies. It is indebted to neither Romanticism nor Aryanism. It neither supported nor fed into German nationalism. We are simply editors and preservers of texts; we do for Indian texts what classicists did for Greek and Latin texts. We thus had to show that the Indologists did not know textual criticism. Philology and Criticism examines post-critical  Mahābhāratascholarship. It shows that on the pretext of respecting The Mahābhārata’s critical edition the Indologists reintroduced their anti-Brahmanic prejudices (found, for example, in the work of the anti-semite, Christian Lassen). The book contrasts V. S. Sukthankar’s careful philology with the Indologists’ pseudo criticism. It distinguishes between philology as a method, which is needed, and philology as a discipline or a slogan.
I am thinking of Sheldon Pollock, who has never produced a critical edition but argues that the textual practices of non-Western cultures must submit to the tests of “historical self-awareness,” “nonprovinciality” and “methodological and conceptual pluralism” before they can be admitted to the “temple of disciplinarity [sic].” Philology and Criticism shows that Pollock himself made unforced philological errors. One wonders, why make these statements in favor of philology, if you have not mastered the method? Are they not another form of Wissenschaftsideologie, the writing of manifestos for the future university? How much intelligence does it take to write pompous statements? University history is littered with those who made their careers writing them. Husserl’s Vienna Lecture is an example. How did that turn out for Husserl?
AC: Imagining either your younger self or students here at the New School right now, do your experiences as an intellectual post-PhD make you wish you could have told your younger self something?
VA: Do they stay up at night worried about philosophy? Even if there is no prospect of a job, will they still do it? A job is necessary and important but it is not the only thing. The other thing I would say is that the big dream they see as graduate students, the glorious dawning of truth, has a price. You have to read every single thing, struggle your whole life to claim the life of an intellectual. If they are competent—perhaps competent is not the right word—if they can hang on and do the work, there is no greater reward than philosophy.
EDITOR’S NOTE: The original text of this article has been revised and re-posted to reflect necessary changes made by Vishwa Adluri. Questions can be addressed to nssrcommunications@newschool.edu.

Vajrāsana, Bodhgaya in Indus Script hieroglyph tradition, mollusc, anser indicus, lotus petals; sangha, paramahamsa, dhamma-cakka

https://tinyurl.com/ycu6vvtw

I suggest that the sculptor who designed the Vajrāsana to commemorate the attainment of enlightenment of theBuddha, chose three hypertexts in the Indus Script tradition.

Three hieroglyphs are signified to read tri-ratna in Bauddham tradition: sangha, dhamma (cakra) and Buddha (paramahamsa, 'supreme anser indicus'). The hieroglyphs are seen along the edges of the Vajrāsana excavated at Bodhgaya. The petals of the lotuses signify the spokes of the dhamma cakka. dhamma -- cakka (the wheel of the Doctrine, i. e. the symbol of conquering efficacy, or happiness implicated in the D. (Pali) Do the petals of the lotus signify the spokes of a wheel? The choice of a lotus may relate it to the law of nature (dhamma).

Right side frieze detail: geese and flame palmettesHieroglyph: hāngi ʻ snail : śāṅkhika ʻ relating to a shell ʼ W. 2. *śāṅkhinī -- (śaṅkhinī -- f. ʻ mother -- of -- pearl ʼ Bālar.). [śaṅkhá -- 1]1. K. hāngi ʻ snail ʼ; B. sã̄khī ʻ possessing or made of shells ʼ.2. K. hö̃giñ f. ʻ pearl oyster shell, shell of any aquatic mollusc ʼ.(CDIAL 12380) Rebus: saṅgin ʻ attached to, fond of ʼ MBh. [saṅgá -- Pk. saṁgi -- , saṁgilla -- ʻ attached to ʼ; S. L. P. saṅgī m. ʻ comrade ʼ (P. also ʻ one of a party o pilgrims ʼ), N. saṅi, Or. sāṅga˚gī, H. saṅgī m., M. sãgyāsāgyā m WPah.kṭg. (kc.) sɔ́ṅgi m. ʻ friend ʼ, kṭg. sɔ́ṅgəṇ, kc. sɔṅgiṇ f., J. saṅgīsaṅgu m. (prob. ← H. Him.I 212)..(CDIAL 13084) *sāṅgaka ʻ relating to a company ʼ. [saṅgá -- ]S. sã̄go m. ʻ companionship, caravan ʼ.(CDIAL 13328)

sangi 'mollusc', sangi 'pilgrim';
sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ Rebus: sippī 'sculpture, sculptor'. 

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Bar-headed Goose - St James's Park, London - Nov 2006.jpg
Anser indicushaṁsá m. ʻ goose ʼ RV., haṁsaka -- m. Kāv., haṁsī -- f. Mr̥cch. Pa. Aś. Pk. haṁsa -- m. ʻ goose ʼ, Sh. hănza̯ m., K. ünzü m., anziñ f., S. hañju m.; N. hã̄s ʻ duck ʼ; A. hã̄h ʻ duck, goose ʼ, B. hã̄s; Or. hã̄s ʻ swan ʼ; H. hã̄s m. ʻ duck, goose, swan ʼ; G. M. hã̄s m. ʻ goose ʼ (OG. hāṁsī f.); Ko. ã̄s m. ʻ drake ʼ; Si. has ʻ goose, flamingo, swan ʼ (f. häsa), as ʻ signet ring of Sinhalese kings bearing figure of a goose ʼ (OSi. hasin inst. sg.). -- P. hãs m. ʻ goose ʼ and WPah.bhal. hɔũs m. ʻ swan (?) ʼ ← Sk.?(CDIAL 13937) In Ancient Bharatiya tradition, wild geese, including swans, are noted for characteristics of discipline, stamina, grace, and beauty. This is especially said of[citation needed] the bar-headed goose (Anser indicus), whose migratory route from Central Asia to India and back forces it to fly over the Himalayas twice a year, a feat which makes it one of the highest flying birds in the world. Rebus: hamsa signifies an enlightened person. The word 'Paramahamsa' signifies one who is Awakened in all realms. The word is compounded of Sanskrit परम parama meaning 'supreme' or 'transcendent' (from PIE per meaning 'through', 'across', or 'beyond', cognate with English far) and Sanskrit हंस hamsa meaning 'swan or wild goose'. Rebus: Paramahamsa 'enlightened ātman'.
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Vajrāsana mahabodhi Temple Bodhgaya

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Front frieze of the Vajrasana: lotuses with multiple calyx, alternating with "flame palmettes". This design is broadly similar to that of the lost frieze of the Allahabad pillar of Ashoka, or the abacus of the Sankissa elephant.
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Stone relief from Mathurå depicting a gateway or torana. From Hackin 1954, fig. 494.
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Several antefixae with "flame palmette" designs, Ai Khanoum, Afghanistan, 2nd century BCE.
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"Flame palmette" design (center) at Didyma, 3rd century BCE.
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"Flame palmettes" around a lotus, Detail of Rampurva bull capital, detail of the abacus.

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Frieze of the lost capital of the Allahabad pillar, with two lotuses with multiple calyx, framing a "flame palmette" surrounded by small rosette flowers, over a band of beads and reels.
John Murray, 1876 - Illustration for History of Indian and Eastern Architecture by James Fergusson (John Murray, 1876).
Frieze of capital of Lat at Allahabad, with flame palmette within multiple calyx lotuses. Similarities with a frieze from Delphi featuring lotus with multiple calyx:

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Hackin 1954, p.169, figs.18 Ivory? Size: 10.6 x 15.8 x 0.4 cm Begram rectangular plaque depicting three palmettos with curled-up ends, held together by rings made up of lotus petals. Between the palmettos elongated fruit is shown . This scene is bordered by a band depicting a series of four-leaved flowers set in a square frame. In this hieroglyhphic multiplex, there are three distinct orthographic components:

Mollusc 1. mollusc (snail) pair depicted by a pair of antithetical S curved lines: sã̄khī Rebus: sã̄kh ʻconch-shell-cutterʼ

Palmetto or Spathe 2. spathe of a palm or palmetto: sippī f. ʻspathe of date palmʼ Rebus: sippi 'artificer, craftsman'. It could also be seen as a chisel:śaṅkula Rebus: sangin 'shell-cutter'.
Tied together, cord 3. a thread or cord that ties the mollusc pair and spath in the centre together into a composite orthographic unit. dām ʻropeʼ Rebus: dhamma 'dharma' dham̄a ʻemployment in the royal administrationʼ.
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Hieroglyph on a Begram ivory plaque: a pair of molluscs tied with a chisel
Hieroglyph: śaṅkula 'chisel' Rebus: sangin 'shell-cutter'. sangi 'mollusc' Rebus: sangi 'pilgrim'. Dama 'cord, tying' Rebus: dhamma 'moral conduct, religious merit'. A variant ties a fish with the hieroglyph complex: ayira, ayila 'fish' Rebus: ayira, ariya 'noble conduct'. Thus connoting ariya-dhama, ayira-dhamma; ariya-sangha, ayira-sangha (Pali). 
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Railing post with a lotus rhizome. Allahabad Museum. Stone. Bharhut, Madhya Pradesh.Shunga. c. 2nd cent. BCE. 43x58x25 cm. Pillar shows in the middle a lotus flower. A border of palmettes on each bevelled side. A small fragment later joined to it. 

Hieroglyph: tāmarasa 'lotus' Rebus: tāmra 'copper'.

palm frond: ḍāla -- n. ʻ branch ʼtāla -- 2 m. ʻ Borassus flabelliformis ʼ, palm (CDIAL 5750)Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (Gujarati) ḍhālakī = a metal ingot.


Śiva-Maheśvara (5th cent CE) from Yungang Grotto, Xinjiang with Indus Script Hypertexts of metalwork catalogue

Indus Script hypertexts: mr̥dvī, mr̥dvīkā  f. ʻ vine, bunch of grapes ʼ Suśr. rebus: mr̥du 'a kind of iron'. Triśiras is son of Tvaṣṭṛ, 'divine artisan', maker of Indra's vajra. Indian metalworkers may have sculpted this pratimā. पोळ [ pōḷa ] 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळ [ pōḷa ]  'magnetite, ferrite ore'

Śiva-Maheśvara (c. 5th century CE) from Yungang Grotto in Xinjiang sitting atop Nandi.
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ಶಿಲಾಯುಗದ ಬೂದಿ ದಿಬ್ಬ, ಹಳ್ಲೂರ್ A journey to perhaps the largest ash-mound of Hallur, Karnataka, evidence for iron working ca. 1100 BCE

https://tinyurl.com/y7lfpq2b

                                                                                                                                                                                

This is an addendum to: Iron making in Hallur of 1100 BCE, Ukku crucible steel evidence from Junnar caves dated to 3rd cent.BCE https://tinyurl.com/ya6rj6zd
  Published on Mar 19, 2014

ಶಿಲಾಯುಗದ ಬೂದಿ ದಿಬ್ಬ, ಹಳ್ಲೂರ್ Hallur's ash-mound is probably the largest in Karnataka if not India. This Neolithic ash-mound situated next to Tungabhadra river is said to occupy 32 acres. Also a fort existed on this site. Sadly the ash-mound is being actively destroyed, local people have vandalized this monument. Tractor loads of ash is taken away everyday and dumped in agricultural plots - people believe this ash improves fertility of the land. Read more at http://karnatakatravel.blogspot.in/20...

Oct 4, 2014

Prehistoric Ash-mound of Hallur

Hallur, situated on Tungabhadra river bank in Haveri district is know for a prehistoric ash-mound. Hallur's ash-mound was discovered by Nagaraja Rao in 1962 and excavated in 1965. The excavations revealed two periods of human occupation- 1. Neolithic-Chalcolithic (between 2000 BC and 1200 BC) and 2. an overlapping period between Neolithic-Chalcolithic and early Iron Age. During the excavations several artifacts were found- iron arrowheads, daggers & knives and earthenware. Pottery found was black-and-red ware with lines and patterns in white drawn over them.

March 17, 2014
I arrived at Hallur by 3 PM. At the village entrance my inquiries for ash-mound's location caught few people's attention. Of them one person seem to have an interest for history. In fact he sprang a surprise- ruins of Hallur's mud fort. Wow! The search for an ash-mound came with a bonus :) I asked him if he could take me to the site. Yes! My guide's name is Suresh F Tilawalli. We hopped into the cab and took a dirt branching out of the village's main street. Just outside the village and close to the site, Suresh showed couple of neglected ancient sculptures- damaged images of Hanuman and a slab with Kannada inscription : (

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Hanuman | Slab with Kannada inscription
A short distance away to our right was the fort. This mound is one the corners. A wide trench running along the fort perimeter indicates the presence of a moat.
We take the dirt path going into the fort, towards the river. We stopped by a large excavated pit to out left. The white earth seen here is actually ash. I could see pottery pieces on every square foot, literally. This ash-mound is spread over 32 acres and over the ash-mound itself sits the fort. Suresh spoke about excavations carried out during 1990s.. hundreds of artefacts were found in this pit. Well, digging did not stop there.. in still continues. But why? Local people hauled loads of this dirt-ash mixture to their fields because they believe it improves soil's fertility and crops yield. Off late with increasing fertilizer prices, farmers have resorted to a large scale operation.
We inspect a layer of ash at a spot. The ash grey and fine. Suresh lets go a handful in the air, the mild breeze blows it away.
Suresh leads the way to the 'ash mine'. This is where earthmovers load hundreds of tractor-trailers every week. It really resembles a mine.
The excavations have revealed the innards of the ash-mound. Layers of different colors formed over time can be seen here. We locate a damaged grinding stone, the type used to grind cereals into flour. The concave surface is well ground, proof it was well used before coming to this state. This stone reminds me of similar grinding stones seen at Hiregudda near Sangankallu.
Here every foot fall raised a mini cloud of ash. At places our feet would sink into the fine ash.

Next we inspect a much wall with several layers of dirt and ash. At this point the mound is about 15' high. This is a very ideal spot to study the content.
Suresh points at a mass of ash and bits of charcoal embedded in earth.
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Close look at ash and charcoal bits.
Here Suresh shows a layer of stones embedded into ash-earth mixture. His opinion is that a wall was built here. It does seem like a wall.Close by we found two more grinding stones the type used to grind wet food matter like batter or masala.

Here's a small sample of artefacts collected in 30 minutes- bone fragments, grinding stones and pottery shreds. Notice the bottom right piece- the red-black ware as mentioned in Ashmounds and hilltop villages: The search for early agriculture in southern India.
Few more closer views:
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layers of ash, red and brown earth
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ash, pottery shred and a tuft of hair like strands
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black and grey shreds of pottery
Sadly, this important prehistoric monument is being vandalized. Several hundreds of trailer loads have been looted, doing permanent damage and loss of invaluable artefacts. A short distance from here is a sand mining setup. Oh mankind, what ever you are upto!!

We move to the highest point of the mound/fort. That's Tungabhadra flowing in our direction. Hallur village is the background, concealed by a wall of trees.
Suresh wanted to show me a stone structure with a passage. The structure was probably built during 16th century. It looks like a sentry/docking point for boats navigating the river, bringing in supplies for the fort. Such docking points can be seen at AraniHavanur and Nadivi forts too.
In this view, on the left is a stairway descending into the structure. Perhaps it has a passage below which worked as an underwater entrance.
The structure as seen from river bed.
Blazing Sun had literally roasted me. We went to the water and cooled off. Bare feet in water felt great, I felt rejuvenated. We walked back the cab and drove back to the village. Back at the village entrance, we exchanged phone numbers over tea. We spoke of the hillock within Hallur's sight. The hill has peculiar rock formations on its southern face. The rocks are spiky, sticking out of the hill, varying in height from 4' to 12'. Also on the hill is a shrine dedicated to Shri Lakshmi Ranganath Swamy believed to be a Udbhava Murthy a self created image. Time being a constraint, I had to leave. Thanks to Suresh for his patience and time.

Here are links to few more ash-mounds of Karnataka-
LocationTaluqDistrict
KappagalluBellaryBellary
KudathiniBellaryBellary
BudhihalShorapurYadgir

The ended with a beautiful sun burst..
Hallur Ash-mound & fort coordinates: 14°20'27"N   75°37'15"E
.........

Indus Script hypertext पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa ‘magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake'


--पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel' = ukku'wootz steel' derived from Vedic utsa'spring'; eraka, urku'moltencast'

This is an addendum to 


I submit that these oval spots signifyपोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake' explained also as mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)


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Image result for zebu ingot shape bharatkalyan97
Slide 33. Early Harappan zebu figurine with incised spots from Harappa. Some of the Early Harappan zebu figurines were decorated. One example has incised oval spots. It is also stained a deep red, an extreme example of the types of stains often found on figurines that are usually found in trash and waste deposits. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 1.8 x 4.6 x 3.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow) http://www.harappa.com/figurines/33.html

The oval spots are shaped like the copper ingots shown on this photograh of Maysar, c. 2200 BCE:
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Maysar c.2200 BCE Packed copper ingots INGOTS
mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)
Another artifact which compares with the described shape of mūhā mẽṛhẽt 'steel ingot' is shown in the characteristic oval shape of a crucible steel buttton.
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Crucible steel button. Steel smelted from iron sand in a graphite crucible.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Crucible_steel_button.jpg
Decipherment of the Harappa figurine on Slide 33:
 पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu' Rebus: magnetite, citizen.(See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/zebu-archaeometallurgy-legacy-of-india.html )
 mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)
 
खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. (Marathi)
The figurine signifies ingots of  पोळ [pōḷa], ‘magnetite’. This is a metalwork catalogue message in Indus Script Corpora.

The following proverb indicates the exalted status of the zebu, bos indicus which read rebus as  पोळ‘magnetite, ferrite ore’ is the life-sustaining wealth of the artisans:  ज्याचीखावीपोळीत्याचीवाजवावीटाळी. Of whom you eat the salt, him laud and exalt. टाळी (p. 196) ṭāḷī f (ताल S)  Beating the hands together.
There is a remarkable expression in Tamil which signifies the homonymous writing of similar sounding words as pictures in Indus Script. The expression is: போலியெழுத்து pōli-y-eḻuttun. < id +. 1. Syllable or letter resembling another in sound, as அய் for , அவ் for ஓர்எழுத்துக்குப்பிரதியாகஅவ்வொலியில்அமையும்எழுத்து. (நன். 124.) 2. Letter substituted for another different in sound, as in சாம்பர் for சாம்பல்; ஓர்எழுத்துக்குப்பிரதியாகவரும்எழுத்து. (நன்.)

போலியெழுத்து pōli-y-eḻuttu can thus be translated as rebus writing of Indus Script.

I suggest that since the majestic dewlap is the most characteristic feature of the zebu, the following etyma reinforce the identification of zebu,bos indicus as पोळ   pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large: पोळी   pōḷī fig. A dewlap. पोळीपिकणें g. of s. To begin to fare sumptuously; to get into good living.

The oval-shaped incised spots on the zebu figurine signify crucible steel cakes and hence may be called पोळ   pōḷa   पोळें   pōḷēṃ   पोळा   pōḷā  पोळी   pōḷī f. n C A cake-form or flat honeycomb;  fig. Any squeezed and compressed cakeform body or mass. पोळी (p. 305) pōḷī f A plain wheaten cake: also a cake composed of rice-flour boiled and rolled up with wheaten. 2 The cake-form portion of a honeycomb. 3 fig. Any squeezed and compressed cakeform body or mass. 4 Cotton steeped in a dye of lác, lodhra &38;c., flattened into the form of a cake, and dried;--forming afterwards, with water, a sort of red ink. 5 fig. A dewlap. पोळीपिकणें g. of s. To begin to fare sumptuously; to get into good living.
The smelting processes involved in making such crucible steel cakes are expressed by the following semantics of cognate words: अहारोळी   ahārōḷī f (अहार& पोळी) A cake baked on embers.पोळणें   pōḷaṇēṃ v i To catch, burn, singe; to be seared or scorched.  पोळा   pōḷā A kindled portion flying up from a burning mass, a flake. पोळींव   pōḷīṃva p of पोळणें Burned, scorched, singed, seared. पोळभाज   pōḷabhāja f (पोळणें&38; भाजणें To burn &38;c.) In agriculture. A comprehensive term for the operations connected with the burning of the ground.

The cultural significance  attached to the crucible steel cake may be seen from the practice of offering a cake atop the Holi festival fire which is called : होळीचीपोळी (p. 527) hōḷīcī pōḷī f The right (of villagers, esp. of the मुखत्यारपाटील) of first placing a पोळी (or cake) upon the pile which is kindled at the close of the festival of the होळी. 2 The cake so designated and applied.

दुपोडीपोळी (p. 237) dupōḍī pōḷī f (दु, पूड, पोळी) A पोळी or stuffed cake doubled up.

दक्षिणा (p. 230) dakṣiṇā f (S) Money or presents given to Bráhmans or young virgins upon occasions. Pr. भातभक्षणापोळी0.
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Sign 391-- eraka'nave of wheel', heraka'spy' rebus: eraka, urku'moltencast' PLUS arā 'spokes' rebus: āra'brass'

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m309A kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' PLUS krammara 'look back' rebus: kamar
'blacksmith' 
See: 

 


utsa'spring'; rebus: wootz'wootz steel' is a reference to the water-pattern of the sword forged from crucible steel button or cake.
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Picture shows 18th-century Persian-forged sword was first manufactured in the southern part of India, in Tamil Nadu, on or before 11th century, also later manufactured in DamascusCrucible steels, such as wootz steel and Damascus steel, exhibit unique banding patterns because of the intermixed ferrite and cementite alloys in the steel. 
"Crucible steel making, after all, was a major industry in India until about 1900 and and "up to this day, massive heaps of broken crucibles cover the outskirts of several Indian villages, and are testimony to a time in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries when Indian wootz ingots were sold by the shipload to European and Arabian merchants, serving international markets", writes Thilo Rehren. Here is a picture from his homepage illustrating this.":
http://www.tf.uni-kiel.de/matwis/amat/iss/kap_a/advanced/ta_4_2.pdf

Heaps of broken crucibles (Thilo Rehren: "As similar as black and white: steelmaking crucibles from South and Central Asia"; Archaeology International, 23 October 2002, p. 37).

This is an addendum to: 

Archaeology, geology & metallurgy of Kannada word ukku (wootz), crucible steel, an advanced material invented in Sarasvati Civilization https://tinyurl.com/y6v6pr4w


While recorded evidence of ukku 'steel' as an advanced material (carburized iron) is mostly related to documents from 17th century CE, the archaeological evidence for the early synonym of ukku--  पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel' -- traces back to the Tin-Bronze Revolution of 4th-3rd millennia BCE of Sarasvati Civilization with a number of Indus Script Inscriptions with hieroglyph पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' read rebus in Meluhha (Bharatiya sprachbund, 'speech union')--  पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel'. 
I also suggest that on the Shu-ilishu cylinder seal, a significant hieroglyph is shown. It is a crucible which may have been used by the copper-tin artisans to work with an extraordinary invention called ukku in Kannada produced in a crucible. I suggest that Kannada word ukku is the root word because of semantic association signified by cognate words: uggi, urika which mean 'burning'. Crucible steel process is vividly explained by these etyma.


This monograph posits a thesis that the roots of ukku, 'crucible steel' are to be found in the Kannada word, (variant pronunciation, wootz), since ancient Kannada speakers and metalworkers lived close to the rich iron ore mines of Sahyadri ranges, near Dharwar. An expression in Samskrtam which is a synonym is semantically related to dark colour and mixing: कालयवन kâla-yavana -loha, n. iron, steel. Synonyms:  asita असित-यवन = कालयवन q. v. गुरुकोपरुद्धपदमापदसितयवनस्य रौद्रताम् Śi.15.56; असित-1 Unbound (Ved). -2 [न सितः शुभ्रः] Not white, black, dark-blue, dark-coloured; असिता मोहरजनी Śānti.3.4; Y.3.166.यवन n. ( √2. यु) mixing , mingling (esp. with water) (न्यायमाला-विस्तर).

Evidence from Indus Script Corpora, metallurgical wealth accounting data archive,metalwork catalogues of 4th millennium BCE is presented.

Bulat steel blade of a knife "Bulat is a type of steel alloy known in Russia from medieval times; regularly being mentioned in Russian legends as the material of choice for cold steel. The name булат is a Russian transliteration of the Persian word fulad, meaning steel. This type of steel was used by the armies of nomadic peoples. Bulat steel was the main type of steel used for swords in the armies of Genghis Khan, the great emperor of the Mongolian Empire. The technique used in making wootz steel has been lost for centuries and the bulat steel used today makes use of a more recently developed technique...Carbon steel consists of two components: pure iron, in the form of ferrite, and cementite or iron carbide, a compound of iron and carbon. Cementite is very hard and brittle; its hardness is about 640 by the Brinell hardness test, whereas ferrite is only 200. The amount of the carbon and the cooling regimen determine the crystalline and chemical composition of the final steel. In bulat, the slow cooling process allowed the cementite to precipitate as micro particles in between ferrite crystals and arrange in random patterns. The color of the carbide is dark while steel is grey. This mixture is what leads to the famous patterning of Damascus steel.Cementite is essentially a ceramic, which accounts for the sharpness of the Damascus (and bulat) steel. "
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bulat_steel 
Wootz was imported into the Middle East from Im India. (Jeffrey Wadsworth and Oleg D. Sherby (1980). "On the Bulat – Damascus Steel Revisited". Prog. Mater. Sci. 25 (1): 35–68)  "In the Muslim world of the 9th-12th centuries CE, the production of fuladh, a Persian word, has been described by Al-Kindi, Al-Biruni and Al-Tarsusi, from narm-ahanand shaburqan, two other Persian words representing iron products obtained by direct reduction of the ore. Ahan means iron. Narm-ahan is a soft iron and shaburqan a harder one or able to be quench-hardened. Old nails and horse-shoes were also used as base for fuladh preparation. It must be noticed that, according to Hammer- Purgstall, there was no Arab word for steel, which explain the use of Persian words. Fuladh prepared by melting in small crucibles can be considered as a steel in our modem classification, due to its properties (hardness, quench hardened ability, etc.). The word fuladh means "the purified" as explained by Al-Kindi. This word can be found as puladh, for instance in Chardin (1711 AD) who called this product; poulad jauherder, acier onde, which means "watering steel", a characteristic of what was called Damascene steel in Europe. In Russian the corresponding word is bulat and in Mongol bolot. In the 19th century AD, it was accepted as evident by European metallurgists that the ancient word bulat / fuladh and the newly introduced one Wootz represented the same kind of high carbon crucible steel (1-2wt % C) which should have been used by Muslim blacksmiths to forge the so called Damascene blades, the secret of which had been lost as was said by Russian and European metallurgists of that time.http://www.indianscience.org/essays/Wootzstory.shtml DP Agarwal, Linguistic Avatars of Wootz: the ancient Indian Steel in: History of Indian Science and Technology Source: J. LE COZE. 2003. About the Signification of Wootz and Other Names Given to Steel. Indian Journal of History of Science. 38 (2):117-127.                                           
Polad, bulat Crucible steel

Bolad (alternatively spelled PuladPulatPolat, or Polad in Persian and Turkic languages) is common given name among the Inner Asian peoples. The meaning of the word Bolad is "steel". In Khalkha Mongolian form of the word is Boldhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bolad_(given_name)


'Schrader gives a list of names for 'steel' related to Pers. pulAd; Syr. pld; Kurd. pila, pola, pulad; Pehl. polAwat; Armen. polovat; Turk. pala; Russ. bulat; Mizdzhegan polad, bolat; Mongol. bolot, bulat, buriat. He is unable to suggest an origin for these words. Fr. Muller pointed out that the Pehlevi and Armenian should be polapat and suggested Greek 'much-beaten' as the original word...not all the countries of Asia had been exhausted in search for similar names...by adding Tibetan p'olad, Sulu bAlan, Tagalog patalim, Ilocano paslip, we at once see that the origin of the word may lie to the east. Naturally one thinks of China as the possible point of issue, for there steel was known in the third millenium before our era and we have the positive reference to steel in a Chinese writer of the fifth century BCE...Cantonese dialect fo-lim, literally 'fire-sickle'..."(Wiener, Leo, 2002, Contributions toward a history of Arabico-Gothc culture, vol.4, Gorgias Press LLC, pp. xli-xlii)

"...‘pulad’ of Central Asia. The oasis of Merv where crucible steel was also made by the medieval period lies in this region. The term ‘pulad’ appears in Avesta, the holy book of Zorastrianism and in a Manichéen text of Chinese Turkestan. There are many variations of this term ranging from the Persian
‘polad’, the Mongolian ‘bolat’ and ‘tchechene’, the Russian ‘bulat’, the Ukrainian and Armenian ‘potovat’, Turkish and Arab ‘fulad’, ‘farlad’ in Urdu and ‘phaulad’ in Hindi. It is this bewildering variety of descriptions that was used in the past that makes a study of this subject so challenging."https://www.scribd.com/doc/268526061/Wootz-Steel-Indian-Institute-of-Science Wootz Steel, Indian Institute of SciencePWLẠD (پولاد) > BOLD RUSSIAN (ПОЛАД) ORIGIN: PERSIAN (TĀJĪK)  /  MONGOLIAN 
INDO-EUROPEAN > INDO-IRANIAN > INDO-ARYAN 
This name derives from the Mongolian (Qalq-a ayalγu) “Bold”, from the Persian (Tājīk) "pwlạd", meaning “steel”. 
                                                                                                      Geographical spread of the word PWLAD in Europe
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पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' of Indus Script corpora is rebus:pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian), fuladh (Persian) folādī (Pashto) http://tinyurl.com/mrsqcws                                                                     There are two etymological sources for the words पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel' and utsa, 'water spring' rebus: 'wootz steel water pattern'. Both sources are from Indian sprachbund (speech union).                                                                                                                                                                                                           The word is an abiding cultural memory celebrated even today every year as a pola festival.
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पोळ (p. 305) pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. Rebus 1: pōḷa ‘magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4'. पोळ [ pōḷa ]  ‘magnetite (ore)’ (Asuri) पोलाद (p. 533) [ pōlāda ] n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel (Marathi)

पोळा [ pōḷā ] m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. "Pola is a bull-worshipping festival celebrated by farmers mainly in the Indian state of Maharashtra (especially among the Kunbis). On the day of Pola, the farmers decorate and worship their bulls. Pola falls on the day of the Pithori Amavasya (the new moon day) in the month of Shravana (usually in August)."https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pola_(festival)  Festival held on the day after Sankranti ( = kANum) is called pōlāla paNDaga (Telugu). Comparable bronze images of cattle from Daimabad (ca. 2nd millennium BCE) are dramatic evidence for the continuum of celebration of cattle wealth.
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gaṇḍa 'rhinoceros'; rebus:khaṇḍ 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware'.
Hieroglyph: rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ Rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ  *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.
 karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' (Tulu.Kannada. Santali) 


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Hypertext:पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu'. The zebu, bos indicus is   पोळ pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large; पोल m. ( √ पुल्) magnitude , bulk , heap L. (g. ज्वला*दि); पौल   paula m R Offspring, male or female, of cows or buffaloes.(Monier-Williams).பொலியெருது poli-y-erutu , n. < பொலி- +. 1. Bull kept for covering; பசுக்களைச் சினையாக்குதற் பொருட்டு வளர்க்கப்படும் காளை. (பிங்.) கொடிய பொலியெருதை யிருமூக்கிலும் கயி றொன்று கோத்து (அறப். சத. 42). 2. The leading ox in treading out grain on a threshing-floor; களத்துப் பிணையல்மாடுகளில் முதற்செல்லுங் கடா. (W.) பொலி முறைநாகு poli-muṟai-nāku, n. < பொலி + முறை +. Heifer fit for covering; பொலியக்கூடிய பக்குவமுள்ள கிடாரி. (S. I. I. iv, 102.) Rebus: पोळ [ pōḷa ] 'magnetite', ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4 (Asuri)



पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'zebu' rebus: पोळा [ pōḷā ] rebus: पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'magnetite, Fe3O4'. The word for magnetite ore [pōḷa] gave the root for the famed crucible wootz steel called [pōlāda] n ( or P)  [pōlādi]  'steel'. A variant expression iin Russian is:  bulat 'steel'.


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Addorsed zebu, Rakhigarhi. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS pōḷa 'zebu' rebus: 
pōḷa 'magenetite, ferrite ore'. Thus the addorsed pair of zebus signifies: dul pōḷa, 'magnetite casting'. [After Fig. 69 in: KN Dikshit, 2013, Origin of early Harappan cultures in the Sarasvati Valley: Recent archaeological evidence and radiometric dates, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No. 9, 2013, pp. 88 to 142 (Plates)]
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Figurine of zebu, humped bull discovered in Binjor 4MSR http://www.dailypioneer.com/vivacity/revelations-in-history.html

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A zebu on a plaque from the Elamite Diyala Valley (Lamberg-Karlovsky and Potts 2001: 225).


Compartmented stamp seal with a zebu. Copper alloy. L 4.3 cm (1 3/4 in.); W. 3.8 cm (1 1/2 in.); Thickness 0.5 cm (3/16 in.). Baluchistan, Nausharo, Sector G, phase IB. Nausharo, ca. 2400 BCE. Exploration Branch, Karachi EXB 539. Dept. of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Pakistan.) "The glyptic evidence, though limited to a few examples, is varied in form and geographic distribution. Perhaps the most widespread type of Oxus seal is the copper-alloy compartmented version, which has been found at sites in Syria, Iran and Baluchistan, as well as Mohenjo-daro. The depiction of the typically Harappan zebu on such seals from both Mohenjo-daro and Nausharo, and their impressions on pottery from Shahr-i-Sokhta, in southeastern Iran, may indicate some special significance for this image in the context of interregional exchange. The Nausharo seal found in a phase at the site that appears to predate a mature Harappan presence, depicts the animal striding, with characteristic inward-curving horns, a circular eye, and geometric patterns to divide and define areas of the body, such as the forequarters, legs, belly, hindquarters, and tail. It recalls a compartmented seal from Altyn-depe, where the pattern is simpler. Both Nausharo and Mohenjo-daro have produced two Central Asian compartmented seals."(Joan Aruz, Ronald Wallenfels, 2003, Art of the first cities: the third millennium BCE from the Mediterranean to the Indus, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, pp.412-413).
Bos indicus on Hasanlu gold bowl


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Focus on bos indicus aurochs + water flowing out of muzzle.

The Hasanlu bowl.ca. 800 BCE. Museum Iran Bastan, Teheran. After Winter 1989, fig. 6, p. 90, drawing by M. T. M. de Schauensee. 
Indus Script hypertexts: Water flows out of zebu muzzle (Hasanlu bowl), Culm of millet lifts up rein-ring and young bull (Mari procession) 1. sword-arrow-maker; 2. fine gold invoiced on approval basis'

Hieroglyph1: காண்டம்² kāṇṭam n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). काण्डः ण्डम् Water. निवृत्ताः काण्डचित्राणि क्रियन्ते दाशबन्धुभिः Rām.2.89.18. కాండము kāṇḍamu kānḍamu. [Skt.] n. Water. నీళ్లు.(Telugu)


Hieroglyph 2: کرئِي kar-aʿī, s.f. (6th) A ring, an ox muzzle, or halter for a horse. Sing. and Pl. (Pashto) S. karāī f. 'wrist'; karã̄ n. pl. ʻ wristlets, bangles ʼ.(Gujarati) (CDIAL 2779). Rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri).

Hieroglyph 3: पोळ pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. पोळा pōḷā m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. (Marathi)

Rebus:पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. Together, the rebus reading is: pōḷa kāṇḍakara 'ferrite metal equipment-maker, sword-maker, arrow-maker'

*kāṇḍakara ʻ worker with reeds or arrows ʼ. [kāˊṇḍa -- , kará -- 1] L. kanērā m. ʻ mat -- maker ʼ; H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers ʼ.(CDIAL 3024) காண்டம்² kāṇṭam , n. < kāṇḍa.Staff, rod; கோல். (சூடா.);Arrow; அம்பு. (சூடா.) 5. Weapon; ஆயுதம். (சூடா.) kāˊṇḍa (kāṇḍá -- TS.) m.n. ʻ single joint of a plant ʼ AV., ʻ arrow ʼ MBh.; Bshk. kāˋ'n ʻ arrow ʼ, Tor. kan m., Sv. kã̄ṛa, Phal. kōṇ, Sh. gil. kōn f. (→ Ḍ. kōn, pl. kāna f.), pales. kōṇ;; kānī f. ʻ arrow ʼ; WPah. bhal. kān n. ʻ arrow ʼ, jaun. kã̄ḍ; N. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛo ʻ rafter ʼ; A. kã̄r ʻ arrow ʼ; B. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ\; G. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ joint, bough, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023) खंडा Image may be NSFW.
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khaṇḍā m A sort of sword. It is straight and twoedged. See खांडा  khāṇḍā m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended.  काण्डः ण्डम् An arrow. मनो दृष्टिगतं कृत्वा ततः काण्डं विसर्जयेत् Dhanur.3; Mb.5.155.7. काण्डवत् m. An archer. (Skt. Apte)



Jiroft artifacts with Meluhha hieroglhyphs referencing dhokra kamar working with metals.

Dark grey steatite bowl carved in relief. Zebu or brahmani bull is shown with its hump back; a male figure with long hair and wearing akilt grasps two sinuous objects, representing running water, which flows in a continuous stream. Around the bowl, another similar male figure stands between two lionesses with their head turned back towards him; he grasps a serpent in each hand. A further scene (not shown) represents a prostrate bull which is being attacked by a vulture and a lion. 

The zebu is reminiscent of Sarasvati Sindhu seals. The stone used, steatite, is familiar in Baluchistan and a number of vessels at the Royal Cemetery at Ur were made out of this material. 

The bowl dates from c. 2700-2500 B.C. and the motif shown on it resembles that on a fragment of a green stone vase from one of the Sin Temples at Tell Asmar of almost the same date. 

Khafajeh bowl; a man sitting, with his legs bent underneath, upon two zebu bulls. This evokes the proto-Elamite bull-man; the man holds in his hands streams of water and issurrounded by ears of corn. He has a crescent beside his head. On the other side of the bowl, a man is standing upon two lionesses and grasping two serpents.
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Indus Valley Slip-Painted Terracotta Sculpture of a Zebu Bull - SF.151 Origin: Pakistan Circa: 2800 BC to 2600 BC Dimensions: 11 (27.9cm) high x 14.5 (36.8cm) wide Collection: Asian Art Medium: Terracotta Location: Great Britain
Mehrgarh. Slip-Painted Terracotta Sculpture of a Zebu Bull - SF.151 Origin: Pakistan Circa: 2800 BC to 2600 BCE Dimensions: 11 (27.9cm) high x 14.5 (36.8cm) wide Collection: Asian Art Medium: Terracotta Location: Great Britain

 पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'magnetite, Fe3O4 Ferrite ore' 
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Cylinder seal with a zebu, scorpion, man, snake and tree. Enstatite.H. 2.6 cm (1 in.); diam. 1.55 cm (5/8 in.). Mesopotamia, Ur, U. 16220. Late 3rd millennium BCE. British Museum. BM 122947


Gadd seal 6. (cut down into Ur III mausolea from Larsa level; U. 16220), enstatite; Legrain, 1951, No. 632; Collon, 1987, Fig. 611 Cylinder seal; BM 122947;humped bull stands before a palm-tree, a thorny stone(?), tabernae montana (five-petalled fragrant flower); snake; person with long legs; behind the bull a scorpion ... Deciphered Indus writing: pola 'zebu, bos indicus'; pola ‘magnetite ore’ (Munda. Asuri); bichi 'scorpion'; 'hematite ore'; tagaraka 'tabernae montana'; tagara 'tin'; ranga 'thorny'; Rebus: pewter, alloy of tin and antimony;  kankar., kankur. = very tall and thin, large hands and feet; kankar dare = a high tree with few branches (Santali) Rebus: kanka, kanaka = gold (Samskritam); kan = copper (Tamil) nAga 'snake' nAga 'lead' (Samskritam).


Banawali kammaṭa ayaskāṇḍa 'iron (metal) implements from mint. PLUS semantic determinant: 
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A cylinder seal with zebu and lion, Sibri {Jarrige) Hieroglyphs: aryeh 'lion' rebus: arā 'brass'; [ pōḷa ] m A bull dedicated to the gods. pōḷī, ‘dewlap, honeycomb’. Rebus: pola ‘magnetite ore’ (Munda. Asuri) [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon); Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, weapons, metalware'.
The legends in Greek and Kharoṣṭhī read: 
Greeklegend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΟΔΟΤΟΥ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ, "of Saviour King Apollodotus".
Rev: Zebu bull with Kharoshti legend 𐨨𐨱𐨪𐨗𐨯 𐨀𐨤𐨫𐨡𐨟𐨯 𐨟𐨿𐨪𐨟𐨪𐨯 (MAHARAJASA APALADATASA TRATARASA),"Saviour King Apollodotus".

The Indus Script Hypertexts in addition to the Greek and Kharoṣṭhī legends are:

1. Nandipada in front of 2. zebu, bos indicus, 3. arched-hill, 4. sun, 5 six-armed vajra, 6. elephant; and 7. a river. 

These five Indus Script Hypertexts are read rebus (or, rūpaka, metaphors in Meluhha).

1. Nandipada.  dul ayo kammaṭa 'alloy metal casting mint' PLUS dala 'leaf petal' rebus:  ḍhālako = a large metal ingot PLUS karã̄ n.' pl.wristlets, bangles' Rebus: khār 'blacksmith, iron worker'. The 'bangle' image may have a variant reading as a 'pebble, round stone' goṭā 'round pebble, stone' Rebus: goṭā ''laterite, ferrite ore''gold braid' खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi)  khoṭ f ʻalloy' (Lahnda)
2.  poḷa 'zebu' rebus: poḷa 'magnetite ore'. 
3.  ḍāngā = hill, dry upland (B.); ḍã̄g mountain-ridge' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
4. arka 'sun' rebus; arka, eraka 'gold, copper', eraka 'molten cast'
5. Six-armed vajra: dhā̆vaḍ 'strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'. -- and relate the work of a smelter to a dotted circle which is dāya 'throw of one in dice' rebus: dhāi 'mineral ore' PLUS arā 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass'.PLUS eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'molten cast' 
6. karba, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant'
7. River: kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā, khaṇḍa 'implements'.
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The first Indian coins of Apollodotus used Indian symbols. These coins associated the elephant with the Buddhist Chaitya or arched-hill symbol, sun symbols, six-armed symbol, and a river. The bull had a Nandipada in front. The symbol at the top of the bull is only a mint mark. These symbols disappeared soon after, and only the elephant and the bull remained.

Kausambi (U.P). Late Harappan period(c.2000 BCE). Two Bronze artifacts. Met Museum. These are Indus Script hieroglyphs: 1. kola'woman' rebus; kol 'working in iron', kolhe'smelter' 2. (scarf worn on head) dhatu'scarf' rebus: dhatu'mineral ore' 3. Pair (of zebu) dula'pair' rebus; dul 'metal casting' 4. Bos indicus, zebu  pōḷa 'zebu' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'.

Thus, the artifacts constitute the hypertext, kol dhatu, dul  pōḷa 'mineral ore smelter, metal casting magnetite, ferrite ore. The woman is in a worshipful state because kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge'.
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Field symbol 1: पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'zebu, bos indicus taurus' rebus: पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'magnetite, ferrite ore: Fe3O4' 

Field symbol 2: seṇa 'falcon' rebus: seṇa, aśani 'thunderbolt', āhan gar 'blacksmith'  PLUS kambha 'wing' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage[Metwork catalogues: ferrite ore, blacksmith mint] Alternate titles: sēnāpati m. ʻ leader of an army ʼ AitBr. [sḗnā -- , páti -- ]Pa. sēnāpati -- , °ika -- m. ʻ general ʼ, Pk. sēṇāvaï -- m.; M. śeṇvaī°vīśeṇai m. ʻ a class of Brahmans ʼ, Ko. śeṇvi; Si. senevi ʻgeneralʼ.(CDIAL 13589) Vikalpa:eruvai ‘eagle’ rebus: eruvai ‘copper’ 

Text 3235

loa 'ficus glomerata' Rebus: loha 'copper, iron'. PLUS karṇī  ‘ears’ rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe' [supercargo in charge of copper, iron ores]

kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'  Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl°lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ(CDIAL 2984) कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥकौटिलिकः 1 A hunter.-2 A blacksmith  PLUS dula ‘duplicated’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’. Thus, bronze castings. [bronze castings]

khaṇḍa 'division'. rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' [metal implement castings]

dhāḷ 'slanted stroke' rebus: dhāḷako 'ingot' PLUS खांडा khāṇḍā A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon).  khaṇḍa 'implements'. Thus, ingots and implements [ingots, implements]

ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy' (Rigveda) PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.PLUS sal ‘splinter’ rebus: sal ‘workshop’ [alloy metal mint workshop]

Thus, the Mohenjodaro tablet is a metalwork catalogue of: 1.ferrite ore; 2.blacksmith mint, army general.

Accounted sub-categories: 

[supercargo in charge of copper, iron ores]
[bronze castings]
[metal implement castings]
[ingots, implements]
[alloy metal mint workshop]
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Courtesy of The Cleveland Museum of Art, J. H. Wade Fund 1973.160.
Chanhu-darho in Sindh in 1935-36. Steatite, Height: 3.20 Width: 3.20 cm (h:1 1/4 w:1 1/4 inches). Courtesy of The Cleveland Museum of Art, J. H. Wade Fund 1973.160.
poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite'
kaNDa 'square/divisions' rebus: kANDa 'implements' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron or copper' Thus, metal implements.
Parenthesis may be orthographically a split rhombus, shaped like an ingot: Hieroglyph: mūhā 'ingot' rebus: mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen me~ṛhe~t mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) PLUS karaNDava 'aquatic bird' rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' thus, hard alloy ingot.

khareḍo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā ] m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus: 1. करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) 2. kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati)

The hypertext message is thus a metalwork catalogue of a metals turner working with iron, hard alloy ingots and magnetite (ferrite ore).

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Mohenjodaro seal (M-262) poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite ore' meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' med 'copper' gaNDa 'four' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. Thus iron implements.

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Mohenjodaro seal (M-328) 
poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite ore' meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' med 'copper' koDa 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' kuTi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' karNIka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNIka 'scribe'.

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Mohenjodaro seal (M-264) dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' adar 'lid' rebus: aduru 'native metal' 

खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’.karNIka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNIka 'scribe'.


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kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' (Phonetic determinative)
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Sign 162 kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'


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Mohenjo-daro Seals m1118 and Kalibangan 032, glyphs used are: Zebu (bos taurus indicus), fish, four-strokes (allograph: arrow). ayo 'fish' (Mu.) rebus: aya 'iron' 

(Gujarati) ayas 'alloy metal' (Rgveda)  gaṇḍa 'four' kaṇḍa 'arrow' rebus:khaṇḍa 'implements' PLUS poa ‘zebu' rebus polad 'steel'poa ‘magnetite ore'. Thus, the Mohenjo-daro and Kalibangan seals inMeluhha Sarasvati Script cipher, signify plain-text message: poa ‘magnetite ore' PLUS ayas 'alloy 
Mohenjodaro seal 2.8x2.8x1.3 cm

Hieroglyphs used are: Zebu (bos taurus indicus), fish, four-strokes (allograph: arrow).ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.) + kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent  iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ) aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) gaṆḌa, ‘four’ (Santali); Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’, ‘furnace’), arrow read rebus in mleccha (Meluhhan) as a reference to a guild of artisans working with ayaskāṇḍa ‘excellent quantity of iron’ (Pāṇini) is consistent with the primacy of economic activities which resulted in the invention of a writing system, now referred to as Indus Writing. I suggest that the early Prakritam meaning of thelingua franca expression, ca. 3000 BCE is: ayaskāṇḍa 'iron (metal) implements.'
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*khaṇḍaka3 ʻ sword ʼ. [Perh. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 2](Gujarati) ayas 'alloy metal' (Rgveda)  gaṇḍa 'four' kaṇḍa 'arrow' rebus:khaṇḍa 'implements' PLUS poa ‘zebu' rebus polad 'steel'poa ‘magnetite ore'. Thus, the Mohenjo-daro and Kalibangan seals inMeluhha Sarasvati Script cipher, signify plain-text message: poa ‘magnetite ore' PLUS ayas 'alloy metal' khaṇḍa 'implements'.
Pk. khaṁḍa -- m. ʻ sword ʼ (→ Tam. kaṇṭam), Gy. SEeur. xai̦o, eur. xanroxarnoxanlo, wel. xenlī f., S. khano m., P. khaṇḍā m., Ku. gng. khã̄ṛ, N. khã̄ṛokhũṛo (X churi < kṣurá -- ); A. khāṇḍā ʻ heavy knife ʼ; B. khã̄rā ʻ large sacrificial knife ʼ; Or. khaṇḍā ʻ sword ʼ, H. khã̄ṛā, G. khã̄ḍũ n., M. khã̄ḍā m., Si. kaḍuva.(CDIAL 3793)

The magnetite ore stones are identified as pola iron by Meluhha speakers.   अयस्कान्त [p= 85,1] m. (g. कस्का*दि) , " iron-lover " , the loadstone (cf. कान्ता*यस) Ragh. xvii , 63 , &c;  ayaskānta S (The iron gem.) The loadstone. (Marathi) Lodestone or Loadstone or Magnetite is the most magnetic of all the naturally occurring igneous and metamorphic rocks with black or brownish-black with a metallic luster. 

Lodestones are naturally-occurring magnets, which can attract iron. Magnetite reacts with oxygen to produce hematite. 
[quote]The Indus Valley sites display a highly sophisticated technology of copper and bronze metalworking, even in the earliest excavated levels of the major cities (Lamberg-Karlovsky 1967). Issues with the integrity of the stratigraphy of early excavations of these major Indus sites makes it harder for present-day archaeologists to track the different developmental stages of the civilization's metallurgy though. However, based upon the wide array of metal artifacts found in these early deposits, it is suggested that these advanced metallurgical skills were known to the inhabitants of the Indus Valley before city constructions began and possibly originated in previous cultures to the west from which the Indus people progressed from. A large variety of bronze and  copper artifacts have been recovered from all Indus sites. The most common types are flat axes, chisels, fishhooks, bracelets, arrowheads, spearheads, knives, razors, mirrors, and saws. 


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Examples of types of tools and metal works (Lamberg-Karlovsky 1967)

Indus metal working used many kinds of manufacturing processes. For example, from the artifact types mentioned above- flat axes and mirrors were made by open-mold casting; thick knives and chisels were hammered from rods of bronze or copper; and razors, saws, and arrow and spear heads were chiseled from thinly hammered sheets of copper.

Unfortunately, little is known about the means of production used by the Indus metal workers because very little remains of tools or architecture required to perform such a craft. The only two examples for possible metallurgy workshops in the whole of the Indus Valley were discovered at Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa. In a large building close to the Great Bath at Mohenjo-Daro a brick lined pit was discovered with an incredible amount of copper ore that archaeologists have interpreted as a smelting pit  and possibly a casting site. The whole building is thought to have housed the city's metal workers. Also, the only furnace construction found in the region was discovered in the city of Harappa and was constructed to have been powered by large effective bellows positioned above the furnace (Lamberg-Karlovsky 1967).[unquote]Roger Matthews, 2002, Zebu: harbingers of doom in Bronze Age western Asia? in: Antiquity 76 (2002) Number: 292: 438-446  https://www.scribd.com/doc/115702890/Ant-0760438 "The significance of zebu, or humped cattle as potential indicators of episodes of aridification in the Bronze Age of western Asia is explored through study of figurines and faunal remains from Mesopotamia, the Levant and Anatolia." "Magnetite is a mineral, ferrous-ferric oxide, one of the three common naturally occurring iron oxides (chemical formula Fe3O4) and a member of the spinel group. Magnetite is the most magnetic of all the naturally occurring minerals on Earth.[Harrison, R. J.; Dunin-Borkowski, RE; Putnis, A (2002). "Direct imaging of nanoscale magnetic interactions in minerals". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 99 (26): 16556–16561] Naturally magnetized pieces of magnetite, called lodestone, will attract small pieces of iron, and this was how ancient people first noticed the property of magnetism...Magnetite reacts with oxygen to produce hematite, and the mineral pair forms a buffer that can control oxygen fugacity.
[quote]Magnetite, a ferrimagnetic mineral with chemical formula Fe3O4, one of several iron oxides, is one of the more common meteor-wrongs. Magnetite displays a black exterior and magnetic properties....A piece of intensely magnetic magnetite was used as an early form of magnetic compass. Iron, steel and ordinary magnetite are attracted to a magnetic field, including the Earth's magnetic field. Only magnetite with a particular crystalline structure, lodestone, can act as a natural magnet and attract and magnetize iron. The name "magnet" comes from lodestones found in a place called Magnesia. [unquote] http://meteorite-identification.com/Hot%20Rocks/magnetite.html

The importance of the पोळ pōḷa or cattle wealth festival is signified by: सणवई   saṇavī f (सण Holiday.) Corn given by the agriculturists at the seasons of दसरा, दिवाळी, पोळा, शिमगा, संक्रांत &38;c. to the twelve कारू or बलुतेदार. v दे, घाल, माग. Rebus: पोलाद   pōlāda n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel. (Marathi) Semantic determinant: shine: Ta. poli (-v-, -nt-) to bloom (as the countenance), shine; polivu brightness of countenance, beauty, splendour, gold; polam, polaṉ gold, beauty, jewel. Ka. pol to be fit or proper, excel. Te. polucu to be suitable, agreeable, beautiful, appear, seem, (K. also) shine; pol(u)pu beauty, agreeableness; polāti, polātuka woman(DEDR 4551)

Often, the zebu or bos indicus is shown in association with a unique bird called black drongo.    పోలడు  , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.). Thus, పోలడు pōlaḍu is a phonetic determinative of the signified normal text: पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel'.
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Zebu and leaves. In front of the standard device and the stylized tree of 9 leaves, are the black buck antelopes. Black paint on red ware of Kulli style. Mehi. Second-half of 3rd millennium BCE. [After G.L. Possehl, 1986, Kulli: an exploration of an  ancient civilization in South Asia, Centers of Civilization, I, Durham, NC: 46, fig. 18 (Mehi II.4.5), based on Stein 1931: pl. 30. 


Decipherment:

meṛh  f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, me 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.)

पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: pōḷa ‘magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', Vikalpa: adar ḍangra ‘zebu’ (Santali); Rebus: aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.);ḍhan:gar
‘blacksmith’ (WPah.) ayir = iron dust, any ore (Ma.) aduru = gan.iyinda
tegadu karagade iruva aduru
 = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to
melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddha_nti Subrahman.ya’ S’astri’s new interpretation
of the Amarakos’a, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330) DEDR 192  Ta.  ayil iron. Ma. ayir, ayiram any ore. Ka. aduru native
metal.
 Tu. ajirda karba very hard iron.

Hieroglyph: lo = nine (Santali); no = nine (B.)  on-patu = nine (Ta.) 
[Note the count of nine fig leaves on m0296] Rebus: loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali.lex.)(Phonetic determinant)
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http://www.waa.ox.ac.uk/XDB/tours/indus6.asp 
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Large painted storage jar discovered in burned rooms at Nausharo, ca. 2600 to 2500 BCE. Cf. Fig. 2.18, J.M. Kenoyer, 1998, Cat. No. 8.


Hypertexs पोळ pōḷa 'zebu'& pōlaḍu 'black drongo' signify polad 'steel
A phonetic determinant is provided by the popular bird, black drongo with habitat in Bharatam.Hieroglyph: eagle పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)(Telugu)


पोळा [ pōḷā ] m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. "Pola is a bull-worshipping festival celebrated by farmers mainly in the Indian state of Maharashtra (especially among the Kunbis). On the day of Pola, the farmers decorate and worship their bulls. Pola falls on the day of the Pithori Amavasya (the new moon day) in the month of Shravana (usually in August)."https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pola_(festival)  Festival held on the day after Sankranti ( = kANum) is called pōlāla paNDaga (Telugu).A phonetic determinant is provided by the popular bird, black drongo with habitat in Bharatam.Hieroglyph: eagle పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)(Telugu)పసి (p. 730) pasi pasi. [from Skt. పశువు.] n. Cattle. పశుసమూహము, గోగణము. The smell of "With short legs, they sit upright on thorny bushes, bare perches or electricity wires. They may also perch on grazing animals."(Whistler, Hugh (1949). Popular handbook of Indian birds (4th ed.). Gurney and Jackson, London. pp. 155–157.) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_drongo
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Black Drongo (Dicrurus macrocercus) IMG 7702 (1)..JPG
A Black drongo in Rajasthan state, northern India
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A pair of black drongo birds are perched on the Daimabad bronze chariot flanking the charioter
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_drongపసులపోలిగాడు pasula-pōli-gāḍu. n. The Black Drongo or King crow, Dicrurusater. (F.B.I.) ఏట్రింత.Also, the Adjutant. తోకపసులపోలిగాడు the Raquet-tailed Drongo shrike. Jerdon. No. 55. 56. 59. కొండ పనులపోలిగాడు the White bellied Drongo, Dicrurus coerulescens.  వెంటికపనుల పోలిగాడు the Hair-crested Drongo, Chibia hottentotta. టెంకిపనుల పోలిగాడు the larger Racket-tailed Drongo, Dissemurus paradiseus (F.B.I.)పసులవాడు pasula-vāḍu. n. A herdsman, గొల్లవాడు. the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)(Telugu)"With short legs, they sit upright on thorny bushes, bare perches or electricity wires. They may also perch on grazing animals."(Whistler, Hugh (1949). Popular handbook of Indian birds (4th ed.). Gurney and Jackson, London. pp. 155–157.) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_drongo.Image may be NSFW.
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Source: https://www.ancient.eu/image/7187/ This ritual vessel shows nude heroes protecting a bird and a bull. Such heroes were popular images in ancient Mesopotamia. Late Uruk Period, 3300-3000 BCE. Probably from Uruk (Warka), Southern Mesopotamia, modern-day Iraq. (The British Museum, London)

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A zebu bull tied to a post; a bird above. Large painted storage jar discovered in burned rooms at Nausharo, ca. 2600 to 2500 BCE. Zebu and black Nausharo pot. Black drongo and zebu. Mohenjo-daro seal. Zebu PLUS a pair of black drongos. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. 







Circumscript: four short strokes: gaṇḍā 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar'. Sign 286 is a composite of Sign 284 with infixed spoked wheel. The reaiding of hypertext of Sign 286 is: 


kaṇḍa āra eraka kancu mũh khāṇḍā  'fire-altar (for) brass, moltencast copper, bell-metal ingot, implements.' Four corners, four short linear strokes as circumscript.  kaṇḍa kancu mũh khāṇḍā 'bell-metal ingot, implements (from) fire-altar'. 



The rebus reading of hieroglyph spoked-wheel is: arā 'spoke' rebus: āra 'brass' PLUS eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast,copper'.  


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Carved chlorite plaque of the Halil Rud. పోలడు  pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' percfhed on the back of पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' rebus: magnetite ore, steel.
  1. https://www.harappa.com/blog/indus-civilization-through-halil-rud-civilization-object
  2. pōḷa 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'; pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: pōḷad 'steel' The semantics of bull (zebu) PLUS black drongo bird are the reason why the terracotta bird is shown with a bull's head as a phonetic determinative to signify 'steel/magnetite ferrite ore'.
      of Sarasvati Script corpora is rebus: pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian), fuladh (Persian) folādī (Pashto) पोलाद   pōlāda n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel.(Marathi) 

    pōḷa 'zebu' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore) pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: pōḷad 'steel' The semantics of bull (zebu) PLUS black drongo bird are the reason why the terracotta pōladu  bird is shown with pōḷa bull's head as a phonetic determinative to signify 'steel/magnetite ferrite ore'.
  3. A hieroglyph signifies पोला  pōlā a Hollow, unfilled, light--an ear or a grain of corn Rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore.
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    Image result for black drongo zebu nausharo pot
Ceramic from Nausharo showing transition from Early to Mature Phase of Sarasvati Civilization (Image after Jarrige, J.F., 1989, Excavations at Nausharo )
"With short legs, they sit upright on thorny bushes, bare perches or electricity wires. They may also perch on grazing animals."(Whistler, Hugh (1949). Popular handbook of Indian birds (4th ed.). Gurney and Jackson, London. pp. 155-157.)  Hence, the expression, 
పనుల పోలిగాడు in Telugu: పసులు pasulu. n. plu. Cattle, గోవులు. పసిగాపు pasi-gāpu. n. A herdsman, గోపకుడు పసితిండి pasi-tinḍi. n. A tiger, పెద్దపులి. పసులపోలిగాడు pasula-pōli-gāḍu. n. The Black Drongo or King crow, Dicrurusater. (F.B.I.) ఏట్రింత. Also, the Adjutant. తోకపసులపోలిగాడు the Raquet-tailed Drongo shrike. Jerdon. No. 55. 56. 59. కొండ పనులపోలిగాడు the White bellied Drongo, Dicrurus coerulescens. వెంటికపనుల పోలిగాడు the Hair-crested Drongo, Chibia hottentotta. టెంకిపనుల పోలిగాడు the larger Racket-tailed Drongo, Dissemurus paradiseus (F.B.I.) పసులవాడు pasula-vāḍu. n. A herdsman, గొల్లవాడు.
Steel is an alloy of iron with around 0.1 to 2.0 percent carbon. Steel is used to make knives, chisels, scissors, files, swords.Steel could be made in a hearth or furnace by 1) adding carbon to wrought iron, 2) by removing carbon from cast iron. Steel could also be made in crucible by either carburizing or decarburing the crucible charge (i.e. materials put into the crucible).Crucible steel = high-carbon steel made by enriching low-carbon iron / steel with carbon in a crucible in the liquid state 


उत्स m. ( √ उद् Un2. iii. 68) , a spring , fountain (metaphorically applied to the clouds) RV. AV. VS. TBr. Sus3r. Das3. (Monier-Williams)






útsa m. ʻ spring of water ʼ RV. 2. utsíya -- (utsyà -- ) ʻ coming from a spring (of water) ʼ AV. [√ud2].1. Wg. ūċ ʻ spring ʼ, Kt. unċo, Dm. ūċ, Gaw. ū̃ċwū̃ċ, Kal. rumb. Kho. , Bshk. ūċūč, Phal. ūċ, Sh. gil. ũċ m., koh. gur.  m., A. uh (< *ūcha), Or. ucha. 2. Paš. lauṛ.  f., ar. ūičūiċ.(CDIAL 1869)

Ukku, a word which has its roots in Dharwar iron ore belt and originated in Kannada was wrongly pronounced as wootz. Ukku is the first invented form by artisans of ancient Inid, of extraordinary metallurgical excellence called crucible steel. I submit that the word ukku is a Meluhha Bharatiya sprachbund (speech union) word.

ఉక్కు ukku ukku. [Tel.] n. Steel. Strength, courage, pride, vigour, potency. అయస్సారము, బలము, శౌర్యము. Steadiness. స్థైర్యము. తెలగ ఉక్కు. A very tough sort of steel. R. v. 197. ఉక్కు తీగె ukku-tīge. n. Steel wire. ఉక్కుతునక or ఉక్కుముక్క ukku-tunaka. n. A bit of steel, a brave, sharp or active man. ఉక్కు ముఖి ukku-mukhi. n. The crimson crested barbet, or coppersmith bird, Xantholaema haemaxtocephala. (F.B.I.) ఉక్కుసున్నము ukku-sunnamu. n. Ashes of calcined iron, scoriæ calx. (Telugu) Semantic expansion of the word ukku in Telugu also relates to the processes of crushing to death and of heroism:  ఉక్కడగించు or ఉక్కడచు ukkaḍaginṭsu. v. a. To crush one's pride, to humble: to dishearten. ఉక్కడగు ukkaḍagu. (ఉక్కు+అడగు) v. To sink or faint. To be disheartened. ఉక్కరి ukk-ari. (ఉక్కు+అరి) A man, a hero. శూరుడు, ధీరుడు.

Ta. eṟṟu (eṟṟi-) to throw out (as water from a vessel); iṟai (-v-, -nt-) to scatter (intr.), disperse; (-pp-, -tt-) to splash (tr.), spatter, scatter, strew, draw and pour out water, irrigate, bale out, squander; iṟaivai receptacle for drawing water for irrigation; iṟaṭṭu (iṟaṭṭi-) to sprinkle, splash. Ma. iṟekka to bale out; iṟayuka id., scatter, disperse; iṟavabasket for drawing water; eṟiccil rainwater blown in by the wind. To. eṟ- (eṟQ-) to scoop up (water with vessel). Ka. eṟe to pour any liquids, cast (as metal); n. pouring; eṟacu, ercu to scoop, sprinkle, scatter, strew, sow; eṟaka, eraka any metal infusion; molten state, fusion. Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal); eraguni to melt. Kur. ecchnā to dash a liquid out or over (by scooping, splashing, besprinkling). (DEDR 866) Kur. elkhnā to pour liquid out (by tilting a vessel standing on the ground); elkhrnā to be poured out. Malt. eqe to pour out from a vessel. (DEDR 840)




The Kannada word ukku is clearly related to the metallurgical processes of dissolution, fusing, melting of metal, as evidenced by the following etyma: Ta. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender, melt (as the heart), be kind, glow with love, be emaciated; urukku (urukki-) to melt (tr.) with heat (as metals or congealed substances), dissolve, liquefy, fuse, soften (as feelings), reduce, emaciate (as the body), destroy; n.steel, anything melted, product of liquefaction; urukkam melting of heart, tenderness, compassion, love (as to a deity, friend, or child); urukkiṉam that which facilitates the fusion of metals (as borax). Ma. urukuka to melt, dissolve, be softened; urukkuka to melt (tr.); urukkam melting, anguish; urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel. Ko. uk steel. Ka. urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te. ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh-(Voc. 262). Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.) rūkhnaito smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel.(DEDR 661) urukku , n. < உருக்கு-. [T. ukku, K. urku, M. urukku.] 1. Steel; எஃகு. (சூடா.) 2. Anything melted, product of liquefaction; உருக் கினபொருள். செப்புருக் கனைய (கம்பரா. கார்கா. 91); உருகு-தல் uruku-, 5 v. intr. [M. uruhu.] 1. To dissolve with heat; to melt, liquefy; to be fused; வெப்பத்தால் இளகுதல். 2. To become tender; to melt, as the heart; to be kind; to commisserate; to sympathize; to glow with love; மனநெகிழ்தல். பூண்முலையார் மன முருக (பு. வெ. 9, 41, கொளு); உருகுபதம் uruku-patam, n. < உருகு- +. Softness of condition, melting state; இளகுதற்குரிய பக்குவம். உருகுபதத்திலே வளைந்தவை (ஈடு, 1, 4, 3).(Tamil)


Magnetite Iron ore resources of Kannada-speaker region in India

Karnataka is endowed with rich deposits of iron ores; with approximately 9.03 billion tonnes or about 41% of India’s estimated total haematitic and magnetitic iron ore resources...

Magnetite iron ore: The Kudremukh and partly Bababudan iron ore belts represent massive magnetite type of ores, occurring in the form of banded magnetite quartzites. In banded magnetite quartzites, layers of iron oxides (magnetite) alternate with those of quartz. The Early Precambrian BIFs have been metamorphosed to greenschist to amphibolite facies and the ores occur mainly in the magnetite form. Most of the estimated 7.8 billion tonnes of magnetite ores reserves of Karnataka are in the Kudremukh and Bababudan ranges falling within the limits of Chikmagalur district. Magnetite type iron ores are harder compared to haematitic ores and are amenable for underground type of mining. However, in Kudremukh area, KIOCL designed a large open cast type of mine to extract the low grade magnetite ore.
Table 2.Districtwise Production of iron ores in Karnataka (in metric tonnes)
District/Year

2001-02
2002-03
2003-04
2004-05
2005-06
Bagalkot

60,140
31,045
331,378
882,334
1,150,350
Belgaum

100
0
0
500
450
Bellary

5,955,728
15,925,769
25,413,044
31,494,682
36,301,615
Chikmagalur

5,572,265
5,759,722
5,241,459
4,458,760
2922
Chitradurga

1,281,116
1,277,321
2188942
2,324,037
2,326,454
Dharwad

0
0
13,300
261,827
0
Shimoga

0
900
222,500
0
0
Tumkur

8668
205,222
1,114,005
1,687,638
1,625,481
Total

12,878,017
23,199,979
34,524,628
41,109,778
41,407,272

"Wootz steel is a crucible steel characterized by a pattern of bands, which are formed by sheets of micro carbides within a tempered martensiteor pearlite matrix in higher carbon steel, or by ferrite and pearlite banding in lower carbon steels. It is the pioneering steel alloy developed in Southern India in the 6th century BC and exported globally. It was also known in the ancient world by many different names including Ukku, Hindvi Steel, Hinduwani Steel, Teling Steel and Seric Iron...Wootz steel originated in India.[1][2] There are several ancient Tamil, Telugu, Greek, Chinese and Roman literary references to high carbon Indian steel. The crucible steel production process started in the 6th century BC,[citation needed] at production sites of Kodumanal in Tamil NaduGolconda in TelanganaKarnataka and Sri Lanka and exported globally; the Tamils of the Chera Dynasty producing what was termed the finest steel in the world, i.e. Seric Iron to the Romans, Egyptians, Chinese and Arabs by 500 BC.The steel was exported as cakes of steely iron that came to be known as "Wootz"...The Tamilakam method was to heat black magnetite ore in the presence of carbon in a sealed clay crucible inside a charcoal furnace. An alternative was to smelt the ore first to give wrought iron, then heat and hammer it to remove slag. The carbon source was bamboo and leaves from plants such as Avārai.The Chinese and locals in Sri Lanka adopted the production methods of creating wootz steel from the Chera Tamils by the 5th century BC. In Sri Lanka, this early steel-making method employed a unique wind furnace, driven by the monsoon winds. Production sites from antiquity have emerged, in places such as AnuradhapuraTissamaharama and 
Samanalawewa, as well as imported artifacts of ancient iron and steel from Kodumanal. A 200 BC Tamil trade guild in Tissamaharama, in the South East of Sri Lanka, brought with them some of the oldest iron and steel artifacts and production processes to the island from the classical period.The Arabs introduced the South Indian/Sri Lankan wootz steel to Damascus, where an industry developed for making weapons of this steel. The 12th century Arab traveler Edrisi mentioned the "Hinduwani" or Indian steel as the best in the world (Davidson, Hilda Roderick Ellis (1998). The Sword in Anglo-Saxon England: Its Archaeology and Literature. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. p. 20.)" 

Kannada etyma provide vivid semantic elucidations of the word ukku which relates to working with fire and producing a new metal with unique chemical, physical and metallurgical characteristics, a lohabheda. This word ukku enters the vocabulary of almost all ancient languages of India and gains global currency in pronunciation variants such as wootz.

पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: pōḷa ‘magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4',
aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'
dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'
baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'
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Sign 387 bun-ingot shape (oval) + 'riceplant', i.e. ingots worked on in a smithy/forge. This hypertext DOES NOT occur on copper plates. This indicates that Sign 387 signifies ingots processed in a smithy/forge, i.e. to forge ingots into metalware, tools, implements, weapons.
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Sign 67 khambhaṛā'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus:aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'alloy metal' 


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Sign 171 dánta m. ʻ tooth ʼ RV. [dánt -- RV.]Pa. danta -- m. ʻ tooth, tusk ʼ; Pk. daṁta -- m. ʻ tooth, part of a mountain ʼ; Gy. eur. dand m. ʻ tooth ʼ, pal. dṓndă, Ash. dō˘nt, Kt. dut, Wg. dō̃tdū̃t, Pr. letumlätəm'ätəm ʻ my (?) tooth ʼ, Dm. dan, Tir. d*lndə, Paš. lauṛ. dan(d), uzb. dōn, Niṅg. daṅ, Shum. dandem ʻ my tooth ʼ, Woṭ. dan m., Gaw. dant, Kal.urt. d*ln, rumb. dh*lndōŕy*lk (lit. ʻ front and back teeth ʼ? -- see *dāṁṣṭra -- ); Kho. don, Bshk. d*lndə, Tor. d*ln, Kand. dɔdi, Mai. dān, Sv. dānd, Phal. dān, pl. dānda, Sh.gil. do̯n, pl. dōnye̯ m. (→ Ḍ. don m.), pales. d*ln, jij. dɔn, K. dand m., rām. pog. ḍoḍ. dant, S. ḍ̠andu m.; L. dand, mult. ḍand, (Ju.) ḍ̠ãd m., khet. dant ʻ tooth ʼ, (Shahpur) dãd f. ʻ cliff, precipice ʼ; P. dand m. ʻ tooth, ʼ WPah.bhad. bhal. paṅ. cur. dant, cam. dand, pāḍ. dann, Ku. N. dã̄t (< *dã̄d in N. dã̄de ʻ harrow, a kind of grass ʼ), A. B. dã̄t, Or. dānta, Mth. Bhoj. Aw.lakh. H. Marw. G. M. dã̄t m., Ko. dāntu, Si. data. -- Ext. -- ḍa -- : Dm. dandə́ŕidánduri ʻ horse's bit ʼ, Phal. dándaṛi. -- See Add.
Addenda: dánta -- : S.kcch. ḍandh m.pl. ʻ teeth ʼ; WPah.kṭg. (kc.) dānd m., J. dã̄d m., Garh. dã̄t, Md. dat.(CDIAL 6152) Rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore'.
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Sign 59 ayo, aya 'fish' rebus:aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'alloy metal' 
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 Sign 211 kaṇḍa 'arrow' (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024) khaṇḍa  'equipment'. 
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Hình dáng trống đồng Làng Vạc 1

Zebu on a cire perdue inscription with Indus Script hieroglyphs on a Dong Son Bronze Drum

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Hình thuyền trên một trống đồng Điền (nguồn 1).
Dong Son Bronze artiface. Zebu and a rider.



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Gate on Nahalmishmar crown: pol m. ʻgate, courtyard, town quarter with its own gate': Ka. por̤al town, city. Te. prōlu, (inscr.) pr̤ōl(u) city. ? (DEDR 4555) पोवळ or पोंवळ [ pōvaḷa or pōṃvaḷa ] f पोवळी or पोंवळी f The court-wall of a temple. (Marathi) *pratōlika ʻ gatekeeper ʼ. [pratōlī -- ] H. pauliyā, pol°, pauriyā m. ʻ gatekeeper ʼ, G. poḷiyɔ m.(CDIAL 8632) pratōlī f. ʻ gate of town or fort, main street ʼ MBh. [Cf. tōlikā -- . -- Perh. conn. with tōraṇa -- EWA ii 361, less likely with *ṭōla -- ] Pk. paōlī -- f. ʻ city gate, main street ʼ; WPah. (Joshi) prauḷ m., °ḷi f., pauḷ m., °ḷi f. ʻ gateway of a chief ʼ, proḷ ʻ village ward ʼ; H. paul, pol m. ʻ gate, courtyard, town quarter with its own gate ʼ, paulī f. ʻ gate ʼ; OG. poli f. ʻ door ʼ; G. poḷi f. ʻ street ʼ; M. pauḷ, poḷ f. ʻ wall of loose stones ʼ. -- Forms with -- r -- poss. < *pradura -- : OAw. paüri ʻ gatepost ʼ; H. paur, °rī, pãwar, °rī f. ʻ gate, door ʼ.WPah.poet. prɔ̈̄ḷ m., prɔḷo m., prɔḷe f. ʻ gate of palace or temple ʼ.(CDIAL 8633) Porin (adj.) [fr. pora=Epic Sk. paura citizen, see pura. Semantically cp. urbane>urbanus>urbs; polite= poli/ths>po/lis. For pop. etym. see DA i.73 & 282] belonging to a citizen, i. e. citizenlike, urbane, polite, usually in phrase porī vācā polite speech D i.4, 114; S i.189; ii.280=A ii.51; A iii.114; Pug 57; Dhs 1344; DA i.75, 282; DhsA 397. Cp. BSk. paurī vācā MVastu iii.322. Porisa2 (nt.) [abstr. fr. purisa, *pauruṣyaŋ, cp. porisiya and poroseyya] 1. business, doing of a man (or servant, cp. purisa 2), service, occupation; human doing, activity M i.85 (rāja˚); Vv 6311 (=purisa -- kicca VvA 263); Pv iv.324 (uṭṭhāna˚=purisa -- viriya, purisa -- kāra PvA 252). -- 2. height of a man M. i.74, 187, 365.(Pali) పౌరము [ pauramu ] pauramu. [Skt. from పుర.] adj. Belonging to a city or town (పురము.) పౌరసతులు the ladies of the place: citizens' wives. పౌరలోకము paura-lōkamu. n. The townsfolk, a body of citizens. పౌరుడు pauruḍu. n. A citizen. పౌరులు citizens, townsfolk.(Telugu)



Rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' This may be reinforced by the phonetic determinant:  dula 'pair' 
rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS pōladu 'Black drongo bird pair' shown on the crown.
sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ (M.)(CDIAL 12859) Rebus: jaṅgaḍ ‘entrustment articles’ sãgaṛh m. ʻ line of entrenchments, stone walls for defence ʼ (Lahnda).(CDIAL 12845) Allograph: saṅgaḍa ‘lathe’. 'potable furnace'. sang ‘stone’, gaḍa ‘large stone’. Rebus: Vajra-samghāta is to be compounded of 8 parts of lead, 2 parts of bell metal and 1 part of brass, melted and poured hot. It is stated that when this type of cement is applied to temple, etc. they last for around thousand years. Vajra-samghāta means, composition as hard as thunderbolt. 
http://www.niscair.res.in/sciencecommunication/researchjournals/rejour/ijtk/Fulltextsearch/2006/April%202006/IJTK-vol%205(2)-April%202006-pp%20259-262.htm samghāta सं-घात b [p= 1130,1] close union or combination , collection , cluster , heap , mass , multitude TS. MBh. &c वज्र--संघात [p= 914,1]mfn. having the hardness or compactness of adamant (said of भीमMBh. i , 4775; m. N. of a kind of hard cement VarBr2S.
dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. koḍ ‘horns’ Rebus: koḍ‘artisan’s workshop’.
Konar Sandal white marble cylinder seal: metalwork repertoire
Massimo Vidale and Dennys Frenez present (2015) "a detailed analysis of the iconography carved on a cylinder seal found in a metallurgical sitewithin the archaeological complex of Konar Sandal South, near Jiroft, in the Halil river valley of the Kerman province, south-eastern Iran. This seal is made of a whitish marble and  even if heavily worn by use it retainstraces of different animal figures. These animals represent the translation into local style of a rare but characteristic iconography found in the seal production of the Indus Civilization. The merging into a single seal of different animals, some of which clearly belong to the standard animal series of the Indus seals, might have provided theowner with a special authority that allowed him/her to hold different administrative functions. Moreover, the discovery at Konar Sandal South of a cylinder seal bearing an Indus-related iconography might further testify to the direct interest of Indus merchants and probably craftsmen in trade exchanges with a major early urban site in south-eastern Iran." (Massimo Vidale and Dennys Frenez, 2015, Indus components in the iconography of a white marble cylinder seal from Konar Sandal South (Kerman, Iran) in: South Asian Studies Vol. 31, No. 1, pp.144-154 )

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Photographs of the cylinder seal in white marble found at Konar Sandal South in the excavation of Trench IX. Courtesy of Halil  Rud Archaeological Project


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Drawing of the animals carved on the cylinder seal found at Konar Sandal South.



"The cylinder seal published by Pittman is 23.97 mm long and has a maximum diameter at the base of 12.42mm. It is made of whitish marble with pale brown shadows...This seal has a zebu depicted in front of a small round object...The main subject of this seal and its iconographic arrangement are clearly Indus, but the engraving technique based on drill-holes links it to the copper seal from Konar Sandal South and with other stamp seals found in Oman, further stressing the intense cultural interactions that occurred between Eastern Arabia, Iran and the Indus Valley during the second half of the third millennium BCE...The second creature is an Indus unicorn...Image 3.3...probably belong to the head of an Indus buffalo...Image 3.4...may represent the long ears of a large, evidently disproportionate, hare or rabbit...Image 3.5...(maybe) a markhor wild goat (Capra folconeri) or a blackbuck antelope (Antilope cervicapra)...Considered all together, these animals may symbolize something more than a simple list or procession, representing instead the physical disembodiment of a concept represented on two similar Indus whirl-like images on stamp seals...In general, the Halil Rud animal imagery more directly linked to the iconography of the Indus civilization suggests a precise knowledge of very important eastern symbols, but also a strategic will of subverting their original implications, adapting them to the local style and tradition. More likely, the cylinder seal found at Konar Sandal South bears the linear translation of a similar rotatory template...The uncommon iconographies with multiple animal heads present in Indus seals production are still a mystery, but the most reasonable addumption is that animals and fantastic creatures represented different identities, social roles, and/or social segment of the developing universe...The white marble cylinder seal on study was found inthe excavation of Trench IX, a large trench (15 x 20 m)dug in a low mound  c. 500 m south-east of Konar Sandal South. In the same area, eight furnaces built onceramic jars operated on massive mud-bricks platforms.As stated by the excavator: Close to the furnaces, clear evidence of craft activitywas found including nearly five kilos of copper slag,fragments of ingots, and open molds. In addition, a number of copper and bronze objects and tools suchas chisels, stone vessels in marble, and steatite/chlorite,microlithic tools, and a large number of clay objects possibly connected with pyrotechnical activities havealso been recovered. It was evidently a neighbourhood occupied by a com-munity specialized in roasting and smelting copper ores and casting various types of artefacts in moulds and thorough lost-wax processes...The presence of a cylinder sealbearing a distinctive even if rare – Indus iconographysupports the hypothesis of a specific interest and actualfrequentation of Indus merchants and craftsmen, or of families maintaining formal ties with the Indus communities, in the copper ore deposits of the Kerman-Halilriver region. (Note: Originally put forward in S. Ashtana, 'Harappans interest in Kirman', Man and Environment, 3 (1979), 55-60. See also S. Ashtana, 'Harappan trade in metals and minerals: a regional approach, in Harappan civilization: a recent perspective, ed. by GL Possehl, 2nd edn, New Delhi, Oxford & IBH, 1993, pp. 271-86)."
Meluhha and Jiroft

A dominant hieroglyph depicted on Jiroft artifacts is a 'wallet'. The Meluhha word for this hieroglyph is dhokra. Meluhha hieroglyphs related to metalwork are depicted on artifacts shaped like wallets.

Hieroglyph: wallet:  *dhōkka1 ʻ sacking, matting ʼ. 2. *dhōkha -- . 3. *dhōṅga -- 2. 4. *ḍhōkka -- 1. [Cf. *ṭōkka -- 1]1. Ext. --  -- : N. dhokro ʻ large jute bag ʼ, B. dhokaṛ; Or. dhokaṛa ʻ cloth bag ʼ; Bi. dhŏkrā ʻ jute bag ʼ; Mth. dhokṛā ʻ bag, vessel, receptacle ʼ; H. dhukṛī f. ʻ small bag ʼ; G. dhokṛũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- ṭṭ -- : M. dhokṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ; -- with -- n -- : G. dhokṇũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- s -- : N. (Tarai) dhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in ʼ.2. L. dhohẽ (pl. dhūhī˜) m. ʻ large thatched shed ʼ.3. M. dhõgḍā m. ʻ coarse cloth ʼ, dhõgṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ.4. L. ḍhok f. ʻ hut in the fields ʼ; Ku. ḍhwākā m. pl. ʻ gates of a city or market ʼ; N. ḍhokā (pl. of *ḍhoko) ʻ door ʼ; -- OMarw. ḍhokaro m. ʻ basket ʼ; -- N. ḍhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in, large basket ʼ.(CDIAL 6880) Rebus: dhokra kamar 'cire perdue, lost-wax casting metalworker'
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 Jiroft. Vase. Basket-shaped wallet. http://antikforever.com/Perse/Divers/jiroft.htm

Bi. dhŏkrā ʻ jute bag ʼ; Mth. dhokṛā ʻ bag, vessel, receptacle ʼ; OMarw. ḍhokaro m. ʻ basket ʼ; -- N. ḍhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in, large basket ʼ.(CDIAL 6880) Rebus: dhokra kamar 'cire perdue, lost-wax casting metalworker'.

āre 'lion' rebu: āra 'brass' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.

pōḷa 'zebu' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore)
pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: pōḷad 'steel'

Thus, this Jiroft vase with Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs is a professional calling card -- dharma samjñā 'responsibility badge' -- of the Meluhha  cire perdue metalcaster.

Hieroglyph 1: kulā ʻhood of a snakeʼ(Assamese) (CDIAL 3350) खोळ (p. 216) [ khōḷa ] A hooded cloak for children. (CDIAL 3942)Rebus: kol metal (Ta.) kol = pan~calōkam (five metals) (Tamil) kol ‘working in iron’, blacksmith’; kolle'blacksmith’ kolhe ‘smelters’ kole.l ‘smithy, Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; temple’ ;  (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133) kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollanblacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·lKota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; konimi blacksmith;(Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollëblacksmith.                                                                

Hieroglyph 2: bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite'   
Hieroglyph 3: pōladu 'Black drongo' rebus:  pōlāda 'steel'
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Stairs of Konar Sandal Ziggurat The main part of the Konar Sandal Ziggurat of the Jiroft ancient site, located in the southern Iranian province of Kerman, has recently been excavated, the Persian service of CHN reported on Friday.

Before the discovery of the ziggurat in 2002, Chogha Zanbil, a major remnant of the Elamite civilization near Susa , was the only surviving ziggurat in Iran . Chogha Zanbil Ziggurat dates back to 1250 BCE.

“The main part of the Konar Sandal Ziggurat is the lower part and is 200 years older than the upper section. Thus, construction of the ziggurat was carried out in stages beginning in 2200 BCE,” said Professor Yusef Majidzadeh, the director of the archaeological team working at the site.

Built some time around 2100 BCE by king Ur-Nammu, the Ur Ziggurat is the oldest one in Mesopotamia , but the Konar Sandal Ziggurat is a century older than it, he added.

The Ur Ziggurat was built in honor of the god Sin in Ur , a Sumerian city on the Euphrates , in the south of modern-day Iraq . It was called 'Etemennigur', which means 'house whose foundation creates terror'.

“The archaeologists have determined the original shape of the Konar Sandal Ziggurat for restoration,” Majidzadeh said.

Jiroft came into the spotlight nearly four years ago when reports of extensive illegal excavations and plundering of the priceless historical items of the area by local people surfaced.

Since 2002, two excavation seasons have been carried out at the Jiroft site under the supervision of Majidzadeh, leading to the discovery of a ziggurat made of more than four million mud bricks dating back to about 2200 BCE.

Jiroft is one of the richest historical areas in the world, with ruins and artifacts dating back to the third millennium BCE. Over 100 historical sites are located along the approximately 400 kilometers of the Halil Rud riverbank.

Many Iranian and foreign experts see the findings in Jiroft as signs of a civilization as great as Sumer and ancientMesopotamia . Majidzadeh believes that Jiroft is the ancient city of Aratta , which was described as a great civilization in a Sumerian clay inscription.

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Map showing the main sites of Middle Asia in the third millennium BC (whorls indicate the presence of Indus and Indus-likeseals bearing multiple heads of different animals arranged in whirl-like motif). "The hypothesis which is validated in historical chronology of peoples’ movements in Eurasia is that Meluhha artisans and merchants of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization moved to spread the archaeometallurgical initiatives of alloying. They had invented a unique writing system with hieroglyph multiplexes as signifiers to compile metalwork catalogues.
 





This is consistent with the evidence of Baudhāyana Śrauta Sūtra  18.44:397.9 sqq which records: 
Ayu migrated eastwards. His (people) are the Kuru-Pancalas and the Kasi-Videhas.  
This is the Ayava (migration). Amavasumigrated westwards
His (people) are the Ghandhari, Parsu and Aratta. 
This is the Amavasu (migration). 
https://www.academia.edu/14548989/Bhirrana_to_Mehrgarh_and_beyond_in_the_civilization_contact_areas_from_8th_millennium_BCE


A vivid historical document which summarises the pinnacle of metallurgical achievement of Sarasvati Civilization is a painting in the Institute of Steel Authority of India, Ranchi. See: 

 https://tinyurl.com/yasc8ghs 


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King Puru and Alexander the Great. ca. 330 BCE. Painting in the guesthouse of the largest R&D steel laboratory in the world, the Steel Authority of India, Ranchi. "After King Puru was defeated by Alexander the Great in battle, the King gave, as a token of respect, his sword to Alexander, and behind the King his aide is carrying an additional gift, a gold container within which is a cake of Indian wootz. At the time, this steel was more prized than gold. In a more recent period, the Russian poet, Alexander Pushkin immortalized 'bulat' with a similar comparison when he wrote in 1830 the following poem: All is mine, said gold;all is mine said bulat; all I can buy said gold, all I will take, said bulat. The exact procedures used by the ancient blacksmiths in making the surface markings on genuine Damascus steel swords (it is termed 'genuine' because it is made from a single ultrahigh carbon composition casting) have been the source of much speculation."


Ukku signifies the ingot produced in the metallurgical alloying process which is subjected to forging to achieve the desired shape of a sabre, sword or knife. Thus, pōḷa signifies the ferrite mineral ore, pōḷad signifies the alloy metal using the ferrite mineral ore, ukku signifies the ingot cake produced in a crucible.

 ولاد polād, s.m. (6th) The finest kind of steel. Sing. and Pl. folād P فولاد folād or fūlād, s.m. (6th) Steel. Sing. and Pl. folādī P فولادي folādī or fūlādī, adj. Made of steel, steel. (Pashto) 
pŏlād प्वलाद् or phōlād फोलाद् । मृदुलोहविशेषः m. steel (Gr.M.; Rām. 431, 635, phōlād).   pŏlödi प्वला॑दि॒
pōlödi फोला॑दि॒, or phōlödi फोला॑दि॒ (= । लोहविशेषमयः adj. c.g. of steel, steel (Rām. 19, 974, 1607, pōo).   
pŏlāduwu प्वलादुवु॒ । शस्त्रविशेषमयः adj. (f. pŏlādüvü प्वलाद॑वू॒), made of steel (H. v, 4). (Kashmiri)

पोलाद pōlāda n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel. (Marathi)

پولاد polādpaulādpūlād , s.m. The finest Damascus steel (which with that of Kum is esteemed the best in the East; see fūlād).  P فولاد fūlād, vulg. faulād (for orig. pūlād) , s.f. Steel:—fūlād-kā 'araq, Tincture of steel:—fūlād-kā kushta, Calcined steel.   P فولادي fūlādī, vulg. faulādī (rel. n. fr. fūlād) , adj. Of steel, steel- (Urdu)



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Ukku, ingot or cake of Crucible steel http://www.Bladesmithsforum.com   
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Crucible steel button. Steel smelted from iron sand in a graphite crucible.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Crucible_steel_button.jpg
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Crucible steel button

Carbon steel, composed simply of iron and carbon, accounts for 90% of steel production.
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Steel production (in million tons) by country in 2007

"Crucible steel is steel made by melting pig iron (cast iron), iron, and sometimes steel, often along with sandglassashes, and other fluxes, in a crucible. In ancient times steel and iron were impossible to melt using charcoal or coal fires, which could not produce temperatures high enough. However, pig iron, having a higher carbon content thus a lower melting point, could be melted, and by soaking wrought iron or steel in the liquid pig-iron for long periods of time, the carbon content of the pig iron could be reduced as it slowly diffused into the iron. Crucible steel of this type was produced in South and Central Asia during the medieval era. This generally produced a very hard steel, but also a composite steel that was inhomogeneous, consisting of a very high-carbon steel (formerly the pig-iron) and a lower-carbon steel (formerly the wrought iron). This often resulted in an intricate pattern when the steel was forged, filed or polished, with possibly the most well-known examples coming from the wootz steel used in Damascus swords.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crucible_steel

"Henry Wilkinson, the famous sword manufacturer…Wilkinson’s experiments concluded that only the ingots from Cutch on the India-Pakistan border and where the term pulad was used, produced ‘jowhar’ or watering. He said ingots from Salem, in southern India, had only a slight indication of a pattern and the steel was inferior, but the sample from Cutch was of excellent quality and both the ‘cake’ and finished object exhibited a Damascus pattern. It seems, therefore, that wootz becomes associated with the Damascus pattern before the 1820s but the association is not madefrom ethnographic observations but via European replication experiments…Also in northern India the use of the word pulad indicates Persian connections in the process, further associating Central Asia with the presence of crucible Damascus steel swords. In Central Asia, the term pulad is always used to denote crucible steel. The word pulad can be traced back to the Avesta, the sacred book of the Zoroastrians. There is textual evidence suggesting that the word was used at least by the 6th century CE. (H. Wilkinson, On iron, in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (5), 1839, p. 389)…Variations of the word pulad can now be found in languages from the Middle East, Central Asia, and neighboring regions as far as Tibet and including the Russian term, bulat…Fundamentally, crucible steel is a homogeneous steel ingot produced by combining low-carbon iron (wrought iron or bloomery iron) with a high-carbon compound such as cast iron or plant matter in a crucible. The carbon diffuses into the low-carbon iron and the desired product is a slag-free steel ingot…The time and place for the origin of crucible steel remains unknown, however, it must be at least a few centuries before the 3rd cent. CE. Because, by this time, it was well known outrside of its roduction area. During the 3rd cent. CE, the Alexandrian historian Zosimos wrote a detailed description of crucible steel production and stated that it was being used in India and Persia. (P. Craddock, New light on the production of crucible steel in Asia, Bulletin of the Metals Museum, 29, 1998, p.49). There I also archaeological evidence to support the historical evidence. In India, the site at Kodumanal, attributed to the 3rd century BCE to 3rd century CE, is the earliest securely dated site containing crucible that may have been used for crucible steel production. (S. Srinivasan and D. Griffiths, Crucible steel in South India – Preliinary investigations on crucibles from some newly identified sites, Material issues in art and archaeology, 5, 1997, pp. 111-125.) Swords made of crucible steel have also been excavated from 3rd-4th cent. CE burials in the Russian Northern Caucasus. (A. Feuerbach, Crucible steel in central Asia: production, use and origins, University College London, Institute of Archaeology, Ph.D dissertation). One of these blades has aligned spheroidal cementite, the metallographic feature that produces the visible pattern. This is the earliest known crucible Damascus blade…Generally speaking, present archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence indicates that crucible steel was produced in Sri Lanka and India by the so-called Wootz process  (B. Bronson, The making and selling of Wootz, A crucible steel of India, Archaeomaterials, 1, 1986, pp. 13-51) and in Central Asia by the so-called pulad process." (Ann Feuerbach, 2006, Crucible damascus steel: A fascination for almost 2,000 years, in: JOMVolume 58, Issue 5, pp 48–50).


https://www.academia.edu/397355/Crucible_Damascus_Steel_A_Fascination_for_Almost_2_000_Years


See: Ann Feuerbach: "PRODUCTION AND TRADE OF CRUCIBLE STEEL IN CENTRAL ASIA", Indian Journal of History of Science, 42.3 (2007) 319-336;
A. Feuerbach, D.R. Griffiths, and J.F. Merkel, “Crucible Steel Manufacturing at Merv,” Mining and Metal Production through the Ages", ed. P. Craddock and J. Lang (London: British Museum, 2003), pp. 258– 266.
Ann Feuerbach: "An investigation of the varied technology found in swords, sabres and blades from the Russian Northern Caucasus"; iams 25 for 2005, p. 27-43 (Institute for Archaeo-Metallurgical Studies Newsletter).

Abbott made the observation that patterned steel was being produced in northern India and there the producers called that product pulad.(Abbott, J. 1856. Narrative of a Journey from Heraut to Kivu, Moscow and S't. Petersburg. 2nd edition London James Madden. Abbott. J. 1847 Process of Working the Damascus Blade of Goo_jarat Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 16.1 417-423 )



“Variations of the word pulad can be found in New Persian (polad or pulad), Mongol (bolat), Russian (bulat), as well as in Tibetan, Armenian (p'otovat'), Ossetic, Grusinian (poladi), Ukranian (bulat), Chechnian (bolat), Turkish, and Modern Arabic (füläd) (Toussaint, pers. com.; Abaev, 1985,265). Additionally, "in Urdu the word is farläd for steel. But in Hindi itself the word exists as phaulad meaning steel " (Toussaint, pers. com. ). Detailed research into the etymology of the word pulad is wanting.  Abaev (1985,265), during his search for the history of the Russian word bulat, proposed that the word may have come from Sanskrit. It can now be argued that theword does indeed come from Sanskrit or one of the many Sanskrit related languages. The word pulad can be viewed as the conjunction of two words pu (also transliterated as fu, phu) and lad (or ladh). In Sanskrit pu means cleaning or purifying (Cologne Digital Sanskrit Lexicon, 2001). There is no direct translation of lad or ladh, however, there are over a hundred words for iron in the various Indo-Aryan branch dialects that use variations of the word löhä, including lauha (see Grierson, 1928,77). The similarity between pu-lauha meaning purified iron, and pulad, meaning refined or purified steel should not be overlooked and strongly suggests a possible etymological origin for the word pulad.”(Crucible steel in Central Asia: production, use and origins Feuerbach, A.M.(2002) Crucible steel in Central Asia: production, use and origins. Doctoral thesis , University of London, p.158). 



"The initial origin of crucible steel probably lies centuries earlier than the first few centuries CE, as it would probably have taken decades, perhaps centuries, for the knowledge of crucible steel production to spread to other workshops, as well as the awareness of this apparently different type of ‘iron’ to become known and develop a positive reputation outside of the immediate production areas. Without more field research it is not possible to determine where or when the technology of crucible steel originated. However, a possible location and time period where future research should concentrate within lands that are roughly around the Indus Valley and Baluchistn, an area that sometimes was under Indian, and other times Persian, rule (Map 12) (Crucible steel in Central Asia: production, use and origins Feuerbach, A.M.(2002) Crucible steel in Central Asia: production, use and origins. Doctoral thesis , University of London, p.258). 


"A prerequisite for manufacturing crucible steel is the production of iron on a regular basis, suggesting a date after the beginning of the 1s` millennium BC and probablyafter around 500 BC, by which time iron is thought to have been produced on a somewhat regular basis in eastern Central Asia (Pigott, 1985,626). However, there is no reason why crucible steel could not have developed at the same time as iron smelting was developing out of Bronze Age copper refining and casting traditions. Copper-alloy refining involves placing the smelted metal into a crucible and heating it. The slag separates thus refining the metal by removing slag and other impurities trapped in the metal during the smelting process. In addition, the liquid metal may be stirred with green wood which produce gasses reducing copper oxides to metal that would otherwise make the metal brittle when cast (Hodges, 1989,70). Removing slag from smelted iron requires the same materials, (i. e. a ceramic crucible, a furnace, and wood or other carbonaceous matter) but by a slightly different process. Iron has a higher melting temperature and oxidizes more readily than copper therefore higher furnace temperatures are needed and the crucible needs to be closed. However, by adding pieces of carbonaceous material to the iron and placing a lid on the crucible, the iron carbonises and becomes steel, which requires a lower temperature to become liquid, then the slag rises to the surface thus refining the steel. Therefore, the only differences between refining copper in a crucible and refining iron is the use of a lid and placing carbonaceous material into the crucible rather than stirring with green
wood. The similarity is even more pronounced if the smith is using a broken iron bloom and pieces of wood, such as that the proposed method used at Early Islamic Merv. Further supporting the argument that crucible steel may have developed out of refining smelted metal is the idea that crucible steel is "pure" or "refined" metal, proposed by Pliny and later by al-Kindi. The concept of "purifying" the iron may be a
significant clue to its origins not only because of the argument regarding the development from copper refining, but because a large part of Zoroastrianism, practiced in south-eastern Central Asia from the last half of the first millennium BC onwards, was concerned with purification and fire worship. One may speculate that the priests and the craftsmen/scholars would have studied the properties of materials
and fire. If the term "pulad" did indeed originate from a Sanskrit based language as proposed in Chapter 3 then the proposed etymology could be used to support the hypothesis that crucible steel originated in a region where a Sanskrit language was spoken and Zoroastrianism or a related religion, was practiced. The similarities between the languages and religious beliefs found in the Vedas, written in Sanskrit and used in
India, and the Zoroastrian Avesta written in Avestan and used in Eastern Iran/Persia (Asthana, 1976,121) further suggest that crucible steel might have developed somewhere between Northern India and Eastern Persia/Central Asia during the first half of the 1st millennium BC. 
Regardless from where and when crucible steel may have originated, it was known since at least the 3rd century AD. Information regarding the spread of the technology, ingots and/or finished objects by trade is sparse. Al-Kindi and other writers provide some information on production and distribution centres, however the picture of the spread of the material and/or technology is incomplete. Apparently over the next thousand plus years, crucible steel spread to the Middle East, Africa, and Europe as far as Spain with Islamic armies, into Austria with Ottoman Turks, and occasionally as far west as England through trade. Crucible steel objects also spread northeast to Siberia and possibly as far east as China, Korea, and perhaps Japan. However, it seems that the technological know-how remained restricted to Central Asia and India. Perhaps it was the different forging traditions that caused the difficulties in producing crucible steel with the desired Damascus pattern. It is perhaps the presence of steadite that caused the European smiths, such as Moxon (1677), so much difficulty in forging crucible steel. European blacksmithing traditionally used a method of high temperature forging which was not applicable to crucible steel that contained steadite, because the ingot would have cracked. In addition, ethnographic and replication
experiments indicate that the ingot would have had to have been annealed before forging, unlike an ingot of carburized bloomery iron or directly smelted steel. Low temperatures, repeated forging and air cooling or low temperature quenching, were all necessary parts of the crucible and Damascus steel forging process, in contrast to other ferrous metallurgical traditions which used high temperature forging and high
temperature quenching." (Crucible steel in Central Asia: production, use and origins Feuerbach, A.M.(2002) Crucible steel in Central Asia: production, use and origins. Doctoral thesis , University of London, p.259 - 261). 

"It is generally accepted that Damascus steel was made in southern India, most notably in the region of modern Hyderabad, and exported to the Middle East and China (where it was called fulad and bin respectively.)...By the 19th C the best swords were made in Persia, but still using crucible steel imported from India...Bin iron, which is produced by the Western Barbarians, is especially fine … It is so hard and sharp that it can cut gold and jade. (Li Shizhen, 10th C) The Hindus excel in the manufacture of iron… They have also. workshops wherein are forged the most famous sabres in the world. …It is impossible to surpass the edge you get from Indian Steel. (al-Edrisi, c. 1160)...The damask or water patterns of forged Damascus steel are its most distinguishing visible feature. Medieval Arabic authors were effusive in their praise of the beauty and mystery of watered steel blades: It has a water whose wavy streaks are glistening. It is like a pond over whose surface the wind is gliding. (Aws bin-Hadjar, c. 540.)...Fraser74 and Egerton75 suggest that Timur’s relocation of metalworkers to Samarkand (in 1398) is responsible for Persia becoming the leading region for manufacture of Damascus swords by the 19th C...Following the Sepoy Mutiny and Indian Rebellion of 1857-9, the English government enacted new laws to regain control of its Indian colony. Damascus swords, which had become symbols of Indian cultural identity, were collected and destroyed, and the making of new swords was restricted. In 1866, the English prohibited Indian steel making, ostensibly to preserve the remaining forests... It does appear to be correct that much of this crucible steel came from India in medieval times, although there is evidence that it was also produced in Central Asia, Iran, and Moorish Spain. "


http://caidwiki.org/images/2017_Research_Paper_Damascus_Steel.pdf On slaves and silk hankies; seeking truth in Damascus steel by Stephen C. Alter (2017)



South Indian Iron Age iron and high carbon steel: with reference to Kadebakele and comparative insights from Mel-siruvalur: Sharada Srinivasan et al., 2009

"Abstract This paper is based on studies of the use and modes of production of high carbon iron alloys in relation to surface finds from Iron Age and early historic sites in southern India, in particular the site of Kadebakele where recent excavations have revealed finds of iron and steel, some of which according to preliminary studies, seem to be of a higher carbon content. Preliminary comparative studies are also made on surface finds of crucibles related to high carbon steel production at Mel-siruvalur. Introduction The iron and steel artefacts uncovered from the site of Kadebakele, Karnataka in southern India span the early phases of occupation radiocarbon dated from 800 to 400 BC. This site has been excavated by a collaborative team from the Karnataka Department of Archaeology, the University of Michigan, and the University of Chicago. The site was occupied from at least the early 1st millennium BC until the early centuries AD. Radiocarbon dates from the Iron Age period span from c.800 to 400 BC and it isthought that iron/ steel artefacts from these levels may rank among the very early well-dated examples of higher carbon steels."















http://eprints.nias.res.in/326/1/2009-sharada-bc.pdf

  • Ranganathan, S. and Srinivasan, Sh., 2004. India`s Legendary Wootz steel, and advanced material of the ancient world. Bangalore: National Institute of Advanced Studies: Indian Institute of Science.
  • Srinivasan, Sh., and Griffiths, D., 1997. Crucible Steel in South India-Preliminary Investigations on Crucibles from some newly identified sites. In: J.R., Druzik, J.F., Merkel, J., Stewart and P.B., Vandiver (eds) Materials issues in art and archaeology V: symposium held 3–5 December 1996, Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A. Pittsburgh, Pa: Materials Research Society, 111–125.
  • Srinivasan, S. and Griffiths, D. South Indian wootz: evidence for high-carbon steel from crucibles from a newly identified site and preliminary comparisons with related finds. Material Issues in Art and Archaeology-V, Materials Research Society Symposium Proceedings Series Vol. 462.
  • Srinivasan, S. & Ranganathan, S. Wootz Steel: An Advanced Material of the Ancient World. Bangalore: Indian Institute of Science
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"Woodgrain" pattern of a sword blade made of crucible steel, Zand or Early Qajar period: (Zand) 1750–1794 AD; (Qajar) 1794–1952 AD, Iran.(Moshtagh Khorasani 2006, 516)

"There are many ethnographic accounts of Indian crucible steel production, however, scientific investigations of crucible steel remains have only been published from four regions: three in India and one in Sri Lanka. Indian/Sri Lankan crucible steel is commonly referred to as wootz, which is generally agreed to be an English corruption of the word ukko or hookoo European accounts from the 17th century onwards have referred to the repute and manufacture of ‘wootz’, a traditional crucible steel made specially in parts of southern India in the former provinces of Golconda, Mysore and Salem. As yet the scale of excavations and surface surveys is too limited to link the literary accounts to archaeometallurgical evidence. The known sites of crucible steel production in south India, i.e. at Konasamudram and Gatihosahalli, date from at least the late medieval period, 16th century. One of the earliest known sites, which shows some promising preliminary evidence that may be linked to ferrouscrucible processes in Kodumanal, near Coimbatore in Tamil Nadu. The site is dated between the third century BCE and the third century CE.By the seventeenth century the main centre of crucible steel production seems to have been in Hyderabad. The process was apparently quite different from that recorded elsewhere.Wootz from Hyderabad or the Decanni process for making watered blades involved a co-fusion of two different kinds of iron: one was low in carbon and the other was a high-carbon steel or cast iron. Wootz steel was widely exported and traded throughout ancient Europe, China, the Arab world, and became particularly famous in the Middle East, where it became known as Damascus steel.Recent archaeological investigations have suggested that Sri Lanka also supported innovative technologies for iron and steel production in antiquity. The Sri Lankan system of crucible steel making was partially independent of the various Indian and Middle Eastern systems.]Their method was something similar to the method of carburization of wrought iron.The earliest confirmed crucible steel site is located in the knuckles range in the northern area of the Central Highlands of Sri Lanka dated to 6th −10th centuries CE. In twelfth century the land of Serendib (Sri Lanka) seems to have been the main supplier of crucible steel, but over the centuries slipped back, and by the nineteenth century just a small industry survived in the Balangoda district of the central southern highlands. A series of excavations at Samanalawewa indicated the unexpected and previously unknown technology of west-facing smelting sites, which are different types of steel production.These furnaces were used for direct smelting to steel. Because of their location on the western sides of hilltops for use of wind in the smelting process they are named west-facing. Sri Lankan furnace steels were known and traded between the 9th and 11th centuries and earlier, but apparently not later. These sites were dated to the 7th–11th centuries. The coincidence of this dating with the 9th century Islamic reference to Sarandibis of great importance. The crucible process existed in India at the same time that the west- facing technology was operating in Sri Lanka."

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A modern recreation of a mid-17th century company of pikemen. By that period, pikemen would primarily defend their unit's musketeers from enemy cavalry. فولادي fūlādī—s.f. A pike-staff. (Urdu) Pike-stff is the wooden shaft of a pike. pike is a pole weapon, a very long thrusting spear formerly used extensively by infantry. Unlike many similar weapons, the pike is not intended to be thrown. 

Mirror: The significance of wootz steel to the history ofmaterials scienceSharada Srinivasan and S Ranganathan (2011)
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Sharada Srinivasan, 2017, Ultrahigh-carbon “wootz” from crucible carburization of molten iron: Hypereutectoid steel from “Tamil Nadu Process” at Mel-siruvalur, in: Journal  Materials and Manufacturing Processes Volume 32, 2017 - Issue 7-8: Ancient Metallurgy, pages 909 to 915 Abstract: "As European and Mediterranean accounts indicate, India has been famed for the production of steel, apparently made by crucible processes. Late medieval traveler’s accounts record the making of “wootz” steel in several places in southern India. This material was used for the fabled Damascus swords, which were later found to be of ultrahigh-carbon steel. Whereas studies on Asian crucible steel making from India, Central Asia and Sri Lanka have discussed various processes ranging from co-fusion of cast iron and wrought iron to solid-state carburization of wrought iron, it has been difficult to find clear evidence relating to an end product of ultrahigh-carbon steel. In this light, the archeometallurgical evidence from Mel-siruvalur in Tamil Nadu, presented in this paper, is significant in that it shows unmistakable remnants in crucibles of ultrahigh-carbon, hyper-eutectoid steel, with a likely production mechanism of molten carburization of wrought iron to steel. The favorable comparison with ultrahigh-carbon steel finds dated to early historic or megalithic times in Tamil Nadu and southern India also suggest that this method of crucible steel manufacture, which may be described as the “Tamil Nadu process”, might have been earlier or more archaic than the co-fusion process."



http://met.iisc.ernet.in/~rangu/text.pdf (90 pages) India`s Legendary Wootz steel, and advanced material of the ancient world.

1


WOOTZ STEEL: AN ADVANCED MATERIAL OF THE ANCIENT WORLD 
S. Srinivasan and S. Ranganathan 
Department of Metallurgy 
Indian Institute of Science 
Bangalore
Abstract
The development of ancient Indian wootz steel is reviewed. Wootz is the anglicized version of ukku in the languages of the states of Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh, a term denoting steel. Literary accounts suggest that the steel from the southern part of the Indian subcontinent was exported to Europe, China, the Arab world and the Middle East.
Though an ancient material, wootz steel also fulfills the description of an advanced material, since it is an ultra-high carbon steel exhibiting properties such as superplasticity and high impact hardness and held sway over a millennium in three continents- a feat unlikely to be surpassed by advanced materials of the current era.
Wootz deserves a place in the annals of western science due to the stimulus provided by the study of this material in the 18th and 19th centuries to modern metallurgical advances, not only in the metallurgy of iron and steel, but also to the development of physical metallurgy in general and metallography in particular.
Some of the recent experiments in studying wootz by re-constructing composition, microstructure and mechanical behaviour, along with some recent archaeological evidence, are described.
Wootz, High-carbon Steel, South India, Superplasticity, Crucibles, Analyses
1. Introduction
India has been reputed for its iron and steel since ancient times. Literary accounts indicate that steel from southern India was rated as some of the finest in the world and was traded over ancient Europe, China, the Arab world and the Middle East. Studies on wootz indicate that it was an ultra-high carbon steel with 1-2% carbon and was believed to have been used to fashion the Damascus blades with a watered steel pattern. Wootz steel also spurred developments in modern metallographic studies and also qualifies as an advanced material in modern terminology since such steels are shown to exhibit super-plastic properties. This paper reviews some of these developments.
2. History of wootz steel
There are numerous early literary references to steel from India from Mediterranean sources including one from the time of Alexander (3rd c. BC) who was said to have been presented with 100 talents of Indian steel, mentioned by Pant [1]. Bronson [2] has summarised several accounts of the reputation of Indian iron and steel in Greek and Roman sources which suggest the export of high quality iron and steel from ancient India. Srinivasan [3], Biswas [4] and Srinivasan and Griffiths [5] have pointed out that the archaeological evidence from the region of Tamil Nadu suggests that the Indian crucible steel process is likely to have started before the Christian era from that region. Zaky [6] pointed out that it was the Arabs who took ingots of wootz steel to Damascus following which a thriving industry developed there for making weapons and armour of this steel, the renown of which has given the steel its name. In the 12th century the Arab Edrisi mentioned that the Hindus excelled in the manufacture of iron and that it was impossible to find anything to surpass the edge from Indian steel, and he also mentioned that the Indians had workshops where the most famous sabres in the world were forged, while other Arab records mention the excellence of Hinduwani or Indian steel as discussed by Egerton [7].
Several European travellers including Francis Buchanan [8] and Voysey [9] from the 17th century onwards observed the manufacture of steel in south India by a crucible process at several locales including Mysore, Malabar and Golconda. By the late 1600�s shipments running into tens of thousands of wootz ingots were traded from the Coromandel coast to Persia. This indicates that the production of wootz steel was almost on an industrial scale in what was still an activity predating the Industrial Revolution in Europe.
Indeed the word wootz is a corruption of the word for steel ukku in many south Indian languages. Indian wootz ingots are believed to have been used to forge Oriental Damascus swords which were reputed to cut even gauze kerchiefs and were found to be of a very high carbon content of 1.5-2.0% and the best of these were believed to have been made from Indian steel in Persia (Figure 1) and Damascus according to Smith [10]. Some of the finest swords and artefacts of Damascus steel seen in museums today are from the Ottoman region i.e. Turkey.
In India till the 19th century swords and daggers of wootz steel were made at centres including Lahore, Amritsar, Agra, Jaipur, Gwalior, Tanjore, Mysore, Golconda etc. although none of these centres survive today. Different types of Damascus sword


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Close-up of an 18th-century Persian-forged Damascus steel sword


Figure 1. Detail of 17th century Persian blade of Damascus steel or Wootz steel showing typical etched crystalline structure of high-carbon steel (Smith [11])


patterns have been identified, described in some depth by Pant [1], who also identified a new design from blades kept in the collection of the Salar Jung Museum in Hyderabad.

It may be mentioned however that the term Damascus steel can refer to two different types of artefacts, one of which is the true Damascus steel which is a high carbon alloy with a texture originating from the etched crystalline structure, and the other is a composite structure made by welding together iron and steel to give a visible pattern on the surface. Although both were referred to as Damascus steels, Smith [11] has clarified that the true Damascus steels were not replicated in Europe until 1821.
3. Role of wootz steel in the development of modern metallurgy
The legends associated with the excellent properties of the wootz steel and the beautiful patterns on Damascus blades caught the imagination of European scientists in the 17th-19th centuries since the use of high-carbon iron alloys was not really known previously in Europe and hence played an important role in the development of modern metallurgy. British, French and Russian metallography developed largely due to the quest to document this structure. Similarly the textured Damascus steel was one of the earliest materials to be examined by the microstructure. Smith [10, 11] has fascinatingly elucidated this early historiography of the interest in the study of wootz steel and its significance to the growth of metallurgy.
Although iron and steel had been used for thousands of years the role of carbon in steel as the dominant element was found only in 1774 by the Swedish chemist Tobern Bergman, and was due to the efforts of Europeans to unravel the mysteries of wootz. Tobern Bergman was able to determine that the compositions of cast iron, steel and wrought iron varied due to the composition of �plumbago� i.e. graphite or carbon. As suggested by Smith [11] the Swedish studies received an impetus following the setting up of a factory to make gun barrels of welded Damascus steels, and it was on observation of the black and white etching of the steel and iron parts that a Swede metallurgist guessed that there was carbon in steel, and interest in replicating true Damascus steels followed.
In the early 1800�s, following the descriptions of crucible steel making in south India by the European travellers, there was a spurt in interest in Europe in investigating south Indian wootz steel, from which the fabled Damascus blades were known to be made, with the aim of reproducing it on an industrial scale. Mushet�s [12] studies in 1804 were one of the first to correctly conclude that there was more carbon in wootz than in steel from England, although this idea did not gain currency until later. Michael Faraday [13], the inventor of electricity and one of the greatest of the early experimenters and material scientists, as pointed out by Peter Day [14], was also fascinated by wootz steel and enthusiastically studied it. Along with the cutler Stodart, Faraday attempted to study how to make Damascus steel and they incorrectly concluded that aluminium oxide and silica additions contributed to the properties of the steel and their studies were published in 1820 [15]. They also attempted to make steel by alloying nickel and noble metals like platinum and silver and indeed Faraday�s studies did show that that the addition of noble metals hardens steel. Stodart [16] reported that wootz steel had a very fine cutting edge.
Following this the interest in Damascus steel moved to France. Wadsworth and Sherby [17] have pointed out that Faraday�s research made a big impact in France where steel research on weapons thrived in the Napoleonic period. The struggle to characterize the nature of wootz steel is well reflected in the efforts of Breant [18] in the 1820�s from the Paris mint who conducted an astonishing number of about 300 experiments adding a range of elements ranging from platinum, gold. silver, copper, tin, zinc, lead, bismuth, manganese, arsenic, boron and even uranium, before he finally also came to the conclusion that the properties of Damascus steel were due to �carburetted� steel. Smith [10] has indicated that the analysis of ingots of wootz steel made in the 1800�s showed them to have over 1.3% carbon. The Russian Anasoff [19] also studied the process of manufacturing wootz steel and succeeded in making blades of Damascus steel by the early 1800�s.
In the early 1900�s wootz steel continued to be studied as a special material and its properties were better understood as discussed further in the next section. Belaiew [20] reported that blades of such steel to cut a gauze handkerchief in midair. In 1912, Robert Hadfield [21] who studied crucible steel from Sri Lanka recorded that Indian wootz steel was far superior to that previously produced in Europe. Indeed in the 18th-19th century special steels were produced in Europe as crucible steels, as discussed by Barraclough [22].
4. Investigations of superplasticity and other mechanical properties of wootz steel
Some European scientists were successful in replicating and forging wootz and Stodart who used it in his cutlery business found that wootz steel had a superior cutting edge to any other, while Zschokke in 1924 found that with heat treatment this steel had special properties such as higher hardness, strength and ductility, mentioned by Smith [10]. By 1918 an important finding concerning Damascus steel was made by Belaiew [20] who was probably the first to attribute the malleability of Damascus steel to the globulitic (i.e. spheroidised) nature of the forged steel and to recognize that this occurs during forging at a temperature of red heat (i.e. 700-800 C).
Panseri [23] in the 1960�s was one of the first to point out that Damascus steel was a hypereutectoid ferrocarbon alloy with spheroidised carbides and carbon content between 1.2-1.8%. Recent studies have indicated that ultra-high carbon steels exhibit superplastic properties. As pointed out by Wadsworth and Sherby [17], by 1975 Stanford University had found that steels with 1-2.1% C i.e. ultrahigh carbon steels could be both superplastic at warm temperatures and strong and ductile at room temperatures. It was only subsequently that it came to the authors� notice that these steels were in fact similar in carbon content to the Damascus steels.
Superplasticity is a phenomenon whereby an elongation of several hundred percent can be observed in certain alloys in tension, with neck free elongations and without fracture. By contrast most crystalline materials can be stretched to no more than 50-100 per cent. Superplasticity occurs at high temperatures and superplastic materials can be formed into complex shapes. For superplastic materials the index of strain rate sensitivity (m) is high, being around 0.5. At ideal m=1 flow stress is proportional to strain rate and the material behaves like a Newtonian viscous fluid such as hot glass. Superplasticity occurs only above 0.3-0.4 Tm K where Tm is the melting point. Another feature is that once super-plastic flow is initiated the flow stress required to maintain it is very low. Superplastic material essentially comprises of a two-phase material of spherical grains of extremely fine grain size of not more than 5 microns at the working temperature. Such ultrafine grained materials exhibit grain boundary sliding yielding superplastic properties.
Contemporary studies by Wadsworth and Sherby [17] and Sherby [24] indicated that UHCS (i.e. ultra-high carbon steels) with 1.8% C showed a strain-rate sensitivity exponent nearing 0.5 at around 7500 C (Figure 2) suggesting that Damascus steel could well have exhibited superplastic properties and a patent was awarded for the manufacture of such UHCS.
The explanation of the superplasticity of the steel is that the typical microstructure of ultra-high carbon steel with the coarse network of pro-eutectoid cementite forming along the grain boundaries of prior austenite (Figure 3 a, b), can lead to a fine uniform distribution of spheroidised cementite particles (0.1 m m diam.) in a fine grained ferrite matrix. This spheroidisation of cementite is described in Wadsworth and Sherby [17], Sherby [24] and Ghose et al. [25]. Such steels are also found to have strength, hardness and wear resistance.

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Figure 2. The flow stress-strain rate response of ultra-high carbon steel at 7500 C illustrates that the stress-strain rate curve has a slope showing a strain-rate sensitivity exponent of 0.43 indicating it is a superplastic material (Sherby [24])
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Russian archaeologists find oldest crucible steel weapon in East Europe

Microphotography image of microcracks in metal

Fig. 3a  Fig. 3b

Figure. 3 a) Photomicrograph of ultra-high carbon steel with 1.8% C, showing coarse pro- eutectoid carbide (cementite) network (Sherby [24])
b) Photomicrograph of same structure at high magnification shows iron grains with fine spheroidised carbides (Sherby [24])
Such steels had to be forged, however, in a narrow range of 850-6500 C and not at the white heat of 12000 C to get the desired fine grain structure and plasticity. In fact as pointed out in an appraisal of Indian crucible steel making by Rao [26], and in a review of ancient iron and steel in India by Biswas [4], the early European blacksmiths failed to duplicate Damascus blades because they were in the practice of forging only low carbon steels at white heat, which have a higher melting point. Biswas [4] mentions that the forging of wootz at high heat would have led to the dissolution of the cementite phase in austenite so that the steels were found to be brittle enough to crumble under the hammer.
Moreover, attractive combinations of strength and ductility were found to be achieved by Wadsworth and Sherby [17] and Sherby [24] when the ultra-high carbon steels were in spheroidised conditions with high yield strengths varying from 800 Mpa to 1500 Mpa with increasing fineness of spheroidised carbides, while the steel with coarsely spheroidised carbides was especially ductile with up to 23% tensile elongation.
While it is not yet known how fully the superplastic or superformable properties of this steel were exploited by the ancient blacksmiths of West Asia and India, accounts indicate that they were certainly able to manipulate the alloy with a skill that could not be easily replicated by the European experimenters of the 19th century. Indeed the swords of Damascus steel were reported to have high strength and ductility. Nevertheless, whereas the links between the patterns on the traditional Damascus blades and the crystalline structure of ultra-high carbon steels have been better established, the mechanical properties of the traditional Damascus blades and the degree of exploitation of the unique properties of the steel are less well understood.
Verhoeven [27] and Verhoeven et al. [28, 29] have attempted to �re-invent� the Damascus steel and blades as it were with replication experiments based on historical studies of Damascus blades and composition of wootz ingots. Verhoeven et al. [29] used two methods by which the ingots were made, one of which consisted of melting iron charge in a small sealed clay graphite crucible inside a gas-fired furnace with the ingot formed by furnace cooling. These were made by rapidly heating the charge and holding it for a period of 20-40 minutes between 14400 C-14800 C followed by cooling at furnace cooling rates or faster. The composition of the charge was chosen to match that of genuine Damascus blades of about 1.6% C and 0.1% P. However the fairly high level of phosphorus made the blades very hot short and difficult to forge. To overcome this problem the ingots were held at 12000 C in iron oxide to produce a protective rim of pure iron around the ingot which was ductile so that the ingot could be forged. Ingots were also made with the phosphorus levels reduced to the point where the ingots were not hot short which eliminated the need for the rim heat treatment. Verhoeven et al. [29] also made ingots by a process of vacuum-induced melting whereby the charge was melted by heating to around 10000 C, backfilling with nitrogen gas, heating to about 15800 C and then outgassing for around 5 minutes so that cooling rates at arrest temperature were around 5-100 C/minute.
It may be commented however, that although the structures of the ingots so produced do simulate those of Damascus blades, the methods used by Verhoeven et al. [29] are not strictly experimental re-constructions of the traditional processes, but rather laboratory simulations of the process, since the methods used do not really replicate conditions related to traditional or archaeological processes. For instance the charge is fired in both the methods described above in a very short time and the melt is cooled very rapidly under modern industrial conditions which could not have been achieved traditionally, while the 19th century descriptions of the wootz process suggest a very long firing cycle for the charge. In fact the eye witness descriptions of Voysey [8] and Buchanan [9] lay emphasis on the fact that the prolonged heating of the charge and its slow cooling were essential for obtaining the optimum results in the wootz process.
However the experimental simulations by Verhoeven et al. [29] served to monitor in detail the thermal cycles and cooling curves and composition so as to be able to arrive at a final product which matched that of Damascus blades and to understand the mechanism of formation of the pattern of aligned bands on the blades, which is reported by them to be produced by a carbide banding mechanism which was found to be assisted by the addition of P, S along with V, Cr, and Ti. Moreover their experiments are amongst the few comprensive studies on the general process of manufacture of the ingots themselves.
5. Archaeological and analytical evidence
Some of the archaeological and analytical evidence for crucible steel production is discussed covering the investigations of Rao [30], Rao et al. [31], Lowe [32, 33], Srinivasan [3] and Srinivasan and Griffiths [5]. These indicate that the crucible processes for steel production were spread over large parts of south India. Lowe�s investigations have concentrated mainly on surveying and studying numerous sites from the Hyderabad region or the Deccani crucible steel process while pioneering investigations by Rao et al. [31] have covered other parts of south India such as the Mysore region and Salem district of Tamil Nadu. Field and analytical investigations were made by Srinivasan in 1990, whereby she was able to identify some hitherto unreported sites of crucible steel production in South Arcot, Tamil Nadu and from Gulbarga, Karnataka, reported in Srinivasan [3] and Srinivasan and Griffiths [5]. Figure 4 gives a view of a dump for wootz crucible steel production from South Arcot, Tamil Nadu and Figure 5 of fragments of fired wootz crucibles from Gulbarga identified by Srinivasan.
Srinivasan [3] has pointed out that whereas the process documented by Lowe [32, 33], the Hyderabadi or Deccani process, involved the co-fusion of cast iron with wrought iron, the crucibles from sites reported by Srinivasan from Tamil Nadu and Karnataka pertained to the carburisation of wrought iron in crucibles by packing it with carbonaceous material. Analytical investigations made by Rao et al [30], Lowe [32, 33], Srinivasan [3], Craddock [34] and Srinivasan and Griffiths [5] on crucibles from production sites are briefly summarized.
The details of the furnace described and sketched by Buchanan [8] indicate that crucibles were packed in rows of about fifteen inside a sunken pit filled with ash to constitute the furnace which was operated by bellows of the buffalo hide, fixed into a perforated wall which separated them from the furnace probably to minimize fire hazards (Figure 6). The fire was stoked from a circular pit which was connected to the bottom of the ash pit. The crucibles themselves were conical and could contain up to 14 oz. of iron, along with stems and leaves. 


Mound near Mel-siruvalur village, South Arcot district, Tamil Nadu

Figure 4. View of newly identified old dump for high-carbon wootz crucible steel production from South Arcot, Tamil Nadu (photographed by S. Srinivasan)


Figure 5. Fragments of newly identified remains of fired wootz crucibles from Gulbarga, Karnataka (photographed by S. Srinivasan)

 


Figure 6. Furnace for production of crucible steel production sketched by Buchanan (1807) during his travels, indicating that crucibles were packed in a pit with the furnace being operated by bellows of buffalo hide (reproduced from K. N. P. Rao, unpublished monograph)

The wootz steel process in general refers to a closed crucible process and Lowe [32] has remarked that the processing of plant and mineral materials in closed crucibles is often described in Indian alchemical Sanskrit texts of the 7th-13th c. AD.
Investigations by Craddock [34] indicated the wootz ingot itself had a dendritic cast structure. Lowe [32, 33] has investigated particularly well the refractory nature of the crucibles of the crucibles which indicate that they were robust enough refractories to withstand the long firing cycles of up to 24 hours for the process. The formation of mullite and cryistobalite was detected in the crucible fragments studied by Lowe [32, 33] suggesting they had been well fired to high temperatures of over 1300-14000 C, while Rao et al [31] also observed the formation of mullite and cryistobalite in crucibles.
However the microstructures investigated by Lowe [32] of the metal remnants within the particular Deccani crucibles studied by her from Konasamudram could only be related to a failed process of crucible steel production at that particular site or context since they related more to white cast iron, a brittle and not very malleable material formed by over-carburisation, rather than ultra-high carbon steel. In fact based on these findings Lowe [32] has preferred to cautiously aver that it was a white cast iron ingot that was produced by the Indian crucible process. Craddock [34] has also opined that the product of the Indian crucible steel process was probably a general homogenous steel rather than specifically a high-carbon steel.
On the other hand investigations by Srinivasan [3] and Srinivasan and Griffiths [5] indicated the presence of solidified metal droplets in the crucibles with a typical micro-structure and micro-hardness corresponding to a good quality hypereutectoid steel with the formation of hexagonal grains of prior austenite with fine lamellar pearlite within the grains, with the precipitation of pro-eutectoid cementite along the grain boundaries of prior austenite: which is in fact the classic structure of ultra-high carbon steels of about 1.5% C which were made under laboratory conditions by Wadsworth and Sherby [17}and Verhoeven et al. [29]. The findings reported in Srinivasan [3] and Srinivasan and Griffiths [5] are hence significant in that they prove beyond doubt that high-carbon steels were indeed made by crucible processes in south India. Studies by Srinivasan and Griffiths [5] also indicated that temperatures of over 14000 C had indeed been reached inside the crucibles to melt the wrought iron and carburise it to get a molten high-carbon steel with the typical hypereutectoid structure on solidification.
Conclusions
The above review indicates that the reputation of wootz steel as an exceptional and novel material is one that has endured from early history right into the present day, with the story of the endeavours to study it in recent history being nearly as intriguing as the story of its past. The archaeological findings indicate that crucible steel does have an ancient history in the Indian subcontinent where it took roots as suggested by literary references, while the analytical investigations indicate that a high-grade ultra-high carbon steel was indeed produced by crucible processes in south India. Recent investigations on the properties of the ultra-high carbon wootz steel such as superplasticity justify it being called an advanced material of the ancient world with not merely a past but also perhaps a future.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge the Indian National Academy of Engineering. Srinivasan would like to acknowledge the support of British Council, New Delhi for a British Chevening Scholarship for doctoral research, and the interest of Dr. D. Griffiths, Institute of Archaeology, University College London, Dr. J. A. Charles, Cambridge University, late Dr. C. V. Seshadri, founder-President, Congress of Traditional Science and Technology, and Hutti Gold Mines Ltd. for assistance with fieldwork and the support of the Homi Bhabha Research Council.
References
 

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Textures of ‘Wootz’: Techno-cultural insights on steel, cast iron & ferrous metals in South Indian antiquity
by
Dr.(Ms.) Sharada Srinivasan

(B.Tech, IIT, Mumbai, MA, SOAS, Ph.D., Archaeometallurgy, Institute of Archaeology, London)
National Institute of Advanced Studies, Indian Institute of Science Campus, Bangalore 560012



I.  Brief description and objectives
The book entitled ‘Textures of ‘Wootz’: Techno-cultural insights on steel, cast iron and ferrous metals in Indian antiquity’ proposes to provide a technological-cum-cultural overview of the heritage of ferrous metals, particularly high-carbon alloys and steel, in Indian antiquity.  A significant theme of the book would be to investigate the intriguing high-carbon ‘wootz’ steel for which India has been famed in antiquity and which forms an important part of its scientific heritage, from the point of view of exploring its antiquity and properties (with special emphasis on investigations on material from previously undocumented old production sites that were uncovered by the author in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu in southern India.)  However, the purpose of proposed book is not so much to write an exhaustive monograph on wootz steel but to locate it a) within a broader canvass concerning Indian ferrous metals over the ages in its developmental aspects (especially from less well studied contexts in southern India) while spanning the gamut of ferrous materials from wrought iron to low carbon and high carbon steel and cast iron b) to explore some of the issues concerning the origins and spread of this technology and c) to integrate a more holistic understanding of the inter-relationship with other craft traditions, decorative or performance arts traditions towards fleshing out the perspective that innovations within the Indic tradition can often be seen to draw from cross-craft interactions with cultural connections across different technological and artistic traditions, augmented by longstanding threads of cultural continuity-with several craft traditions surviving into the present day or at least the recent past.
Thus, to summarise the approach of the book, it would begin by outlining the conceptual framework and then touch upon issues concerning the emergence of ferrous metallurgy in relation to pre-existing craft skills or metallurgical skills: especially from less explored iron age megalithic contexts which may throw light on questions as to whether ferrous metallurgy could have developed independently in the peninsular and southern Indian megalithic contexts as some scholars have debated. The book would then move on to exploring aspects related to the emergence of wootz crucible steel in southern India including some literary accounts on ‘wootz’ or ‘ukku’, evidence from production sites concerning the process metallurgy and the story of the use of wootz for production of the artistic patterns of ‘Damascus’ steel swords. This would be followed by a related but little explored question about the emergence or use of different types of cast irons in Indian antiquity.  Further, less well-studied cultural manifestations of iron or steel would be explored ranging from swords used in martial arts, wires for stringed musical instruments, ferrous metals in architecture and other artistic, utilitarian or decorative traditions.  Finally, some aspects related to the social history concerning surviving communities of blacksmiths or iron smelters and socio-religious traditions would be touched upon. The time-frame for the proposed book would be about 18 months to 2 years (award granted in June 2003).

Justification for the proposed book

class=MsoPlainText style='text-align:justify'>European travellers and geologists such as Buchanan, Percy and Voysey from the seventeenth century onwards have described the production of ‘wootz’ steel ingots by crucible processes over large parts of southern India including Golconda in Andhra Pradesh, the former Mysore state (in Karnataka) and Salem district in Tamil Nadu.  Cyril Stanley Smith (1980) has given an account of the European fascination with ‘wootz’ steel ingots from southern India and attempts to replicate it for industrial production which spurred the development of metallurgy and metallography in the 18th-19th centuries, inviting the attention of scientists of the repute of Michael Faraday, inventor of electricity.  Studies on some late medieval ‘wootz’ ingots have shown them to be of high-carbon steel (1-1.5% C), which was a novelty in Europe where only low-carbon steels (less than 0.8% C) had been in vogue.  Wootz ingots were also reputed to have been used to make the artistically patterned ‘Damascus’ swords.  Indeed, ancient India deserves a special niche in the annals of western science not only for pioneering the semi-industrial production of metallic zinc and high-carbon steel, but also for indirectly spurring their modern metallurgical advances and metallurgical study in Europe leading to the Industrial Revolution, as pointed out in overviews by the author with S. Ranganathan on metallurgical heritage of mankind and on wootz steel (Srinivasan and Ranganathan 1997, 1998, 2003 in press).

As such, more studies have been made on iron in Indian antiquity than on steel.  D. P. Agrawal, Bhanu Prakash, V. Tripathi and D. K. Chakrabarti have written on the development of iron metallurgy in ancient India while studies on the famed iron pillar have been made by T.R. Anantharaman, A. K. Lahiri and R. Balasubramanium.  As far as wootz steel is concerned, Thelma Lowe has extensively surveyed and technically studied crucible steel production sites in Konasamudram, while Martha Goodway, Paul Craddock and K.N.P Rao have made studies on the late medieval site of Gatihosahalli recorded by the European travellers.  J. D. Verhoeven has simulated the production of Damascus sword blades of high-carbon steel and studied the formation of patterns, while O. Sherby has written on properties observed in ultra-high carbon steels produced under laboratory conditions such as superplasticity.  Even so, there is still much to uncover concerning Indian wootz steel, since most studies or accounts of crucible steel production have been made on the late medieval sites or on laboratory simulated high-carbon steels, while all crucible processes need not necessarily have resulted in the production of high-carbon steel.  In recent times, evidence for crucible steel production has also emerged from Central Asia and Sri Lanka so that it is relevant to explore and set out the evidence for the antiquity and primacy of the technology of wootz steel within the Indian context.
Amongst present Indian scholars, the author has undertaken significant archaeometallurgical studies on wootz crucible steel by identifying previously unknown sites for crucible steel production at Mel-siruvalur in Tamil Nadu, and Tintini and Machnur in Karnataka as published in Srinivasan (1994) and Srinivasan and Griffiths (1997) which has the potential for increasing the known horizons of wootz steel production in antiquity.  Metallographic investigations (ibid.) on metallic remnants in fragments of crucibles from the site of Mel-siruvalur show the clearest evidence from any site yet for the production of high-carbon hyper-eutectoid steel (of about 1.3% C), while the site also shows some nearby evidence for megalithic occupation and is thus being further investigated by the author.
While there has been some focussed research of a high order on certain aspects of crucible steel, this book proposes to explore ferrous metals and ‘wootz’ from within a broader interpretive framework by viewing technological aspects in relation to cultural aspects.  Such an approach has generally not been widely attempted in the overall discourse on metals or materials heritage from India and may serve to reddress some of the lacunae in the understanding of Indian ferrous metallurgical heritage.  Thus, less well-studied aspects would be incorporated in the book: such as an important question concerning the emergence of cast iron in Indian antiquity.  Although cast iron is conventionally thought to have been produced in ancient China and then come much later to wider use in India especially through European intervention there may now be evidence for cast iron from parts of Tamil Nadu going back to the megalithic period (c. 500 BC) as touched upon further in the chapterisation scheme.  Other aspects to be touched upon include the developmental aspects of iron metallurgy and insights from the author’s own studies on megalithic metallurgy with evidence for skilled use of high-tin bronzes (Srinivasan 1994, 1997) and inter-relationship with iron metallurgy, manifestations of continuing skills in iron and steel metallurgy apart from wootz steel as exemplified by the intriguing flexible swords in the martial art form of Kalaripayattu from Kerala, the knowledge of wire-drawn musical instruments, and decorative or functional uses of ferrous materials and other such cultural or artistic facets.  The discernment of threads of cultural or technological continuity and cross-craft contiguities can assume significance in terms of what can be interpreted, albeit cautiously, about the indigenous nature of certain developments or as regards the distinctive trajectory of assimilated forms or technologies within the Indian context. 

III.  Chapterization scheme and Table of contents

The proposed book would include the following chapters of upto 150-200 pages with photographs and illustrations. The proposed chapterisation scheme is as follows:

Chapter 1:

Introduction: Exploring paradigms of innovation within the Indic tradition

Chapter 2
            Genesis of ‘ukku’: Insights from megalithic ferrous metallurgy, high-tin bronzes and crafts
Chapter 3

‘Wootz’ as high-carbon crucible steel: Evidence from southern India

Chapter 4

Shades of swords: From ‘Damascus’ blades to martial arts swords of Kalaripayattu

Chapter 5

Re-examining the questions of emergence of cast irons in Indian antiquity
Chapter 6
            Ferrous artefacts in decorative, figurative, architectural or musical uses
Chapter 7
On social history of iron smelting or blacksmithy
Chapter 8
            Conclusions: Making the case for ‘wootz’ as an Indian innovation
-Bibliography
-Glossary
-Illustrations and photographs

Brief summary of chapters:

The contents of the proposed chapters are summarised below:

Chapter 1:

Introduction: Exploring paradigms of innovation within the Indic tradition

Late scientist C.V. Seshadri, founder-President, Congress of Traditional Science and Technology, who worked on appropriate technology for rural development in India wrote on the ‘non-linear’ nature of Indian thought processes.  Edward De Bono coined the phrase ‘lateral thinking’ to describe the process of making intellectual and creative breakthroughs by cutting across set patterns or concepts.  As such, it seems quite natural that in ancient societies, where empirical observation and knowledge prevail, such ‘lateral thinking’ and experimentation with different types of materials would have been behind several discoveries.  For example, it is believed that the development of copper smelting in Asia Minor or ancient Egypt drew from processes of making faience beads. However, ‘lateral thinking’ and holistic conceptions seem to have been especially internalized and canonised within the Indic tradition: as seen in the Sanskrit treatise of the Vishnudharmottara purana which talks of the inter-connectedness between sculpture, painting, dance, music, the fine arts and performing arts.  Thus this chapter seeks to explore the background to the development of iron metallurgy, from within the paradigms discussed above, as to how for example pre-existing craft practices in proto-history could have played a role in contributing to metallurgical developments right from Harappan times to the early historic period ranging from stone, bone, lapidary crafts, glass making and so on.  This approach also keeps in mind an exploration of the view expressed by some scholars that there may be reason to consider the indigenous origins of iron metallurgy in the context of megaliths of peninsular and southern India going back to at least around 1100 BC, and sets out to explore whether indeed such a theory of indigenous origins of iron metallurgy is consistent with pre-existing technologies or parameters.
Chapter 2
Genesis of ‘ukku’: Insights from megalithic ferrous metallurgy, high-tin bronzes and crafts
 ‘Wootz’ is known to be an anglicised version of ‘ukku’, the word for steel in south India.  The term ‘ukku’ may derive from ‘uruku’, used to describe fused or melted metal in Tamil Sangam literature dated broadly from about the 5th century BC to 5th century AD, while accounts of the Greek Zosimos of the early Christian era suggests that the Indians used crucible processes to make metal for swords, i.e. steel.  Pliny’s ‘Natural History’ talks of iron from the Seres which may refer to the ancient south Indian kingdom of the Cheras who are referred to in Sangam texts.  While Thelma Lowe, most of all, and others have made crucial studies on the mechanisms of late medieval Deccani wootz production, there still remains much to be investigated and clearly established concerning the antiquity of wootz steel in India and on the identification of ancient artefacts of wootz.  It is significant that there are a couple of analyses reported in early excavation reports from some megalithic sites in southern India of iron artefacts with 1-2% carbon (for eg. two javelins from megalithic Andhra Pradesh mentioned in Sundara 1999); however further investigations with micro-structural evidence may be required to ascertain if these can be taken as conclusive evidence for wootz steel.  Investigations by the author on a crucible fragment from the megalithic site of Kodumanal (3rd century BC) excavated by K. Rajan, Tamil University, found in an iron smelting hearth showed it to be iron-rich without any other significant metal, which did not rule out the fact that it could belong to some kind of ferrous process although as yet no clear evidence of metallic remnants could be found in the crucible (Srinivasan and Griffiths 1997). 
Significantly, the author has identified from surface surveys three previously unknown sites for crucible steel production in southern India (ibid.).  Crucibles from one of these sites, Mel-siruvalur in Tamil Nadu shows clear evidence for the production of a hyper-eutectoid (1.3% C) steel, i.e. a high-carbon steel, probably even by molten carburisation processes at high-temperatures (Srinivasan 1994, Srinivasan and Griffiths 1997).  More significantly, the site shows signs of megalithic occupation in the vicinity as independently verified by Sasisekaran (2002) while the author found numerous remains of what appeared to be legs of megalithic sarcophagi in a dried up canal near the dump.  (The megalithic period in southern India ranges in different places from the early 1stmillennium BC to early centuries AD).  This site is being further investigated by the author.  Other aspects of megalithic iron production to be touched upon include the iron smelting furnace excavated at Naikund, from the Vidharbha megaliths of Maharashtra.
As background, this chapter would also briefly explore whether there are technological parameters within the context of peninsular megaliths which could have supported more advanced metallurgical skills.  Previously the Indian subcontinent had not been associated with a more sophisticated bronze working tradition.  However, metallurgical investigations by the author established for the first time the use of specialized alloys known as high-tin beta bronzes (which are quenched binary copper-tin alloys bronzes of around 23% tin) to make vessels going back at least to the iron age burials megaliths of the early first millennium BC of the Indian subcontinent which rank amongst the early such alloys known in the world, and which are still made in parts of India such as Kerala by similar processes as reported in Srinivasan (1994b, 1997, 1998a) and in papers written by the author with Ian Glover while at Institute of Archaeology, London (Srinivasan and Glover 1995, 1997).  High-tin beta bronzes generally do not seem to have been in vogue in Europe, and indeed the Greek Nearchus (4th century BC) mentions that Indians used golden vessels which shattered when dropped which may be interpreted as high-tin bronze, as suggested by Rajpitak and Seeley (1979).  What is significant is that the processes of quenching high-tin bronze indicates a general familiarity with heat treatment processes in the megalithic period that could have extended to the knowledge of iron and steel metallurgy.  Other evidence for skilled metallurgical activity comes from evidence suggesting that the deepest old gold mine in the world comes from Hutti in Karnataka with carbon dates from timber collected from a depth of about 600 feet from a mine going back to the mid 1st millennium BC (Radhakrishna and Curtis 1991).
Chapter 4
‘Wootz’ as high-carbon crucible steel: Evidence from southern India
Arab records mention the excellence of Hinduwani or Indian steel while the 12th century Arab Edrisi mentioned that it was impossible to find anything to surpass the edge from Indian steel.  Records indicate that Jewish merchants of the 11th-12th century from Cairo imported iron and steel along with prized metal vessels from southern India.  Late medieval observers of the manufacture of wootz steel in India have commented on the process of carburisation of iron to steel in crucibles where a batch of closed crucibles which were packed with a low carbon iron charge were stacked in a large furnace and fired in a long 14-24 hour cycle at high temperatures of not less than 12000C in a strongly reducing atmosphere (Percy 1860-1880; 773-776).  Certainly accounts indicate that by the late medieval period, south Indian wootz steel was reputed to have been used to produce the famed ‘Damascus’ blades, which have an artistically appealing pattern due to the etched crystalline structure of forged high-carbon steel, of which surviving examples are known from Turkey, Persia, as well as Mughal period and Tipu Sultan era in India.  Thus this chapter charts the progress from high technology to high artistry of wootz steel and its metamorphosis into the ‘Damascus’ blades.  This chapter will also briefly touch upon the European interest in replicating wootz steel in the 18th-19th century and insights into its special properties.  This chapter would also summarise the work of recent scholars, including those mentioned in the previous sections, on evidence from production sites for crucible steel. 
This chapter would also attempt to place the general process metallurgy of wootz within the context of other Indian technological traditions.  To take an example, the nearly sealed crucible process, described in texts like the Rasaratnasamuchaya and also used for wootz steel production, is reminiscent of 11th century zinc smelting retorts from Zawar in Rajasthan from where the earliest known remains from zinc smelting are found.  Lead isotope analyses undertaken by the author on a zinc ingot with a 4th century Deccan Brahmi inscription (previously exhibited in Science Museum, London, courtesy Nigel Seeley) corroborated a likely Andhra Deccan provenance, making it one of the earliest known surviving examples of metallic zinc in the world (Srinivasan 1998).  Thus one could argue for similarities in the inspiration behind zinc smelting and crucible steel production.  The closed-crucible process is still used in a traditional process of making mirrors of a specialised 33% high-tin delta bronze alloy investigated by the author from Aranmula, Kerala (Srinivasan and Glover 1995).  The use of iron or steel tools in crafts (such as icon making or granite stone carving still practised in Tamil Nadu), is also one that has not received much attention and may throw some light on technological interdependences.

Chapter 5

Shades of swords: From ‘Damascus’ blades to martial arts swords of Kalaripayattu

This chapter would begin by summarising some of the studies on the replication and properties of Damascus swords and ultra-high carbon steels.  The ‘Damascus’ blades, so-called after one of the sword production centres, can be clearly identified as having been made of high-carbon ‘wootz’ steel due to the etched crystalline structure resulting wavy patterns (and from which the book draws its name, textures of wootz). However, far less is known about other types of traditional Indian swords and implements as to whether they were made from wootz or high-carbon steel or other processes.  Whereas Mughal armoury has generally been much better documented, this chapter would also attempt to touch upon lesser known aspects about Indian armoury such as the Telengana swords, Tipu Sultan armoury and Tanjore armoury from southern India.  Another neglected area that this book proposes to emphasise and explore in greater detail is the use of swords and weapons in several martial art traditions in India.  These include the various sword blades used in the Kalaripayattu tradition of Kerala including intriguing flexible sword blades. Studies by Zarreli suggest that the Kalaripayattu tradition may go back to the martial traditions of the Tamil Sangam era of the early centuries AD and is linked to the Tamil siddha form of medicine.  Their relevance to ritual or performance art and insights from the Natyasastra, the ancient treatise on Indian dramaturgy, may also be touched upon briefly. 

Chapter 5

Re-examining the questions of emergence of cast irons in Indian antiquity
An interesting question that has received little attention in India but is related to the development of wootz high-carbon steel is that of whether cast iron was ever made in Indian antiquity.  Of course, it is well recognised that cast iron first came into widespread use in China much before Europe or other parts of the world, where it was widely used by the early christian era for a range of artefacts including some monumental castings.  In the Indian subcontinent cast iron is thought to have only came into vogue very much later from the late medieval period; for instance cast iron pillars were used for the first time in architecture in the Mysore palace made in Britain.  It is intriguing however, that there are reports of some evidence for production of cast iron with about 6% carbon from a megalithic period twin hearth furnace in Guttur in Tamil Nadu (dated c. 500 BC) (Sasisekaran 2002).  It has also been observed that some crucible steel processes resulted in the production of white cast iron.  Thus, a re-examination would be attempted from within the Indian archaeological record exploring evidence for cast iron artefacts (such as bells) or use of related furnaces which could throw more light on the question of emergence of cast iron in Indian antiquity and serve to confirm or corroborate the preliminary evidence.
Chapter 6
Ferrous artefacts in decorative, figurative, musical or architectural uses
This chapter would touch upon the long history of use of ferrous artefacts in a range of non-weaponry contexts as decorative and utilitarian artefacts and links with other arts or crafts.  The corrosion resistant Gupta era Delhi iron pillar (4th-5th century) is the largest known early wrought iron forging, while massive forged architectural iron beams were used in the medieval Konarak and Jaganannath temples in Orissa; these aspects have been written about elsewhere and would only be briefly touched upon in this chapter.  However, the use of iron in figurative or decorative contexts is less known which this chapter would delve more into.  For example, a tiny ferrous mother goddess figurine was uncovered from megalithic Alangankulam in Tamil Nadu, dated c 1000 BC.   India has a rich tradition of stringed musical instruments: from the traditional veena used in the Hindu devotional Carnatic music style of southern India, to the Indo-Islamic adaptation of the sitar in northern India (which owes its name to the Persian instrument).  Accounts suggest that wire for the Persian sitar was traded out of the 15th century Vijayanagara kingdom of Karnataka, with the musical stone pillars of Hampi corroborating the kingdom’s grasp of the science of music.  Other non-weapon utilitarian or decorative uses of iron going back to protohistory would be explored from lampstands, tripods, utensils etc.
Chapter 7
Continuing traditions and social history of iron smelting or blacksmithy
This chapter would explore aspects of social history of ferrous metal workers, surviving craft traditions and aspects of continuity and change in relation to caste-based crafts or traditional craft guilds. Traditionally, iron workers belonged to the artisan community known as Viswakarma.  Manu, who worked in iron is said to have been the first of the five sons of Viswakarma, the maker of the universe.  Nevertheless, as far as actual social heirarchy goes, today the rural blacksmith has slipped to the bottom of the social heirarchy of artisans.  Since the artefacts produced by blacksmiths are utilitarian and often do not receive support as handicrafts, there is a danger of their being marginalised.  Thus this chapter proposes to touch upon little known aspects about rural blacksmithy.  As far as social history is concerned, there is also an interesting instance of reverence for a metal craftsman in the tale of Munishwara, a metalworking saint to whom there are several shrines in Karnataka.  Indeed, from technical investigations the author found evidence for both crucibles related to wootz steel production and copper smelting slags from a shrine to Munishwara in Tintini, indicating that the legend was associated with actual metalworkers.  Brouwer has also written on social anthropology of metal crafts in Karnataka. Thus this chapter would illuminate some aspects about social history and continuing traditions.
Conclusions: Making the case for wootz as an Indian innovation
In recent years, concerted archaeolometallurgical studies have brought to light evidence for steel made from crucible processes in parts of Central Asia and Sri Lanka, which also had a skilled iron working tradition, thought to date from the first millennium AD.  Although it does not seem to have been clearly established yet if the end products were high-carbon steel this raises issues about the origins of the crucible steel technology vis a vis the Indian evidence.  However, this chapter would draw together the information discussed or presented in the preceding chapters to argue that it still remains entirely reasonable to postulate that the technology of high-carbon wootz steel originated and thrived in the Indian peninsula, particularly southern India, and could have spread elsewhere.  Apart from the literary and cultural evidence, preliminary archaeometallurgical evidence from south Indian megalithic contexts also suggests that the best case for the origins of high-carbon wootz steel made by crucible processes seems to come from the southern Indian peninsula.
Bibliography
-Agrawal, D.P. 2000.  Ancient Metal Technology and Archaeology of South Asia: A Pan-Asian Perspective.  Aryan Books International, New Delhi.
-Allchin, B. and Allchin, R.  1982.  Rise of Civilisation in India and Pakistan.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
-Anantharaman, T.R. 1997.  The Rustless Wonder.  A Study of Iron Pillar at Delhi. New Delhi.
-Balasubramanium, R. 2002. Delhi Iron Pillar: New Insights, Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla and Aryan Books International, New Delhi.
-Biswas, A. K. and Biswas, S. 1996, Minerals and Metals in Ancient India, 2 vol. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi.
-Bronson, B.  1986.  The making and selling of wootz-a crucible steel of India.  Archaeomaterials, 1(1): 13-51.
-Chakrabarti, D. K. 1992, The Early Use of Iron in India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.
-Craddock, P. T. 1995, Early Metal Mining and Production, University Press, Edinburgh.
-Kuppuram, G. 1989, Ancient Mining, Metallurgy and Metal Industries in India, 2 vols. Sundeep
Prakashan, New Delhi.
-Hegde, K. T. M. 1991, An Introduction to Ancient Indian Metallurgy, Geological Society of India,
Bangalore.
-Lahiri, A. K. 1963.  Some observations on corrosion resistance of ancient Delhi Iron Pillar and present time Adivasi iron made by primitive methods, National Mineral Lab., Technical Journal, No. 3 (1): 46-54
-Lowe, T.L., 1989, Solidification and the crucible processing of Deccani ancient steel. In Trivedi, R., Sekhar, J. A. and Mazumdar, J. (Eds.), Principles of Solidification and Materials Processing, Oxford and IBH Publishing, New Delhi, Vol. 2,pp. 639-739.
- Lowe, T. L. Refractories in high-carbon iron processing: a preliminary study of Deccani wootz-making crucibles, In Kingery, W. D. (ed.), Ceramics and Civilization, The American Ceramic Society, Pittsburgh, 4 (1990), pp. 237-50.
-Prakash, B,. 1995.  ‘Paleometallurgy of copper and iron in Indian subcontinent’, Bulletin of Metals Museum, Sendai Japan, Vol. 23, pp. 36-51.
-Rajan, K. 1991.  New light on the megalithic cultures of the Kongu region, Tamil Nadu.  Man and Environment, 16(1): 93-102.
-Rao, K.N.P., 1989, Wootz-Indian Crucible Steel, Feature Article. No.1, Metal News, 11,  1-6.
-Radhakrishna, B. P and Curtis, L. C. 1991, Gold, The Indian Scene. Geological Society of India,
Bangalore.
-Ranganathan, S. (Ed.) 1997, Iron and Steel Heritage of India, The Indian Institute of Metals, Calcutta.
-Sasisekaran, B., March 2002, ‘Metallurgy and metal technology in ancient Tamil Nadu’, Indian Journal of History of Science.
-Sherby, O.D., 1995. Damascus steel and superplasticity, Part I- Background, Superplasticity and genuine Damascus steels, Part II-Welded Damascus steels. SAMPE Journal, 31, 4.
-Sundara, A. 1999.  Indian megaliths and iron.  In: Subbarayappa, B.V. (ed.)., History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol. IV, Part I, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal
-Smith, C.  1982.  The Search for Structure. Cambridge: MIT Press.
-Srinivasan, S., 1994. Wootz crucible steel: a newly discovered production site in South India, Papers from the Institute of Archaeology, London, 5, pp. 49-61.
-Srinivasan, S. 1996. ‘The enigma of the dancing pancha-loha (five-metalled) icons: archaeometallurgical and art historical investigations on South Indian bronzes’.  Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London.
-Srinivasan, S. and Griffiths, D. 1997. “Crucible steel in South India: Preliminary investigations on crucibles from some newly identified sites”, in Material Issues in Art and Archaeology-IV. Symposium held December 3-5, 1996. Materials Research Society Symposium Proceedings Series Vol.462. Edited by P. Vandivar, J, Druzik, J. Merkel, and J. Stewart, pp. 111-27. Warrendale: Materials Research Society.
-Srinivasan, S. and Ranganathan, S. 1997. “Wootz steel: an advanced material of the ancient world”, in Iron & Steel Heritage of India. Ed. S. Ranganathan, pp. 69-82. Jamshedpur: Indian Institute of Metals & Tata Steel. (http://metalrg.iisc.ernet.in/~wootz/heritage/WOOTZ.htm)
-Srinivasan, S. 1998. “Highlights of ancient south Indian metallurgy-technical evidence for the early use of high-tin bronzes, high-carbon steel, metallic zinc, smelting of bronze and cast images, Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on the Beginning of the Use of Metals and Alloy (BUMA-IV), pp. 79-84. Matsue: Japan Institute of Metals.
-Verhoeven, J.D., Pendray, A.H., and Gibson, E.D., 1996, Wootz Damascus Steel Blades, Materials Characterization 37, pp. 9-22.
-Tripathi, V. 2001  The Age of Iron in South Asia, Aryan Books, New Delhi

http://www.indianscience.org/projects/t_pr_srinibook2.shtml


The Key Role of Impurities in Ancient Damascus Steel Blades

J.D. VerhoevenA.H. Pendray, and W.E. Dauksch
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Article Page 1
CONTENTS


The art of producing the famous 16-18th century Damascus steel blades found in many museums was lost long ago. Recently, however, research has established strong evidence supporting the theory that the distinct surface patterns on these blades result from a carbide-banding phenomenon produced by the microsegregation of minor amounts of carbide-forming elements present in the wootz ingots from which the blades were forged. Further, it is likely that wootz Damascus blades with damascene patterns may have been produced only from wootz ingots supplied from those regions of India having appropriate impurity-containing ore deposits.

Author's Note: All compositions are given in weight percent unless otherwise noted.

INTRODUCTION

The arms and armor section of most large museums display examples of Damascus steel weapons. These steels are of two different types, pattern-welded Damascus and wootz Damascus, both of which were apparently first produced prior to around 500.1,2 These steels have in common an attractive surface pattern composed of swirling patterns of light-etched regions on a nearly black background. The pattern-welded steels were produced by forge welding alternating sheets of high- and low-carbon steels. This composite was then folded and forge-welded together, and the fold/forge cycle was repeated until a large number of layers was obtained.
This article is concerned with the second type of Damascus steel, sometimes called oriental Damascus. The most common examples of these steels are swords and daggers, although examples of body armor are also known. The name Damascus apparently originated with these steels. The steel itself was produced not in Damascus, but in India and became known in English literature in the early 19th century3 as wootz steel, as it is referred to here. Detailed pictures of many such wootz Damascus swords are presented in Figiel's book,4 and the metallurgy of these blades is discussed in Smith's book.5
Unfortunately, the technique of producing wootz Damascus steel blades is a lost art. The date of the last blades produced with the highest-quality damascene patterns is uncertain, but is probably around 1750; it is unlikely that blades displaying low-quality damascene patterns were produced later than the early 19th century. Debate has persisted in the metallurgy community over the past 200 years as to how these blades were made and why the surface pattern appeared.6-8 Research efforts over the years have claimed the discovery of methods to reproduce wootz Damascus steel blades,9-12 but all of these methods suffer from the same problem—modern bladesmiths have been unable to use the methods to reproduce the blades. The successful reproduction of wootz Damascus blades requires that blades be produced that match the chemical composition, possess the characteristic damascene surface pattern, and possess the same internal microstructure that causes the surface pattern.

DAMASCUS STEEL

Wootz steel was produced as roughly 2.3 kg ingots, commonly referred to as cakes, that are solidified in a closed crucible. It was a relatively high-purity iron steel with 1.5% carbon. The cakes were shipped to Damascus, Syria, where bladesmiths learned to forge them into the swords that displayed a beautiful surface pattern. The hypereutectoid carbon level of these steels plays a key role in producing the characteristic surface pattern, because the pattern results from alignment of the Fe3C particles that form in such steels on cooling. When western Europeans first encountered these patterned weapons, they adopted the name Damascus steel. Wootz Damascus blades possessing the highest-quality damascene patterns were produced in the 16th-17th century.4
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Figure 1a
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Figure 1b
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Figure 1. (a) A reconstructed wootz Damascus blade showing the Damascene surface pattern containing a combined Mohammed ladder and rose pattern. (b) A longitudinal section of the same blade showing the bands of cementite particles responsible for the surface pattern.
Both the internal microstructure and the chemical composition of these steels were well established early in this century.11,13 The internal microstructure of a wootz Damascus blade possessing a high-quality damascene surface pattern is a unique metallurgical microstructure.8 It consists of bands of small (generally around 6 mm diameter) particles of Fe3C (cementite) clustered along the band centerline. The bands have a characteristic spacing in the 30-70 mm range and are contained in a steel matrix. The structure of the steel matrix varies depending on how the smith heat-treated the blade, but it is generally found to be pearlite. The bands lie parallel to the forging plane of the blades. By manipulating the angle of the blade surface relative to the plane of the bands, the smith can produce a variety of convoluted patterns of intersection of the bands with the blade surface. With polishing and etching, the Fe3C particles cause the bands to appear white and the steel matrix nearly black; thus, the surface pattern is created.

Reproducing Wootz Damascus Blades

In recent work, a technique to produce blades that match the best museum-quality wootz Damascus blades in both surface appearance and internal microstructure has been developed. Figure 1 presents a blade recently made by one of the authors, A.H. Pendray, showing the characteristic damascene surface pattern. It has been specially prepared to include the famous Mohammed's ladder pattern that appears on many of the higher-quality museum swords and blades. The circular pattern between the ladders is often termed the rose pattern, and it is also sometimes found on high-quality museum blades.4 A longitudinal section from an adjoining piece of this blade is also shown, which illustrates the aligned bands of clustered cementite particles typical of the better quality museum blades.
A detailed picture description of the production process for this blade has recently been published.14 In addition, the technique has been fully described in the literature,15-17 and it has been shown that blades possessing high-quality damascene patterns can be repeatedly produced utilizing the technique. The technique is, in essence, a simple reproduction of the general method described by the earlier researchers. A small steel ingot of the correct composition (Fe + 1.5C) is produced in a closed crucible and is then forged to a blade shape. However, some key factors are now specified. These include the time/temperature record of the ingot preparation, the temperature of the forging operations, and the type and composition level of impurity elements in the Fe + 1.5C steel. It appears that the most important factor is the type of impurity elements in the steel ingot. Recent work17-18has shown that bands of clustered Fe3C particles can be produced in the blades by the addition of very small amounts (0.03% or less) of one or more carbide-forming elements, such as V, Mo, Cr, Mn, and Nb. The elements vanadium and molybdenum appear to be the most effective elements in causing the band formation to occur. An obvious question raised by these results is, are these elements also present at low levels in the 16-18th century wootz Damascus blades?

THE SWORDS

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Figure 2
Figure 2. Macrophotographs of Zschokke sword blades.
A major problem in doing scientific experiments on wootz Damascus steel is the inability to obtain samples for study. Such study requires that the blades be cut into sections for microscopic examination, and small quantities must be sacrificed for destructive chemical analysis. A rare example where museum-quality wootz Damascus blades were donated to science for study is reported in the 1924 paper of Zschokke.13 A famous explorer and collector, Henri Moser, amassed a collection of some 2,000 Damascene blades and donated two daggers and four swords to Zschokke for study. The Moser collection is now displayed in the Berne Historical Museum in Switzerland, and the remaining pieces from the four swords of the Zschokke study remain there. Recently, Ernst J. Kläy of the Berne Museum donated a small sample of each sword for further study to be conducted.
This article presents the results of a study of these four samples. Also, four additional wootz Damascus blades, all thought to be a few hundred years old, have been acquired and are included. Hence, all of the blades studied here are more than two centuries old and were presumably made from wootz steel. These blades are referred to as genuine wootz Damascus blades to differentiate them from the reconstructed wootz Damascus blades made by the technique developed by the authors.

Zschokke Swords

Zschokke identified the four swords of his study as swords 7-10, and the same code is used here. The swords had an original width of around 30 mm. The samples provided were approximately 18 mm wide by 88 mm in length and contained the cutting edge. The surface of the samples were refinished by polishing with fine SiC papers and then etching in ferric chloride. The contrast on the sample's surface was enhanced by applying the ferric chloride with repeated rubbing from a cloth. Figure 2 presents macrographs of the four sword samples; sword 9 has the most distinct pattern.
Pieces were cut from one end of each of the samples with a thin diamond saw. A 2 cm length was cut for chemical-analysis studies, and an 8 mm length sample was used for microstructure analysis. The chemical analyses were done using emission spectroscopy on a calibrated machine at Nucor Steel Corporation. Table I presents the chemical analyses, along with the values reported by Zschokke. Agreement between the analyses done by Zschokke in 1924 and the present data is reasonably good.

Table I. A Comparison of the Current Chemical Analyses with Zschokke's Analyses13*
Sword 7Sword 8Sword 9Sword 10
MaterialCurrentZschokkeCurrentZschokkeCurrentZschokkeCurrentZschokke
C1.711.870.650.601.411.341.791.73
Mn150501,6001,590<100190300280
P1,0101,2701,9752,5209801,0801,3301,720
S951302153206080160200
Si3504901,1501,190500620500620
* Analyses are given in parts per million by weight, except for C, which is in weight%.

Sword 8 is hypoeutectoid and, therefore, cannot be a true wootz Damascus steel, because such steels will not form Fe3C particles on cooling. Metallographic examination confirmed this expectation and revealed that the surface pattern seen on this sword (Figure 2) was due to ferrite bands in a pearlite matrix. Therefore, this sword will not be considered to be a genuine wootz Damascus sword in the following discussion.

Micrographs of surface and transverse sections of the remaining three swords are shown in Figure 3. The micrographs of the surfaces are, in effect, taper sections through the bands seen on the micrographs of the section views, and, as expected, the widths of the bands are expanded in the surface views.

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Figure 3a
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Figure 3b
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Figure 3c
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Figure 3d
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Figure 3e
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Figure 3f
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Figure 3. Micrographs of Zschokke blades showing (a) the surface of blade 7, (b) a transverse section of blade 7, (c)the surface of blade 9, (d) a longitudinal section of blade 9, (e) the surface of blade 10, and (f) a transverse section of bade 10.

Table II presents a summary of the microstructural observations of the steels. The three wootz Damascus swords all display band spacing in the 40-50 mm range. Sword 7 contains graphite stringers not shown in the micrographs. Sword 10 contains a mixture of large and small particles in the bands. Sword 9 displays the most distinct bands on the micrographs and also appears to give the most attractive damascene pattern (Figure 2). The bands are the most distinct because this blade contains the least amount of Fe3C particles lying between the carbide bands. Interestingly, however, Zschokke rated the damascening quality of the four swords and reports sword 10 as "the most beautiful and the most precious of the four." Three other museum-quality blades were sectioned,8 and the carbide bands appear similar to sword 9, being more distinct than in swords 7 and 10 and without the large cementite particles of sword 10.

Rockwell C hardness data were taken along the centerline of the transverse sections of all four swords in order to more fully characterize them. A large variation in hardness was found and is presented in Table II. The hardness correlated with the matrix microstructure. The matrix structure of the blades underwent a transition from pearlite at the thin tip to a divorced eutectoid ferrite + cementite at the fat end (thickness = 3-4 mm). These structures are consistent with recent kinetic studies of the eutectoid reaction in hypereutectoid steels.19-20 The studies show that in two-phase (austenite + Fe3C) steels, the divorced eutectoid transformation (DET) dominates at slow cooling rates and the pearlite reaction dominates at higher cooling rates; the DET is favored as the density of the Fe3C particles in the transforming austenite increases. Hence, the matrix microstructures indicate that the blades were air-cooled with pearlite dominating near the faster cooling cutting edge. The dominance of the DET matrix structure in swords 7 and 10 probably results from the higher amount of interband Fe3C present in these swords.

Table II. Microstructural and Hardness Data for the Wootz Zschokke Swords
SwordMicrostructureHardness Range
7Diffuse bands of elongated Fe3C particles in matrix.
Significant graphite stringers. Band spacing = 42 µm. Matrix: Pearlite extending 7 mm from the cutting edge; remainder = DET
Rc = 32, Pearlite matrix
Rc = 8, DET matrix*
9Very distinct bands of Fe3C particles in matrix.
Band spacing = 50 µm. Matrix: Pearlite except for a thin DET region near the fat end
Rc = 23, Pearlite matrix
Rc = 9, DET matrix*
10Distinct bands of Fe3C particles in matrix.
Band spacing = 46 µm. Pearlite extending 3 mm from the cutting edge; remainder = DET
Rc = 37, Pearlite matrix
Rc = 5, DET matrix*
* Divorced eutectoid transformed matrix giving Fe3C particles in ferrite.

Because of the unique historical value of these blades, a fairly careful study was done to characterize the morphology of the carbide particles comprising the bands causing the damascene patterns. The faces on the 2 cm length samples used to perform the emission spectrograph analyses were mounted and polished and etched in picral. These face surfaces, along with both transverse and longitudinal sections of the swords prepared with similar metallography, were then examined with a high-resolution digital camera. Image-analyzing software was used to determine the average area, maximum diameter, and minimum diameter of the Fe3C particles (Table III). Three regions were examined for each reported measurement. An average of the largest 20 unconnected particles in a sample field of 500-600 particles was determined on each region, and the table presents the average of the three average measurements. The results present a quantitative measure for the shape anisotropy of the particles, which is apparent in Figure 3.

In swords 7 and 10, the particles are dominantly plate-shaped with the thin direction aligned in the forging plane of the sword blades. Consequently, the area of the particles on the sword face is generally larger than on the sections. The standard deviation of the data was consistently in the range of 20-25%, so that differences in the areas on the three surfaces are problematic, whereas, the differences in minimum and maximum diameters are significant. For blades 7 and 10, the maximum/minimum aspect ratio of the particles averages around three on both transverse and longitudinal sections and around two on the sword faces. The ratios are slightly less for blade 9, reflecting the more globular shape of the particles and the observation that the oblong particles do not have their broad face well aligned in the forging plane, as they do on blades 7 and 10.

Table III. A Summary of Fe3C Particle Size Measurements*
Section
SwordDimensionFaceLongitudinalTransverse
7Diameter (max./min.)
Area
13/7.4
88
16/4.6
69
10/3.230
9Diameter (max./min.)
Area
11/5.7
59
12/5.6
65
11/3.9
41
10 (small)Diameter (max./min.)
Area
13/6.6
76
16/4.8
62
15.4.9
63
10 (large)Diameter (max./min.)
Area
54/27
1,300
44/14
590
46/15
640
Kard BladeDiameter (max./min.)
Area
8.0/4.0
30
* Diameter is measured in mm; area in mm2.

The large particles in blade 10 present a significantly larger area on the blade face and might be expected to enhance the damascene pattern. This enhancement was not found on the sample repolished for this study. However, it is difficult to cause the matrix to etch dark on blades 7 and 10 because of the large amount of ferrite produced by the DET structure of the matrix in these blades. With a picral etch, the blade surfaces show a very weak pattern due to this problem, as opposed to a brilliant pattern on blade 9 with its pearlite matrix. With the rubbing ferric chloride etch, the matrix etches darker, but still not as dark as blade 9, as seen in Figure 2. It may be that Zschokke, who had refinished the blades for his 1924 study, employed a superior etching technique that was able to etch the DET matrix of blade 10 darker and thus produce more distinct bands, leading to the conclusion that its damascene pattern was superior to blade 9.

Four Wootz Damascus Blades

In order to obtain a better statistical sampling of the level of impurity elements in genuine wootz Damascus blades, four additional blades were analyzed. Three of the blades were previously studied, with section views showing well-aligned bands of Fe3C particles similar in morphology to sword 9. Also, the surfaces of all of the blades displayed excellent damascene patterns. The three blades have been identified as Voigt,21 Figiel,8 and Old B.15 All three were reanalyzed for this study on the same emission spectrometer used for the Zschokke swords. The results of the analyses, plus the full analyses of the four Zschokke swords, are presented in Table IV.
Table IV. Chemical Analysis of Seven Wootz Damascus Blades*
Element7910Old BFigielVoigtKard
C1.711.411.791.511.641.001.49
Mn150<100300100200500100
P1,0109801,3309501,6202601,440
S9560160538511590
Si350500500470460975500
Ni600400700<100180<100200
Cr<100<100<100<100<100<100<100
Mo<100<100<100<100<100<100<100
Cu1,7509001,830330780300900
Al<10<10101282530
V145502704040<1060
Nb<100<100<100<100<100<100<100
Pb<10<10<10<10101040
Sn<1010<10<10<1015<10
Ti91161316719
Zr<10<10<10<10<10<10<10
B<1<1<1<12<1<1
Ca19171511213<1
*All analyses are in parts per million by weight, except C, which is in weight percent.

The kard blade referenced in Tables III and IV is a knife in the style of a Persian kard recently obtained from L. Figiel. It has a walrus-ivory handle (known as shamoni) and chisel work on the blade surface that adjoins the handle, as shown on Figure 4. It was acquired in India by Figiel and is believed to be a genuine wootz Damascus blade produced in the 18th century. This blade was studied to expand the database and illustrate that it is possible to obtain chemical-analysis data using emission-spectrometer analysis without the permanent loss of the damascene pattern. The electric arc utilized in this analysis produces a discolored crater-shaped disk about 1 cm in diameter on the surface in which the surface atoms are vaporized and the pattern destroyed. To successfully arc the blade, it is necessary to clean both sides of the blade surrounding the crater region with emery paper to achieve adequate electrical contact. Figure 4a shows the surface of the kard blade after it had been lightly polished with emery paper and sparked in the emission spectrometer. It was subsequently polished with emery paper to remove the shallow crater region; then, the surface was re-etched with the rubbing/ferric chloride technique.

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Figure 4a
a
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Figure 4b
b
Figure 4. (a) The surface of a kard blade showing the emery-paper scratches and the burn mark made by the emission spectrograph analysis. (b) The region near the burn mark after refinishing.
After polishing, the effects of emission-spectrometer analysis are no longer apparent (Figure 4b). The original damascene pattern has been restored, and, even knowing where the crater had been, it is very difficult to detect its presence by visual examination. The damascene pattern in this blade is well formed, but requires a small magnification to be clearly seen, because of the combination of the small size of the cementite particles and the large amount of interband Fe3C particles in this blade. Digital micrographs of the surface of the kard blade were examined with the same image-analyzing technique used for the Zschokke blades. The results presented at the bottom of Table III illustrate the significantly smaller area of the Fe3C particles in the kard blade versus the Zschokke blades.

THE LADDER PATTERN

The museum-quality wootz Damascus blades with the most attractive surface patterns often display the Mohammed's ladder pattern, similar to that of the blade in Figure 1 and Zschokke sword 9 in Figure 2. Several theories evolved as to how these ladder patterns were produced. Early authors, such as Zschokke,13 upheld a theory attributed to Tschernoff that they resulted from radial dendrites in the steel cakes that were aligned across the blades by piercing the ingots and opening them up during the initial stages of forging. Smith5 argues that this process is unlikely and suggests that they were produced by cutting or grinding shallow grooves across a nearly finished blade and then forging the blade flat, a technique he attributes to Massalski22 and De Luynes.23 Panseri carried out experiments on pattern-welded blades in which he produced transverse grooves in a nearly finished blade by both cutting and forging with a chisel-shaped die.24 He showed that both techniques produce a ladder pattern and argued that the patterns from forged grooves more closely resemble the patterns in wootz Damascus blades than those from cut grooves. This question of how the ladder patterns were produced is also discussed by Figiel,4 who presents several excellent photographs of various ladder-patterned blades.
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Figure 5
Figure 5. (a) A longitudinal section view after a notch cut across blade-(b) Distortion of the carbide bands by forging flow. (c) A schematic of the blade surface showing band spacing after forging flow.
A qualitative illustration of the mechanism of ladder formation using the notch-cutting technique is presented in Figure 5. For a given band spacing in the blade, the band spacing on the blade surface, S, is controlled by the angle of the band planes with the blade surface, shown as a on Figure 5. When a is increased, the band spacing on the surface decreases. It is the systematic variation of this angle a that results in the oscillation of the spacing of the bands on the blade surface and causes the characteristic wavy damascene pattern. Experiments show that the waviness of the pattern can be dramatically increased by simply using rounded or peening hammer heads to increase variations in a. After cutting a groove across a nearly finished blade, subsequent forging causes the metal at the groove base to fill the groove cavity. The direction of this forging flow is shown by the vertical arrow of Figure 5a. This flow deforms the bands, causing the local a angles at the blade surface to increase at the notch wall locations. The resulting decrease of the surface spacing S at those two locations is shown in Figure 5c. If the grooves are wide, the narrowed band spacing appears along the two walls of the groove and not the bottom, depending on the depth of the groove. The details of the pattern are a complex function of the width and depth of the groove cavity and the shape of the groove cavity.
Experiments have been carried out on the reconstructed wootz Damascus blades in which the ladder and rose pattern were produced by both the groove-cutting and groove-forging techniques. The patterns in the blade of Figure 1 were made with the groove-cutting technique, and detailed photographs of the process have recently been published (Figure 6a).14 These patterns may be compared to similar ladder/rose patterns made by the die-forging technique (Figure 6b). The circular pattern in Figure 6b (called the rose pattern on ancient blades) was made with a hollow cylindrical die, while the pattern in Figure 6a was made by removing metal with a specially shaped solid drill. In the case of the die-forged patterns, the ridges produced by the upsetting action of the die were removed with a belt grinder prior to additional forging.
A comparison of the ladder patterns produced by grinding versus forging reveals nearly identical features (Figure 6). Figiel points out that there is a large variation in the pattern in the bands of the several examples presented in his book.4 Hence, this study is only able to conclude that the ancient smiths produced the ladder patterns by making parallel grooves across the surface of nearly finished blades, either by forging or cutting/grinding.

THE ROLE OF IMPURITIES IN BAND FORMATION

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Figure 6a
a
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Figure 6b
b
Figure 6. The ladder and rose pattern produced by (a)grooves cut into the surface of the nearly finished blade and (b) grooves forged into the surface of the nearly finished blade.
A major conclusion of the studies on reconstructed wootz Damascus steel17-18 is that the band formation in these steels results from microsegregation of low levels of carbide-forming elements from V, Mo, Cr, Mn, and Nb, with vanadium and molybdenum being most effective. Experiments have shown that vanadium levels as low as 40 parts per million by weight (ppmw) are quite effective in producing the bands of clustered Fe3C particles. The data of Table III show that all of the hypereutectoid steels contain vanadium at or above this level, except for the Voigt blade. However, the Voigt blade contains manganese at the 500 ppmw level, and experiments show18that banding is induced with manganese levels of only 200 ppmw. Hence, analyses of the seven genuine wootz Damascus steels of Table III are consistent with the theory that low levels of carbide-forming elements, apparently mainly vanadium and to a lesser extent manganese, are essential to the surface-pattern formation of these blades. We believe that it is the microsegregation of these elements during solidification that is causing the Fe3C particles to cluster into bands during the forging, which, in turn, produce the damascene patterns.
It is well established25-28 that the ferrite/pearlite banding of hypoeutectoid steels results from microsegregation of the X element in Fe-C-X alloys, where X is generally manganese, phosphorus, or an alloy addition. For the example X = P, it is established that the microsegregation of phosphorus to the interdendritic regions (IRs) causes ferrite to nucleate preferentially in the IRs. If the cooling rate is slow enough, the ferrite grows as blocky grain boundary allotriomorphs and pushes the carbon ahead of the growth front until pearlite forms between neighboring IRs. Apparently, rolling or forging deformation is quite effective in aligning the IRs of the solidified ingots into planar arrays, because the ferrite appears as planar bands parallel to the deformation plane separated by bands of pearlite. The ferrite/pearlite bands of sword 8 were probably produced by this type of banding caused, most likely, by the microsegregation of phosphorus.
A strong body of evidence has been obtained16-18 that supports the theory that the layered structures in the normal hypereutectoid Damascus steels are produced by a mechanism similar to the mechanism causing ferrite/pearlite banding in hypoeutectoid steels with one important difference in ferrite/pearlite banding, the bands form on a single thermal cycle. For example, the ferrite/pearlite bands can be destroyed by complete austenitization at low temperatures (just above the A3 temperature) followed by rapid cooling and are then reformed in a single heat up to austenite, followed by an adequately slow cool.26 (Low-temperature austenitization is required to avoid homogenization of the microsegregated X element.) The carbide bands of the wootz Damascus steel are destroyed by a complete austenitization at low temperatures (just above the Acm temperature) followed by cooling at all rates, slow or fast. However, if the steel is then repeatedly cycled to maximum temperatures of around 50-100°C below Acm, the carbide bands will begin to develop after a few cycles and become clear after 6-8 cycles.
The formation mechanism of the carbides clustered selectively along the IRs during the cyclic heating of the forging process is not resolved. It seems likely, however, that it involves a selective coarsening process, whereby cementite particles lying on the IRs slowly become larger than their neighbors lying on dendrite regions and crowd them out. A model for such a selective coarsening process has been presented.17 During the heat-up stage of each thermal cycle, the smaller cementite particles will dissolve, and only the larger particles will remain at the forging temperature, which lies just below the Acm temperature. The model requires the segregated impurity atoms lying in the IRs to selectively reduce the mobility of the cementite/austenite interfaces in those regions. Larger particles would then occur in the IRs at the forging temperature. They probably maintain their dominance on cool down because one would not expect the small particles that had dissolved to renucleate on cool down in the presence of the nearby cementite particles. These near-by particles would provide sites for cementite growth prior to adequate local supercooling sufficient to nucleate new particles.

EXISTING DAMASCUS BLADES QUALITY

In the course of our research on producing reconstructed wootz Damascus steel blades, it has become evident that it is much easier to forge blades from the small ingots that display little to no damascene pattern than to produce blades with the damascene pattern. The Fe3C particles are still present in these blades, but they are randomly arrayed rather than arrayed as bands. Such blades are widespread in collections and are often referred to as granular blades.4 To produce the banded structure, the right combination of time/temperature firing during ingot making, the right chemical composition (minor element additions), and the proper thermomechanical sequencing during the forging process are required. It is relatively easy to make an ingot that will not pattern on forging.
Based on this experience, it seems likely that the fraction of Indian crucible steel that was successfully forged into the damascened blades was probably quite small; the majority of surviving wootz Damascus blades probably display low-quality surface patterns. Craddock29 has come to this same conclusion based on an analysis of the literature on damascene-patterned steels. The results on the four Moser blades studied by Zschokke support this same conclusion. These blades were supposedly representative of good-quality damascened blades from the east, and yet of the four, only sword 9 displays the high-quality Fe3C bands characteristic of the best museum-quality wootz Damascus blades.

WHY THE ART WAS LOST

The discovery that vanadium is extremely effective in producing Fe3C banding in high-carbon steels17 was aided by the accidental use of Sorel metal as a raw material for making the small ingots. Sorel metal is a high-purity Fe-C alloy, containing 3.9-4.7% C, marketed by Rio Tinto Iron and Titanium America, Chicago. The alloy is produced from a large ilmenite ore deposit at Lac Tio on the north shore of the St. Lawrence River. Analyses of several batches of the Sorel metal has found that it consistently contains a few hundred ppmw of vanadium impurity. Apparently, the impurity is contained in the ilmenite ore. This suggests the possibility that the low levels of vanadium found in the genuine wootz blades of Table III may have resulted from ore deposits in India where the wootz steels were produced.
One of the big mysteries of wootz Damascus steel has been why the art of making these blades was lost. The vanadium levels provide the basis for a theory. Based on our studies, it is clear that to produce the damascene patterns of a museum-quality wootz Damascus blade the smith would have to fulfill at least three requirements. First, the wootz ingot would have to have come from an ore deposit that provided significant levels of certain trace elements, notably, Cr, Mo, Nb, Mn, or V. This idea is consistent with the theory of some authors30 who believe the blades with good patterns were only produced from wootz ingots made in southern India, apparently around Hyderabad. Second, the data of Table IV confirm previous knowledge that wootz Damascus blades with good patterns are characterized by a high phosphorus level. This means that the ingots of these blades would be severely hot short, which explains why Breant's9 19th century smiths in Paris could not forge wootz ingots. Therefore, as previously shown,15 successful forging would require the development of heat-treating techniques that decarburized the surface in order to produce a ductile surface rim adequate to contain the hot-short interior regions. Third, a smith who developed a heat-treatment technique that allowed the hot-short ingots to be forged might still not have learned how to produce the surface patterns, because they do not appear until the surface decarb region is ground off the blades; this grinding process is not a simple matter.
The smiths that produced the high-quality blades would most likely have kept the process for making these blades a closely guarded secret to be passed on only to their apprentices. The smiths would be able to teach the apprentices the second and third points listed, but point one is something they would not have known. There is no difference in physical appearance between an ingot with the proper minor elements present and one without. Suppose that during several generations all of the ingots from India were coming from an ore body with the proper amount of minor elements present, and blades with good patterns were being produced. Then, after a few centuries, the ore source may have been exhausted or become inaccessible to the smithing community; therefore, the technique no longer worked. With time, the smiths who knew about the technique died out without passing it on to their apprentices (since it no longer worked), so even if a similar source was later found, the knowledge was no longer around to exploit it. The possible validity of this theory could be examined if data were available on the level of carbide-forming elements in the various ore deposits in India used to produce wootz steel.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors acknowledge helpful discussions with the late David Peterson and with Rohit Trivedi. Mark Schmidt performed the chemical analyses at the Darlington plant of Nucor Steel Corporation. Hal Sailsbury at Ames Laboratory carried out most of the metallography. The research was funded cooperatively by a grant from Nucor Steel Corporation and the U.S. Department of EnergyOffice of Basic Energy Research, through the Ames LaboratoryIowa State University, contract W-7405-ENG-82.

References

1. M. Sache, Damascus Steel, Myth, History, Technology Applications (Düsseldorf, Germany: Stahleisen, 1994).
2. B. Bronson, "The Making and Selling of Wootz," Archeomaterials, 1 (1986), pp. 13-51.
3. W. Rostoker and B. Bronson, "Pre-Industrial Iron, Its Technology and Ethnology," Archeomaterial Monograph No. 1 (Philadelphia, PA: Archaeomaterials, 1990), p. 127.
4. L.S. Figiel, On Damascus Steel (Atlantas, FL: Atlantas Arts Press, 1991).
5. C.S. Smith, A History of Metallography, Chapters 3 and 4 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1988).
6. C.S. Smith, "Damascus Steel," Science, 216 (1983), pp. 242-244.
7. J. Wadsworth and O.D. Sherby, "Damascus Steel-Making," Science, 216 (1983), pp. 328-330.
8. J.D. Verhoeven and D.T. Peterson, "What is Damascus Steel?" Mat. Char., 29 (1992), pp. 355-341.
9. M. Breant, "Description of a Process for Making Damasked Steel," Annals of Philosophy, 8 (1824), pp. 267-271.
10. P. Anossoff and O. Bulatakh, Gornyj Journal (2) (1841), pp. 157-318.
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13. B. Zschokke, "Du Damasse et des Lames de Damas," Rev. Met., 21 (1924), pp. 635-669.
14. J.D. Verhoeven and A.H. Pendray, "The Mystery of the Damascus Sword," Muse, 2 (2) (April 1998), pp. 35-43.
15. J.D. Verhoeven and A.H. Pendray, "Experiments to Reproduce the Pattern of Damascus Steel Blades," Mat. Char., 29 (1992), pp. 195-212.
16. J.D. Verhoeven, A.H. Pendray, and P.M. Berge, "Studies of Damascus Steel Blades: Part IIDestruction and Reformation of the Pattern," Mat. Char., 30 (1993), pp. 187-200.
17. J.D. Verhoeven, A.H. Pendray, and E.D. Gibson, "Wootz Damascus Steel Blades," Mat. Char., 37 (1996), pp. 9-22.
18. J.D. Verhoeven et al., "Microsegregation and Banding in Hypereutectoid Steel: Damascus Steel," ISS Trans., 25 (in press).
19. E.M. Taleff et al., "Pearlite in Ultrahigh Carbon Steels: Heat Treatments and Mechanical Properties," Met. Mat. Trans. A, 27A (1996), pp. 111-118.
20. J.D. Verhoeven and E.D. Gibson, "The Divorced Eutectoid Transformation (DET) in Steel," Met. Mat. Trans. A, 29A (1998), pp. 1181-1189.
21. D.T. Peterson, H.H. Baker, and J.D. Verhoeven, "Damascus Steel, Characterization of One Damascus Steel Sword," Mat. Char., 24 (1990), pp. 355-374.
22. Massalski, "Preparation de l'acier Damasse en Perse," Ann. Du Journal des Mines de Russie (1841), pp. 297-308.
23. H.T.P. J. duc de Luynes, Memoire sur la Fabrication de l'acier Foundu et Damassee (Paris: 1844).
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25. R.A. Grange, "Effect of Microstructural Banding in Steel," Met. Mat. Trans. A, 2 (1971), pp. 417-426.
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS
J.D. Verhoeven is currently a professor in the Materials Science and Engineering Department at Iowa State UniversityA.H. Pendray is currently president of the Knifemakers GuildW.E. Dauksch is retired as vice president and general manager of Nucor Steel Corporation.
For more information, contact J.D. Verhoeven, Iowa State UniversityMaterials Science and Engineering Department, 104 Wilhelm Hall, Ames, Iowa 50011; (515) 294-9471; fax (515) 294-4291; jver@iastate.edu. 


Direct questions about this or any other JOM page to jom@tms.org.

See: Srinivasan, Sharada; Ranganathan, Srinivasa (2004). "India's Legendary Wootz Steel: An Advanced Material of the Ancient World"Iron & Steel Heritage of India. Bangalore: National Institute of Advanced Studies: 69–82.

See: http://tinyurl.com/nsfgedh Pōlāda: archaeometallurgy of ancient Indian metalwork. Signified on Indus Script Corpora by hieroglyph: zebu, bos indicus

Archaeological investigations of ukku steel

"Some of the archaeological and analytical evidence for crucible steel production is discussed covering the investigations of Rao [K. N. P. Rao, Wootz-Indian Crucible Steel, Feature Article. No.1, Metal News11 , (1989), pp. 1-6.], Rao et al. [K. N. P Rao, J. K. Mukherjee, and A. K. Lahiri, Some observations on the structure of ancient steel from south India and its mode of production, Bulletin of Historical Metallurgy, 4, (1970), pp. 12-4.], Lowe [T. L. Lowe, Solidification and the crucible processing of Deccani ancient steel. In Trivedi, R., Sekhar, J. A. and Mazumdar, J. (Eds.), Principles of Solidification and Materials Processing, Oxford and IBH Publishing, New Delhi, Vol. 2, (1989),pp. 639-739; T. L. Lowe, Refractories in high-carbon iron processing: a preliminary study of Deccani wootz-making crucibles, In Kingery, W. D. (ed.), Ceramics and Civilization, The American Ceramic Society, Pittsburgh, 4(1990), pp. 237-50.], Srinivasan [S. Srinivasan, Wootz crucible steel: a newly discovered production site in South India, Papers from the Institute of Archaeology, University College London, London, 5 (1994), pp. 49-61.] and Srinivasan and Griffiths [S. Srinivasan and D. Griffiths, South Indian wootz: evidence for high-carbon steel from crucibles from a newly identified site and preliminary comparisons with related finds. Material Issues in Art and Archaeology-V, Materials Research Society Symposium Proceedings Series Vol. 462, Pittsburgh, (1997)]. These indicate that the crucible processes for steel production were spread over large parts of south India...The findings reported in Srinivasan, (opcit.) and Srinivasan and Griffiths [opcot/] are hence significant in that they prove beyond doubt that high-carbon steels were indeed made by crucible processes in south India. Studies by Srinivasan and Griffiths (opcit.) also indicated that temperatures of over 14000 C had indeed been reached inside the crucibles to melt the wrought iron and carburise it to get a molten high-carbon steel with the typical hypereutectoid structure on solidification...Conclusions. The above review indicates that the reputation of wootz steel as an exceptional and novel material is one that has endured from early history right into the present day, with the story of the endeavours to study it in recent history being nearly as intriguing as the story of its past. The archaeological findings indicate that crucible steel does have an ancient history in the Indian subcontinent where it took roots as suggested by literary references, while the analytical investigations indicate that a high-grade ultra-high carbon steel was indeed produced by crucible processes in south India. Recent investigations on the properties of the ultra-high carbon wootz steel such as superplasticity justify it being called an advanced material of the ancient world with not merely a past but also perhaps a future." (S. Srinivasan and S. RanganathanWOOTZ STEEL: AN ADVANCED MATERIAL OF THE ANCIENT WORLD, Bangalore, Indian Institute of Science)http://materials.iisc.ernet.in/~wootz/heritage/WOOTZ.htm

History of the world-class metallurgical technology of ukku steel

Sharada Srinivasan and S Ranganathan provide a succint account of the awe with which Europeans marveled at the technology of ukku steel and how attempts were made during 17th to 19th centuries to replicate this technological marvel called ukku, 'crucible steel'.

"Several European travellers including Francis Buchanan [F. Buchanan, A Journey from Madras Through the Countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, Vol. I, II, II, London (1807).] and Voysey [H. W. Voysey, Description of the native manufacture of steel in southern India. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal1 (1832), pp. 245-7.] from the 17th century onwards observed the manufacture of steel in south India by a crucible process at several locales including Mysore, Malabar and Golconda. By the late 1600s shipments running into tens of thousands of wootz ingots were traded from the Coromandel coast to Persia. This indicates that the production of wootz steel was almost on an industrial scale in what was still an activity predating the Industrial Revolution in Europe. Indeed the word wootz is a corruption of the word for steel ukku in many south Indian languages. Indian wootz ingots are believed to have been used to forge Oriental Damascus swords which were reputed to cut even gauze kerchiefs and were found to be of a very high carbon content of 1.5-2.0% and the best of these were believed to have been made from Indian steel in Persia and Damascus according to Smith [C. S. Smith, A History of Metallography, University Press, Chicago (1960).]. Some of the finest swords and artefacts of Damascus steel seen in museums today are from the Ottoman region i.e. Turkey...It may be mentioned however that the term Damascus steel can refer to two different types of artefacts, one of which is the true Damascus steel which is a high carbon alloy with a texture originating from the etched crystalline structure, and the other is a composite structure made by welding together iron and steel to give a visible pattern on the surface. Although both were referred to as Damascus steels, Smith [C. S. Smith, A Search for Structure, MIT Press, Cambridge (1981)] has clarified that the true Damascus steels were not replicated in Europe until 1821...The legends associated with the excellent properties of the wootz steel and the beautiful patterns on Damascus blades caught the imagination of European scientists in the 17th-19th centuries since the use of high-carbon iron alloys was not really known previously in Europe and hence played an important role in the development of modern metallurgy. British, French and Russian metallography developed largely due to the quest to document this structure. Similarly the textured Damascus steel was one of the earliest materials to be examined by the microstructure...Although iron and steel had been used for thousands of years the role of carbon in steel as the dominant element was found only in 1774 by the Swedish chemist Tobern Bergman, and was due to the efforts of Europeans to unravel the mysteries of wootz. Tobern Bergman was able to determine that the compositions of cast iron, steel and wrought iron varied due to the composition of 'plumbago' i.e. graphite or carbon. In the early 1800s, following the descriptions of crucible steel making in south India by the European travellers, there was a spurt in interest in Europe in investigating south Indian wootz steel, from which the fabled Damascus blades were known to be made, with the aim of reproducing it on an industrial scale. Mushet-s [D. Mushet, Experiments on wootz or Indian steel, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, London, Ser. A. 95 (1804), p. 175.] studies in 1804 were one of the first to correctly conclude that there was more carbon in wootz than in steel from England, although this idea did not gain currency until later. Michael Faraday [M. Faraday, An analysis of wootz or Indian steel, Quarterly Journal of Science, Literature, and the Arts(1819), pp. 319-30.], the inventor of electricity and one of the greatest of the early experimenters and material scientists, as pointed out by Peter Day [Peter Day, Michael Faraday as materials scientist, History of Materials, Materials World, 1995], was also fascinated by wootz steel and enthusiastically studied it. Along with the cutler Stodart, Faraday attempted to study how to make Damascus steel and they incorrectly concluded that aluminium oxide and silica additions contributed to the properties of the steel and their studies were published in 1820 [J. Stodart and M. Faraday, On the Alloys of Steel, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, Ser. A, 112 (1822), pp. 253-70.]. They also attempted to make steel by alloying nickel and noble metals like platinum and silver and indeed Faraday's studies did show that that the addition of noble metals hardens steel. Stodart [J. Stodart, A brief account of wootz, Asiatic Journal5 (1818)] reported that wootz steel had a very fine cutting edge. Following this the interest in Damascus steel moved to France. Wadsworth and Sherby [J. Wadsworth, and O. D. Sherby, On the Bulat-Damascus steels revisited, Progress in Materials Science25 (1980), pp. 35-67.] have pointed out that Faraday's research made a big impact in France where steel research on weapons thrived in the Napoleonic period. The struggle to characterize the nature of wootz steel is well reflected in the efforts of Breant [J. Stodart, A brief account of wootz, Asiatic Journal5 (1818)] in the 1820's from the Paris mint who conducted an astonishing number of about 300 experiments adding a range of elements ranging from platinum, gold. silver, copper, tin, zinc, lead, bismuth, manganese, arsenic, boron and even uranium, before he finally also came to the conclusion that the properties of Damascus steel were due to 'carburetted' steel. Smith  has indicated that the analysis of ingots of wootz steel made in the 180's showed them to have over 1.3% carbon. The Russian Anasoff [P. Anassoff, On the Bulat, reprinted in Annuire du Journal des Mines de Russie, (1843), pp. 192-236.] also studied the process of manufacturing wootz steel and succeeded in making blades of Damascus steel by the early 1800's.In the early 1900's wootz steel continued to be studied as a special material and its properties were better understood...Belaiew [N. T. Belaiew, Damascene steel, Journal of the Iron and Steel Institute97 (1918), pp. 417-37.] reported that blades of such steel to cut a gauze handkerchief in midair. In 1912, Robert Hadfield [R. Hadfield, Sinhalese iron and steel of ancient origin, Journal of the Iron and Steel Institute85 (1912).] who studied crucible steel from Sri Lanka recorded that Indian wootz steel was far superior to that previously produced in Europe. Indeed in the 18th-19th century special steels were produced in Europe as crucible steels, as discussed by Barraclough [K Barraclough, Crucible steel: The growth of technology, The Metals Society, London (1984)]....Such (crucible) steels Such steels had to be forged, however, in a narrow range of 850-6500 C and not at the white heat of 12000 C to get the desired fine grain structure and plasticity. In fact as pointed out in an appraisal of Indian crucible steel making by Rao [K. N. P. Rao. Unpublished monograph. Wootz-Indian crucible steel. An appraisal. Scientific Investigation of Ancient Metal Working of Copper and Iron in Karnataka, Indian Institute of World Culture, Bangalore.], and in a review of ancient iron and steel in India by Biswas [A. K. Biswas, Iron and steel in pre-modern India- a critical review, Indian Journal of History of Science29 (1994), pp. 579-610.], the early European blacksmiths failed to duplicate Damascus blades because they were in the practice of forging only low carbon steels at white heat, which have a higher melting point. Biswas (ibid.) mentions that the forging of wootz at high heat would have led to the dissolution of the cementite phase in austenite so that the steels were found to be brittle enough to crumble under the hammer. While it is not yet known how fully the superplastic or superformable properties of this steel were exploited by the ancient blacksmiths of West Asia and India, accounts indicate that they were certainly able to manipulate the alloy with a skill that could not be easily replicated by the European experimenters of the 19th century. Indeed the swords of Damascus steel were reported to have high strength and ductility. Nevertheless, whereas the links between the patterns on the traditional Damascus blades and the crystalline structure of ultra-high carbon steels have been better established, the mechanical properties of the traditional Damascus blades and the degree of exploitation of the unique properties of the steel are less well understood...the experimental simulations by Verhoeven et al. [J. D. Verhoeven, A. H. Pendray, and E. D. Gibson, Wootz Damascus Steel Blades, Materials Characterization 37 (1996), pp. 9-22.] served to monitor in detail the thermal cycles and cooling curves and composition so as to be able to arrive at a final product which matched that of Damascus blades and to understand the mechanism of formation of the pattern of aligned bands on the blades, which is reported by them to be produced by a carbide banding mechanism which was found to be assisted by the addition of P, S along with V, Cr, and Ti. " (S. Srinivasan and S. RanganathanWOOTZ STEEL: AN ADVANCED MATERIAL OF THE ANCIENT WORLD, Bangalore, Indian Institute of Science)http://materials.iisc.ernet.in/~wootz/heritage/WOOTZ.htm

Wootz Steel as the Acme of Mankind’s Metallurgical Heritage 

“Wootz was the first high-quality steel made anywhere in the world. According to reports of travelers to the East, the Damascus swords were made by forging small cakes of steel that were manufactured in Southern India. This steel was called wootz steel. It was more than a thousand years before steel as good was made in the West.” -J. D. Verhoeven and A. Pendray, Muse, 1998

India's legendary wootz steel http://met.iisc.ernet.in/~rangu/text.pdf

:"The Mystery of the Damascus Sword " by John Verhoeven and. Alfred Pendray appeared in Muse, Volume 2, Number 2, pp. 35-43, April 1998 
https://tinyurl.com/hewlxyo

(This remarkable document is embedded for ready reference). https://www.scribd.com/document/380383198/Mystery-of-the-Damascus-Sword-J-Verhoeven-a-Pendray-1998

The metal was called crucible steel. This new metal was stronger than any other metal that was being used in the time period. Crucible steel lasted from 300 BCE to 1900 CE.

Indian Crucible Steel
    India invented crucible steel around 300 B.C. and had a big effect on the way that India advanced to where it is now. During the time period that crucible steel was being used it was the best steel in the world. This gave India the ability to make much stronger weapons than any other country.

Process of Making Crucible Steel
    There were three processes in which to make crucible steel in ancient times. The three ways were carburization of wrought iron, decarburization of wrought iron, and mixing of wrought and cast iron.

Crucible Steel Superiority
    Crucible steel was the best and highest quality steel back then until modern day steel was made. The key factors that crucible steel had that other steels didn’t have were, the steel had a high impact hardness, ultra-high carbon steel exhibiting properties, it was placed in clay bowls then put into a pit then fuel was lit and used to air blast the steel, and the swords made from crucible steel could bend at a 90 degree angle.



Products
    The products that were made from crucible steel that influenced military strength were swords, daggers, and armour. The swords that were made were called crucible steel swords. Crucible steel blades helped in the battles that India fought.

"Secrets behind Historic Indian Sword Revealed."
Help in combat

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The phalanx attacking the centre in the battle of the Hydaspes by Andre Castaigne (1898-1899).jpg
The armour that was worn by the soldiers was important when they were fighting in the front line against the enemy soldiers. Daggers were used as a secondary weapon in combat. The swords could cut through a helmet clean and come back out undamaged.













"Battle of the Hydaspes." 

Importance
    Crucible steel was a very important invention in India and South Asia because many surrounding countries wanted to have the type of steel that India had. Since there was a great demand for crucible steel, India started to trade with neighboring countries along the silk road.

Russian archaeologists find oldest crucible steel weapon in East Europe

April 21, 2015, Russian Academy of Sciences







Crucible steel sabre


Sometimes old friends give you a surprise. Russian archaeologists were conducting a routine examination of an old sabre unearthed seven years ago in Yaroslavl, when it turned out to be oldest crucible steel weapon in East Europe.
"It was a highly unexpected and exciting find," said Dr. Asya Engovatova from the RAS Institute of Archaeology, who lead the research. "We were analysing a fragment of a sabre that had already been in the Yaroslavl State Museum over seven years – and discovered it was a unique artifact."
The sabre was unearthed by Engovatova and her colleagues in 2007 at an excavation site in the historic centre of the city of Yaroslavl, alongside the Dormition Cathedral. The site is a mass grave of city defenders and civilians slaughtered by Batu Khan's invaders on a single day 1238.
"The site contains comprehensive evidence of the atrocity committed that day. We found numerous skeletons of murdered women and children, many household objects like dishes, jewelery, many weapons items - and this sabre," Engovatova said.
The metallographic methods used in the analysis revealed that the sword was made from crucible steel. The technology used to produce steel of this kind was first perfected in India, in the 1 A.D. Artifacts crafted from such steel later begin to turn up in Central Asia. European sword makers appear to have known nothing of this technology. The techniques for making crucible steel were later lost and European steel makers reinvented it only at the end of the 18th century.
In the Middle Ages and thereafter, crucible steel was very expensive. It produces bladed weapons more exactly than any other material, conferring a combination of great strength and the ability to maintain sharpness throughout the length of the blade.
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Russian archaeologists find oldest crucible steel weapon in East Europe
X-ray microtomography image
Scientists suggest that the "Yaroslavl Sabre" could have belonged to a very wealthy warrior from Batu Khan's army.
Alan Williams, a well-known British expert on the ancient technologies of bladed weapons, said that Central Asian crucible steel was used only for blades of German swords branded ULFBERHT, dating from the eighth and ninth centuries, and never for forging all-steel blades.
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Russian archaeologists find oldest crucible steel weapon in East Europe
Microphotography image of microcracks in metal
The intense interest surrounds not only the production methods for the blade, but how it came to be buried. The sabre was broken, its handle lost, and its blade bent. Analysis shows micro-cracks present in the blade, usually an indication that an object has been burned. Most likely, the weapon was subjected to bending as ritual damage, for which the blade had to have been heated to a high temperature.
Currently, the sabre has been restored and returned to the Yaroslavl Museum, together with the entire collection of archaeological treasures found at the excavations.
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Russian archaeologists find oldest crucible steel weapon in East Europe
X-ray microtomography image, trace of welding
Provided by: Russian Academy of Sciences

Historic Indian sword was masterfully crafted

February 10, 2015, Springer
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Historic Indian sword was masterfully crafted






A 75-centimeter-long shamsheer from the late 18th or early 19th century made in India (Wallace Collection, London). Credit: Dr. Alan Williams/Wallace Collection


The master craftsmanship behind Indian swords was highlighted when scientists and conservationists from Italy and the UK joined forces to study a curved single-edged sword called a shamsheer. The study, led by Eliza Barzagli of the Institute for Complex Systems and the University of Florence in Italy, is published in Springer's journal Applied Physics A - Materials Science & Processing.
The 75-centimeter-long sword from the Wallace Collection in London was made in India in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century. The design is of Persian origin, from where it spread across Asia and eventually gave rise to a family of similar weapons called scimitars being forged in various Southeast Asian countries.
Two different approaches were used to examine the shamsheer: the classical one (metallography) and a non-destructive technique (). This allowed the researchers to test the differences and complementarities of the two techniques.
The sword in question first underwent metallographic tests at the laboratories of the Wallace Collection to ascertain its composition. Samples to be viewed under the microscope were collected from already damaged sections of the weapon. The sword was then sent to the ISIS pulsed spallation neutron source at the Rutherford Appleton Laboratory in the UK. Two non-invasive neutron diffraction techniques not damaging to artefacts were used to further shed light on the processes and materials behind its forging.
"Ancient objects are scarce, and the most interesting ones are usually in an excellent state of conservation. Because it is unthinkable to apply techniques with a destructive approach, neutron diffraction techniques provide an ideal solution to characterize archaeological specimens made from metal when we cannot or do not want to sample the object," said Barzagli, explaining why different methods were used.
It was established that the steel used is quite pure. Its high carbon content of at least one percent shows it is made of wootz steel. This type of crucible steel was historically used in India and Central Asia to make high-quality swords and other prestige objects. Its band-like pattern is caused when a mixture of iron and carbon crystalizes into cementite. This forms when craftsmen allow cast pieces of metal (called ingots) to cool down very slowly, before being forged carefully at low temperatures. Barzagli's team reckons that the craftsman of this particular sword allowed the blade to cool in the air, rather than plunging it into a liquid of some sort. Results explaining the item's composition also lead the researchers to presume that the particular sword was probably used in battle.
Craftsmen often enhanced the characteristic "watered silk" pattern of wootz steel by doing micro-etching on the surface. Barzagli explains that through overcleaning some of these original 'watered' surfaces have since been obscured, or removed entirely. "A non-destructive method able to identify which of the shiny surface blades are actually of wootz steel is very welcome from a conservative point of view," she added.
More information: Barzagli E. et al (2015). Characterization of an Indian sword: classic and noninvasive methods of investigation in comparison, Applied Physics A - Materials Science & ProcessingDOI: 10.1007/s00339-014-8968-0
https://phys.org/news/2015-02-historic-indian-sword-masterfully-crafted.html

Scientists determine Viking trade routes by the metal in their swords

January 5, 2009






The sword from the Wurttemberg Landesmuseum, Stuttgart has the inscription of its maker's name spelt +VLFBERH+T (this was made of a high-carbon steel and would have been a very hard sword). Credit: Alan Williams


Scientists at the National Physical Laboratory (NPL) in Teddington have worked with the Wallace Collection to analyse the contents of Viking swords - and the results shed new light on trade routes in the middle ages.
Curators at the collection were researching the steel structure of ancient swords to find out more about where they had come from. To achieve this, they needed to analyse examples of ancient weapons to determine their carbon contents - those with very high carbon were likely made with crucible steel, which was only available in India and Central Asia.
Standard metallographic techniques that compare samples with published atlases of alloy microstructures were unable to determine the carbon contents of Viking-age swords. Instead the Wallace Collection relied on the experts at NPL to come up with another way of assessing the samples.
NPL used a highly calibrated Scanning Electron Microscope to determine the carbon contents of the steel samples provided. It analysed very small specimens (1mm in diameter) from Viking-age swords obtained from various museums in Norway and Finland.
The results showed that the swords were made of imperfectly melted steel - consisting of a mixture of iron and carbonaceous materials heated together to give high-carbon steel. NPL's results match descriptions of ancient sword making in Herat (now in Afghanistan) described by ninth century Arab philosopher and writer Al-Kindi. This links to a known Viking trade route down the Volga and across the Caspian Sea to Iran but until now it was not known that Vikings had brought crucible steel back to Scandinavia and integrated ancient Arab steelmaking methods with their own swordsmithing.
The National Physical Laboratory's Tony Fry said:
"Our role at NPL was to use our measurement expertise to analyse tiny fragments of Viking swords and determine the source of the steel used by the Vikings to make them. Standard methods using atlases of microstructures to compare optical images with an image in a book, is a difficult method to use, it is subjective and prone to generalisations. By mixing scientific expertise with a top of the range Electron Microscope we were able to provide a quantifiable value, rather than the standard qualitative approach of using an atlas, and enlighten our understanding of trade in the middle ages."
Dr Alan Williams, Consultant Archaeometallurgist at the Wallace Collection, said:
"Sword making in Viking times was important work, to the point that the best smiths had their work imitated and copied. On their travels, the Vikings were keen to pick up any innovative new means of improving their sword-making, but until now we haven't known where they have sourced some of their materials. The results from NPL confirm for the first time that the material analysed was brought by the Vikings from the Middle East to the Baltic area - and thrown new light on an important trade route that was in use until the 11th Century."
Source: National Physical Laboratory







See: Feuerbach A., Merkel, J. F., and Griffiths D. R. (1997), Co-Fusion production of Crucible Steel, Material Issues in Art and Archaeology, 5: 105-110. Washington: Materials Research Society

Kumārajīva and the Middle Way in China -- Subhash Kak

Kumārajīva (Sanskritकुमारजीवsimplified Chinese鸠摩罗什traditional Chinese鳩摩羅什pinyinJiūmóluóshíWade–GilesChiu1 mo2 lo2 shih2, 344–413 CE) was a Buddhist monk, scholar, and translator from the Kingdom of Kucha

Kumārajīva and the Middle Way in China

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Kumārajīva in front of Kizil Caves, Xinjiang (Wikipedia)

Most people are surprised when told that Indian Gāndhārī and Khotan Saka were the main languages of Tarim Basin, Xinjiang, from the earliest recorded times to about 1000 CE, where I take India to imply the larger geographical region that includes Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The role of the Vedic tradition in the culture of Central Asia becomes clear from the many representations of Śiva, Maheśvara, Umā, Kṛṣṇa, Gaṇeśa, and other deities that have been found in the ruins of temples and monasteries. Vedic hermeneutics also played a fundamental role in the development of the Madhyamaka sect in Central Asia and China.
In India of two thousand years ago, there were powerful intellectual currents not unlike what is happening in the world now. The Buddha’s doctrine of anatta (anātmā), “no-self,” or the teaching that the sense of a permanent, autonomous self is an illusion, led to questions such as: What is it that gives an individual a sense of continuity? Is there free will? In a similar vein, modern science, which is based on reductionism and materialism, cannot explain free will, which is driving increasing scientific interest in the phenomenon of consciousness.
The theory of anatta arose within the context of the Vedic tradition, which does not suffer from the problem of free will for it postulates ātman, or self or consciousness, as the ground-stuff of reality, further speaking of two kinds of knowledge, higher relating to the experiencing self, and lower relating to objects of observation. The Vedic tradition enjoins the use of different lenses (darśanas) that provide complementary cognitions to further understanding of reality. Of course, it leads to different kinds of questions and paradoxes, such as how does the individual forget his or her true nature. But the Vedic tradition requires postulation of a category that goes beyond ordinary rationality, which is what the Buddha was trying to avoid.
A school called Sarvāstivāda arose to provide a logical basis to Buddha’s idea of anatta. The name of the school is from Sanskrit sarvam asti, that is “everything exists/all is.” It assumed that dharmas, universal entities that combine momentarily to form a person’s life flux, were eternal. In spite of its limitations, this view became the most favored in the famous council in Kashmir during the reign of the Kushan Emperor Kaniṣka (2nd century CE) and remained highly influential for centuries not only in India but also in Central Asia.
The doctrine of Sarvāstivāda had to compete with Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka, the Middle Way, according to which reality at the deepest level is śūnyatā, or emptiness. Since the self is predicated on emptiness, phenomena take existence only as they relate to other phenomena and it is incorrect to say if something exists or does not exist. The middle way stands between affirmation and negation.
Mahāyāna also came up with the idea of Buddha Nature, which is taken to be the fundamental nature of all beings. To its critics, Mahāyāna brought in “ātman” through the back door, but it did so only in a half-hearted way for it does not admit the possibility of self by itself.
We know that Mahāyāna eventually triumphed in China. Perhaps, the individual most behind this triumph was Kumārajīva, who is known primarily as a translator of fundamental religious texts from Sanskrit to Chinese. Much of the material on his life comes from the Lives of Eminent Monks, Gaoseng Zhuan, which was compiled in 530.
Kumārajīva
Kumārajīva’s father, Kumārāyana, who was from a prominent Kashmiri family, renounced his home to become a monk to seek fortune in far lands. His path took him to Kucha, on the northern rim of the Tarim Basin of Xinjiang, where the king, knowing of his name, persuaded him to stop his journey and appointed him the state preceptor.
While in Kucha, Kumārāyana fell in love with the King’s sister, princess Jīva, who was a scholar in her own right. They married and in due course (344) they had a son, whom they named Kumārajīva. The boy showed signs of exceptional promise, and he had much interest in subtle argumentation.
But Jīva’s marriage didn’t go as well as she had hoped and she became a nun and joined a monastery together with her seven-year-old son. Two years later they traveled to Kashmir to study under the famed Buddhist teacher, Bandhudatta. In addition to the texts of the Sarvāstivāda School, the boy also learnt the Vedas, the darśanas, Ayurveda, astronomy and other sciences.
After three years of study, they began their return journey, but as they passed through Kashgar (Kāśagiri, the Mountain of Light, also known as Kashi), the local king, who had heard of the precocious boy, asked the mother and son to stay on for some time. While in Kashgar, Kumārajīva’s Sarvāstivāda position was challenged by a teacher named Sūryasoma, a prince of Yarkand, who was instructing him in Mahāyāna texts. Kumārajīva, having studied the Veda, and aware of the basic problem of the self in his earlier position, accepted the Mahāyāna position and was to become its most articulate votary. In the Mahāyāna view, all dharmas are themselves unreal; ontologically, dharmas are like empty space and assume distinct existence only in their ephemeral combinations.
Kumārajīva was so impressed by his new understanding that he invited Bandhudatta, his first teacher in India, to come to Kashgar and soon converted him to his new position. He became so adept in debates on Madhyamaka, that scholars and monks came from all over to learn from him.
Knowing that her son had established himself as a teacher and convinced that he was going to do great things, Jīva decided it was best for her to return to Kashmir to continue her own studies; mother and son never saw each other again.
General’s Prisoner
Buddhism had already made much headway in China, but given its many competing sects, its exact trajectory wasn’t clear. The sutra texts were not well understood because of literal translations, and so in 379, the Qin Emperor Fu Jiān brought the scholar Dao’an to his capital at Chang’an to establish a center for the translation of the texts. Dao’an, aware of Kumārajīva’s reputation as a scholar, urged Fu Jiān to invite him to join the effort.
The emperor, in 383, sent his general Lu Guang with an army of 100,000 infantry soldiers and 5,000 cavalry to march on the western states to extend his domain and also to get Kumārajīva. Kucha resisted, was put under siege and eventually submitted in 384. Meanwhile, in 385, Dao’an died and Fu Jiān was decisively defeated and killed by the numerically inferior army of Eastern Jin.
When Lu Guang heard of the defeat of his emperor, he halted his return, declared himself independent, and set up a state now known as Later Liang at Guzang. He held Kumārajīva under virtual house arrest for sixteen years until he died in 400. Eventually Yao Xing, second ruler of the new dynasty at Chang’an, sent in his army and conquered Guzang. Kumarajiva was rescued unharmed, and in 402 he was welcomed into Chang’an.
Translation Center in Chang’an
When Kumārajīva arrived in Chang’an, Emperor Yao Xing bestowed upon him the title Teacher of the Nation. Now began the most productive phase of his life, which resulted in works that have profoundly influenced Chinese Buddhist tradition to the present day. In a short period that was to last barely a decade, he translated almost fifty works including the Prajñāpāramitā प्रज्ञापारमिता literature, the Vimalakīrti Sūtra विमलकीर्ति सूत्र , the Lotus Sūtra, and the Śūraṅgama Sūtra शूरङ्गम सूत्र, that add up to nearly three hundred volumes. Chang’an had at this time many international scholars who enlivened its intellectual atmosphere, and these included people such as Buddhabhadra, Buddhayaśas, Dharmayaśas, and Dharmagupta.
Kumārajīva’s main contribution to the translation enterprise was to abandon the old style of literal translation that had proven ineffective in previous centuries. He chose to be guided by the intuition of an independent ontological position for consciousness, which made him give greater importance to the communication of deeper meaning.
He and his colleagues produced texts which were readable and inspiring, and after a millennium and a half his translations are still read and admired.
Kumārajīva’s most famous and enduring work is the rendition of the Lotus Sūtra, known in Sanskrit as सद्धर्मपुण्डरीक सूत्र, the Saddharma Puṇḍarīka Sūtra, “Sūtra on the White Lotus of the Sublime Dharma.” In part due to the excellent quality of the translation, devout Buddhists in East Asia believe that the Lotus Sūtra contains the final teaching of the Buddha, and that it is complete and sufficient for salvation.
Many scholars believe that Kumārajīva’s extraordinary skills as a translator and his passion for the Middle Way helped define the direction that China’s culture took in the succeeding centuries. It is possible that if he had remained a believer in the Sarvāstivāda doctrine, the nature of Chinese religion would have turned out to be different even if he had translated the same texts.

Arnaud Fournet refutes the FSW Theory of Farmer, Sproat, & Witzel and posits that Indus Script encodes syllables of language(s). Squirrel is Indus Script hypertext.

https://tinyurl.com/yb8btzbj

Refutations of the FSW Theory (i.e. Theory of Farmer, Sproad & Witzel on Indus Script) that Indus Script does NOT encode language are based on a variety of arguments. This note focusses on one critique and refutation of the FSW Theory by Arnaud Fournet (2012) who uses statistical signatures of many writing systems to indicate that the large number of 'signs' of the Indus Script may point to the writing system being syllabic (and hence, encoding language). 

I have gone through all the bibliographical references related to this issue central to an understanding of the nature and functions of Indus Script.

I submit that pictograms or pictorial motifs (Field Symbols) of Indus Script should be read rebus together with the text messages composed of strings of 'signs'. These pictograms or pictorial motifs are likely to be language expressions and not mere signifiers of 'syllables'.

I have presented rebus readings for over 8000 Indus Script Inscriptions.
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I find a major omission in all these critiques and refutations of the FSW Theory. The omission is to ignore the existence of large number of pictograms. By various counts, the number of pictograms of the script may range as high as 500 including pictographic 'signs' --over 400 and 'pictorial motifs' -- over 120 (also called Field Symbols by Iravatham Mahaevan). The clearly identifiable pictographic signs are, for example: rim of jar, fish, fish + fins, bird.

Let us consider, for example, the following 15 'signs' of Indus Script:

While there could be orthographic variants for these 'signs', the orthography certainly indicates that the scribes seek to represent some familiar objects which should have 'words' related to the pictograms in the language(s) of the scribe(s). In this sample of 15 signs, the last sign, 'palm squirrel' is vivid and has not been effectively identified in the Indus Script Corpora by specific 'sign(s)'. Sign 48 has been interpreted to signify 'backbone or spine'. Sign 342 has been interpreted to signify 'rim of jar'; Sign 15 is a combination of Sign 342 and Sign 12 which signifies 'water-carrier'. Thus, Sign 342 is seen as a combination of the words for 'rim of jar' PLUS 'water-carrier' to yeild an 'expression', not merely a combination of syllables. Signs 67 and 69 seem to be expansions of the word conveyed in Sign 59 (fish) by highlighting the 'fins' of fish'. Thus, why can't Signs 67 and 69 be seen as expressions including the words for fish PLUS fins? Signs 341 and 85 seek to convey pictographs of 'hoof' and 'thigh' of bovines; if so, why can't the signs be read as words? Sign 176 is a pictograph which evokes the shape of a currycomb which can be read in one or more languages of ancient India as khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'; also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book (Marathi) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) Rebus: daybook: करडा   karaḍā m The arrangement of bars or embossed lines (plain or fretted with little knobs) raised upon a तार of gold by pressing and driving it upon the अवटी or grooved stamp. Such तार is used for the ornament बुगडी, for the hilt of a पट्टा or other sword &38;c. Applied also to any similar barform or line-form arrangement (pectination) whether embossed or indented; as the edging of a rupee   khār  खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) Sign 326 signifies loa'ficus glomerata' and Sign 232 is seen as a a combination of words 'hill range' PLUS 'ficus glomerata', yielding a composite expression in the language(s) of the scribe(s). Sign 232 may be read: ḍāngā = hill, dry upland (B.); ḍã̄g mountain-ridge (H.)(CDIAL 5476). Rebus 1: damgar, tamkāru'merchant' (Akkadian) PLUS loa'ficus glomerata' rebus: loh'copper, metal'. Thus, together, the expression is: loa ḍāngā or loh  damgar 'metals merchant'.


If there is one single principle which explains the underlying code of the Indus Script writing system, it is rebus (homonyms or similar sounding words) and as Asko Parpola notes certainly comparable to the rebus readings of Nar-mer palette of Egyptian hieroglyphs: Nar, 'cuttle fish' PLUS Mer 'awl'.


I am sure Arnaud Fournet will concede the possibility that 'signs' such as these may be pictograms read to signify specific 'words' of the scribes' language(s) -- and not merely syllables or morphemes.

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Image result for dwaraka seal composite animal indus script
The seal does NOT have any 'signs' but only a composite animal pictogram with three animal heads joined together to a bovine body. Any decipherment should also read such messages [using the sounds of language(s) of the scribe] as shown on this seal, because the seal without any 'signs' does convey some information about some product(s) traded. Any analysis of 'statistical signatures' should also cover such 'pictograms or pictorial motifs' and should not be restricted only to 'signs' treating the 'signs' alone as texts messages and ignoring the sounds conveyed by the pictograms or pictorial motifs.


There are also tablets with Indus Script inscriptions which are clearly narratives, for e.g. of a tiger looking back and up at a person seated like a spy on a tree-branch. Such narratives also convey messages of the Indus Script writing system.
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Image result for tiger looks up indus script bharatkalyan97

h1973B h1974B Harappa Two tablets. One side shows a person seated on a tree branch, a tiger looking up, a crocodile on the top register and other animals in procession in the bottom register. Obverse side (comparable to h1970, h1971 and h1972) shows an elephant, a person strangling two tigers (jackals or foxes) and a six-spoked wheel.
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Molded terracotta tablet (H2001-5075/2922-01) with a narrative scene of a man in a tree with a tiger looking back over its shoulder. The tablet, found in the Trench 54 area on the west side of Mound E, is broken, but was made with the same mold as ones found on the eastern side of Mound E and also in other parts of the site (see slide 89 for the right hand portion of the same scene). The reverse of the same molded terra cotta tablet shows a deity grappling with two tigers and standing above an elephant (see slide 90 for a clearer example from the same mold). 
https://www.harappa.com/indus3/185.htmlheraka 'spy' rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper' kuTi 'tree' rebus:kuThi 'smelter' karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' barad 'bull' rebus: baraDo 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'. Another animal (perhaps bovine) is signified in a procession together with the tiger. This may signify barad, balad 'ox' rebus: bharat 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'. Thus the products shown as from smithy (blacksmith).with a smelter. karibha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron'; arā 'spoke' rebus: āra'brass' heraka 'spy', eraka'knave of wheel' rebus:eraka'moltencast copper' arka 'gold'; kui'tree' rebus: kuhi'smelter'.

Arnaud Fournet's and all the other critique and refutations of the FSW Theory have excluded the possibility that the pictograms and pictorial motifs (FIeld Symbols) are an integral of the speech encoding inherent in the structure of the Indus Script writing system. This exclusion renders the critiques and refutations seriously flawed, because these pictograms are not taken into consideration in determining 'statisticl signatures' of the writing system. When a recipient of a seal or seal impression receives the message, he or she clearly sees the message of not merely the 'signs' but also the 'pictograms or pictorial motifs' which in most cases occupy the dominant space of any inscription. 

Arnaud Fournet, 2012, Determining Statistical Signatures for Undeciphered Scripts and Corpora: the case of the Indus Valley Signs, in: The Macro Comparative Journal. 2012. Vol. 3.2.
http://diachronica.pagesperso-orange.fr/TMCJ_vol_3.2_Fournet_Indus_Signs.pdf

https://tinyurl.com/yblwpzyv

https://www.academia.edu/2250685/The_Macro_Comparative_Journal._2012._Determining_Statistical_Signatures_for_Undeciphered_Scripts_and_Corpora_the_case_of_the_Indus_Valley_Signs._Vol._3.2

The article of Arnaud Fournet also cites other critiques of Andrew Lawler, Asko Parpola, and Massimo Vidale of the FSW Theory:

The FSW Theory is at: Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat, and Michael Witzel, 2004, The collapse of the Indus-script thesis: The myth of a literate Harappan civilization.inEJVS 11-2 (13 Dec. 2004): 19-57. Mirror: https://www.academia.edu/18428654/The_Collapse_of_the_Indus-Script_Thesis_The_Myth_of_a_Literate_Harappan_Civilization

Lawler, Andrew, 2004 The Indus script: Write or wrong? Science, 306:2026–2029, December 17.
Parpola, Asko, 2007 Is the Indus Script indeed not a Writing system? http://compling.ai.uiuc.edu/2007Workshop/Slides/parpola.ppt 

Rao, Rajesh 2010 Probabilistic analysis of an ancient undeciphered script. IEEE Computer, pp. 76– 80, April. 

Rao, Rajesh, Nisha Yadav, Mayank Vahia, Hrishikesh Joglekar, R. Adhikari, and Iravatham Mahadevan. 2009 Entropic evidence for linguistic structure in the Indus script. Science, 324 (5931):1165. 

Sproat, Richard, 2010 Ancient symbols, computational linguistics, and the reviewing practices of the general science journals. Computational Linguistics, 36(3). 

Vidale, Massimo, 2009 The Collapse Melts Down. East and West, Volume 57, pp. 333-366. 
Yadav, Nisha, MN Vahia, Iravatham Mahadevan, and H Joglekar, 2007 A Statistical Approach for Pattern Search in Indus Writing. http://www.harappa.com/script/tata-writing/indus-script-paper.pdf    


Excerpts from Vidale (2009): 

“My purpose is to reply to ‘The collapse of the Indus script thesis: the myth of a literate Harappan civilization’, by Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat & Michael Witzel, in Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies (EJVS), 11, 2, 2004, pp. 19-57. I actually think that the Indus script was probably a protohistoric script, somehow conveying the sounds and words of one or more still unidentified languages. Although proofs are obviously lacking (the only demonstration would be a successful translation), this is the most reasonable assumption: and I must confess that I have lived so far rather content with such uncertainty…In order to decipher a lost writing system, you have to guess the language, guess the content, and you need relevant contexts on which independently and reasonably test your ideas…Farmer, Sproat & Witzel loudly stated that they have solved the mystery, that the Indus script is not writing, and that they can read or interpret part of the signs, I disagree with their arguments and, perhaps more, with the tone and language adopted by the authors…The authors would like to throw the ball to their opponents, asking them to refute their views by providing a sound decipherment in linguistic terms. But they have raised the problem, proposing a different interpretation and the first readings, and they have to provide a demonstration of their thesis by interpreting and explaining to us the symbolic sequences following the equivalent of their condition 4 (as stated at p. 48)…(but for the moment even Farmer & others will admit that their deities on vessels and seals and the solar cult advertised at Dholavira did not cost them such an impressive outburst of imagination).”



Excerpts from this article of Parpola (2008):
                                                                                       
"Is the Indus script a writing system or not? I represent the traditional view that it is, and more accurately, a logo-syllabic writing system of the Sumerian type. This paper is an enlarged version of the criticism that I presented two years earlier in Tokyo, where it was published soon afterwards (Parpola 2005). What I am criticizing is "The collapse of the Indus script thesis: The myth of a literate Harappan Civilization" by Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat and Michael Witzel (2004), where the authors categorically deny that the Indus script is a speech-encoding writing system. Farmer and his colleagues present ten main points or theses, which according to them prove that the Indus script is not writing: 1. Statistics of Indus sign frequencies & repetitions 2. ―Texts‖ too short to encode messages 3. Too many rare signs, especially ―singletons‖ 4. No sign repetition within any one text 5. ―Lost‖ longer texts (manuscripts) never existed 6. No cursive variant of the script developed, hence no scribes 7. No writing equipment has been found 8. ―Script‖ signs are non-linguistic symbols 9. Writing was known, but it was consciously not adopted 10. This new thesis helps to understand the Indus Civilization better than the writing hypothesis...The Egyptian script around 3100-3000 BC was used in a number of very short inscriptions, often consisting of just two signs, which recorded proper names but with a very high percentage of the signs used as rebuses (see e.g. Schott 1951). The famous palette of King Narmer with an inscription already quoted above is a good example. This is definitely already a writing system, even if the texts are on average shorter than the Indus texts! Here two rebus signs express the proper name of King Narmer, whose feats are related in a non-linguistic way in the pictures taking up the rest of the palette, yet with many formalized conventions. This is fully parallel to the use of rebus symbols to express proper names in the non-linguistic communication system of heraldry or coats of arms. The new thesis helps to understand the Indus Civilization better than the writing hypothesis As to the very last point raised, and claim made, by Farmer and his colleagues in their 2004 paper, I honestly cannot understand how the hypothesis that the Indus signs are non-linguistic symbols helps us to understand the Indus Civilization much better than the hypothesis that the Indus script is a logo-syllabic writing system. In a logo-syllabic script the signs may denote what they depict, or they may be used as rebuses. Before we can even start pondering their use as rebuses, we must clear up their iconic meaning. This necessary first step is identical with the efforts of Farmer and others to understand the Indus symbols as pictograms. As an example of my own efforts to understand the pictorial shapes of the Indus signs, I would like to mention my interpretation of one particular sign as depicting the palm squirrel (Parpola, Asko 1994. Deciphering the Indus script. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 103 with fig. 7.1): the sign clearly represents an animal head downwards, tail raised up and four legs attached to a vertical stroke representing tree trunk. The palm squirrel spends long times in this pose, wherefore it is called in Sanskrit ‗tree-sleeper‘. In seal texts, the sign is more likely to have been used as a rebus rather than in its iconic meaning (for my interpretation see Parpola 1994: 229-230). Could the non-linguistic approach of Farmer and his colleagues offer a better explanation for the meaning of this sign?"
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The palm squirrel pictogram referred to by Asko Parpola (1994, 2008) are comparable to the sign on the last line of the Mohenjo-Daro tablet cited by Iravatham Mahadevan's crique appeared on May 3, 2009 in The Hindu in an article titled The Indus ‘non-script’ is a non-issue at https://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-features/tp-sundaymagazine/The-Indus-lsquonon-scriptrsquo-is-a-non-issue/article15941367.ece This article is reproduced below for ready reference.

This article of Mahadevan also cites Asko Parpola, 2008, Is the Indus Script not a writing system? in Airāvati (August 2008), felicitation volume in honour of Iravatham Mahadevan, Chennai, varalaaru.com Publisher. https://www.harappa.com/sites/default/files/pdf/indus-writing.pdf  This 2008 article of Parpola is an expansion of his earlier critique: Parpola, Asko, 2005. Study of the Indus script. Transactions of the International Conference of Eastern Studies 50: 28-66. 
There is solid archaeological and linguistic evidence to show that the Indus script is a writing system encoding the language of the region (most probably Dravidian). To deny the very existence of the script is not the way towards further progress.
The Indus script appears to consist mostly of word-signs. Such a script will necessarily have a lesser number of characters and repetitions than a syllabic script.
Is the Indus Script ‘writing’?
“There is zero chance that the Indus valley is literate. Zero,” says Steve Farmer, an independent scholar in Palo Alto, California. “As they say, garbage in, garbage out,” says Michael Witzel of the Harvard University. These quotations from an online news item (New Scientist, April 23, 2009) are representative of what passes for academic debate in sections of the Western media over a serious research paper by Indian scientists published recently in the USA (Science, April 24, 2009).
The Indian teams are from the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, Mumbai, the Institute of Mathematical Sciences, and the Indus Research Centre of the Roja Muthiah Research Library (both at Chennai), and backed by a team from the University of Washington at Seattle. They have proposed in their paper, resulting from more than two years of sustained research, that there is credible scientific evidence to show that the Indus script is a system of writing which encodes a language (as briefly reported in The Hindu, April 27, 2009).
This is a sober and understated conclusion presented in a refereed article published by an important scientific journal. The provocative comments by Farmer and Witzel will surprise only those not familiar with the consistently aggressive style adopted by them on this question, especially by Farmer. Their first paper, written jointly with Richard Sproat of Oregon Health and Sciences University, Portland, has the sensational title, “The collapse of the Indus script thesis: the myth of a literate Harappan civilization” (Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies 11: 2, 2004).
The “collapse of the Indus script thesis” has already drawn many responses, including the well-argued and measured rebuttal by the eminent Indus script expert, Asko Parpola, “Is the Indus script indeed not a writing system?” (Airavati 2008), and a hilarious and intentionally sarcastic rejoinder (mimicking the style of the “collapse” paper) by Massimo Vidale (“The collapse melts down”, East and West 2007). Here is a sampling from the latter: “Should we be surprised by this announced ‘collapse’? From the first noun in the title of their paper, Farmer, Sproat and Witzel are eager to communicate to us that previous and current views on the Indus script are naïve and completely wrong, and that after 130 years of illusion, through their paper, we may finally see the truth behind the dark curtains of a dangerous scientific myth.”
I am one of the co-authors of the Science paper. But my contribution is limited to making available to my colleagues the electronic database file compiled by me in collaboration with the computer scientists at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, and partly published in my book The Indus Script: Texts, Concordance and Tables (1977). I have no background in computational linguistics. However, I have closely studied the Indus script for over four decades and I am quite familiar with its structure. The following comments are based on my personal research and may not necessarily reflect the views of the other co-authors of the Science paper.
In a nutshell, my view is that there is solid archaeological and linguistic evidence to show that the Indus script is a writing system encoding the language of the region (most probably Dravidian).
Archaeological evidence
The strongest argument against the new-fangled theory that the Indus script is not writing is provided by the sheer size and sophistication of the Indus civilisation. Consider these facts:
• The Indus was by far the largest civilisation of the ancient world during the Bronze Age (roughly 3000 – 1500 BCE). It extended all the way from Shortugai in North Afghanistan to Daimabad in South India, and from Sutkagen Dor on the Pak-Iran border to Hulas in Uttar Pradesh — altogether more than a million sq km in area, very much larger than the contemporary West Asian and Egyptian civilisations put together.
• The Indus civilisation was mainly urban, with many large and well-built cities sustained by the surplus agricultural production of the surrounding countryside. The Indus cities were not only well-built but also very well administered with enviable arrangements for water supply and sanitation (lacking even now in many Indian towns).
• There was extensive and well-regulated trade employing precisely shaped and remarkably accurate weights. The beautifully carved seals were in use (as in all other literate societies) for personal identification, administrative purposes, and trading. Scores of burnt clay sealings with seal-impressions were found in the port city of Lothal in Gujarat attesting to the use of seals to mark the goods exported from there. Indus seals and clay-tag sealings have been found in North and West Asian sites, where they must have reached in the course of trading.
This archaeological evidence makes it inconceivable that such a large, well-administered, and sophisticated trading society could have functioned without effective long-distance communication, which could have been provided only by writing. And there is absolutely no reason to presume otherwise, considering that thousands of objects, including seals, sealings, copper tablets, and pottery bear inscriptions in the same script throughout the Indus region. The script may not have been deciphered; but that is no valid reason to deny its very existence, ignoring the archaeological evidence.
Another important pointer to the literacy of the Indus civilisation is that it was in close trading and cultural contacts with other contemporary literate societies like the Proto-Elamite to the North and the Sumerian-Akkadian city states (and probably the Egyptian kingdom) to the West. It is again inconceivable that a civilisation as urban and well-organised as the Indus could not have been alive to the importance of writing practised in the neighbouring literate cultures and was content with “non-linguistic” symbols of very limited utility like those employed by pre-historic hunter-gathering or tribal societies.
Linguistic evidence
While denying the status of a writing system to the Indus script, Farmer, Sproat and Witzel point to the extreme brevity of the texts (averaging less than five signs) and the presence of numerous “singletons” (signs with only one occurrence). Seal-texts tend to be short universally. Further, the Indus script appears to consist mostly of word-signs. Such a script will necessarily have a lesser number of characters and repetitions than a syllabic script. Thus the proper comparison should be with the number of words in later Indian seals or cave inscriptions. The average number of words in these cases matches the average number of signs in an Indus text. There are, however, many seal-texts that are much longer than the average. (See illustrations of longer Indus texts). As for singletons, they appear to be mostly composite or modified signs derived from basic signs, apparently meant only for restricted or special usage. An apt parallel would be the difference in frequencies between basic and conjunct consonants in the Brahmi script.
The concordances
Three major concordances of the Indus texts have been published: a manually compiled edition by Hunter (1934), and two computer-made editions, one by the Finnish team led by Asko Parpola (1973, 1982) and the other by the Indian scholar, Iravatham Mahadevan (1977). All the three concordances provide definitive editions of the texts, sign lists, and lists of sign variants. The Mahadevan Concordance also provides in addition various statistical tabulations for textual analysis as well as for relating the texts to their archaeological context (sites, types of inscribed objects, and pictorial motifs accompanying the inscriptions).
The concordance is a basic and indispensable tool for research in the Indus script. It is a complete index of sign occurrences in the texts. It also sets out the full textual context of each sign occurrence. The frequency and positional distribution of each sign and sign combination can be readily ascertained from the concordance. A study of near-identical sequences leads to segmentation of texts into words and phrases. Doubtful signs can be read with a fair amount of confidence by a comparative study of identical sequences. Sign variants can be recognised to a large extent by studying the textual environment.
It is the concordance which conclusively established the direction of the Indus script to be from right to left on seal-impressions and direct writing (naturally reversed on the seals). The concordance also reveals the broad syntactical features of the texts, like the most frequent opening and terminal signs, as well as pairs and triplets of signs in the middle representing important names, titles etc. Numerals have been identified. As they precede the enumerated objects, we know that adjectives precede the nouns they qualify. This is an important result ruling out, for example, Sumerian or Akkadian as candidate languages. According to competent and objective scholars like Kamil Zvelebil and Gregory Possehl, the concordances are the most tangible outcome of the prolonged research on the Indus script.
The concordances have been criticised for employing “normalised” signs that are sometimes different from what are actually found in individual inscriptions. The differences are as between a handwritten manuscript and the printed book. All the three concordances employ normalised signs, as there is no other possible way of presenting hundreds of inscriptions and thousands of sign-occurrences in a compact and logical arrangement for analytical study. The concordances have also been faulted for differences in readings. The criticism overlooks the fact that the Indus script is still undeciphered and such differences are unavoidable, especially in reading badly preserved texts or in deciding which are independent signs and which are mere graphic variants.
The serious student of the Indus script will consult the concordances, but refer to the sources for confirmation. Statistically speaking, differences (or even errors in coding) in the concordances are marginal and have not affected the interpretation of the main features of the texts.
This was confirmed by an interesting study published recently by Mayank Vahia et al of the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics, 37:1, 2008). They removed all the doubtfully read signs (marked by asterisks) and multiple lines (with indeterminate order) from the Mahadevan Concordance and analysed the rest, a little less than half of the total sign-occurrences. They found that the statistically established percentages of frequencies and distribution of signs and segmentations of texts remained constant, attesting to the essential correctness of compilation of the full concordance.
The Dravidian hypothesis
There is archaeological and linguistic evidence to support the view that the Indus civilisation is non-Aryan and pre-Aryan:
• The Indus civilisation was urban, while the Vedic was rural and pastoral.
• The Indus seals depict many animals, but not the horse. The chariot with the spoked wheels is also not depicted. The horse and chariot with the spoked wheels are the main features of Aryan-speaking societies. (For the best and most recent account, refer to David W. Anthony, The Horse, the Wheel and Language, Princeton, 2007).
• The Indus religion as revealed in the pictorial depictions on the seals included worship of buffalo-horned male gods, mother-goddesses, the pipal tree, the serpent, and probably the phallic symbol. Such modes of worship are alien to the religion of the Rigveda.
Ruling out Aryan authorship of the Indus civilisation does not automatically make it Dravidian. However, there is substantial linguistic evidence favouring the Dravidian theory:
• The survival of Brahui, a Dravidian language in the Indus region.
• The presence of Dravidian loanwords in the Rigveda.
• The substratum influence of Dravidian on the Prakrit dialects.
• Computer analysis of the Indus texts revealing that the language had only suffixes (like Dravidian), and no prefixes (as in Indo-Aryan) or infixes (as in Munda).
It is significant that all the three concordance-makers (Hunter, Parpola, and Mahadevan) point to Dravidian as the most likely language of the Indus texts. The Dravidian hypothesis has also been supported by other scholars like the Russian team headed by Yuri Valentinovich Knorozov and by the American archaeologist, Walter Fairservis, all of whom have utilised the information available from the concordances. However, as the Dravidian models of decipherment have still little in common except the basic features summarised above, it is obvious that much more work remains to be done before a generally acceptable solution emerges.
I am hopeful that with an increasing number of Indus texts, and better and more sophisticated archaeological and linguistic methods, the riddle of the Indus script will be solved one day. What is required is perseverance, recognising the advances already made, and proceeding further. To deny the very existence of the Indus script is not the way towards further progress.
Iravatham Mahadevan is a well-known authority on the Indus and Brahmi scripts. He is the author of The Indus Script: Texts, Concordance and Tables (1977) and Early Tamil Epigraphy (2003).

See: 

Longest inscription m0314 of Indus Script Corpora is catalogue of a guild-master. The guild master is signified by Indus Script hypertext 'squirrel' hieroglyph 'khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄' Rebus: plaintext: khār 'blacksmith' 
śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa).

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The guild-master signs off on the inscription by affixing his hieroglyph: 
palm squirrel,Sciurus palmarum'








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m0314 Seal impression, Text 1400 Dimension: 1.4 sq. in. (3.6 cm) Marshall 1931 (Vol. II, p. 402). 

This is perhaps the longest inscriptionof Indus Script Corpora.

m0314 The indus script inscription is a detailed account of the metal work engaged in by the Indus artisans. It is a professional calling card of the metalsmiths' guild of Mohenjodaro used to affix a sealing on packages of metal artefacts traded by Meluhha (mleccha)speakers.
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 The last sign is wrongly identified in Mahadevan concordance. This hieroglyph is Image may be NSFW.
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Squirrel as shown on Seal impressionImage may be NSFW.
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Flipped vertically is likey to signify 'squirrel' as on Nindowari-damb seal 01

All hieroglyphs are read from r. to l. 

Line 1:

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eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'. Thus, moltencast copper workshop.

Fish + lid: aya dhakka,Rebus: aya dhakka 'bright iron/alloy metal'.

Fish + fin:  aya khambhaṛā rebus: aya kammaṭa 'alloy metal mint, coiner, coinage'

Fish + sloping stroke, aya dhāḷ ‘metal ingot’ (Vikalpa: ḍhāḷ = a slope; the inclination of a plane (G.) Rebus: : ḍhāḷako = a large metal ingot (G.)

khaṇḍa 'arrow' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements' 

Thus, line 1 reads: bright iron/alloy metal, alloy metal mint, large metal ingot (ox-hide)

Line 2:

मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) The circumscript is composed of four 'splinters': gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'implements', kanda 'fire-altar' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'. Thus, this hieroglyph-multiplex or hypertext signifies: iron implements workshop.

S. baṭhu m. ‘large pot in which grain is parched, Rebus; bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’ (P.) baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) Vikalpa: meṛgo = rimless vessels (Santali) bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (G.) baṭa = kiln (Santali); baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron (Pkt.) baṭhu large cooking fire’ baṭhī f. ‘distilling furnace’; L. bhaṭṭh m. ‘grain—parcher's oven’, bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., ṭhī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; S. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ‘distil (spirits)’. (CDIAL 9656) Rebus: meḍ iron (Ho.) PLUS  muka 'ladle' rebus; mū̃h 'ingot', quantity of metal got out of a smelter furnace (Santali).Thus, this hieroglyph-multiplex (hypertext) signifies: iron ingot.

kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'. Thus, metalcasting smithy/forge.

kanka, karṇaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇī 'supercargo', 'engraver, scribe, account'

Thus line 2 signifies metal products -- iron ingots, metalcastings (of smithy/forge iron metals workshop) handed over to Supercargo, (a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale).

Line 3:

kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu)

A. goṭ ‘a fruit, whole piece’, °ṭā ‘globular, solid’, guṭi ‘small ball, seed, kernel’; B. goṭā ‘seed, bean, whole’; Or. goṭā ‘whole, undivided’, goṭi ‘small ball, cocoon’, goṭāli ‘small round piece of chalk’; Bi. goṭā ‘seed’; Mth. goṭa ‘numerative particle’ (CDIAL 4271) Rebus: koṭe ‘forging (metal)(Mu.) Rebus: goṭī f. ʻlump of silver' (G.) PLUS infix of sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'. Thus, the hieroglyph-multiplex or hypertext signifies: forged silver workshop.



Hieroglyph is a loop of threads formed on a loom or loose fringes of a garment. This may be seen from the seal M-9 which contains the sign: 


 धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu  *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)

Rebus: M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु  primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam)

Thus, this hieroglyph signifies three types of ferrite ore: magnetite, hematite and laterite (poLa, bicha, goTa). Vikalpa: Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Rebus: goṭī f. ʻlump of silver' (G.)

Hieroglyph: Archer with bow and arrow on one hand:  kamāṭhiyo = archer; kāmaṭhum = a bow; kāmaḍ, kāmaḍum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kāmaṭhiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.lex.) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.)

kolom 'rice plant' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bronze' Vikalpa: (A.) kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295).

Hieroglyph: squirrel:  *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1] Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? (CDIAL 12723) Rebus: śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ] Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ,seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?) (CDIAL 12726) I suggest that the šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? is read rebus: śeṭhīśeṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ (Marathi) or eṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ(Prakrtam)

Thus, line 3 signifies: bronze guild master of smithy/forge, mint for three types of ferrite mineral (magnetite, hematite, laterite)

The three lines together, the engtire inscription of m0314 is a metalwork cagtalogue of a guild-master of workshops working in: 

(1) native unsmelted metal, metal mint, large metal ingot (oxhide)

(2) metal products -- iron ingots, metalcastings (of smithy/forge iron metals workshop) handed over to Supercargo, (a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale)

(3)smithy/forge, mint for three types of ferrite mineral (magnetite, hematite, laterite)

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Long Indus Script inscription compares with Nindowari0-damb seal 01 which also shows 'squirrel'šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻflying squirrelʼ,'guild master'.

kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bronze' 

मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) The circumscript is composed of four 'splinters': gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'implements', kanda 'fire-altar' 

खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' Rebus: kaNDa 'implements' (Santali).

kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge'

kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'. Thus, metalcasting smithy/forge.

kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo', 'engraver, scribe, account'

Hieroglyph: 8 short strokes: gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'implements'PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'. Thus, this hieroglyph-multiplex or hypertext signifies: iron implements workshop.

Hieroglyph: squirrel:  *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1] Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? (CDIAL 12723) Rebus: śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ] Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ,seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?) (CDIAL 12726) I suggest that the šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? is read rebus: śeṭhīśeṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ (Marathi) or eṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ(Prakrtam) Hypertext of Indus Script: šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄  'flying squirrel' rebus: śrēṣṭhin 'foreman of a guild'. 
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Indian palm squirrel, Funambulus Palmarum There are also other seals with signify the 'squirrel' hieroglyph. 

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Nindowari-damb seal Nd0-1; Mohenjo-daro seal m-1202; Harappa tablet h-771; Harappa tablet h-419 



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m1634 ceramic stoneware bangle (badge)
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 Read from r. to l.: 
Vikalpa: The prefixImage may be NSFW.
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Sign 403: Hieroglyph: bārī , 'small ear-ring': H. bālā m. ʻbraceletʼ (→ S. ḇālo m. ʻbracelet worn by Hindusʼ), bālībārī f. ʻsmall ear -- ringʼ, OMārw. bālī f.; G. vāḷɔ m. ʻ wire ʼ, pl. ʻ ear ornament made of gold wire ʼ; M. vāḷā m. ʻ ring ʼ, vāḷī f. ʻ nose -- ring ʼ.(CDIAL 11573) Rebus: bārī 'merchant' vāḍhī, bari, barea 'merchantbārakaśa 'seafaring vessel'. If the duplication of the 'bangle' on Sign 403 signifies a plural, the reading could be: karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār 'blacksmith, iron worker'.

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Sign 403 is a duplication of Image may be NSFW.
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 bun-ingot shape. This shape is signified on a zebu terracotta pratimā found at Harappa and is consistent with mūhā mẽṛhẽt process of making unique bun-shaped ingots (See Santali expression and meaning described below):


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 I suggest that Image may be NSFW.
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Sign 403 is read: dul mūhā mẽṛhẽt 'cast iron ingot'. 


Thus, the hypertext Image may be NSFW.
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may read: 


1. dul mūhā mẽṛhẽt uukku 'cast iron ingot,steel' or 2. khār uukku 'blacksmith, steel'. 




If he squirrel is read as šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻflying squirrel' rebus: śrēṣṭhin 'guild master' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa), the reading of the hypertext Image may be NSFW.
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is: 


1. dul mūhā mẽṛhẽt śrēṣṭhin 'cast iron ingot, guild-master' or 2. khār śrēṣṭhin 'blacksmith, guild-master'. 


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Slide 33. Early Harappan zebu figurine with incised spots from Harappa.पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu' Rebus: magnetite, citizen.(See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/zebu-archaeometallurgy-legacy-of-india.html )




 mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali) खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. (Marathi)











--पोलाद pōlāda,
'steel' = ukku 'wootz steel' derived from Vedic utsa 'spring'; eraka,
urku
 'moltencast'




I submit that these oval spots signify पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake'
explained also as mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and
formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)

An alternative reading for 'squirrel' hieroglyph is also suggested:

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Squirrel + Sign 403 signifies two professional responsibilities/functions  1. khār  'blacksmith'; 2. seṭhi ʻwholesale merchant' (Sindhi).


Alternatively, 1. dul mūhā mẽṛhẽt 'cast iron ingot'; 2. khār  'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) or seṭhi ʻwholesale merchant' (Sindhi) or śrēṣṭhin 'guild master' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa)




Thus, two readings are possible for the 'squirrel' hieroglyph: khār  'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) and/or seṭhi ʻwholesale merchant' (Sindhi) orśrēṣṭhin 'guild master' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa)




Hieroglyph: squirrel (phonetic determinant): खार [ khāra ] A squirrel, Sciurus palmarum. खारी [ khārī ] (Usually खार) A squirrel. (Marathi) 


A homonymous hieroglyph or allograph: arms with bangles: karã̄ n. pl. ʻwristlets, banglesʼ.(Gujarati)(CDIAL 2779) Rebus: khār खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b,l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta 'bellows of blacksmith'.with inscription.




*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master:
*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus: śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726) 

    
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Nindowari seal Nd-1
From l. to r.:
Squirrel 'khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄' Indus Script hypertext is khār 'blacksmith'śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa)
Vikalpa: tuttha 'squirrel' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter, zinc alloy'; dhAL 'slanted stroke'
Rebus: dhALako 'large ingot' khANDa 'notch' Rebus: khANDa 'metal implements'; 
kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'; dula 'two, pair'
Rebus: dul 'cast metal'; kanda kanka 'rim of pot' Rebus: khaNDa 'implements'
karNI 'supercargo, scribe'; maṇḍā 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani); koDa 'one'
Rebus: koD 'workshop'; aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'; kanac 'corner'
Rebus: kancu 'bronze'. konda 'young bull' Rebus: kondar 'turner' koD 'horn'
Rebus: koD 'workshop' sangaDa 'lathe, portable furnace'
Rebus: sangar 'fortification' sanghAta 'adamantine glue' (Varahamihira)

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m1202
From r. to l.:
barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: bharat 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' (Marathi) pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattar 'goldsmith guild'
muhA 'ingot'; dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' muhA 'ingot' (Together, dul muhA  'cast iron ingot');
Squirrel 'khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄' Indus Script hypertext is khār 'blacksmith'śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa) Vikalpa: tuttha 'squirrel' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter, zinc alloy'; 

kanda kanka 'rim of pot' Rebus: khaNDa 'implements' karNI 'supercargo, scribe'; 
aduru 'harrow' Rebus: aduru 'native unsmelted metal';bhaTa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace';  
kanda kanka 'rim of pot' Rebus: khaNDa 'implements' karNI 'supercargo, scribe'; muhA 'ingot, 
quantity of iron ore smelted out of the smelter'.
dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' muhA 'ingot' (Together, dul muhA  'cast iron ingot'); 
Squirrel 'khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄' Indus Script hypertext is khār 'blacksmith'śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa) Vikalpa: tuttha 'squirrel' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter, zinc alloy'; 
dula 'two' Rebus: dul 'cast metal or casting'. 
Thus, the epigraph with three hieroglyph-multiplexes read rebus: metal castings, cast metal ingot, guild-master (pewter-zinc alloy.)
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h419
Squirrel 'khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄' Indus Script hypertext is khār 'blacksmith'śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa) Vikalpa: tuttha 'squirrel' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter, zinc alloy'; 
maṇḍā 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani). 
Thus, guild-master's warehouse.


Lexis for squirrel

tuttūḍ "squirrel' (Sora) Rebus: tuth 'blue vitriol or sulphate of copper'(Bengali) తుత్తినాగము [ tuttināgamu ] tutti-nāgamu. [Chinese.] n. Pewter. Zinc. లోహవిశేషము (Telugu)

tsāni, tsānye ‘squirrel’ (Kon.) caṇila squirrel (To.); Vikalpa: sega ‘a species of squirrel’ (Santali) rebus: śannī a small workshop (WPah) śannī f. ʻ small room in a house to keep sheep in ‘ (WPah.) Bshk. šan, Phal.šān ‘roof’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 12326). seṇi (f.) [Class. Sk. śreṇi in meaning "guild"; Vedic= row] Woṭ. šen ʻ roof ʼ, Bshk. šan, Phal. šān(AO xviii 251, followed by Buddruss Woṭ 126, < śar(a)ṇa -- ); WPah. (Joshi) śannī f. ʻ small room in a house to keep sheep in ʼ. Addenda: śaraṇá -- 2. 2. *śarṇa --WPah. kṭg.śɔ́nni f. ʻ bottom storey of a house in which young of cattle are kept ʼ. śaraṇá ʻ protecting ʼ, n. ʻ shelter, home ʼ RV. 2. *śarṇa -- . [√śar] 1. Pa. Pk. saraṇa -- n. ʻ protection, shelter, house ʼ; Ḍ. šərṓn m. ʻ roof ʼ (← Sh.?), Dm. šaran; P. saraṇ m. ʻ protection, asylum ʼ, H. saran f.; G. sarṇũ n. ʻ help ʼ; Si.saraṇa ʻ defence, village, town ʼ; -- < *śarāṇa -- or poss. *śāraṇa -- : Kho. šarān ʻ courtyard of a house ʼ, Sh. šarāṇŭ m. ʻ fence ʼ. (CDIAL 12326)


Note: -ūsuffix in Sora gloss tuttūfinds expression in the following etyma:

றுத்தை uṟuttai, n. [T. uṟuta, K. uḍute.] Squirrel; அணில். (W.)
Ta. uukku (uukki-) to jump, leap over; uuttai squirrel. Te. uu to retreat, retire, withdraw; 
uuku to jump, run away; uuta squirrel. Kona uRk- to run away. Kuwi (Isr.) urk- (-it-) to dance.(DEDR 713) 
Ka. uute squirrel. Te. uuta id.(DEDR 590) 

Ta. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender, melt (as the heart), be kind, glow with love, be emaciated; urukku (urukki-) to melt (tr.) with heat (as metals or congealed substances), dissolve, liquefy, fuse, soften (as feelings), reduce, emaciate (as the body), destroy; n. steel, anything melted, product of liquefaction; urukkam melting of heart, tenderness, compassion, love (as to a deity, friend, or child); urukkiṉam that which facilitates the fusion of metals (as borax). Ma. urukuka to melt, dissolve, be softened; urukkuka to melt (tr.); urukkam melting, anguish; urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel. Ko. uk steel. Ka. urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te. ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh- (Voc. 262).
Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.) rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel. (DEDR 661)  Te. uḍuku to boil, seethe, bubble with heat, simmer; n. heat, boiling; uḍikincu, uḍikilu, uḍikillu to boil (tr.), cook. Go. (Koya Su.) uḍk ēru hot water. Kuwi (S.) uḍku heat. Kur. uṛturnā to be agitated by the action of heat, boil, be boiled or cooked; be tired up to excitement. Ta. (Keikádi dialect; Hislop, Papers relating to the Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, Part II, p. 19) udku (presumably uḍku) hot (< Te.) (DEDR 588)



tuttū "squirrel' (Sora):So. tuttUD(R)  ~ tuttum(R) `squirrel'. Sa. toR `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.Mu. tuRu `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.Ho tu `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.Bh. tuR `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.KW tu`Ru`Ku. tur `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.@(V243,M072)(Munda etyma) tarukuTi 'squirrel' (Kannada)

The glosses 1. खार [ khāraA squirrel, Sciurus palmarum. खारी [ khārī ] (Usually खार) 
A squirrel. (Marathi) and 2. urukku 'to jump, leap over'finds a parallel in Proto-Mon-khmer See: Thai kra-rook:
 
412 *prɔɔk squirrel.A: (Bahnaric, Khmuic, Palaungic, Viet-Mương, North & Central Aslian). Sre pro (→ Stieng prɔh?), 
Chrauprɔːʔ, Biat, Bahnar prɔːk, Jeh proːk (GRADIN & GRADIN 1979), Kammu-Yuan prɔːk, Palaung [ə]prɔʔ(MILNE 1931), 
Vietnamese [con] sóc, Sakai prōkn (i.e. Semai; SKEAT & BLAGDEN 1906 M 136 (c)); →Lao, Ahom *rook (BENEDICT 1975 226, bat…); 
Cham, Jarai prɔːʔ, Röglai proʔ, North Röglai proːʔ.Cf. Khmer kɔmprok, apparently < *koːn prɔːk, for which 
cf. Vietnamese; → Thai krarɔ̂ɔk (with kr- by hypercorrection) at early stage. 
http://sealang.net/monkhmer/sidwell2007proto.pdf
Sidwell, Paul, Proto-Mon-khmer vocalism: moving on from short's 'alternances'.







Distribution of seals/tablets within House AI, Block 1, HR at Mohenjodaro (After Jansen, M., 1987, Mohenjo-daro -- a city on the Indus, in Forgotten Cities on the Indus (M. Jansen, M. Mulloy and G. Urban Eds.), Mainz, Philip Von Zabern, p. 160). Jansen speculated that the house could have been a temple. 





One of the seals discovered in HR 116 which may signify a 'squirrel' hypertext.


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kolom 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, banglesRebus:khār 'blacksmith, iron worker' ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' 
karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri). Thus, the inscription signifies: blacksmith guild-master working in iron in smithy/forge, metal castings handed over to Supercargo for shipment. 




Note on tuttha






तुत्थ tuttha [p= 450,2] n. (m. L. ) blue vitriol (used as an eye-ointment) Sus3r.; fire;
n. a rock Un2. k. (Monier-Williams) upadhātuउपधातुः An inferior metal, semi-metal. 
They are seven; सप्तोपधातवःस्वर्णंमाक्षिकंतारमाक्षिकम् तुत्थं कांस्यंरातिश्चसुन्दूरंशिलाजतु
(Apte. Samskritam) Ta. turu rust, verdigris, flaw; turucu, turuci blue vitriol, spot, dirt, 
blemish, stain, defect, rust; turicu fault, crime, sorrow, affliction, perversity, blue vitriol; 
tukku, tuppu rust. Ma. turiśu blue vitriol; turumpu, turuvu rust. Ka. tukku rust of iron; 
tutta, tuttu, tutte blue vitriol. Tu. tukků rust; mair(ů)suttu, (Eng.-Tu. Dict.
mairůtuttu blue vitriol. Te. t(r)uppu rust; (SAN) trukku id., verdigris. / 
Cf. Skt.tuttha- blue vitriol; Turner, CDIAL, no. 5855 (DEDR 3343). 
tutthá n. (m. lex.), tutthaka -- n. ʻ blue vitriol (used as an eye ointment) ʼ
Suśr., tūtaka -- lex. 2. *thōttha -- 4. 3. *tūtta -- . 4. *tōtta -- 2
[Prob.  Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 381; cf. dhūrta -- 2 n. ʻ iron filings ʼ lex.]
1. N. tutho ʻ blue vitriol or sulphate of copper ʼ, B. tuth.2. K. thŏth, dat. °thas m., 
P. thothā m.3. S. tūtio m., A. tutiyā, B. tũte, Or. tutiā, H. tūtātūtiyā m., M. tutiyā m.
4. M. totā m.(CDIAL 5855) तुतिया [ tutiyā ] m ( H) Blue vitriol, sulphate of copper.
तुत्या [ tutyā ] m An implement of the goldsmith.तोता [ tōtā ] m ( H) (Properly तुतिया) 
Blue vitriol.(Marathi) <taTia>(M),,<tatia>(P)  {N} ``metal ^cup, ^frying_^pan''.  
*Ho<cele>, H.<kARahi>, Sa.<tutiA> `blue vitriol, bluestone, sulphate of copper',
H.<tutIya>.  %31451.  #31231. Ju<taTia>(M),,<tatia>(P)  {N} ``metal ^cup, 
^frying_^pan''.  *Ho<cele>, H.<kARahi>,Sa.<tutiA> `blue vitriol, bluestone, 
sulphate of copper', (Munda etyma) توتیا totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Tutty, protoxyd of zinc. (E.) 
Sing. and Pl.); (W.) 
Pl. توتیاوي totīʿāwīنیل توتیا nīl totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Blue vitriol, sulphate of copper. سبز توتیا sabz totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Green vitriol, or sulphate of iron.(Pashto)
thŏth 1 थ्वथ् । कण्टकः, अन्तरायः, निरोध, शिरोवेष्टनवस्त्रम् m. (sg. dat. thŏthas थ्वथस्), blue vitriol, 
sulphate of copper (cf. nīla-tho, p. 634a, l. 26)(Kashmiri)

















Shaft smelting of iron by Muṇḍa, Birgia, Agaria.Lodha, Asur (Lohars) a continuum of sacred havan -- B. Prakash



-- Binjor seal & aṣṭāśri yupa signify pōlaḍu,'black drango' rebus pōlaḍ 'steel'.

This is an addedum to  Indus Script hypertext पोळa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōa ‘magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake'https://tinyurl.com/y9so6ubv

http://www.insa.nic.in/writereaddata/UpLoadedFiles/IJHS/Vol46_3_1_BPrakash.pdf B. Prakash, 2010, Ancient Indian iron and steel: an archaeometallurgical study, IJHS, 46.3, 2011, pp. 381 to 410

Shaft smelting of iron by Muṇḍa, Birgia, Agaria, Lodha, Asur (Lohars) a continuum of sacred havan by Brahmins -- B. Prakash

This observation of B. Prakash is validated by the reference in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to aṣṭāśri, 'octagonal' yupa and caṣāla  (wheat chaff or godhuma) atop the yupa. The burning of the wheat chaff on the fiery pillar (cf. Skambha sukta of AV X.7,8) infuses carbon into the molten metal as described in the carburization processes in archaeometallurgical terms.

The octagonal pillar or aṣṭāśri, 'octagonal' yupa mentioned in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa is archaeologically attested in Binjor (Anupgarh). The Indus Script seal found at the site is a wealth accounting ledger, metalwork catalogue.

The bird as a hieroglyph on the Binjor seal may signifies  pōlaḍu,'black drango' rebus pōlaḍ 'steel'. 

Was crucible steel made at Binjor? This has to be validated by further detailed archaeometallurgical investigation and analyses of artifacts from the site 4MSR. 






Read on...


[quote] The paper is a review on the genesis and progress of iron and steel metallurgy in the Indian Sub-continent. The pyrometallurgical process of iron extraction was probably discovered in 3rd millennium BC (Vedic period) during the performance of sacred ha–van by Bra–hmins and later developed into shaft smelting process by the Asur tribes Muṇḍa, Birgia and Agaria.Lodha, Asur (Lohars) were expert black smiths who mastered hot forge welding of iron to produce a variety of objects. Rasa Ratna Samuccaya, an Ayurvedic text, has mentioned special processes for the extraction of iron and its use for the preparation of bhasma.
...

The following two distinct processes were being used in South India to produce Wootz steel . (1) Carburization of wrought iron and melting (2) Decarburization of cast iron (3) Process of cofusion
The actual steel making process with some variation in the actual method was used at different places, hence these Wootz steel making processes have also been named according to their place of origin i.e. Hyderabad process, Salem process, Tamil Nadu process. Carburization process: This process has been also known as crucible steel making process. In this process a weighed quantity of wrought iron pieces were packed with a carburizing material (selected wood pieces) in a refractory crucible and covered with a large green leaf. Finally the crucible was covered with a clay lid having a small hole at the centre and sealed. These crucibles were dried in Sun and 12 to 25 crucibles containing the charge were heated in a large diameter

crucible furnace. The furnace was fired with hard charcoal burnt with the help of a couple of large air bellows. These blowers were made from one full hide of a buffalo. As the crucible temperature reached beyond 900 0C the carburization of iron began in a reducing atmosphere. Periodically over 8 to 10 hours these crucibles were moved from low to high temperature zone till they reached in the centre of the furnace having a temperature of ~ 1500 0C. There the carburised iron melted and separated from the molten slag. The crucible containing molten steel and Fayalite based slag was removed from the furnace and kept straight near the furnace to cool to room temperature at a slow rate. During cooling the solidification process of steel containing 1.2 to 1.9 % ‘C’ begins from the bottom  nd progresses towards the centre developing large dendrites of cementite in a matrix of Ledeburite and Pearlite, which is a must for developing Damask Pattern on the steel swords. In Tamil Nadu process as described by Verhoeven(28) the bloomery iron pieces were stacked in a large crucible and carburised for 10 to 12 hrs at ~1200 0C . When the carburization was complete the crucible was either cooled slowly or water quenched to take out the steel and the melting of carburised steel was carried out separately. Decarburization process: In this process developed in Hyderabad the manufacture of steel was carried out by decarburization of cast iron in a molten bath of synthetic oxidizing slag. In this process a twin chambered furnace was made below the ground level by digging a hole of 300 mm diameter. This was divided into two parts with the help of a soft refractory clay wall, the smaller part served as the crucible for collecting steel and allowing it to solidify. The bottom of the larger chamber was first covered with a mixture of powdered quartz and magnetite and then filled with charcoal. The furnace was ignited and heated to high temperature by burning the charcoal with the help of a pair of air bellows fitted in the side wall at 45 degree. A molten pool of highly oxidizing molten slag having a melting point between 1170-1205 0C was prepared by the interaction between quartz and magnetite and some times bloomery slag was also added to it. Once sufficient molten slag was collected in the furnace cleaned white cast iron shots were charged at a controlled rate. These shots got melted and superheated in the furnace and as the molten metal came in contact with the oxidizing slag the decarburization reaction began and cast iron was converted into high carbon molten steel which got collected at the bottom. The refining process involved reaction of iron carbide (Fe3C) with FeO in the slag to remove C as CO as per the following exothermic reaction.

Fe3C + FeO → 4Fe + C
During the process phosphorous also could be removed by the following reaction.
2Fe3P + 8FeO → 3FeO.P2O5 + 11Fe

The whole process was carried out under the guidance of experienced steel maker. When the process was complete a hole was made in the bottom of the dividing wall to tap the molten steel in the second chamber and allowed it to solidify. In this process the steel was produced in the form of a disk which was
tested by cutting a ‘V’ shaped groove at the circumference. Process of cofusion: Craddock29 has proposed another process of Wootz steel making by co-fusion of grey cast iron and wrought iron in a crucible. In Tamil Nadu grey cast iron was specially produced in iron smelting furnaces and during
steel making equal parts of cast iron and wrought iron were melted together in a crucible to produce Wootz steel.

Before the beginning of the British rule large quantity of Wootz steel was being produced and processed at many other places in the country like Gujarat, Rajasthan, Punjab, Gwalior and at Rajghat in Varanasi. Wootz steel ingots so produced had an average chemical composition as given below-

Element      C Si        Mn     S      P
Weight % 1.6 0.043 0.056 0.02 0.11

The Wootz steel ingots were annealed for a long time at cherry red temperature (850° to 900° C) before supplying them to the blacksmith. Many artisans of Arabian countries especially of Syria had come to know about this wonder material and they used to come to India to learn the technique of making
Wootz steel sword and carry steel ingots to their own country. Later the swords manufactured in Damascus became famous all over the World. The crucible used for making Wootz steel was made from locally available aluminous clay (Kaoline) mixed with some magnetite dust and rice husk or straw.
During firing and heating rice husk got charred and deposited in the crucible providing it excellent refractory property. Lowe, Merk and Thomas30, Balasubramaniam, Pandey and Jaikishan31 and Srinivasan27 have made a detailed study of the fragments of ancient steel making crucibles collected from different sites in Hyderabad, Karnataka and Pattinam. The outer surface of the crucible had a silica rich glossy finish and the crucible had a porous structure, both closed and some open pores. The microscopic structure of the crucible was found to consist of distribution of carbon fibres in a matrix of crystalline mullite and some well rounded iron prills embedded in to it. The carbon fibres originated from silica rich cellulose fibres of rice husk. The iron prills were most probably produced due to the in-situ reduction of iron oxide during the use of the crucible.

...

CONCLUSION
This archaeometallurgical review supports the independent discovery of iron smeltimg in India during 2nd millenium BC, when the rest of the World was most probably acquainted with Meteroric iron only. Also the country could be credited with the discovery of molten steel making process and its thermomechanical 
working to produce World famous Wootz steel sword as early as 700 BC. Indian iron smiths had gained detailed knowledge regarding the effect of ‘C’ on the properties of iron. They had also gained knowledge about heat treatment of steel to increase its hardness. India had no doubt mastered the hot forge welding of wrought iron and the technology to fabricate massive iron objects like Delhi Iron Pillar (400 AD) and heavy iron cannons some time weighing more than 40 tonnes. The manufacturing of crucible steel for Wootz steel sword and the technique to develop the surface structure i.e. Damask pattern, was known only to blacksmiths of India and Syria. Till late 20th c. AD this technology was considered to be lost but recent discovery regarding the super plastic behaviour of ultra high carbon steel has opened a gateway to revive the lost technology. The ancient Indian ferrous technology suffered serious setback during
11th-12th c. AD when Turks invaded India and enslaved the Indian artisans as well as destroyed their enterprising tribal trade. The second destruction of the Indian iron and steel industry took place due to heavy taxation and restrictions enforced by the British Government. Inspite of the above mentioned set back the Hindu science and technology is surviving in remote corners of the country and efforts should be made afresh to rediscover them and re- establish.[unquote]

La Genetique Scandale, A critique of the recent articles particularly one by Narasimhan -- P. Priyadarshi



La Genetique Scandale 
August 27, 2018 

A critique of the recent articles particularly one by Narasimhan

(This will be in 4 parts)

By Premendra Priyadarshi
PART 1
Cracking Narasimhan Code
The referred article by Narasimhan et al uses a large number of words, abbreviations and location names, most of which have generally been created arbitrarily. I believe, it was done by them inadvertently not intentionally. To understand the article as you go into it you need to understand the words first.
1. Karelian: The word Karelian is central to the article. The ultimate goal of the somersaults is to prove by hook or by crook that Baltic (Karelia) was the home of the Proto-Indo-Europeans. Karelia is a region now divided into two parts—one in Finland and the other in Russia. Its language is not Indo-European, but Finnish, which belongs to the Finno-Ugric Language family.
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Karelia Location 2
Karelia
While the rest of the region of Europe to the south of Karelia was having agricultural revolution and the mode of subsistence was changing to farming, the region surrounding Karelia was still having hunter-gatherer-fisher existence.
Hence when the word Karelian Hunter Gatherer is used it should be considered to be belonging to a much later period, later by several thousand years, as compared to the Neolithic periods of India, Anatolia and Iran. Two ancient human DNAs have been retrieved from Karelia. One dated 6425 BC (Y-DNA hg R1a-M420); and the other 5250 BC (Y-DNA hg J). It is claimed to have more of Ancestral North Eurasian (ANE) ancestry than any other ancient or modern population, as it is allegedly close to the sample from Afontova Gora (ca. 15980 BC), to the west of Lake Baikal.
This probably means that the c. 16,000 BC Lake Baikal, c. 6500 BC Karelia and c. 5250 BC Karelia were derived from some common population located to the southern latitudes of Asia. This assumption is necessitude by the fact that Karelia (and also West Bank Baikal) suffered two episodes of depopulation between 16,000 BC and 5250 BC. One was at the Tardiglacial about 11,500 BC and the other was about 6200 BC (8.2 Kilo-climatic-event). In fact the Baikal 16000 BC human sample was also the result of a migration from south, initiated in response to the de-glaciation event which started at 18,000 BC.
The 6500 BC Karelia sample could have been due to the migration initiated from West Asia and Mehrgarh in response to the Neolithic revolution and consequent population explosion in Europe and Asia. Its R1a Y-DNA indicates the source from Asia. The 5250 BC Karelian sample was from West Asia through Caucasus and North Pontic regions; secondary to the adoption of Neolithic in that region about 5500-5000 BC.
The article (Narasimhan et al) uses the words EHG and Karelian Hunter Gatherer interchangeably. The ultimate aim is the prove that Karelia was the source of the MLBD Indo-European speaking component.
2. EHG : EHG has been explained by Narasimhan as Eastern European Hunter-Gatherers. The Main Article explains this component of Eurasian ancestry as “Eastern European Hunter-Gatherers represented by hunter-Gatherers from the diverse sites in Eastern Europe”. However in the supplement to the text where actual discussions have been done, the article means, implies and uses only the Karelian genes/DNA/Genome for this purpose. I don’t think that it (the nomenclature EHG given to Karelia_H_G) was deliberately done to mislead people. It was a product of poor naming, writing and editing skills. EHG (Eastern Hunter Gatherer) name should have been given to East Eurasian Hunter Gatherers from Japan, Korea and coastal East China.
3. Khvalynsk_EN: Khvalynsk Eneolithic (meaning Bronze Age, and not the Early Neolithic). Its period is 5000-4500 BC. The PCA by the authors found that the Khvalynsk population consisted of people from Karelia in Finland:
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Khvalynsk in Russia
Khvalynsk Location
Location of Khvalynsk
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Saratov_Oblast in which Khvlnsk.svg
Location of Khvalynsk in flattened map
They write, “Khvalynsk_EN can be modelled with Karelian HGs as a primary source of ancestry and about 20% Iranian agriculturalist related ancestry. This shows that the results of our modeling precedure are consistent with the observations in refs. (75) and (83), where a slightly modified qpAdm procedure and different 4120 sets of outgroups were used (Table S3.45).” [Lines 4116-4120, Narasimhan Supplement]
This interpretation by the authors is naïve because Finland and adjoining Baltic region had very low food productivity until as late as about 2000 BC. It could not provide immigrants to a distant region like Khvalynsk at 5000 BC. It has to be interpreted as follows:
The Khvalynsk 5000 BC should be considered to be composed of two components. One arriving here and settling earlier before 6200 BC from a source population locate in Pre-Ganj-Dareh Iran/ Caucasus. This would be of the same stock as the Karelian samples. And the other (20%) arriving to the region in a subsequent wave from North-West Iran after 5000 BC and was after the establishment of the Ganj-Dareh population which took place about 7700 BC, but its people reached north of Caucasus only after the 6.2 kilo-event had passed. We know from the other studies (Lazaridis 2016) that migration from Iran through Caucasus to Volga and north Pontic-Caspian region took place about 5500 to 4500 BC. We have to understand also that it is this latter Iranian population (from Ganj Dareh stock) only which has been named as Iranian Agriculturist in the article by Narasimhan.
4. Iranian Agriculturists: The authors mean the six Ganj-Dareh ancient human samples dating about 7900-7700 BC only by the term “Iranian Agriculturists”. They do not include other Iranian agriculturists in this term e.g. Wezmeh Cave Zagros Farmers (Broushaki 2016). [Quote “These people are estimated to have separated from Early Neolithic farmers in Anatolia some 46-77,000 years ago and show affinities to modern day Pakistani and Afghan populations, but particularly to Iranian Zoroastrians.” Broushaki: Abstract]
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Wezmeh Broushaki cropped
Thus in fact the expression ‘Iranian Agriculturist’ must have included Wezmeh Cave within its meaning, who had migrated to Zagros from a location within Pakistan/ Afghanistan. The Wezmeh DNA could have been named ‘Iranian Agriculturist II”. In that case it would have been all right.
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Wezmeh and Barcin
Broushaki; Fig 4. Wezmeh is related to Indian, and Europeans are related with Barcin Anatolian.
5. Anatolian Agriculturist: It is another misnomer in the article. Anatolian farmers were not one people. Originally there lived Hunter-Gatherers in Anatolia who were homogeneous with the people of Europe and Caucasus before the Holocene. But Holocene brought first the Mesolithic people from somewhere else to Anatolia. Then another wave brought Early Anatolian farmers. These were replaced by Mid- to Late- Neolithic farmers from Iran arriving in Anatolia.
6. Samara: Samara has been considered EHG (East European Hunter Gatherer. However Middle Bronze Age population had received about half of its genome from Armenia (Indo-European speakers) located to the north of west Iran. “Poltavka Middle Bronze Age (2900-2200 BCE) population that followed the Yamnaya in Samara, are all genetically homogeneous, forming a tight “Bronze Age steppe” cluster in PCA (Fig. 1b), sharing predominantly R1b Y-chromosomes5,7 (Supplementary Data Table 1), and having 48–58% ancestry from an Armenian-like Near Eastern source (Extended Data Table 2)” [Mathieson 2016:page 4] This fact has been concealed by Narasimhan, and they have projected a different source of Samara Middle to Late Bronze Age. They think it was Baltic region. But no evidence has been produced.
7. Late Bronze Age Steppe (MLBA): They think it was formed from arrivals from Baltic Europe and Baikal region inputs. However it has been clarified by Mathieson (2016 Nature) as this: “Further evidence that migrations originating as far west as central Europe may not have had an important impact on the Late Bronze Age steppe comes from the fact that the Srubnaya possess exclusively (n=6) R1a Y-chromosomes (Supplementary Data Table 1), and four of them (and one Poltavka male) belonged to haplogroup R1a-Z93 which is common in central/south Asians12, very rare in present-day Europeans, and absent in all ancient central Europeans studied to date.”
8. West Siberia: They have used the words West Siberian Hunter Gatherers and West Siberian Neolithic. West Siberian HG has been considered a primary component in the article. However its yellow colour in the PCA histogram makes clear that it had significant Andamanese/ Ancestral South Asian component in it. It is located just to the north of Kazakhstan.
They write: “West Siberian Hunter-Gatherer (West_Siberian_HG)-related”: a newly documented deep source of Eurasian ancestry represented here by three samples” [lines 201-2 main article]
However the PCA picture indicates that this component itself is formed of two segments, one from Onge (India) which is yellow; and the other from local older population which is green.
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Steppe EMBA and West Siberia
West Siberian Neolithic shown in top. The green component is original hunter-gatherer West Siberian; but it does include the yellow (Indian) component about one third, which probably arrived with Neolithic from Mehrgarh, before the Yamnaya etc were formed.
The take home summary for today is that the whole story has been created in such a way as to appear that it is the Karelia (Baltic) component which contributes to the Steppe population to make it MLBA (Indo-European Speakers). This will become more clear to you as you will understand bib-by-bit the whole plot of the impugned article by Narasimhan. Thus on the ultimate analysis the ultimate home of the Proto-Indo-European is Karelia or the Baltic Peninsula of the North Sea. This fits well with the Lachs Theory (Lachsargument) of IE origin given by German Scholar Thieme. 
See in the link.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salmon_problemhttps://aryaninvasionmyth.wordpress.com/2018/08/27/la-genetique-scandale/
To be continued as Part II next week.
https://aryaninvasionmyth.wordpress.com/2018/08/27/la-genetique-scandale

Panel on 'Vedic and Ancient Indian Chronology' at WAVES Dallas, Texas ...

Q&A: Indian Civilization-The Untold Story:- A Talk By Raj Vedam

Indian History by Dr Raj Vedam - excellent insight, a must watch!

Of Ancient Star-Gazers and Story-Spinners | Raj Vedam | TEDxUTAustin


NASA: opening the dams in a systematic manner would have contained the Kerala deluge



  • http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=4777
    Catholic Church encroaches and plunders Western Ghats
    by 
    B S Harishankar
    on 23 Aug 2018




    • Torrential rains, overflowing rivers and a series of landslides have currently resulted in the deaths of over 360 people in Kerala. Rivers such as Bharathappuzha, Chalakkudi, Periyar, Pamba, Achankovil and Meenachil, rising from the Western Ghats, are flooding villages and townships. Roads and bridges have been devastated and washed away. Landslides and floods have submerged houses. Mobile phone networks are down and Kochi international airport has been closed. More than 150,000 people have been dislocated. Most regions impacted by this monsoon’s floods were classified as ecologically sensitive zones by the Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel (WGEEP).
    Following protests and pressure from Catholic church and mining/quarrying lobbies, another 10-member high-level working group (HLWG), headed by Krishnaswamy Kasturirangan was appointed to study the Gadgil report, review and suggest measures for implementation. The Kasturirangan Committee submitted its report to the Ministry on April 15, 2013. It made several pro-farmer recommendations but demanded a complete ban on mining, quarrying and sand mining in Ecologically Sensitive Areas (henceforth ESA) of the Ghats. The key findings of the Indian Network of Climate Change Assessment (INCCA 2012) were incorporated in the report. The Catholic church again made huge protests against the Kasturirangan Committee report.
                         
    A pastoral letter issued in November 2013, by Mar Mathew Anikkuzhikkattil, Bishop of the Idukki Diocese of the Syro-Malabar Church, asked farmers and people of the high ranges to deal with political parties and leaders supporting the panel reports in an organised manner. The violent agitations against the demarcation of ESA in Kerala were backed by the Catholic Church-led High Range Protection Committee. “Kerala will be another Kashmir,” thundered the Bishop of Idukki Diocese who admitted that the majority of the ESAs are inhabited by Christians.

    Thamarasserry Bishop Mar Inchananayil went a step further. “Jallianwala Bagh will be repeated here” (Hindustan Times, November 27, 2013). The hartal and subsequent agitations were sponsored by newly formed organisations: The High Range Protection Committee, Western Ghats People’s Protection Committee and Western Ghats Protection Committee. They were all led by priests belonging to the Syro-Malabar Catholic Church.

    Through pastoral letters and public speeches by its priests, the Catholic Church fanned agitations against the Kasturirangan report. Widespread violence erupted across Kannur, Kozhikode and Wayanad districts of north Kerala following a hartal declared on November 15, 2013. The Forest Range Office at Kottiyur in Kannur district was set on fire. Police say more than a hundred case files of forest-related offences were burnt. A violent mob of around 500 men attacked the forest range office at Thamarasserry in Kozhikode. Seven vehicles were set ablaze, including one state transport bus.

    A brief historical outline of encroachment of Western Ghats by farmers led by the Catholic church is necessary to understand the crux of the current problem. By the late 1930s, the forests of Malabar became the destination of a large-scale migration of farmers belonging to the Catholic church, looking for land to cultivate cash crops. Between the 1930s and 1970s, thousands of settlers entered Wayanad district in Malabar in search of land. Some settlers bought or leased forest land but the majority encroached forest land. With the formation of Kerala State in 1956, the immigration intensified with more steady and aggressive encroachments upon forest and vanvasi/tribal land.

    The British in 1810 made the then ruler of Travancore, Rani Gowri Lakshmi Bai, appoint the British Resident, Col. Munro, as Dewan of the state. Colonel John Munro, who was also a committed missionary, seized huge landed properties of temples without compensation and liberally provided land to Churches.

    A recent study by the Malabar Devaswom Department in Kerala has revealed that the largest encroachment of Devaswom land took place in Malabar region (The Hindu, September 24, 2008). According to official figures, more than 24,900 acres of land belonging to 353 temples under the Malabar Devaswom Board has been encroached upon (The Hindu, April 5, 2010).

    Official records show that 245 temples under the Kochi Devaswom Board have also lost land to encroachment, but the extent of land lost has not yet been fully calculated. Around 3,000 acres owned by the Travancore Devaswom Board has been encroached, as admitted by the president of Travancore Devaswom (Times of India, January 5, 2016).

    As an instance, in the remote areas of Pulpally in Wayanad, the Devaswom lost thousands of acres of forest land to encroachers. The Devaswom filed cases against the illegal occupants. What followed was a protracted struggle against eviction. As the settlers were well organized, backed by the church, they managed by and large to prevent any effective eviction. Father Joseph Vadakkan, a Catholic priest,  started cooperating with the Communists, which led to the formation of Malanad Karshaka Sanghom which associated itself with the Communist-led Kerala Karshaka Sanghom in many agitations. 

    Later, the Karshaka Thozhilali Party or KTP was formed by Joseph Vadakkan and B. Wellington. It was a coalition partner in the Communist government in Kerala led by E.M.S. Namboodiripad from 1967 to 1969. The AICC secretary, Tom Vadakkan, is a close relative of Father Joseph Vadakkan. Congress president, Sonia Gandhi, condoled the death of Father Joseph Vadakkan, saying that in his death Kerala has lost a tall religious leader (The Hindu, December 30, 2002).

    The Communist Party of India, which formed the first government of Kerala State, was supportive of encroachers under the Catholic church, whom they saw as rich vote banks of their constituencies. The land reforms of the 1960s greatly benefitted the settlers at the forest frontier in Wayanad. During the land tribunals in the 1970s, most settlers received ownership titles for the land they encroached. The 1980s and 1990s accelerated cash crops and trade in Wayanad. Pepper growers in the ‘Pepper Panchayats’ of Pulpally, Mullankolli and Poothadi became extravagantly rich. Wayanad transformed as an important earner of foreign currency in Kerala.

    The Naxalite movement in Kerala emerged in Western Ghats region. It began at Pulpally in Wayanad and Thalasseri in Kannur districts, and was followed by insurgencies in Kuttiyadi and later in Thirunelli in Wayanad, when correspondingly large scale migrations under Catholic church took place. Usually, settlers avoid or are hesitant to come and settle in regions vulnerable to armed attacks and insurgencies. But settlers encroached the Wayanad region and after the occupation of extensive land by Catholic church settlers, Naxal insurgency ceased to exist in Kerala.

    This phenomenon of the disappearance of Naxal insurgency after Catholic church became land owners has strong religio-political undercurrents. Did a planned Naxal insurgency take place for the convenience of certain religious and economic lobbies associated with migrant settlers in Wayanad region? The Naxal movement hardly cared to fight for displaced Vanvasi /tribal communities in Western Ghats. Venu Menon’s story in Outlook weekly (November 23, 1998) titled, Confessions of a Cop, observed, “the legacy of the Naxalite movement in Kerala is a dubious one”.

    It is estimated that there are about 4 lakh vanvasi people living in Kerala and about half of this population resides in Wayanad region of Western Ghats. The British opened roads and the spread of commercial plantations accelerated migration of settlers to this region. During the 1940s, this migration massively displaced the vanvasis of the area. The vanvasis lost their land, declined demographically and currently live in a pathetic situation. The tragic events at Muthanga and Arippa in Kerala show the failure of successive governments to restore vanavasi land despite court directives. The Kerala government in February 2010 informed a Division Bench of the Kerala High Court that 14,200 tribal families still remained landless in the State. Simultaneously, the Catholic church with money and vote power encroaches ecologically sensitive zones and prevents vital reports from being implemented.

    Recently, there are several instances of encroachment by Catholic church in Western Ghats region. The Little Flower Church, Pushpagiri in Koodaranji village, and St George Church, Chundathumpoyil in Kumaranalloor village in Kozhikode district, both under the Thamarasserry diocese, operated quarries in 1.75 acres and two acres of land respectively.

    According to Kerala’s former home minister Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, currently CPI-M state secretary, the Believer’s Church, formed under a trust called Gospel for Asia, has received Rs 1,044 crore in foreign donations in the last 15 years. Using that money, Balakrishnan said, the church has purchased nearly 2,800 acres of land, including a 2,200-acre rubber estate (The Telegraph July 13, 2008).
      
    As part of an official anti-encroachment drive, a 30-feet tall metal cross was pulled down in April 2017 in the hill station of Munnar, Idukki district, since it was erected on encroached land, nearly 30 acres, held by a Christian sect, Spirit in Jesus, in Pappathishola hills near Suryanelli in Chinnakanal village, around 25 km from Munnar town.

    Bonacaud Reserve forest in Thiruvananthapuram district remains the target of the Catholic church. Bonacaud is located in Agastyar Biosphere Reserve, one among 20 World Biosphere Reserves added by UNESCO to its World Network of Biosphere Reserves in March 2016. Kerala Catholic Youth Movement (KCYM), the youth wing of CBCI chapter in Kerala, orchestrated a huge protest in August 2017 against removal of the cross. They claimed the cross was more than sixty years old and was demolished by forest officials and demanded the site be opened for pilgrimage and handed over to the church.

    A probe is currently going on against a multi-crore land scam involving the Ernakulam-Angamaly Archdiocese of the Syro-Malabar Church which named Cardinal Mar George Alencherry, Major Archbishop, as one of the prime accused.

    Madhav Gadgil, who headed the Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel, says that irresponsible environmental policy is to blame for the current floods and landslides in Kerala. He called it a “manmade calamity” (The Economic Times, August 17, 2018). The south west monsoon floods which have currently devastated Kerala are an outcome of the land encroachment of Ecologically Sensitive Zones in Western Ghats by Syro-Malabar Catholic Church intimidating and unleashing armed violence against environmental committees and reports, using vote bank and money power.

    (Concluded)

    See also:-
    1) Kerala priests and politicians unite to oppose Gadgil report on Western Ghats, M.G. Radhakrishnan, October 16, 2013 https://www.indiatoday.in/featured/story/gadgil-report-western-ghats-politcians-and-church-unite-to-oppose-214542-2013-10-16
    User Comments

    The 1600-km long Sahyadris or Western Ghats, spread over Gujarat, Maharashtra, Goa, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala, represent geomorphic features of immense importance along with unique biophysical and ecological processes. There are many references to the Sahyadris in our epics and Puranas. The Valmiki Ramayana describes the Ghats as majestic mountains with brightly coloured peaks, rich in flora and extensive forest tracts. Valmiki describes Pampa as a tributary of Tungabhadra, arising in Rishyamukha mountains. Pampa Sarovar is also the site where Shabari, a disciple of Rishi Matanga, awaited the arrival of Sri Rama. It also has significance as the spot where Sri Rama met Hanuman and Sugriva, as narrated in Kishkinda kanda of the Ramayana.

    Among important tirthas located in the Western Ghats is Triambakeswar near Nashik in Maharashtra, which accommodates 12 sacred Jyotirlingas. Sri Shankara established a monastery at Sringeri on the banks of river Tungabhadra in the Western Ghats. The Vidyashankara temple at the Sringeri Sharada Peetham has a number of sculptures from various traditions. Gomateshwara shrine at Shravanabelagola near Shimoga, Mookambika near Kollur, all in Karnataka, and Sabarimala in Kerala, are three major pilgrimage shrines in the southern extension of the Western Ghats for various lineages of the Hindu tradition.

    Western Ghats is a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The Western Ghats mountain chain has an estimated 5000 species of flowering plants, 139 mammal species, 508 bird species and 325 globally endangered species. It is currently estimated that only less than ten percent of the Ghats’ primary vegetation survives and that it has 51 critically endangered species. Scientists at the Jawaharlal Nehru Tropical Botanical Garden and Research Institute at Thiruvananthapuram have published a comprehensive work which has marked 7402 species of flowering plants in the region, out of which 5,588 species are indigenous, 376 are exotics naturalized and 1438 species are cultivated or planted as ornamentals. The study shows that 2,253 out of the indigenous species are endemic to India, with 1,273 species exclusively confined to Western Ghats.

    These forested hills are also the source of numerous rivers, including Godavari, Krishna Tungabhadra, Periyar and Cauvery. Western Ghats is thus a huge water tank supplying water to six states. Further, Karwar and Ezhimala are two major Indian naval bases situated in Western Ghats region.

    A report in 2012 by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) said that encroachment and illegal mining are threatening the Western Ghats. According to the Worldwatch Institute, from 1980 to 2008, an average of 52 species per year moved one category closer to extinction in Western Ghats, on the International Union for Conservation of Nature’s Red List of Endangered Species.

    Biodiversity in Western Ghats is facing a threat from forest loss, encroachment and conversion, said a global environment agency in its report. The new report, “IUCN World Heritage Outlook 2”, put the hills in the “significant concern” category. Another report released in 2017, by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) at the UN climate change conference in Bonn, Germany, says increasing pressure from human population in the Western Ghats region is greater than that faced by many protected areas around the world.

    A CAG report released in 2017, titled ‘Administration of National Parks and Wildlife Sanctuaries in Karnataka’ says more than 1.5 lakh acres of land in Western Ghats have been encroached during the last two decades.

    Sacred groves, Kavu in Malayalam, are rich abodes of biodiversity and water resources. Kerala has witnessed a drastic reduction in the number of its sacred groves. While the state claimed more than 10,000 groves at the time of its formation in 1956, currently less than 1000 exist. Mangroves, the salt tolerant plant community which provides habitat for various migratory birds and breeding and feeding ground for many aquatic species, are systematically destroyed through mineral sand mining in Kerala. According to the Standing Committee on Water Resources 2016, submitted in Lok Sabha, encroachment on water bodies in Kerala is meant for constructing houses and other commercial establishments along the banks of water bodies. Apart from this, people have filled the water bodies for commercial activities.

    The Western Ghats ecology expert panel set up by the Environment Ministry has recently designated the entire Western Ghats as an Ecologically Sensitive Zone (henceforth ESZ) to ensure that the current moratorium on new environmental clearances for mining, polluting industries and power plants remains extended till completion of carrying capacity analysis.

    A major part of the biodiversity of Ghats is under threat from human activities, which has adversely affected climate change and ecological process of the river systems. It was in this context that the Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel (henceforth WGEEP) was constituted in March 2010 with clear terms of reference put forward by the Ministry of Environment and Forests.

    The WGEEP was constituted after a meeting of the Save the Western Ghats Movement (henceforth SWGM) with representatives from more than 160 organisations and thousands of people. The SWGM was again revived in 2009, leading to a meeting at Kotagiri in the Nilgiris in February 2010. It set up the WGEEP to assess the current ecological status of the Western Ghats region, demarcate areas that need to be notified as ecologically sensitive, and recommend notifying such areas as ecologically sensitive zones under the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 and make recommendations for the conservation, protection, and rejuvenation of the Western Ghats region following a comprehensive consultation process involving the people and governments of all the states concerned.

    WGEEP is also known as Gadgil Commission, after its chairman, Prof. Madhav Gadgil. The commission submitted the report to the Government of India on Aug. 31, 2011. It aimed to evaluate the current state of the Ghats and recommend strategies for “conservation, protection and rejuvenation” through a process of consultations with people, state governments as well as commerce and industry.

    The Gadgil Committee Report drew strong protests from the Syro-Malabar Catholic Church which even suggested an international conspiracy behind it. Dr. V.S. Vijayan, Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel Member, said the remarks of the Catholic Church, that commission members received cash from foreign sources was unfortunate. He pointed out that it was not a right move on part of the Church to issue a pastoral letter against the report accusing foreign conspiracy when a majority of churches seek financial support from foreign agencies.

    Although submitted in 2011, the Ministry of Environment and Forests under the UPA government kept the Gadgil report in safe custody for eight months. The matter was taken to the Delhi High Court and following a court order, the ministry released the 522 page report.

    Gadgil provides testimony that the traditional eco-friendly heritage of Western Ghats has been virtually destroyed by the introduction of vulnerable scientific management initiated under colonial rule. The pace of destruction has only accelerated with independence, through liquidation of private forests, large scale felling as roads connected hitherto inaccessible regions on account of development projects, decimation of the resource base of forest based industries that have been practicing excessive, undisciplined harvests. All this served the interests of economic and communal lobbies and pressure groups and the deprived were the marginalized rural and vanvasi (forest) communities.

    The church and mining lobbies propagated that the Gadgil report was against farmers and that they would be evacuated if it was implemented. The propaganda was aimed at communal inflammation since the farmers who encroached the Ghats belonged to the Catholic church.  The Gadgil report does not recommend any exodus of farmers or deprivation of their agricultural land. On the other hand, it prohibits further encroachment of forest land by economic interest groups and lobbies who have been exploiting small scale farmers.

    The Scheduled Castes and Vanvasis supported the Gadgil report. In October 2013, organisations under Kerala Dalit Maha Sabha (KDMS) supported implementation of the Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel Report prepared by Madhav Gadgil. At a meeting in Thodupuzha in Idukki, they demanded immediate implementation of the Gadgil report as ‘it was farmer-friendly’ and ‘contains many good suggestions for a long term plan’ to help the people at the grassroots. The Maha Sabha said the implementation of the Gadgil report will hamper the agenda of forces that work to evict vanvasis and dalits from their lands and this was why its implementation was opposed by lobbies.

    Even Frontline (Volume 18, Issue 21, Oct. 13 - 26, 2001) reported that the tribal people were once in possession of large tracts of forests in Kerala, especially in areas that are now in Palakkad, Wyanad, Idukki, Pathanamthitta, Kollam and Thiruvananthapuram districts. Frontline admitted that to a large extent, post-Independence governments were responsible for the Adivasis losing their lands to encroachment by non-tribal settlers. But Frontline did not dare reveal the open role of the Syro-Malabar Catholic church which sponsors major encroachment of the Western Ghats.

    There were strong agitations in Kerala against the Gadgil report by the Syro-Malabar Catholic church, supported by the Congress and Left parties. India Today published a story (October 2013) titled, ‘Kerala priests and politicians unite to oppose Gadgil report on Western Ghats.’
    As witnessed in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, there are hardly any ‘Long March’ agitations by the Left-affiliated All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) against the huge land encroachments by the Catholic church. The Kisan Sabha has not dared to raise a single allegation against the Catholic church regarding land encroachment. There are no agitations by Kisan Sabha for thousands of vanvasi families who remain landless in Western Ghats region of Kerala.
    • Kerala received rainfall more than 40 per cent greater than normal for the monsoon season, which runs from June to September. 
    Rains swelled rivers and triggered landslides, while reports have suggested the flooding was worsened by excess water being released from dams. 
    Army, navy and disaster response teams were deployed as part of a massive relief operation after thousands were left stranded by the floods. 
    Water levels have now begun to recede as Kerala prepares to clear up the debris from the disaster.
    The Indian Meteorological Department has withdrawn the Red Alert from all 14 districts of Kerala.
    The images were acquired by the Operational Land Imager (OLI) on the Landsat 8 satellite and the Multispectral Instrument on the European Space Agency’s Sentinel-2 satellite.
  •  




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https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/kerala-floods-nasa-s-before-and-after-satellite-images-show-scale-of-devastation/story-

NASA researchers have also maintained that opening the dams in a systematic manner would have contained the deluge that caused largescale loss to life and property in Kerala.
While the death toll in the second spell of monsoon since August 8 has crossed 300, as many as 4,62,456 displaced people continue to languish in 1,435 camps across the state. Chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan recently estimated the financial loss incurred by Kerala in the whereabouts of Rs 20,000 crore.

First Published: Aug 28, 2018 14:04 ISTKerala floods: NASA’s before and after satellite images show scale of devastation

Nasa had earlier released satellite measurements of Kerala rainfall to demonstrate the crucial role played by the Western Ghats in triggering the climatic developments over south Karnataka and Kerala.

  • INDIA Updated: Aug 28, 2018 17:54 IST
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    HT Correspondent
    HT Correspondent 
    Hindustan Times, New Delhi
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    Kerala floods,Nasa,Kerala
    While the ‘before’ image was taken by the Landsat 8 satellite’s operational land imager on February 6, the ‘after’ one was clicked by the multispectral instrument on the European Space Agency’s Sentinel-2 satellite last Wednesday
    NASA researchers have also maintained that opening the dams in a systematic manner would have contained the deluge that caused largescale loss to life and property in Kerala.
    While the death toll in the second spell of monsoon since August 8 has crossed 300, as many as 4,62,456 displaced people continue to languish in 1,435 camps across the state. Chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan recently estimated the financial loss incurred by Kerala in the whereabouts of Rs 20,000 crore.
    The space agency had earlier released satellite measurements of Kerala rainfall to demonstrate the crucial role played by the Western Ghats in triggering the climatic developments over south Karnataka and Kerala. “Although the extreme Himalayan topography is much more well-known, the Western Ghats is a contributing factor to the heavy rains along the southwest coast of India,” a statement from the Goddard Space Flight Centre read.

NASA satellite images show devastating effect of Kerala floods from space

Gender, caste and Sanskrit at the Seventh World Sanskrit Conference -- Arvind Sharma

GENDER, CASTE, AND SANSKRIT AT THE SEVENTEENTH WORLD SANSKRIT CONFERENCE
Arvind Sharma McGill University
I The seventeenth World Sanskrit Conference met in Vancouver from July 9-13 earlier this year. More than six hundred scholars from the world over attended the conference, one of whose plenary sessions was devoted to considerations of gender and caste. It was attended by about a hundred delegates. At this session, three Indian women shared their experiences while learning Sanskrit in India in a largely male dominated environment. These three distinguished scholars were Drs. Kaushal Panwar, Ananya Vajpeyi, and Mandakranta Bose. Their experiences amounted to grievances and so the discussion following the presentations broadened out into a discussion of caste and gender issues in Sanskrit. The hint seemed to be that their experience of oppression was symbolic of the oppressive nature of the Sanskrit language and literature in general.
The debate generated by the session has outlasted it and has spilled over into publications in the mainstream press as well as social media.
I was present on the occasion and have been asked to share my experience of it in view of the growing exchanges around it, in which one party is alleging that the audience intimidated them, and the other party feels that such a description almost amounts to fake news, with overtones of a contrived victimhood. Questions about the appropriateness or otherwise of the session at an academic conference, which seemed to have a political edge to it, have also been raised, as also of the one-sided nature of the panel. The motives of those who organized such a session have also been questioned.
I share below my recollection of the event and reflections on the issues raised above.
II
The meeting took place in a fairly large hall and I was seated somewhat in the rear but the acoustics were reasonably good and I could hear the exchanges fairly clearly.
I did not witness anything that could be construed as intimidation by either the panelists or the audience. I did witness quite a bit of animation in the course of the exchanges on both sides but without any hint of intimidation. I did not find it surprising that issues which have been in contention for a long time, and which have given rise to positions people are passionate about, should generate excitement, but at no point did I feel that a Laksmana-rekha ( or the invisible line between vigor and violence, verbal or otherwise ) had been crossed.
.
We need to distinguish here between analysis, advocacy, and propaganda. I doubt if any academic would approve of propaganda, but academics could hold different views on whether they should venture beyond analysis into advocacy. I respect the views of those who are wary of doing so, people whom some might wish to describe as academic purists, but I am not averse to the prospect of academic analysis ‘progressing’ to well-reasoned advocacy. The feminist movement in the American academy is a good example of this and what can be accomplished in this way. I was interested in the session for this reason, that it might emulate that example.
The readers may wish to judge for themselves whether my optimism was justified on the basis of the following two examples of my interaction with the panelists.
My first interaction was with Mandakranta Bose when the issue of the banishment of Sita by Rama came up in the course of the remarks being made by her. I tried to point out that the moral issue here may not be one of misogyny but something else, namely, how to act when one faces a choice between private virtue and public good. Rama could have been a good husband and sided with Sita. ( One is reminded here of an incident in the life of Prophet Muhammad involving Aisha. She was escorted at night alone by a young Arab who found her stranded in the desert, which caused a scandal. The Prophet sided with Aisha ) . If Rama had sided with Sita it would have been an example of upholding private virtue as a husband. But Rama also had to consider his role as an ideal king, whose wife should be above suspicion. He chose to banish her, at the cost of great personal suffering. I was interested to hear that Mandakranta Bose had already thought along these lines. Some might be inclined to feel that the issue involved here is obsolete and no longer relevant in modern life. Allow me then to share the following episode. About three years ago I met my physician for a regular check-up. After he had examined me, he said to me: “Dr Sharma, I want your advice on something since you are in religious studies. I have to decide whether I should leave the funds I have to my nephews or use them to institute a medical scholarship”. I told him that one hesitates to offer any advice on so personal a matter but Hindu ethics seems to lean towards the view that one should prefer public good over private virtue if one can. He gave me a double take and then said: “You have solved my problem”. A few months later I saw his picture in the McGill [University] News commending his donation.
My interaction with Ananya Vajpeyi involved the the Purusha Sukta, which was much discussed by the panel and great stress was laid on it as the charter of human inequality. When I felt that the Purusha Sukta was being made to carry more hermeneutical weight than it can bear I began by pointing out that the word varna does not appear in the Purusha Sukta but soon moved on to a more substantial point. It was being claimed, as it were, that whichever way we look at it, the Purusha Sukta casts caste divisions in stone: if we look at the four varnas as emerging along with the earth and sky then these divisions were a natural fact, and if we look upon them as emerging from a divine being then the divisions constituted divine phenomenon. The Manusmrti was then also invoked in support of the doctrine of the immutability of the varnas.
When the Manusmrti was invoked I drew attention to an aspect of the deployment of the Purusha Sukta in the Manusmrti which has largely gone unnoticed. The two occasions on which the Purusha Sukta is invoked in its first chapter there is a rider attached to it-- “ for the sake of prosperity and flourishing in the worlds” in the first case (1.31) and ‘‘in order to protect this universe ‘‘ in the second (1.87). There is no such condition attached to the formulation of the four classes in the Purusha Sukta itself. Manu, unlike the Purusha Sukta , makes the doctrine of the four varnas accountable in terms of human flourishing. And what if the condition is not fulfilled? According to the Manusmrti (4.176) it should then be given up.
In response to this, Kaushal Panwar said: ‘I do not get the point’. I think I saw Ananya Yajpeyi discussing the point with the other speakers. This is the last image I have of the exchange.
The intervention had failed to elicit a response.
I mention both these exchanges as examples of how all could benefit from such events. I did not know earlier that both Mandakranta Bose and I had somewhat convergent views about Rama’s banishment of Sita. And I did not know, until I heard it from Ananya Vajpeyi, in the course of the discussion, that Dr Ambedkar had imagined the image of the Purusha as laid out flat on earth, as a sacrificial victim, which negates the hierarchy of the varnas; they could only be identified as high and low if the Purusha was standing upright. If such benefits are to be lasting, however, then advocacy must not be allowed to shade into propaganda for any particular position.
III
Such events require balanced participation if we are to benefit from them. The session was billed as a window to ‘our Sanskrit’ (asmat-sanskrtam). If the Sanskrit is going to be ‘ours’ it cannot be restricted to the testimony of those who have only had negative experiences in relation to it, or to those who choose to highlight only the negative dimension of their experience of it. To do so would be to become unjust in the pursuit of justice. Dr Shivani of Bangalore attested to her positive experiences as she pursued her Sanskrit studies, untrammeled by caste and gender considerations. Dr Viyaya Ramaswami of Jawaharlal Nehru University has spoken to me about how empowered she had felt while studying Sanskrit. The TV series called Sanskrit Vartavali has regularly featured Western women, even from Sweden and Mexico, who have cultivated Sanskrit on their own initiative in an Indian milieu at the grassroots level without apparently experiencing any discrimination .
The suggestion that a panel should have been even-handed does not mean that the experience of those who had negative experiences can or should be ignored. Discrimination cannot be considered to be have been dealt with if we can balance the scale of negative versus positive experiences; any morally decent position must advocate zero tolerance of discrimination. Biography is not history, to claim otherwise would be too narrow a formulation but although a generalization is based on individuals (or individual items), no individual may be subsumed in the general.
The point is rather a different and deeper one. If the unfiltered accounts of the panelists were to be entertained as reflecting the true state of affairs then it would mean that the Hindu world is an ineluctably regressive one. This is a questionable position to suggest about a tradition which is almost universally considered to be a plural tradition, which by definition means that it will harbor many possible positions on a subject. And this intuition is borne out by the evidence which it will be tedious or perhaps even redundant to recount here. The point cuts even deeper. If any tradition is projected as hopelessly regressive then the inevitable conclusion one comes to is that the tradition is incapable of regenerating itself. And as it cannot save itself, it must be saved by others. It is this unacknowledged implication of the optics of the panel which, it seems to me, lies at the root of the discomfort around it because most of those present had greater confidence in their culture’s ability to remedy its deficiencies on its own. Every tradition possesses a quality which exceeds its contents.
August 27, 2018

Falsified claims of Vartak and Oak who cite 5561 BCE as year of Mahābhārata war. Mahābhārata is the most accurate historical document of the war in year 3067 BCE.

https://tinyurl.com/yb8762ho

This is a tribute to Narahari Achar who has diligently worked on simulating the skymaps of Mahābhārata events using planetaria software.

I believe that Mahābhārata is the most accurately, astronomically dated historical document, which is a monument to bhakti and dharma, in the history of civilization because scores of historical events on the ground, terra firma are dated to specific nakshatra and planetary/equinoctical constellation skymaps used as calendars.

Mahābhārata is the most accurate historical document because specific, detailed skymaps have been recorded of events related to the war which occurred in year 3067 BCE. See Annex Reclaiming the chronology of Bharatam: Narahari Achar (July 2006) http://tinyurl.com/k2hhd

A skymap derived from astronomy is a calendrical event and should certainly match with the astronomical observations on dates related to the war recorded in Mahābhārata.

Not all astronomical references relate to events which describe or relate to the war. Many skymaps are interpreted as omens in the text. Hence, the reading of the texts and their interpretations in reference to terrestrial events should be done with due diligence and deliberation.

To the credit of Nilesh Nilakanth Oak, it should be noted that the skymap event of Arundhati (Alcor) leaving behind Vasistha (Mizar) occurred in 11091 BCE. This skymap event is recalled in the context of omens, but, this date has no direct reference whatsoever to the historical events and the war of 3067 BCE recorded in Mahābhārata.

The year of the war 5561 BCE claimed by Vartak and Oak to be the year of the war is nowhere near this date. 

Narahari Achar rightly observes: "That is when the change triggers an omen. Not in 4508 BCE, when the change is in the opposite direction and certainly not in 5561 BCE. In 5561 BCE, she is still leading Vasishtha, but the amount by which she leads is decreasing. For some five thousand and five hundred years, Arundhati is leading Vasistha, not following! If Oak were to use this information, then the War should have taken place in 11091 BCE and not in 5561 BCE."

It is clear that the reference to Arundhati in the text is a recalled event of date about 8 millennia earlier than 3067 BCE.

I agree with the views of Vedveer Arya in his Facebook post. Vedveer Arya notes "Vyasa tells Dhritarashtra that the sky used to burn during sunrise and sunset. It used to rain blood and bones. Arundhati also used to walk ahead of Vasishtha (उभे संध्ये प्रकाशेते दिशां दाहसमन्वितेआसीदरुधिरवर्षं  अस्थि वर्षं  भारत | या चैषा विश्रुता राजंस 
तरैलॊक्ये साधु संमता, अरुन्धती तयाप्य एष वसिष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः |, 2.30 & 31). Evidently, Vyasa referred to these bad omens as the events of past because he used the verb “Asit” in past tense. He also indirectly cautioned Dhritarashtra that the same can repeat again. At the end of the Chapter 3, it is stated; “After carefully listening to the words of his father (Vyasa), Dhritarashtra says; I agree that such events (bad omens) occurred in the past (पुरा) and undoubtedly these events may occur again पितुर वचॊ निशम्यैतद धृतराष्ट्रॊ ऽबरवीद 
इदमदिष्टम एतत पुरा मन्ये भविष्यति संशयः, 3.44). Thus, Vyasa referred to the astronomical event of Arundhati walking ahead of Vasishtha that occurred in the past and not an event that occurred during Mahabharata era."

Taking into account, the interpretations of Vedveer Arya, the translation of the Mahābhārata referring to Arundhati should read as follows:

6.2.88 Kisari Mohan Ganguly's translation:  She, O king, who is celebrated over the three worlds and is applauded by the righteous, even that constellation Arundhati keepeth her lord Vasiṣṭha on her back.
Source: 

Contrast this with Oak's translation: “My dear King, Arundhati (saintly wife of Vasistha) who is revered by the righteous all over the three worlds, has left her husband Vasistha behind.” Thus, Oak assumes this to be a contemporary Skymap observation. This contemporaneity is negated by the fact that the event had occured 8 millennia earlier than 3067 BCE. 

I submit that the reference to Arundhati is an ancient, past astronomical observation and has NO bearing whatsoever to the terrestrial events being 'calendared' in the text.
The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute [Mahabharata Critical Edition]:
06002031a या चैषा विश्रुता रा जंस्त्रैलोक्ये साधुसंमता
06002031c अरुन्धती तयाप्येष वसि ष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः
Gita press translation: 
राजन्जो अरून्धती तीनों लोकों में पतिव्रताओं की मुकुटमणिके रूपमें प्रसिध हैंउन्‍होनें वसिष्ठ को अपने पीछे कर दिया है ||३१ ||
[Source: तृतीयखंडभीष्मपर्वणि , जॅंबूखंडविनिर्माणपर्वद्वि तीयोध्याय:, ३१ 
(Book 3, Page 2547, Chapter 2, Number 31)]
The translation of the event as an event in the past is justified as follows by Vedveer Arya reading the sloka in context which includes the following expressions: : उभे संध्ये प्रकाशेते दिशां दाहसमन्वितेआसीदरुधिरवर्षं  अस्थि वर्षं  भारत | This is a clear enunciation of events of the past by use of the root: "asit".. This interpretation is further confirmed at the end of the Chapter 3 which notes: “After carefully listening to the words of his father (Vyasa), Dhritarashtra says; I agree that such events (bad omens) occurred in the past (पुरा) and undoubtedly these events may occur again (पितुर वचॊ निशम्यैतद धृतराष्ट्रॊ ऽबरवीद इदमदिष्टम 
एतत पुरा मन्ये भविष्यति संशयः, 3.44).

It is unfortunate that Oak assumes this to be a skymap event and an observation related to the war. If Arundhati moving ahead of Vasishtha is a skymap event, the date is 11091 BCE and nowhere near 3067 BCE which is the year of the war proved by a number of astronomical observations recorded in the text as demonstrated in skymaps shown by Narahari Achar.

Arundhati also used to walk ahead of Vasishtha (उभे संध्ये प्रकाशेते दिशां दाहसमन्वितेआसीदरुधिरवर्षं  अस्थि वर्षं  भारत | 
या चैषा विश्रुता राजंस तरैलॊक्ये साधु संमता, अरुन्धती तयाप्य एष वसिष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः |, 2.30 & 31).

[quote]Now the question is How AV observation is relevant for dating of Mahabharata. In my opinion, we must read Bhishma Parva's Chapter 2 & 3 together. In fact, Vyasa was simply referring to various bad omens. Therefore, we should not assume that all these astronomical events occurred before MB War.  

Astronomical references in Bhishma Parva, Chapters 2 & 3
Vaishampayana states that Vyasa had already foretold to King Vichitravirya in private about the war among the sons of Kuru dynasty and other kings who will kill one another. In this context, Vyasa lists various bad omens which will result in great destruction. Therefore, it is incorrect to think that all these bad omens took place before Mahabharata war.
If all these events were really happened than there are some contradictory and impossible bad omens listed in Chapter 2 & 3 of Bhishma Parva. For example:
1.      It is stated that Saturn was in Rohini Nakshatra and also in Vishakha Nakshatra (रॊहिणीं पीडयन्न एषसथितॊ राजञ शनैश्चरः 2.32 & विशाखयॊः समीपस्थौ बृहस्पतिशनैश्चरौ 3.25). How is it possible?
2.      The Mahabharata references of the Saturn’s position in Rohini should not be interpreted as the event occurred during the year of Mahabharata war. It is actually a general statement because Saturn occulted Rohini (Rohini-Sakata-Bheda) regularly during the period 3500-3000 BCE.
3.      It is also mentioned that Brihaspati was in Sravana Nakshatra and also in Vishakha nakshatra (शरवणे  बृहस्पतिः 3.13 & विशाखयॊः समीपस्थौ बृहस्पतिशनैश्चरौ 3.25). How is it possible?
4.      There are some impossible statements like sons are sleeping with their mothers (रमन्ते मातृभिःसुताः 3.1), Donkeys are being born to a cow (खरा गॊषु परजायन्ते 3.1), Pregnant princesses are giving birth to Vibhishnas (गर्भिण्यॊ राजपुत्र्यश  जनयन्ति विभीषणान, 3.2), Horse is giving birth to a lamb and fox is giving birth to a dog (गॊवत्सं वडवा सूते शवा सृगालं, 3.6), The troublesome clouds are raining blood and meat (उत्पातमेघा रौद्राश  रात्रौ वर्षन्ति शॊणितममांसवर्षं पुन: तीव्रम, 3. 30 & 31) etc.
Arundhati-Vasishtha Observation
Vyasa tells Dhritarashtra that the sky used to burn during sunrise and sunset. It used to rain blood and bones. Arundhati also used to walk ahead of Vasishtha (उभे संध्ये प्रकाशेते दिशां दाहसमन्वितेआसीदरुधिरवर्षं  अस्थि वर्षं  भारत | या चैषा विश्रुता राजंस तरैलॊक्ये साधु संमता, अरुन्धती तयाप्य एष वसिष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः |, 2.30 & 31). Evidently, Vyasa referred to these bad omens as the events of past because he used the verb “Asit” in past tense. He also indirectly cautioned Dhritarashtra that the same can repeat again. At the end of the Chapter 3, it is stated; “After carefully listening to the words of his father (Vyasa), Dhritarashtra says; I agree that such events (bad omens) occurred in the past (पुरा) and undoubtedly these events may occur again (पितुर वचॊ निशम्यैतद धृतराष्ट्रॊ ऽबरवीद इदमदिष्टम एतत पुरा मन्ये भविष्यति संशयः, 3.44).
Thus, Vyasa referred to the astronomical event of Arundhati walking ahead of Vasishtha that occurred in the past and not an event that occurred during Mahabharata era.[unquote]
Narahari Achar provides evidence that specific astronomical observations of the text do NOT match with the claimed year of 5561 BCE for the war and hence, the date 5561 BCE has not been validated by day-by-day Skymap observations recorded in the text during all the days of the war and key events related to the proclamation of the war, after failure of efforts of Kr̥ṣṇa rāyabāram (diplomatic missions) రాయబారము  or రాయభారము rāya-bāramu. [for Skt. రాజభారము.] n. A negotiation, message, embassy. Intercession (Telugu).

While agreeing with the observation that Kr̥ṣṇa's peace mission starts on Revati Nakshatra, Oak deviously suggests a textual distortion using a fanciful translation suggesting that what is referred to in the text is NOT kartika māsa (month) but a month of lotuses:


Krishna’s peace mission starts on Revati Nakshatra

Moon at
According to Achar
According to Oak
Revati nakshatra
Kartika masa
Month of lotuses
Full Moon
Sept 29, 3067 BCE Lunar eclipse
Bharani
Sept 1, 5561 BCE No lunar eclipse Ashvini
Uttara phalguni Krishna- Karna ride together
Oct. 8, 3067 BCE
Sept 9/10 5561 BCE
New Moon
Oct 14, 3067 Solar eclipse at Jyeshtha
Sept 17, 5561 BCE No solar eclipse. Sun at Vishakha
Full Moon
Oct 28, 3067 BCE Lunar eclipse
Oct 1, 5561 BCE Rohini
No lunar eclipse. Kartika Paurnima
New Moon

Oct 16/17, 5561 BCE  solar eclipse. Sun at Moola

This is an addendum to the blogpost:

 


See Video of panel discussion held in WAVES 2018 at https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=NjGDflEI_6A (1:11:38)
Panelists Nilesh Oak, Shashi Tiwari, Raj Vedam, Narahari Achar, Subash Kak

Mirrored at: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2018/08/panel-on-vedic-and-ancient-indian.html

PV Vartak has derived the date of the initiation of the Mahabharata War to be 16th October 5561 BCE.

NN Oak claims the same year 5561 BCE suggested by Vartak but without being specific about dates of events in the text. Oak cites Arundhati on the skymap with questionable interpretations of the text as shown by Narahari Achar in the following excerpts from Narahari Achar's refutation of Nilesh Nilkanth Oak's 5561 BCE for the Mahābhārata war:








The claim of Oak about Arundhati:


The claim of 3067 BCE as the year of Mahabharata war is falsified by the astronomy observation of Mahabharata text, par excellence, Arundhati-Vasishtha (AV) observation which assert upper limit of 11091 BCE and lower limit of 4508 BCE for the year of Mahabharata war.

[quote] Achar’s response:

Oak’s whole thesis is based on a single shloka from the epic:

वा चैषाविश्रुता राजंस्त्रैलोक्ये साधुसंमता |
अरुन्धती तयाप्येष वसिष्ठः पृष्ष्ठतः कृतः  ||  MB (VI.2.31)
“My dear King, Arundhati (saintly wife of Vasistha) who is revered by the righteous all over the three worlds, has left her husband Vasistha behind.” (Oak’s translation)
This shloka appears in the second chapter of Bhishma Parvan, when Vyasa visits Dhritarashtra on the eve of the war. Vyasa opens his conversation with the shloka:

इह युद्धे महाराज भविष्यति महान्क्षयः |
यथेमानि निमित्तानि भयायोपलक्ष्यते || MB(VI.2.16)
“Oh king, there will be a great disaster from this battle, just as have been witnessed the omens causing a great fear.”

Then follows a list of omens, omen after omen, running over two chapters. The reference to Arundhati is also necessarily such an omen. Arundhati, is revered by all in three worlds as a great pious woman, one who always follows her husband. Even such a person, (note the stress on तयािप), instead of following him is now leading him. This extraordinary behavior of a pious woman constitutes an omen indicative of a disaster that follows. However, Oak regards it differently. According to Oak’s findings, before 11091 BCE, Arundhati was following Vasishtha. From 11091 BCE to 4508 BCE she is leading Vasishtha. After 4508 BCE she again follows Vasishtha. This is depicted in the figure provided by Oak:

Image may be NSFW.
Clik here to view.

Now in 5561 BCE, Arundhati has been leading Vasishtha for 5500 years, how could she be revered as “a pious woman who follows her husband” by all t he righteous people in three worlds?

The change in her behavior occurs in 11091 BCE. She was following Vasishtha, but changes into leading Vasishtha. That is when the change triggers an omen. Not in 4508 BCE, when the change is in the opposite direction and certainly not in 5561 BCE. In 5561 BCE, she is still leading Vasishtha, but the amount by which she leads is decreasing. For some five thousand and five hundred years, Arundhati is leading Vasistha, not following! If Oak were to use this information, then the War should have taken place in 11091 BCE and not in 5561 BCE.

Vyasa is giving a list of omens. An omen is a transient phenomenon, which was not there before, happens and is no more after some time. An omen indicates an impending disaster. Oak’s finding cannot qualify as an omen.[unquote]
...

Oak takes liberty with finding meanings of words, making up his own explanations and associating /inventing astronomical phenomena. For example, according to the epic,

a) Krishna leaves for his peace mission  on Revati nakshatra in Kartika masa. But, according to Oak, the month is not Kartika,but ‘month of lotuses’, although he agrees with Revati nakshatra.

b) It is Kartika Paurnima when Krishna is in Hastinapura, and there is a lunar eclipse. Not according to Oak. He interprets Karna’s words, “सोमस्य लक्ष्म व्यावृत्तं” as not referring to a lunar eclipse. According to him, the disappearance of the characteristic mark of chandra’ refers to the appearance of moon near a New Moon!

c) Krishna and Karna ride together on Uttara phalguni nakshatra, Oak agrees with this.

d) Seven days from that day is Amavasya and a solar eclipse is going to occur. As per Krishna,

सप्तमाच्चापि दिवसादमावास्या भविष्यति |
संग्रामं योजयेत्तत्र तां ह्याहुः शक्रदेवताम् || MB (V.140.18)

The nakshatra is specified by the adhipati Shakra (Indra), and hence jyeshtha. Oak interprets this as vishakha whose adhipati is Indragni. It is dual devata and not separately as Indra and Agni. But, Oak takes shakra as referring to Indra of Indragni and takes it as referring to Vishakha. Shakra refers to Indra only and hence to Jyeshtha.

e) Karna’s words सोमस्य लक्ष्म व्यावृत्तं राहुरर्कमुपेष्यति |MB(V.141.10) refer to the lunar eclipse on Kartika paurnima and the coming solar eclipse at Jyeshtha nakshatra. Krishna’s and Karna’s statements establish the following sequence of events:
Revati nakshatra-> Kartika paurnima lunar eclipse->Uttara phalguni, Krishna and Karna ride together->Amavasya in seven days at Jyeshtha, a solar eclipse day-> war.

But, the sequence of events made up by Oak is as follows:

Revati nakshatra -> Amavasya.at Vishakha ->Kartika paurnima -> Dhritarashtra -Vyasa meeting -> war.

Oak declares that war began on Jyeshtha Amavasya, the day after Vyasa meets with Dhritarashtra and the solar eclipse takes place on that day.

Oak’s sequence is contradicted by the explicit statements in Udyogaparvan

सप्तमाच्चापि दिवसादमावास्या भविष्यति.. तां ह्याहुः शक्रदेवताम् | and सोमस्य लक्ष्म व्यावृत्तं राहुरर्कमुपेष्यति | already quoted. These refer to the lunar eclipse already over and the solar eclipse yet to take place. Furthermore, by the statement of Vyasa in Bhishma parvan:

अलक्ष्यः प्रभयाहीनः पौर्णमासीं च कार्तिकीम् । MB(VI.2.23)  व्यावृत्तं लक्ष्म सोमस्य.MB(VI.2.32),  referring to the lunar eclipse on Kartika paurnima and ..अर्कं राहुस्तथाग्रसत्MB(VI.3.11) referring to the solar eclipse on Jyeshtha Amavasya, both have already taken place by the time Vyasa meets Dhritarashtra on the eve of War.  The war could not have started on the Jyeshtha amvasya solar eclipse day.

A clearer picture of the eclipses during and immediately after Krishna’s mission, can be obtained by looking at the sky view simulations in 3067 BCE and 5561 BCE with the appropriate dates after the Revati nakshatra.  The events are summarized in the table:

Krishna’s peace mission starts on Revati Nakshatra

Moon at
According to Achar
According to Oak
Revati nakshatra
Kartika masa
Month of lotuses
Full Moon
Sept 29, 3067 BCE Lunar eclipse
Bharani
Sept 1, 5561 BCE No lunar eclipse Ashvini
Uttara phalguni Krishna- Karna ride together
Oct. 8, 3067 BCE
Sept 9/10 5561 BCE
New Moon
Oct 14, 3067 Solar eclipse at Jyeshtha
Sept 17, 5561 BCE No solar eclipse. Sun at Vishakha
Full Moon
Oct 28, 3067 BCE Lunar eclipse
Oct 1, 5561 BCE Rohini
No lunar eclipse. Kartika Paurnima
New Moon

Oct 16/17, 5561 BCE  solar eclipse. Sun at Moola

It should be noted that there is no lunar eclipse on Kartika Paurnima nor a solar eclipse on Jyeshtha nakshatra in 5561 BCE. The solar eclipse occurs on Moola nakshatra.

Oak criticizes Achar for using the reference of Saturn afflicting Rohini.

प्राजापत्यं हि नक्षत्रंग्रहस्तीक्ष्णो महाद्युतिः
शनैश्चरः पीडयति पीडयन्प्राणिनॊऽधिकम् ।MB(V.141.7)

Oak’s explanation?

A truly unique one, which has no basis what so ever. In 5561 BCE, Saturn is near Uttara phalguni and Hasta and no where near Rohini. He explains“when Rohini is setting on the western horizon Saturn is the only other planet in the eastern part of the sky. This observation is then described as Saturn afflicting Rohini”

He does not realize that this explanation of ‘affliction’ is not according to any Shastra. Moreover, the total absurdity of this idea can be seen by examining the eastern view of the sky at the time of the setting of Rohini. The relative position of Saturn and Rohini practically remains the same for nearly a year, so essentially the same area of the eastern sky is seen at the time Rohini sets in the west. However, the time at which Rohini sets changes every day by about four minutes. Hence as time goes on different planets come into view in the eastern sky, and sometimes Sun is also in that part and Saturn cannot be seen at all. For example on 30 th sept/1st Oct 5561 BCE, (Which is Kartika Paurnima, according to Oak), Rohini sets at 5:55 am and Saturn is clearly seen on the eastern sky just as Oak says. However, on 10 Sept 5561 BCE, the day Karna and Krishna ride together, Rohini sets at 7:17 am. Mercury and Saturn are both in the eastern part of the sky. However, the Sun is also up and neither of the planets can be seen.Are both Mercury and Saturn afflicting Rohini? Or, neither can afflict it as they cannot be seen? That is the day when Karna is describing the planetary positions to Krishna. Karna does not say that Mercury is afflicting Rohini. Furthermore, during the course of the year, while Saturn stays practically in the same position between Uttara phalguni and Hasta, many other planets pass through the eastern part of the sky when Rohini is setting, but they are not said to afflict Rohini. Oak’s interpretation is absurd.[unquote]

Annex
Reclaiming the chronology of Bharatam: Narahari Achar (July 2006)

B.N.Narahari Achar had presented the date of Mahabharata war and related observed events described in the epic with extraordinary accuracy by Veda Vyasa in an international colloquium (January 2003). Further researches by him have established the Mahabharata as the sheet-anchor of the history of Bharatam. The textual references (Critical edition of Bhandarkar Institute) of observed events are related to either planets or comets. In this note (July 2006), Achar establishes that some references are emphatically to comets (mentioned as such in the text itself; graha means both 'planet' and 'comet' and has to be interpreted in context). This brilliant insight resolves the centuries' old problem of apparent inconsistencies within the critical edition of the text. In fact, there are no inconsistencies. Mahabharata is astonishingly accurate, making it the most authentic historical document in human civilizational history.

Continuing the path-breaking use of planetarium software (of the type used by NASA to launch satellites into cosmos), Achar also validates the date of Nirvana of the Buddha. This date is consistent with the Tibetan Bauddha tradition which notes that Gautama the Buddha lived in 19th century BCE. The skymaps of the 3067 and 1807 BCE map the important dates in Hindu civilization: the Great War and the Nirvana of the Buddha, respectively.

Vyasa-Dhritarashtra Samvada by BN Achar

Annals of BORI, LXXXIV, (2003), pp 13-22). This document establishes 1) the concordance between Atharvaveda Paris'is.t.a and the Mahabharata in relation to the accounts related to comets and 2) internal consistency of astronomical observations recorded in Udyogaparvan and Bhishmaparvan.

S. Kalyanaraman (28 July 2006).


Reclaiming the Chronology of Bharatam


B. N. Narahari Achar


Abstract


The Date of the Mahabharata War has been determined uniquely to be 3067 BCE, on the basis of archaeo-astronomical investigations using planetarium software and the references to astronomical events found in the epic. As has been emphasized by many scholars, this date should be taken as the ‘sheet-anchor’ for the chronology of Bharatam. However, the History of India has been written using the dates of Alexander and Megasthenese as fixed points in time and a chronology given on the basis of AIT or some variant there of. These accounts have been repeated so often that they have acquired the status of ‘ground-truth’. It is important therefore to reclaim the proper chronology of Bharatam

            There are a number of problems in reclaiming the proper chronology. First of all, there are several dates given traditionally as the date of the Mahabharata War. For example there are the dates based on the beginning of Kaliyuga, 3102 BCE on the astronomical basis or 3138 BCE based on the departure of Krishna as per the Bhatavata Purana account. Then there is the date 2449 BCE, attributed to Varahamihira and quoted by Kalhana in Rajatarangini. Further, there is the puranic tradition based on the genealogical lists that there was a period of 1500 years elapsed between Parikshit and the Nandas. These different dates have to be reconciled with the date 3067 BCE.
           
Secondly, the Dates of Buddha, Adishankara and Kalidasa should be taken as fixed points in the chronology. Here an attempt is made to reconcile the differences in the so-called traditional dates of the Mahabharata war, based on the textual evidence in the epic itself. Preliminary results based on archaeoastronomical investigations into the date of Buddha as recorded in Samyutta Nika_ya indicate the emergence of a consistent chronology. Work is in progress to reexamine some epigraphical evidence using planetarium software. The author is confident that a completely consistent chronology will emerge with the date of Mahabharata war as the sheet-anchor.


I.          Introduction
            It is universally acknowledged that Bha_ratam has one of the most ancient cultural traditions, which unlike the other ancient cultural traditions has been preserved continuously without a break even to the present day.[1] Western Scholars, while grudgingly acknowledging this unbroken tradition, have complained that Indians lack a sense of history and do not have a historical tradition. Therefore, they decided to write a history for Bha_ratam, which is based on their own ideas of history. They have accepted the dates of Alexander and Megasthenese of the Greek tradition as fixed points of history. Using some data from genealogical lists from the Pura_n.a s and the so-called Aryan Invasion Theory (AIT) or some variant there of, the scholars have a chronology for India. These scholars have discounted the fact that two of the greatest epics of the world, Rama_yan.a and Maha_bha_rata are traditionally regarded as itiha_sa s, i.e., historic texts and that there are a host of supporting texts in the form of Pura_n.a- s. Ignoring the fact that Bha_ratam has its own sense of history and its purpose[2], the scholars have systematically misrepresented the chronology of Bha_ratam. It is important to dismiss this false chronology and to reclaim the correct chronology for Bha_ratam.

            Based on research over the past several years, using the so-called Planetarium Software and the references to astronomical events in the epic Mahabha_rata, the author has shown[3] that it is possible to arrive at a unique date for the War on the basis of archaeo-astronomical reasoning. This unique date, 3067 BCE, had also been proposed previously by Professor Raghavan. This date should be used as the ‘sheet-anchor’ for the chronology of Bha_ratam.

            The plan of the essay is as follows. First, the astronomical references in the epic, Maha_bha_rata from which a date can be ascertained, and the methodology of arriving at a date is summarized and supported by star maps from the planetarium software. It is important to stress that the date of the war is determined solely on the basis of astronomical references in the epic Maha_bha_rata alone and the date is established independently of any other source, as the sheet-anchor for the chronology of Bha_ratam. The consistency of this date with the other texts of Vedic and other traditions is then discussed. This is followed by a discussion of the consistency with the genealogy lists from Pura_n.a texts. A further step in establishing the chronology of Bha_ratam is given in the simulations of the date of astronomical events associated with Buddha nirva_n.a. This essay takes the initial steps in a long way in establishing the chronology of Bharatam through the simulations using planetarium software, and largely agrees with the chronology as advocated by Kota Vekatachelam and a host of other scholars.

II.        Archaeo-astronomical Investigations and the Date of the Maha_bha_rata War

The author has explored the astronomical references (of which there are more than one hundred and fifty in number, and occur scattered throughout the epic) using the planetarium software with a view to determine the date of the War.  More than 40% of all the articles[4] (totaling more than 120 in number) dedicated to determining the date of the war, are based on the astronomical references. Although the astronomical references are scattered throughout the epic, most of them pertaining to the war occur in Udyogaparvan and Bhi_shmaparvan of the epic. Practically all scholars have characterized the references in Bhi_shmaparvan as astrological omens[5] and inconsistent and not suitable for a ‘scientific’ analysis. The earlier works using the astronomical references were tedious and calculations were done manually and hence chose to use only a couple of the astronomical events out of the many available in the epic. More recent studies have used the computer software ‘planetarium software’ and consequently have considered a much larger number sample of astronomical references in the epic. Still, until recently there appeared to be no convergence of the dates[6].  Some scholars have introduced[7] ad hoc hypotheses in attempting to find some degree of coherence among the apparently ‘inconsistent’ astronomical references. The author has clearly shown that the astronomical references are quite consistent and that such ad hoc hypotheses are totally unnecessary. The research has shown conclusively that

(i)                  the astronomical references in the Bhi_shmaparvan are not merely ‘astrological effusions fit for mother goose’s tales’ (as once characterized by Professor Sen Gupta), but follow a Vedic tradition of omens and describe mostly comets and not planets as generally assumed,
(ii)                the few true planetary references in this parvan are identical to those in Udyogaparvan,
(iii)               These common references lead to a unique date for the war, 3067 BCE.
(iv)              all other astronomical references in the epic are consistent with the date
(v)                The date agrees with the date given earlier by Professor Raghavan and is consistent with the traditional date~3000 BCE.
(vi)              Using the planetarium software, it can be easily demonstrated that all other dates proposed by different authors are inconsistent with the planetary configurations referred to in (ii) above.    

The important planetary configurations

The important references to planets consist of those that are common to both Udyoga and Bhishmaparvan-s and include the following

(i)                  conjunction of s’ani with rohin.i
(ii)                retrograde motion of anga_raka just before reaching jyesht.ha
(iii)               a lunar eclipse on the ka_rtika porn.ima, followed by
(iv)              a solar eclipse at jyesht.ha.
These events lead to a unique year for the war. All other references in the epic are consistent with this date.

III.       Simulations using Planetarium Software and the date of the war

            A search is made for the years in which there is a conjunction of Saturn (s’ani) with Aldebaran (rohini) between 3500 BCE and 500 CE. As Saturn takes an average of 29.5 years to go around the sun once, the event also repeats with the same period. There are 137 such conjunctions during the interval specified above. A search is then made for those years from among these 137 dates when Mars (anga_raka) is retrograde before reaching Antares (jyesht.ha). Since the retrograde motion of Mars repeats with the same period as its synodic period, a spread of two years on either side of each of the dates was considered in the search. The search reduced the set to just seventeen: 3272 BCE, 3067 BCE, 2830 BCE, 2625 BCE, 2388 BCE, 2183 BCE, 1946 BCE, 1741 BCE, 1504 BCE, 1299 BCE, 1061 BCE, 857 BCE, 620 BCE, 415 BCE, 28 CE, 233 CE and 470 CE, when Saturn was near Aldebaran and Mars executed a retrograde motion before reaching Antares. A search is then made for those years in which there is a lunar eclipse near Pleiades (i.e., on the ka_rtika porn.ima). This reduces the set to just two, 3067 BCE and 2183 BCE. It turns out that in both of these years the lunar eclipse is followed by a solar eclipse at jyesht.ha. A sequence of ‘two eclipses within a period of 13 days’ also occurs in the two eclipse seasons. When one considers the fact that Bhi_shma passed away on the Ma_gha s’ukla asht.ami after the occurrence of winter solstice, a unique date results, for the winter solstice in January 13, 3066 BCE occurred on s’uklapan~cami where as the winter solstice in 2182 BCE occurred on krishn.acaturthi.

Thus a unique date of 3067 BCE for the date of the war emerges. The author has shown that this date is consistent with all the other astronomical references in the epic in several publications[8] with the help of copious illustrations of star maps generated by Planetarium software. A couple of the star maps will be included as part of this essay by way of illustration.

Figure 1 shows the star map for September 20, 3067 BCE, corresponding to Ka_rtika Porn.ima. On that day Krishn.a was in Hastinapura for the peace talks. It was also a day of Lunar eclipse. S’ani is clearly seen to be near rohin.i. Figure 2 shows the star map for October 14, 3067 BCE, corresponding to Ama_va_sya at Jyesht.ha. It was a solar eclipse day. Superposed on the star map is the path of Anga_raka which shows a retrograde loop before reaching Jyesht.ha. The retrograde motion of Mars had occurred several months earlier. These two figures clearly show that the important planetary configurations noted earlier occurred in 3067 BCE. Figure 3 shows the day of Bhi_shma’s expiry.





IV. Consistency of the Date of 3067 BCE with tradition

Beginning of kaliyuga and Information from Purana-s

            According to Sengupta,[9] there are three traditions regarding the date of the Maha_bha_rata war, namely  (i) the so called A_ryabhat.a tradition[10], according to which Pa_nd.avas lived at the beginning of the astronomical Kali age, 3102 BCE; (ii) 2449 BCE, based on the saptarshi tradition as allegedly recorded by Vara_hamihira[11]; (iii) the tradition of the Pura_n.a-s[12], according to which from the birth of Pari_kshit to the accession of Maha_padmananda, there was a time interval is one thousand and five hundred years. Based on the Pura_n.a tradition, modern historians who have identified Candragupta Maurya (who followed the Nanda –s) to have lived in 324 BCE, assign a date ~1900 BCE for the war. All these three will be examined for consistency. It is to be reemphasized that the date of 3067 BCE has been derived independent of any of these traditions and is truly based on the internal evidence based on astronomical references found in the epic alone.

A_ryabhat.a Tradition

            A_ryabhat.a declares[13] that when he was 23 years old, 3600 years of Kaliyuga had elapsed. This identifies the beginning of Kaliyuga with 3102 BCE. At first sight there appears to be some question about the consistency of the date 3067 BCE for the war with the beginning of Kaliyuga, which is traditionally thought to have started after the war. A large number of scholars who have proposed the date of ~3000 BCE for the war rely on the information regarding the beginning of Kaliyuga in one-way or the other. However, the epic it self does not explicitly give any information about the beginning of Kaliyuga. It is generally accepted that the astronomical beginning of Kaliyuga coincides with 17/18 February, 3102 BCE. The date of the war is then tied to the beginning of Kaliyuga (which according to some authors coincided with the end of the war and thus giving the date as 3102 BCE for the war). But there are others who take their clue from the Pura_n.as, according to which Kaliyuga began with the departure of Lord Krishn.a from this world, an event occurring after 36 years after the war. This results in the proposed date of 3138 BCE for the war.  The spread of +/- 1 year on either side of these dates arises from slightly different modes of counting. Of course, the date 3067 BCE is posterior to 3102 BCE. Is there a conflict? Should not the war precede the beginning of Kaliyuga? Not really.  All that the epic says[14] is that the war occurred during the transitional interval between Dva_para and Kaliyuga s, and nowhere it says exactly when the Dva_para ended or Kali began. The antara or the interval between the yugas is quite extensive. According to Vishn.upura_n.a, the sandhya for Dva_para lasts for 200 years and for Kali it is 100 years. Thus there is a period of some 100 years or so, which can be legitimately referred to as sandhya and 3067 BCE falls within this interval of 3102 BCE.  In fact, there is some indication that the Kaliyuga had already started by the time of the war[15].  Even Bha_gavata pura_n.a acknowledges[16] that although Kaliyuga had already started, because of the presence of Krishna, Kali’s effect had been controlled. The full power of Kali became effective only with the departure of Krishn.a, according to Kali ra_ja vritta_nta[17] Thus there is no conflict with the war occurring in 3067 BCE and the reckoning of Kaliyuga from 3102 BCE.

The alleged Vara_hamihira Tradition

Vara_hamihira states in his Brihatsamhita that the saptarshi-s were in ma_gha when Yudhisht.hira was ruling and to get the epoch of s’akakala one should add 2526 years to the epoch of Yudhisht.hira Historians have assumed that the  s’akaka_la or s’aka nripatika-la refers to the S’a-liva-hana s’aka of 78 CE. Thus arriving at the date -2448 (= 78-2526 ) or 2449 BCE for the Yudhisht.hira Era, the scholars declare that Vara_hamihira gives this as the date of the Maha_bha_rata war. Kalhan.a also assumes that the position of saptarshi –s has been given by Vara_hamihira and makes the same mistake regarding the s’akakala in his Ra_jatarangin.i. However, he assumes that Kaliyuga began in 3102 BCE, hence declares that Pandava–s lived 3102-2449= 653 years after the start of the Kaliyuga. This has only contributed to the confusion and some Indologists actually declare Kaliyuga as a figment of imagination.

Vara_hamihira simply quotes vriddha Garga’s opinion regarding when Yudhisht.hira lived and how to get that period from s’akakala and this is not Vara_hamihira’s opinion. Garga by all accounts lived before CE and the word s’akakala of Garga cannot refer to S’alivahana s’aka of 78 CE.  The S’akakala or S’akanripatika_la in Garga’s words refers to the era of the s’aka king, Cyrus, beginning with 550 BCE. All this has been noted by many scholars[18], and discussed in great detail by Kota Venkatachelam[19], whose work may be consulted for further details. With the correct identification of S’akaka_la, the date given by Vara_hamihira is also consistent with the date of the war given here. It may be noted in passing that it was based on the wrong identification of S’akaka_la that Professor Sengupta felt justified in his date of 2449 BCE for the war. Thus the so called Vara_hamihira tradition and the Ra_jatarangin.i tradition of assigning a date 0f 2449 BCE to the war is based on a mistaken identity for the S’akakala compounded by the mistake in assuming that a mere quotation of vriddha Garga by Vara_hamihira reflects the latter’s own opinion. The date derived here is consistent with A_ryabhat.a tradition and the correct S’akakala beginning in 550 BCE.

Saptarshi Era and Genealogy list from Purana-s

            The Saptarshi cycle is named after the seven sages and is allegorically associated with the Big Dipper, the eastern most star of which is marked by Mari_ci followed by Vasisht.ha,A_ngirasa, Atri, Pulastya, Pulaha and Kratu, respectively, in that order. The seven sages are thought to move through the twenty-seven nakshatra-s along the Ecliptic at the rate of one nakshatra per 100 years and to complete one cycle in 2700 years. This forms a convenient cycle for reference, but no astronomical significance[20] for the movement and the association of the stars of the Big Dipper can be ascribed. According to Puran.a-s, it is accepted[21] that Saptarshi -s were in ma_gha when Yudhisht.hira ascended the throne and that the time interval from Pari_kshit to the accession of the Nanda kings was 1500 years. Between Pari_kshit and the Nandas, there were three royal dynasties, Brihadratha, Pradyota and S’is’unaga families.  The Nandas were followed by Mauryas, Sungas, Kan.vas, and A_ndhras. The Saptarshi -s returned to ma_gha during the reign of the 24th king of the A_ndhras. It was the 25th king, Gautami_putra S’a_takarn.i who performed the as’vamedha and ra_jasu_ya yaga. It is simply being recalled that the Saptarshi –s had returned to the position they had occupied during the time when these rituals had been performed earlier at the time of the Pand.ava-s. The reason for this remembrance is that during this interval of 1500 years, there had been a decline of Vedic performances due to the ascendancy of Buddhism especially during the reign of the king As’oka Maurya. Since 1500 years had passed till the time of Nandas, As’oka Maurya’s time must have been about a hundred years later, i.e., 1500 BCE. The Andhras were followed by the Guptas and the Pramaras. In the accounts given by historians there is a mix up of the Gupta king, Samudra Gupta, who was also known as As’okaditya Priyadars’in and who lived around 320 BCE, with As’oka of the Maurya Dynasty, the dynasty which had ruled Magadha from 1535 BCE -1219 BCE.. The celebrated inscriptions of Priyadars’in–Rock Edicts III and XIII-mention Antiochus and Ptolemy as contemporaries of Priyadars’in, who is in reality Samudra Gupta of the Gupta Dynasty. The Gupta Dynasty ruled Magadha from 328 BCE- 83 BCE and not the Mauryas. This confusion is the reason for assigning the wrong date for the Maha_bha_rata war based on the Puran.ic genealogy lists. The confusion in the chronology of Bharatam is compounded by the historians, who misidentify King Vikrama_ditya of the Pramara Dynasty, who established the Vikrama Era in 57 BCE. When proper identification of As’oka is made, it is seen that all the traditions, namely, (i)A_ryabhat.a’s Kaliyuga, (ii) Saptarshitradition and (iii) the Puran.ic tradition are all consistent with the date 3067 BCE for the war.

Buddha’s Nirvana    

 

Kota Venkatachelam has determined that Buddha’s Nirva_n.a occurred on the vais’a_kha porn.ima on March 27, 1807 BCE. Simulations show that astronomically this is indeed the situation as shown in Figure 3. Many other scholars also agree as to the date of Buddha’s Nirvana.


            Support for this date is derived from an independent Buddhist source, Samyutta Nika_ya. For about three months before his death, Buddha was staying in S’ra_vasti. During this time there occurred the winter solstice, a lunar eclipse, followed by a solar eclipse. Simulations show that the winter solstice occurred on January 5, 1807 BCE. There was a lunar eclipse on January 26, 1807 BCE, which was followed by a solar eclipse on February 10, 1807 BCE, as shown in Figures 4 and 5.  It can also be seen from Figure 5 that winter solstice occurred earlier when the Sun was near dhanisht.ha (the position which corresponds to 270° along the ecliptic).

This is exactly as recorded[22] in Samyutta Nika_ya Part I, Sugata-Vagga Book II, Chapter I, Devaputta-samyuttam sutta-s 9, and 10.

It is interesting to compare these simulations with the calculations of Professor Sengupta, who was trying to confirm the usually ‘accepted’ date of 544 BCE for the event of Buddha Nirvana. He found that two eclipses as mentioned in the Samyutta Nika_ya would be possible in 560 BCE, however this would be in conflict with the dates 483 BCE and 544 BCE which have been touted as possible dates of Buddha Nirva_n.a.

The conclusion is that neither of these dates are the correct ones according to Samyutta Nikaya.




Conclusions

            It has been shown that the date of 3067 BCE for the Maha_bha_rata War, derived on the basis of astronomical references from the epic alone is consistent with the different traditional dates assigned to the war when proper allowance is made to the different assumptions implicit in the traditions. The date is also consistent with the so called Saptarshi tradition. A big first step is taken in establishing the consistency with the date of Buddha by simulations of the astronomical references in Samyutta Nikaya using Planetarium software. This is a work in progress to reclaim the chronology of Bha_ratam.

List of Figures


Bibliography
Basham, A.l., (1953), The Wonder that was India, Grove Press Inc., New York
M. Ramakrishna Bhat, Vara_hamihira’s Brhatsamhita Part I. Edited with English translation. (Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass, 1981).
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Pp.261-304
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[1] Basham, A.l., (1953), The Wonder that was India, Grove Press Inc., New York
[2] dharma_rtha ka_ma moksha_n.a_m upadesha samanvitam |
  pu_rvavrittam katha_yuktam itiha_sam pracakshate ||
[3] Narahari Achar, B. N., (2006), ‘Date of the Mahabharata War on the basis of simulations using the Planetarium Software’, The Hindu Renaissance, Vol IV, no. 1, pp 8-13.
[4] Sathe (1983)
[5]Sengupta, P. C., (1947)  Ancient Indian Chronology, University of Calcutta, Calcutta.
[6] Kamath, S. U., (Bangalore, 2004), (Editor) The Date of the Mahabharata War Based on Astronomical
    Data,  Mythic Society.
[7] It has been common to make ad hoc assumptions to fit whatever model one is proposing and to bring
    some degree of consistency in the astronomical references in the Epic. For example, Sengupta [14]
   assumed that the pair of eclipses had occurred two years before the war and later inserted into the text.
   Sharma (quoted by Iyengar in his paper in [15], p. 151) assumed that Vyasa met Dhritarashtra not just
   once on the eve of the war, but several times and the planetary positions refer to different times. Iyengar
  (in [15], p.167) assumed that part of the text in Bhishmaparvan actually belongs to sabhaparvan and
  would rearrange the text of the epic to suit his model.
[8] Cited in the Bibliography
[9] Sengupta (1947)
[10] kaho manavo }ha manuyugah shkha gatastemanuyugahchnaca |
    kalpaderyugapadagaca gurudivasacca bharatatpurvam || A.I.5 ||   
[11] asanmaghasu munayah shasati prthvim yudhishthire nrpatau |
    shadvika pancadviyutah shakakalah tasyarajnasyat ||BrS.13.3||
[12] yavat parikshito janma yavat nandabhishecanam |
    evam varsha sahasrantu jneyam pancashatottaram || bhaga III, a. III||
[13] shashtyabdanam shashtiryada vyatitastrayashca yugapadah |
   tryadhika vimshatirabdastadeha mama janmanotitah || A. III. 10||

[14] see foot note # 8 above
[15]etad kaliyugam nama aciradyatpravartate || MB. III.148.37||
The following remark is made when during the gadayuddha, Bhima hits Duryodhana’s thigh, the adharma act being the result of Kali having already entered.
   prmptam kaliyugam viddhi pratijnam pandavasyaca || MB IX.59.21|| 
[16] yada mukundo bhagavanimam mahim jahau svatanvan shravanjya satkathah|
    tadahareva pratibuddhacetasam abhadrahetuh kaliranvavartata ||BP I.15.36||
[17] yavat sa bhagavan vishnuh paspashemam vasundharam |
   tavat prthvim parakrantum samartho nabhavat kalih|| bhaga III, a. III ||

[18] Vaidya, C. V.,(1983) The Mahabharata A criticism, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, p. 80.
[19] Venkatachelam (1954).
[20] This is the reason why Varahamihira simply quotes Garga regarding the position of Sapta Rshi–s and does not express his own opinion of it. It may also be noted that the two stars, kratu and pulaha,  ‘the pointers’, point toward the polestar polaris, now, but not in 3000 BCE. Then the pole star was Thuban (Dhruva) and the entire Satarshi mandala was circumpolar.
[21] A detailed discussion of these points are given by Kota Venkatachelam and summarized by Vedavyas.
[22] Atha kho bhagava candimam devaputtam arabha rahum asurindamgathaya ajjabhasi ||
   thatagatam arahantam | candima saranam gato ||
   rahu candam pamuncassu | Buddha lokanukampakati || SN (I. ii . 1. 9.3) ||
   Atha kho bhagava suriam devaputtam arabha rahum asurindam gathaya  ajjabhasi ||
   thatagatam arahantam | suriyam saranam gato ||
   rahu  pamunca suriyam | Buddha lokanukampakati || SN (I. ii . 1. 10.3) ||
https://sites.google.com/site/sarasvati96/reclaimingthechronologyofbharatam%3Anarahariachar%28july2006%29

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Chronology of Vedic r̥ṣi-s from 7100 BCE and critique of Vartak & Oak's date of 5561 BCE for Mahābhārata war (3067 BCE) -- Narahari Achar


This is an addendum to: 

https://tinyurl.com/yb8762ho

Two sets of powerpoint presentations of Narahari Achar are included in this addendum; I am thankful to Narahari Achar for providing copies of slides:

1. Slides used during the panel discussions on Vedic and ancient Indian chronology in WAVES 2018 (36 slides)
2. Critique of Oak's date for the Mahabharata War (21 slides)

There are some repetitions of slides on the two presentations and are retained to present coherent arguments to:

a) Justify use of astronomical methods to estimate the chronology of Vedic Rshis; to demonstrate that the dates range from 7100 BCE to 2200 BCE and that Mahabharata War 3067 BCE falls in the Rohini period

b) Falsify the date of 5561 BCE of Vartak and Oak for the 

war



























































https://tinyurl.com/yb8762ho


This is a tribute to Narahari Achar who has diligently worked on simulating the skymaps of Mahābhārata events using planetaria software.


I believe that Mahābhārata is the most accurately, astronomically dated historical document, which is a monument to bhakti and dharma, in the history of civilization because scores of historical events on the ground, terra firma are dated to specific nakshatra and planetary/equinoctical constellation skymaps used as calendars.


Mahābhārata is the most accurate historical document because specific, detailed skymaps have been recorded of events related to the war which occurred in year 3067 BCE. See Annex Reclaiming the chronology of Bharatam: Narahari Achar (July 2006) http://tinyurl.com/k2hhd


A skymap derived from astronomy is a calendrical event and should certainly match with the astronomical observations on dates related to the war recorded in Mahābhārata.

Not all astronomical references relate to events which describe or relate to the war. Many skymaps are interpreted as omens in the text. Hence, the reading of the texts and their interpretations in reference to terrestrial events should be done with due diligence and deliberation.


To the credit of Nilesh Nilakanth Oak, it should be noted that the skymap event of Arundhati (Alcor) leaving behind Vasistha (Mizar) occurred in 11091 BCE. This skymap event is recalled in the context of omens, but, this date has no direct reference whatsoever to the historical events and the war of 3067 BCE recorded in Mahābhārata.


The year of the war 5561 BCE claimed by Vartak and Oak to be the year of the war is nowhere near this date. 

Narahari Achar rightly observes: "That is when the change triggers an omen. Not in 4508 BCE, when the change is in the opposite direction and certainly not in 5561 BCE. In 5561 BCE, she is still leading Vasishtha, but the amount by which she leads is decreasing. For some five thousand and five hundred years, Arundhati is leading Vasistha, not following! If Oak were to use this information, then the War should have taken place in 11091 BCE and not in 5561 BCE."


It is clear that the reference to Arundhati in the text is a recalled event of date about 8 millennia earlier than 3067 BCE.


I agree with the views of Vedveer Arya in his Facebook post. Vedveer Arya notes "Vyasa tells Dhritarashtra that the sky used to burn during sunrise and sunset. It used to rain blood and bones. Arundhati also used to walk ahead of Vasishtha (उभे संध्ये प्रकाशेते दिशां दाहसमन्वितेआसीदरुधिरवर्षं  अस्थि वर्षं  भारत | या चैषा विश्रुता राजंस 

तरैलॊक्ये साधु संमता, अरुन्धती तयाप्य एष वसिष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः |, 2.30 & 31). Evidently, Vyasa referred to these bad omens as the events of past because he used the verb “Asit” in past tense. He also indirectly cautioned Dhritarashtra that the same can repeat again. At the end of the Chapter 3, it is stated; “After carefully listening to the words of his father (Vyasa), Dhritarashtra says; I agree that such events (bad omens) occurred in the past (पुरा) and undoubtedly these events may occur again पितुर वचॊ निशम्यैतद धृतराष्ट्रॊ ऽबरवीद 
इदमदिष्टम एतत पुरा मन्ये भविष्यति संशयः, 3.44). Thus, Vyasa referred to the astronomical event of Arundhati walking ahead of Vasishtha that occurred in the past and not an event that occurred during Mahabharata era."

Taking into account, the interpretations of Vedveer Arya, the translation of the Mahābhārata referring to Arundhati should read as follows:


6.2.88 Kisari Mohan Ganguly's translation:  She, O king, who is celebrated over the three worlds and is applauded by the righteous, even that constellation Arundhati keepeth her lord Vasiṣṭha on her back.

Source: 

Contrast this with Oak's translation: “My dear King, Arundhati (saintly wife of Vasistha) who is revered by the righteous all over the three worlds, has left her husband Vasistha behind.” Thus, Oak assumes this to be a contemporary Skymap observation. This contemporaneity is negated by the fact that the event had occured 8 millennia earlier than 3067 BCE. 

I submit that the reference to Arundhati is an ancient, past astronomical observation and has NO bearing whatsoever to the terrestrial events being 'calendared' in the text.

The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute [Mahabharata Critical Edition]:
06002031a या चैषा विश्रुता रा जंस्त्रैलोक्ये साधुसंमता
06002031c अरुन्धती तयाप्येष वसि ष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः
Gita press translation: 
राजन्जो अरून्धती तीनों लोकों में पतिव्रताओं की मुकुटमणिके रूपमें प्रसिध हैंउन्‍होनें वसिष्ठ को अपने पीछे कर दिया है ||३१ ||
[Source: तृतीयखंडभीष्मपर्वणि , जॅंबूखंडविनिर्माणपर्वद्वि तीयोध्याय:, ३१ 
(Book 3, Page 2547, Chapter 2, Number 31)]
The translation of the event as an event in the past is justified as follows by Vedveer Arya reading the sloka in context which includes the following expressions: : उभे संध्ये प्रकाशेते दिशां दाहसमन्वितेआसीदरुधिरवर्षं  अस्थि वर्षं  भारत | This is a clear enunciation of events of the past by use of the root: "asit".. This interpretation is further confirmed at the end of the Chapter 3 which notes: “After carefully listening to the words of his father (Vyasa), Dhritarashtra says; I agree that such events (bad omens) occurred in the past (पुरा) and undoubtedly these events may occur again (पितुर वचॊ निशम्यैतद धृतराष्ट्रॊ ऽबरवीद इदमदिष्टम 
एतत पुरा मन्ये भविष्यति संशयः, 3.44).

It is unfortunate that Oak assumes this to be a skymap event and an observation related to the war. If Arundhati moving ahead of Vasishtha is a skymap event, the date is 11091 BCE and nowhere near 3067 BCE which is the year of the war proved by a number of astronomical observations recorded in the text as demonstrated in skymaps shown by Narahari Achar.


Arundhati also used to walk ahead of Vasishtha (उभे संध्ये प्रकाशेते दिशां दाहसमन्वितेआसीदरुधिरवर्षं  अस्थि वर्षं  भारत | 

या चैषा विश्रुता राजंस तरैलॊक्ये साधु संमता, अरुन्धती तयाप्य एष वसिष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः |, 2.30 & 31).

[quote]Now the question is How AV observation is relevant for dating of Mahabharata. In my opinion, we must read Bhishma Parva's Chapter 2 & 3 together. In fact, Vyasa was simply referring to various bad omens. Therefore, we should not assume that all these astronomical events occurred before MB War.  


Astronomical references in Bhishma Parva, Chapters 2 & 3
Vaishampayana states that Vyasa had already foretold to King Vichitravirya in private about the war among the sons of Kuru dynasty and other kings who will kill one another. In this context, Vyasa lists various bad omens which will result in great destruction. Therefore, it is incorrect to think that all these bad omens took place before Mahabharata war.
If all these events were really happened than there are some contradictory and impossible bad omens listed in Chapter 2 & 3 of Bhishma Parva. For example:
1.      It is stated that Saturn was in Rohini Nakshatra and also in Vishakha Nakshatra (रॊहिणीं पीडयन्न एषसथितॊ राजञ शनैश्चरः 2.32 & विशाखयॊः समीपस्थौ बृहस्पतिशनैश्चरौ 3.25). How is it possible?
2.      The Mahabharata references of the Saturn’s position in Rohini should not be interpreted as the event occurred during the year of Mahabharata war. It is actually a general statement because Saturn occulted Rohini (Rohini-Sakata-Bheda) regularly during the period 3500-3000 BCE.
3.      It is also mentioned that Brihaspati was in Sravana Nakshatra and also in Vishakha nakshatra (शरवणे  बृहस्पतिः 3.13 & विशाखयॊः समीपस्थौ बृहस्पतिशनैश्चरौ 3.25). How is it possible?
4.      There are some impossible statements like sons are sleeping with their mothers (रमन्ते मातृभिःसुताः 3.1), Donkeys are being born to a cow (खरा गॊषु परजायन्ते 3.1), Pregnant princesses are giving birth to Vibhishnas (गर्भिण्यॊ राजपुत्र्यश  जनयन्ति विभीषणान, 3.2), Horse is giving birth to a lamb and fox is giving birth to a dog (गॊवत्सं वडवा सूते शवा सृगालं, 3.6), The troublesome clouds are raining blood and meat (उत्पातमेघा रौद्राश  रात्रौ वर्षन्ति शॊणितममांसवर्षं पुन: तीव्रम, 3. 30 & 31) etc.
Arundhati-Vasishtha Observation
Vyasa tells Dhritarashtra that the sky used to burn during sunrise and sunset. It used to rain blood and bones. Arundhati also used to walk ahead of Vasishtha (उभे संध्ये प्रकाशेते दिशां दाहसमन्वितेआसीदरुधिरवर्षं  अस्थि वर्षं  भारत | या चैषा विश्रुता राजंस तरैलॊक्ये साधु संमता, अरुन्धती तयाप्य एष वसिष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः |, 2.30 & 31). Evidently, Vyasa referred to these bad omens as the events of past because he used the verb “Asit” in past tense. He also indirectly cautioned Dhritarashtra that the same can repeat again. At the end of the Chapter 3, it is stated; “After carefully listening to the words of his father (Vyasa), Dhritarashtra says; I agree that such events (bad omens) occurred in the past (पुरा) and undoubtedly these events may occur again (पितुर वचॊ निशम्यैतद धृतराष्ट्रॊ ऽबरवीद इदमदिष्टम एतत पुरा मन्ये भविष्यति संशयः, 3.44).
Thus, Vyasa referred to the astronomical event of Arundhati walking ahead of Vasishtha that occurred in the past and not an event that occurred during Mahabharata era.[unquote]
Narahari Achar provides evidence that specific astronomical observations of the text do NOT match with the claimed year of 5561 BCE for the war and hence, the date 5561 BCE has not been validated by day-by-day Skymap observations recorded in the text during all the days of the war and key events related to the proclamation of the war, after failure of efforts of Kr̥ṣṇa rāyabāram (diplomatic missions) రాయబారము  or రాయభారము rāya-bāramu. [for Skt. రాజభారము.] n. A negotiation, message, embassy. Intercession (Telugu).

While agreeing with the observation that Kr̥ṣṇa's peace mission starts on Revati Nakshatra, Oak deviously suggests a textual distortion using a fanciful translation suggesting that what is referred to in the text is NOT kartika māsa (month) but a month of lotuses:


Krishna’s peace mission starts on Revati Nakshatra

Moon at
According to Achar
According to Oak
Revati nakshatra
Kartika masa
Month of lotuses
Full Moon
Sept 29, 3067 BCE Lunar eclipse
Bharani
Sept 1, 5561 BCE No lunar eclipse Ashvini
Uttara phalguni Krishna- Karna ride together
Oct. 8, 3067 BCE
Sept 9/10 5561 BCE
New Moon
Oct 14, 3067 Solar eclipse at Jyeshtha
Sept 17, 5561 BCE No solar eclipse. Sun at Vishakha
Full Moon
Oct 28, 3067 BCE Lunar eclipse
Oct 1, 5561 BCE Rohini
No lunar eclipse. Kartika Paurnima
New Moon

Oct 16/17, 5561 BCE  solar eclipse. Sun at Moola

This is an addendum to the blogpost:

 


See Video of panel discussion held in WAVES 2018 at https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=NjGDflEI_6A (1:11:38)
Panelists Nilesh Oak, Shashi Tiwari, Raj Vedam, Narahari Achar, Subash Kak

Mirrored at: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2018/08/panel-on-vedic-and-ancient-indian.html

PV Vartak has derived the date of the initiation of the Mahabharata War to be 16th October 5561 BCE.

NN Oak claims the same year 5561 BCE suggested by Vartak but without being specific about dates of events in the text. Oak cites Arundhati on the skymap with questionable interpretations of the text as shown by Narahari Achar in the following excerpts from Narahari Achar's refutation of Nilesh Nilkanth Oak's 5561 BCE for the Mahābhārata war:








The claim of Oak about Arundhati:


The claim of 3067 BCE as the year of Mahabharata war is falsified by the astronomy observation of Mahabharata text, par excellence, Arundhati-Vasishtha (AV) observation which assert upper limit of 11091 BCE and lower limit of 4508 BCE for the year of Mahabharata war.

[quote] Achar’s response:

Oak’s whole thesis is based on a single shloka from the epic:

वा चैषाविश्रुता राजंस्त्रैलोक्ये साधुसंमता |
अरुन्धती तयाप्येष वसिष्ठः पृष्ष्ठतः कृतः  ||  MB (VI.2.31)
“My dear King, Arundhati (saintly wife of Vasistha) who is revered by the righteous all over the three worlds, has left her husband Vasistha behind.” (Oak’s translation)
This shloka appears in the second chapter of Bhishma Parvan, when Vyasa visits Dhritarashtra on the eve of the war. Vyasa opens his conversation with the shloka:

इह युद्धे महाराज भविष्यति महान्क्षयः |
यथेमानि निमित्तानि भयायोपलक्ष्यते || MB(VI.2.16)
“Oh king, there will be a great disaster from this battle, just as have been witnessed the omens causing a great fear.”

Then follows a list of omens, omen after omen, running over two chapters. The reference to Arundhati is also necessarily such an omen. Arundhati, is revered by all in three worlds as a great pious woman, one who always follows her husband. Even such a person, (note the stress on तयािप), instead of following him is now leading him. This extraordinary behavior of a pious woman constitutes an omen indicative of a disaster that follows. However, Oak regards it differently. According to Oak’s findings, before 11091 BCE, Arundhati was following Vasishtha. From 11091 BCE to 4508 BCE she is leading Vasishtha. After 4508 BCE she again follows Vasishtha. This is depicted in the figure provided by Oak:

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Now in 5561 BCE, Arundhati has been leading Vasishtha for 5500 years, how could she be revered as “a pious woman who follows her husband” by all t he righteous people in three worlds?

The change in her behavior occurs in 11091 BCE. She was following Vasishtha, but changes into leading Vasishtha. That is when the change triggers an omen. Not in 4508 BCE, when the change is in the opposite direction and certainly not in 5561 BCE. In 5561 BCE, she is still leading Vasishtha, but the amount by which she leads is decreasing. For some five thousand and five hundred years, Arundhati is leading Vasistha, not following! If Oak were to use this information, then the War should have taken place in 11091 BCE and not in 5561 BCE.

Vyasa is giving a list of omens. An omen is a transient phenomenon, which was not there before, happens and is no more after some time. An omen indicates an impending disaster. Oak’s finding cannot qualify as an omen.[unquote]
...

Oak takes liberty with finding meanings of words, making up his own explanations and associating /inventing astronomical phenomena. For example, according to the epic,

a) Krishna leaves for his peace mission  on Revati nakshatra in Kartika masa. But, according to Oak, the month is not Kartika,but ‘month of lotuses’, although he agrees with Revati nakshatra.

b) It is Kartika Paurnima when Krishna is in Hastinapura, and there is a lunar eclipse. Not according to Oak. He interprets Karna’s words, “सोमस्य लक्ष्म व्यावृत्तं” as not referring to a lunar eclipse. According to him, the disappearance of the characteristic mark of chandra’ refers to the appearance of moon near a New Moon!

c) Krishna and Karna ride together on Uttara phalguni nakshatra, Oak agrees with this.

d) Seven days from that day is Amavasya and a solar eclipse is going to occur. As per Krishna,

सप्तमाच्चापि दिवसादमावास्या भविष्यति |
संग्रामं योजयेत्तत्र तां ह्याहुः शक्रदेवताम् || MB (V.140.18)

The nakshatra is specified by the adhipati Shakra (Indra), and hence jyeshtha. Oak interprets this as vishakha whose adhipati is Indragni. It is dual devata and not separately as Indra and Agni. But, Oak takes shakra as referring to Indra of Indragni and takes it as referring to Vishakha. Shakra refers to Indra only and hence to Jyeshtha.

e) Karna’s words सोमस्य लक्ष्म व्यावृत्तं राहुरर्कमुपेष्यति |MB(V.141.10) refer to the lunar eclipse on Kartika paurnima and the coming solar eclipse at Jyeshtha nakshatra. Krishna’s and Karna’s statements establish the following sequence of events:
Revati nakshatra-> Kartika paurnima lunar eclipse->Uttara phalguni, Krishna and Karna ride together->Amavasya in seven days at Jyeshtha, a solar eclipse day-> war.

But, the sequence of events made up by Oak is as follows:

Revati nakshatra -> Amavasya.at Vishakha ->Kartika paurnima -> Dhritarashtra -Vyasa meeting -> war.

Oak declares that war began on Jyeshtha Amavasya, the day after Vyasa meets with Dhritarashtra and the solar eclipse takes place on that day.

Oak’s sequence is contradicted by the explicit statements in Udyogaparvan

सप्तमाच्चापि दिवसादमावास्या भविष्यति.. तां ह्याहुः शक्रदेवताम् | and सोमस्य लक्ष्म व्यावृत्तं राहुरर्कमुपेष्यति | already quoted. These refer to the lunar eclipse already over and the solar eclipse yet to take place. Furthermore, by the statement of Vyasa in Bhishma parvan:

अलक्ष्यः प्रभयाहीनः पौर्णमासीं च कार्तिकीम् । MB(VI.2.23)  व्यावृत्तं लक्ष्म सोमस्य.MB(VI.2.32),  referring to the lunar eclipse on Kartika paurnima and ..अर्कं राहुस्तथाग्रसत्MB(VI.3.11) referring to the solar eclipse on Jyeshtha Amavasya, both have already taken place by the time Vyasa meets Dhritarashtra on the eve of War.  The war could not have started on the Jyeshtha amvasya solar eclipse day.

A clearer picture of the eclipses during and immediately after Krishna’s mission, can be obtained by looking at the sky view simulations in 3067 BCE and 5561 BCE with the appropriate dates after the Revati nakshatra.  The events are summarized in the table:

Krishna’s peace mission starts on Revati Nakshatra

Moon at
According to Achar
According to Oak
Revati nakshatra
Kartika masa
Month of lotuses
Full Moon
Sept 29, 3067 BCE Lunar eclipse
Bharani
Sept 1, 5561 BCE No lunar eclipse Ashvini
Uttara phalguni Krishna- Karna ride together
Oct. 8, 3067 BCE
Sept 9/10 5561 BCE
New Moon
Oct 14, 3067 Solar eclipse at Jyeshtha
Sept 17, 5561 BCE No solar eclipse. Sun at Vishakha
Full Moon
Oct 28, 3067 BCE Lunar eclipse
Oct 1, 5561 BCE Rohini
No lunar eclipse. Kartika Paurnima
New Moon

Oct 16/17, 5561 BCE  solar eclipse. Sun at Moola

It should be noted that there is no lunar eclipse on Kartika Paurnima nor a solar eclipse on Jyeshtha nakshatra in 5561 BCE. The solar eclipse occurs on Moola nakshatra.

Oak criticizes Achar for using the reference of Saturn afflicting Rohini.

प्राजापत्यं हि नक्षत्रंग्रहस्तीक्ष्णो महाद्युतिः
शनैश्चरः पीडयति पीडयन्प्राणिनॊऽधिकम् ।MB(V.141.7)

Oak’s explanation?

A truly unique one, which has no basis what so ever. In 5561 BCE, Saturn is near Uttara phalguni and Hasta and no where near Rohini. He explains“when Rohini is setting on the western horizon Saturn is the only other planet in the eastern part of the sky. This observation is then described as Saturn afflicting Rohini”

He does not realize that this explanation of ‘affliction’ is not according to any Shastra. Moreover, the total absurdity of this idea can be seen by examining the eastern view of the sky at the time of the setting of Rohini. The relative position of Saturn and Rohini practically remains the same for nearly a year, so essentially the same area of the eastern sky is seen at the time Rohini sets in the west. However, the time at which Rohini sets changes every day by about four minutes. Hence as time goes on different planets come into view in the eastern sky, and sometimes Sun is also in that part and Saturn cannot be seen at all. For example on 30 th sept/1st Oct 5561 BCE, (Which is Kartika Paurnima, according to Oak), Rohini sets at 5:55 am and Saturn is clearly seen on the eastern sky just as Oak says. However, on 10 Sept 5561 BCE, the day Karna and Krishna ride together, Rohini sets at 7:17 am. Mercury and Saturn are both in the eastern part of the sky. However, the Sun is also up and neither of the planets can be seen.Are both Mercury and Saturn afflicting Rohini? Or, neither can afflict it as they cannot be seen? That is the day when Karna is describing the planetary positions to Krishna. Karna does not say that Mercury is afflicting Rohini. Furthermore, during the course of the year, while Saturn stays practically in the same position between Uttara phalguni and Hasta, many other planets pass through the eastern part of the sky when Rohini is setting, but they are not said to afflict Rohini. Oak’s interpretation is absurd.[unquote]

Annex
Reclaiming the chronology of Bharatam: Narahari Achar (July 2006)

B.N.Narahari Achar had presented the date of Mahabharata war and related observed events described in the epic with extraordinary accuracy by Veda Vyasa in an international colloquium (January 2003). Further researches by him have established the Mahabharata as the sheet-anchor of the history of Bharatam. The textual references (Critical edition of Bhandarkar Institute) of observed events are related to either planets or comets. In this note (July 2006), Achar establishes that some references are emphatically to comets (mentioned as such in the text itself; graha means both 'planet' and 'comet' and has to be interpreted in context). This brilliant insight resolves the centuries' old problem of apparent inconsistencies within the critical edition of the text. In fact, there are no inconsistencies. Mahabharata is astonishingly accurate, making it the most authentic historical document in human civilizational history.

Continuing the path-breaking use of planetarium software (of the type used by NASA to launch satellites into cosmos), Achar also validates the date of Nirvana of the Buddha. This date is consistent with the Tibetan Bauddha tradition which notes that Gautama the Buddha lived in 19th century BCE. The skymaps of the 3067 and 1807 BCE map the important dates in Hindu civilization: the Great War and the Nirvana of the Buddha, respectively.

Vyasa-Dhritarashtra Samvada by BN Achar

Annals of BORI, LXXXIV, (2003), pp 13-22). This document establishes 1) the concordance between Atharvaveda Paris'is.t.a and the Mahabharata in relation to the accounts related to comets and 2) internal consistency of astronomical observations recorded in Udyogaparvan and Bhishmaparvan.

S. Kalyanaraman (28 July 2006).


Reclaiming the Chronology of Bharatam


B. N. Narahari Achar


Abstract


The Date of the Mahabharata War has been determined uniquely to be 3067 BCE, on the basis of archaeo-astronomical investigations using planetarium software and the references to astronomical events found in the epic. As has been emphasized by many scholars, this date should be taken as the ‘sheet-anchor’ for the chronology of Bharatam. However, the History of India has been written using the dates of Alexander and Megasthenese as fixed points in time and a chronology given on the basis of AIT or some variant there of. These accounts have been repeated so often that they have acquired the status of ‘ground-truth’. It is important therefore to reclaim the proper chronology of Bharatam

            There are a number of problems in reclaiming the proper chronology. First of all, there are several dates given traditionally as the date of the Mahabharata War. For example there are the dates based on the beginning of Kaliyuga, 3102 BCE on the astronomical basis or 3138 BCE based on the departure of Krishna as per the Bhatavata Purana account. Then there is the date 2449 BCE, attributed to Varahamihira and quoted by Kalhana in Rajatarangini. Further, there is the puranic tradition based on the genealogical lists that there was a period of 1500 years elapsed between Parikshit and the Nandas. These different dates have to be reconciled with the date 3067 BCE.
           
Secondly, the Dates of Buddha, Adishankara and Kalidasa should be taken as fixed points in the chronology. Here an attempt is made to reconcile the differences in the so-called traditional dates of the Mahabharata war, based on the textual evidence in the epic itself. Preliminary results based on archaeoastronomical investigations into the date of Buddha as recorded in Samyutta Nika_ya indicate the emergence of a consistent chronology. Work is in progress to reexamine some epigraphical evidence using planetarium software. The author is confident that a completely consistent chronology will emerge with the date of Mahabharata war as the sheet-anchor.

I.          Introduction
            It is universally acknowledged that Bha_ratam has one of the most ancient cultural traditions, which unlike the other ancient cultural traditions has been preserved continuously without a break even to the present day.[1] Western Scholars, while grudgingly acknowledging this unbroken tradition, have complained that Indians lack a sense of history and do not have a historical tradition. Therefore, they decided to write a history for Bha_ratam, which is based on their own ideas of history. They have accepted the dates of Alexander and Megasthenese of the Greek tradition as fixed points of history. Using some data from genealogical lists from the Pura_n.a s and the so-called Aryan Invasion Theory (AIT) or some variant there of, the scholars have a chronology for India. These scholars have discounted the fact that two of the greatest epics of the world, Rama_yan.a and Maha_bha_rata are traditionally regarded as itiha_sa s, i.e., historic texts and that there are a host of supporting texts in the form of Pura_n.a- s. Ignoring the fact that Bha_ratam has its own sense of history and its purpose[2], the scholars have systematically misrepresented the chronology of Bha_ratam. It is important to dismiss this false chronology and to reclaim the correct chronology for Bha_ratam.

            Based on research over the past several years, using the so-called Planetarium Software and the references to astronomical events in the epic Mahabha_rata, the author has shown[3] that it is possible to arrive at a unique date for the War on the basis of archaeo-astronomical reasoning. This unique date, 3067 BCE, had also been proposed previously by Professor Raghavan. This date should be used as the ‘sheet-anchor’ for the chronology of Bha_ratam.

            The plan of the essay is as follows. First, the astronomical references in the epic, Maha_bha_rata from which a date can be ascertained, and the methodology of arriving at a date is summarized and supported by star maps from the planetarium software. It is important to stress that the date of the war is determined solely on the basis of astronomical references in the epic Maha_bha_rata alone and the date is established independently of any other source, as the sheet-anchor for the chronology of Bha_ratam. The consistency of this date with the other texts of Vedic and other traditions is then discussed. This is followed by a discussion of the consistency with the genealogy lists from Pura_n.a texts. A further step in establishing the chronology of Bha_ratam is given in the simulations of the date of astronomical events associated with Buddha nirva_n.a. This essay takes the initial steps in a long way in establishing the chronology of Bharatam through the simulations using planetarium software, and largely agrees with the chronology as advocated by Kota Vekatachelam and a host of other scholars.

II.        Archaeo-astronomical Investigations and the Date of the Maha_bha_rata War

The author has explored the astronomical references (of which there are more than one hundred and fifty in number, and occur scattered throughout the epic) using the planetarium software with a view to determine the date of the War.  More than 40% of all the articles[4] (totaling more than 120 in number) dedicated to determining the date of the war, are based on the astronomical references. Although the astronomical references are scattered throughout the epic, most of them pertaining to the war occur in Udyogaparvan and Bhi_shmaparvan of the epic. Practically all scholars have characterized the references in Bhi_shmaparvan as astrological omens[5] and inconsistent and not suitable for a ‘scientific’ analysis. The earlier works using the astronomical references were tedious and calculations were done manually and hence chose to use only a couple of the astronomical events out of the many available in the epic. More recent studies have used the computer software ‘planetarium software’ and consequently have considered a much larger number sample of astronomical references in the epic. Still, until recently there appeared to be no convergence of the dates[6].  Some scholars have introduced[7] ad hoc hypotheses in attempting to find some degree of coherence among the apparently ‘inconsistent’ astronomical references. The author has clearly shown that the astronomical references are quite consistent and that such ad hoc hypotheses are totally unnecessary. The research has shown conclusively that

(i)                  the astronomical references in the Bhi_shmaparvan are not merely ‘astrological effusions fit for mother goose’s tales’ (as once characterized by Professor Sen Gupta), but follow a Vedic tradition of omens and describe mostly comets and not planets as generally assumed,
(ii)                the few true planetary references in this parvan are identical to those in Udyogaparvan,
(iii)               These common references lead to a unique date for the war, 3067 BCE.
(iv)              all other astronomical references in the epic are consistent with the date
(v)                The date agrees with the date given earlier by Professor Raghavan and is consistent with the traditional date~3000 BCE.
(vi)              Using the planetarium software, it can be easily demonstrated that all other dates proposed by different authors are inconsistent with the planetary configurations referred to in (ii) above.    

The important planetary configurations

The important references to planets consist of those that are common to both Udyoga and Bhishmaparvan-s and include the following

(i)                  conjunction of s’ani with rohin.i
(ii)                retrograde motion of anga_raka just before reaching jyesht.ha
(iii)               a lunar eclipse on the ka_rtika porn.ima, followed by
(iv)              a solar eclipse at jyesht.ha.
These events lead to a unique year for the war. All other references in the epic are consistent with this date.

III.       Simulations using Planetarium Software and the date of the war

            A search is made for the years in which there is a conjunction of Saturn (s’ani) with Aldebaran (rohini) between 3500 BCE and 500 CE. As Saturn takes an average of 29.5 years to go around the sun once, the event also repeats with the same period. There are 137 such conjunctions during the interval specified above. A search is then made for those years from among these 137 dates when Mars (anga_raka) is retrograde before reaching Antares (jyesht.ha). Since the retrograde motion of Mars repeats with the same period as its synodic period, a spread of two years on either side of each of the dates was considered in the search. The search reduced the set to just seventeen: 3272 BCE, 3067 BCE, 2830 BCE, 2625 BCE, 2388 BCE, 2183 BCE, 1946 BCE, 1741 BCE, 1504 BCE, 1299 BCE, 1061 BCE, 857 BCE, 620 BCE, 415 BCE, 28 CE, 233 CE and 470 CE, when Saturn was near Aldebaran and Mars executed a retrograde motion before reaching Antares. A search is then made for those years in which there is a lunar eclipse near Pleiades (i.e., on the ka_rtika porn.ima). This reduces the set to just two, 3067 BCE and 2183 BCE. It turns out that in both of these years the lunar eclipse is followed by a solar eclipse at jyesht.ha. A sequence of ‘two eclipses within a period of 13 days’ also occurs in the two eclipse seasons. When one considers the fact that Bhi_shma passed away on the Ma_gha s’ukla asht.ami after the occurrence of winter solstice, a unique date results, for the winter solstice in January 13, 3066 BCE occurred on s’uklapan~cami where as the winter solstice in 2182 BCE occurred on krishn.acaturthi.

Thus a unique date of 3067 BCE for the date of the war emerges. The author has shown that this date is consistent with all the other astronomical references in the epic in several publications[8] with the help of copious illustrations of star maps generated by Planetarium software. A couple of the star maps will be included as part of this essay by way of illustration.

Figure 1 shows the star map for September 20, 3067 BCE, corresponding to Ka_rtika Porn.ima. On that day Krishn.a was in Hastinapura for the peace talks. It was also a day of Lunar eclipse. S’ani is clearly seen to be near rohin.i. Figure 2 shows the star map for October 14, 3067 BCE, corresponding to Ama_va_sya at Jyesht.ha. It was a solar eclipse day. Superposed on the star map is the path of Anga_raka which shows a retrograde loop before reaching Jyesht.ha. The retrograde motion of Mars had occurred several months earlier. These two figures clearly show that the important planetary configurations noted earlier occurred in 3067 BCE. Figure 3 shows the day of Bhi_shma’s expiry.





IV. Consistency of the Date of 3067 BCE with tradition

Beginning of kaliyuga and Information from Purana-s

            According to Sengupta,[9] there are three traditions regarding the date of the Maha_bha_rata war, namely  (i) the so called A_ryabhat.a tradition[10], according to which Pa_nd.avas lived at the beginning of the astronomical Kali age, 3102 BCE; (ii) 2449 BCE, based on the saptarshi tradition as allegedly recorded by Vara_hamihira[11]; (iii) the tradition of the Pura_n.a-s[12], according to which from the birth of Pari_kshit to the accession of Maha_padmananda, there was a time interval is one thousand and five hundred years. Based on the Pura_n.a tradition, modern historians who have identified Candragupta Maurya (who followed the Nanda –s) to have lived in 324 BCE, assign a date ~1900 BCE for the war. All these three will be examined for consistency. It is to be reemphasized that the date of 3067 BCE has been derived independent of any of these traditions and is truly based on the internal evidence based on astronomical references found in the epic alone.

A_ryabhat.a Tradition

            A_ryabhat.a declares[13] that when he was 23 years old, 3600 years of Kaliyuga had elapsed. This identifies the beginning of Kaliyuga with 3102 BCE. At first sight there appears to be some question about the consistency of the date 3067 BCE for the war with the beginning of Kaliyuga, which is traditionally thought to have started after the war. A large number of scholars who have proposed the date of ~3000 BCE for the war rely on the information regarding the beginning of Kaliyuga in one-way or the other. However, the epic it self does not explicitly give any information about the beginning of Kaliyuga. It is generally accepted that the astronomical beginning of Kaliyuga coincides with 17/18 February, 3102 BCE. The date of the war is then tied to the beginning of Kaliyuga (which according to some authors coincided with the end of the war and thus giving the date as 3102 BCE for the war). But there are others who take their clue from the Pura_n.as, according to which Kaliyuga began with the departure of Lord Krishn.a from this world, an event occurring after 36 years after the war. This results in the proposed date of 3138 BCE for the war.  The spread of +/- 1 year on either side of these dates arises from slightly different modes of counting. Of course, the date 3067 BCE is posterior to 3102 BCE. Is there a conflict? Should not the war precede the beginning of Kaliyuga? Not really.  All that the epic says[14] is that the war occurred during the transitional interval between Dva_para and Kaliyuga s, and nowhere it says exactly when the Dva_para ended or Kali began. The antara or the interval between the yugas is quite extensive. According to Vishn.upura_n.a, the sandhya for Dva_para lasts for 200 years and for Kali it is 100 years. Thus there is a period of some 100 years or so, which can be legitimately referred to as sandhya and 3067 BCE falls within this interval of 3102 BCE.  In fact, there is some indication that the Kaliyuga had already started by the time of the war[15].  Even Bha_gavata pura_n.a acknowledges[16] that although Kaliyuga had already started, because of the presence of Krishna, Kali’s effect had been controlled. The full power of Kali became effective only with the departure of Krishn.a, according to Kali ra_ja vritta_nta[17] Thus there is no conflict with the war occurring in 3067 BCE and the reckoning of Kaliyuga from 3102 BCE.

The alleged Vara_hamihira Tradition

Vara_hamihira states in his Brihatsamhita that the saptarshi-s were in ma_gha when Yudhisht.hira was ruling and to get the epoch of s’akakala one should add 2526 years to the epoch of Yudhisht.hira Historians have assumed that the  s’akaka_la or s’aka nripatika-la refers to the S’a-liva-hana s’aka of 78 CE. Thus arriving at the date -2448 (= 78-2526 ) or 2449 BCE for the Yudhisht.hira Era, the scholars declare that Vara_hamihira gives this as the date of the Maha_bha_rata war. Kalhan.a also assumes that the position of saptarshi –s has been given by Vara_hamihira and makes the same mistake regarding the s’akakala in his Ra_jatarangin.i. However, he assumes that Kaliyuga began in 3102 BCE, hence declares that Pandava–s lived 3102-2449= 653 years after the start of the Kaliyuga. This has only contributed to the confusion and some Indologists actually declare Kaliyuga as a figment of imagination.

Vara_hamihira simply quotes vriddha Garga’s opinion regarding when Yudhisht.hira lived and how to get that period from s’akakala and this is not Vara_hamihira’s opinion. Garga by all accounts lived before CE and the word s’akakala of Garga cannot refer to S’alivahana s’aka of 78 CE.  The S’akakala or S’akanripatika_la in Garga’s words refers to the era of the s’aka king, Cyrus, beginning with 550 BCE. All this has been noted by many scholars[18], and discussed in great detail by Kota Venkatachelam[19], whose work may be consulted for further details. With the correct identification of S’akaka_la, the date given by Vara_hamihira is also consistent with the date of the war given here. It may be noted in passing that it was based on the wrong identification of S’akaka_la that Professor Sengupta felt justified in his date of 2449 BCE for the war. Thus the so called Vara_hamihira tradition and the Ra_jatarangin.i tradition of assigning a date 0f 2449 BCE to the war is based on a mistaken identity for the S’akakala compounded by the mistake in assuming that a mere quotation of vriddha Garga by Vara_hamihira reflects the latter’s own opinion. The date derived here is consistent with A_ryabhat.a tradition and the correct S’akakala beginning in 550 BCE.

Saptarshi Era and Genealogy list from Purana-s

            The Saptarshi cycle is named after the seven sages and is allegorically associated with the Big Dipper, the eastern most star of which is marked by Mari_ci followed by Vasisht.ha,A_ngirasa, Atri, Pulastya, Pulaha and Kratu, respectively, in that order. The seven sages are thought to move through the twenty-seven nakshatra-s along the Ecliptic at the rate of one nakshatra per 100 years and to complete one cycle in 2700 years. This forms a convenient cycle for reference, but no astronomical significance[20] for the movement and the association of the stars of the Big Dipper can be ascribed. According to Puran.a-s, it is accepted[21] that Saptarshi -s were in ma_gha when Yudhisht.hira ascended the throne and that the time interval from Pari_kshit to the accession of the Nanda kings was 1500 years. Between Pari_kshit and the Nandas, there were three royal dynasties, Brihadratha, Pradyota and S’is’unaga families.  The Nandas were followed by Mauryas, Sungas, Kan.vas, and A_ndhras. The Saptarshi -s returned to ma_gha during the reign of the 24th king of the A_ndhras. It was the 25th king, Gautami_putra S’a_takarn.i who performed the as’vamedha and ra_jasu_ya yaga. It is simply being recalled that the Saptarshi –s had returned to the position they had occupied during the time when these rituals had been performed earlier at the time of the Pand.ava-s. The reason for this remembrance is that during this interval of 1500 years, there had been a decline of Vedic performances due to the ascendancy of Buddhism especially during the reign of the king As’oka Maurya. Since 1500 years had passed till the time of Nandas, As’oka Maurya’s time must have been about a hundred years later, i.e., 1500 BCE. The Andhras were followed by the Guptas and the Pramaras. In the accounts given by historians there is a mix up of the Gupta king, Samudra Gupta, who was also known as As’okaditya Priyadars’in and who lived around 320 BCE, with As’oka of the Maurya Dynasty, the dynasty which had ruled Magadha from 1535 BCE -1219 BCE.. The celebrated inscriptions of Priyadars’in–Rock Edicts III and XIII-mention Antiochus and Ptolemy as contemporaries of Priyadars’in, who is in reality Samudra Gupta of the Gupta Dynasty. The Gupta Dynasty ruled Magadha from 328 BCE- 83 BCE and not the Mauryas. This confusion is the reason for assigning the wrong date for the Maha_bha_rata war based on the Puran.ic genealogy lists. The confusion in the chronology of Bharatam is compounded by the historians, who misidentify King Vikrama_ditya of the Pramara Dynasty, who established the Vikrama Era in 57 BCE. When proper identification of As’oka is made, it is seen that all the traditions, namely, (i)A_ryabhat.a’s Kaliyuga, (ii) Saptarshitradition and (iii) the Puran.ic tradition are all consistent with the date 3067 BCE for the war.

Buddha’s Nirvana    

 

Kota Venkatachelam has determined that Buddha’s Nirva_n.a occurred on the vais’a_kha porn.ima on March 27, 1807 BCE. Simulations show that astronomically this is indeed the situation as shown in Figure 3. Many other scholars also agree as to the date of Buddha’s Nirvana.


            Support for this date is derived from an independent Buddhist source, Samyutta Nika_ya. For about three months before his death, Buddha was staying in S’ra_vasti. During this time there occurred the winter solstice, a lunar eclipse, followed by a solar eclipse. Simulations show that the winter solstice occurred on January 5, 1807 BCE. There was a lunar eclipse on January 26, 1807 BCE, which was followed by a solar eclipse on February 10, 1807 BCE, as shown in Figures 4 and 5.  It can also be seen from Figure 5 that winter solstice occurred earlier when the Sun was near dhanisht.ha (the position which corresponds to 270° along the ecliptic).

This is exactly as recorded[22] in Samyutta Nika_ya Part I, Sugata-Vagga Book II, Chapter I, Devaputta-samyuttam sutta-s 9, and 10.

It is interesting to compare these simulations with the calculations of Professor Sengupta, who was trying to confirm the usually ‘accepted’ date of 544 BCE for the event of Buddha Nirvana. He found that two eclipses as mentioned in the Samyutta Nika_ya would be possible in 560 BCE, however this would be in conflict with the dates 483 BCE and 544 BCE which have been touted as possible dates of Buddha Nirva_n.a.

The conclusion is that neither of these dates are the correct ones according to Samyutta Nikaya.




Conclusions

            It has been shown that the date of 3067 BCE for the Maha_bha_rata War, derived on the basis of astronomical references from the epic alone is consistent with the different traditional dates assigned to the war when proper allowance is made to the different assumptions implicit in the traditions. The date is also consistent with the so called Saptarshi tradition. A big first step is taken in establishing the consistency with the date of Buddha by simulations of the astronomical references in Samyutta Nikaya using Planetarium software. This is a work in progress to reclaim the chronology of Bha_ratam.

List of Figures


Bibliography
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Narahari Achar, B. N., (2004) “Date of the Mahabharata War Based on Simulations Using Planetarium Software” in The Date of the Mahabharata War Based on Astronomical Data, Edited by Suryanath U. Kamath, Mythic Society, Bangalore, India pp. 65-115.
Narahari Achar, B. N., (2004) “Planetary Configurations in the Epic Mahabharata: Revising an Exercise in Archaeoastronomy” Paper presented at the 7th Oxford International Conference on Archaeoastronomy,  Flagstaff, Arizona (to appear in print)
Ramachandran, V. G.,(1998) ‘ Date of Adi Sankara’ in Ancient India, Mahalingam, N., (Ed), International  Society for the Investigation of Ancient Civilization, Chennai.
Pp.261-304
Raychaudhuri, H. C., (1923), Political History of Ancient India, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, p. 10
Sathe, S.,(1983) Search for thr Year of the Bharata War, Navabharati Publications, Hyderabad
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Sircar, D. C., (1969), “The Myth of the Great Bharata War”, in The Bharata War and the Puranic Geneologies, University of Calcutta, pp 11-27
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[1] Basham, A.l., (1953), The Wonder that was India, Grove Press Inc., New York
[2] dharma_rtha ka_ma moksha_n.a_m upadesha samanvitam |
  pu_rvavrittam katha_yuktam itiha_sam pracakshate ||
[3] Narahari Achar, B. N., (2006), ‘Date of the Mahabharata War on the basis of simulations using the Planetarium Software’, The Hindu Renaissance, Vol IV, no. 1, pp 8-13.
[4] Sathe (1983)
[5]Sengupta, P. C., (1947)  Ancient Indian Chronology, University of Calcutta, Calcutta.
[6] Kamath, S. U., (Bangalore, 2004), (Editor) The Date of the Mahabharata War Based on Astronomical
    Data,  Mythic Society.
[7] It has been common to make ad hoc assumptions to fit whatever model one is proposing and to bring
    some degree of consistency in the astronomical references in the Epic. For example, Sengupta [14]
   assumed that the pair of eclipses had occurred two years before the war and later inserted into the text.
   Sharma (quoted by Iyengar in his paper in [15], p. 151) assumed that Vyasa met Dhritarashtra not just
   once on the eve of the war, but several times and the planetary positions refer to different times. Iyengar
  (in [15], p.167) assumed that part of the text in Bhishmaparvan actually belongs to sabhaparvan and
  would rearrange the text of the epic to suit his model.
[8] Cited in the Bibliography
[9] Sengupta (1947)
[10] kaho manavo }ha manuyugah shkha gatastemanuyugahchnaca |
    kalpaderyugapadagaca gurudivasacca bharatatpurvam || A.I.5 ||   
[11] asanmaghasu munayah shasati prthvim yudhishthire nrpatau |
    shadvika pancadviyutah shakakalah tasyarajnasyat ||BrS.13.3||
[12] yavat parikshito janma yavat nandabhishecanam |
    evam varsha sahasrantu jneyam pancashatottaram || bhaga III, a. III||
[13] shashtyabdanam shashtiryada vyatitastrayashca yugapadah |
   tryadhika vimshatirabdastadeha mama janmanotitah || A. III. 10||

[14] see foot note # 8 above
[15]etad kaliyugam nama aciradyatpravartate || MB. III.148.37||
The following remark is made when during the gadayuddha, Bhima hits Duryodhana’s thigh, the adharma act being the result of Kali having already entered.
   prmptam kaliyugam viddhi pratijnam pandavasyaca || MB IX.59.21|| 
[16] yada mukundo bhagavanimam mahim jahau svatanvan shravanjya satkathah|
    tadahareva pratibuddhacetasam abhadrahetuh kaliranvavartata ||BP I.15.36||
[17] yavat sa bhagavan vishnuh paspashemam vasundharam |
   tavat prthvim parakrantum samartho nabhavat kalih|| bhaga III, a. III ||

[18] Vaidya, C. V.,(1983) The Mahabharata A criticism, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, p. 80.
[19] Venkatachelam (1954).
[20] This is the reason why Varahamihira simply quotes Garga regarding the position of Sapta Rshi–s and does not express his own opinion of it. It may also be noted that the two stars, kratu and pulaha,  ‘the pointers’, point toward the polestar polaris, now, but not in 3000 BCE. Then the pole star was Thuban (Dhruva) and the entire Satarshi mandala was circumpolar.
[21] A detailed discussion of these points are given by Kota Venkatachelam and summarized by Vedavyas.
[22] Atha kho bhagava candimam devaputtam arabha rahum asurindamgathaya ajjabhasi ||
   thatagatam arahantam | candima saranam gato ||
   rahu candam pamuncassu | Buddha lokanukampakati || SN (I. ii . 1. 9.3) ||
   Atha kho bhagava suriam devaputtam arabha rahum asurindam gathaya  ajjabhasi ||
   thatagatam arahantam | suriyam saranam gato ||
   rahu  pamunca suriyam | Buddha lokanukampakati || SN (I. ii . 1. 10.3) ||
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