Breath-taking splendour of Candi Sukuh sculptures and Daimabad bronze chariot Indus Script Hypertexts, metaphors of Schmidt metalwork wealth accounting ledgers

July 25, 2018, 12:33 am

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Candi Sukuh Śivalinga, smithy, श्येन śyena are Indus Script Hypertexts of metals wealth accounting ledgers of lokhaṇḍa, 'metalware', meḍ, 'dance step, iron' ahan-gār अहन्-गार् 'blacksmith', paṭṭaḍi, phaḍā 'smithy, metals manufactory'. A semantic expansion of meḍ into Schmidt is a common German occupational surname derived from the Germanword "Schmied" meaning "blacksmith" and/or "metalworker".

This monograph translates the breath-taking sculptural Indus Script Hypertexts of Candi Sukuh and is a tribute to Stanley O'Connor who wrote the monograph, 'Metallurgy and Immortality at Caṇḍi Sukuh, Central Java' (1985). The Śivalinga of Candi Suku is a hypertext variant of the charioteer on Daimabad bronze chariot. The charioteer has a membrum virile, erect and protected by four cobra hoods.

This monograph deviates from the philosophical framework provided by Stanley O'Connor linking metallurgical metaphors of purification in fire of minerals and metals the way immortality is achieved in Swarga, by Bhima who rescues his father, Pandu from the metals' cauldron of Hell into the bliss of Swarga waters, called Bhima Swarga. The focus is only on the adibhautika metaphors of metalwork recorded as wealth accounting ledgers in sculptural metaphors, in the Indus Script Hypertext Cipher tradition of mlecchita vikalpa (copper workers' writing system or cipher).

These hypertexts are signifiers of metals manufactories of Candi Sukuh and Daimabad.

See:

Four-hooded cobra arches over membrum virile of Daimabad charioteer of bronze chariot with Indus Script hypertexts of metalwork wealth accounting

https://tinyurl.com/ybzbb2mc

The Indus Script Hypertexts on the Daimabad chariot are:

Hieroglyph: lo 'penis' Go<luGguj>(Z) [lUGguy'] {NB} ``male ^genitals, ^penis, ^scrotum''.(Munda etyma) loe 'penis' (Ho.) Hieroglyph:`^penis'':So. laj(R) ~ lij ~ la'a'j ~ laJ/ laj ~ kaD`penis'.Sa. li'j `penis, esp. of small boys'.Sa. lO'j `penis'.Mu. lOe'j ~ lOGgE'j `penis'. ! lO'jHo loe`penis'.Ku. la:j `penis'.@(C289) ``^penis'':Sa. lOj `penis'.Mu. lOj `penis'.KW lOj@(M084) <lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL) {N} ``^penis''. #43901.<ului>(P),,<uluj>(MP) {NB} ``^penis, male organ, male^genitals''. Cf. <kOlOb>(P),<susu>(M) `testicle'; <kuLij>(M), <kuRij>(P) `vulva'. *Sa., MuN<lO'j>, MuH, Ho<lo'e>,So.<laj-An>, U.Tem.<lo'>??. %33271. #33031.So

<lO?Oj>D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL) {N}`^penis''.<lohosua>(D) {NI} ``^dance''. #20141. lo-khaṇḍa, penis + gaṇḍa, 4 balls; Rebus: lokhaṇḍa 'iron, metalware.'Rebus: loh 'copper, iron, metal' (Indian sprachbund, Meluhha) लोह [p= 908,3]mfn. (prob. fr. a √ रुह् for a lost √ रुध् , " to be red " ; cf. रोहि , रोहिण &c ) red , reddish , copper-coloured S3rS. MBh.made of copper S3Br. (Sch.)made of iron Kaus3.m. n. red metal , copper VS. &c Rebus: <loha>(BD) {NI} ``^iron''. Syn. <luaG>(D). *@. #20131) laúha -- ʻ made of copper or iron ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ red ʼ MBh., n. ʻ iron, metal ʼ Bhaṭṭ. [lōhá -- ] Pk. lōha -- ʻ made of iron ʼ; L. lohā ʻ iron -- coloured, reddish ʼ; P. lohā ʻ reddish -- brown (of cattle) ʼ.lōhá 11158 lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., .n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ

MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°, lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa" ʻ steel ʼ; Kho.loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam.lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu, °hā, A. lo, B. lo, no, Or. lohā, luhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. loh, lohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho, lō ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md.ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ.WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md. lō ʻ metal ʼ. (CDIAL 11172).lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, °rī -- f., °raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1]Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., °rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohār, luh° m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ.WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m. (CDIAL 11159).lōhaghaṭa 11160 *lōhaghaṭa ʻ iron pot ʼ. [lōhá -- , ghaṭa -- 1]Bi. lohrā, °rī ʻ small iron pan ʼ.*lōhaphāla -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , phāˊla -- 1]WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl m. ʻ an agricultural implement ʼ Him.I 197; -- or < †*lōhahala -- .(CDIAL 11160) lōhala ʻ made of iron ʼ W. [lōhá -- ]G. lohar, lohariyɔ m. ʻ selfwilled and unyielding man ʼ.(CDIAL 11161).*lōhaśālā ʻ smithy ʼ. [lōhá -- , śāˊlā -- ]Bi. lohsārī ʻ smithy ʼ. (CDIAL 11162).lōhahaṭṭika 11163 *lōhahaṭṭika ʻ ironmonger ʼ. [lōhá -- , haṭṭa -- ] P.ludh. lōhṭiyā m. ʻ ironmonger ʼ.†*lōhahala -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , halá -- ]WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl ʻ an agricultural instrument ʼ; rather < †*lōhaphāla -- .(CDIAL 11163).

Two black drongo birds perched atop either end of the axle rod: पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos primigenius indicus' rebus: पोळ pōḷa, 'magnetite, ferrite ore' PLUS Hieroglyph: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian), fuladh (Persian) folādī (Pashto).पोलाद [ pōlāda ] n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel. (Marathi) bulad 'steel, flint and steel for making fire' (Amharic); fUlAd 'steel' (Arabic).

Four hoods of cobra arch over membrum virile. Hypertext expression reads: lo gaṇḍa phaḍa Rebus plaintext readings : 1. phaḍa lokhaṇḍa, 'metals manufacory,metalware,metal implements market (pun on the word paṇi, 'market'); 2. lokhaṇḍa phaḍa 'metals manufactory, metal implements production,metals quarry'.

Reinforcement of semantics for upraised penis, for lo: bhar̥kanu 'rise of penis' (N.)(CDIAL 9365) rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace, smelter' Thus, an alternative plain text is: bhaṭa phaḍa lokhaṇḍa 'furnace (for) metals manufactory, metal implements'.

Curved stick held in his right hand: मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) rebus: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho.Mu.)

Animal standing atop the cart pole linked to the axle rod: Hieroglyph: कोला (p. 105) kōlā m (Commonly कोल्हा) A jackal. For compounds see under कोल्हे. कोल्हा (p. 105) kōlhā m A jackal, Canis aureus. Linn. कोल्हें (p. 105) kōlhēṃ n A jackal. Without reference to sex. Pr. अडलें कोल्हें मंगळ गाय Even the yelling jackal can sing pleasantly when he is in distress. कोल्हें Ta. kol working in iron, lacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi

(F.) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133)

gaṇḍa set of four (Santali); rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar, furnace' (Santali) rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi) खंडा [ khaṇḍā ] m A sort of sword. It is straight and twoedged. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended. खांडाईत [khāṇḍāīta] a Armed with the sword called खांडा. (Marathi)

The word ‘Sukuh’ means ‘to go to war, go on a military expedition, wage war on, attack'. Candi Sukuh and Candi Ceto are temples -- divine blessings of pitr̥-s for a military expedition supported by metal armour produced by artisans of Candi Sukuh & Candi Ceto smithy-forge. kole.l 'smithy, forge' is kole.l'temple' (Kota language).

On the Bhima-Arjuna-Gaṇeśa dance step narrative of metalwork smithy sculptural frieze of Candi Sukuh are Indus Script traditions signified by hieroglyphs, in front of a smelter (kiln), on the left is Bhima bringing out a dagger from the furnace; Gaṇeśa in a dance step (meḍ 'step, dane' rebus: meḍ 'iron'; Arjuna working on the bellows (dhmakara,dhamaka 'bellows blower'); ayo, aya'fish' rebus: aya 'iron'ayas'alloy metal'.kaṇḍa 'sword' rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements'. लोखंड lōkhaṇḍa n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously. लोखंडकाम lōkhaṇḍakāma n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith. लोखंडी lōkhaṇḍī a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's हाड or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. लोखंडी lōkhaṇḍī f (लोखंड) An iron boiler or other vessel.

गंडा[ gaṇḍā ] m An aggregate of four (cowries or pice). (Marathi) <ganDa>(P) {NUM} ``^four''. Syn. <cari>(LS4), <hunja-mi>(D). *Sa., Mu.<ganDa> `id.', H.<gA~Da> `a group of four cowries'. %10591. #10511.<ganDa-mi>(KM) {NUM} ``^four''. |<-mi> `one'. %10600. #10520. Ju<ganDa>(P) {NUM} ``^four''. gaṇḍaka m. ʻ a coin worth four cowries ʼ lex., ʻ method of counting by fours ʼ W. [← Mu. Przyluski RoczOrj iv 234]S. g̠aṇḍho m. ʻ four in counting ʼ; P. gaṇḍā m. ʻ four cowries ʼ; B. Or. H. gaṇḍā m. ʻ a group of four, four cowries ʼ; M. gaṇḍā m. ʻ aggregate of four cowries or pice ʼ.(CDIAL 4001)

Drawing of a Lingga with spheres

This artifact was moved by Rafles to Jakarta and became the National Museum's inventory. Dutch Colonial Archaeological Report: HN Sieburg - Year 1841 Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia Inventory number: 37-903-48Manufacture: HN SieburghTitle: Drawing of a Lingga with spheresMaterial / technique: paper, pencilDimensions: 44 x 28 cm Date: 1841Picture of the almost 2 meters high Lingga, taken by Raffles Jakarta. It is now in the Museum Nasional in Jakarta. The Lingga comes from Candi Sukuh. According to the Cat. Groeneveldt 1887 p 114-116 representing the yoni a four spheres in which the fifth ball, the Lingga. However, the contemporary view that the Lingga belongs on top of the main temple which would represent an enormous yoni. The Lingga is a realistic phallus with four balls just below the summit. The four balls, the first set of four mountains surrounding Mount Meru can represent. The inscription reads: “Inauguration of the holy Ganggusudhi in […]. The symbol of masculinity is the essence of the world. On Saturday the Wuku Wayang.” It is followed by a chronogram with a date which translates to 1440. Further reliefs of a kris, an eight-pointed sun and a crescent. Signed in 1841 by HN Sieburgh

About: SUKUH CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)

Karanganyar Regency - Central Java

Collection: Museum of Volkenkunde, Leiden. https://wilwatiktamuseum.wordpress.com/tag/inskripsi/

The Royal Linga, 1440 CE, Sukuh, National Museum, Jakarta

On the top register, a sword, hieroglyphs of sun and moon are inscribed to indicate that 'metals' are intended as the message.

Hieroglyph: arka 'sun' (Kannada) Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper'<harke>(C),,<arke>(C) {N} ``^moon''. @S. #6741. Rebus: arka 'gold'; agasAle 'goldsmithy' (Kannada) eraka 'moltencast' (Tulu) 'copper' (Kannada) मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] 'polar' star' rebus: Bj. merhd(Hunter) `iron'. Sa. mE~R~hE~'d `iron'. ! mE~RhE~d(M) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Munda) Hieroglyph: OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ(CDIAL 3546) Rebus: koṭhār 'treasury, warehouse' कुठारु [p= 289,1] an armourer L.

gaṇḍa -- m. ʻswelling, boil, abscessʼ(Pali) PLUS Go<luGguj>(Z) [lUGguy'] {NB} ``male ^genitals, ^penis, ^scrotum''.(Munda etyma)Hieroglyph: loe 'penis' (Ho.) Rebus: loh 'copper, iron, metal' (Indian sprachbund, Meluhha) Hieroglyph: ``^penis'':So. laj(R) ~ lij ~ la'a'j ~ laJ/ laj ~ kaD `penis'.Sa. li'j `penis, esp. of small boys'.Sa. lO'j `penis'.Mu. lOe'j ~ lOGgE'j `penis'. ! lO'jHo loe `penis'.Ku. la:j `penis'.@(C289) ``^penis'':Sa. lOj `penis'.Mu. lOj `penis'.KW lOj@(M084) <lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL) {N} ``^penis''. #43901. <ului>(P),,<uluj>(MP) {NB} ``^penis, male organ, male^genitals''. Cf. <kOlOb>(P),<susu>(M) `testicle'; <kuLij>(M), <kuRij>(P) `vulva'. *Sa., MuN<lO'j>, MuH, Ho<lo'e>,So.<laj-An>, U.Tem.<lo'> ??. %33271. #33031.So<lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL) {N} ``^penis''.<lohosua>(D) {NI} ``^dance''. #20141.

Another metaphor of armour is the falcon. seṇa 'falcon' rebus: seṇa, aśani 'thunderbolt', āhan gar 'blacksmith' PLUS kambha 'wing' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage[Metwork catalogues: ferrite ore, blacksmith mint] Alternate titles: sēnāpati m. ʻ leader of an army ʼ AitBr. [sḗnā -- , páti -- ]Pa. sēnāpati -- , °ika -- m. ʻ general ʼ, Pk. sēṇāvaï -- m.; M. śeṇvaī, °vī, śeṇai m. ʻ a class of Brahmans ʼ, Ko. śeṇvi; Si. senevi ʻgeneralʼ.(CDIAL 13589). The falcon is combined with cobra-hood: फडा (p. 313) phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c. Ta. patam cobra's hood. Ma. paṭam id. Ka. peḍe id.Te. paḍaga id. Go. (S.) paṛge, (Mu.) baṛak, (Ma.) baṛki, (F-H.) biṛki hood of serpent (Voc. 2154). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9040, Skt. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā- id. For IE etymology, see Burrow, The Problem of Shwa in Sanskrit, p. 45.(DEDR 47) Rebus: phaḍa फड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers. paṭṭaḍi, phaḍā 'smithy, forge, mint, metals manufactory for wealth'.

పట్టడ paṭṭaḍa paṭṭaḍu. [Tel.] n. A smithy, a shop. కుమ్మరి వడ్లంగి మొదలగువారు పనిచేయు చోటు.

श्येन śyena m. a hawk , falcon , eagle , any bird of prey (esp. the eagle that brings down सोम to man) RV. (Monier-Williams). This words is expanded in the expression: aśáni f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ RV., °nī -- f. ŚBr. [Cf. áśan -- m. ʻ sling -- stone ʼ RV.] Pa. asanī -- f. ʻ thunderbolt, lightning ʼ, asana -- n. ʻ stone ʼ; Pk. asaṇi -- m.f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ; Ash. ašĩˊ ʻ hail ʼ, Wg. ašē˜ˊ, Pr. īšĩ, Bashg. "azhir", Dm. ašin, Paš. ášen, Shum. äˊšin, Gaw. išín, Bshk. ašun, Savi išin, Phal. ã̄šun, L. (Jukes) ahin, awāṇ. &circmacrepsilon;n (both with n, not ṇ), P. āhiṇ, f., āhaṇ, aihaṇ m.f., WPah. bhad. ã̄ṇ, bhal. ´tildemacrepsilon;hiṇi f., N. asino, pl. °nā; Si. sena, heṇa ʻ thunderbolt ʼ Geiger GS 34, but the expected form would be *ā̤n; -- Sh. aĩyĕˊr f. ʻ hail ʼ (X ?). -- For ʻ stone ʼ > ʻ hailstone ʼ cf. upala -- and A. xil s.v. śilā (CDIAL 910) A thunder-bolt maker is: ahan-gār अहन्-गार् (= ) m. a blacksmith (H. xii, 16).(Kashmiri) P آهن āhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهن ګران āhan-garān. آهن ربا āhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهن رباوي āhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنه.(Pashto). Such a blacksmith, maker of thunderbolt is shown as an anthropomorphic representation on a silver axe with two heads of 'falcons; dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'; thus, the hieroglyph/hypertext signifies a thunderblt jmetal caster; the associated hieroglyphs to signify metalwork are: kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' ; baḍhia = a castrated boar, a hog; rebus: baḍhi 'a caste who work both in iron and wood':

Shaft-hole axhead with a bird-headed demon, boar,and dragon, late 3rd–early 2nd millennium BCE Central Asia (Bactria-Margiana) Silver, gold foil; 5 7/8 in. (15 cm) Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History | The Metropolitan Museum of Art

The scene in bas relief The scene depicted Bhima as the blacksmith in the left forging the metal, Ganesha in the center, and Arjuna in the right operating the tube blower to pump air into the furnace.

Pl. 1 Relief of smithy at Candi Sukuh, central Java. On the left, a smith forging a weapon. Person on left (Bhima) is surrounded by tools and weapons and is forging a sword.In the center, a dancing elephant-headed figure. Far right, an assistant operating the traditional double-piston bellows of Southeast Asia.

Ganapati, Maha Rakta "After the rise of Tantric Buddhism, Ganesha
became a Tantric wealth deity and is known as the "Lord of Provisions in Tibetan Tantrism". According to legend, Red Jambhala was in charge of the heavenly treasury that belonged to Lord Mahesvara’s son. Due to his extreme compassion, Red Jambhala had unfailingly answered the prayers of many worshippers. Enraged by Red Jambhala’s indiscriminate charity to both the good and evil, Dharma guardian Mahakala decapitated him. It was only after the wealth deity repents that Mahakala plants an elephant’s head on his neck and receives him as a retainer." http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jambhala

Meluhha hieroglyphs and Candi Sukuh hieroglyphs related to metalwork

Mirror: https://www.academia.edu/10153387/Meluhha_hieroglyphs_and_Candi_Sukuh_hieroglyphs_related_to_metalwork

The relationship between Munda and Khmer languages in the family of Austro-Asiatic languages is as yet an unsettled research concern. In the context of Meluhha, it is clear that in Indian sprachbund from ca. 5th millennium BCE, Munda words were an integral component of the language union. FBJ Kuiper has demonstrated the presence of Munda words in Samskritam. Kuiper FBJ, 1948, Proto-Munda words in Sanskrit, ord-Hollandsche Uitg. Mij. in Amsterdam.See: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Substratum_in_Vedic_Sanskrit

It is possible that many of the Meluhha hieroglyphs and related metalwork glosses may also have been in vogue in the region characterised by the Khmer languages exemplified by Tantri Kamandaka in Javanese and in the Ganapati image of Candi Sukuh in Java, discussed in this note.

There are clear indicators that the Candi Sukuh hieroglyphs were comparable with metalwork hieroglyphs of Indus script corpora and with the art forms of Ganapati found over an extended area of Bharatam and neighbouring contact areas.

Map of Bronze Age sites of eastern India and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2.Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6.Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa;8. Mohenjo-daro; 9.Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11.Navdatoli; 12.Inamgaon; 13. Non PaWai; 14. Nong Nor;15. Ban Na Di andBan Chiang; 16. NonNok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press].

Pinnow’s map of Austro-AsiaticLanguage speakers correlates with bronze age sites. See: https://sites.google.com/site/kalyan97/indian-hieroglyphs-meluhha-and-archaeo-metallurgy Munda (reddish) and Mon-Khmer languages

<b>Munda</b> (reddish) and Mon-Khmer languages

http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/faculty/stampe/aa.html Map 1 (Bronze-age sites) correlates with Austro-Asiatic languages map 2. A focus on this area for areal linguistics will yield significant results to delineate the ancient structure and form of mleccha language. Santali and Munda lexicons and literature will be of considerable relevance with particular reference to cultural traditions and village festivals associated with the work on minerals and metals.

Cham Art. "History has not been kind to Cham monuments and works of art: centuries of warfare and casual neglect have taken a significant toll on sites like My Sonand Po Nagar Nha Trang, while decorative pieces have been lost over time. Today, most Cham artifacts exist as sandstone or bronze sculptures, with a few decorative objects cast in other metals. Do we know anything about the other arts of the ancient Cham: painting, jewelry, basketry, textiles, pottery, or even calligraphy? Can sources from abroad or surviving steles allow us to reconstruct what other arts were practiced during Champa’s zenith (c. 600-900 CE)? " http://etc.ancient.eu/2013/04/03/deciphering-ancient-cham-art/

Richly decorated Balinese kris hilt coated with gold, adorned with rubies

"The handle or hilt (hulu) is an object of art, often carved in meticulous details and made from various materials: precious rare types of wood to gold or ivory. They were often carved to resemble various Hindu gods and deities, although this became less common with the introduction of Islam. In Bali, kris handles are made to resemble demons coated in gold and adorned with semi precious and precious stones, such as rubies. In Java, kris handles are made in various types, the most common design being the abstract stylized representation of the human form." http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kris

The main monument of Sukuh temple.

The walls of the monument which is Sukuh candi (15th cent. temple) in Indonesia (Java) have many bas-reliefs.

Rhinoceros/boar: baḍhia = a castrated

boar, a hog (Santali) baḍhi ‘a caste who work both in iron and wood’

(Santali) baṟea ‘merchant’ ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron' (Santali)

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/10/indus-script-archer-boar-tiger.html

A headless life-sized male figure grasping penis

Ko. geṇḍ kaṭ- (kac-) dog's penis becomes stuck in copulation. Ka. geṇḍe penis.

Go. (Tr. Ph.) geṭānā, (Mu.) gēṭ- to have sexual intercourse; (Mu.) gēṭ sexual intercourse (Voc. 1181).(DEDR 1949).

``^penis'':

So. laj(R)

  ~ lij

  ~ la'a'j

  ~ laJ/ laj

  ~ kaD `penis'.

Sa. li'j `penis, esp. of small boys'.

Sa. lO'j `penis'.

Mu. lOe'j

  ~ lOGgE'j `penis'.  ! lO'j

Ho loe `penis'.

Ku. la:j `penis'.

@(C289)

``^penis'':

Sa. lOj `penis'.

Mu. lOj `penis'.

KW lOj

@(M084) Rebus: lo 'copper' lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ]

Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°, lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃un., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu, °hā, A. lo, B. lo, no, Or. lohā, luhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. loh, lohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho, lō ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ. WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md. lō ʻ metal ʼ.(CDIAL 11158)

gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., °aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá --1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā. 2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., °ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., °ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← H. (CDIAL 4000). காண்டாமிருகம் kāṇṭā-mirukam , n. [M. kāṇṭāmṛgam.] Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Gujarati) Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi)

*kartyā ʻ knife ʼ. 2. *kr̥tyā -- . [Cf. kr̥tí -- 2 and Psht. čāṛa ʻ knife ʼ < *kartyā -- EVP 19: √kr̥t1]

1. Sh. kačí f. ʻ scissors ʼ, K. köċü f. ʻ betelnut scissors ʼ; N. kaciyā ʻ sickle ʼ, A. kāsi, B. kāci; Or. kaciā ʻ big scythe ʼ; Bi. kaciyā ʻ toothed sickle ʼ; H. kaciyā ʻ reapinghook ʼ.
2. Pk. kiccā -- f. ʻ cutting ʼ. [Cf. Ir. *kartyā -- in Shgh. čā̤d ʻ knife ʼ](CDIAL 2866) Kol. (SR.) kaccī sword. Go. kacci (A.) sword, (SR.) iron sword; (Ch. Ma.) kacci, (Tr. W. Ph.) kaccī, (M.) kacci, kac, (Ko.) kas iron; (Mu.) kacc iron, iron blade (of spade) (Voc. 460).(DEDR 1096)

Ta. katti knife, cutting instrument, razor, sword, sickle. Ma. katti knife. Ko. katy billhook knife; kati·r- (katrc-; < katy-tayr, katy-tarc-) to cut; kaṇkeyt, kaṇki·t sickle (for kaṇ, see 1166). To. kaṇ koty dagger-shaped knife burned with corpse (cf. 1166). Ka. katti knife, razor, sword. Koḍ. katti knife. Tu. katti, katte id. Te. katti knife, razor, sword. Go. (Ch.) katti cock's spur; (Elwin) kāti the knife attached to the cock's foot (Voc. 490). ? (DEDR 1204).

karta2 m. ʻ *cutting ʼ (ʻ separation ʼ BhP.). [i.e. *kárta -- : √kr̥t1]S. katu m. ʻ a cut, cutting a nib ʼ; L. kaṭṭ m. ʻ deduction ʼ; N. kāṭ -- kuṭ ʻ cutting down ʼ, kāṭā -- kāṭ, kāṭ -- mārʻ slaughter ʼ; B. kāṭā -- kāṭi ʻ mutual slaughter ʼ; Or. kāṭa ʻ act of cutting, shape ʼ; H. kāṭā -- kāṭī f. ʻ cutting to pieces ʼ; M. kã̄t m. ʻ shavings of wood &c. ʼ; -- ext. with --r -- , -- l -- , -- ll -- : G. kātrī f. ʻ thin slice ʼ, kātḷũ n. ʻ round piece of sugar cane cut off ʼ, kātlī f. ʻ slice ʼ.(CDIAL 2852)

Stone carvings and hieroglyphic writing at bas-relief walls in Candi Sukuh. The carvings indicate that the smithy was an armourer's workshop. kole.l (Kota) is both a smithy and a temple.For association of Ganesha with metalwork, see: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/multiplex-as-metaphor-ligatures-on.html Multiplex as metaphor: ligatures on Indus Meluhha writing and Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization art forms of Bharatam Janam See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/itihasa-of-bharatam-janam-hinduized.html

Two stylized peacocks constituting an arch around some hieroglyphs in Candi Sukuh. mora peacock; morā ‘peafowl’ (Hindi); rebus: morakkhaka loha, a kind of copper, grouped with pisācaloha (Pali). [Perhaps an intimation of the color of the metal produced which shines like a peacock blue feather.] moraka "a kind of steel" (Sanskrit) smāraka 'memorial' (Sanskrit)

nāgá 'snake' Rebus: nāgá 'lead' dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' (Santali)

kāṇḍam காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools, pots and pans’ (Marathi)

<lo->(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re<lo->(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper.

దళము [daḷamu] daḷamu. [Skt.] n. A leaf. ఆకు. A petal. A part, భాగము. dala n. ʻ leaf, petal ʼ MBh. Pa. Pk. dala -- n. ʻ leaf, petal ʼ, G. M. daḷ n.(CDIAL 6214). <DaLO>(MP) {N} ``^branch, ^twig''. *Kh.<DaoRa>(D) `dry leaves when fallen', ~<daura>, ~<dauRa> `twig', Sa.<DAr>, Mu.<Dar>, ~<Dara> `big branch of a tree', ~<DauRa> `a twig or small branch with fresh leaves on it', So.<kOn-da:ra:-n> `branch', H.<DalA>, B.<DalO>, O.<DaLO>, Pk.<DAlA>. %7811. #7741.(Munda etyma) Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati)

(After Fig. 17. Cult relief found in a well located in the Ashur temple at Ashur. Old Assyrian period, early 2^nd millennium BCE, limestone, h. 52 ½ in. (1.36in) Vorderasiatisches Museum.)

Witnessing an event, than interpreting a text. (O'Connor, Stanley J., 1985, Metallurgy and Immortality at Caṇḍi Sukuh, Central Java, Indonesia, Volume 39 (April 1985), 53--70.p. 65); '...iron working was was a metaphor for spiritual transmutation in ancient Java. ' (p.54);'...iron working is both a craft and a spiritual exercise.' (p. 55); "Metallurgy, especially the complex and, to the pre-scientific mind, mysterious process by which ores are drawn from the living earth are reduced to a molten state, transformed into a rough iron mass of residual slag and iron chips by the smelter, and then purified, hardened in the presence of carbon, and forged into beautiful and useful objects by the smith, makes a fruitful analogue for the metamorphosis of the soul after death." (P.56).

Pl. 2 Detail of Pl. 1 showing smith grasping tang of weapon with bare hand. Note the blade rests on the smith's knee. There is no hammer in the upraised hand.

Pl. 3 The elephant-headed figure, almost crtainly Ganesha, wears a crown and carries a small animal, probably a dog (jackal looking backwards?)

Pl. 4 Detail showing bone rosary or rattle carried by Ganesha.

A relief of yoni–lingga on the floor of the Candi Sukuh's entrance

Pl. 5 Phallus and vulva repreented, on the floor of the monumental gateway at Sukuh. (Portable furnace, bottom register of the standard device hieroglyph on over 1000 inscriptions of Indus script corpora?)

Pl. 6 Linga discovered at Candi Sukuh and now in Museum Pusst, Jakarta (from CJ van der VLie, Report of 1843).Linga is six feet long, five feet in circumference. Old Javanese inscription: 'Consecration of the Holy Gangga sudhi...the sign of masculinity is the essence of the world.' Sword is carved in relief on the shaft of the linga.

Metallurgy and Immortality at Caṇḍi Sukuh, Central Java by Stanley J. O'Connor, Indonesia, Volume 39 (April 1985), 53--70.

http://cip.cornell.edu/DPubS?service=Repository&version=1.0&verb=Disseminate&view=body&content-type=pdf_1&handle=seap.indo/1107006615#

https://www.scribd.com/doc/252490468/Metallurgy-and-Immortality-at-Candi-Sukuh-Central-Java

Uchchhishta Ganapati,Nageswaraswamy Temple, Kumbakonam. The deities touch each other's genitalia.

Uchchhishta Ganapati, Nanjangud

"Uchchhishta Ganapati (Sanskrit: उच्छिष्ट-गणपति, Ucchiṣṭa Gaṇapati) is an Tantric aspect of the Hindu god Ganesha (Ganapati). He is the primary deity of the Uchchhishta Ganapatya sect, one of six major schools of the Ganapatyas. He is worshipped primarily by heterodox vamachara rituals. He is depicted with a nude goddess, in an erotic iconography. He is one of the thirty-two forms of Ganesha, frequently mentioned in devotional literature.Herambasuta was one of the exponent of Uchichhishta Ganapati cult." http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uchchhishta_Ganapati

The Kriyakramadyoti mentions that the god carries in his six hands: a lotus (in some descriptions, a blue lotus),a pomegranate, theveena, an akshamala (rosary) and a rice sprig. (Satguru Sivaya Subramuniyaswami. Loving Ganesha. Himalayan Academy Publications. p. 66).

References

Robert Hertz: A contribution to the study of collective representation of death

R. Goris: The position of the blacksmiths, in: Bali: Studies in Life, Thought and Ritual, ed. JC Swellegebel (The Hague: van Hoeve, 1960), pp. 291-97.

ED Baumann, De Mythe van der Manken God, quoted in RJ Forbes, Metallurgy in Antiquity (Leiden: Brill, 1950), p. 89 TheToraja of Sulawesi have a smith god who reforges souls.

Glosses

ulkāˊ f. ʻ meteor, fire falling from heaven ʼ RV., ʻ fire- brand ʼ ŚBr.Pa. ukkā -- f. ʻ torch ʼ, Pk. ukkā -- f ʻ meteor, fire -- ball ʼ; B. ūk, ukā ʻ torch ʼ; Or. uka ʻ torch, flash of fire, meteor ʼ, ukiā ʻ sun's rays ʼ; Mth. ūk ʻ torch ʼ; H. ūk m. ʻ torch, blaze, meteor ʼ.(CDIAL 2362). Rebus: ukku 'steel' (Telugu) Ta. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender, melt (as the heart), be kind, glow with love, be emaciated; urukku (urukki-) to melt (tr.) with heat (as metals or congealed substances), dissolve, liquefy, fuse, soften (as feelings), reduce, emaciate (as the body), destroy; n. steel, anything melted, product of liquefaction; urukkam melting of heart, tenderness, compassion, love (as to a deity, friend, or child); urukkiṉam that which facilitates the fusion of metals (as borax). Ma. urukuka to melt, dissolve, be softened; urukkuka to melt (tr.); urukkam melting, anguish; urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel. Ko. uk steel. Ka.urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te. ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh-(Voc. 262). Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.)rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel. (DEDR 661)

mēṇḍhra -- m. ʻ penis ʼ(Samskritam)(CDIAL 9606).Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.)

ibha m. ʻ elephant ʼ Mn. Pa. ibha-- m., Pk. ibha--, iha--, Si. iba Geiger EGS 22: rather ← Pa.(CDIAL 1587).Rebus: ib 'iron' (Santali)

WPah.kṭg. (kc.) mōr ʻ peacock ʼ.A. mairā ʻ peacock ʼ(CDIAL 9865). Rebus: mará m. ʻ *death ʼ (ʻ world of death ʼ AitUp.), maraka- m. ʻ epidemic ʼ. [√mr̥] Pk. mara -- m. ʻ death ʼ, Ash. mə́rə, Wg. mara (as ʻ god of death ʼ(CDIAL 9867).

Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H. kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ, °lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā, °lā m.(CDIAL 3615). Rebus: kol 'working in iron' (Tamil) Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka.kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace.Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhalito forge. (DEDR 2133)

K. khāra -- basta f. ʻ blacksmith's skin bellows ʼ; -- S. bathī f. ʻ quiver ʼ (< *bhathī); A. Or. bhāti ʻ bellows ʼ, Bi. bhāthī, (S of Ganges) bhã̄thī; OAw. bhāthā̆ ʻ quiver ʼ; H. bhāthā m. ʻ quiver ʼ, bhāthī f. ʻ bellows ʼ; G. bhāthɔ, bhātɔ, bhāthṛɔ m. ʻ quiver ʼ (whence bhāthī m. ʻ warrior ʼ); M. bhātā m. ʻ leathern bag, bellows, quiver ʼ, bhātaḍ n. ʻ bellows, quiver ʼ; <-> (X bhráṣṭra -- ?) N. bhã̄ṭi ʻ bellows ʼ, H. bhāṭhī f. OA. bhāthi ʻ bellows ʼ (CDIAL 9424). Rebus: Pk. bhayaga -- m. ʻ servant ʼ, bhaḍa -- m. ʻ soldier ʼ, bhaḍaa -- m. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; Paš. buṛīˊ ʻ servant maid ʼ IIFL iii 3, 38; S.bhaṛu ʻ clever, proficient ʼ, m. ʻ an adept ʼ; Ku. bhaṛ m. ʻ hero, brave man ʼ, gng. adj. ʻ mighty ʼ; B. bhaṛ ʻ soldier, servant, nom. prop. ʼ,.kcch. bhaṛ ʻ brave ʼ; Garh. (Śrīnagrī dial.) bhɔṛ, (Salānī dial.) bheṛ ʻ warrior ʼ.G. bhaṛ m. ʻ warrior, hero, opulent person ʼ, adj. ʻ strong, opulent ʼ (CDIAL 9588).

Tantri Reliefs on Javanese Candi by Robert L. Brown Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 118, Issue 1, 1998

Abstract:

The Tantri reliefs of the title are scenes, carved in stone, depicting stories from (or relating to) those found in the Indian Pancatantra corpus of stories, animal fables usually teaching a moral lesson. These reliefs are on candis, or temples, in Java that date, beginning with two in central Java, from about 800 C.E. and end with a group of thirteen monuments in eastern Java that date from about 1340 to 1450. Thus, the reliefs' appearance is restricted to these two groups, among the many monuments in central Java, and to a short time frame. In addition, there is an odd five-hundred-year break between the two groups. These are the only instances in which such Pancatantra stories are depicted on monuments in South or Southeast Asia, making their appearance on the Javanese temples that much more intriguing.Marijke Klokke's book is very helpful in sorting out the questions regarding these Javanese Tantri reliefs, and she supplies - in a careful, thorough, and scholarly way - answers or hypotheses for many of them. The book is divided into two parts. The first, in seven chapters and 152 pages of text, is her discussion of the reliefs. The second part, of about one hundred pages, is a very handy catalog of the reliefs themselves, each discussed separately and with a small illustration. These reliefs are numbered consecutively and arranged by monument, which in turn are arranged chronologically. The major monuments are shown at the end in ground plans with the placement of each relief indicated by its number. The discussion for each relief is extremely thorough, giving a list of references where it has been published before, a description, a suggested identification, and often a detailed analysis and comparison of textual sources and other reliefs.The first part of the book is an introduction that lays out some of the major issues, most of which will continue to be a focus throughout the book, including most importantly the relationship of the reliefs to the textual sources. Klokke reviews the past scholarly literature that has dealt with the reliefs, and notes that her approach will be to consider the meaning of the reliefs in the context of the candis and, broadly, of Javanese culture, rather than to view each relief separately, as was very commonly done in the past. The second chapter is then devoted to a review of the literary sources. The stories are referred to as Tantri stories because the Old Javanese version of these stories, in a text named today Tantri Kamandaka, has a woman named Tantri telling the stories to her husband, a king. The royal nature of the stories will be a key in her interpretation of the candi reliefs.In Klokke's thorough search for relationships and sources for the Javanese Tantri Kamandaka, she comes to the surprising conclusion that this text, which dates to the Majapahit period (fourteenth to sixteenth centuries) - or just about the same time as the reappearance of the Tantri reliefs on eastern Javanese monuments - is most closely related in India to an obscure south Indian Sanskrit Pancatantra text, the Tantropakhyana, and its Tamil adaptation. Is this to be connected to Hertel's Tantrakhyayika? (cf. Renou, L'Inde classique, [Section]1812). Furthermore, the Javanese Tantri Kamandaka and the Indian texts share close relationships with Thai and Laotian Pancatantra versions. She points out that a similar pattern is found with the Old Javanese Ramayana Kakawin, the Javanese version of the Ramayana being related to a less well known Indian version but that appears also to have influenced other Southeast versions of the Ramayana.Before turning to her goal of discussing the reliefs in their architectural and cultural contexts in the final two chapters, Klokke provides three more chapters, in part in preparation for these final discussions, that are filled with interesting insights. Chapter III deals with art historical concerns of Javanese sculptural reliefs, their styles, iconography, figural types, and narrative conventions. This is, to my mind, the weakest chapter in the book (although this may be because, as an art historian, I expected something more sophisticated - for scholars from other fields it may be more helpful). I find particularly inadequate her discussion of the artistic narrative conventions, that is, the ways in which stories are depicted in sculptural relief. She identifies two methods, culmination and the episodic, the latter of which is divided into cyclic and continuous forms. By "culmination" she means that one narrative moment is used to represent the entire story. The episodic simply means that a series of moments are depicted, either in separate panels (cyclic form, as in a modern comic strip) or several moments in a single panel (continuous form). She then relates these conventions historically, suggesting that while the culmination method existed throughout Javanese art, the episodic was first in the cyclic form (as at Borobudur, ca. A.D. 800), then developed into a combined cyclic and continuous form in the late central Javanese period (as at Loro Jonggrang, ca. 850), and became "full-fledged continuous form" in the late east Javanese period (fourteenth-fifteenth c.). The Tantri reliefs always tended toward the culmination method, and were so exclusively in the central Javanese examples, while some became rather minimally episodic on the eastern Javanese candis.I find, first of all, that this classification is too simplistic and schematic, considering the very rich discussions of artistic narrative available, and that continue as a focus of innovative contemporary scholarship. And second, I do not understand why Klokke calls several of the central Javanese Tantri reliefs that depict several different moments in one panel (such as the Mendut "Geese and Tortoise") the culmination method (see her discussion pp. 71-72).Chapter IV is devoted to dating the monuments on which the Tantri reliefs are found. Chapter V then talks about the relationships between the artistic and literary traditions. This is a crucial chapter, as Klokke comes to conclusions about the relationships, influences, and sources of literary texts and the Tantri reliefs. Briefly, she feels that a variety of Pancatantra stories, in both literary and oral forms, were first brought to central Java in the eighth and ninth centuries, primarily from Gujarat. The reason the Central Javanese Tantri reliefs are all culmination method (that is, depicted in a single moment in a single panel) is, she suggests, because they were based on only the condensed form of the brief poetic sloka, stripped of narrative content - an idea I find highly unlikely, but it helps to explain why she is determined to force all the central Javanese examples, even those like the "Geese and Tortoise" mentioned above, into the culmination method. When the Pancatantra-like stories were first written in Old Javanese (the Tantri Kamandaka) in eastern Java in about the fourteenth century, the obscure south Indian Tantropakhyana was chosen as a guide because it, like the central Javanese reliefs, related ultimately to the same earlier Gujarati-linked stories. Thus, assuming a continuing story tradition between central and eastern Java over that five hundred-year gap, which she actually details using the reliefs, the eastern Javanese recognized, and thus chose as the model, the Tantropakhyana as already "part" of the tradition. While this is speculative, it is certainly well argued.Finally, the last two chapters (VI and VII) need to be read for their many details, but Klokke's overall argument as to the use and meaning of the reliefs on the candis can be rather simply stated. She finds that the stories were related to kingship, specifically to the teachings of what made a good or bad king. These stories were placed on monuments that had to do with the secular or this-worldly success of the king in making the kingdom fertile and plentiful. They were, she feels, organized on the monuments in a general left-right scheme, so that the left includes stories having to do with teaching about wickedness, the right with the good. There was also a vertical organization, so that the lower portion of the monument was more focused on the king's worldly duties, and thus were usually where the Tantri reliefs were placed. This interpretation of the stories applying to the mundane and materialistic has interesting implications for the central Javanese Tantri reliefs, which were placed on two Buddhist monuments. In conclusion, this is an informative and significant book that bears a close reading by scholars from various disciplines and fields.ROBERT L. BROWN UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELESCOPYRIGHT 1998 American Oriental Society

http://www.academicroom.com/article/tantri-reliefs-javanese-candi

See: http://archive.org/stream/parwwa-tantri-kamandaka/parwwa-tantri-kamandaka-250ppi#page/n5/mode/1up Parwwa Tantri Kamandaka, Pusat Dokumentasi, Dinas Kebudayaan Provinsi Bali

See: http://www.museumneka.com/keris.asp

Majapahit era in Indonesia has books such as Candidate Charcoal, Korawasrama, Babhulisah, Tantri Kamandaka, Pancatantra and temples such as Temple Brahu, Temple Gentong, Blitar, Tegalwangi Mice.

Magic of Metal. Physical and spiritual powers of keris. Watch out, deadly curves!

"No, this is not a traffic sign warning drivers of a dangerous winding road, but a rather inadequate description of keris, the traditional Indonesian dagger. Whether created by human hands or of supernatural origin, keris are believed to be physical manifestations of invisible forces. Forged in fire but symbolic of water, a keris represents a powerful union of cosmic complementary forces.

A distinctive feature of many keris is their odd-numbers of curves, but they also have straight blades. Keris are like naga, which are associated with irrigation canals, rivers, springs, wells, spouts, waterfalls and rainbows. Some keris have a naga or serpent head carved near its base with the body and tail following the curves of the blade to the tip. A wavy keris is a naga in motion, aggressive and alive; a straight blade is one at rest, its power dormant but ready to come into action.

Different types of whetstones, acidic juice of citrus fruits and poisonous arsenic bring out the contrast between the dark black iron and the light colored silvery nickel layers which together form pamor, damascene patterns on the blade. These motifs have specific names which indicate their special powers: udan mas (golden rain) is good for prosperity, wos wetah (unbroken rice grains) brings well-being.

Three fingers remaining helps in making decisions; two fingers left are good for spiritual purposes. One and a half fingers left repel disaster and black magic; one finger remaining is suitable for agricultural prosperity. Half a finger left is useful for thieves; no finger remaining is good for making proposals. What’s going on here? Cutting off fingers for punishment? No, by measuring a keris from base to tip with four fingers of each hand alternating, the remaining length indicates how the keris is beneficial.

The keris is an important family possession and considered to be an ancestral deity, as weapons often play critical roles in the rise and fall of families and fortunes in history. Heirloom keris have proper names which describe their power: Ki Sudamala is Venerable Exorcist and repels negative forces, Ki Baju Rante is Venerable Coat of Armor and spiritually protects one wearing it.

In Bali, an heirloom keris and other such metal objects are presented offerings every 210 days on the day called Tumpek Landep, which means ‘sharp’. They are cleaned, displayed in temple shrines, and presented with incense, holy water, and red-colored food and flowers to honor Hindu god of fire Brahma. This is followed by prayers for a sharp mind to Sanghyang Pasupati, the deity who empowers sacred objects and defeats ignorance..."


Suteja Neka ritually hammers a newkeris being made for the Pura Pandeblacksmith clan temple in Peliatan in June 2006 Antique royal Balinese keris from Bangliwith 17 curves, demon-shaped handle inlaid with gold and encrusted with semi-precious stones Antique Balinese keris with chiseled figures of lion king Candapinggala fighting bull Nandaka from the *TantriKamandaka* fables Antique Balinese keris with 13 curves, new gold inlay of *naga*(water-serpent), demon-shaped gold handle encrusted with semi-precious stones

"There are also 14 stories from the Tantri Kamandaka, these are Java animal fables used to represent characters that teach life lessons in wisdom & statecraft, the art of running a kingdom. The Tantri Kamandaka is interesting as it is very similar to the Arabian ‘A Thousand & One Nights’ story. It starts off with a king who orders his minister to find him a bride each night so his subjects can get drunk & have a wedding feast every day. On the last day the kingdom runs out of girls & so the minister’s own daughter, a girl named Tantri gives herself up. On their wedding night in order to avoid drunken horizontal-mumble, she tries to distract the king with these tales which later has a profound effect on the king who vows to change his ways, the moral here… if you have sex with a different woman every night you will probably get AIDS & die."

See: www.jstor.org/stable/27860557

Javanese Tantri Kamandaka (known also as Tantricarita, Tantravakya and Candapingala) is based on Pancatantra. Prof. C. Hooykaas brought out a Tantri edition in 1931. He opines that this book was written at about the same time as Durgasimha's Kannada version of the Pancatantra, that is, in the first half of the eleventh century CE.

English translation:

'"This work will, in all likelihood, be of interest to rulers; for the course of (princely) policy is made plain by stories of animals."

Surya Majapahit[i] of Majapahit Empire from 1293 to around 1500 in Java, Indonesia.

Expansion and decline of Majapahit Empire, started in Trowulan Majapahit in 13th century, expanded to much of Indonesian archipelago, until receded and fell in early 16th century.

The graceful Bidadari Majapahit, golden celestialapsara in Majapahit style perfectly describes Majapahit as "the golden age" of the archipelago.

Bas relief from Candi Penatarandescribes the Javanese-style pendopopavilion, commonly found across Java and Bali.

Majapahit recognize the hierarchy classifications of lands within its realm:

Bhumi: the kingdom, ruled by the king
Nagara: the province, ruled by the rajya (governor), or natha (lord), or bhre (prince or duke)
Watek: the regency, administered by wiyasa,
Kuwu: the district, administered by lurah,
Wanua: the village, administered by thani,
Kabuyutan: the hamlet or sanctuary place.

The officials in Majapahit courts are:

Rakryan Mahamantri Katrini, usually reserved for the king's heir
Rakryan Mantri ri Pakira-kiran, the board of ministers that conduct the daily administration
Dharmmadhyaksa, the officials of laws, state laws as well as religious laws
Dharmma-upapatti, the officials concerning religious affairs

The statue of Harihara, the god combination of Shiva andVishnu. It was the mortuary deified portrayal ofKertarajasa. Originally located at Candi Simping, Blitar and the statue is now preserved at the National Museum of Indonesia.

Pinnow map: Click to enlarge

Austroasiatic Languages:
Munda (Eastern India) and
Mon-Khmer (NE India, mainland SE Asia, Malaysia, Nicobars)

[Site maintained by Patricia Donegan and David Stampe]

Family tree and demographics: Ethnologue index of AA languages.

Maps:

Austroasiatic languages map (in German) from H.-J. Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache, 1958: map (jpg-file); legend (jpg-file). Vietnamese is omitted.

Mainland SE Asian language maps compiled by David Bradley (part of Wurm & Hattori's Language Atlas of the Pacific Area (1981, 1983):
- Southern SE Asia sheet: map, legend, text (continues on following sheet).
- Northern SE Asia sheet: map, legend, text (continued from preceding sheet).
- Combined Mainland SE Asia sheets: map (2.6mB).

Typology and Drift:

Patricia J. Donegan & David Stampe, Rhythm and the holistic organization of language structure (.pdf file), a corrected version of a paper originally published in Papers from the Parasession on the Interplay of Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax, ed. John F. Richardson, Mitchell Marks, and Amy Chukerman (Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society, 1983), pp. 337-353.
Patricia J. Donegan, Rhythm and vocalic drift in Munda and Mon-Khmer (.pdf file), in Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 16.1.1-43 (1996).
Patricia J. Donegan & David Stampe, South-East Asian features in the Munda languages: Evidence for the analytic-to-synthetic drift of Munda (.pdf file), in Proceedings of the 28th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Special Session on Tibeto-Burman and Southeast Asian Linguistics, in honor of Prof. James A. Matisoff, ed. Patrick Chew (Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society, 2002), pp. 111-129.
Patricia J. Donegan & David Stampe, Rhythm and the synthetic drift of Munda (.pdf file), in Rajendra Singh (ed.), The Yearbook of South Asian Languages and Linguistics 2004, pp. 3-36.

Bibliography:

Austroasiatic bibliography of John Peterson.
Munda Bibliography to 1983 by David Stampe.
Bibliography and Index of Mainland SE Asian Languages and Linguistics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), by Franklin Huffman, including Munda and the Indian language isolate Nihali -- input by David Stampe et al. (through L, with some addenda and library locations).
Doug Cooper's SEA Linguistics Bibliography site includes his Thai and computational linguistics bibliography, as well as the two bibliographies by Stampe and Huffman, above, as targets of Doug's versatile search and reformatting engine. NO LONGER ONLINE

Journals:

MKS (Mon-Khmer Studies): homepage; archive.
LTBA (Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area): home page.

Lexicography:

Munda Lexical Archive, an ongoing copylefted archive of most of the lexical materials available from the non-Kherwarian Munda languages, assembled, analyzed, and arranged by Patricia J. Donegan & David Stampe. A detailed description with credits is forthcoming. For now see 00README. (A current snapshot of the whole is available for download as a zip archive: munda-archive.zip)
- Sora (Saora, Savara), data of G. V. Ramamurti, Verrier Elwin, H. S. Biligiri, David Stampe, Stanley Starosta, Bijoy P. Mahapatra, Ranganayaki Mahapatra, Arlene R. K. Zide, Khageswar Mahapatra, Piers Vitebsky, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
- Gorum (Parengi), data of Arlene R. K. Zide et al.
- Gutob (Gadaba), data of Norman H. Zide, Bimal Prasad Das, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
- Remo (Bonda), data of Verrier Elwin, Frank Fernandez, S. Bhattacharya, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
- Gta' (Didayi), data of Suhas Chatterji, P. N. Chakravarti, Norman H. Zide, Khageswar Mahapatra, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
- Kharia, data of H. Floor, H. Geysens, H. S. Biligiri, Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow, et al.
- Juang, data of Verrier Elwin, Dan M. Matson, Bijoy P. Mahapatra, Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow, et al.
- Korku, data of Norman H. Zide, Beryl A. Girard, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
Santali, a growing selection of Paul Otto Bodding's 5-volume A Santal Dictionary (Oslo, Norske Videnskaps-Akademi, 1929-1936), input by Makoto Minegishi and associates, ILCAA, Tokyo, but so far of limited value since it is accessible only by searching for an exactly spelled Santali headword! .

Etymology:

Munda:
- Comparative Munda (mostly North), rough draft ed. Stampe, based on Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1959) and Ram Dayal Munda's Proto-Kherwarian Phonology, unpublished MA thesis, University of Chicago, 1968.
- Working files of South Munda lexical data by gloss assembled from collections of David Stampe, Patricia Donegan, H.-J. Pinnow, Sudhibhushan Bhattacharya, and Norman and Arlene Zide for a seminar by Stampe on Austroasiatic languages.
Indian Substratum: South Asia Residual Vocabulary Assemblage (SARVA), a compilation of ancient Indian words lacking apparent Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, or Austroasiatic origins, in progress by Franklin Southworth and Michael Witzel, with David Stampe.
Dravidian: Thomas Burrow and Murray B. Emeneau's A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2nd ed. 1984. Accessible by search on headwords or strings, through the Digital Dictionaries of South Asia project, U. Chicago.
Indo-Aryan: Sir Ralph Turner's A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages, London: Oxford University Press, 1962-66, with 3 supplements 1969-85. Accessible by search on headwords or strings, through the Digital Dictionaries of South Asia project, U. Chicago.
Sino-Tibetan: James A. Matisoff's STEDT (Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus) Project, at Berkeley. The first fruit of the project, Matisoff's Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman: System and Philosophy of Sino-Tibetan Reconstruction (University of California Publications in Linguistics 135), 2003, can be downloaded from California's eScholarship Repository as a searchable pdf file. On the STEDT site is an index of reconstructions and a first set of addenda and corrigenda for HPTB. Electronic publication of STEDT is planned in 8 semantically arranged fascicles.

Scanned images:

Munda: Sir George Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, Calcutta, 1904-1928, 7 vols, part of GICAS project at TUFS, Tokyo, pdf scanned images accessible by text search.
Sora: Anonymous, Language Hand-book Savara, Calcutta, Tea Districts Labour Association, 1927, iv, 137 pp.: pdf-file (4.9mB !).
Sora: G. V. Ramamurti, Sora-English Dictionary, Madras, 1938, xxxvi, 318 pp. (repr. Delhi, Mittal, 1983): pdf-file (21.9mB !).
Sora: Tabme Anosaijan (The New Testament in Sora), Bangalore: The Bible Society of India and Ceylon, 1965: pdf-file (36.8mB !).

Last edited 11/27/2005. Corrections to David Stampe and Patricia Donegan, University of Hawai`i Dept. of Linguistics, Honolulu, Hawai`i 96825 USA.

http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/austroasiatic/

The eighteenth annual meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society (Kuala Lumpur, May 2008)

Paul Sidwell

Centre for Research in Computational Linguistics

<paulsidwell@yahoo.com>

Abstract

Is Mon-Khmer dead? Long live Austroasiatic!

In reviewing the classification of Austroasiatic languages in the twentieth century, it is evident that cleanly identifying the constituency of a “Mon-Khmer” family within the phylum has never been satisfactorily resolved. Initially narrowly defined, the putative membership of Mon-Khmer steadily expanded over time; perhaps the only consistent characteristic of alternative formulations was the lack of any claim to the Munda languages of India. And, since the 1980s, this has been the generally received consensus view: that Austroasiatic consists of the two principal clades Munda and Mon-Khmer.

Looking back, it is apparent that this view emerged absent a comprehensive Austroasiatic reconstruction, by researchers who relied on typological, lexical, and lexicostatistical considerations in making their classifications. But this methodology, however reasonable, has created divisions that go far beyond simple language classification. Over the last half century there has been an ongoing social separation between Mon-Khmer and Munda (mostly India-based) scholars; unfortunate if the existing classification paradigm is correct, but needless and harmful if it turns out that our attitudes and work practices have been framed around a model that is ultimately disproved.

While the Austroasiatic conferences held in India in 1977 and 2007 provided excellent opportunities for bridge-building, the three-decades gap between meetings is itself evidence of the conceptual fragmentation that has paralleled the geographic – as opposed to linguistic – distance between Munda and Mon-Khmer. In fact, from the comparative-historical viewpoint there are no data that decisively indicate that all of the Mon-Khmer languages are closer to each other than any are to Munda. Indeed, new and conflicting classification models have been advanced (e.g. Peiros 2004, Diffloth 2005), and it has been argued that the Munda languages are structurally innovative rather than archaic (e.g. Donegan & Stampe 2004). It may well be that Munda is best viewed as a typologically variant Northern Mon-Khmer branch (for want of a better term).

These considerations highlight just how precarious are our traditions of treating Munda as a distant cousin, while taking for granted the pairing of Mon and Khmer in a single sub-branch. On the contrary, we should recognize Munda’s integral role in the comparative study of the Austroasiatic languages of Southeast Asia, and go on to ask if there is any true cladistic motivation that requires the term “Mon-Khmer” at all. More importantly, even as we use modern resources and improved methods to help resolve technical issues of clades and branchings, it is equally imperative that we work to bring South Asian and Southeast Asian linguists together in an inclusive research community of Austroasiatic scholars.

References

Diffloth, Gérard. 2005. The contribution of linguistic palaeontology to the homeland of Austro-asiatic. In: Sagart, Laurent , Roger Blench and Alicia Sanchez-Mazas (eds.). The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics. Routledge/Curzon. pp79-82.

Peiros, Iľja J. 2004. Genetičeskaja klassifikacija avstroaziatskix jazykov. Moskva: Rossijskij gosudarstvennyj gumanitarnyj universitet (doctoral dissertation).

Donegan, Patricia and David Stampe. 2004. Rhythm and the Synthetic Drift of Munda, The Yearbook of South Asian Languages and Linguistics. Berlin and New York, De Gruyter. pp 3-36.

http://sealang.net/monkhmer/sidwell2008is-abs.htm

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/11/agastya-in-java-guimet-museum.html

Agastya: This statue of Agastya, who is credited with propagating Hinduism in Java, originated from Nagasari Temple from the Prambanan complex in Yogyakarta. - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/11/15/javanese-antiquities-paris.html#sthash.pf1sXQyl.dpuf

See https://books.google.co.in/books?id=oF-Hqih3pBAC&pg See: Brown, Robert L., 1991, Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, SUNY Press, Book News, Inc., Portland, OR. Essentially a collection of full plot summaries organized under country of origin and preceeded by brief historical introduction. Covers Britain, France, US, Austria-Germany-Hungary, and Spain. Indexed by author/composer/lyricist, and by song title. Includes a discography. Ganesk, the Indian, elephant-headed god worshipped by some Hindus as the principle god, and by many as a subsidiary god, gets a full measure of devotion from western scholars in 11 essays concerned primarily with his origins, rise to divinity, and spreading popularity. The topics include his protohistory, myth, metaphor; his wives; and his place in Sanscrit literature, Jainism, southeast Asia, Tibet, China, and Japan. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/multiplex-as-metaphor-ligatures-on.html

Multiplex as metaphor: ligatures on Indus Meluhha writing and Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization art forms of Bharatam Janam
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/itihasa-of-bharatam-janam-hinduized.html Itihasa of Bharatam Janam. Hinduized States of Far East. Non-existent Samskritam cosmopolis imagined theorization of Sheldon Pollock.

↧

Varāha is Indus Script Hypertext baḍhi, vaḍraṅgi, vaḍlaṅgi, vaḍlavāḍu, baḍaga, vardhaki, 'worker in metal and wood'

July 25, 2018, 1:38 am

≫ Next: Lord Ayyappa’s avatar as “Naishtika Brahmachari” is protected by the Constitution -- K. Parasaran

≪ Previous: Breath-taking splendour of Candi Sukuh sculptures and Daimabad bronze chariot Indus Script Hypertexts, metaphors of Schmidt metalwork wealth accounting ledgers

https://tinyurl.com/y9ndyrbv

I suggest that the Varāha Bhutan mask of Kerala with a vividly protruding tongue out of the snout, signifies an alchemist.

Varāha is baḍhi, 'boar', vaḍraṅgi, vaḍlaṅgi, vaḍlavāḍu, baḍaga, vardhaki, 'worker in metal and wood'.

The phaḍā, 'cobrahoods' signify that he is a member of a paṭṭaḍi, phaḍā'smithy, metals manufactory'.

रसः [रस्-अच्] The tongue (as the organ of taste); वाण्यां च छन्दांसि रसे जलेशम् Bhāg.8.2.27; जितं सर्वं जिते रसे 11.8.21. Rebus: रसः Gold. -3 A metal in a state of fusion. -वादः alchemy (Apte).

चषालः, गोधूम 'snout of a boar', wheat chaff (used to carburize molten metal, to harden the alloy with infusion of carbon). Rebus: caṣālḥ

चषालः 1 A wooden ring on the top of a sacrificial post; चषालं ये अश्वयूपाय तक्षति Rv.1.162.6; चषालयूपत- च्छन्नो हिरण्यरशनं विभुः Bhāg.4.19.19. -2 An iron ring at the base of the post.

The kalaśa or kumbha signify nidhi, wealth. medhā'yajna, dhanam'. Rebus: kumbha'gold'. See:

బత్తుడు battuḍu báḍḍhi वर्धकि, vaḍlaṅgi, baṛhaï, baḍaga, baḍhi, bāṛaï, varāha, 'title of five artisans' phaḍa फड, paṭṭaḍa 'metals manufactory' venerated in Indus Script

https://tinyurl.com/yct26xc6

भारतीय वास्तुकला(Wonderful Indian Architecture)‏ @wiavastukala 3 hours ago
Bhutan Vārāha(boar) mask, North Kerala c. ~18th century Note details of headdress. Note Naga and Kumbham(with conical spire, also used in Stupa) mounted in alternate pattern.

↧

Lord Ayyappa’s avatar as “Naishtika Brahmachari” is protected by the Constitution -- K. Parasaran

July 25, 2018, 8:04 am

≫ Next: JNU: Problems and prospects -- NS Rajaram

≪ Previous: Varāha is Indus Script Hypertext baḍhi, vaḍraṅgi, vaḍlaṅgi, vaḍlavāḍu, baḍaga, vardhaki, 'worker in metal and wood'

1. Arguments in the #Sabarimala Petition resume. Mr. Parasaran now argues for the Nair Service Society.

8:24 PM - 24 Jul 2018

2. Mr. Parasaran submits that Kerala is an educated society

1 reply41 retweets88 likes

3. Mr. Parasaran submits that 96% of the women in Kerala are educated. They are independent. It is a matrilineal society. Therefore to assume that the practice of the #Sabarimala Temple is based on patriarchy is fundamentally incorrect

2 replies130 retweets173 likes

4. Mr. Parasaran submits that the practice of the #Sabarimala Temple is not comparable to Sati. In fact, Sati itself has not connection to the Hindu faith.

2 replies73 retweets138 likes

5. Mr. Parasaran cites the examples of the wives of Dasaratha and Kunti to prove that they did not commit Sati after their husbands' death. #Sabarimala

3 replies78 retweets149 likes

6. Therefore Mr. Parasaran submits that we should not approach the issue of #Sabarimala with notions of patriarchy

1 reply58 retweets122 likes

7. Mr. Parasaran says that a right question will lead to the right answer, a wrong question will lead to the wrong answer. #Sabarimala

1 reply71 retweets159 likes

8. Mr. Parasaran submits that if a person asks "can I smoke when I pray?" he will get a slap. But if he asks "can I pray as I smoke?" he will be appreciated. #Sabarimala

4 replies111 retweets231 likes

9. Therefore, Mr. Parasaran says the right questions must be asked in this case for the Court to get the right answers. #Sabarimala

1 reply57 retweets120 likes

10. Mr. Parasaran further submits that in this case he has to be even more careful and prepared because he is answerable not just to the Lordships but also the Lord above. #Sabarimala

4 replies102 retweets169 likes

11. Mr. Parasaran is now reading out portions from the Shirur Mutt decision of the Supreme Court. #Sabarimala

1 reply45 retweets97 likes

12. Mr. Parasaran submits that even democracies, especially democracies, must protect religion and tradition. #Sabarimala

2 replies70 retweets124 likes

13. Mr. Parasaran submits that Hindu religion respects merit and wisdom wherever it comes from. He says for neeti, it is still Vidura neeti which is cited. That is the greatness of the faith. #Sabarimala

3 replies82 retweets147 likes

14. Mr. Parasaran submits that while the court must listen to activist voices, it must equally listen to voices which seek to protect tradition. #Sabarimala

1 reply106 retweets169 likes

15. Mr. Parasaran submits that the Legislature is Brahma, Executive is Vishnu and Shiva is judiciary because only Shiva's ardhanarishwara form epifies Article 14, equal treatment of both sexes. #Sabarimala

5 replies99 retweets170 likes

16. Mr. Parasaran submits that Shiva is no Brahmachari, but even when his meditative state was sought to be disturbed by Kama Deva, he was reduced to ash because he failed to respect that state of Shiva. #Sabarimala

2 replies100 retweets171 likes

17. Mr. Parasaran submits that we must not proceed with the presumption that the ancients knew nothing and that we know better in all aspects of life. #Sabarimala

7 replies180 retweets249 likes

18. Mr. Parasaran that Lord Ayyappa's character as a Naishtika Brahmachari is protected by the Constitution. #Sabarimala

3 replies99 retweets163 likes

19. Mr. Parasaran is placing reliance on the judgment of the Court in Tilkayat Govindaji Maharaj (1964). #Sabarimala

1 reply52 retweets99 likes

20. Mr. Parasaran refutes the argument of the Petitioner that some women may die before they reach the age of 50, Mr. Parasaran says that a person carries her or his fate with him. That's not a legal consideration to reverse the tradition

5 replies93 retweets181 likes

21. Mr. Parasaran points out that there are thousands of ppl who register for Padi Pooja at #Sabarimala, the consequence being that the pooja will be conducted in their name only long after their deaths.

1 reply69 retweets137 likes

22. Mr. Parasaran therefore submits that using death as an argument to upset the tradition is neither here nor there. #Sabarimala

1 reply63 retweets144 likes

23. Mr. Parasaran submits that the basis of the practice is the celibate nature of the Deity, not misogyny. Devotees who visit the Temple too are expected to observe celibacy in letter and spirit. Hence, during the journey, company of women must be avoided.

2 replies87 retweets144 likes

24. Mr. Parasaran is reading out portions from the Sundarakanda of the Ramayana to explain the concept of Naishtika Brahmacharya. #Sabarimala

2 replies75 retweets135 likes

25. Mr. Parasaran submits that Lord Ayyappa is a yogi. To define who a Yogi is, Mr. Parasaran is quoting Adi Sankara. #Sabarimala

1 reply76 retweets130 likes

26. Mr. Parasaran submits that misogyny is not supported by Hindu Shastras nor is chastity the sole obligation of the woman. In fact, chastity is a greater obligation on the man and he is duty bound under the Shastras to give a pride of place to the woman

2 replies109 retweets165 likes

27. Mr. Parasaran submits that the practice in Sabarimala by no stretch of imagination is informed by misogyny. The only consideration is the nature of the Deity. #Sabarimala

1 reply77 retweets128 likes

28. Mr. Parasaran now proceeds to address Article 25. #Sabarimala

1 reply31 retweets75 likes

29. Mr. Parasaran submits that Article 25(2)(b) applies only to social reform, it still does not apply to matters of religion covered by Article 26 (b). #Sabarimala

2 replies68 retweets112 likes

30. Justice Chandrachud wonders if Article 25(2)(b) applies to only Hindu institutions. Mr. Parasaran responds that the practice sought to be addressed by the said Article is peculiar only to Hindu institutions. #Sabarimala

2 replies77 retweets115 likes

31. Arguments to continue post lunch. #Sabarimala

The arguments forwarded by Sr Adv Shri K.Parasaran in Sabarimala case from what I hear from my friends were outstanding. Wish they were recorded and shared to Law School students. It now requires a big leap in interpretation to handle his scholarly constitutional arguments.

#SabarimalaCase: Bar on Women Due To Celibate Nature Of Deity, Says Parasaran

by Swarajya Staff - Jul 25 2018, 5:29 pm,

The Supreme Court continued its hearing on a petition seeking the removal of ban on women entering into the Ayyappa temple at Sabarimala in Kerala on Wednesday (25 July). Senior advocate K Parasaran, appearing for the Nair Service Society, argued that Lord Ayyappa’s avatar as “Naishtika Brahmachari” is protected by the Constitution.
Stating that democracies must protect religion, the senior counsel said and argued that the basis for the practice of barring women is due to the celibate nature of the deity and not misogyny. Hindu shastras do not support misogyny and chastity is a greater obligation on men, he said, adding that Article 25 (2) applies to only social reform and not matters of religion.
During the hearing, Justice Rohinton Nariman, in his observation, agreed with Parasaran that Articles 25 (2) and 17 of the Constitution deal with caste-based untouchability and not gender. Even if it were to apply to women, it would be based on caste, he argued.
The hearing will continue Thursday (26 July) with counsels of remaining respondents and intervenors arguing their points of view.
Here are excerpts of the hearings:
Updated: 25 July 4.15 pm
Reading portions of the debates relating to Article 17, Parasaran says it clearly shows that the Article deals only with caste-based untouchability.
He specifically shows the rejection of the amendment of Article 15 by the Constituent Assembly with respect to inclusion of religious places.
Even if Article 25(2) applies to women, it is only with respect to social issues and not religious issues, he says. Article 25(2)(b) is at best an enabling provision for the legislature, it doesn't enable the judiciary.
Parasaran says that there are several other famous Ayyappa Temples in Kerala which allow entry of women without age restrictions. Therefore, theSabarimala Temple is not a case of discrimination. Parasaran concludes his submissions.
The Bench will hear the Counsels for the remaining respondents and intervenors on Thursday (26 July).
Updated: 25 July 3.15 pm
Justice Nariman asks: "Assume that we agree with your submissions, then please explain to us why can't the state fall back on 25(2) citing religious reform? Also what about the rights of women under Article 25(1)?“
Parasaran says that the case that is being argued does not involve a social issue but a religious issue. By using 25(2), you will reform a religion out of its identity.
Justice Nariman agrees with the submission of Parasaran on the inapplicability of Article 25(2) to the issue at hand.
Parasaran walks the Court through judgements on rights of religious denominations and submits that by abolishing the practice, the very character of the religious institution will be irreparably altered affecting the rights of devotees under Article 25(1).
Parasaran says that Constitutional law is his first love and that it is his privilege to argue in this matter when he has otherwise stopped taking up matters.
Updated: 25 July 2.45 pm
Parasaran resumes submissions post lunch. He says that women do not fall under the protection of Article 25(2).
Justice Nariman wonders if scheduled caste women will be protected by Article 25(2). Parasaran disagrees and says 25(2) treats the community as a class, not on the basis of gender. He submits that even Article 15 does not apply to religious institutions which is evident from the language of the Article itself.
Parasaran says that Article 25(2) deals only with secular aspects and right of entry of classes or sections. It does not, therefore, apply to religious aspects or right of entry based on gender.
Parasaran says that if the intention of the Constituent Assembly was to include religion in Article 15, the makers would have.
Justice Rohinton Nariman agrees with Parasaran's interpretation of Articles 15(2) and 25(2). Justice Nariman agrees that the object of Article 25(2) and Article 17 are the same i.e. to address caste-based untouchability and not gender.
Updated: 25 July, 1.15 pm
Parasaran says that misogyny is not supported by Hindu Shastras nor is chastity the sole obligation of the woman. In fact, chastity is a greater obligation on the man and he is duty bound under the Shastras to give a pride of place to the woman.
He submits that the practice in Sabarimala by no stretch of imagination is informed by misogyny. The only consideration is the nature of the Deity.
Referring to Article 25(2)(b), he says it applies only to social reform and does not apply to matters of religion covered by Article 26 (b).
Justice Y V Chandrachud wonders if Article 25(2)(b) applies to only Hindu institutions. To this, Parasaran responds by saying that the practice sought to be addressed by the said Article is peculiar only to Hindu institutions.
Hearings will continue post-lunch.
Updated: 25 July, 12.45 pm
Parasaran points out that thousands register for Padi Pooja atSabarimala Ayyappa temple, the consequence being that the pooja will be conducted in their name long after their death.
Parasaran, therefore, says that using death as an argument to upset the tradition is neither here nor there. He argues that the basis of the practice is the celibate nature of the Deity, not misogyny. Devotees who visit the Temple too are expected to observe celibacy in letter and spirit. Hence, during the journey, company of women must be avoided.
Parasaran reads out portions from the Sundarakanda of the Ramayana to explain the concept of Naishtika Brahmacharya.
Update: 25 July, 12.00 pm
Senior advocate K Parasaran has begun making his submissions on behalf of the Nair Service Society. He says that communities in Kerala are largely matriarch in nature and it is fundamentally incorrect to assume that the practices are patriarchal.
Parasaran argues that Lord Ayyappa's character as a Naishtika Brahmachari is protected by the Constitution. He also says that the Sabarimala issue should not be approached with the notion of patriarchy.
Parasaran submits that if a person asks "can I smoke when I pray?" he will get a slap. But if he asks "can I pray as I smoke?" he will be appreciated, adding that a right question will get a right answer.
Parasaran further submits that in this case he has to be even more careful and prepared because he is answerable not just to the Lordships but also the Lord above.
He says that even democracies, especially democracies, must protect religion and tradition.
Parasaran refutes the argument of the petitioner that some women may die before they reach the age of 50, adding that a person carries her or his fate with him. “That's not a legal consideration to reverse the tradition,” he says.
Update: July 24, 4.25 pm
Singhvi concludes his argument opposing the petition to allow women’s entry into the Sabarimala Ayyappa temple.
Parasaran will begin his arguments on behalf of the Nair Service Society.
Update: July 24, 4.00 pm
Senior advocate K Parasaran, who appears for the Nair Service Society opposing the entry of women into the temple, points out that the petitioner is not claiming a right of worship. They have filed the petition as a social issue. They can't even assert Article 25(1).
Dr Singhvi says that the issue of evidence of tradition only after a trial is conducted before the Court exercises powers under Article 32. He submits that Moharram processions too could be objected to on grounds of notions of savagery or barbarism prevalent in 2018.
Singhvi cites the practice of Aghoris to point to the diversity of Hindu practices and draws attention to Judaism's approach to menstruation. Justice Indu Malhotra acknowledges the example.
Singhvi argues that if at all reform is called for, it has to come from within the community and says that several Hindu women understand and respect the tradition. It is not a practice imposed on women by patriarchal men.
Justice Chandrachud observes that the acceptance by women could be the result of social conditioning. Singhvi responds that it is not true in this day and age and begins arguing on the Petitioner's contention on Article 14. He submits that the classification is intelligible and is intra-women, not men versus women.
Justice Chandrachud asks why there is no puberty or andropause related restriction on men. Singhvi says that the comparison doesn't hold water since the condition is based on the celibate nature of the Deity.
Justice Nariman asks if women can visit other Ayyappa Temples on menstratuating days, perhaps the restriction can be traced to patriarchy. Singhvi disagrees and says there is no evidence for this assumption.
Singhvi submits that the Court cannot project notions of male chauvinism from other cases toSabarimala case without examining the evidence. He proceeds to address the Article 17 argument of the petitioner, to which the CJI says that the Article may not apply to this case
Update: 24 July, 3.30 pm
Singhvi places reliance on the Ratilal Panachand judgement of the Supreme Court and quotes examples of temples that place restrictions on the entry of men.
He cites the Brahma Temple in Pushkar, a Parvathy Temple in Tamil Nadu, Attukal Bhagavathy Temple in Kerala, a Bhagavathy Temple in Kerala and a Temple in Bihar.
Singhvi reiterates that all Mosques in India, except the Fatimid Bohri mosque, bar women from entering. He says that if the position of the petitioner were to accepted, it would affect practices at these temples also. Not all practices are based on misogyny.
Update: 24 July, 2:15 pm
Singhvi refers to Venkataramana Devaru judgment and submits that if the law protects even dietary prescriptions based on religion, it certainly protects practices relating to entry into temple and worship of the Deity
Singhvi reads out extracts from judgements which emphasise the importance of Agamas.
He submits that it is not for the Court to comment on the rationality of religious beliefs. That the belief exists and traditions based on the belief have been practiced for centuries is sufficient to merit protection under Article 26.
Update: 24 July, 2.50 pm
Singhvi resumes and submits that the Court cannot be invited without evidence to rule on facts that the practice in question is not longstanding. He takes the Court through judgements on what constitutes as essential religious practice and what constitutes a religious denomination.
Reading out extracts from the Shirur Mutt decision, then reads out extracts from the 2014 Chidambaram temple judgement. Justice Nariman remarks: "What an outstanding judgement! Outstanding!"
Justice Chandrachud asks if all classes of Hindus can worship atthe Sabarimala Ayyappa Temple and would the Temple still constitute a religious denomination.
Singhvi submits that even if Ayyappa Devotees don't constitute a religious denomination, they have rights under Article 25 (freedom to practice religion).
Update: 24 July, 1.15 pm
Justice Nariman acknowledges that neither the state nor the temple board have said in their affidavits that the restriction is based on any notions of impurity associated with menstruation.
Singhvi says that the Thanthri of the Ayyappa Temple is the last word on the religious practices observed by the Temple and where he is unsure, he has recourse to the practice of Devaprashnam.
He reads out extracts from the judgement of the Kerala High Court. Justice Nariman points out that the High Court has held that Ayyappa devotees constitute a religious denomination under Article 26.
The Chief Justice questions the assumption that Ayyappa devotees constitute a religious denomination, whereas Justice Nariman seems to agree that they indeed constitute a religious denomination.
After reading out the evidence, Singhvi says that the documentary suggests that there is a practice on the basis of belief. For the judges to disagree with it, a trial must be conducted before the Court can set aside a long standing essential religious practice.
Singhvi says that the burden is on the petitioner to show evidence to dispel the practice which they have not placed so far. He submits that a time-bound six month trial should be conducted so that all parties can lead evidence with respect to the practice, before a decision is taken.
Justice Nariman points out that the one who asserts the custom must prove it. Singhvi says that he has already placed the evidence on record
The Chief Justices says that Singhvi has to prove that Ayyappa devotees constitute a religious denomination.
Arguments will continue post-lunch.
Update: 24 July, 12:45 pm
Justice Chandrachud wonders how could the court start with the unconstitutional assumption that women with reproductive capabilities are not capable of observing the 41-day penance.
Singhvi says that the test under the law is not whether you can exclude women. The test is what does the practice prescribe. He points out that no woman is allowed to enter a Mosque in India, regardless of whether she is menstratuating or not. He says that the test is whether the practice is long established and if it is bonafide.The test is not whether the Court agrees the practice or not if it is established that Ayyappa devotees constitute a religious denomination and whether the practice is essential to the belief.
Justice Chandrachud observes that after 1950 everything is subject to Constitutional ethos. Singhvi says that Constitutional ethos requires the court to apply the essentiality test.
Justice Nariman observed that Constitutional morality is the compass which applies to all faiths and agrees with Singhvi that the bar of entry of women into Mosques too would fall "within this enquiry".
Chief Justice Deepak Misra weighs in and observed that Article 26 protects only the essential religious practices of religious denominations. Singhi argues that if the restriction on entry has a nexus to the essential religious practice, it is also protected by Article 26.
The Chief Justice observes that the first thing that needs to be looked into is whether the restriction on entry of women with reproductive capabilities constitutes an essential part of the religious practice of theAyyappa Temple in Sabarimala. Singhi then comes up with documents showing various aspects of the vow undertaken by the devotees before they start the journey to thetemple.
Update: 24 July, 12.30 p
Abhishek Manu Singhvi resumed his argument on the bar for women to enter Sabarimala Ayyappa temple. Arguing on behalf of the autonomous Travancore Devaswom Board (TDB), he says very Ayyappa devotee who observes the vow is himself treated as a Swami, which epifies the line Tat Tvam Asi.
Intervening, Justice Rohington Nariman points out that the TDB had earlier submitted before the Kerala High Court that even menstruating women were permitted on the first five days of the relevant month (of the Malayalam calendar). He wonders what happens to the celibate nature of the deity when women are allowed during specified days of the year and asks if the practices is a recent one or an “immemorial one”.
Placing the history of the temple before the apex court, Singhvi says the vow has to be observed for 41 days prior to visiting the shrine. Pointing out that the court, at this stage, is looking at all aspects afresh, he says is no basis for the assumption that the practice at Sabarimala is related to menstruation.He says that the language of the impugned notification of the age bar can be reworded to one which is based on women with reproductive capabilities as opposed to age.
Singhvi also read out extracts from the history of theTemple and the celibate nature of the deity.
A five-judge constitution bench comprising of Chief Justice Dipak Misra, Justices D Y Chandrachud, Rohinton F Nariman, A M Khanwilkar and Indu Malhotra is hearing the petition demanding the entry of women into Sabarimala temple.
Sabarimala temple prohibits women aged between 10 to 50 years from entering. The matter is scheduled to be heard 11:30 am.
Earlier, the apex court had observed that women have a constitutional right to enter temples. “The right to enter a temple is not dependent on a legislation. It is a constitutional right,” the bench had observed.
Kerala government had informed the court that it supports entry of women into the temple, after opposing it in an affidavit filed in 2017.
Read: Why Sabarimala Case Is Different From Triple Talaq Or Haji Ali Dargah
The court has appointed senior advocate Raju Ramachandran as amicus curiae for the case. Ramachandran has spoken against prohibiting entry of women into temples, saying is violative of fundamental rights.
Appearing for the Travancore Devaswom Board, Congress leader and senior advocate Abhishek Manu Singhvi had told the court that there were thousands of other Ayyappa temples across the country where there were no such restrictions. However, the Chief Justice intervened to say people flocked to Sabarimala because they believed in the deity. “If they (people, especially women) believe in the deity at Sabarimala, they must respect the traditions of the temple and observe its practices,” he had said.

Tags:

Supreme COurt,
Ancient Indian temples,
Sabarimala Temple,
https://swarajyamag.com/insta/sabarimalatempleentrycase-supreme-court-to-start-hearing-at-1130
[Sabarimala] [ Day 5] “Court Cannot Reform A Religious Belief Out of Its Identity”, K.Parasaran Argues in Support of Ban On Women Entry By: Mehal Jain July 25, 2018 7:34 pm...
Read more at: http://www.livelaw.in/sabarimala-day-5-court-cannot-reform-a-religious-belief-out-of-its-identity-k-parasaran-argues-in-support-of-ban-on-women-entry/
http://www.livelaw.in/sabarimala-day-5-court-cannot-reform-a-religious-belief-out-of-its-identity-k-parasaran-argues-in-support-of-ban-on-women-entry/
Parasaran made this submission before a Constitution Bench of Chief Justice Dipak Misra and Justices Rohinton Nariman, AM Kanwilkar, DY Chandrachud and Indu Malhotra hearing a batch of petitions challenging the ban on entry of women in the age group of 10 to 50 in this temple.
Parasaran, appearing for Nair Society, one of the intervenors, said Sabarimala was a unique temple where other than Hindus, Christians, Muslims and even foreigners are allowed entry. But as per the custom and long tradition, women in the age of 10 to 50 are not allowed, as manifestation of God in this temple is a celibate.
He submitted that if the court were to abolish the practice, the very character of the religious institution will be irreparably altered which affects the rights of devotees under Article 25(1).
He submitted that the present case does not involve a social issue but a religious issue. By using 25(2), “your Lordship will reform a religion out of its identity” he cautioned the court.
Parasaran said not only the perception of the worshipper but also what is being worshipped is also important. If a devotee feels that he is not worshipping the idol of a Brahmachari, he may not go to that temple.
In all other Ayyappa temples in Kerala women are allowed entry without any discrimination.
He said the concept is the presence of women in the age of 10 and 50 will disturb the penance of the Lord Ayyappa and hence the Lord himself does not want their presence.
Parasaran said that Lord Ayyappa's character as a Naishtika Brahmachari is protected by the Constitution and judiciary can’t interfere with it.
Referring to the observation made by Justice Chandrachud on Tuesday and the ban of women is due to the patriarchal system, Parasaran submitted that 96 per cent of the women in Kerala are educated and it is a matrilineal society. Therefore to assume that the practice of the Sabarimala Temple is based on patriarchy is fundamentally incorrect.
Parasaran submitted that the basis of the practice is the celibate nature of the Deity, not misogyny. Devotees who visit the temple too are expected to observe celibacy in letter and spirit. Hence, during the journey, company of women must be avoided.
He argued that misogyny is not supported by Hindu Shastras nor is chastity the sole obligation of the woman. In fact, chastity is a greater obligation on the man and he is duty bound under the Shastras to give a pride of place to the woman.
Parasaran submitted that democracies must protect religion and tradition. He said that Hindu religion respects merit and wisdom wherever it comes from. He was of the view that while the court must listen to activist voices, it must equally listen to voices which seek to protect tradition
Parasaran submitted that the Legislature is Brahma, Executive is Vishnu and Shiva is judiciary because only Shiva's ‘ardhanarishwara’ form edifies Article 14, equal treatment of both sexes.
He said that Shiva is no Brahmachari, but even when his meditative state was sought to be disturbed by Kama Deva, he was reduced to ash because he failed to respect that state of Shiva.
Cautioning the courts, the former Attorney General said “we must not proceed with the presumption that the ancients knew nothing and that we know better in all aspects of life.”
Justices Nariman and Chandrachud wanted to know whether the State is bound to make laws under Article 25 (2) (b) of the Constitution to throw open Hindu temples to all classes of people including women without any age restriction.
Parasaran said this right of State applies only to social reform, it still does not apply to matters of religion under by Article 26 (b). When the CJI asked the counsel as to why women are excluded, counsel said it was being done as per the religious practice and custom followed for years.
Parasaran submitted that Article 25(2) deals only with secular aspects and right of entry of classes or sections. It does not therefore apply to religious aspects or right of entry based on gender
He said that even if Article 25(2) applies to women, it is only with respect to social issues but not religious issues. He further submitted that Article 25(2)(b) is at best an enabling provision for the Legislature, it doesn't enable the judiciary to interfere with custom, which is an integral religious practice.
When Justice Nariman pointed out that the notification restricting the entry of women of a particular age will violate the fundamental rights, Parasaran points out that the said provision requires the Tavancore Board to observe and maintain the practices of Temples under its administration. Arguments will continue on Thursday.
http://www.asianage.com/india/all-india/250718/lord-ayyappa-doesnt-want-women-in-sabarimala-temple-says-lawyer-in-sc.html
Day 5 of the hearing in the Sabarimala Temple entry case witnessed gripping arguments on interpretation of constitutional provisions by veteran Senior Advocate K. Parasaran. Parasaran was appearing on behalf of Nair Service Society, which has interv...

Read more at: http://www.livelaw.in/sabarimala-day-5-court-cannot-reform-a-religious-belief-out-of-its-identity-k-parasaran-argues-in-support-of-ban-on-women-entry/

“Over activism will create a ‘thrisanku heaven’”, he quipped in the meanwhile, alluding to the myth that the attempts of Viswamitra to build a heaven ended furtively as it happened to be in middle of earth and heaven, hanging in the middle reaching n...

Read more at: http://www.livelaw.in/sabarimala-day-5-court-cannot-reform-a-religious-belief-out-of-its-identity-k-parasaran-argues-in-support-of-ban-on-women-entry/

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JNU: Problems and prospects -- NS Rajaram

July 25, 2018, 6:48 pm

≫ Next: Early silver coins of ancient India, 6th cent. BCE, signify Indus Script Hypertexts of dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' and wealth accounting metalwork ledgers

≪ Previous: Lord Ayyappa’s avatar as “Naishtika Brahmachari” is protected by the Constitution -- K. Parasaran

Something drastic has to be done, says Rajaram.

Closing it down is an option and can be done by an Executive diktat.

Another is to send the students to a mandated gurukula for at least one semester to get immersed in dharma studies and tantrayukti method of research. Will the JNU faculty and students sit down together and debate the problems and prospects presented by Rajaram? Or, is it too drastic a suggestion?

Kalyanaraman

JNU: Problems and Prospects

by N S Rajaram

on 26 Jul 2018

The Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) was established in 1968 as a centrally funded university, to be a premier national university. It claims to be India’s top university, though it does not specify on what grounds. In the United States where this writer taught for over twenty years, JNU graduates are not given high standing when being considered for admission. That distinction goes to graduates of IITs, IISc. and some older universities like Delhi, Mysore, Calcutta and others. It may not be entirely fair on my part to compare them as I was associated mostly with science and engineering programs in the U.S. But my inquiries at various humanities programs in the U.S. and U.K too showed no great appreciation for JNU.

Even in India, the reputation of JNU is not the best, daily going from bad to worse. It seems to come into limelight only when there is a protest of some sort, often in support of unworthy causes. Some insiders, including students, have called JNU the hub of anti-national activities with some faculty members using students to promote their left-wing political agendas, at no cost to themselves. In effect, they were accused of using students as scapegoats - a serious charge, but worth looking into.

To try to understand the phenomenon, I consulted two young JNU alumni know to me, who have gone on to have successful careers. One is a graduate of political science who obtained a Ph.D. from a foreign university and now works in the private sector. The other is an M.Phil. in economics, who has become a successful entrepreneur, forming a company of her own. Neither was a science or technology graduate, so there is no bias against humanities students or faculty.

What they told me should be serious cause for concern. Over the years, JNU has deteriorated greatly and some students try to hang on as long as possible by getting some faculty members to support them. This way they are able to live in reasonable comfort on a generous scholarship amounting to as much as Rs. 30,000 per month and more. The problem, according to my sources, is that employment opportunities once they graduate are minimal to non-existent.

JNU was started with the best of intentions, but its emphasis on humanities at the cost of the sciences and professions has taken a toll on the future of the students and of the university itself. And left-leaning faculty biases have turned the university into a Left-wing seminary, intolerant of alternate viewpoints.

I was myself a scholarship student in the U.S., but the courses and duties were quite demanding. I not only had to maintain a high grade point average, I had serious work responsibility as well. This could include assisting students and reviewing publications, especially research papers sent for publication to scholarly journals. It was a valuable learning experience for I had to report regularly to my faculty advisor who would send an evaluation of my performance to the chairman. There was always a time limit within which I had to complete my course work and research. But upon completion (of Ph.D. in my case), my faculty advisor would try to find a position for me, usually at another university. I didn’t stay at the university, but went into high technology industry, but that was my choice.

The faculty advisor would also be evaluated on the basis of the performance of his or her students. So there was accountability at all levels. There were occasional complaints that some faculty member would plagiarize his (or her) students’ work and publish it in his/her own name. It never happened to me though my research was well regarded both academically and in the hi-tech industry, including NASA.

This kind of accountability appears to be lacking at JNU. Many of them, far too many to my taste, end up as junior faculty members at JNU itself. This is unhealthy, for the university will get to be filled with clones of its own aging faculty and get little in the way of fresh ideas. We already see signs of this in the history department at JNU. The other options are politics and NGOs calling themselves think tanks, which are continually in search of funding. There are simply few opportunities.

As one who had contacts with several think tanks in the U.S., including the RAND Corporation and Stanford Research Institute (SRI International), I noticed that much of their funding comes from Government Agencies, notably the Department of Defence and the Armed Forces, and have specific goals. I was myself the recipient of funding from the U.S. Air Force and NASA. The NASA grant was specifically for automating mission control operations using artificial intelligence. They had no use for any ideology or political activism. At JNU, the situation seems to be the opposite of this, student activists are patronised mainly by political parties.

At JNU, political activism appears to be excessive, but serves little or no purpose. It claims to support liberal causes, though it is difficult for an outsider like myself to see support for a convicted terrorist like Afzal Guru or the Tukde-Tukde Gang as liberal. Let us not forget that it was a supposedly liberal President Barrack Obama who ordered the killing of Afzal Guru’s hero, Osama bin Laden. No think tank is needed to support terrorists and anti-national interests. The political activists have little future in the real world of politics, but can at best be pawns of political parties, to be used and discarded.

As far as I know, only one JNU graduate has made it big in politics, Nirmala Sitharaman, the current Defence Minister. Not many will make it to that level. I have to wonder though, if Ms. Sitharaman would be welcome as a speaker at the JNU today, no matter what anyone might say about Freedom of Expression.

Here is another cause for concern: the implacable hostility to the armed forces and national security apparatus in general. They are demonised while Naxals and even Pakistan backed terrorists are glorified. This is what has turned the public against JNU.

To get to the main point, what is at stake is the future of JNU, especially its students. They must be made to realise they have no future in serving as political activists and pawns of political parties. And the faculty should be made more accountable and made to serve as role models to their students. In this, the faculty have the greater responsibility. Some of them will say a university has a higher function than training employable graduates, and must pursue knowledge for its own sake. They can afford to say that because they already have comfortable jobs. It is like a rich man saying “money is not important in life.” But most students at JNU and elsewhere are not so fortunate. Their future lives are at stake.

Something drastic has to be done for the prospects look bleak, especially for the students of JNU. And there may not be much time left. It may be now or never.

http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=4748

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Early silver coins of ancient India, 6th cent. BCE, signify Indus Script Hypertexts of dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' and wealth accounting metalwork ledgers

July 26, 2018, 9:00 am

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https://tinyurl.com/y7muo4hb

This monograph demonstrates the Indus Script hypertexts on early punch-marked coins with some unique hieroglyph compositions related to metalwork wealth accounting.

Punch-marked coin symbols. Map of coin hoard finds.

धातु (Rigveda) dhāu (Prakrtam) 'a strand' rebus: dhāū, dhāv 'red stone minerals'. element, mineral ore; PLUS vrtta, vaṭṭa 'circle'. Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord, string; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11212. (DEDR 5220) vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭi, vaṭara, &c. DED 4268]N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 11212)

dhāī 'wisp of fibre' PLUS vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Thus, it is possible that the trefoil as a hieroglyph-multiplex was signified in parole by the expression dhā̆vaḍ 'strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'.

1/8 Satamana. Gandhara Janapada. This image clearly demonstrates six strands --dhā̆vaḍ 'strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'. -- and relate the work of a smelter to a dotted circle which is dāya 'throw of one in dice' rebus: dhāi 'mineral ore'.
https://en.numista.com/catalogue/pieces62989.html

A "bent bar" shatamana from the Kuru and Panchala janapada, c.500-350 BCE

Source: http://www.vcoins.com/ancient/saylesandlavender/store/viewitem.asp?idProduct=5939

Two coins are shown below: 1. The first Indian coins of Apollodotus used Indian symbols. These coins associated the elephant with the Buddhist Chaitya or arched-hill symbol, sun symbols, six-armed symbol, and a river. The bull had a Nandipada in front. The symbol at the top of the bull is only a mint mark. These symbols disappeared soon after, and only the elephant and the bull remained. 2. Taxila coin

The coin on l. shows the 'nandipada' glyph in front of a zebu, bos indicus. I suggest that this 'nandipada' is a variant of the hypertext shown on a Taxila coin shown juxtaposed. The coin on r. Triratna symbol on a Taxila coin, 185-168 BCE (detail). This so-called tri-ratna symbol also appears on Sanchi Torana next to the architect's statue. This torana sculptural frieze clearly demonstrates the hieroglyph components of the hypertext called 'triratna'. This is neither tri-ratna nor a nandipada but a composite expression in Meluhha to signify dula'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' + ayo'fish' rebus: aya'iron' ayas'alloy metal' + khambhaṛā 'fish-fin rebus: kammaṭa'mint, coiner, coinage'.: dul ayo kammaṭa'alloy metal casting mint' PLUS dala 'leaf petal' rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot PLUS karã̄ n.' pl.wristlets, bangles' Rebus: khār 'blacksmith, iron worker'. Thus, the hypertexts of Taxila coin and also the hypertext

on coin of Apollodotus signify a Meluhha expression: khār 'blacksmith' PLUS (working on) dul ayo kammaṭa ḍhālako 'alloy metal casting mint and ingots'. This hypertext

gets repeated on the punch-marked coins together with the 'arrow' hieroglyph which signifies: kaṇḍa'arrow' rebus: khaṇḍa'equipment'.

This variant expression including fish-fin tied together is clearly demonstrated in the 2nd century BCE dharmacakra of Amaravati. On this sculptural frieze of the wheel, the circumference of the spoked wheel is decorated with the 'fish-fin' hypertexts,together with the 'tri-ratna' orthographic variants.

Emanating from the dotted circle in the middle are three strands ending with 1. Taxila coin hypertext; and 2. arrowheads. The rebus readings in Meluhha are: khār dul ayo kammaṭa ḍhālako AND khaṇḍa 'equipment', together with the dotted circle hypertext which signifies: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'. Thus, the entire composition on the vajra with ṣaṭkoṇa 'six spokes' is a metalwork catalogue, wealth accounting ledger.

The first Indian coins of Apollodotus used Indian symbols. These coins associated the elephant with the Buddhist Chaitya or arched-hill symbol, sun symbols, six-armed symbol, and a river. The bull had a Nandipada in front. The symbol at the top of the bull is only a mint mark. These symbols disappeared soon after, and only the elephant and the bull remained. Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Post-Mauryan_coinage_of_Gandhara

Shatamanas double-sigloi, bent bars and fractions from Gandhara.Together, the expression signified by 1) a dotted circle or 2) six circles with six strand is dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelter'

मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda).

*gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goṟaṭe &c. listed DED 1722] K. goṭh f., dat. °ṭi f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠oṭu m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goṭi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goṭāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goṭā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goṭa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. goṭ f. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. goṭ m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ṭilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Ta. koṭṭai seed of any kind not enclosed in chaff or husk, nut, stone, kernel; testicles; (RS, p. 142, items 200, 201) koṭṭāṅkacci, koṭṭācci coconut shell. Ma. koṭṭa kernel of fruit, particularly of coconut, castor-oil seed; kuṟaṭṭa, kuraṭṭa kernel; kuraṇṭi stone of palmfruit. Ko. keṭ testes; scrotum. Ka. koṭṭe, goṟaṭe stone or kernel of fruit, esp. of mangoes; goṭṭa mango stone. Koḍ. koraṇḍi id. Tu. koṭṭè kernel of a nut, testicles; koṭṭañji a fruit without flesh; koṭṭayi a dried areca-nut;koraṇtu kernel or stone of fruit, cashew-nut; goṭṭu kernel of a nut as coconut, almond, castor-oil seed. Te. kuriḍī dried whole kernel of coconut. Kol. (Kin.) goṛva stone of fruit. Nk. goṛage stone of fruit. Kur. goṭā any seed which forms inside a fruit or shell. Malt. goṭa a seed or berry. / Cf. words meaning 'fruit, kernel, seed' in Turner, CDIAL, no. 4271 (so noted by Turner). (DEDR 2069) A (गोटा) gōṭā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ (metal) (Marathi) खोट [khōṭa] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi). P. khoṭ m. ʻalloyʼ (CDIAL 3931) goṭa 'laterite ferrite ore'. goṭo m. ʻgold or silver lace' (Sindhi); goṭa m. ʻedging of gold braidʼ(Kashmiri)(CDIAL 4271)

Getting to Know Satavahana Coins – Symbols and Motifs

Image Description: A1 – Chakra Symbol, A2 – Six Arched Hill/Chaitya, A3 – Moon, A4 – Triratna Symbol
Source: https://www.mintageworld.com/blog/satavahana-coins-symbols-motifs/

Spoked wheel as vajra: "Most importantly, both the Vedic description of Śakra/Indra as a Vajra-handed (Vajrapaṇi) destroyer of evil, who in the Vedas is the ahi, Vṛtya. However the vajra, itself survives into current modes of Buddhism where in the hands of Vajrapani bodhisattva, it is the destroyer of ignorance. Obviously, there is an undoubted continuity from the Vedic period to the present day. To establish basis for discussion: Part 1: asks the question is the Buddhist Dharmachakra actually derived from a Vedic vajra and therefore a recognizable vajra in early Buddhist Art? Part 2: Is the “six armed” PMC mark also derived from the Vedic vajra and therefore probably the line of continuity between the Vedic imagination of the Vajra and the Buddhist manifestation of the Vajra? Although there are varieties of descriptions in the Ṛg, Academic consensus seems to be that the vajra of Śakra/Indra was a wheel or discus (chakra), had 100 sharp edges, points or prominences. The term for the 100 prominences is “śata parvan” and parvan is, at best, not very explicit. Some physical characteristics are: it is made of iron, gold, gold covered iron, it is long and thin, it is spiked, it is round with 1000 spokes and 100 knuckles (parvan)[RV.6.17.10] And in the Upaniṣaḍs it is occasionally known as “six-sided” (saṭkoṇa) Other characteristics are: It can be thrown, it can by used as a club, sharpened, held in both hands, cut the enemy, split mountains in two…An interpretation of the Vedic description is a wheel with 1000 spokes and 100 knuckles (assuming that “parvan” refers to something that hits the opponent and as. often referred to is sharpenable, i.e., little blades of some sort or another.). This description seems to fit Dharmachakras in early Indic Art:

“A wheel with 1000 spokes and 100 knuckles."

The 'twisted rope' forms one concentric circle on this image. The outer-circumference of the spoked wheel is adorned with 'knuckles'. These images are: 1) dhāī˜'wisp of fibre in a twisted rope' (Lahnda) PLUS meḍhi 'plait, twist' Rupaka, 'metaphor' or rebus reading:: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt'iron'. 2) मुष्टिका 'wrist, knuckles' rebus, rupaka: मुष्टिका 'goldsmith'. Thus, the two images, together, signify, iron ore (worked on by a smith, metalworker).. The nave and spokes of the wheel are: eraka'knave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'molten cast' PLUS arā 'spokes' rebus: āra'brass'.

khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'.

A hypertext is orthographed with three arrows emanating from the dotted circle and three ‘twists’ emanating from the dotted circle, thus signifying six-armed semantic extensions. baṭa ‘six’ rebus:baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa ‘furnce’. kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ rebus: khaṇḍa ‘implements’ मेढा mēḍhā ‘twist’ rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic languages) medha ‘yajna, dhanam’.

Sanchi stupa 2 Vedika. Dharma Cakra in a corded band. ca. 120-80 BCE. size, ~ 15mm versus ~ 40cm, given the closeness of the two designs, "...it is inconceivable that the Sāñchī sculptor was unaware of the generic prototype of the design. In the context of the coins the vajra is a symbol of consummate military power. In Buddhism is is a symbol of the consummate power of the teachings to overcome egoistic cravings. Tentative conclusions: Part 1: The early Buddhist Dharmachakra with its many spokes and protrusions is conceptually identical to one of the primary forms of the Vedic vajra as described in the Ṛg Veda. Because it was quintessentially Brahmanical in origin, as a symbol of theBuddhist teachings it had several important characteristics. Among them the fact, the Brahmins of the day would recognize one of the most evocative symbols of their own religion and its material communication systems. Part 2: Based on the physical identification of the Buddhist Dharmachakras as vajras, it seems highly probable that the so called “6-armed figures” of PMC numismatics are also a vajra known in the literature as as saṭkoṇa. With kings carrying the name endings of -varman (armor) -gupta (protector) and in a later period, -endra (i.e., Indra), it is clear that they identified with the most powerful of all Brahmanical protectors, Indra. Therefore, the symbol is probably part of the royal regalia and a reference to military prowess. A detailed study of this mark and a profoundly associated “victory” symbol will be part of the full study."(John Huntington https://www.academia.edu/13631948/The_Vajra_from_Vedic_times_to_the_Present?)

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Seven Indus Script Hypertexts on Apollodotus, Maues coins (1st m.BCE) translated

July 26, 2018, 6:00 pm

≫ Next: kārṣāpaṇa (English 'cash') with Indus Script Hypertext rebus or rūpaka metaphor of twisted rope, plait meḍ 'iron' of agasāli 'goldsmith' , rūpa ‘coin,money’

≪ Previous: Early silver coins of ancient India, 6th cent. BCE, signify Indus Script Hypertexts of dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' and wealth accounting metalwork ledgers

https://tinyurl.com/y8uhnrbv

This is an addendum to:
Early silver coins of ancient India, 6th cent. BCE, signify Indus Script Hypertexts of dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' and wealth accounting metalwork ledgers

https://tinyurl.com/y7muo4hb This citation referred to an Apollodotus coin with Indus Script Hypertexts.

This monograph reads and translates the Indus Script Hypertexts on Apollodotus and Maues coins (ca.2nd-1st cent. BCE)

The legends in Greek and Kharoṣṭhī read:

Greeklegend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΟΔΟΤΟΥ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ, "of Saviour King Apollodotus".
Rev: Zebu bull with Kharoshti legend 𐨨𐨱𐨪𐨗𐨯 𐨀𐨤𐨫𐨡𐨟𐨯 𐨟𐨿𐨪𐨟𐨪𐨯 (MAHARAJASA APALADATASA TRATARASA),"Saviour King Apollodotus".

The Indus Script Hypertexts in addition to the Greek and Kharoṣṭhī legends are:

1. Nandipada in front of 2. zebu, bos indicus, 3. arched-hill, 4. sun, 5 six-armed vajra, 6. elephant; and 7. a river.

These five Indus Script Hypertexts are read rebus (or, rūpaka, metaphors in Meluhha).

1. Nandipada. dul ayo kammaṭa 'alloy metal casting mint' PLUS dala 'leaf petal' rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot PLUS karã̄ n.' pl.wristlets, bangles' Rebus: khār 'blacksmith, iron worker'. The 'bangle' image may have a variant reading as a 'pebble, round stone' goṭā 'round pebble, stone' Rebus: goṭā ''laterite, ferrite ore''gold braid' खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi) khoṭ f ʻalloy' (Lahnda)

2. poḷa 'zebu' rebus: poḷa 'magnetite ore'.

3. ḍāngā = hill, dry upland (B.); ḍã̄g mountain-ridge' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'

4. arka 'sun' rebus; arka, eraka 'gold, copper', eraka 'molten cast'

5. Six-armed vajra: dhā̆vaḍ 'strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'. -- and relate the work of a smelter to a dotted circle which is dāya 'throw of one in dice' rebus: dhāi 'mineral ore' PLUS arā 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass'.PLUS eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'molten cast'

6. karba, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron' ibbo 'merchant'

7. River: kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā, khaṇḍa 'implements'.

The 1st century CE Periplus of the Erythraean Sea describes numerous Greek buildings and fortifications in Barigaza, although mistakenly attributing them to Alexander (who never went this far south), and the circulation of Indo-Greek coinage in the region:

"The metropolis of this country is Minnagara, from which much cotton cloth is brought down to Barygaza. In these places there remain even to the present time signs of the expedition of Alexander, such as ancient shrines, walls of forts and great wells." Periplus, Chap. 41

"To the present day ancient Drachmae are current in Barygaza, coming from this country, bearing inscriptions in Greek letters, and the devices of those who reigned after Alexander the Great, Apollodotus I and Menander." Periplus Chap. 47

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apollodotus_I

Indian-standard coin of Apollodotus I (180–160 BC). Indian-standard coin of Apollodotus I.

Obv: Sacred elephant with decorative belt and Greeklegend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΟΔΟΤΟΥ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ, "of Saviour King Apollodotus".
Rev: Zebu bull with Kharoshti legend 𐨨𐨱𐨪𐨗𐨯 𐨀𐨤𐨫𐨡𐨟𐨯 𐨟𐨿𐨪𐨟𐨪𐨯 (MAHARAJASA APALADATASA TRATARASA),^[6]"Saviour King Apollodotus".
Actual size: 15 mm, 1.4 grams.

Apollodotos I. c174-165 BC. AR Drachm of Indian weight standard. Elephant standing right; monogram below / Zebu bull standing right; monogram below.Drachm. Indian standard

Grade: VF
Reference: Bopearachchi Série 4G; SNG ANS 337ff.; MIG 207i

 Baktria, Graeco-Baktrian Kings. Apollodotos I. Circa 174-165 BC. AR Drachm of Indian
  weight standard (2.36 gm). Elephant standing right; monogram below / Zebu bull
  standing right; monogram below. Bopearachchi Série 4G; SNG ANS 337ff.; MIG 207i . VF,
  very light obverse graffiti.

Indo-Greek: Apollodotus I, Silver "Indian" weight drachm, c. 174-165 BCE
Weight: 2.38 gm., Dim: 15 x 16 mm., Die axis: 12 h
Elephant walking right, Greek legend on three sides:
     BAΣIΛEΩΣ AΠOΛΛOΔOTOY ΣΩTHPOΣ
     monogram below /
Humped bull standing right, Kharoshthi legend on three sides:
     maharajasa apaladatasa tratarasa

Indo-Greek: Apollodotus I, Silver Attic weight hemidrachm, c. 174-165 BCE
Weight: 1.74 gm., Diam: 14 mm., Die axis: 12 h
Elephant walking right, Greek legend around:
BAΣIΛEΩΣ AΠOΛΛOΔOTOY ΣΩTHPOΣ /
Humped bull walking right, Kharoshthi legend around:
maharajasa apaladatasa tratarasa

Baktria, Apollodotos I. Circa 174-165 BCE. AR Hemidrachm. Elephant walking right / Humped bull walking right. SNG ANS 299.GREEK KINGS of BAKTRIA. Apollodotos

I. Circa 174-165 BC. AR Hemidrachm (1.50 gm). 
Estimate $200. Sold For $132 

GREEK KINGS of BAKTRIA. Apollodotos I. Circa 
174-165 BC. AR Hemidrachm (1.50 gm). Elephant 
walking right / Humped bull walking right. 
Bopearachchi Série 2A; SNG ANS 299. http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/greece/baktria/kings/apollodotos_I/Bop_2A.txt


The 'twisted rope' forms one concentric circle on this image. The outer-circumference of the spoked wheel is adorned with 'knuckles'. These images are: 1) dhāī˜ 'wisp of fibre in a twisted rope' (Lahnda) PLUS  meḍhi 'plait, twist' Rupaka, 'metaphor' or rebus reading:: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt 'iron'. 2) मुष्टिका 'wrist, knuckles' rebus, rupaka: मुष्टिका 'goldsmith'. Thus, the two images, together, signify, iron ore (worked on by a smith, metalworker).. The nave and spokes of the wheel are: eraka 'knave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'molten cast' PLUSarā 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass'.








khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'. 




A hypertext is orthographed with three arrows emanating from the dotted circle and three ‘twists’ emanating from the dotted circle, thus signifying six-armed semantic extensions. baṭa ‘six’ rebus:baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa ‘furnce’. kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ rebus: khaṇḍa ‘implements’  मेढा mēḍhā ‘twist’ rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic languages) medha ‘yajna, dhanam’.


Maues. Circa 125-85 BC. Æ (27mm, 9.23 g, 12h). Elephant advancing right with trunk and foreleg raised / Zebu standing right; monogram to right. Senior 14.1; HGC 12, 542. Fine, earthen dark green patina. karibha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus:karba 'iron' ib 'iron' poḷa'zebu' rebus: poḷa 'magnetite ore'. (Indus Script tradition of metal-/mint-work).

Obverse	Elephant walking right, with raised trunk, within rectangular dotted border, Greek legend around: BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MEΓAΛOY MAYOY
Reverse	Humped bull standing right, monogram at right, Kharoṣṭhī legend around: Rajatirajasa mahatasa Moasa
Date	c. 90-57 BCE
Weight	8.89 gm.
Dimensions	24 x 24 mm.
Die axis	12 o'clock
Reference	MIG 735, Sen 14.1 https://www.vcoins.com/en/stores/coinindia/36/product/indoscythian_maues_ae_hemiobol_elephantbull_very_rare/81453/Default.aspx

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kārṣāpaṇa (English 'cash') with Indus Script Hypertext rebus or rūpaka metaphor of twisted rope, plait meḍ 'iron' of agasāli 'goldsmith' , rūpa ‘coin,money’

July 26, 2018, 8:11 pm

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≪ Previous: Seven Indus Script Hypertexts on Apollodotus, Maues coins (1st m.BCE) translated

https://tinyurl.com/ya3r6msj

I suggest that the six arms of the 'vajra' hypertext on early punch-marked coins is a variant of the Indus Script Hypertext which signifies 'strands of a rope' or 'plaits of hair'. rūpaka, 'metaphor' or rebus translation is: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ'iron, metal'.

Thus a particular form of rūpaka 'metaphor' is rebus to signify similar sounding words. A word signifies a picture; a similar sounding word (homonym) signifies wealth accounting metalwork catalogue. This results in a writing system, a visual language, a mlecchita vikalpa'cipher of mleccha, copper workers'. This writing system or cipher is called Indus Script.

rūpaka as a metaphor is a pun on the word rūpa which signified an early metal coin with a hypertext signified on the coin. रूप a partic. coin (prob. a rupee) VarBr2S. derived from: रूप n. (perhaps connected with वर्प , वर्पस् ; ifc. f(आ). , rarely f(ई).) any outward appearance or phenomenon or colour (often pl.) , form , shape , figure RV. &c(रूपेण ifc. in the form of ; रूपम्- √कृ or √ भू , to assume a form ; often ifc. = " having the form or appearance or colour of " , " formed or composed of " , " consisting of " , " like to " ; sometimes used after an adj. or p.p. to emphasize its meaning or almost redundantly cf. घोर-र्° ; or connected with a verb e.g. पचति-रूपम् , he cooks very well cf. Pa1n2. 8-1 , 57); nature , character , peculiarity , feature , mark , sign , symptom VS. &c रूपक mfn. having form , figurative , metaphorical , illustrating by figurative language (साहित्य-दर्पण); m. a partic. coin (prob. a rupee) Var. Pan5cat. &c; n.

(in rhet.) a figure of speech , metaphor , comparison , simile (esp. one in which इव , वत् &c are omitted e.g. बाहु-लता , " a creeper-like arm " , पणि-पद्म, " a lotus-like hand " ; there are 3 or 4 varieties of रूपक e.g. the अर्ध-र्° , " partial metaphor " , खण्ड-र्° , " imperfect metaphor " , and ललाम-र्° , " flowery metaphor ") Ka1vya7d. Sa1h. &c (cf. IW. 458)(Monier-Williams)

kārṣāpaṇa कार्षा* पणmn. (g. अर्धर्चा*दि ; cf. कर्ष्) " weighing a कर्ष " , a coin or weight of different values (if of gold , = 16 माषs » कर्ष ; if of silver , = 16 पणs or 1280 Kowries , commonly termed a Kahan ; if of copper , = 80 रक्तिकाs or about 176 grains ; but accord. to some = only 1 पण of Kowries or 80 Kowries)Mn. viii , 136 ; 336 ; ix , 282; n. money , gold and silver (Monier-Williams) kārṣāpaṇá m.n. ʻ a partic. coin or weight equivalent to one karṣa ʼ. [karṣa -- m. ʻ a partic. weight ʼ Suśr. (cf. OPers. karša -- ) and paṇa -- 2 or āpana -- EWA i 176 and 202 with lit. But from early MIA. kā̆hā˚] Pa. kahāpaṇa -- m.n. ʻ a partic. weight and coin ʼ, KharI. kahapana -- , Pk. karisāvaṇa -- m.n., kāhāvaṇa -- , kah˚ m.; A. kaoṇ ʻ a coin equivalent to 1 rupee or 16 paṇas or 1280 cowries ʼ; B. kāhan ʻ 16 paṇas ʼ; Or. kāhā̆ṇa ʻ 16 annas or 1280 cowries ʼ, H. kahāwan, kāhan, kahān m.; OSi. (brāhmī) kahavaṇa, Si. kahavuṇa, ˚vaṇuva ʻ a partic. weight kāˊrṣāpaṇika ʻ worth or bought for a kārṣāpaṇa ʼ Pāṇ. [kārṣāpaṇá -- ]Pa. kāhāpaṇika -- , Or. kāhāṇiã̄.(CDIAL 3080, 3081) "Kārshāpaṇa (Sanskrit: कार्षापण), according to the aṣṭādhyāyi of Panini, refers to ancient Indian coins current during the 7th and the 6th century BCE onwards, which were unstamped and stamped (āhata) metallic pieces whose validity depended on the integrity of the person authenticating them. Parmeshwari lal Gupta states that there is no proof that such coins were first issued by merchants and traders but adds that they did contribute to the development and spread of coin usage.

Kārshāpaṇas were basically silver pieces stamped with one to five or six rūpas ('symbols') originally only on the obverse side of the coins initially issued by the Janapadas and Mahajanapadas, and generally carried minute mark or marks to testify their legitimacy. Silver punch-marked coins ceased to be minted sometime in the second century BCE but exerted a wide influence for next five centuries...The English word, "Cash", is derived from the Sanskrit word, kārsha. The punch-marked coins were called "Kārshāpaṇa" because they weighed one kārsha each." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karshapana

The sun hypertext shown together with this 'twist, plait' hypertext is: arka,'sun' rebus: arka, eraka 'gold, copper, moltencast'. In Telugu, the pronunciation variant is: అగసాలి or అగసాలెవాడు agasāli [Tel.] n. A goldsmith. కంసాలివాడు. కంసాలి or కంసాలవాడు kamsāli. [Tel.] n. A goldsmith or silversmith.కమసాలవాడు Same as కంసాలి.

The hypertexts of 'twisted rope in three strands' on thes punch-marked coins compare with the 'strand attached to a circle' on each of the six strands or plaits which constitute the six-armed hypertext emanating from a central dotted circle which is translated as: dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(Marathi) The expression dhā̆vaḍ is composed of two words: dhāu 'strand' rebus: dhāu 'three red ores, minerals' PLUS vaṭa 'string'. (Hieroglyph 'dot in circle': dāya'throw of one in dice'). The strand or plait is translated as: meḍhi 'plait'S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.मेढा [ mēḍhā ] meṇḍa A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) (CDIAL 10312). meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (P.)(CDIAL 10312)].

Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.); med'copper' (Slavic languages) मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal' (Skt. Santali)

Compare the six circles with 'strands' with the 'three strands' on other punch-marked coins.

http://www.ancientcoins.ca/gandhara/gandhara.htm

Country	India (ancient) (Maurya Empire)
Type	Common coin
Years	-322--185
Value	1/4 Karshapana (0.25)
Metal	Silver
Weight	2.5 g
Diameter	12 mm

https://en.numista.com/catalogue/pieces52092.html

Maurya Dynasty, period of Chandragupta/Bindusara (c.320-270 BC), G/H Series VA No. 509

Silver punch-marked coins of mauryan period:

Dwikarshapana (i.e., 2 Karshapana) (Sultanpur hoard)=108 grains (avg)
Karshapana=32 ratti (53 grains) (3.3-3.5 grams)
Ardha-karshapana (i.e., 1/2 Karshapana)
Lolapura hoard=26.5 grains (avg)
Pandya hoard=19-25 grains
Pada (1/4 Karshapana) (Konkana hord)=12.9-14.7 grains
Dwi-masakas
Masaka

Besides these, a copper currency was also prevalent.
(Ref. Rekha Jain, Ancient Indian Coinage)

http://www.worldofcoins.eu/forum/index.php/topic,10295.0.html

Three strands of twisted rope, meḍhi 'plait' meḍ ‘iron’ dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' Harappa Script hieroglyph continues on Punch-marked coins of Gandhara http://tinyurl.com/hh6k2n6

This hieroglyph, twist of three strands, signified on Punch-marked coins of Gandhara is traced to Harappa Script hieroglyph tradition. This signifies dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' meḍhi 'plait' rebus: meḍ‘iron’

See Mohenjo-daro seal m1406

m1406 Seal using tri-dhAtu 'three-stranded rope': Rebus: tri-hAtu, three red ores.

Hieroglyph: धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c ; cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)

Rebus: M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam) Indus script hieroglyphs signify dhAtu 'iron ore', Dharwar, Ib names of places in India in the iron ore belt.

S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.मेढा [ mēḍhā ] meṇḍa A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) (CDIAL 10312). meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (P.)(CDIAL 10312)].

Rebus: semantics 'iron': meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho)meṛed (Mundari);mẽṛed iron; enga meṛed soft iron; sanḍi meṛedhard iron; ispāt meṛed steel; dul meṛed cast iron; i meṛed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bica meṛed iron extracted from stone ore; bali meṛed iron extracted from sand ore; meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.)

There are two Railway stations in India called Dharwad and Ib. Both are related to Prakritam words with the semantic significance: iron worker, iron ore.

dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ (Marathi)(CDIAL 6773) PLUS kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' PLUS mēd, 'boatman, one who plays drums at ceremonies' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron (metal)’ Alternative: dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) dolutsu 'tumble' Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’.

A variant orthography shows a pair of three strands of twisted rope, signified as a total of six spokes emanating from a dotted circle in the centre (See image of Silver shatamana of Gandhara).

Six spokes: baṭa 'six' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.

Rebus reading: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS , meḍhi 'plait' meḍ ‘iron’ Thus, cast iron.

PLUS dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(Marathi) The expression dhā̆vaḍ is composed of two words: dhāu 'strand' rebus: dhāu 'three red ores, minerals' PLUS vaṭa 'string'.

Image result for gandhara punch-marked coin

Silver Shatamana. Gandhara.

Punch-marked coin of Ashoka. See comparable hieroglyph of 'twist, three plaits or strands' in the following examples of PMC symbols:
Source:

A Survey of Late Hoards of Indian Punch-marked Coins ELIZABETH ERRINGTON

The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-) Vol. 163 (2003), pp. 69-121 Published by: Royal Numismatic Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/42667165

arka 'sun' rebus: erako 'moltencast' eraka 'copper'
kāca m. ʻloop' rebus: kāsa 'bronze'. dhAv 'strand' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral' PLUS kaNDa 'arrow' rebus:kaNDa 'implements. Thus, bronze implements.
kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
meḍhi 'plait' meḍ ‘iron’ PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'cast metal' Thus, dul meṛed 'cast iron'
barad, balad 'ox' rebus: bharat' alloy of pewter, copper, tin' PLUS satthiya 'svastika' rebus: svastika 'pewter' jasta 'zinc'

maraka 'peacock' rebus: maraka loha 'copper alloy' PLUS dang 'mountain range' rebus: dhangar'blacksmith' meḍhi 'plait' meḍ ‘iron’ goTa 'round pebble' rebus: goTa 'laterite, ferrite ore''gold braid' PLUS gaNDa 'four' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' PLUS kāca m. ʻloop' rebus: kāsa 'bronze'. Thur, laterite and bronze fire-altar.
An example of what was very probably the earliest Indian coin: a large silver shatamana (double siglos or bent bar) issue, Gandhara, c.600-500 BCE (43mm long, 10mm wide)

A slightly later silver karshapana, c.370-320 BCE, from Taxila
Source: http://www.vcoins.com/ancient/ancientimports/store/viewitem.asp?idProduct=13277
http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00routesdata/bce_500back/gandhara/coins/coins.html
1 satamana from Gandhara Janapada, circa 5th century BC (NCC2014.39.1)
1 shana or 1/8 satamana from Gandhara Janapada, circa 5th century BC (NCC2014.39.3)
1/4 shana from Gandhara Janapada, circa 5th century BC (NCC2014.39.4)
"Many of us know about Afghanistan only from news reports. However, the country has a long and sometimes surprising history. In the first millennium BC, the region of northern Afghanistan and Pakistan was home to the Indian Janapada (kingdom) of Gandhara. At the crossroads of Asia and the Middle East, Gandhara was perfectly situated as a hub for trade and the export of cultures. We know that Gandhari merchants traded with Babylon and may have travelled as far west as Egypt and Ancient Greece.These silver coins attest to the kingdom’s trade connections and wealth. The weight of the coins is based on an Indian standard, the satamana, that is also related to the Babylonian shekel. The smaller stamps on the bar-coin are banker or merchant marks. These marks were probably made by someone testing the quality of the silver."

http://www.bankofcanadamuseum.ca/2014/12/recent-acquisitions-july-2014/

mEḍi plaits of hair in ancient sculptural ornamentations of Altyn Tepe, Gundestrup, Chandraketugarh rebus medhā 'yajna, nidhi' meD 'iron' http://tinyurl.com/juqd2gh

Extraordinary iconographic details are seen on terracotta sculptures of Altyn Tepe inscribed with Harappa Script, on Gundestrup cauldron, and on Chandraketugarh hairstyles.

In all these three examples taken from across Eurasia, the plaits of hair are the key orthographic components.

It is suggested that all three examples relate to Meluhha artisans who created these iconic metaphors to signify production of metal (iron) implements using smelters, smithy, forge. Meluhha metal explorers and metal workers had traversed these regions of Chandraketugarh, Altyn Tepe and a small peat bog called Rævemose (near the larger Borremose bog) in the Aarsparish of Himmerland, Denmark (56°49′N 9°33′E) where the Gundestrup Cauldren was discovered. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gundestrup_cauldron

These are three distant regions. The time span over which the explorers have travelled far and wide is over 2 millennia
but retaining the memories of their traditions retained in their Meluhha language repertoire, exemplified in Bharata sprachbund
of ca. 2500 BCE.

The Meluhha vocabulary (lexis) used is comparable to the Indo-European etyma presented by IE linguistic scholars,
though IE examples are taken from many regions of Eurasia including Prakrtam, Vedic, Indo-Aryan.

There is consensus among linguists that ancient Bharata was a linguistic area (sprachbund or language union) where speakers
of many language families interacted and absorbed language features from one another and made the features their own. This is
the justification for presenting etyma from many regions of ancient Bharata in this monograph, related to plaits of hair and
rebus metalwork catalogues.

pañcacūḍa, पञ्चचूड Epithet of Rambha This expression signifies five hairknots:

cūˊḍa 'hairknot'. čui̦ya pl. ʻ curls ʼ, rus. čur ʻ plait of hair ʼ(Gypsy. SE Europe)(CDIAL 4883). pañcacūḍa are Kamboja (Meluhha); also an epithet which is used to describe sculptural representations of hairstyles of women (for e.g. sculptures of Chandraketugarh).

A synonym for čur 'plait of hair' is: mEḍi plait (Kannada) rebus: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal' (Samskrtam. Santali.Mu.Ho).

*mēṇḍhī ʻ lock of hair, curl ʼ. [Cf. **mēṇḍha* -- 1 s.v. miḍḍa -- ]
S. mī˜ḍhī* f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.(CDIAL 10312) Ta. miṭai (-v-, -nt-) to weave as a mat, etc. Ma. miṭayuka to plait, braid, twist, wattle; miṭaccal plaiting, etc.; miṭappu tuft of hair; miṭalascreen or wicket, ōlas plaited together. Ka. meḍaṟu to plait as screens, etc. (Hav.) maḍe to knit, weave (as a basket); (Gowda) mEḍi plait. Ga.(S.3) miṭṭe a female hair-style. Go. (Mu.) mihc- to plait (hair) (Voc. 2850).(DEDR 4853) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.)

Basket-maker: mēda m. ʻ a mixed caste, any one living by a degrading occupation ʼ Mn. [→ Bal. mēd ʻ boatman, fisher- man ʼ. -- Cf. Tam. metavar ʻ basket -- maker ʼ &c. DED 4178]k. mēa -- m., mēī -- f. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; S. meu m. ʻ fisherman ʼ (whence miāṇī f. ʻ a fishery ʼ), L. mē m.; P. meũ m., f. meuṇī ʻ boatman ʼ. -- Prob. separate from S. muhāṇo m. ʻ member of a class of Moslem boatmen ʼ, L. mohāṇā m., °ṇī f.: see mr̥gahanaka -- .(CDIAL 10320)

meḍhā* 'stake, yupa' rebus: medha 'yajña, nidhi'.

मेध [p= 832,3] offering , oblation , any sacrifice (esp. ifc.) ib. MBh. &c मेधा = धन Naigh. ii , 10.f. mental vigour or power , intelligence , prudence , wisdom (pl. products of intelligence , thoughts , opinions) RV. &c (Monier-Williams)
the sprig inscribed on the exquisite terracotta image found at Altyn Tepe
Votive figure from Altyn-Depe (the Golden Hill), Turkmenistan. Altyn-Depe is an ancient settlement of the Bronze Age (3,000 - 2,000 B.C.E.) on the territory of ancient Abiver. It's known locally as the "Turkmen Stonehenge". União Soviética.

I suggest that this figure has inscribed Indus Script hypertexts read rebus related to metal smelting of elements, aduru 'native metal' and metal implements work.

Hieroglyph: kola 'woman' (Nahali) rebus: kol 'working in iron'

Hieroglyph: Ka. (Hav.) aḍaru twig; (Bark.) aḍïrï small and thin branch of a tree; (Gowda) aḍəri small branches. Tu. aḍaru twig.(DEDR 67) Rebus: Ta. ayil iron. Ma. ayir, ayiram any ore. Ka. aduru native metal. Tu. ajirda karba very hard iron. (DEDR 192)

Two hair strands signify: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS Hieroglyph

strand (of hair): dhāˊtu strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu* -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV.,ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)

Rebus: dhāvḍī 'iron smelting': Shgh. ċīw, ċōw, ċū ʻ single hair ʼ ; Ash. dro ʻ woman's hair ʼ, Kt. drū, Wg.drū, drū̃; Pr. ḍui ʻ a hair ʼ; Kho. dro(h) ʻ hair ʼ, (Lor.) ʻ hair (of animal), body hair (human) ʼ: → Orm. dra, drī IIFL i 392 (semant. cf. Psht. pal ʻ fringe of hair over forehead ʼ < **pata* -- (CDIAL 6623) drava द्रव [p= 500,3] flowing , fluid , dropping , dripping , trickling or overflowing with (comp.) Ka1t2h. Mn.MBh. Ka1v. fused , liquefied , melted W. m. distilling , trickling , fluidity Bha1sha1p. dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(CDIAL 6773)

Three lines below the belly of the figure: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'

Hieroglyph: kuṭhi ‘vagina’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛi f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuṭhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuṭhi, kuṭi (Or.; Sad. koṭhi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuṭire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkuṭi has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuṭhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuṭhi = a factory; lil kuṭhi = an indigo factory (koṭhi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuṭhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuṭhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuṭhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. koṭhī ) (Santali. Bodding) kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuṭha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuṭhī factory (A.); koṭhābrick-built house (B.); kuṭhī bank, granary (B.); koṭho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); koṭhīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuṭhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koṭho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; koṭhī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) koḍ = the place where artisans work (Gujarati)

Hieroglyph: sprig: ḍāla 5546 ḍāla1 m. ʻ branch ʼ Śīl. 2. ṭhāla -- . 3. ḍāḍha -- . [Poss. same as dāla -- 1 and dāra -- 1: √dal, √d&rcirclemacr;. But variation of form supports PMWS 64 ← Mu.]1. Pk. ḍāla* -- n. ʻ branch ʼ; S. ḍ̠āru m. ʻ large branch ʼ, ḍ̠ārī f. ʻ branch ʼ; P. ḍāl m. ʻ branch ʼ, °lā m. ʻ large do. ʼ, °lī f. ʻ twig ʼ; WPah. bhal. ḍām. ʻ branch ʼ; Ku. ḍālo m. ʻ tree ʼ; N. ḍālo ʻ branch ʼ, A. B. ḍāl, Or. ḍāḷa; Mth. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, °ri ʻ twig ʼ; Aw. lakh. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, H. ḍāl, °lām., G. ḍāḷi, °ḷī f., °ḷũ n.2. A. ṭhāl ʻ branch ʼ, °li ʻ twig ʼ; H. ṭhāl, °lā m. ʻ leafy branch (esp. one lopped off) ʼ.3. Bhoj. ḍāṛhī ʻ branch ʼ; M. ḍāhaḷ m. ʻ loppings of trees ʼ, ḍāhḷā m. ʻ leafy branch ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ twig ʼ, ḍhāḷā m. ʻ sprig ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ branch ʼ.ḍāla -- 2 ʻ basket ʼ see ḍalla -- 2.ḍālima -- see dāḍima -- .ḍāva -- 1 ʻ box ʼ see ḍabba -- .ḍāva -- 2 ʻ left ʼ see ḍavva -- .Addenda: ḍāla -- 1. 1. S.kcch. ḍār f. ʻ branch of a tree ʼ; WPah.kṭg. ḍāḷ m. ʻ tree ʼ, J. ḍā'l m.; kṭg. ḍaḷi f. ʻ branch, stalk ʼ, ḍaḷṭi f. ʻ shoot ʼ; A. ḍāl(phonet. d -- ) ʻ branch ʼ AFD 207.टाळा (p. 196) ṭāḷā ...2 Averting or preventing (of a trouble or an evil). 3 The roof of the mouth. 4 R (Usually टाहळा) A small leafy branch; a spray or sprig. टाळी (p. 196) ṭāḷī f R (Usually टाहळी) A small leafy branch, a sprig.ढगळा (p. 204) ḍhagaḷā m R A small leafy branch; a sprig or spray. डगळा or डघळा (p. 201) ḍagaḷā or ḍaghaḷā m A tender and leafy branch: also a sprig or spray. डांगशी (p. 202) ḍāṅgaśī f C A small branch, a sprig, a spray. डांगळी (p. 202) ḍāṅgaḷī f A small branch, a sprig or spray. डाहळा (p. 202) ḍāhaḷā लांख esp. the first. 2 (dim. डाहळी f A sprig or twig.) A leafy branch. Pr. धरायाला डाहळी न बसायाला सावली Used.

Rebus: ḍhāla 'large ingot' (Gujarati)

The rebus rendering of dhAU 'mineral' is seen on the following hypertexts of the Gundestrup Cauldron. Persons are seen holding three strands as if to plait into a triveNi 'three-plaited pigtail'. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/08/indus-script-hieroglyphs-on-artifacts.html See also: https://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/08/absurd-suggestion-of-soma-haoma-as.html

Exterior plate f, with torc-wearing head

In Chandraketugarh sculptures, women are shown with plaits of hair topped by metal implements/weapons. This is an iconographic pun or metaphor on the word mEḍi 'plaits of hair' rebus: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal' (Samskrtam. Santali.Mu.Ho). Thus, the signifiers are 'iron implements'.

This is an extremely rare Sunga plaque, finely carved in ivory, of a fertility or mother divinity and her attendant. An terracotta example in similar style is in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. Ivory artifacts commonly disintegrate with time and thus are inherently rare. The plaque is about 7 cm in height, dates from about the 2nd Century BC
http://eclecticmuseum.com/

Shree, divinity of wealth and fortune

Female head (3.12") from Berachampa ('55-'56)

http://www.historyofbengal.com/images/asad_uj_jaman_images/asad_13.JPG
Panchachuda, female figure with hair decoration
Sculpture Shunga era.
http://www.historyofbengal.com/images/asad_uj_jaman_images/asad_12.JPG
Metmuseum.
Panchacuda with dwarf female attendant holding a mirror,
http://www.historyofbengal.com/behala_museum.html
http://www.historyofbengal.com/index.html

https://wildfiregames.com/forum/index.php?/topic/16056-crowd-sourced-civ-mauryan-indians/&page=12

References from Mahabharata on pañcacūḍa, apsara

Female figure with hair decoration (Chandraketugarh)

http://www.historyofbengal.com/images/asad_uj_jaman_images/asad_5.JPG

Bhishma said, In this connection is cited the old history of the discourse between the celestial Rishi Narada and the celestial courtezan Panchachuda. Mbh.13.38.4252

Thus addressed by him, the Apsara Panchachuda of sweet smiles consented to answer Narada's question. Mbh.13.38.4265

Panchachuda said, Even if high-born and endued with beauty and possessed of protectors, women wish to transgress the restraints assigned to them. Mbh.13.38.4267

Then comes the three-eyed Lord of Lima; then Skanda the generalissimo of the celestial forces; then Visakha; then Agni the eater of sacrificial libations; then Vayu the god of wind; then Chandramas; then Aditya the god of the sun, endued with effulgence; then the illustrious Sakra the lord of Sachi; and Yama with his spouse Dhumorna; and Varunawith Gauri; Kuvera the lord of treasures, with his spouse Riddhi; the amiable and illustrious cow Surabhi; the great Rishi Visravas; Sankalpa, Ocean, Gangs: the other sacred Rivers; the diverse Maruts; the Valkhilyas crowned with success of penances; the island-born Krishna; Narada; Parvata; Viswavasu; the Hahas; the Huhus; Tumvuru; Chitrasena; the celestial messenger of wide celebrity; the highly blessed celestial maidens; the celestial Apsaras, Urvasi, Menaka, Rambha; Misrakesi, Alamvusha, Viswachi, Ghritachi, Panchachuda, Tilottama, the Adityas, the Vasus, the Aswins, the Pitris; Dharma Righteousness; Vediclore, Penances, Diksha, Perseverance in religious acts, the Grandsire, Day and Night, Kasyapa the son of Marichi, Sukra, Vrihaspati, Mangala the son of Earth, Vudha, Rahu, Sanischara, the Constellations, the Seasons, the Months, the Fortnights, the Year, Garuda, the son of Vinata, the several Oceans, the sons of Kadru, viz, the Snakes, Satadru, Vipasa, Chandrabhaga, Saraswati, Sindhu, Devika, Prabhasa, the lakes of Pushkara, Ganga, Mahanadi, Vena, Kaveri, Narmada, Kulampuna Visalya, Karatoya, Amvuvahini.Mbh.13.165.13692

Once in ancient times, the celestial Rishi Narada, having roamed over all the world, met the Apsara Panchachudaof faultless beauty, having her abode in the region of Brahman. Mbh.13.38.4253

dakshinatah Kambojaanaam Vasisthaanaam,
ubhayato Atri Kashyapaanaam mundah Bhriguh,
panchachuda Angris. Bajasneyaanaameka manglarth shikhinoanyai/
— (Chudakarma Samskaara, Paraskara GrhyaSutram 2.1.23, Commentary: Pt Harihar).
http://www.wow.com/wiki/Kambojas_in_Indian_literature

Ethnicity and language of Kamboja

The ancient Kambojas were probably of Indo-Iranian origin.They are, however, sometimes described as Indo-Aryans and sometimes as having both Indian and Iranian affinities.^[The Kambojas are also described as a royal clan of the Sakas. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kambojas

Based on Yaska's Nirukta and a "gatha" from Buddhist "Bhuridatta Jataka", one German scholar, Dr Ernst Kuhnhad opined in 1904 that the Kambojas spoke a language embodying specialities of both the Sanskrit as well asIranian language, and further as a part of their religious practice, the Kambojas considered it a religious duty to killsnakes and other poisonous insects [Das Volk Der Kamboja bei Yaska, First Series of Avesta, Pahlavi and AncientPersian Studies in honour of the late Shams-ul-ulama Dastur Peshotanji Behramji Sanjana, Strassberg & Leipzig, 1904, pp 213 ff, Dr Ernst Kuhn.]
Based on same Nirukta, Dr G. A. Grierson commented in 1911: "The Kambojas, abarbarous tribe of north-western India, either spoke Sanskrit with an infusion of Iranian words to which they gaveIndian inflexions or else they spoke a language partly Indo-Aryan and partly Iranian" [The Language of theKambojas, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society 1911, pp 801-02.] . Following Dr Grierson's investigations on theKambojas, Dr Kuhn published a summary of his article ("Das Volk Der Kamboja bei Yaska") in English, in DrGrierson's support in the 1912 issue of the "Journal of Royal Asiatic Society", which included Dr Grierson'scomments as well. It was pointed out that killing of some lower animals is indeed a Zoroastrian religious practicewhich is also attested from the passages in Mazdean books like the Videvad [XIV.5-6.] as well as from the remarksof Herodotus [ Book I.140.] about the Persian religion.
The above disclosures from Bhuridatta Jataka completely changed scholars' views including those of Dr Griersonon the Kambojas. Thence-afterwards, the scholar community, in general, started considering the Kambojas to bean undoubted tribe of the Iranians. Dr Grierson had to re-write: "This gatha, by itself, establishes a closeconnections between the ancient Kambojas and the ancient Iranians with whom the destruction of noxious orahramanic creatures was a duty...Beyond any reasonable doubt that the Kambojas were a tribe of the Iranians " [Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1912, p 256.]

Mahabharata speaks of the Yavanas, Kambojas, Darunas etc as the fierce barbarians from Uttarapatha [
:Sanskrit::uttarashchapare mlechchha jana bharatasattama. || 63 || :Yavanashcha sa Kamboja Daruna mlechchhajatayah. | :— " (MBH 6.11.63-64)".] and further reckons them among the sinful people, characterised by practicessimilar to those of chandalas and vultures i.e avaricious and greedy [
:Sanskrit::uttara pathajanmanah kirtayishyami tanapi. | :Yauna Kamboja Gandharah Kirata barbaraih saha. || 43 |
:ete papakritastata charanti prithivimimam. | :shvakakabalagridhrana.n sadharmano naradhipa. || 44 |
:— "(MBH 12/207/43-44)".] . Moreover, along with numerous other "non-Vedic" tribes of north-west, the Kambojasare branded as fallen rogues, leading sinful lives like those of the Dasyus [MBH 12.65.13-15.] .

Majjhima Nikaya
"Assalayanasutta" [Majjhima Nikaya II.149.] of Majjhima Nikaya attests that, in the lands of Yavanas, Kambojas andsome other frontier nations, there were only two classes of people...Aryas and Dasas...the masters and slaves. TheArya could become Dasa and vice versa [
:Yona-Kambojesu annesu cha panchchantimesu janapadesu dvau vanna,:ayyo ceva daaso ca, ayyo hutva daasohoti, daaso hutva ayyo hoti ti.:— "(Majjhima Nikaya 43.1.3)" .] . This is also confirmed from Vishnu Purana whichaffirms the absence of "chatur-varna system" among the Kiratas in the east and the Yavanas, Kambojas etc in thepashchima or western people. [Vishnu Purana, 2.37.] .
Puranas
In Markandeya Purana [ Markendeya 8.1-6.] as well as in Srimad Devi Bhagawatam [Devi Bhagawatam 5.28.1-12.] ["Devibhagavata Purana refers to the people of Kamboja janapada (Pamir-Badakhshanregion according to Dr. VSAgrawal or the region near Kandhar according to Dr D. C. Sircar) as Asuras/Demons (i.e. "Danavah sarveKambojah").] the Kambojas are referred to as Asuras/Demons (i.e. "Danavah sarve Kambojah") and are included inthe army of Daityahs [Rājapūta Polity: Political System of the Early Medieval India, 1968, p 15, A. B. L. Awasthi - Political science.] [Glory of the Divine Mother (Devi Mahatmyam), p 211, Sri Sankaranarayanan.] . "Asura" is foundas "Ahura" in ancient Iranian traditions. The Iranian were followers of "Ahura Mazda" (Zoroastrian religion), including the Kambojas. Initially, the word Asura did not have the negative (demonic) connotation.
These texts refer to a mythological war of the goddess Durga/Ambika with some Asura/Demonic clans of north-west like Udayudhas, Kambus, Kotiviryas, Kalakas, Daurhritas, Kalkeyas, Mauryas etc. There is reference to eighty-four select warriors from the Kambu (Kamboja) clan accompanied by numerous Kambu (Kamboja) fighters set on aferocious war with the deva forces of goddess Durga [Glory of the Divine Mother (Devi Mahatmyam), p 211, SriSankaranarayanan.] . Dr Raychaudhury identifies the Maurya Asura clan of the above texts with the Maurya clan ofChandragupta Maurya [Poitical History of Ancient India, 1996, p 4-5.] . Scholars including A. B. L. Awasthi, SwamiVijnanannanda etc have correctly identified the Asura "Kambu clan" with the "Kambojas of Hindukush"/NortheastAfghanistan, and their allies "Kalkeyas" with the "Afridis" etc [See: The Shrimad-Devi-Bhagawatam, trans: SwamiVijnanananda (1921-22), p 451; Rājapūta Polity: Political System of the Early Medieval India, 1968, p 15, A. B. L. Awasthi - Political science.] . The Kalakas have been identified with "Glausai or Glaukanikoi" of the Greeks, locatedon the upper courses of Hydaspes (Jhelum), Hydraotes (Ravi) and Akesines (Chenāb); and are the same asKalajas of the Mahabharata (i.e. Kalachas of Rajput chronicles) [Etude, pp 102, 103, V. de. Saint Martin; TheInvasion of India by Alexander the Great, 1896, p 111, John Watson M'Crindle.] .
It is notable that the great Asura warrior king Shumbha, the hero of the Asura/Danava forces, has been referred toas "danuja-lord", the son of Diti "(i.e ditija-danuja-adayah)" in Shri Devi Bhagawatam as well as Markandeya Puranatraditions etc [Devi-Mahatam verse 9.30.] . It is also notable that great epic Mahabharata also mentions one kingChandravarman of the Kambojas, who has been referred to as an incarnation of the great Asura/Daitya Chandraand addressed as "ditija.shreshtho" i.e. "foremost among the Asuras, the son of Diti" [
:Sanskrit::Chandrastu "ditija.shreshtho" loke taradhipopamah. || 31 || :Chandra.varmati vikhiyaatahKambojanam.nradhipah. ||32 || :— "MBH 2.67.31-32, Gorakhpore Edition; See also K.M Ganguli's online MBH)" ] . This reference also alludes to Iranian affinities of the Kambojas. The mythical Asura king Shumbha of PuranicHindu texts appears to refer to some great warrior from the Iranian Kambojas of north-west. And theDurga/Shumbha legend probably refers to some dimly remembered remote tradition on border clashes betweenthe ancient Iranian Aryans and the Vedic Aryans. Probably, the "Ditija" Chandravarman (a Kamboja) ofMahabharata and "Ditija" Shumbha of Markendeya Purana/Srimad-Devi-Bhagawatam texts refer to samepersonage.
Iranian vs Indian affinities of the Kambojas
There are also references in Sanskrit literature which suggest that a section of the Kambojas was probably alsounder Vedic cultural influence. There is reference to a sage from Kamboja clan mentioned in the "VamshaBrahmana" [ Vamsha Brahmana 1.18-19.] of Sama Veda. This Sage Kamboja is referred to as the pupil of sageShaungayani Madrakara. Sage Madrakara belonged to Uttara-Madra tribe (Vedic Index). These Uttara-Madraswere an Iranian settlement of the Bahlika Uttara-Madras (Jean Przyluski). An ancient Vedic "ChudakarmaSamskara" in "Paraskara GrhyaSutram" lists the Kambojas with the Vasishthas as a scholarly clan sharing commonsocial and religious customs with them [
:dakshinatah Kambujaanaam Vasisthaanaam, :ubhayato Atri Kashyapaanaam mundah Bhriguh,:panchachudaAngris. Vajasaneyaanaam eka mangalartha shikhino anyai/ :— "(Chudakarma Samskaara, ParaskaraGrhyaSutram 2.1.23, Commentary: Pt Harihar)" ] . The Mahabharata also reveals that, besides being fiercewarriors, all the Kamboja soldiers were also noted as "kritavidyash" or the scholars of the Vedas [ Mahabharata7.112.43-44.] .
These and similar references from ancient Sanskrit literature prove that a section of Kambojas had also comeunder Indo-Aryan cultural influence at some point in history. In the light of evidence presented above, severalscholars opine that the Kambojas had both Iranian as well as Indian affinities [Vedic Index I, p 138, Dr Macdonnel, Dr Keith.] [Ethnology of Ancient Bhārata – 1970, p 107, Dr Ram Chandra Jain.] [The Journal of Asian Studies – 1956, p 384, Association for Asian Studies, Far Eastern Association (U.S.).] [ Balocistān: siyāsī kashmakash, muz̤mirāt va rujḥānāt – 1989, p 2, Munīr Aḥmad Marrī.] [ India as Known to Pāṇini: A Study of the Cultural Materialin the Ashṭādhyāyī – 1953, p 49, Dr Vasudeva Sharana Agrawala.] [Afghanistan, p 58, W. K. Fraser, M. C. Gillet.] [Afghanistan, its People, its Society, its Culture, Donal N. Wilber, 1962, p 80, 311 etc.] [Iran, 1956, p 53, HerbertHarold Vreeland, Clifford R. Barnett.] [Geogramatical Dictionary of Sanskrit (Vedic): 700 Complete Revisions of theBest Books..., 1953, p 49, Dr Peggy Melcher, Dr A. A. McDonnel, Dr Surya Kanta, Dr Jacob Wackmangel, Dr V. S. Agarwala.] .
Classical definition of Scythia/Scythians
Strabo defines all Central Asian clans inhabiting east of Caspian Sea as Scythic or Scythian in culture [See: Lib.xi, p254; See also: Annals and Antiquities, I, p 49, fn 6, James Tod.] .
Diodorus further improves upon this definition and makes Mt. "Hemodos" as the dividing line between Scythia andIndia proper [Indika, Fragment 1, Diodorus II.35; See also: Annals and Antiquities, I, p 49, fn 6, James Tod.] . Mt"Hemodos" of the Greeks is stated to be Himalaya [Qv: Nonnos Dionysiaca 40.260.] . Mt Hemodos is also known as"Himaos", "Imaos" and "Paropamisos", but Greeks generally called it "Kaukasos" i.e. Caucasus, which was Greekdesignation for Hindukush. [Qv: Fragment IV, Strabo XV.i. II, p 689.] . Himalaya of ancient Sanskrit/Pali textsextended from eastern ocean to western ocean, and thus included the Hindukush and Karakoram ranges as well[Sumangavilasini, I.1; Geographical Data in Early Puranas, 1972, p 65.] .
This Scythia of the classical writers was known as "Shakadvipa" in ancient Sanskrit texts.
It is, therefore, very clear that the Central Asian tribes living east of the Caspian Sea, north ofHindukush/Karakoram and west of China, extending as far as Siberia, all fell into the Scythic or Scythian category ofthe ancient Greeks.
Scythic vs Indo-Aryan question of Kambojas
In view of the facts presented above, the historical situation, so far as the Kambojas are concerned, appears to besomething like the following: "The Kambojas were originally located across the Hindukush in Transoxiana in theScythian cultural belt of the classical writers". The "Kamboja-Rishika" expressions of Sanskrit texts indisputablyprove this fact. The reference to Kambojas, Sakas, Tukharas, Khasas jointly fighting Mahabharata war undersupreme command of Kamboja Sudakshina [Mahabharata 5.19.21-23; "The Nations of India at the Battle Betweenthe Pandavas and Kauravas", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1908, pp 313, 331, Dr F. E. Pargiter, (Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland).] also explains this fact. With passage of time, a section of the Kamboja had crossed the Hindukush and had also planted colonies in cis-Hindukush region inKunar/Swat valleys, and as far as Rajauri, west of Kashmir. This was the Kamboja country of Mahabharata. Sincethis region was close to Indo-Aryans, therefore, these cis-Hindukush Kambojas got exposed to dominant Vedicculture and thus became somewhat like Indo-Aryans. The Transoxian Kambojas i.e the Parama-Kambojas ofMahabharata, on the other hand, being located in pure Iranian or Scythic cultural belt, continued, as usual, to followthe Iranian culture, customs, mannerism and language. This explains as to why the ancient Kambojas, thoughdominantly attested to be Iranians, still betray some glimpses of Indo-Aryan culture and customs". The Scythic orIranic background of the Kambojas is also attested from the Mathura Lion Capital inscriptions of SakaMahaksatrapa Rajuvula, where Yuvaraja Kharaostes and his daughter Aiyasi, the chief queen of Rajuvula, arementioned as Kamuias (i.e of Kambojika or Kamboja extractions) [Corpus Inscrioptionum Indicarum, Vol II, Part I, pp xxxvi, 36, Dr. S. Konow.] . The Kambojas are stated by scholars to be a royal clan of the Sakas or Scythians[Ref: La vieille route de l'Inde de Bactres à Taxila, p 271, Dr A Foucher; See entry Kamboja in online "Heritage duSanskrit Dictionnaire, sanskrit-Francais", 2008, p 101, Gerard Huet, which defines Kamboja as: "clan royal [kṣatriya]
Kamboja des Śakās". See link: [http://sanskrit.inria.fr/Dico.pdf]; See also Serge Thion: On Some Cambodian Words, ThaiFunnan Project Newsletter (NEWSLETTER is edited by Scott Bamber and published in the Department ofAnthropology, Research School of Pacific Studies; printed at Central Printery; the masthead is by Susan Wigham ofGraphic Design (all of The Australian National University); Cf: Indian Culture, 1934, p 193, Indian Research Institute- India; cf: Notes on IndoScythian chronology, Journal of Indian History, xii, 21; Corpus Inscrioptionum Indicarum, Vol II, Part I, pp xxxvi, 36, Dr. S. Konow; Cf: History of Indian Administration, p 94, Dr B. N. Puri.] .
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kambojas

↧

A challenge in Itihāsa narratives. Documenting the role of रूप्याध्यक्ष in social-economic order रूप्येषु अध्यक्षः । कोषाध्यक्षे अमरः ।

July 26, 2018, 11:26 pm

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≪ Previous: kārṣāpaṇa (English 'cash') with Indus Script Hypertext rebus or rūpaka metaphor of twisted rope, plait meḍ 'iron' of agasāli 'goldsmith' , rūpa ‘coin,money’

https://tinyurl.com/y8hwleh6

This is an addendum to:

kārṣāpaṇa (English 'cash') with Indus Script Hypertext rebus or rūpaka metaphor of twisted rope, plait meḍ 'iron' of agasāli 'goldsmith' , rūpa ‘coin,money’ https://tinyurl.com/ya3r6msj
An abstraction called Rūpa became a medium of trade exchanges, exchanges in property and wealth-generation transactions in a polity.

As civilization progressed from barter economy to a financially-regulated social grouping, the role of रूप्याध्यक्ष in ancient Indian polity, becomes central and pivotal to maintaining social-economic order, consistent with śreṇi dharma or ethical conduct of comparable, precursors of hanseatic leagues (of Europe) of millennia before common era.

The challenge in Itihāsa narratives is to document the evolution of rules related to monetary transactions from ca. 1st millennium BCE when 'cash money' or kārṣāpaṇawas brought into circulation in Eurasia.

Kalyanaraman

रूप, त् क तत्कृतौ । इति कविकल्पद्रुमः ॥(अदन्त चुरा०-पर०-सक०-सेट् ।) तत्कृतीरूपकरणम् । अरुरूपत् प्रतिमां शिल्पी । प्रति-माया रूपं करोतीत्यर्थः । निपूर्व्वः स्वरूप-कथने । अनुमानं निरूप्यत इत्यनुमानखण्डम् ।इति दुर्गादासः ॥

रूपं, क्ली, (रूयते कीर्त्त्यते रौतीति वा ।रु + “खष्पशिल्पशष्पेति ।” उणा० ३ । २८ ।इति पः दीर्घश्च । रूपयतीति । रुप् + अच्वा ।) स्वभावः । सौन्दर्य्यम् । मकम् ।पशुः । शब्दः । ग्रन्थावृत्तिः । नाटकादिः ।आकारः । (यथा, मनुः । ७ । ७७ ।“तदध्यास्योद्बहेद्भार्य्यां सवर्णां लक्षणान्विताम् ।कुले महति सम्भूतां हृद्यां रूपगुणान्विताम् ॥”)श्लोकः । इति मेदिनीशब्दरत्नावलीभूरि-प्रयोगाः ॥ (स्वरूपम् । यथा, मनुः । ८ । ४५ ।“देशं रूपञ्च कालञ्च व्यवहारविधौ स्थितः ॥”)शुक्लादिः । नामकस्थाने नाणकम् । इतिनानार्थरत्नमालाविश्वहेमचन्द्राः ॥ * ॥ रूपन्तुषोडशविधम् । यथा । ह्रस्वम् १ दीर्घम् २स्थूलम् ३ चतुरस्रम् ४ वृत्तम् ५ शुक्लम् ६कृष्णम् ७ नीलारुणम् ८ रक्तम् ९ पीतम् १०कठिनम् ११ चिक्कणम् १२ श्लक्ष्णम् १३ पिच्छि-लम् १४ मृदु १५ दारुणम् १६ । इति महा-भारते मोक्षधर्म्मः ॥ * ॥ तस्य लक्षणं यथा, --“अङ्गान्यभूषितान्येव केनचिद्भूषणादिना ।येन भूषितवद्भान्ति तद्रूपमिति कथ्यते ॥”इत्युज्ज्वलनीलमणिः ॥न्यायमते तत् क्षुरिन्द्रियग्राह्यम् । द्रव्यादि-प्रत्यक्षकारणम् । चक्षुः सहकारि । शुक्लाद्य-नेकप्रकारम् । जलादिपरमाणुरूपं नित्यम् ।अन्यत्र अनित्यम् । यथा, --“चक्षुर्ग्राह्यं भवेद्रूपं द्रव्यादेरुपलम्भकम् ।चक्षुषः सहकारि स्याच्छुक्लादिकमनेकधा ।जलादिपरमाणौ तन्नित्यमन्यत् सहेतुकम् ॥”इति भाषापरिच्छेदः ॥

उत्तरपदस्थरूपादिशब्दस्य उपमानवाचक-त्वम् । यथा, --“स्युरुत्तरपदे प्रख्यः प्रकारः प्रतिमो निभः ।भूतरूपोपमाः काशः सन्निभः प्रथितः परः ॥”इति हेमचन्द्रः ॥अतिशयरूपस्य दोषो यथा, --उमोवाच ।“रूपातिशयसम्पन्ना नानागुणसमन्विताः ।किमर्थं दुःखिता जाताः कान्तसौख्यविवर्ज्जिताः ॥ईश्वर उवाच ।

दमयन्ती तथा सीता रूपातिशयपारगा ।दुःखिता तेन संजाता कान्तसौख्यविवर्ज्जिता ॥अहल्या बन्धकी जाता कपिलस्य तु योषिता ।रूपस्य तु प्रभावेण दासी जाता तिलोत्तमा ॥तस्माद्रपञ्च नेच्छन्ति लक्षणज्ञास्तपोधनाः ।अतिरूपेण स्वल्पायुः पुरुषो योषितोऽपि वा ।अथवा सौख्यहीनस्तु जायते तु महातपे ॥”इति देवीपुराणे नन्दाकुण्डप्रवेशाध्यायः ॥तद्बैदिकपर्य्यायः । निर्णिक् १ वव्रिः २ वर्पः ३वपुः ४ अमतिः ५ अप्सः ६ प्सुः ७ अप्नः ८पिष्टम् ९ पेशः १० कृशनम् ११ प्सरः १२

अर्ज्जुनम् १३ ताम्रम् १४ अरुषम् १५ शिल्पम्१६ । इति षोडशरूपनामानि । इति वेद-निघण्टौ ३ अध्यायः ॥

रूपकं, क्ली, (रूपयतीति । रूपि + ण्वुल् ।)नाटकम् । (“तस्य रूपकसंज्ञाहेतुमाह । रूपा-रोपात्तु रूपकम् । रूपकस्य भेदानाह ।नाटकमथ प्रकरणं

भाणव्यायोगसमवकारडिमाः ।ईहामृगाङ्कवीथ्यःप्रहसनमिति रूपकाणि दश ॥किञ्च ।नाटिका त्रोटकं गोष्ठी सट्टकं नाट्यरासकम् ।प्रस्थानोल्लाप्यकाव्यानि प्रेङ्खणं रासकं तथा ॥संलापकं श्रीगदितं शिल्पकञ्च विलासिका ।दुर्मल्लिका प्रकरणी हल्लीशो भाणिकेति च ॥अष्टादश प्राहुरुपरूपकाणि मनीषिणः ।

विना विशेष सर्व्वेषां लक्ष्म नाटकवन्मतम् ॥”इति साहित्यदर्पणे ६ परिच्छेदः ॥)मूर्त्तम् । (यथा, कथासरित्सागरे । ५५ । ४३ ।“आदिश्यताञ्च चित्रे किमालिखामीह रूप-कम् ॥”)काव्यालङ्करणम । इति मेदिनी । के, १४८ ॥शेषस्य लक्षणं यथा, --“रूपकं रूपितारोपात् विषये निरपह्नवे ।तत् परम्परितं साङ्गं निरङ्गमिति च त्रिधा ॥यत्र कस्यचिदारोपः परारोपणकारणम् ।तत् परम्परितं श्लिष्टाश्लिष्टशब्दनिबन्धनम् ॥प्रत्येकं केवलं मालारूपञ्चेति चतुर्व्विधम् ।अङ्गिनो यदि साङ्गस्य रूपणं साङ्गमेव तत् ॥समस्तवस्तुविषयमेकदेशविवर्त्ति च ।आरोप्याणामशेषाणां शाब्दत्वे प्रथमं मतम् ॥यत्र कस्यचिदार्थत्वमेकदेशविवर्त्ति तत् ।

निरङ्गं केवलस्यैव रूपणं तदपि द्बिधा ॥माला केवलरूपत्वात् तेनाष्टौ रूपके भिदाः ॥”इति साहित्यदर्पणे १० परिच्छेदः ॥अपि च ।“अभेदो भासते यस्मिन्नुपमानोपमेययोः ।रूपकं कथ्यते सद्भिरलङ्कारोत्तमं यथा ॥तन्वि युष्मन्मखाम्भोजं लोलालकमधुव्रतम् ।न कस्य हरते चेतो लसद्दशनकेशरम् ॥अस्त्यनेकप्रकारत्वं रूपकोपमयोरपि ।संक्षेपेणोक्तमन्यत्तु सुधीभिरवधीयताम् ॥”इति काव्यचन्द्रिका ॥संख्याविशेषः । यथा, --

“सञ्चाली प्रोच्यते गुञ्जा सा तिस्रो रूपकं भवेत् ।रूपकैर्द्दशभिः प्रोक्तः कलञ्जो नाम नामतः ॥”इति युक्तिकल्पतरुः ॥(उपमानम् । यथा, साहित्यदर्पणे १० परिच्छेदे

समासोक्त्यलङ्कारे ।“यत्र तु रूप्यरूपकयोः सादृश्यमस्फुटमिति ॥”पुं, मुद्रा । यथा, कथासरित्सागरे । ७८ । १३ ।“अल्पे परिकरेऽप्येभिरियद्भिः स्वर्णरूपकैः ।

किमेष व्यसनं पुष्णात्यथ कञ्चन सद्ब्ययम् ॥”तथाच बृहत्संहितायाम् । ८१ । १२ ।“गुञ्जात्रयस्य मूल्यं पञ्चाशद्रूपका गुणयुतस्य ॥”)

रूपतत्त्वं, क्ली, (रूपस्य तत्त्वम् ।) शीलम् ।यथा, --“स्याद्रूपं लक्षणं भावश्चात्मप्रकृतिरीतयः ।सहजो रूपतत्त्वञ्च धर्म्मसर्गो निसर्गवत् ॥”इति हेमचन्द्रः । ६ । १२ ॥

रूपधारी, [न्] (रूपं धरतीति । धृ + णिनिः ।)सौन्दर्य्यविशिष्टः । यथा, --“ततो विकटरूपोऽसौ सर्व्वशास्त्रार्थपारगः ।विवाहयद्द्विजसुतां रूपेणानुपमां द्विजः ॥

सावमेने च भर्त्तारं सुशीलमपि भाविनी ।विरूपमिति मन्वाना ततः सोऽभूत् सुदुःखितः ॥ततो निर्व्वेदसंयुक्तो गत्वाश्रमपदं महत् ।इरावत्यास्तटे श्रीमान् रूपधारिणमासदत् ॥तमाराध्य जगन्नाथं नक्षत्रपुरुषेण हि ।सुरूपतामवाप्याग्र्यां तस्मिन्नेव च जन्मनि ॥”इति वामनपुराणे ७६ अध्यायः ॥

रूपनाशनः, पुं, (रूपस्य नाशनं अदर्शनं यत्र ।)पेचकः । इति शब्दरत्नावली ॥रूपवान्, [त्] त्रि, (रूपमस्यास्तीति । रूप +“रसादिभ्यश्च ।” ५ । २ । ९५ । इति मतुप् ।

मस्य वः ।) आकारविशिष्टः । (यथा, भाग-वते । २ । ५ । २७ ।“वायोरपि विकुर्व्वाणात् कालकर्म्मस्वभावतः ।उदपद्यत वै तेजो रूपवत् स्पर्शशब्दवत् ॥”)

सौन्दर्य्ययुक्तः । (यथा, महाभारते । ३ ।४५ । १२ ।“सत्यवाक् पूजितो वक्ता रूपवाननहङ्कृतः ॥”)

रूपाजीवा, स्त्री, (रूपेण सौन्दर्य्येण आजीव-तीति । आ + जीव् + अच् । टाप् ।) वेश्या ।इत्यमरः । २ । ६ । १९ ॥ (यथा, रामायणे ।२ । ३६ । ३ ।“रूपाजीवाश्च वादिन्यो णिजश्च महाधनाः ।शोभयन्तु कुमारस्य वाहिनीः सुप्रसारिताः ॥”)

रूपास्त्रः, पुं, (रूपमेव अस्त्रं यस्य ।) कामदेवः ।इति त्रिकाण्डशेषः ॥

रूपिका, स्त्री, (रूपमस्या अस्तीति । रूप + ठन् ।)श्वेतार्कवृक्षः । इति रत्नमाला ॥ (यथा,सुश्रुते । ५ । ६ ।“पललं तिलतैलञ्च रूपिकायाः पयो गुडः ॥”)

रूपेश्वरी, स्त्री, (रूपाणामीश्वरी ।) देवीविशेषः ।सा तु प्रभवादिषष्टिवर्षान्तर्गतैकविंशवर्षे पूज्या ।यथा, --“रूपेश्वरी प्रकर्त्तव्या वृषयुग्मव्यवस्थिता ।जटामुकुटभारेन्दुत्रिशूलोरगभूषणा ॥मणिमौक्तिकशोभाढ्या सितचन्दनचर्च्चिता ।पूजिता कुसुमैर्हृद्यैः सर्व्वकामफलप्रदा ॥”इति देवीपुराणे संवत्सरदेवताविंशतिविधिः

प्रथमः ॥

रूप्यं, क्ली, (आहतं रूपं अस्यास्तीति । रूप् +“रूपादाहतप्रशंसयोर्यप् ।” ५ । २ । १२० । इतियप् ।) आहतस्वर्णरजतम् । इत्यमरः । २ । ९ ।९१ ॥ हेम रूप्यञ्च आहतं अश्ववराहपुरुषादि-रूपमुत्थापयितुं निर्घातिकया ताडितं रूप्य-मुच्यते रूपाय आहतं रूप्यं ढघे कादितिष्ण्यः । इति भरतः ॥ * ॥ धातुविशेषः । रूपाइति भाषा ॥ (यथा, महाभारते । ५ ।३९ । ७९ ।“सुवर्णस्य मलं रूप्यं रूप्यस्यापि मलं त्रपु ।ज्ञेयं त्रपु मलं सीसं सीसस्यापि मलं मलम् ॥”)तत्पर्य्यायः । शुभ्रम् २ वसुश्रेष्ठम् ३ रुधिरम् ४

चन्द्रलोहकम् ५ श्वेतकम् ६ महाशुभ्रम् ७रजतम् ८ तप्तरूपकम् ९ चन्द्रभूति १० सितम् ११तारम् १२ कलधूतम् १३ इन्द्रलोहकम् १४रौप्यम् १५ धौतम् १६ सौधम् १७ चन्द्र-

हासम् १८ । इति राजनिर्घण्टः ॥ खर्ज्जूरम् १९दुर्व्वर्णम् २० श्वेतम् २१ रङ्गबीजम् २२ राज-रङ्गम् २३ लोहराजकम् २४ । इति शब्दरत्ना-वली ॥ कलधौतम् २५ । इति जटाधरः ॥ अस्यगुणाः । स्निग्धत्वम् । कषायत्वम् । अम्लत्वम् ।विपाके मधुरत्वम् । सरत्वम् । वातपित्तहरत्वम् ।रुच्यत्वम् । वलीपलितनाशित्वञ्च । इति राज-

निर्घण्टः ॥ * ॥ अथ रूप्यस्योत्पत्तिनामलक्षण-गुणाः ।“त्रिपुरस्य वधार्थाय निर्निमेषैर्व्विलोकनैः ।निरीक्षयामास शिवः क्रोधेन परिपूरितः ॥ततस्तूल्का समपतत्तस्यैकस्माद्विलोकनात् ।अतो रुद्रः समभवद्बैश्वानर इव ज्वलन् ॥द्वितीयादपतन्नेत्रादश्रुबिन्दुस्तु वामकात् ।तस्माद्रजतमुत्पन्नमुक्तकर्म्मसु योजयेत् ॥कृत्रिमञ्च भवेत्तद्धि रङ्गादिरसयोगतः ।रूप्यन्तु रजतं तारं चन्द्रकान्ति सितं शुभम् ॥गुरु स्निग्धं मृदु श्वेतं दाहच्छेदघनक्षयम् ।स्वर्णाद्यं चन्द्रवत् स्वच्छं रूप्यं नवगुणं शुभम् ॥

कठिनं कृत्रिमं रूक्षं रक्तं पीतं दलं लघु ।दाहच्छेदघनैर्नष्टं रूप्यं दुष्टं प्रकीर्त्तितम् ॥रूप्यं शीतं कषायाम्लं स्वादुपाकरसं सरम् ।वयसः स्थापनं स्निग्धं लेखनं वातपित्तजित् ॥

प्रमेहादिकरोगांश्च नाशयत्यचिरात् ध्रुवम् ।तारं शरीरस्य करोति तापंविध्वंसनं यच्छति शुक्रनाशम् ।वीर्य्यं बलं हन्ति तनोश्च पुष्टिंमहागदान् पोषयति ह्यशुद्धम् ॥”

अथ मारणाय योग्यं रूप्यमाह ।“गुरु स्निग्धं मृदु श्वेतं दाहच्छेदघनक्षयम् ।वर्णाढ्यं चन्द्रवत् स्वच्छं तारे नवगुणं स्मृतम् ॥”अथायोग्यम् ।“कठिनं कृत्रिमं रूक्षं रक्तं पीतं दलं लघु ।दाहच्छेदघनैर्नष्टं रूप्यं दुष्टं प्रकीर्त्तितम् ॥”अथ शोधनविधिः ।“पत्तलीकृतपत्राणि तारस्याग्नौ प्रतापयेत् ।निषिञ्चेत् तप्ततप्तानि तैले तक्रे च काञ्जिके ॥गोमूत्रे च कुलत्थानां कषाये च त्रिधा त्रिधा ।एवं रजतपत्राणां विशुद्धिः संप्रजायते ॥”अथाशुद्धस्य रूप्यस्य दोषमाह ।“रूप्यं ह्यशुद्धन्तु करोति तापंविध्वंसनं वीर्य्यबलक्षयञ्च ।देहस्य पुष्टिं हरते तनोतिरोगांस्ततः शोधनमस्य कुर्य्यात् ॥”अथ रूप्यस्य मारणविधिः ।“भागैकं तालकं मर्द्यं याममम्लेन केनचित् ।तेन भागत्रयं तारपत्राणि परिलेपयेत् ॥धृत्वा मूषापुटे रुद्ध्वा पुटेत् त्रिंशद्वनोपलैः ।समुद्धृत्य पुनस्तालं दत्त्वा रुद्ध्वा पुनः पचेत् ।एवं चतुर्द्दशपुटैस्तारं भस्म प्रजायते ॥”अन्यप्रकारः ।“स्नुहीक्षीरेण संपिष्टं माक्षिकं तेन लेप-येत् ।तालकस्य प्रकारेण तारपत्राणि बुद्धिमान् ।पुटे चतुर्द्दशपुटैस्तारं भस्म प्रजायते ॥”एवं मारितस्य रूप्यस्य गुणाः ।“रूप्यं शीतं कषायाम्लं स्वादुपाकरसं सरम् ।

वयसः स्थापनं स्निग्धं लेखनं वातपित्तजित् ॥प्रमेहादिकरोगांश्च नाशयत्यचिरात् ध्रुवम् ॥”इति भावप्रकाशः ॥अथ रूप्यकरणम् ।“मध्वाज्यं गुडताम्रञ्च करेणा माक्षिकं रसम् ।धमनाच्च भवेद्रौप्यं सुवर्णकरणं शृणु ॥”इति गारुडे १८८ अध्यायः ॥

रूप्यं, त्रि, (प्रशस्तं रूपं अस्यास्तीति । रूप +“रूपादाहतप्रशंसयोर्यप् ।” ५ । २ । १२० ।इति यप् ।) सुन्दरम् । इति मेदिनी । ये, ५० ॥(क्ली, उपमेयम् । यथा, साहित्यदर्पणे १० परि-च्छेदे समासोक्त्यलङ्कारे ।“तत्र हि तिमिरांशुकयोर्रूप्यरूपकभावो द्बयो-रावरकत्वेन स्फुटमिति ॥” * ॥ पुं, प्रत्ययविशेषः ।स च तत आगत इत्येतस्मिन्विषये “हेतुमनुष्ये-भ्योऽन्यतरस्यां रूप्यः ।” ४ । ३ । ८१ । इतिसूत्रेण हेतुभ्यो मनुष्येभ्यश्चान्यतरस्यां भवति ॥यथा समादागतं समरूप्यम् । देवदत्तरूप्यम् ॥)

रूप्याध्यक्षः, पुं, (रूप्यस्य रूप्ये वा अध्यक्षः ।)नैष्किकः । इत्यमरः ॥ रूप्यं रजतं तदेव निष्कंपूर्ब्बवत् ष्णिकः रजताध्यक्षो नैष्किकः । टङ्कक-पतिर्नैष्किक इत्यन्ये । पुरुषाश्वादिरूपं गठितंरजतं रूप्यं तस्याध्यक्षो नैष्किक इति केचित् ।इति भरतः ॥

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः

रूप रूपान्वितकरणे चुरा० उभ० सक० सेट् । रूपयति ते अरुरूपत् त । नि + प्रमाणोपन्यासेन स्वरूपादिकथने ।

रूप न० रूप--क भावे अच् वा । १ स्वभाव, २ सौन्दर्य्ये, ३ पशौ, ४ नाम्नि, ५ शब्दे, ६ ग्रन्थावृत्तौ, ७ दृश्यकाव्ये नाटकादौ ८ श्लोके ९ आकारे च मेदि० । शब्दधातूनां विभक्तियोगेन १० निष्पन्नशब्दे, ११ शुक्लादिवर्णे च १२ तद्गति त्रि० । उत्तरपदस्थः सदृशार्थे त्रि० यथा पित्ररूपस्तनय मातृ- रूपा कन्या । १३ एकसंख्यान्विते न० “रूपं भजेत् स्यात् परिपूर्त्तिकालः” लीलावती । “एकाव्यक्तं शोधयेदन्य- पक्षात् रूपाण्यन्यस्येतरस्माच्च पक्षादिति” वौजगणितोक्ते

१४ अव्यक्तराशिसहचरितव्यक्तसंख्यान्विते च । आकारव- र्णरूपरूपस्य षोडश भेदाः तत्र परिमाणकृता रूपाकारस्य ह्रस्वदीर्घथतुरस्ववृत्तेति पञ्च भेदाः । वर्णस्य ग्रक्लकृष्ण नीलारुणरक्तषीतेति पञ्च भेदाः स्पर्शकृता आकारभेदाः कठिनचिक्कणश्लक्ष्णपिङ्गलमृदुदारणेति पञ्च भदाः इति

षोडशविधा भा० शा० उक्ताः । वैशेविकनये “चक्षु- र्ग्राह्यं तवेद्रूपं द्रव्यादेरुपलम्भकम् । चक्षुषः महकारि स्यात् शुक्लादिकमनेकधा” भाषा० । तच्च उद्भूतानुद्भूत- भेदेन द्विविधम् “उद्भूतरूपं नयनस्य गोचरः” भागोक्तेः उद्भूतरूपस्यैव प्रत्यक्षविषयता न परमाणुगतानुद्भूतस्य ।

तच्च पृथिव्यप्तेजसां गुणः “रूपद्रवत्वप्रत्यक्षयोगि स्यात् प्रथमं त्रिकम” भाषा० उक्तेः । सौन्दर्य्यरूपलक्षणमुज्ज्वल- मणिनोक्तं यथा “अङ्गान्धभूषितान्थेव केनचित् भूषणा-दिना । येन भूषितवद्भान्ति तदूपमिति कथ्यते” ।

रूपक न० रूपयत्यत्र रूपिण्वुल् । १ अभिनयप्रदर्शकेदृश्यकाव्यप्रभेदे, “रूपारोपात्तु रूपकम्” तद्दृश्यंकाव्यं नटैरामादिस्वरूपारोपात् रूपकमित्युच्यते” सा० द० ।

तच्च दशविधम् “नाटकमथप्रकरणं भाणव्यायोगसमव-कारडिमाः । ईहामृगाङ्कवीथ्यः प्रसहनमिति रूपकाणिदश सा० द० । दशरूपकग्रन्थेऽस्य विवृतिः । रूपमस्त्यस्य

कन् । २ मूर्त्ते त्रि० मेदि० रूप + स्वार्थे क । ३ शुक्लादिवर्णे, ४ आकारे च ५ अर्थालङ्कारभेदे, सा० द० श्रलङ्कार-शब्दे ४०२ पृ० दृश्यम् । ६ गुञ्जात्रयपरिमाणे “सञ्चाली

प्रोच्यते गुञ्जा तास्तिस्रो रूपकं भवेत्” युक्तिक० ।

रूपतन्मात्र न० सांख्यमतादिप्रसिद्धे तेजःपदार्थारम्भवे सूक्ष्मभूतभेदे तन्मात्रशब्दे ३२२९ पृ० दृश्यः ।

रूपधारिन् त्रि० रूपं धारयति धारि णिनि । १ रूपवति,२ सौन्दर्य्यान्विते, ३ वेशान्तरग्राहिणि नटे च ।

रूपवत् त्रि० रूप + मतुप् मस्य वः । १ शुभ्रादिरूपविशिष्टे,२ सौन्दर्य्ययुक्ते ३ आकारविशिष्टे च ।

रूपाजीवा स्त्री रूपं सौन्दर्य्यमाजीवो जीविका यस्याः ।वेश्यायाम् अमरः ।

रूपिका स्त्री रूपमस्त्यस्य ठन् । श्वेतार्कवृक्षे रत्नमा० ।

रूप्य न० रूपाय आहन्यते स्वर्णादि यत् । अलङ्कारादिनि-र्म्माणाय आहन्थमाने १ स्वर्णे २ रजते च अमरः । स्वार्थेयत् । ३ रजतमात्रे रजतशब्दे ४७८९ पृ० दृश्यम् ।४ सुन्दरे त्रि० मेदि० ।

रूप्याध्यक्ष पु० रूप्येषु अध्यक्षः । कोषाध्यक्षे अमरः ।

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्/

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Indus Script Inscription on the Great Wall of India signifies metals manufactories, मेढा mēḍhā 'endless-knot' rūpaka medhā, 'yajña, dhanam'

July 27, 2018, 7:24 am

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https://tinyurl.com/ycouohqe

Indus Script Inscription on the Great Wall of India signifies metals manufactories, मेढा mēḍhā 'endless-knot' rūpaka medhā, 'yajña, dhanam'. This also signifies brahma-somāraṇya (Arthaśāstra 2.2.2), which was protected by the defensive Great Wall of India.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=4sEQHTdM8h4 (1:07)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vMzbE3mTw8U (1:58)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fTlaXzEy85o (6:47)

I refer to the endless-knot motif at Gorakhpur Deori (Madhya Pradesh) as the Indus Script Inscription. I suggest that this is the ketu, proclamation of the performance of a medhā, 'yajña', a Soma samstha yajña in the manufactories behind the defensive wall.

I suggest that this inscription describes the ongoing metalwork along the Great Wall of India of Raisen District, Madhya Pradesh.

The inscription is a hypertext/hieroglyph, it is entwined, endless knot on stone.

Two leads to unravel the creation of wealth of the nation in ancient times:

1. Brahma somāraṇya is an expression mentioned by Kautilya in Arthaśāstra from which State got revenue.

2. Endless knot is an Indus Script hieroglyph read rebus in Meluhha: मेढा [mēḍhā] 'twist, curl' Rūpaka, 'metaphor' or rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper,metal', med 'copper' (Slavic languages) medhā, 'yajna, dhanam, धन Naigh. ii , 10.'

Image result for endless knot raisen wall

The Great Wall of India is between 80 to 120 kms. from the Vindhya ranges to Jabalpur. The defensive wall stretches between Gorakhpur-Deori to Chokigarh in Chainpur Bardi in the Raisen district, Madhya Pradesh, India. I suggest that the wall protected the activities in brahma-somāraṇya mentioned in Kauṭilya's

Arthaśāstra. (Note on possible association with metalwork wealth: कुटिलिका kuṭilikā कुटिलिका A blacksmith's forge; कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ कौटिलिकः 1 A hunter. -2 A blacksmith.)

I suggest that behind the defensive wall, metals manufactories were situated and required a protective structure of the Great Wall. The revenue of the State from brahma-somāraṇya would have included the revenue from such metals manufactories.

Look closely, the two snakes are not knotted up but artfully entwined, indicating that the artist took care over the design. The icon stands at one end of the wall, near Gorakhpur. (Pratik Chorge/HT PHOTO)

Near Gorakhpur, Madhya Pradesh where the wall begins, there is an Indus Script Hypertext/hieroglyph of an endless-knot motif formed by two entwined serpents and cobra-hoods. फडा phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága Rebus: phaḍa फड 'manufactory, company, guild, public office'; Ta. paṭṭaṭai, paṭṭaṟai anvil, smithy, forge. Ka. paṭṭaḍe, paṭṭaḍi 'anvil'. मेढा [mēḍhā] 'twist, curl' rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper,metal', med

'copper' (Slavic languages) medhā, 'yajna, dhanam, धन Naigh. ii , 10.'

The Indus Script Hypertext of 'endless knot' which appears on the Gorakhpur-Deori sculptural friese, also appears on Dhruva II inscription:

Image result for bharatkalyan97 endless knot

A new copper plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rāṣṭrakūṭa branch, dated saka 806 (AS Altekar, Epigraphia INdica, Vol. XXII, 1933-34, pp. 64-76).

Dhruva II Inscription Gujarat Rashtrakuta 884 CE (H. Sarkar & BM Pande). A new copper plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta branch, datedsaka 806 (AS Altekar, Epigraphia INdica, Vol. XXII, 1933-34, pp. 64-76). Note the signature of the king on line 69 in Kannada while the inscription is in Samskrtam. After the signature and before the word लिखितं 'likhitam' is engraved an ornamental design. It is an Indus Script hieroglyph: 'endless knot' which occurs on a number of inscriptions which is deciphered in this monograph: .मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda). Rebus: medha 'yajna'.मेध [p= 832,3] an animal-sacrifice , offering , oblation , any sacrifice (esp. ifc.) ib. MBh. &c

मेधाa symbolical N. of the letter ध् Up.= धन Naigh. ii , 10. any valued object , (esp.) wealth , riches , (movable) property , money , treasure , gift RV. &c.

Consistent with Naighantuka, the word medhA also means 'कविधानम्' according to s'abdakalpadruma: I assume that medhA = dhAnam means (in the context of the hieroglyph on Dhruva II inscription): धानम् dhānam नी nī धानम् नी [धा भावे-ल्युट्] 1 A receptacle, seat; as in मसीधानी, राजधानी, यमधानी; रविं दधाने$प्यरविन्दधाने Śi.4.12. -2 Nourishing, nourishment. -नी 1 The site of a habitation.

मेधा, स्त्री, (मेधते सङ्गच्छते अस्यामिति । मेध् + “षिद्भिदादिभ्योऽङ् ।” ३ । ३ । १०४ । इत्यङ् । टाप् ।) धारणावती बुद्धिः । इत्यमरः । १ । ५ । २ ॥ धारणाशक्तियुक्ता धीर्मेधा मेधते सङ्गच्छतेऽस्यां सर्व्वं बहुश्रुतं विषयीकरोति इति वा मेधा मेधृ-ञ सङ्गे मेधायां सेमक्तात् सरोरित्यः आपबहु-श्रुतविषयीकरणं धारणा यदुक्तं धारणा बुद्धे- र्गुणविशेषः इति ॥ इति भरतः ॥ * ॥ (यथा, मुण्डकोपनिषदि । ३ । २ । ३ । “नायमात्मा प्रवचनेन लभ्यो न मेधया न बहुना श्रुतेन । यमेवैष वृणुते तेन लभ्य- स्तस्यैष आत्मा विवृणुते तनूं स्वाम् ॥”) मेधाकरं औषधं यथा, -- “शङ्खपुष्पी वचा सोमा ब्राह्मीब्रह्मसुवर्च्चला । अभया च गुडूची च अटरूषकवाकुची । एतैरक्षसमैर्भागैर्घृतं प्रस्थं विपाचयेत् ॥ कण्टकार्य्या रस प्रस्थं बृहत्या च समन्वितम् । एतद्ब्राह्मीघृतं नाम स्मृतिमेधाकरं परम् ॥”ति गारुडे १९८ अध्यायः ॥ * ॥ मेधाकरगणो यथा । सतताध्ययनम् । तत्त्व- ज्ञानकथा ।श्रेष्ठतन्त्रशास्त्रावलोकनम् । सद्द्वि- जाचार्य्यसेवा च । इति पुराणम् ॥ (दक्षप्रजा- पतिकन्याविशेषः । यथा, -- “कीर्त्तिलक्ष्मी र्धृतिर्मेघा पुष्टिः श्रद्धा क्रिया मतिः ॥” इति वह्निपुराणे गणभेदनामाध्याये ॥ धनम् । इति निघण्टुः । २ । १० ॥ “मिधृ मेधृ सङ्गमे च । चकारात् हिंसामेधयोश्च । मिधिः सङ्गत्यर्थः ।इति माधवः । घज् । सङ्गच्छतेऽनेन सर्व्वं तद्बता हिंस्यते वा तद्वान् चौरादिभिः घ्नन्ति चैवार्थकारणात् इति महाभारतम् ॥ यद्वा, मतौ धीयते अर्जयितव्यंरक्षितव्यं दातव्य- मिति धनवता बुद्धौ धनं धार्य्यते । तत्र मति- शब्द उपपदे धातोः घञर्थे कविधानम् इति कः । पृषोदरादित्वात् मतिशब्दस्य मेभावः।” इति तद्भाष्ये देवराजयज्वा ॥)

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः/

The dAna referred in the grant signed by Dhruva II also includes dhana 'property, gift' signified by mēḍhā'twist' rebus: medhA, and hence, the use of the Indus Script hieroglyph.

"While the history of the early Rashtrakutas has caused much debate, the history of the Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta (in present-dayGulbarga) of the 8th–10th centuries can be accurately constructed because numerous contemporaneous inscriptions and texts refer to them. The crux of the Manyakheta empire extended from the Kaveri river in the south to the Narmada in the north. At their peak they were the only south Indian empire that conquered regions in far northern India (Kannauj) as well as the extreme south (Tamilakam). The Lata branch of the empire (in present-day Gujarat) was an important dynasty belonging to the Manyakheta family line which later merged with the Manyakheta kingdom during the 9th century...ancient clan names such as "Rashtrika", epithets such as Ratta, Rashtrakuta, Lattalura Puravaradhiswara,..The appearance of the terms Rathika, Ristika (Rashtrika) or Lathika in conjunction with the terms Kambhoja and Gandhara in some Ashokan inscriptions of the 2nd century BCE from Mansera and Shahbazgarhi in North Western Frontier Province (present day Pakistan), Girnar (Saurashtra) and Dhavali (Kalinga) and the use of the epithet "Ratta" in many later inscriptions has prompted a claim that the earliest Rashtrakutas were descendants of the Arattas, natives of the Punjab region from the time of Mahabharata who later migrated south and set up kingdoms there" (Reu, Pandit Bisheshwar Nath (1997) [1933]. History of the Rashtrakutas (Rathodas). Jaipur: Publication Scheme)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Origin_of_Rashtrakuta_Dynasty

" A Saundatti inscription refers to an assemblage of all the people of a district headed by the guilds of the region." (Altekar, Anant Sadashiv (1934) [1934]. The Rashtrakutas And Their Times; being a political, administrative, religious, social, economic and literary history of the Deccan during C. 750 A.D. to C. 1000 A.D. Poona: Oriental Book Agency, p.368).

In Indus Script Corpora, 'endless knot' hieroglyph can be read with two hieroglyph components: 1. strand of rope or string; 2. twist: dām 'rope, string' rebus: dhāu 'ore' rebus: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ
'iron' (Munda).

Dotted-circle and trefoil hieroglyphs on the shawl of the statue of Mohenjo-daro priest are interpreted as orthographic signifiers, respectively, of: 1. single strand of string or rope; 2. three strands of string or rope. The glosses these hieroglyphs signify are, respectively: 1. Sindhi dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, Lahnda dhāī˜ id.; 2. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ (RigVeda). See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/priest-of-dhavad-iron-smelters-with.html

Priest of dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters' with Indus script hieroglyphs signifies पोतृ,'purifier' of dhāū, dhāv 'red stone minerals'

The inscription on Mohenjo-daro copper plate m1457 shows two hieroglyphs: 1. svastika; 2. ornamental figure of twisted string. Both hieroglyphs are read rebus in Meluhha:

satthiya 'svastika glyph' rebus: sattva, jasta 'zinc' PLUS dām 'rope, string' rebus: dhāu 'ore'; मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meD 'iron'(Santali.Mu.Ho.). The archaeo-metallurgical interpretation is that this inscription signifies zinc metallic ore, sphalerite.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/triskelion-mollusc-safflower-endless.html?view=classic

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/priest-of-dhavad-iron-smelters-with.html

Hieroglyph: मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' (Marathi) .L. meṛh f. ʻrope tying oxen to each other'.

मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi) mer.ha = twisted, crumpled, as a horn (Santali.lex.) meli, melika = a turn, a twist, a loop, entanglement; meliyu, melivad.u, meligonu = to get twisted or entwined (Te.lex.) [Note the endless knot motif]. Rebus: med. ‘iron’ (Mu.) sattva 'svastika glyph' Rebus: sattva, jasta 'zinc'.

The 'endless knot' hieroglyph on m1457 Copper plate of Mohenjo-daro has also orthographic variants of a twisted string.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/04/ant-twisted-rope-and-other-meluhha.html

The 'endless knot' hieroglyph can be interpreted as composed of two related semantics: 1. strand of rope or string; 2. twist or curl

Twisted rope as hieroglyph:

dhāˊtu strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.) S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773 ) Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn.Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(CDIAL 6773).
m479A eragu 'bow' rebus: erako 'moltencast, copper' baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: baTa 'iron' bhaTa 'furnace' kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. Thus, moltencast copper, iron furnace/smelter
gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'implements' kanda 'fire-alter' baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: baTa 'iron' koDa 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' Thus, metalcasting workshop PLUS karNika 'spread legs' meD 'body' rebus: karNI 'supercargo''scribe, account' thus, account of metalcasting workshop (products)
khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘turner’ (Gujarati) kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kaṁsa 'bronze' (Te.)

dhāu 'rope' rebus: dhāu 'metal' PLUS मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’.

m479B kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' adaren 'lid' rebus: aduru 'native metal' Thus, native metal handed to supercargo for shipment. kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' krammara 'look back' rebus: kamar 'artisan, smith' heraka 'spy' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' Thus, copper smelter artisan. erga 'act of clearing jungle' rebus: erako 'moltencast copper'

The hieroglyphs on m478a tablet are read rebus:

kuTi 'tree'Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'

bhaTa 'worshipper' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' baTa 'iron' (Gujarati) This hieroglyph is a phonetic deterinant of the 'rimless pot': baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron (Gujarati) bhaṭa 'a furnace'. Hence, the hieroglyph-multiplex of an adorant with rimless pot signifies: 'iron furnace' bhaTa.

bAraNe ' an offering of food to a demon' (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi. Bengali) The narrative of a worshipper offering to a tree is thus interpretable as a smelting of three minerals: copper, zinc and tin.

Numeral four: gaNDa 'four' Rebus: kand 'fire-altar'; Four 'ones': koḍa ‘one’ (Santali) Rebus: koḍ* ‘artisan’s workshop'. Thus, the pair of 'four linear strokes PLUS rimless pot' signifies: 'fire-altar (in) artisan's wrkshop'.

Circumscript of two linear strokes for 'body' hieroglyph: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' koḍa ‘one’(Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop'. Thus, the circumscript signifies 'cast metal workshop'. meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron'.

khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘turner’ (Gujarati)

m480A
m480B

3224

m478A

m478B

3239, 2815 Pict-77 Pict-77: Tree, generally within a railing or on a platform

Mohenjodaro, tablet in bas relief (M-478)
m0478B tablet erga = act of clearing jungle (Kui) [Note image showing two men carrying uprooted trees].
Aḍaru twig; aḍiri small and thin branch of a tree; aḍari small branches (Ka.); aḍaru twig (Tu.)(DEDR 67). Aḍar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) Vikalpa: kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = furnace (Santali) ḍhaṁkhara — m.n. ʻbranch without leaves or fruitʼ (Prakrit) (CDIAL 5524)
•era, er-a = eraka = ?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.)
•era_ = claws of an animal that can do no harm (G.)
•era female, applied to women only, and generally as a mark of respect, wife; hopon era a daughter; era hopon a man’s family; manjhi era the village chief’s wife; gosae era a female Santal deity; bud.hi era an old woman; era uru wife and children; nabi era a prophetess; diku era a Hindu woman (Santali)
•Rebus: er-r-a = red; eraka = copper (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) agasa_le, agasa_li, agasa_lava_d.u = a goldsmith (Te.lex.)
Hieroglyph: Looking back: krammara 'look back' (Telugu) kamar 'smith, artisan' (Santali)
erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.);
^ Inverted V, m478 (lid above rim of narrow-necked jar)
The rimmed jar next to the tiger with turned head has a lid. Lid ‘ad.aren’; rebus: aduru ‘native metal’
karnika 'rim of jar' Rebus: karni 'supercargo' (Marathi) Thus, together, the jar with lid composite hieroglyhph denotes 'native metal supercargo'.
kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi = (smelter) furnace (Santali)
eraka, hero = a messenger; a spy (G.lex.) kola ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.); rebus: kol working in iron, blacksmith, ‘alloy of five metals, panchaloha’ (Tamil) kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.) heraka = spy (Skt.); er to look at or for (Pkt.); er uk- to play 'peeping tom' (Ko.) Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Ka.) kōṭu branch of tree, Rebus: खोट [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge.
karn.aka = handle of a vessel; ka_n.a_, kanna_ = rim, edge;
kan.t.u = rim of a vessel; kan.t.ud.iyo = a small earthen vessel
kan.d.a kanka = rim of a water-pot; kan:kha, kankha = rim of a vessel
svastika pewter (Kannada); jasta = zinc (Hindi) yasada (Jaina Pkt.)
karibha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' Rebus: karba 'iron' (Tulu)
kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smith'
heraka 'spy' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper'
meDha 'ram' Rebus: meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho)
bAraNe ' an offering of food to a demon' (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi. Bengali) bhaTa 'worshipper' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' baTa 'iron' (Gujarati)
saman 'make an offering (Santali) samanon 'gold' (Santali)
minDAl 'markhor' (Torwali) meDho 'ram' (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: me~Rhet, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali)
heraka 'spy' (Samskritam) Rebus:eraka 'molten metal, copper'
maNDa 'branch, twig' (Telugu) Rebus: maNDA 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani)\karibha, jata kola Rebus: karba, ib, jasta, 'iron, zinc, metal (alloy of five metals)
maNDi 'kneeling position' Rebus: mADa 'shrine; mandil 'temple' (Santali)

The hieroglyphs on m478a tablet are read rebus:

kuTi 'tree'Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'

bhaTa 'worshipper' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' baTa 'iron' (Gujarati) This hieroglyph is a phonetic deterinant of the 'rimless pot': baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron (Gujarati) bhaṭa 'a furnace'. Hence, the hieroglyph-multiplex of an adorant with rimless pot signifies: 'iron furnace' bhaTa.

bAraNe ' an offering of food to a demon' (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi. Bengali) The narrative of a worshipper offering to a tree is thus interpretable as a smelting of three minerals: copper, zinc and tin.

Numeral four: gaNDa 'four' Rebus: kand 'fire-altar'; Four 'ones': koḍa ‘one’ (Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop'. Thus, the pair of 'four linear strokes PLUS rimless pot' signifies: 'fire-altar (in) artisan's wrkshop'.

Circumscript of two linear strokes for 'body' hieroglyph: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' koḍa ‘one’(Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop'. Thus, the circumscript signifies 'cast metal workshop'. meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron'.

khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘turner’ (Gujarati)
The hieroglyph may be a variant of a twisted rope.
dhāu 'rope' rebus: dhāu 'metal' PLUS मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’. Thus, metallic ore.

kōlam, n. [T. kōlamu, K. kōla, M. kōlam.] 'ornamental figure' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'

The inscription on m478 thus signifies, reading hieroglyphs from r.:

Tree: kuThi 'smelter'

Worshipper: bhaTa 'furnace'

Four linear strokes + rimless pot: kanda baTa 'fire-altar for iron'

Circumscript two linear strokes + body: meD koDa 'metal workshop'

Currycomb:khareḍo 'currycomb' rebus: kharādī ‘turner’; dhāu 'metal'

PLUS mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’; kol 'working in iron'. Together, the two hieroglyphs

signify metalworker, ironsmith turner.

m1356, m443 table मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi) mer.ha = twisted, crumpled, as a horn (Santali.lex.) meli, melika = a turn, a twist, a loop, entanglement; meliyu, melivad.u, meligonu = to get twisted or entwined (Te.lex.) [Note the endless knot motif]. Rebus: med. ‘iron’ (Mu.) Rebus: medh 'yajna' sattva 'svastika glyph' Rebus: sattva, jasta 'zinc'.

The set of hieroglyphs deciphered as: 1. zinc-pewter and 2. bronze:1. jasta, sattva and 2. kuṭila

Hieroglyph: sattva 'svastika hieroglyph'; jasta, dasta 'five' (Kafiri) Rebus: jasta, sattva 'zinc'

Hieroglyph: kuṛuk 'coil' Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass' Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr* m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl, °lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984)

Hieroglyph: kuṭi in cmpd. ʻ curve ʼ, kuṭika -- ʻ bent ʼ MBh. [√kuṭ1]
Ext. in H. kuṛuk f. ʻ coil of string or rope ʼ; M. kuḍċā m. ʻ palm contracted and hollowed ʼ, kuḍapṇẽ ʻ to curl over, crisp, contract ʼ. (CDIAL 3230)
kuṭilá ʻ bent, crooked ʼ KātyŚr., °aka -- Pañcat., n. ʻ a partic. plant ʼ lex. [√kuṭ1]
Pa. kuṭila -- ʻ bent ʼ, n. ʻ bend ʼ; Pk. kuḍila -- ʻ crooked ʼ, °illa -- ʻ humpbacked ʼ, °illaya -- ʻ bent ʼ(CDIAL 3231) kauṭilya n. ʻ crookedness ʼ Pāṇ., ʻ falsehood ʼ Pañcat. 2. kauṭiliya -- . [kuṭilá -- ]

1. Pa. kōṭilla* -- n. ʻ crookedness ʼ; Pk. kōḍilla -- m. ʻ backbiter ʼ.2. Pa. kōṭilya -- n. ʻ crookedness ʼ; Si. keḷilla, st. °ili<-> ʻ bending of the knees ʼ, °illen in̆dinavā ʻ to squat ʼ.(CDIAL 3557)
m1356 Copper plate
C-49, C-50

C-49 a,b,c
+ hieroglyph in the middle with covering lines around/dots in corners poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite'; dhAv 'strand' rebus: dhAv 'smelter'; kulA 'hooded snake' rebus: kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'; kolmo 'three' koD 'horn' rebus: kolimi 'smithy' koD 'workshop'. tri-dhAtu 'three strands, threefold' rebus: tri-dhAv 'three mineral ores'.
mḗdha m. ʻ sacrificial oblation ʼ RV. Pa. mēdha -- m. ʻ sacrifice ʼ; Si. mehe, mē sb. ʻ eating ʼ ES 69.(CDIAL 10327).
Thus, mḗdha is a yajna. गृहम् gṛham मेध a. 1 one who performs the domestic rites or sacrifices; गृह- मेधास आ गत मरुतो माप भूतन Rv.7.59.1.-2 connected with the duties of a householder. (-धः) 1 a householder. -2 a domestic sacrifice; मेधः 1 A sacrifice, as in नरमेध, अश्वमेध, एकविंशति- मेधान्ते Mb.14.29.18. (com. मेधो युद्धयज्ञः । 'यज्ञो वै मेधः'इति श्रुतेः ।). -2 A sacrificial animal or victim. -3 An offering, oblation. मेधा [मेध्-अञ्] (changed to मेधस् in Bah. comp. when preceded by सु, दुस् and the negative particle अ A sacrifice. -5 Strength, power (Ved.). मेध्य a. [मेध्-ण्यत्, मेधाय हितं यत् वा] 1 Fit for a sacrifice; अजाश्वयोर्मुखं मेध्यम् Y.1.194; Ms.5.54. -2 Relating to a sacrifice, sacrificial; मेध्येनाश्वेनेजे; R.13. 3; उषा वा अश्वस्य मेध्यस्य शिरः Bṛi. Up.1.1.1. -3 Pure, sacred, holy; भुवं कोष्णेन कुण्डोघ्नी मध्येनावमृथादपि R.1.84; 3.31;14.81 Mejjha (adj. -- nt.) [medhya; fr. medha] 1. (adj.) [to medha1] fit for sacrifice, pure; neg. a˚ impure Sdhp 363. medha [Vedic medha, in aśva, go˚, puruṣa˚ etc.] sacrifice only in assa˚ horse -- sacrifice (Pali)

मेढा [ mēḍhā ]'twist, curl'
rebus: meD 'iron, copper,metal‘ medha ‘yajna
Fatehpur Sikri (1569-1584 CE cf. RS Bisht

A3a and A3b

Hieroglyph: Endless knot
dhAtu 'strand of rope' Rebus: dhAtu 'mineral, metal, ore'धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c ; cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) tántu m. ʻ thread, warp ʼ RV. [√tan] Pa. tantu -- m. ʻ thread, cord ʼ, Pk. taṁtu -- m.; Kho. (Lor.) ton ʻ warp ʼ < **tand* (whence tandeni ʻ thread between wings of spinning wheel ʼ); S. tandu f. ʻ gold or silver thread ʼ; L. tand (pl. °dũ) f. ʻ yarn, thread being spun, string of the tongue ʼ; P. tand m. ʻ thread ʼ, tanduā, °dūā m. ʻ string of the tongue, frenum of glans penis ʼ; A. tã̄t ʻ warp in the loom, cloth being woven ʼ; B. tã̄t ʻ cord ʼ; M. tã̄tū m. ʻ thread ʼ; Si. tatu, °ta ʻ string of a lute ʼ; -- with -- o, -- ā to retain orig. gender: S. tando m. ʻ cord, twine, strand of rope ʼ; N. tã̄do ʻ bowstring ʼ; H. tã̄tā m. ʻ series, line ʼ; G. tã̄tɔ m. ʻ thread ʼ; -- OG. tāṁtaṇaü m. ʻ thread ʼ < **tāṁtaḍaü*, G.tã̄tṇɔ m.(CDIAL 5661)

मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10312).L. meṛh f. ʻrope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floorʼ(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: meḍ'iron'. mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)

Thus, together, a strand and a curl, the hieroglyph-multiplex of endless-knot signifies iron mineral. mRdu dhAtu (iron mineral).
m1457B Copper plate with 'twist' hieroglyph hāu 'rope' rebus: dhāu 'metal' PLUS मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’.

Amid MP’s forests, mountains, fields and villages stands Raisen’s wall, a structure that evokes more questions than answers. (Pratik Chorge/HT Photo)

The wall zig-zags across the Vindhya mountains just north of the Bhopal Jabalpur Road in Raisen district, and alongside, a man-made pond has been discovered. (Pratik Chorge, Ashwin Patil/HT Photo)

See:

Is it protected brahma somāraṇya, 80 km long Great Wall of India? Resolve ancient mystery

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2017/01/is-it-protected-brahma-somaranya-80-km.html

सोमःसंस्था a principal source of wealth for the ancient state, brahma-somāraṇya (4th cent. BCE Kauṭilya’s ArthaŚāstra.2.2.2) produces State revenue

http://tinyurl.com/jarqcwd

'Endless knot' hieroglyph on Indus Script mēḍhā 'twist' rebus med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) medhā 'dhana, yajna' http://tinyurl.com/j35muoc

The Indus Script continuity documenting wealth accounting ledgers is also recorded in the State formation and processes of amassing State revenues during Pre-Mauryan and Mauryan times of Ancient India.

A remarkably lucid documentation is provided in Kauṭilya’s Arthaśāstra.

Kauṭilya is identified with Cāṇakya (c. 350–283 BCE), mentor of the Mauryan emperor.

Artha is the sustenance or livelihood of people. A sutra enunciated: dharmasya mūlam artham, the basis for discharge of one’s responsibility is wealth.

The sequential refrain of Canakya NIti is: sukhasya mūlam dharmam. Dharmasya mūlam artham Arthasya mūlam rajyam. Rajyasya mūlam indriya vijayam.

Kauṭilya expounds on the role of the State and training of the crown prince in Chapter I with statements such as: Without government, rises disorder as in the Matsya nyayamud bhavayati (proverb on law of fishes). In the absence of governance, the strong will swallow the weak. In the presence of governance, the weak resists the strong.— ArthaŚāstra 1.4

The very second chapter devoted to artha starts with bhūmichidravidhāna focussing principally on wealth from forest areas. One such forest area which is a source of wealth – artha – for the state is (of uncultivable land) is brahma-somāraṇya (AŚ.2.2.2), that is forest area assigned to Brahmans and ascetics. Brahmans and ascetics saw the Aranyakas, principal documents of the Vedic narratives, enquiries and life-activities.

It appears from the prominent role assigned to artha ‘wealth’ from brahma-somāraṇya (AŚ.2.2.2) that Soma samsthA were major wealth-producing activities related to such forest areas: brahma-somāraṇya (AŚ.2.2.2). sōmḥ

सोमःसंस्था a form of the Soma-yAga; (these are seven:- अग्निष्टोम, अत्यग्निष्टोम, उक्थ, षोढशी, अतिरात्र, आप्तोर्याम and वाजपेय).

It appears that सोमःसंस्था particularly from brahma-somāraṇya -- i.e. from uncultivated forest lands -- were the principal sources of revenue of the State together with the land revenues collected from cultivable lands. This aspect of life in Ancient India is an area for further researches.

CHAPTER II. DIVISION OF LAND

bhūmichidravidhāna (AŚ.2.2) भूमि--च्छिद्र [p= 1331,2] land unfit for cultivation, Inscr.

THE King shall make provision for pasture grounds on uncultivable tracts. Bráhmans shall be provided with forests for brahma-somāraṇya (should be translated as: forests assigned for Soma yaga, see below), for religious learning, and for the performance of penance, such forests being rendered safe from the dangers from animate or inanimate objects, and being named after the tribal name (gótra) of the Bráhmans resident therein. A forest as extensive as the above, provided with only one entrance rendered inaccessible by the construction of ditches all round, with plantations of delicious fruit trees, bushes, bowers, and thornless trees, with an expansive lake of water full of harmless animals, and with tigers (vyála), beasts of prey (márgáyuka), male and female elephants, young elephants, and bisons—all deprived …Manufactories to prepare commodities from forest produce shall also be set up. (2.2.2, pp.65, 66) https://archive.org/download/Arthasastra_English_Translation/Arthashastra_of_Chanakya_-_English.pdf
http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00litlinks/kautilya/book02.htm

https://archive.org/download/arthasastraofkou014552mbp/arthasastraofkou014552mbp.pdf

Notes on brahma-somāraṇya (AŚ.2.2.2)

For settlement of ascetics and BrAhmanas devoted to the study of the Vedas, two types of forests wre identified: tapovana and brahma-somAraNya (AS 2.2.2)

ब्रह्मा* रण्य [p= 740,3] n. " holy forest " , a grove in which the वेद is studied L. brahman ब्रह्मन् One conversant with sacred knowledge -अरण्यम् 1 a place of religious study (Apte) BrahmAraNya mahAtmya is the name of a work.

Forest produce was dravyavana distinguished from hastivana which are animal sanctuaries. SamAharta. Dravyavana and brahmAraNya Protection against hindrances to such brahmAraNya had to be given priority by the State officials.

Within the boundary of the forest-area, Kupyādhyakṣa (Director, Forest Produce under the control of Samāhartā) was “to make arrangements, for the settlement of the foresters or forest-dwellers connected with the produce forests (aṭavīmśca dravyavanāpaśrayāh)- AŚ.2.2.5) and they were to preserve and protect forests from various hazards… Kālāyasa (iron), tāmra (copper), vṛtta (steel), kāmsa (bronze), sīsa (lead), trapu (tin), vaikṛntaka (mercury) and ārakūṭa (brass) are included in the group of base metals. These metals were intended for preparing ploughs, pestles, which provided livelihood (ājīva), and machines, weapons, etc. for protection of the city (purarakṣā) (AŚ. 2.17.17). It may be presumed that separate factories were established in forest zones for each class of production. In this context, Kauṭilya advises the Master of the Armoury (Āyudhāgārdhyakṣa) to be conversant with the raw, defence material in the forests and their qualities and to avoid any adulteration (AŚ. 2.18.20)… In the capital there was a store–house for forest produce (kupyagrha), built under the supervision of the Director of Stores (Sannidhātā) (AŚ.2.5.1).” (Manubendu Banerjee, 2011, Kauilya’s Arthasastra on Forestry in: Sanskrit Vimars’ah, pp. 121-132), pp.123,127,128) http://www.sanskrit.nic.in/svimarsha/V6/c9.pdf

Director of mines (Ākarādhyakṣa) (AŚ. 2.12) controlled the production of ores from mines.

Kupyādhyakṣa was in charge of setting up factories in the forests for producing serviceable articles (AS 2.17.2). Chief Ordnance Officer (Āyudhāgārādhyakṣa) supervised the business based on various types of forest-produce in the factories (AŚ. 2.18.20). Such factories most of the weapons. Guards who protected the factories were dravyavanapāla.

brahma-somāraṇya was thus a source of wealth from सोमःसंस्था and also a source for production of metal implements brought into Āyudhāgāra (State Armoury). This possibility is indicated by the evidence for performance of a Soma Yaga in Binjor (ca. 2500 BCE). The evidence is a yajna kunda with an octagonal pillar, a signature pillar of a Soma Yaga, together with an Indus Script inscription.

See:

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/07/having-eight-corners-vedic-yupa-in_35.html

अष्टाश्रि 'having eight corners' (Vedic) yupa in Indus Script tradition signifies medha,अहीन सत्त्र soma yajña validated by19 yupa inscriptions.Binjor yupa inscription on Indus Script seal is यष्ट्वाबहुसुवर्णकम्सोमः-संस्था

http://tinyurl.com/jtcyr3o

↧

Soma is NOT a drink. Soma is a metaphor, may be a product, amśu, ancu 'iron, metal'

July 27, 2018, 5:07 pm

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https://tinyurl.com/ydzb5ypa

Adhidaiva sense, notes RN Iyengar. In an adhibhautika sense, it is clear that Soma is NOT a drink for mortals. RV 10.085.03 says: He who has drunk thinks that the herb which men crush is the Soma; (but) that which the Bra_hman.as know to be Soma,, of that no one partakes. {i.e., no one partakes of it unless he has sacrificed; if the Soma be taken as the moon, 'no one' will mean 'no one but the gods']. I suggest with Georges Pinault that Soma is amśu which is cognate with ancu, 'iron' in Tocharian. I posit that Soma is alloy metalwork -- in adhi bhautika sense.

Soma metaphors in Vedic texts, Soma not edible for mortals says Chandogya Upanishad, identification of Soma as metal

I suggest that references in Rigveda related to Soma are metaphorical expressions of 'drink' in Chandas (Vedic Samskrtam), while the product processed results in a molten state.

I submit that such references do NOT constitute a direct reference to a herbal fluid or juice or any edible material.

Louis Renous noted: Rigveda is Soma in nuce (Soma in a nut). Identification of Soma as a product so vividly enunciated in Vedic texts is of fundamental importance so as not to mis-interpret the sacred texts.

The Chandogya in 8 chapters is Vedantic philosophy.

esha somo raja devanam annam tam deva bhakshayanti: "That soma is king; this is the devas' food. The devas eat it." [Chandogya.Upanishad (Ch.Up.]

This is the clearest statement that references to or attributes of Soma in the Vedic tradition, right from the Rigveda, should be viewed as metaphors. Even when Agni or ghee or Soma are viewed as products, the emphatic statement is that Soma is NOT for human digestion or consumption but associated with divinities, digested by the divinities (deva bhakshyanti) -- not by mortals or worshippers in the sacred yajna.

It will thus be an error to interpret Soma as an edible product. Such interpretations that Soma is a hallucinogen or an inebriant are not sanctioned by tradition. If at all there is a refrain metaphor, it relates to processing of Soma to generate or obtain wealth.

There may be some questions raised based on received wisdom that translations refer to expressions of 'drinking' soma.

See: http://indigyan.blogspot.com/2011/03/suryas-bridal-rig-veda.html

Sāyaṇa/Wilson translation RV 10.85

10.085.01 Earth is upheld by truth; heaven is upheld by the sun; the A_dityas are supported by sacrifice, Soma is supreme in heaven. [Truth: i.e., Brahman, the eternal soul].
10.085.02 By Soma the A_dityas are strong; by Soma the earth is great; Soma is stationed in the vicinity of these Naks.atras. [By Soma earth is great: I.e., by the Soma libations offered at sacrifices, or by the portion of the moon of which the gods are said to partake. The earth is nourished by the libations as the cause of rain, or by the moon as the lord of plants. The Naks.atras may mean the vessels that hold the libations, or lunar asterisms].
10.085.03 He who has drunk thinks that the herb which men crush is the Soma; (but) that which the Bra_hman.as know to be Soma,, of that no one partakes. {i.e., no one partakes of it unless he has sacrificed; if the Soma be taken as the moon, 'no one' will mean 'no one but the gods'].
10.085.04 Concealed by means of coverings, protected by the Ba_rhats, O Soma, you abide listening to the grinding-stones; no terrestrial being partakes of you. [Ba_rhats: the guardians of the Soma, Sva_na, Bhra_ja, A_n:gha_rya etc.: Taittiri_ya Sam.hita_ 6.1.10.5].
10.085.05 When, O god, they quaff you, then do you renew yourself again; Va_yu is the guardian of Soma, the maker of years and months.
10.085.06 Raibhi was her companion; Na_ra_s'am.si_ her slave; Su_rya's lovely dress was adorned by Ga_tha. [Raibhi, Na_ra_s'am.si_ and Ga_tha_ are personifications of son and praise. Raibhi from rebh, to sound: Aitareya Bra_hman.a6.32].
10.085.07 Citti (mind) was the pillow, the eye was the collyrium; heaven and earth were the box when Su_rya went to her husband.
10.085.08 Hymns were the cross-bars (of the car); the Kuri_ra metre was the thong of the whip; the As'vins were Su_rya's groomsmen; Agni was the leader of the procession. [Thong of the whip: or tuft of hair; cf. go opas'a: RV 6.53.9; As'vins were Su_rya's groomsmen: Praja_pati Savita_ had offered his daughter Su_rya to Soma: Aitareya Bra_hman.a 4.7].
10.085.09 Soma was desirous of a bride; the two As'vins were the two groomsmen when Savita_ gave Su_rya, who was ripe for a husband, (to Soma endowed) with intelligence.
10.085.10 Mind was her chariot, and heaven was the covering, the two shining (orbs) were the oxen when Su_rya went to (her husband's) dwelling. [i.e., when Su_rya went to Soma].
10.085.11 Those two oxen yoked by the R.k and the Sa_man march equally; the two wheels were your ears; the moving path (was) in heaven.
10.085.12 The two swift-moving wheels were your pure (cars). Va_yu was the fastened axle, Su_rya mounted the chariot of the Mind, going to her lord.
10.085.13 Su_rya's bridal procession which Savita_ despatched has advanced; the oxen are whipped along in the Magha (constellations); she is borne (to her husband's house) in the Arjuni_ (constellations).
10.085.14 When, As'vins, you came in your three-wheeled car soliciting the marriage of Su_rya, then all the gods, assented and Pu_s.an (your) son chose (you as) his parents.
10.085.15 When, lords of water, you came to the giver-away (to get) Su_rya, where was the one wheel of your car, where did you stand to make the gift?
10.085.16 Su_rya, the Bra_hman.as know your chariot wheels in their season; the single wheel that is concealed, the sages know it also. [The single wheel: the two wheels are explained as tthe sun and moon, the third wheel is the year].
10.085.17 I offer this adoration to Su_rya, to the gods, to Mitra and Varun.a, (and to all those) who are considerate to created beings.
10.085.18 These two (the sun and moon) wandering in thought one after the other, youthful, sportive, approach the sacrifice; one (of them) looks over all worlds, the other regulating the seasons is born repeatedly.
10.085.19 New every day (the moon) is born; the manifester of days he goes on front of the Dawns; he distributes their portion to the gods as he goes; the moon protracts a long existence. [The first half othe verse is addressed to the sun; but, the moon is the manifester of days in regulating the time of tithis (lunar days)].
10.085.20 Ascend, Su_rya, the chariot made of good kim.s'uka wood and of s'almali, multiform, decorated with gold, well-covered, well-wheeled, prepare the happy world of the immortals, your marriage procession to your husband. [The r.ca is recited when the bride goes to the house of the husband. amr.tasya lokam = the world of immortality; or, the abode of the Soma, the object of aroha, ascend].
10.085.21 Rise up from hence, for this (damsel) has a husband; I worship Vis'va_vasu with reverence and with hymns; seek for another maiden still dwelling in her father's house, decorated with ornaments; that is your portion, know this (to your portion, take it) from your birth. [Vis'va_vasu: a gandharva].
10.085.22 Rise up from here, Vis'va_vasu, we worship you with reverence; seek another maiden, one with large hips; leave the bride with her husband.
10.085.23 Smooth and straight be the paths by which our friends repair to the bride's father; may Aryaman, may Bhaga conduct us, and may the union of the wife and husband be easily accomplished, O gods.
10.085.24 I set you free from the noose of Varun.a, wherewith the adorable Savita_ had bound you; in the place of sacrifice in the world of good deeds I unite you, unharmed, with your husband. [Savita_ employs Varun.a to make bonds. The r.ca is recited when the bridegroom undoes the bride's girdle].
10.085.25 I set you free from there, not from here; I place you here firmly bound; grant, Indra, showerer, that this (damsel) may have excellent children, and be very fortunate. [I set you free not from here: i.e., from the father's family not from the bridegroom's].
10.085.26 May Pu_s.an lead you hence, taking you by the hand; may the As'vins convey you away in their car, go to the dwelling (of your husband) as you are the mistress of the house; you, submissive (to your husband), give orders to his household.
10.085.27 In this your (husband's family) may affection increase with offspring, be watchful over the domestic fire in this house; unite your person with this your husband; and both growing old together govern your household.
10.085.28 Blue and red is (her form); devoted (to her) is left behind; her kinsmen prosper, the husband is bound in bonds. [Kr.tya_: goddess practising magic or magic personified].
10.085.29 Put away the garment soiled by the body; give wealth to the Bra_hman.as; this Kr.tya_ having become endowed with feet, enters the husband's heart as his wife.
10.085.30 The (bridegroom's) body is lacking in beauty; shining with this wicked (Kr.tya_), when he wishes to clothe his own limbs with his wife's garments.
10.085.31 May the adorable gods drive back again to the place whence they came the diseases which follow from (other) people the wife's golden bridal procession. [From other people: from the person who opposes us; or, from the person called Yama].
10.085.32 Let not the robbers who approach the husband and wife reach them; may they by easy roads pass the difficulty; may enemies keep aloof.
10.085.33 Fortunate is this bride, approach, behold her; having given her your congratulations, depart to your several homes.
10.085.34 This (garment) is inflaming, it is pungent; it is like stale Soma; it is like poison; it is not fit to eat; the Bra_hman.a, who knows Su_rya, verily desires the bridal (garment).
10.085.35 Behold the forms of Su_rya, the a_s'asana (bordercloth) the vis'asana (headcloth), the adhivikartana (divided skirt); of these the Bra_hman.a relieves her. [a_s'asana = tu_s.a_dha_na, the receptacle of the fringe, of a different colour; vis'asana = that which is to be placed on the head; that which is to be placed at the end of the fringe (or border); adhivikartanam = the garment which is cut into three pieces. These terms may not relate to dress, but to the cutting up of an animal].
10.085.36 I take your hand for good fortune, that you may attain old age with me as your husband; the gods Bhaga, Aryaman, Savita_, Purandhi have given you to me, that I may be the master of a household.
10.085.37 Pu_s.an, inspire her who is most auspicious, in whom men may now seed, who most affectionate may be devoted to us, and in whom animated by desire we may beget progeny.
10.085.38 (The Gandharvas) gave Su_rya to you, Agni, with her bridal ornaments; do you, Agni, give (us) husbands our wife back again with male offspring.
10.085.39 Agni gave the wife back again with life and splendour; may he who is her husband enjoying long life live a hundred years.
10.085.40 Soma first obtained the bride; the Gandharva obtained her next. Agni was your third husband; your fourth (husband) is born of man. [Gandharva: the Sun].
10.085.41 Soma gave her to the Gandharva; the Gandharva gave her to Agni; Agni has given her to me and wealth and sons.
10.085.42 Abide here together; may you never be separated; live together all your lives, sporting with sons and grandsons, happy in your own home.
10.085.43 May Praja_pati grant us progeny, may Aryaman unite us together until old age; free from all evil omens enter your husband's abode, be the bringer of prosperity to our bipeds and quadrupeds. [The following r.cas are to be repeated when the bridegroom, on returning home with his bride, offers sacrifice with fire].
10.085.44 (Look upon your husband) with no angry eye, be not hostile to your lord, be tender to animals, be amiable, be very glorious; be the mother of males, be devoted to the gods, be the bestower of happiness, be the bringer of prosperity to our bipeds and quadrupeds. [Be very glorious: be beautiful in your person; lit., = very glorious].
10.085.45 Indra, showerer, make her the mother of sons, pleasing (to her husband); give her ten sons, make her husband the eleventh.
10.085.46 Be a queen to your father-in-law, be a queen to your mother-in-law, be a queen to your husband's sister, be a queen to your husband's brother.
10.085.47 May the universal gods unite both our hearts; may the waters unite them; may Ma_taris'van, Dha_ta_ and the bountiful (Sarasvati_) unite both our hearts. [May the god of love, may the divine instructress, unite us (samuddes.t.ri_ = sam u des.t.ri_). At the end of this r.ca, the following khila occurs: 1. May you not be a widow for a hundred years, but for more than that may you be an obedient wife, faithful to your vows, and radiant, and illustrious; 2. May she bear many sons, and nowhere meet with misfortune; may your husband, drinking Soma, ever be devoted to duty; 3. Be the mother of eight sons, be beloved by and faithful to your husband ever delighting the hearts of your husband, father and brother; 4. As Indra_n.i_ is to Indra, as S'ri to Vis.n.u, as Gauri_ to S'an:kara, so be you to your husband; 5. As Anasu_ya_ is to Atri, as Arundhati_ to Vasis.t.ha, as Sati_ to Kaus'ika, so be you too to your husband; 6. Be confident, be cherished; Br.haspati has given you to me; being made the mother of progeny by me your husband, live with (me) a hundred years.]

Griffith Translation: HYMN LXXXV. Suryas' Bridal. 85
See the Sanskrit Originals of this Suktha:- rvs-10-85
1. TRUTH is the base that bears the earth; by Surya are the heavens sustained.
By Law the Adityas stand secure, and Soma holds his place in heaven.
2 By Soma are the Adityas strong, by Soma mighty is the earth.
Thus Soma in the midst of all these constellations hath his place.
3 One thinks, when they have brayed the plant, that he hath drunk the Somas' juice;
Of him whom Brahmans truly know as Soma no one ever tastes.
4 Soma, secured by sheltering rules, guarded by hymns in Brhati,
Thou standest listening to the stones none tastes of thee who dwells on earth.
5 When they begin to drink thee then, O God, thou swellest out again.
Vayu is Somas' guardian God. The Moon is that which shapes the years.
6 Raibhi was her dear bridal friend, and Narasamsi led her home.
Lovely was Suryas' robe: she came to that which Gatha had adorned.
7 Thought was the pillow of her couch, sight was the unguent for her eyes:
Her treasury was earth and heaven. When Surya went unto her Lord.
8 Hymns were the crossbars- of the pole, Kurirametre- decked the car:
The bridesmen were the Asvin Pair Agni was leader of the train.
9 Soma was he who wooed the maid: the groomsmen were both Asvins, when
The SunGod- Savitar bestowed his willing Surya on her Lord.
10 Her spirit was the bridal car; the covering thereof was heaven:
Bright were both Steers that drew it when Surya approached her husbands', home.
11 Thy Steers were steady, kept in place by holy verse and Samahymn-:
All car were thy two chariot wheels: thy path was tremulous in the sky,
12 Clean, as thou wentest, were thy wheels wind, was the axle fastened there.
Surya, proceeding to her Lord, mounted a spiritfashioried- car.
13 The bridal pomp of Surya, which Savitar started, moved along.
In Magha days are oxen slain, in Arjuris they wed the bride.
14 When on your threewheeled- chariot, O Asvins, ye came as wooers unto Suryas' bridal,
Then all the Gods agreed to your proposal Pusan as Son elected you as Fathers.
15 O ye Two Lords of lustre, then when ye to Suryas' wooing came,
Where was one chariot wheel of yours? Where stood ye for die Sires' command?
16 The Brahmans, by their seasons, know, O Surya, those two wheels of thine:
One kept concealed, those only who are skilled in highest truths have learned.
17 To Surya and the Deities, to Mitra and to Varuna.
Who know aright the thing that is, this adoration have I paid.
18 By their own power these Twain in close succession move;
They go as playing children round the sacrifice.
One of the Pair beholdeth all existing things; the other ordereth seasons and is born again.
19 He, born afresh, is new and new for ever ensign of days he goes before the Mornings
Coming, he orders f6r the Gods their portion. The Moon prolongs the days of our existence.
20 Mount this, allshaped-, goldhued-, with strong wheels, fashioned of Kimsuka and Salmali,
lightrolling-,
Bound for the world of life immortal, Surya: make for thy lord a happy bridal journey.
21 Rise up from hence: this maiden hath a husband. I laud Visvavasu with hymns and homage.
Seek in her fathers' home another fair one, and find the portion from of old assigned thee.
22 Rise up from hence, Visvavasu: with reverence we worship thee.
Seek thou another willing maid, and with her husband leave the bride.
23 Straight in direction be the paths:, and thornless, whereon our fellows travel to the wooing.
Let Aryaman and Bhaga lead us: perfect, O Gods, the union of the wife and husband.
24 Now from the noose of Varuna I free thee, wherewith Most Blessed Savitar hath bound thee.
In Laws' seat, to the world of virtuous action, I give thee up uninjured with thy consort.
25 Hence, and not thence, I send these free. I make thee softly fettered there.
That, Bounteous Indra, she may live blest in her fortune and her sons.
26 Let Pusan take thy hand and hence conduct thee; may the two Asvins on their car transport thee.
Go to the house to be the households' mistress and speak as lady ito thy gathered people.
27 Happy be thou and prosper witlh thy children here: be vigilant to rule thy household in this
home.
Closely unite thy body with this; man, thy lord. So shall ye, full of years, address your company.
28 Her hue is blue and red: the fienod who clingeth close is driven off.
Well thrive the kinsmen of this bride the husband is bourid fast in bonds.
29 Give thou the woollen robe away: deal treasure to the Brahman priests.
This female fiend hath got her feet, and as a wife attends her lord.
30 Unlovely is his body when it glistens with this wicked fiend,
What time the husband wraps about his limbs the garment of his wife.
31 Consumptions, from her people, which follow the brides' resplendent train,
These let the Holy Gods again bear to the place from which they came.
32 Let not the highway thieves who lie in ambush find the wedded pair.
By pleasant ways let them escape the danger, and let foes depart.
33 Signs of good fortune mark the bride come all of you and look at her.
Wish her prosperity, and then return unto your homes again.
34 Pungent is this, and bitter this, filled, as it were, with arrowbarbs-, Empoisoned and not fit
for use.
The Brahman who knows Surya well deserves the garment of the bride.
35 The fringe, the cloth that decks her head, and then the triply parted robe,
Behold the hues which Surya wears these doth the Brahman purify.
36 I take thy hand in mine for happy fortune that thou mayst reach old age with me thy husband.
Gods, Aryaman, Bhaga, Savitar, Purandhi, have given thee to be my households' mistress.
37 O Pusan, send her on as most auspicious, her who shall be the sharer of my pleasures;
Her who shall twine her loving arms about me, and welcome all my love and mine embraces.
38 For thee, with bridal train, they, first, escorted Surya to her home.
Give to the husband in return, Agni, the wife with progeny.
39 Agni hath given the bride again with splendour and with ample life.
Long lived be he who is her lord; a hundred autumns let him live.
40 Soma obtained her first of all; next the Gandharva was her lord.
Agai was thy third husband: now one bornof woman is thy fourth.
41 Soma to the Gandharva, and to Agni the Gandharva gave:
And Agni hath bestowed on me riches and sons and this my spouse.
42 Be ye not parted; dwell ye here reach the full time of human life.
With sons and grandsons sport and play, rejoicing in your own abode.
43 So may Prajapati bring children forth to us; may Aryaman adorn us till old age come nigh.
Not inauspicious enter thou thy husbands' house: bring blessing to our bipeds and our quadrupeds.
44 Not evileyed-, no slayer of thy husband, bring weal to cattle, radiant, gentlehearted;
Loving the Gods, delightful, bearing heroes, bring blessing to our quadrupeds and bipeds.
45 O Bounteous Indra, make this bride blest in her sons and fortunate.
Vouchsafe to her ten sons, and make her husband the eleventh man.
46 Over thy husbands' father and thy husbands' mother bear full sway.
Over the sister of thy lord, over his brothers rule supreme.
47 So may the Universal Gods, so may the Waters join our hearts.
May Matarisvan, Dhatar, and Destri together bind us close.

R Narayana Iyengar

July 27 at 10:05 PM

Marriage of Sūryā with Soma (Tonight!)
Hymn RV (X.85) is one of the most beautiful poetry in the whole of Vedic literature. This is popularly known as the marriage hymn describing the bridal procession of sūryā for her union with soma the Moon. The implied imagery of a lunar eclipse, hidden beneath the ancient enchanting poetry of the meeting of two celestial persons, is quite apparent from the beginning of the hymn. This hymn also presents a window to one of the esoteric cosmic thought that forms the basis of Hindu mysticism. There are forty-seven verses in this long hymn. We consider here only those connected with soma which in the adhidaiva sense is the moon as per the orthodox tradition of Yāska . The gist of the astronomical information available is as follows.

Earth is held by truth and the heaven is upheld by Sun. Ādityas depend on the cosmic order, while Moon is stationed in the sky. (1)

Soma the moon is stationed near the nakṣatras. (2)

He who crushes and drinks the juice thinks that the herb is Soma. But only the seers know the real nature of the regent deity of Soma (the moon). (3)

Soma! You are protected by seven layers of covers. Humans cannot take part in drinking you. (4)

Soma! Whereas the gods drink you, you become bright again. The wind protects the Soma, while moon is the creator of the years. (5)

The above five verses introduce moon as the object of the hymn. The next seven verses (v.6-12) describe the travel of Sun’s daughter sūryā in the sky towards her husband the Moon, in abstract terms. Her friends were Lauds and Hymns; her dress was made of Sāma music; her chariot was the Mind and her cover was the Sky. Two bright objects (śukrau) were the bullocks drawing her cart. In other words she was really invisible, till the poet was able to see her dress in colour much later in verse (v.35). In this picture the two aśvins appear as visible, hinting them to be twin stars witnessing the act. Verse (v.13) provides the locus of the celestial marriage through a metaphor.
sūryāyā vahatuḥ prāgāt savitā yam avāsṛjat|
aghāsu hanyante gāvo’rjunyoḥ paryuhyate || (X.85.13)

Traditionally this is rendered to mean:
The bullocks of the cart with the wedding gifts were whipped in the Maghā asterisms. Sūryā was carried to her husband’s place in the Arjunī asterisms.

This is the literal meaning given by Sāyaṇa also. But in view of the context of the night sky being pictured, the word gāvaḥ in the adhidaiva sense should mean rays or light, which is an accepted meaning of the word as per the Nirukta . This leads to the direct meaning:

The light rays (of moon) are hit in passing through the Maghā stars, while sūryā is carried over by moon in the Arjunī stars.

This in plain language means the shadow on the moon started near group of six stars called Maghā the brightest among them being the ecliptic star Regulus. The eclipsed moon progressed in time towards Arjunī which refers to the two stars of the Pūrva-phalguni nakṣatra. In summary the eclipse was in the constellation Leonis. The next verse (v.14) mentions that when aśvins arrived asking for sūryā, their request was supported by viśvedevāḥ. We are not sure of the role of aśvins in the sky picture, other than inferring they should have been two closely spaced stars, but mention of viśvedevāḥ probably indicates a connection with their characteristic number 3339. Verses (18 & 19) are about the playful nature of sun and moon, where the property of being reborn is associated with the moon. The hymn from (v.20) onwards digresses on to the marriage of humans except in a few places where sūryā is referred. For example (v.35) is about the visible form of the three-fold dress of sūryā the pollution due to which only a seer can relieve. Similarly the upper cloth of a human bride is said to be afflicted by a deity, dark coppery red in colour. This reference to coppery red in relation to sūryā can be inferred to be the colour of the moon’s orb as seen from earth during a total eclipse. We have seen previously that viśvedevāḥ are the deities who bring agni. In verses (38-41) sūryā is said to have been given to agni by the gandharva who in turn got her from soma. The hymn presents a picture of the night sky, with moon being visible. Circumstances describing the journey of Sun’s daughter, named suryā to marry moon and the coppery red colour of the apparition indicate a total lunar eclipse. Mystically, this event highlights the cosmic agni-soma union.

https://www.facebook.com/groups/1690166907717110/permalink/1953159844751147/
Tonight in the title is a reference to July 28, 2018 the day of the longest lunar eclipse of the century. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/science/2018/07/news-how-to-see-longest-blood-moon-eclipse-mars-space/

↧

Antiquity of Yoga -- Subhash Kak

July 28, 2018, 1:44 am

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‏ @subhashkak1

There is new a hatchet job on #yoga by @nytimes . Most ridiculous is the claim that #asanas are recent, copied from gymnastics. No fact check of Gheraṇḍa saṁhitā, घेरण्ड संहिता, describing 32 asnanas. Goraksha Samhita (10 c CE, below) also speaks of 84 asanas (32 main).

Yoga Asana, the Ancient Hindu Legacy

BY SARVESH K TIWARI
Commentators like Vyasa, Vachaspati Mishra, Bhojadeva, Adi Shankara and others, since fairly old times, have very clearly explained that Patanjali means specific yoga postures when he refers to Asana. Some have enumerated examples by name. 

आलोक्यसर्वशास्त्राणि विचार्यच पुनः पुन:

इदमेकं सुनिष्पन्नं योगशास्त्रं परम्मतं

We have seen in the previous part how the identity of pata~njali, about which Hindus have never had doubts, is maliciously obliterated by the western commentators of yoga.

Having obfuscated yoga-sUtra and having reduced its author to obscurity, next our western scholars say the following to reject the ancientness (and indigenousness) of yogAsana, an important pillar in the edifice of yoga:

“…The text usually cited as the definitive source for Yoga is Patanjali’s Yoga Sutras, but the familiar poses that are part of Hatha Yoga are generally traced to Shiva cults, the god Shiva being its founder. The problem that is being swept aside is that exact dates cannot be assigned to any of these texts…” – Deepak Chopra
“…But these texts say nothing about the physical “positions” or “postures” that distinguish contemporary yoga. The postures developed much later, some from medieval Hatha Yoga and Tantra, but more from nineteenth-century European traditions such as Swedish gymnastics, British body-building, Christian Science, and the YMCA, and still others devised by twentieth-century Hindus such as T. Krishnamacharya and B. K. S. Iyengar, reacting against those non-Indian influences.” – Wendy Doniger

We are reminded of the remark of Prof. Surendranatha Dasgupta on such western yoga scholars in one of his lectures on Yoga to the students of Calcutta Univerity several decades back: “(These) unsympathetic and shallow-minded scholars lack the imagination and the will to understand the Indian thought and culture of its past.”

But even a very sympathetic scholar and a Hinduphile Dr. Koenraad Elst colludes with the general view of the above scholars when he says:

“…the description of these specific techniques is found in the Hatha Yoga classics which do not predate the 13th century: the Gheranda Samhita, the Shiva Samhita and the Hatha Yoga Pradipika… There too, a number of asana-s or postures is described, though important ones now popular in the Western (and westernized-Indian) yoga circuit, particularly standing ones, are still not in evidence even in these more recent texts. In the Yoga Sutra, they are totally absent. Patanjali merely defines Asana, ‘seat’, as ‘comfortable but stable’… I don’t think any other asana postures except those for simply sitting up straight have been recorded before the late-medieval Gheranda Samhita, Hatha Yoga Pradipika and such.” – Dr. Koenraad Elst

Let us examine.
Having commented upon the Yama and Niyama, pata~njali describes Asana, the third great limb of the yoga, in the following three yoga-sUtra-s:

sthira sukhamAsanam (2.46), prayatnashaithilyAnantyasamApattibhyAm (2.47), and

tato dvandvAnabhighAt (2.48).

The view of Dr. Elst, that “pata~njali merely defines Asana as ‘seat’, ‘comfortable but stable’”, seems very simplistic reduction of the first sUtra sthirasukhamAsanam. Had Asana just meant so little as to merely mean a “comfortable but stable seat”, was it really worth enumerating as one of the limbs of the aShTA~Nga yoga? Would it not be pretty obvious to a rAjayoga student to anyway naturally take a “comfortable but stable seat” for practicing yoga? Why formulize upon Asana at all?

Indeed, the word “Asana” in simple saMskR^ita, in itself means to sit comfortably, according to its vyutpatti: “Asyate Asate anena iti Asanam” (deriving from the same dhAtu from which English ‘sit’ and ‘seat’ also came). That a sUtra-kAra of pata~njali’s fame, who scrupulously economizes on even half of the short vowels (as he says in the mahAbhAShya), should spend not one but three precious sUtra-s to Asana, when all he meant by it merely was a “comfortable but stable seat”, is hard to fathom. pata~njali must have a deeper meaning when he says sthirasukhamAsanam. What does he signify by the specific indication of ‘sthira-sukha’ in the sUtra, when ‘Asana’ itself would be sufficient had his intention been such a basic meaning as suggested?

The traditional Hindu wisdom says that deciphering the sUtras without help of an authoritative commentary, and better still under the guidance of a siddha preceptor, is fraught with the danger of gross errors for laymen. We refer therefore to the authorities of how they decipher what pata~njali implies in this first sUtra?

vyAsa explains the meaning of pata~njali here by considering the joint of “sthirasukha” and “Asana” to be the karmadhAraya samAsa, making the sUtra mean, “That Asana is here called Asana which yields sthira-sukha i.e. unwavering delight”.

AchArya shaMkara in his own TIkA explains this sUtra as, “yasmin Asane sthitasya manogAtrANAmupajAyate sthiratvam, duHkham cha yena nAbhavati tadabhyaset.” [Practice is recommended of that Asana which leads the practitioner’s mind to immovableness and constancy, and does not cause any discomfort.]

vAchaspati mishra in the eighth century explains this sUtra in his tattva vaiShAradi as, “sthiram nishchalam yatsukham sukhAvaham tadAsana”: Asana is that which yields a comfort that is lasting, stable, and unwavering. (Although vAchaspati also treats the samAsa between sthira and sukha as bahubrIhi: “sthiram sukham yena tat”).

But the clearest explanation of the sUtra comes from our favourite scholar, bhojadeva the learned rAjan: “Asana, the posture. Posture without motion. One that leads the practitioner to the not-flickering and lasting comfort. Only that type of Asana is Asana-proper, counted as one of the eight limbs of yoga.”

So, all these eminent authors on yoga understand pata~njali’s instruction to not mean just any “comfortable but stable seat”, which by definition ‘Asana’ anyway is, but specifically an Asana that gives the sthira sukha to the yogAbhyAsI helping him reach a concentrated mind; such an Asana alone is called yogAsana. Like ‘chitta’, pata~njali is not defining ‘Asana’, as he considers Asana to have been already understood earlier, he is only adding these further qualifications to it.

But is Wendy Doniger right when she says that the old texts including YS “say nothing about the physical “positions” or “postures” that distinguish contemporary yoga”, a view which Dr. Elst and Deepak Chopra seem to share? What about Chopra’s opinion when he says that the “the familiar poses are generally traced to Shiva cults”?

Let us explore this next.

Contrary to the above assertions, we find that ancient authorities mention the yogAsana-s, referring to them by name. Even the fairly antiquated commentaries of the pata~njali’s yoga sUtra itself, preceding the haThayoga dIpikA and gheraNya saMhita etc. by several centuries, already explain that Master pata~njali particularly implied these same standard “postures” when he instructed upon Asana in the yoga-sUtra.

Consider the oldest available commentary on yoga sUtra by vyAsa. The author ends his explanation of pata~njali’s ‘sthira-sukham-Asanam’ with a list of the names of Asana-s, “…tadyathA padmAsanam bhadrAsanam vIrAsanam daNDAsanaM sopAshrayaM parya~Nkam krau~nchaniShadanam, hastiniShadanam, uShTRa niShadanam, samasaMsthAnaM sthirasukham yathAsukham cha ityevamAdIni”, that is, “Asana like the padmAsana or the bhadrAsana, vIrAsana, daNDAsana, or (squatting ) postures like parya~Nka or sopAshraya, or postures named after krau~ncha bird, or the Camel posture or the Elephant posture, or samAsana, or any other comfortable (instructed) posture which provide sthira sukha”. This elaborate list, though not exhaustive as the author says these are examples, is from at least as old as the 6th century if not older.

Explaining the same sUtra of ‘sthirasukhamAsanam’, AchArya shaMkara also concludes his explanation of pata~njali’s instruction with, “…tadyathA shAstrAntara prasiddhAni nAmAni padmAsanAdIni pradarshyante”, meaning “…that is, for example, those well known postures explained in the other shAstras, like the padmAsana etcetera.”] He even desribes, out of these, padmAsana, bhadrAsana and daNDAsana in instructive details.

An astute reader cannot fail to notice the casualness shown here in mentioning the representative names of the postures, when both the above authors refer to a few names of the Asana-s, followed by ‘Adi’, etcetera, meaning that the reader is anyway easily familiar with them.

Also observe the words AchArya shaMkara uses above, “prasiddhAni nAmAni”, explicitly signifying that many Asanas were already famous by specific names and were not worth repeating there.

Besides the above, further note the important word he uses, ‘shAstrAntara’. It is significant that shaMkara not only refers to these postures as famous, but also says those are ‘shAstrAntara’, or explained elsewhere beyond the yogasUtra or by the “other shAstra-s”. Of course we have no means at present to say which other shAstra he was referring here, but probably some older material no more extant.

In an entirely different book, that is the celebrated bramha-sUtra-bhAShya, AchArya shaMkara further refers to the Asana postures in a similar vein when he says, “ata eva padmakAdInAmAsana visheShANAmupadesho yogashAstre”: “…This is why yoga-shAstra particularly prescribes the postures like padmAsana etcetera…” (See BSB 4.1.10 under ‘smaranti cha’)

Still elsewhere, and very significantly, AchArya shaMkara alludes to the yoga darshana and its development from the vaidika roots. In the same bhAShya talking about yoga system what strikes his mind as uniquely characteristic of yoga, is its elaborate system of Asana! AchArya remarks: “AsanAdi-kalpanA-purassaram bahu-prapa~ncham yoga-vidhAnam shvetAshvataropaniShAdi dR^ishyate” [“Such emphasis on postures and related amplified prapa~ncha, one can already sense in the (old) upaniShada-s such as that of shvetAshvatAra etcetera”]

This is a very important testimony we get from the AchArya that even as far back as in his time, he understood the importance of the elaborate system of Asana postures to have gone back to the ancient upaniShada times, and their development being of a very obscure antiquity.

We return again to the genius bhoja rAjan, who, still a few centuries before the haThayoga classics that are available to us, enumerates some specific yoga postures. Having explained the meaning of sthirasukhamAsanam, he ends his statement by saying, “padmAsana-daNDAsana-svastikAsanAdi | tadyadA sthiraM niShkampaM sukhaM anudvejanIyaM bhavati tadA tadyogA~NgatAM bhajate”, meaning,”…such as padmAsana, daNDAsana, svAstikAsana etcetera. When the (practice of) a posture (advances, it) becomes (a vehicle) yielding of a stable unwavering sukha and is not uncomfortable (anymore). That is when it becomes, that much-praised limb of the (eight) yoga a~Nga-s, the blessed Asana.]

Here rAjA bhoja also interprets pata~njali to have really meant the specific yoga postures, giving here the names of postures such as padma, daNDa, and svAstika Asana-s. And he also adds an “Adi”, etcetera, to mean that already there must be a long list of very famous and commonly known Asana-s which he felt no need to elaborate upon beyond ‘etcetera’. The above shows, we think, that in light of these ancient authorities, we can take it that pata~njali did imply specific postures that are understood as standard yoga Asana-s, and not just any comfortable seat.

But already, even much before pata~njali himself, the Asana-s were already quite well known and practiced, as AchArya shaMkara said. We find an attestation from the Great bhArata of his observation, that the concept of Asana, that is the specific yoga postures, in the technical sense of it, was already an integral part of spiritual practice of ascetics. From the araNyakaparvan the 3rd book of mahAbhArata:

bhR^igor maharSheH putro ‘bhUch chyavano nAma bhArgavaH
samIpe sarasaH so ‘sya ta
ANubhUto mahAtejA vIrasthAnena pANDava
SThat subahUn kAlAn ekade
gt;a valmIko ‘bhavad R^iShir
br>aH
kAlena mahatA
an
[
was born to the great
igu, chyavana by name. And he, of an exceedingly resplendent body, began to perform austerities by the side of a lake. And, O Son of pANDu, O Protector of men! He of mighty energy assumed the Posture known as the Vira, in it being quiet and still like an inanimate post, and for a long period remained immobile at the same spot in the same posture. And as a long time elapsed he was swarmed by the ants turned into an anthill covered with the creepers growing upon it.”]

In the anushAsana parvan, the thirteenth book:

vIrAsanaM vIrashayyAM vIrasthAnam upAsataH akSayAs tasya vai lokAH sarvakAmagamAs tathA MBh 13.7.13
[“He who performs tapscharya-s sitting in the vIrAsana posture, by going to the secluded dense forest (where only the braves dare tread) and sleeping on the (hard rock,) the bed worthy for the braves, he attains to those eternal regions where all the objects of desire are fulfilled (or desires are nullified)”]

(In above, we differ in translating the verse from how the learned paNDita shrI K M Ganguly translated it. He takes the first line in sense of gaining martyrdom on the battlefield assuming the posture of vIrAsana.)

At yet another place in the same anushAsana parvan, mahAdeva is describing to umAdevI the routine of tapasyA that the ascetic siddha yogi-s perform:

yogacharyAkR^itaiH siddhaiH kAmakrodhavivarjanam
vIrashayyAm upAsadbhir vI
uktair yogavahaiH sadbhir grIShme pa~ncatap
tathA
maNDUka-yoganiya
br
ay
yogashcha
tav
H
3.130.
“
of the
ellent ord
elating to Yoga, hav
alleviated the passions of lust and violence, seated in the posture called vIrAsana in the midst of four fires on four sides with the sun overhead in summer months, duly practising what is called mANDUkya yoga, and sleeping on bare rocks or on the earth, these men, with hearts set upon dharma, expose themselves to the extremes of cold and warm (and are unaffected by the duality).”]

Not only do we find evidence in mahAbhArata therefore, of the importance given to the postures, specific postures, we should also observe that much before pata~njali, mahAbhArata already describes the yoga praxis in great detail. In the anushAsana parvan, it even describes the aShTA~Nga-s of yoga and even lists the famous teachers of sAMkhya and yoga, in which list pata~njali does not figure. This also means that the yoga text in the bhArata was pre-pata~njali and that by the time of pata~njali, yoga was quite a very well founded practice, its Asanas included.

In the early classical saMskR^ita literature also, we find the Asana-s mentioned. The Emperor of saMskR^ita poetry, mahAkavi kAlidAsa, already names the yaugika postures. He mentions vIrAsana in his raghuvaMsham by name (13.52) and also beautifully describes the siddhAsana through a verse. Ancient drama mR^ichcHakaTikA, going back to the BCE age, also describes yoga posture (see the opening chapter).

Dr. Elst has wondered why only sitting postures characterize or at least dominate the yogAsana-s, speculating that this is to do with the climatic conditions: that the Chinese postures being in standing position because it is wet and cold out there, whereas Hindu ones being in sitting position because of the warm climate here.

But the observation is inaccurate. Indeed we have enough textual and non-textual records of Hindu Asana-s also in standing, half-standing and leaning postures too from fairly old periods. mahAbhArata itself attests to this at multiple places, too numerous to recount, that standing postures were common for tapashcharyA. We find many ancient frescoes, murals, and bas-relief from old temples displaying the yoga postures in the standing position, see for instance the pallava temple carvings at mahAbalIpuram, dated to the 600s, depicting arjuna, bhagIratha and other characters (including a charlatan cat), to be performing the ascetics standing in the classical postures like the tADAsana and vR^ikShAsana. There are many other sources that attest to the postures in standing position, particularly for performing the tapascharyA, more specifically recorded by the early nAstika grantha-s, and both the bauddha and jaina texts record the standing postures.

mahAvIra’s austerities in pristine tADAsana is all too famous. Also important to note is that the jaina-s carefully record that bhagavat mahAvIra acquired his siddhi while he was in a specific yoga posture known as the godohanAsana (see image), so called because it resembles how one milches the cow. godohanAsana remains a classical standard yoga posture.

We further find traces of standard yoga postures in standing, half-standing, or leaning positions in other extra-yaugika special interest groups such as those in nATya and the practitioners of the Hindu martial arts, both of which are concerned with and utilize the standard yoga postures. The dhanurveda texts, variously titled and differently dated, tell us about specific Asana-s to be employed for specific purposes. The most complete, last redacted in the present form by around the 13th century but obviously containing much older material, the dhanurveda of vyAsa, tells the archers to assume one of the Eight Asana-s while shooting the arrow, each of which except the last, is in standing and half-standing posture. It describes each Asana and even mentions them by well known names such as the Asana-s of vishAkha, padma, and garuDa. Other and older Hindu martial art texts such as those contained within the purANa-s or bauddha pAlI sUtra-s inform us about the specific standing postures useful for practicing malla and other yuddha vidhA-s.

Coming to the climate part, yoga authors specifically mention that the Asana, by one of its very purposes, takes the body of the practitioner beyond the effects of climate and other such dualities. Explaining the last yoga sUtra on Asana, “dvandvAnabhighAt”, rAjan bhoja explicitly gives the example of climate, saying when the practitioner has perfected the yogAsana, the very effect of it is that Asana makes his body transcend and withstand the effects of extreme climate, both warm and cold.

To summarize, what the foregoing discussion aimed to show is that Asana had already acquired a technical sense during mahAbhArata, and even before, from upaniShadic times. That pata~njali does not need to define Asana itself, but simply add more specific qualifiers to it, also shows that the concept of specific Asanas was already a common knowledge. Such names of Asanas as padmAsana, daNDAsana, bhadrAsana, svAstikAsana, and vIrAsana, vajrAsana etc. were so very common and well known among the Hindus already from very early days. By as early as the 6th century we find the yoga authors not only mentioning them by name, but in a sense that it was such a common knowledge that simply indicating a few names appended by ‘etcetera’ is sufficient to indicate them all. We also see that even these ancient Hindus were conscious about much further antiquity of the system of postures for yoga, as even AchArya shaMkara remarks about its obscurely ancient origins and wide popularity and recognition already by the time of the old layer of the upaniShada-s. We also noted that the Asana-s, the postures, is what he takes as being a general identifying characteristic trait of the yoga system. There are old records of not only sitting but standing, half-standing and leaning postures being practiced, and that the yoga authors were particular about Asana being for the very purpose to make the body of practitioner withstand the worldly dualities like the hot and cold climate.

The hindU-dviTa vultures delegitimizing the Hindu legacy of yogAsana remind us of how the legacies of our glorious cousins the Hellenes of Greece were also robbed away, how the fanatic pretamata first undermined, then outlawed, and finally secularized as its own, the ancient spiritual gymnast-athletics and its kumbha-like deeply spiritual festival of Olympic that was celebrated to honour the dyauspitR^i. Lamentably the perished Hellenic civilization would be unable to reclaim the Olympic from what it has now been vulgarized and secularized into. But the Hindu civilization is still alive, so far at least, to call yogAsana its asset, happy to share with the world, but as its very own ancestral civilizational and spiritual legacy.

https://bharatendu.com/2011/01/02/yoga-asana-the-hindu-legacy/

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Indus Script wealth accounting, ayo 'fish' rūpaka, 'metaphors'अयस् ayas 'iron, gold,metal', ayo kammaṭa 'metals mint' and अयस्-काम, अयस्-कार 'blacksmith' kandə 'pine' kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'

July 29, 2018, 7:41 am

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https://tinyurl.com/y9z6p5h3

This monograph demonstrates the Indus Script Hypertexts with ayo'fish' hieroglyph, khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' hieroglyph, 'crocodile' hieroglyph and 'fish-men' or 'goat-fish' ligatures in Ancient India and Ancient Near East artifacts and relates the Rūpaka, 'metaphors' of अयस् ayas 'iron, gold,metal' and ayo kammaṭa 'metals mint' and अयस्--काम, अयस्--कार 'blacksmith'. kandə'pine'kāṇḍa'water' rebus: kāṇḍā'implements'

m1429C

Fish ligatured to a crocodile. Mohenjodaro tablet. Decoding of the two Indus Script glyphs of fish and crocodile read rebus:

fish fins khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'

Ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.) aya = iron (G.);

ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)

kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Te.) ghariyal id. (H.)

khār a blacksmith, an iron worker (Kashmiri)

ayakāra ‘iron-smith’ (Pali)

While the goat-fish enters into myths of Sumer and later Assyrian traditions, the hieroglyphs of goat and fish on Indus script have been decoded in the context of metallurgy [metal (milakkhu, 'copper'(Pali)and cast metal -- ayas, perhaps bronze].

The emphatic depiction of fish ligatured with a crocodile on Indus Script (on a Mohenjodaro tablet) is decoded asayakara 'metalsmith' (aya 'fish'; kara 'crocodile' of the underlying Meluhha (Mleccha) lexemes of Indian linguistic area). khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ rebus: kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint.

[Anthony Green, A Note on the Assyrian "Goat-Fish", "Fish-Man" and "Fish-Woman", Iraq, Vol. 48 (1986), pp. 25-30; After Plate X, b, on seal. BM 119918. 2.5X2.5X2.5cm. Late Babylonian stamp seal depicting kulullu and kuliltu(?); streams flow from a vase at top left;top centre, a crescent. Previously published: Van Buren 1933: Pl. XX:70, p. 116, with earlier references cited in n.3, to which may be added Munter 1827: Tab. II:18, p. 139. Cf. also Unger 1957: 71, Nr. 2; Unger 1966.)

In Fig. 1 in the following embedded document, a pair of goat-fish images appear, flanking a door entrance, on a Middle Assyrian seal. Sumerian SUHUR.MASH, Akk. suhurmashu/i is sometimes interpreted as 'sea-goat'.

Assyrian goat-fish, fish-man and fish-woman (Anthony Green in Iraq, Vol. 48, 1986)

What are recorded as Sumerian SUHUR.MASH, Akk. suhurmashu/i sometimes interpreted as 'sea-goat' and kulullû fish-man may relate to two Meluhha expressions:1. mr̤ēka 'goat': Ka. mēke she-goat; mē the bleating of sheep or goats. Te. mē̃ka, mēka goat. Kol. me·ke id. Nk. mēke id. Pa. mēva, (S.) mēya she-goat. Ga. (Oll.) mēge, (S.) mēge goat. Go. (M) mekā, (Ko.) mēka id. ? Kur. mēxnā (mīxyas) to call, call after loudly, hail. Malt. méqe to bleat. [Te. mr̤ēka (so correct) is of unknown meaning. Br. mēḻẖ is without etymology; see MBE 1980a.] / Cf. Skt. (lex.) meka- goat. (DEDR 5087) Rebus: milakkhu, mleccha, mlecchamukha 'copper' (Pali. Samskrtam) 2. ayo, ayu 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' (Samskrtam) 3. kammaṭa 'mint': khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ rebus: kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236) Thus, the goat-fish message relates to copper, iron mintwork.

A person ligatured to a fish w/fin is ayaskara 'metalsmith' --working in khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ rebus: kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. కమ్మటము (p. 0247) [ kammaṭamu ] Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste. He wears a bracelet with a safflower hieroglyph. करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower Rebus: करड [ karaḍa ] 'hard alloy'.

Below, a fish-man in a sea from a bas-relief in the palace of the Assyrian king Sargon II, ca.

721-705 BCE at Dur-Sharken, modern Khorsabad. (p. 131. fig. 107. "merman and mermaid."

Jeremy Black and Anthony Green. Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia,

An Illustrated Dictionary. London, British Museum, in association with the University of Texas Press.

 Austin. 1992. ISBn 0-292-70794-0. paperback)

Below, sun-dried clay figures. Upper: a goat-fish (Greek: Capricorn) emblem of the god Enki (Ea) of Eridu. Lower: a fishman. Placed in a building to ward off evil in the Assyrian period (p. 92. figure 70. "goat-fish." Jeremy Black and Anthony Green. Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia, An Illustrated Dictionary. London, British Museum, in association with the University of Texas Press. Austin. 1992. ISBn 0-292-70794-0. paperback). Note: I understand that Ea (Enki) who gave his servant Adapa wisdom or knowledge but denied him immortality has been recast as Yahweh in the Garden of Eden. Please click here for the details. Indus Script Hypertext:

kāṇḍa 'water'rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'.


Below, fish-men figurines, the so-called "seven sages" 


(apkallu), sun-dried clay, from the foundations of a priest's house in Asshur ca. 721-705 BCE (p. 18. Jeremy Black and Anthony Green.Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia, An Illustrated Dictionary. London, British Museum, in association with the University of Texas Press. Austin. 1992. ISBN 0-292-70794-0. paperback).







Below, p. 131. fig. 108. "merman and mermaid." Jeremy Black and Anthony Green. Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia, An Illustrated Dictionary. London, British Museum, in association with the University of Texas Press. Austin. 1992. ISBN 0-292-70794-0. paperback).












Below, a cylinder seal showing "fishmen" holding pine cones (?) and pollen-buckets (?), adoring a sacred tree. Above the tree is the sun-god with eagle wings and tail (perhaps Utu, Shamash or Asshur?). This tree appears in other Neo-Assyrian art forms as a highly stylized Date-palm with a vine lattice and leaves, sometimes bearing fruits such as grapes (?). To this day, Arabs in Lower Mesopotamia drape grapevines about Date-palms in their gardens. Could the Neo-Assyrian highly stylized grapevine tendril motif associated with the Date-palm be what is represented in this art form? In the Epic of Gilgamesh, a plant of rejuvenation lies at the bottom of the sea, could this be the plant the Fishmen are adoring? Or are they adoring the Mesu tree or Kiskanu tree at Eridu where Adapa and the apkallu served? (For the below picture cf. p. 15. figure 7. "Fish Gods at the Tree pf Life; Assyria, c. 700 BC." Joseph Campbell. The Masks of God: Creative Mythology. New York. Viking Penguin. 1968. Reprinted 1976)





Indus Script Hypertexts:







kuṭi'tree' rebus: kuṭhi'smelter'.





Hieroglyph: Ash. piċ -- kandə ʻ pine ʼ, Kt. pṳ̄ċi, piċi, Wg. puċ, püċ (pṳ̄ċ -- kəŕ ʻ pine -- cone ʼ), Pr. wyoċ, Shum. lyēwič (lyē -- ?).(CDIAL 8407). Cf. Gk. peu/kh f. ʻ pine ʼ, Lith. pušìs, OPruss. peuse NTS xiii 229. The suffix –kande in the lexeme: Ash. piċ-- kandə ʻ pine ʼ may be cognate with the bulbous glyphic related to a mangrove root: Koḍ. kaṇḍe root-stock from which small roots grow; ila·ti kaṇḍe sweet potato (ila·ti England). Tu. kaṇḍe, gaḍḍè a bulbous root; Ta. kaṇṭal mangrove, Rhizophora mucronata; dichotomous mangrove, Kandelia rheedii. Ma. kaṇṭa bulbous root as of lotus, plantain; point where branches and bunches grow out of the stem of a palm; kaṇṭal what is bulb-like, half-ripe jackfruit and other green fruits; R. candel.  (DEDR 1171). Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’.




Below, sun-dried clay figures. Upper: a goat-fish (Greek: Capricorn) emblem of the god Enki (Ea) of Eridu. Lower: a fishman. Placed in a building to ward off evil in the Assyrian period (p. 92. figure 70. "goat-fish." Jeremy Black and Anthony Green. Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia, An Illustrated Dictionary. London, British Museum, in association with the University of Texas Press. Austin. 1992. ISBn 0-292-70794-0. paperback). Note: I understand that Ea (Enki) who gave his servant Adapa wisdom or knowledge but denied him immortality has been recast as Yahweh in the Garden of Eden. Please click here for the details.

Fish-garbed priest bas-relief on temple of the god Ninurta (Saturn) at Kalhu (biblical Calah), ca. 883-859 BCE Assurnasirpal II (p. 83. fig. 65.) Fish-men figurines, the so-called "seven sages" (apkallu), sun-dried clay, from the foundations of a priest's house in Asshur ca. 721-705 BCE (p. 18.) Fish-man in a sea from a bas-relief in the palace of the Assyrian king Sargon II, ca. 721-705 BCE at Dur-Sharken, modern Khorsabad. (p. 131. fig. 107. "merman and mermaid." Jeremy Black and Anthony Green. Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia, An Illustrated Dictionary. London, British Museum, in association with the University of Texas Press. Austin. 1992.

See the use of the fish hieroglyph on an Indus inscription (m0357); orthography discussed.

A fish-apkallu drawn by AH Layard from a stone relief, one of a pair flanking a doorway in the Temple of Ninurta at Kalhu. British Museum. Reproduced in Schlomo Izre'el, Adpa and the South Wind, Language has the power of life and death, Eisenbrauns, 2001.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/susa-ritual-basin-decorated-

Rūpaka, 'metaphor': अयस्--काम m. a blacksmith Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46 Sch. अयस्--कार m. id. Pa1n2. 2-4 , 10 Sch. and viii , 3 , 46 Sch.अयस् ayas gold Naigh.; n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10; steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ;Mod. Germ. Eisen.])(Monier-Williams) अयस ayasa अयस (At the end of comp.) See कार्ष्णायस mf(ई)n. (fr. कृष्णा*यस्) , made of black iron ChUp. vi , 1 , 6 Mn. xi , 133 MBh. &c; n. iron Mn. x , 52 R. i , 38 , 20. कालायस n. (fr. /अयस्) , iron R. Hariv. &c; mfn. made of iron R. vii , 8 , 15. लोहा* यसn. any metal mixed with copper , (or) copper Br. Ka1tyS3r.; mfn. made of a reddish metal , made of copper Ma1nS3r. अयस्मय ayōmaya ayasmaya अयोमय अयस्मय (अयोमय) a. (-यी f.) Ved. Made of iron or of any metal. -यी N. of one of the three habitations of Asuras; अयोच्छिष्टम् ayōcchiṣṭam अयोच्छिष्टम् Rust of iron (Apte) ayaścūrṇa n. ʻ powder prepared from iron as a vermifuge ʼ Suśr. [áyas -- , cūrṇa -- ]Si. yahuṇu ʻ iron filings ʼ; -- perh. rather a Si. cmpd. áyas n. ʻ metal, iron ʼ RV.Pa. ayō nom. sg. n. and m., aya -- n. ʻ iron ʼ, Pk. aya -- n., Si. ya.: áyas -- : Md. da ʻ iron ʼ, dafat ʻ piece of iron ʼ.ayaskāṇḍa m.n. ʻ a quantity of iron, excellent iron ʼ Pāṇ. gaṇ. [áyas -- , kāˊṇḍa -- ]Si. yakaḍa ʻ iron ʼ. *ayaskūṭa ʻ iron hammer ʼ. [áyas -- , kūˊṭa -- 1]Pa. ayōkūṭa -- , ayak˚ m.; Si. yakuḷa ʻ sledge -- hammer ʼ, yavuḷa (< ayōkūṭa -- ).(CDIAL 589 to 592) aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Ta.); ayir – iron dust, any ore (Ma.) Kur. adar the waste of pounded rice, broken grains, etc. Malt. adru broken grain (DEDR 134). Ma. aśu thin, slender;ayir, ayiram iron dust.Ta. ayir subtlety, fineness, fine sand, candied sugar; ? atar fine sand, dust. அய.ர³ ayir, n. 1. Subtlety, fineness; நணசம. (த_வ_.) 2. [M. ayir.] Fine sand; நணமணல. (மலசலப. 92.) ayiram, n. Candied sugar; ayil, n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; 2. Surgical knife, lancet; Javelin, lance; ayilavaṉ, Skanda, as bearing a javelin (DEDR 341).Tu. gadarů a lump (DEDR 1196) अयोगूः A blacksmith; Vāj.3.5. अयस् a. [इ-गतौ-असुन्] Going, moving; nimble. n. (-यः) 1 Iron (एति चलति अयस्कान्तसंनिकर्षं इति तथात्वम्; नायसोल्लिख्यते रत्नम् Śukra4.169. अभितप्तमयो$पि मार्दवं भजते कैव कथा शरीरिषु R.8.43. -2 Steel. -3 Gold. -4 A metal in general.

Indus Script hypertext: ayaskāṇḍa 1 an iron-arrow. -2 excellent iron. -3 a large quantity of iron. -क_नत_(अयसक_नत_) 1 'beloved of iron', a magnet, load-stone; 2 a precious stone; ˚मजण_ a loadstone; ayaskāra 1 an iron-smith, blacksmith (Skt.Apte) ayas-kāntamu. [Skt.] n. The load-stone, a magnet. ayaskāruḍu. n. A blacksmith, one who works in iron. ayassu. n. ayō-mayamu. [Skt.] adj. made of iron (Te.) அயக்களங்கு aya-k-kaḷaṅku Oxide of iron; அயசு ayacu, n. < ayas. Iron; இரும்பு. (சி. சி.. 4, 8, சிவாக்.); அயம்⁶ ayam, n. < ayas. 1. Iron; இரும்பு. (பிங்.) 2. Iron filings; அரப்பொடி. (தைலவ. தைல. 6.) Āyasa (adj.) [Sk. āyasa, of ayas iron] made of iron S ii. 182; A iii.58; Dh 345; J iv.416; v.81; Vv 84⁵ Ayo & Aya (nt.) [Sk. ayaḥ nt. iron & ore, Idg. *ajes -- , cp. Av. ayah, Lat. aes, Goth. aiz, Ohg. ēr (= Ger. Erz.), Ags. ār (= E. ore).] iron. The nom. ayo found only in set of 5 metals forming an alloy of gold (jātarūpa), viz. ayo, loha (copper), tipu(tin), sīsa (lead), sajjha (silver) A iii.16 = S v.92; of obl. cases only the instr. ayasā occurs Dh 240 (= ayato DhA iii.344); Pv i.10¹³ (paṭikujjita, of Niraya). -- Iron is the material used kat)e)coxh/n in the outfit & construction of Purgatory or Niraya (see niraya & Avīci & cp. Vism 56 sq.). -- In comp^n. both ayo˚ & aya˚ occur as bases. I. ayo˚: -- kapāla an iron pot A iv.70 (v. l. ˚guhala); Nd² 304 ^{iii. d 2} (of Niraya). -- kūṭa an iron hammer PvA 284. -- khīlaan iron stake S v.444; M iii.183 = Nd² 304 ^{iii. c}; SnA 479. -- guḷa an iron ball S v.283; Dh 308; It 43 = 90; Th 2, 489; DA i.84. -- ghana an iron club Ud 93; VvA 20. -- ghara an iron house J iv.492. -- paṭala an iron roof or ceiling (of Niraya) PvA 52. -- pākāra an iron fence Pv i.10¹³ = Nd² 304 ^{iii. d 1}. -- maya made of iron Sn 669 (kūṭa); J iv.492 (nāvā); Pv i.10¹⁴(bhūmi of N.); PvA 43, 52. -- muggara an iron club PvA 55. -- sanku an iron spike S iv.168; Sn 667. II. aya˚: -- kapāla = ayo˚ DhA i.148 (v. l. ayo˚). -kāra a worker in iron Miln 331. -- kūṭa = ayo˚ J i.108; DhA ii.69 (v. l.).-- nangala an iron plough DhA i.223; iii.67. -- paṭṭaka an iron plate or sheet (cp. loha˚) J v.359. -- paṭhavi an iron floor (of Avīci) DhA i.148. -- sanghāṭaka an iron (door) post DhA iv.104. -- sūla an iron stake Sn 667; DhA i.148.(Pali) aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). Ta. ayil javelin, lance, surgical knife, lancet.Ma. ayil javelin, lance; ayiri surgical knife, lancet. (DEDR 193).

Sign 59 Indus Script (ASI Concordance, 1977)

Hieroglyph: ayo, hako 'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali) Santali lexeme, hako ‘fish’ is concordant with a proto-Indic form which can be identified as ayo in many glosses, Munda, Sora glosses in particular, of the Indian linguistic area.beḍa hako (ayo) ‘fish’ (Santali); beḍa ‘either of the sides of a hearth’ (G.) Munda: So. ayo `fish'. Go. ayu `fish'. Go <ayu> (Z), <ayu?u> (Z),, <ayu?> (A) {N} ``^fish''. Kh. kaDOG `fish'. Sa. Hako `fish'. Mu. hai (H) ~ haku(N) ~ haikO(M) `fish'. Ho haku `fish'. Bj. hai `fish'. Bh.haku `fish'. KW haiku ~ hakO |Analyzed hai-kO, ha-kO (RDM). Ku. Kaku`fish'.@(V064,M106) Mu. ha-i, haku `fish' (HJP). @(V341) ayu>(Z), <ayu?u> (Z) <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish''. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish''. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn''. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn''. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+GOl-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish''. #15163. Vikalpa: Munda: <aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.#10171. So<aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''. Indian mackerel Ta. ayirai, acarai, acalai loach, sandy colour, Cobitis thermalis; ayilai a kind of fish. Ma.ayala a fish, mackerel, scomber; aila, ayila a fish; ayira a kind of small fish, loach (DEDR 191)

Kashmiri: khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār,Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta खार-बस्त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭh^ü -ब॑ठू॒ । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkur^u -द्वकुरु॒ । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧjⁱ -ग॑जि॒ or -güj^ü -ग॑जू॒ । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höj^ü -हा॑जू॒), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūr^ü -कूरू॒ । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭ^u -क॑टु॒ । लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭ^ü -क॑टू॒ । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më̆ʦ^ü 1 -म्य॑च़ू॒ । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see khāra 3), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuw^u -न्यचिवु॒ । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see khārun), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦ^añĕ -च़्ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 30). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.

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Demonstrating rūpaka 'metaphor' readings of fish in the context of mint, metalwork wealth ledgers in Indus Script writing system

July 30, 2018, 2:05 am

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https://tinyurl.com/yajrlcfb
The objective of this monograph is to identify the word in Indian sprachbund (speech union) of ca. 4th millennium BCE to signify ayo 'fish' and also as a rūpaka,'metaphor' aya 'iron', ayas
'metalwork'. A cognate word in Kannada is ayar, ayire with two meanings: 'fish, iron'

This monograph is an addendum to: Indus Script wealth accounting, ayo 'fish' rūpaka, 'metaphors' अयस्

ayas 'iron, gold, metal', ayo kammaṭa'metals mint' and अयस्-काम, अयस्-कार 'blacksmith'kandə'pine' kāṇḍa'water' rebus: kāṇḍā'implements' https://tinyurl.com/y9z6p5h3 This has demonstrated the ancient Austro-Asiatic word ayo 'fish', emphatically pronounced by a cognate word hako 'fish'; rebus: ayas 'alloyed metl' (R̥gveda) and other cognate words of Indian sprachbund which have two meanings: 1. fish; 2. iron (metal).

The metaphors are traceable to Meluhha rebus readings of Indus Script inscriptions.

An "Early Harappan" polychrome pot with fish design from Nal, South Baluchistan

Impression of an Indus-style cylinder seal of unknown Near Eastern origin.

One side of a triangular tablet from Mohenjo-daro.
https://www.harappa.com/script/parpola8.html Three figured published in Parpola, Asko (1988) Religion reflected in the iconic signs of the Indus script: penetrating into long-forgotten picto+graphic messages. Visible Religion 6: pp. 114-135.]

அயிலை ayilai, n. < அயில்-. cf. அயிரை. A fish, as edible; ஒரு மீன். அயிலை துழந்த வம்புளி (அகநா. 60). அயிரை ayirai, n. 1. Loach, sandy colour, Cobitio thermalis; நொய்ம்மீன். சிறுவெண் காக்கை . . . அயிரை யாரும் (ஐங்குறு. 164). 2. Name of a hill in the Cēra country, 9 miles west of Palni, now called Aivar-malai; சேரநாட்டுள்ள தொருமலை. நேருயிர் நெடுவரை யயிரைப் பொருந (பதிற்றுப். 21). (I. M. P. Mr. 236.) 3. Name of a river in the Cēra country; சேரநாட்டுள்ளதோர் ஆறு. உருகெழு மரபி னயிரை மண்ணி(சிலப். 28, 145).

அயில்¹ ayil, n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; இரும்பு அயிலாலே போழ்ப வயில் (பழமொ. 8). 2. Surgical knife, lancet; சத்திரம் வைக்குங் கத்தி. அயிலரி யிரலை விழுப்புண் (ஞானா. 30). 3. Javelin, lance; வேல். அயில்புரை நெடுங்கண் (ஞானா. 33). 4. Sharpness; கூர்மை. ஆண்மகன் கையி லயில்வாள்(நாலடி. 386). 5. Sedge; கோரை. (W.)அயிலவன் ayil-avaṉ, n. < அயில். Skanda, as bearing a javelin; முருகக்கடவுள். (திருப்பு. 312.) அயிலுழவன் ayil-uḻavaṉ, n. < அயில் +. Warrior, as ploughman with javelin; வீரன். (உரி. நி.)

The expression ayardāḷi, i.e. ayire 'iron' PLUS tāḷi 'marriage badge' is a metaphor which signifies the firmness of bondage of marriage, as firm as iron. The hieroglyphs which adorn such a necklace or marriage badge attain the status of sacred, venerated metaphors which govern the life principles and sensations. The word ayir is cognate with the Austro-Asiatic or Indian sprachbund words: ayo 'fish', aya 'iron' (hence, ayas 'alloy metal' (R̥gveda).

The sacredness associated with the 'fish' hieroglyph is exquisitely demonstrated by a Kannada expression: ayardāḷi 'marriage badge'. A pair of fish is an integral part of a married woman's necklace shown as aṣṭamangalaka hāra 'eight auspicious, scared objects on a necklace' or on a Jaina Āyāgapaṭa orthographically emphasizing 'fish' and 'fish-fins'.

'Fish-fins' which signify a 'metals mint', evolve into the srivatsa hypertext to signify a wealth-producing social grouping or guild.

आ-याग [p= 148,1] is a gift given at a yajña. āyāgapaṭa is a written tablet with sacred/auspicious hieroglyphs/hypertexts of homage offered at a sacred place like a temple.

The sacred symbols of āyāgapaṭa also recur on peronal ornaments of children and as marriage badges,tāli.

aimpaṭai, aṣṭamangaḷa necklaces with Indus Script hypertexts signify Bronze Age Bhāratīya army arsenal.

Tamil children had Aimpataittāli made up of five symbols or five weapons of Vishnu: śankha, 'Vishnus’s conch',Cakra, 'discus, wheel', sāranga, 'bow', nandaka khaṇḍa, 'sword' and Kaumodakī gada, 'mace'. Ref. Akam.54, Puram.77:7-8. There are references in Silappadikaram, Manimekalai (Fifth Century CE) and Peria Puranam (Tenth Century CE).

Ta. tāli central piece of a neck ornament solemnly tied by the bridegroom around the bride's neck as marriage badge, a child's necklace, amulet tied on a child's neck. Ma. tāli the centre piece of a neck ornament tied as the marriage badge. Ko. ta·ḷy a heavy necklace. To. to·ly woman's gold neck ornament. Ka. tāli, tāḷi a small round plate of gold worn at the neck as a marriage badge, that plate used as an ornament. Tu. tāli, tāḷi the marriage badge worn by a female. Te. tāli small piece of gold tied by the bridegroom at the marriage ceremony to the neck of the bride. / Cf. Skt. tāli- (Mayrhofer, s.v.)(DEDR 3175)

aṣṭamangalaka hāra depicted on a pillar of a gateway(toran.a) at the stupa of Sanchi, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, Thedeeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of Bāṇa’s Harṣacarita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi:fig. 62].

At least five metalwork tools and implements are recognizable on the hypertexts signified on the necklaces seen on Sanchi sculptures, which signify aṣṭamangaḷa 'eight auspicious hieroglyphs' in the tradition of Indus Script cipher (e.g. ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron', ayas 'weapon').

अङ्कुश [p= 7,2] mn. a hook , especially an elephant-driver's hook

परशु [p= 589,2]m. a hatchet , axe , the axe of a woodcutter; ( Naigh. ii , 20)

a thunderbolt RV. &c; पर्शु m. (cf. परशु and Un2. i , 34 Sch.) an axe , hatchet Hariv. R.

अयस् [p= 85,1]n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10.

The hieroglyph is: ayo 'fish' Duplicated: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, dul ayas 'cast iron weapon'.

खड्ग [p= 335,3]m. (fr. √खड् for खण्ड्?) a sword , scymitar MBh. R. &c (ifc. f(आ). Katha1s. ); a large sacrificial knife W.; n. iron L.

kammaṭa=portable furnace (Te.) rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

karaḍa 'safflower' rebus: kharaḍā खरड़ा wealth accounting ledge entries of metalwork wealth created in smithies, forges, foundries'.

The central pendant of the necklaces is a replica of the hypertext which adorns Sanchi/Bharhut toranas.

Stūpa is the ziggurat (dagoba, dhatugarbha) The hypertext is mounted on a pedestal, paṭa 'throne, tablet, a thatch or roof (= पटल) L.' , फड, phaḍa 'cobra hood' rebus: फड, phaḍa 'arsenal, metalwork artisan guild in charge of manufactory'.

Necklaces with pendants as hypertexts in a continuum of Indus Script writing hypertext tradition: karaDi 'safflower' rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' DAng 'mace' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' thus, iron metal casting. sangaDa 'portable brazier' rebus: sangAta 'collection of articles' sangar 'fortification' khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus:kammaṭa 'mint', sippi 'mollusc' rebus: sippi 'engraver, sculptor'. Thus, the wearer of the necklaces a metal sculptor or creator of lost-wax metal castings.

The Indus Script hypertext message is: tāmra ayo kammaṭa sippi kāraṇikā sanghin 'copper, iron mint, artisan, scribe guild'.

tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS kárṇikā Pa. kaṇṇikā -- f. ʻpericarp of lotus'' Rebus: kanka, kāraṇikā 'scribe'. This reading is combined with sã̄khī 'mollusc' Rebus: sangin 'guild' to read the message as kāraṇikā sanghin 'scribes guild'.

Image result for astamangala necklace bharatkalyan97

śrivatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions Pl. 33, Nandipāda-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sanchi, Sarnath and Mathura] Pl. 27, Svastika symbol: distribution in cultural periods] The association of śrivatsa with ‘fish’ is reinforced by the symbols binding fish in Jaina āyāgapaṭas (snake-hood?) of Mathura (late 1st cent. BCE). śrivatsa symbol seems to have evolved from a stylied glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the Sanchi stupa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘śrivatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina āyāgapaṭa, a fish is ligatured within the śrivatsa glyph, emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph with śrivatsa glyph.

(After Plates in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77)

Āyāgapaṭa of Sanchi with Brāhmī inscription. "Note that both (inscriptions) begin with a lucky svastika. The top line reads 卐 vīrasu bhikhuno dānaṃ - i.e. "the donation of Bhikkhu Vīrasu." The lower inscription also ends with dānaṃ, and the name in this case is perhaps pānajāla (I'm unsure about jā). Professor Greg Schopen has noted that these inscriptions recording donations from bhikkhus and bhikkhunis seem to contradict the traditional narratives of monks and nuns not owning property or handling money."

http://jayarava.blogspot.in/2011/05/svastika.html

Hypertext components in the Āyāgapaṭa:

A pair of fish holding a garland

A fish tied with two molluscs on either side (which evolves into a

with orthographic emphasis on the pair of fish-fins.

śrivatsa hypertext). These pictorial motifs as metaphors signify: ayo 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Thus, the message relates to metalwork mint.

Evidence of ancient coins of India to prove that so-called Śrivatsa, nandipāda, triratna symbol (and variants) constitute Indus Script Hypertexts, descriptive mint metalwork catalogues.

The plain text of the Indus hypertext of the frequently used symbol or hieroglyph-multiplex, reads: dhatu ayo ḍhāḷako kammaṭa 'mineral, alloy metal, large ingot, mint'.

Mahavamsa XXV,28 uses two words from this Indus Script text: ayo kammata. Here is an attestation from Ananda Coomaraswamy's note: [quote] Ayas: not in the Dictionary. This word is always used for iron... Mahavamsa, XXV, 28, ayo-kammata-dvara, "iron studded gate " (of a city) ; ib., 30, ayo-gulath, " iron balls "; ib., XXIX, 8, ayo-jala, an iron trellis used in the foundations of a stfipa. Reference might have been made to the iron pillars at Delhi and Dhar, and the use of iron in building at Konarak. [unquote] (Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Indian Architectural terms, in: American Oriental Society, Vol. 48, 1928, pp.250-275).

Obverse:elephant PLUS five other Indus script hypertexts Reverse: four Indus Script hypertexts including dotted circle + fish-fin pair '-- dhatu dul ayo kammaṭa, 'mineral, alloy metal, metal casting mint' hypertext.

आ-याग is a gift given at a yajña. āyāgapaṭa is a written tablet with sacred/auspicious hieroglyphs/hypertexts of homage offered at a sacred place like a temple (Monier-Williams).

A pair signifies dula; the rūpaka is dul 'metal casting'; thus, dul aya signifies 'metalcasting with alloy metal,' deriving the semantics of early word ayas as 'alloy metal, also iron (hard mineral)'. aṣṭamangalaka hāra depicted on a pillar of a gateway(toran.a) at the stupa of Sanchi, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, Thedeeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of Bāṇa’s Harṣacarita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi:fig. 62]. At least five metalwork tools and implements are recognizable on the hypertexts signified on the necklaces seen on Sanchi sculptures, which signify aṣṭamangaḷa 'eight auspicious hieroglyphs' in the tradition of Indus Script cipher (e.g. ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron', ayas 'weapon').

Tablet of destinies and Āyāgapaṭa

Āyāgapaṭa are stone tablets set up outside temples or stupas as offerings of worship.
.
याग [p= 850,2] m. ( √1. यज्) an offering , oblation , sacrificeany ceremony in which offerings or oblations are presented Ya1jn5. Ragh. Ra1jat. &c
presentation , grant , bestowal Hcat. This root gloss yields a compound Meluhha phrase: आयागपट्ट Āyāgapaṭṭa. Use of Āyāgapaṭṭa pre-dates Bauddham and is evidenced in veneration of Jaina Arhants and Jaina temples. This practice of offerings is also comparable to the 'tablet of destinies' carried away by the s'yena (falcon) in Ancient Near East narratives reported from the days of Sumer civilization.