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VHP demands immediate law in Samsad for Ram Temple (2:10)

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Treat 1989-90 Ethnic Cleansing in Kashmir & Snatching of Hindu Properties at gun points also a Conspiracy & Govt should pass Ram Temple Law in Samsad immediately 

-VHP Dr Pravin Togadia 
Published on Oct 19, 2016
Documentary of Ayodhya Ram Mandir - Babri Mazid
अयोध्या: राम मंदिर-बाबरी मस्जिद

अयोध्या भारत के उत्तर प्रदेश प्रान्त का एक अति प्राचीन धार्मिक नगर है। यह फैजाबाद जिला के अन्तर्गत आता है। यह सरयू नदी (घाघरा नदी) के दाएं तट पर बसा है। प्राचीन काल में इसे 'कौशल देश'कहा जाता था। अयोध्या हिन्दुओं का प्राचीन और सात पवित्र तीर्थस्थलों में एक है।
वेद में अयोध्या को ईश्वर का नगर बताया गया है, "अष्टचक्रा नवद्वारा देवानां पूरयोध्या"[1] और इसकी संपन्नता की तुलना स्वर्ग से की गई है। रामायण के अनुसार अयोध्या की स्थापना मनु ने की थी। यह पुरी सरयू के तट पर बारह योजन (लगभग १४४ कि.मी) लम्बाई अाैर तीन योजन (लगभग ३६ कि.मी.) चौड़ाई में बसी थी । [2]कई शताब्दी तक यह नगर सूर्यवंशी राजाओं की राजधानी रहा। अयोध्या मूल रूप से मंदिरों का शहर है। यहां आज भी हिन्दू, बौद्ध, इस्लाम ऐवम जैन धर्म से जुड़े अवशेष देखे जा सकते हैं। जैन मत के अनुसार यहां आदिनाथ सहित पांच तीर्थंकरों का जन्म हुआ था।

इसका महत्व इसके प्राचीन इतिहास में निहित है क्योंकि भारत के प्रसिद्ध एवं प्रतापी क्षत्रियों (सूर्यवंशी) की राजधानी यही नगर रहा है। उक्त क्षत्रियों में दाशरथी रामचंद्र अवतार के रूप में पूजे जाते हैं। पहले यह कोसल जनपद की राजधानी था। प्राचीन उल्लेखों के अनुसार तब इसका क्षेत्रफल 96 वर्ग मील था। यहाँ पर सातवीं शाताब्दी में चीनी यात्री हेनत्सांग आया था। उसके अनुसार यहाँ 20 बौद्ध मंदिर थे तथा 3000 भिक्षु रहते थे।

== मुख्य आकर्षण ==इस प्राचीन नगर के अवशेष अब खंडहर के रूप में रह गए हैं जिसमें कहीं कहीं कुछ अच्छे मंदिर भी हैं। वर्तमान अयोघ्या के प्राचीन मंदिरों में सीतारसोई तथा हनुमानगढ़ी मुख्य हैं। कुछ मंदिर 18वीं तथा 19वीं शताब्दी में बने जिनमें कनकभवन, नागेश्वरनाथ तथा दर्शनसिंह मंदिर दर्शनीय हैं। कुछ जैन मंदिर भी हैं। यहाँ पर वर्ष में तीन मेले लगते हैं - मार्च-अप्रैल, जुलाई-अगस्त तथा अक्टूबर-नंवबर के महीनों में। इन अवसरों पर यहाँ लाखों यात्री आते हैं। अब यह एक तीर्थस्थान के रूप में ही रह गया है।
Image result for ram mandir ayodhya
New Delhi / Ahmedabad (Karnavati), April 19, 2017

Reacting on the Hon. Supreme Court Bench Justice Nariman & Justice Ghosh's order to treat Babri Demolition as conspiracy, VHP International Working President Dr Pravin Togadia said, "The CBI under the Union Govt had gone to the Hon. Supreme Court challenging the acquittal of the leaders by the Hon. High Courts. We respect the Hon. Supreme Court & Hindus have strength enough to fight the case on its merit despite all odds. Now CBI under the Union Govt should challenge If demolishing of a structure that was built by a foreign invader by demolishing original Hindu structure in Ayodhya can be treated as conspiracy, then the Union Govt & J&K Govt both should approach the Hon. Supreme Court to treat the 1989-90 Kashmir ethnic cleansing by Kashmiri Muslims as the worst ever criminal conspiracy. Lakhs of Hindus' houses, lands & properties were snatched at gun points by mobs instigated by their leaders, thousands of Hindus were killed & lakhs were displaced who are still forced to live in temporary shelters away from their original places.

Not only the 1989-90 attacks on Hindus in Kashmir, but also in various states where Hindus had to run away en mass due to terrorization & attacks by Muslims has to be treated as Conspiracy. Lakhs of Hindus' properties thus has been snatched by Muslims from Assam to Uttar Pradesh & from Gujarat to Keral. The Union Govt & the respective state Govts should now file the cases on those conspirators under criminal conspiracy sections of all possible laws if these Govts truly care for the law & for Hindus.

AS for the Ayodhya case, snatching from Hindus & then demolishing Ram Temple to build Babri structure & then keep on justifying that action even now itself was the criminal conspiracy by Babar then & now by Muslims at the first place. Restoration of Hindu religious places back to Hindus after the Muslim rulers & then the British Rulers left was the responsibility of all the Govts last 70 yrs from 1947 to 2017, but for vote bank politics all kept on appeasing the minority & hurting the Hindus. Hindus will fight the said case legally & in all democratic ways, however, we demand that now the Union Govt should immediately pass the Law in Samsad for Ram Temple as well as ALL Hindu Religious places restoration to Hindus. 
--
Posted By VSK Tamilnadu to Vishwa Samvad Kendra - Tamilnadu at 4/20/2017 01:28:00 PM

Tilak's views on chronology, in Orion: Context, March equinox, December equinox; Summer (June) solstice, Winter (December) solstice

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https://www.facebook.com/srini.kalyanaraman/posts/10156147591724625

Agrayana, 'beginning of year' morphs to 'orion', according to Balagangadhara Tilak (1893).  अग्र--यान [p= 6,2] n. stepping in front to defy the enemy; the first vehicle, Buddh.

According to Tilak, the year began at (Vernal) Spring Equinox in the constellation of Orion in 4000 BCE. 

Tilak argues that Indian astronomy calendar is NOT tropical (relating to the seasons) but is siderial (relating to the stars).

The Veda is the oldest of the books that we now possess, and it is generally admitted "that for a study of man, or if you like, for a study of Aryan humanity, there is nothing in the world equal in importance with it." B. G. Tilak, The Orion

The Rig Veda refers to the Orion Constellation as Mriga (The Deer).(Holay, P. V. "Vedic astronomers". Bulletin of the Astronomical Society of India26: 91–106). It is said that two bright stars in the front and two bright stars in the rear are The hunting dogs, the one comparatively less bright star in the middle and ahead of two front dogs is The hunter and three aligned bright stars are in the middle of all four hunting dogs is The Deer (The Mriga) and three little aligned but less brighter stars is The Baby Deer. The Mriga means Deer, locally known as Harnu in folk parlance. 
Image result for orion

[quote]Tilak begins his argument by demonstrating that the Vedic year was sidereal, referring to the stars, and not tropical, relating to the seasons, and that it began with the vernal equinox and not the winter solstice as some have suggested. The nakshatras, or Indian lunar mansions, were divided into the Deva Nakshatras, those above the celestial equator, and the Yama Nakshatras, those below the celestial equator. He places the vernal equinox in Krittikâ, the first asterism listed in Chapter Nine, at the time that the Taittirîya Sanhitâ was written sometime near 2350 BCE, building on the work of William D. Whitney. Tilak places the equinox in Mrigaçiras in Orion when the Vedas were written, based on the use of an alternate name, Âgrahâyana, meaning literally "commencing the year," and he places this alignment sometime near 4000 BCE, changing it in a later book to 4500 after having read the work of Hermann Jacobi. Tilak describes the positions of the solstices and equinoxes among the nakshatras during this period as follows: ... We have, roughly speaking, the winter solstice quite near the asterism of Uttarâ Bhâdrapadâ, the vernal equinox between the head and right shoulder of Orion or about 3° east of Mrigashiras, the summer solstice at a distance of within 2° east of Uttarâ Phalgunî, and the autumnal equinox about 5° east of the asterism of Mûla...The problem is that Mrigaçiras is called "the Antelope's Head," and Tilak questions how these three stars so closely packed could be seen to represent anything in particular, especially the head of an antelope. In accord with Richard Allen's statement that,The early Hindus called [the Belt of Orion] Isus Trikāndā, the three-jointed Arrow; but the later [Hindus] transferred to it the nakshatra title, Mrigaçiras, the latter meaning literally "antelope's head" according to Tilak, his solution is that the Antelope's Head, pierced by an arrow, is represented by all of the stars of Orion including α, which marked the junction with the next asterism, Ârdrá...Tilak goes on to identify the elements of the legend of Rudra and Prajâpati with the stars around Orion, quoting from Whitney: There is the whole story illustrated in the sky; the innocent and the lovely Rohinî (Aldebaran); the infamous Prajâpati (Orion) in full career after her, but laid sprawling by the three-jointed arrow (the belt of Orion), which shot from the hand of the near avenger (Sirius) is even now to be seen sticking in his body. and he finds the two Dogs guarding the gate or the bridge that leads to the underworld on the other side of the river of the galaxy, a clear reference to the vernal equinox where the sun rose into the northern hemisphere of the sky. Tilak also identifies this region with the location of the battle between Indra and Vritra. [unquote]
Tilak's Representation of the Antelope in Orion (rotated 90°)

[quote]Of late, there has been much debate as to whether there was an Aryan invasion of India in about 1500 BCE or whether Indian civilization, represented by Harappa and Mohenjo-daro and other cities on the Indus and the now extinct Sarasvati rivers, arose in India itself. As always, the confusion results from distortion of the timeline. Adopting Tilak's dating for the events described in the Rigveda, we see that the nomadic Aryans invaded India during the middle of the 5th millennium BC, finding an even more primitive civilization already there, perhaps the ancestors of the Dravidians, and then gradually advanced their own civilization, from which arose the Harappa culture around 3000 BCE.
Dating the Precession based on De Santillana and Burgess
ConstellationIndian AsterismJunction Star2Right Ascension3Year
(DeS)4
Year(Bur)7Cata-
strophic
Year
Virgo140005
Citrâα Virginis0° 0'1250012671
(Hasta)(δ Corvi)9° 20'11999
LeoUttara-Phalgunîβ Leonis23° 10'10800511002
Pûrva-Phalgunîδ Leonis33° 50'10235
95669
Maghâα Leonis48° 50'88009155
Cancer80005838610
(Âçleshâ)(ε Hydrae)69° 30'7667
Pushyaγ,δ Cancri72° 50'700074278745011
GeminiPunarvasuβ Geminorum86° 50'650056419
626712
OrionÂrdráα Orionis114° 20'45005,644396437513
Mrigaçirasλ Orionis119° 0'40004103390714
Taurus
Rohinîα Tauri132° 40'30003118294915
235413
Krittikâη Tauri144° 40'220022542230
Aries18005162813
Bharanî 35 Arietis161° 30'10431036
Açvinî1β Arietis172° 30'251 BC208 BC13
PiscesAD 15AD 516
Revatîδ Piscium180° 10'AD 289AD 323
 1Sidharth (1999) has this nakshatra at the winter solstice ca 7300 BCE.
 2
The junction stars are from Allen (1963). The relative positions of these asterisms are based on the right ascension of the asterisms on page 321 of the Burgess translation of the Sûrya Siddhânta (1978).
 3After Burgess. Precision is to the nearest 10 minutes of arc, or ±6 years.
 4
These dates are from the illustration on the endpaper of the 1st edition of Hamlet's Mill (1969), not reproduced in the paperback edition (1983) but found in Godwin (1993).
 5These years mark the transition from one solar constellation to the next according to the chart in de Santillana (1969).
 6Alison Moroney has this at ca 4420, based on planetarium software, in her Pathway to Atlantis of 1998, which, unfortunately, I have been unable to find, as well as at her website. She also places the construction of the great pyramid near that year, when α Orionis (Betelguese) aligned with the south shaft of the King's Chamber. More on this below.
 7These are roughly based on the right ascension of the junction star from the Burgess (1978) translation of the Sûrya Siddhânta, assuming a date for Spica (α Virginis) of 12671 using Meeus (1983) and the ancient value of 25,920 years for the entire precession.
 8Sidharth (1999) has δ Cancri ca 7300.  9Bond Event 8.  10Bond Event 7.  11Erdalen Event. A tree-ring radiocarbon event occurred at 7553. 
 12
8.2 Kiloyear Event.  13Tree ring minimum.  145.9 Kiloyear Event.  15Egyptian Deluge/Flood of Deucalion.  16Census in Judea. 
 [unquote]

http://neros.lordbalto.com/ChapterTwenty-One.htm Source: Stephen E. Franklin, 2004-2017 Typhon, a chronology of the Holocene Period (an ongoing work) http://www.lordbalto.com/neros/default.htm

Background data and definitions of astronomical terms

The seasons of the year are directly connected to both the solstices and the equinoxes.

Solstices

The seasons occur because the Earth's axis of rotation is not perpendicular to its orbital plane (the “plane of the ecliptic”) but currently makes an angle of about 23.44° (called the "obliquity of the ecliptic"), and because the axis keeps its orientation with respect to an inertial frame of reference. As a consequence, for half the year the Northern Hemisphere is inclined toward the Sun while for the other half year the Southern Hemisphere has this distinction. 

The two moments when the inclination of Earth's rotational axis has maximum effect are the solstices.

The Solstice occurs twice each year (around June 21 and December 22) as the Sun reaches its most northerly or southerly excursion relative to the celestial equator on the celestial sphere.
Two images showing the amount of reflected sunlight at southern and northern summer solstices, respectively (watts / m²).
Illumination of Earth by Sun at the northern solstice.

Illumination of Earth by Sun at the southern solstice.

Equinoxes

There are two equinoxes every year – in March and September – when the Sun shines directly on the equator and the length of night and day are nearly equal.

March Equinox - Equal Day and Night, Nearly



March equinox illustration
On the equinox the Earth's axis is perpendicular to the Sun's rays. 
Illumination of Earth by the Sun at the March equinox
Diagram of the Earth's seasons as seen from the north. Far right: December solstice. In the half-year centered on the December solstice, the Sun rises south of east and sets south of west and the durations of day are shorter and durations of night are longer.


Diagram of the Earth's seasons as seen from the south. Far left: June solstice. In the half-year centered on the June solstice, the Sun rises north of east and sets north of west, which means longer days with shorter nights for the northern hemisphere and shorter days with longer nights for the southern hemisphere.


https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Solstice

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
April 20, 2017

River Ganga -- Facts and figures

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River Ganga- Facts and figures

A collection of important facts and figures concerning our holy river- Ganga

 Famous quote on Ganges:
"The Ganga, especially, is the river of India, beloved of her people, round which are intertwined her memories, her hopes and fears, her songs of triumph, her victories and her defeats. She has been a symbol of India's age-long culture and civilization, ever changing, ever flowing, and yet ever the same Ganga."
                                                                                                                                                                                - Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Origin: Gangotri glacier, Uttarakhand. (western Himalayas)
 Gomukh
GOMUKH: The head of the Gangotri Glacier, which gives rise to the main tributary of Ganges - "Bhagirathi"

Gomukh glacier from a distance
Gangotri Glacier from a distance

Course Length: 2,510 km

Basin Size: 1,086,000 km²

Basin Map:
Ganga Basin
   Image credit: National Institute of Hydrology, India

Headwaters small
Headwaters of Ganges River System, Larger View Here (Photo Credit: Wikimedia Foundation)

Catchment Area: 1.09 million sq. km

Countries: India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Tibet

States in India:
Uttar Pradesh (294,364 km²),
Madhya Pradesh (198,962 km²),
Bihar (143,961 km²), 
Rajasthan (112,490 km²), 
West Bengal (71,485 km²), 
Haryana (34,341 km²), 
Himachal Pradesh (4,317 km²) 
Delhi (1,484 km²)
Course:
Course of ganges
Course of the Ganges (Larger Image here)

Statistics from World Resources Institute's Water Resources eAtlas

Population density in the basin:
Population density
Source: World Resources Institute

Average Population Density (1995)(people per sq.km): 401

Water Supply per Person (1995)(cu.m/year): 1,700-4,000
Landcover:

landuse
 Source: World Resources Institute
Percent Forest Cover: 4.2
Percent Grassland, Savanna and Shrubland: 13.4
Percent Wetlands: 17.7
Percent Cropland: 72.4
Percent Irrigated Cropland: 22.7
Percent Dryland Area: 58.0
Percent Urban and Industrial Area: 6.3
Percent Loss of Original Forest Cover: 84.5

Orion and Arctic Home in the Vedas -- BG Tilak (1893, 1903) Full texts. Why Tilak did NOT contest false Aryan Invasion Theories.

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अरुन्धती तयाप्य एष वसिष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः (Vasishtha is at the back of his friend Arundhati) is a metaphorical Mahābhārata Skymap observation. (MBh. Book 6. Ch. 2 Verse 31 http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/mbs/mbs06002.htm)

Vasishtha behind friend Arundhati is a metaphorical reference in the MBh. This cannot be deemed to be an astronomical reference of transit of Arundhati beyond the meridian ahead of Vasishtha (but may signify simply early heliacal rising of Arundhari (Alcor, a binary star of Mizar) ahead of the heliacal rising of Saptarishi including Vasishtha (Mizar) or even the heliacal rising of Krittikā (Pleiades)]. I submit that use of this MBh verse should be avoided, to determine the chronology of events described astronomically in the Great Epic. There are hundreds of other astronomical observations which can be used to validate traditional and epigraphical accounts (including Indus Script evidence presented herein).

Pleiades called bahulā are attested in Indus Script Corpora. 
I have already referred to the Pleiades as बहुल bahula (six or seven sisters) in Bharatiya tradition recognized in Indus Script Corpora to signify rebus: बगला bagalā m An Arab boat of a particular description (Marathi). A baghlah, bagala or baggala (Arabicبغلة‎‎) is a large deep-sea dhow, a traditional Arabic sailing vessel. Rebus 2: బంగల (p. 857) baṅgala bangala. [Tel.] n. An oven. కుంపటి. (Telugu)

வாகுலை vākulai , n. < Vahulā. The six presiding  female deities of the Pleiades; அறு மீனாகிய கார்த்திகைப்பெண்கள். (யாழ். அக.)  बहुला f. pl.= कृत्तिकास् , the Pleiades Var. L. bahulā f. pl. ʻ the Pleiades ʼ VarBr̥S., °likā -- f. pl. lex. [bahulá -- ]
Kal. bahul ʻ the Pleiades ʼ, Kho. ból, (Lor.) boulbolh, Sh. (Lor.) b*lle.(CDIAL 9195)


Related image

This seal shows only 6 star Pleiades, while other inscriptions show 7 star Pleiades.

h097 Text 4251 h097 Pict-95: Seven robed figures (with stylized twigs on their head and pig-tails) standing in a row.



Image result for pleiades indus script
Seal m 1186 Mohenjo-daro (DK 6847)Excavation No. HR 4161, National Museum of India, New Delhi.


See: http://tinyurl.com/l9m6u3k 



अरुन्धती leaves behind bahula. बहुल Pleiades (cluster which includes A's friend वसिष्ठः)  

This early heliacal rising of Arundhati observed by Krishna Dvaipāyana Veda Vyāsa (Black Ganga island-dweller) CANNOT override the astronomical observations made by Balagangadhara Tilak.

Reasons why BG Tilak did NOT context Max Mueller's Aryan Invasion Theory

Orion of antiquity in the Vedas (1893) Full text 237 pages
https://www.scribd.com/document/345812124/Orion-of-Antiquity-in-the-Vedas-by-Tilak-1893

Arctic Home in the Vedas (1903)Full text 470 pages 1925 edition
http://vedic-nation.com/media/research_activities/9_arctic_home_in_the_vedas.pdf

https://www.scribd.com/document/345812665/Arctic-Home-in-the-Vedas-BG-Tilak-1925

Chronology of the post-glacial period


  • 10,000 to 8000 BC – The destruction of the original Arctic home by the last Ice Age and the commencement of the post-Glacial period.
  • 8000 to 5000 BC – The age of migration from the original home. The survivors of the Aryan race roamed over the northern parts of Europe and Asia in search of lands suitable for new settlements. Tilak calls it the Pre-Orion Period.
  • 5000 to 3000 BC. - The Orion period, when the vernal equinox was in Orion. Many Vedic hymns can be traced to the early part of this period and the bards of the race seem to have not yet forgotten the real importance of the traditions of the Arctic home inherited by them. It was at this time that first attempts to reform the calendar and the sacrificial system appear to have been systematically made.
  • 3000 to 1400 BC – The Krittika period, when the Vernal equinox was in Pleiades. The traditions about the original Arctic home had grown dim by this time and were often misunderstood, making the Vedic hymns less and less intelligible.
  • 1400 to 500 BC – The Pre-Buddhistic period, when the Sutras and the Philosophical systems made their appearance.

1) Vedic References
2) Avestic References
  • Particulars of Vendidad passages are given.
  • Particulars of Yashts passages are given.
  • Particulars of Yasna passages are given.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Arctic_Home_in_the_Vedas

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2017/04/tilaks-views-on-chronology-in-orion.html  Tilak's views on chronology, in Orion: Context, March equinox, December equinox; Summer (June) solstice, Winter (December) solstice





Agrayana, 'beginning of year' morphs to 'orion', according to Balagangadhara Tilak (1893).  अग्र--यान [p= 6,2] n. stepping in front to defy the enemy; the first vehicle, Buddh.

According to Tilak, the year began at (Vernal) Spring Equinox in the constellation of Orion in 4000 BCE. 

Tilak argues that Indian astronomy calendar is NOT tropical (relating to the seasons) but is siderial (relating to the stars).

The Veda is the oldest of the books that we now possess, and it is generally admitted "that for a study of man, or if you like, for a study of Aryan humanity, there is nothing in the world equal in importance with it." B. G. Tilak, The Orion

The Rig Veda refers to the Orion Constellation as Mriga (The Deer).(Holay, P. V. "Vedic astronomers". Bulletin of the Astronomical Society of India26: 91–106). It is said that two bright stars in the front and two bright stars in the rear are The hunting dogs, the one comparatively less bright star in the middle and ahead of two front dogs is The hunter and three aligned bright stars are in the middle of all four hunting dogs is The Deer (The Mriga) and three little aligned but less brighter stars is The Baby Deer. The Mriga means Deer, locally known as Harnu in folk parlance. 
Image result for orion

[quote]Tilak begins his argument by demonstrating that the Vedic year was sidereal, referring to the stars, and not tropical, relating to the seasons, and that it began with the vernal equinox and not the winter solstice as some have suggested. The nakshatras, or Indian lunar mansions, were divided into the Deva Nakshatras, those above the celestial equator, and the Yama Nakshatras, those below the celestial equator. He places the vernal equinox in Krittikâ, the first asterism listed in Chapter Nine, at the time that the Taittirîya Sanhitâ was written sometime near 2350 BCE, building on the work of William D. Whitney. Tilak places the equinox in Mrigaçiras in Orion when the Vedas were written, based on the use of an alternate name, Âgrahâyana, meaning literally "commencing the year," and he places this alignment sometime near 4000 BCE, changing it in a later book to 4500 after having read the work of Hermann Jacobi. Tilak describes the positions of the solstices and equinoxes among the nakshatras during this period as follows: ... We have, roughly speaking, the winter solstice quite near the asterism of Uttarâ Bhâdrapadâ, the vernal equinox between the head and right shoulder of Orion or about 3° east of Mrigashiras, the summer solstice at a distance of within 2° east of Uttarâ Phalgunî, and the autumnal equinox about 5° east of the asterism of Mûla...The problem is that Mrigaçiras is called "the Antelope's Head," and Tilak questions how these three stars so closely packed could be seen to represent anything in particular, especially the head of an antelope. In accord with Richard Allen's statement that,The early Hindus called [the Belt of Orion] Isus Trikāndā, the three-jointed Arrow; but the later [Hindus] transferred to it the nakshatra title, Mrigaçiras, the latter meaning literally "antelope's head" according to Tilak, his solution is that the Antelope's Head, pierced by an arrow, is represented by all of the stars of Orion including α, which marked the junction with the next asterism, Ârdrá...Tilak goes on to identify the elements of the legend of Rudra and Prajâpati with the stars around Orion, quoting from Whitney: There is the whole story illustrated in the sky; the innocent and the lovely Rohinî (Aldebaran); the infamous Prajâpati (Orion) in full career after her, but laid sprawling by the three-jointed arrow (the belt of Orion), which shot from the hand of the near avenger (Sirius) is even now to be seen sticking in his body. and he finds the two Dogs guarding the gate or the bridge that leads to the underworld on the other side of the river of the galaxy, a clear reference to the vernal equinox where the sun rose into the northern hemisphere of the sky. Tilak also identifies this region with the location of the battle between Indra and Vritra. [unquote]
Tilak's Representation of the Antelope in Orion (rotated 90°)

[quote]Of late, there has been much debate as to whether there was an Aryan invasion of India in about 1500 BCE or whether Indian civilization, represented by Harappa and Mohenjo-daro and other cities on the Indus and the now extinct Sarasvati rivers, arose in India itself. As always, the confusion results from distortion of the timeline. Adopting Tilak's dating for the events described in the Rigveda, we see that the nomadic Aryans invaded India during the middle of the 5th millennium BC, finding an even more primitive civilization already there, perhaps the ancestors of the Dravidians, and then gradually advanced their own civilization, from which arose the Harappa culture around 3000 BCE.
Dating the Precession based on De Santillana and Burgess
ConstellationIndian AsterismJunction Star2Right Ascension3Year
(DeS)4
Year(Bur)7Cata-
strophic
Year
Virgo140005
Citrâα Virginis0° 0'1250012671
(Hasta)(δ Corvi)9° 20'11999
LeoUttara-Phalgunîβ Leonis23° 10'10800511002
Pûrva-Phalgunîδ Leonis33° 50'10235
95669
Maghâα Leonis48° 50'88009155
Cancer80005838610
(Âçleshâ)(ε Hydrae)69° 30'7667
Pushyaγ,δ Cancri72° 50'700074278745011
GeminiPunarvasuβ Geminorum86° 50'650056419
626712
OrionÂrdráα Orionis114° 20'45005,644396437513
Mrigaçirasλ Orionis119° 0'40004103390714
Taurus
Rohinîα Tauri132° 40'30003118294915
235413
Krittikâη Tauri144° 40'220022542230
Aries18005162813
Bharanî 35 Arietis161° 30'10431036
Açvinî1β Arietis172° 30'251 BC208 BC13
PiscesAD 15AD 516
Revatîδ Piscium180° 10'AD 289AD 323
 1Sidharth (1999) has this nakshatra at the winter solstice ca 7300 BCE.
 2
The junction stars are from Allen (1963). The relative positions of these asterisms are based on the right ascension of the asterisms on page 321 of the Burgess translation of the Sûrya Siddhânta (1978).
 3After Burgess. Precision is to the nearest 10 minutes of arc, or ±6 years.
 4
These dates are from the illustration on the endpaper of the 1st edition of Hamlet's Mill (1969), not reproduced in the paperback edition (1983) but found in Godwin (1993).
 5These years mark the transition from one solar constellation to the next according to the chart in de Santillana (1969).
 6Alison Moroney has this at ca 4420, based on planetarium software, in her Pathway to Atlantis of 1998, which, unfortunately, I have been unable to find, as well as at her website. She also places the construction of the great pyramid near that year, when α Orionis (Betelguese) aligned with the south shaft of the King's Chamber. More on this below.
 7These are roughly based on the right ascension of the junction star from the Burgess (1978) translation of the Sûrya Siddhânta, assuming a date for Spica (α Virginis) of 12671 using Meeus (1983) and the ancient value of 25,920 years for the entire precession.
 8Sidharth (1999) has δ Cancri ca 7300.  9Bond Event 8.  10Bond Event 7.  11Erdalen Event. A tree-ring radiocarbon event occurred at 7553. 
 12
8.2 Kiloyear Event.  13Tree ring minimum.  145.9 Kiloyear Event.  15Egyptian Deluge/Flood of Deucalion.  16Census in Judea. 
 [unquote]

http://neros.lordbalto.com/ChapterTwenty-One.htm Source: Stephen E. Franklin, 2004-2017 Typhon, a chronology of the Holocene Period (an ongoing work) http://www.lordbalto.com/neros/default.htm

Background data and definitions of astronomical terms

The seasons of the year are directly connected to both the solstices and the equinoxes.

Solstices

The seasons occur because the Earth's axis of rotation is not perpendicular to its orbital plane (the “plane of the ecliptic”) but currently makes an angle of about 23.44° (called the "obliquity of the ecliptic"), and because the axis keeps its orientation with respect to an inertial frame of reference. As a consequence, for half the year the Northern Hemisphere is inclined toward the Sun while for the other half year the Southern Hemisphere has this distinction. 

The two moments when the inclination of Earth's rotational axis has maximum effect are the solstices.

The Solstice occurs twice each year (around June 21 and December 22) as the Sun reaches its most northerly or southerly excursion relative to the celestial equator on the celestial sphere.
Two images showing the amount of reflected sunlight at southern and northern summer solstices, respectively (watts / m²).
Illumination of Earth by Sun at the northern solstice.

Illumination of Earth by Sun at the southern solstice.

Equinoxes

There are two equinoxes every year – in March and September – when the Sun shines directly on the equator and the length of night and day are nearly equal.

March Equinox - Equal Day and Night, Nearly



March equinox illustration
On the equinox the Earth's axis is perpendicular to the Sun's rays. 
Illumination of Earth by the Sun at the March equinox
Diagram of the Earth's seasons as seen from the north. Far right: December solstice. In the half-year centered on the December solstice, the Sun rises south of east and sets south of west and the durations of day are shorter and durations of night are longer.


Diagram of the Earth's seasons as seen from the south. Far left: June solstice. In the half-year centered on the June solstice, the Sun rises north of east and sets north of west, which means longer days with shorter nights for the northern hemisphere and shorter days with longer nights for the southern hemisphere.



NaMo, India should claim Manasarovar and ask China to vacate Tibet

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Image result for setu himachalam

India has a better historical claim to Mt. Kailash & Lake Mansarover than China has to Arunachal where no Han Chinese set foot till 1962 war

Inventing names won’t make Arunachal yours, India tells China

By Express News Service  |   Published: 20th April 2017 07:59 PM  |  
Last Updated: 20th April 2017 07:59 PM  |   |  
Ministry Spokesperson Gopal Baglay | ANI
NEW DELHI: Taking umbrage to China’s announcing of standardised names of places in Arunachal Pradesh, India on Thursday said that inventing names will not legalise Beijing’s illegal claims on the Indian state.
This was said by the Ministry of External Affairs Spokesperson Gopal Baglay in the first official response of India on the issue.
“Assigning invented names to the towns of your neighbor does not make illegal territorial claims legal.  Arunachal Pradesh is and will always be an integral part of India,” Baglay asserted. He also expressed hope that the boundary question between the two countries will be addressed in “honourable and mutual manner”.
China’s Ministry of Civil Affairs had announced on April 14 that it had standardised in Chinese characters, Tibetan and Roman alphabet the names of six places in Arunachal Pradesh, China claims to be ‘South Tibet’. The move was seen at reaffirming China’s claim over Arunachal Pradesh. The official names of the six places using the Roman alphabet are Wo’gyainling, Mila Ri, Qoid ngarbo Ri, Mainquka, B mo La and Namkapub Ri.
Chinese observers opined that China’s reaction has been in response to Tibetan Spiritual leader Dalai Lama’s visit to Arunachal Prades and that India does not have to do anything.
“My opinion is India doesn’t have to do anything. There are Chinese names for other places in India too. Arunachal Pradesh is part of India and will continue to be so,” Lt Gen SL Narsimhan, who has served as Defence Attaché in Embassy of India in China and a China expert told the Express.
Talking about India’s next course of action, he added: “Jumping at everything is not strategy. That is what China does. It shows China poorly and as an unsure power. India should not follow the same route.”
China’s reaction seems to be in sync with their past record as they have deployed similar pressure tactics in South China Sea and East China Sea.

Don't whitewash tyranny & bigotry of Aurangzeb -- Dimple Kaul's brilliant, authentic narrative

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Why You Cannot Whitewash The Truth About The Tyranny And Bigotry Of Aurangzeb

Dimple
Citizen of the free world;believe in living and letting live, for, to each his own! Love expressing myself through words....

AJL probe report lists violations

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AJL probe report lists violations

While the urban development department granted AJL permission to construct an 11-storey commercial building in 2003, building permissions were sought and received only in 2013.

By: Express News Service | Mumbai | Published:February 10, 2016 2:10 am

THE inquiry report into allegations of irregularities in allotment of a prime plot in Bandra to Associated Journals Ltd (AJL) was submitted to Maharashtra government Monday. Sources said the report pointed out violations at various levels, including repeated extensions granted to the company despite the latter not building anything on the land. Some violations in FSI were also pointed out, said sources.
Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis had appointed senior IAS officer Gautam Chatterjee to look into allegations that repeated change in land use norms for the Bandra plot was allowed arbitrarily over a period spanning nearly three decades. The 3,478-square metre plot along Western Express Highway was originally allotted in 1983 to AJL, the company that once published the National Herald, the newspaper launched by Jawaharlal Nehru. The allotment was originally for a Nehru memorial, library and printing press.
The report pointed out that rules allowed the state government to take back such land if the allottee did not begin to use it for the purpose allotted. Despite this, various Congress-led governments not only permitted AJL the time extensions but also allowed change in usage norms as a special case.
While the urban development department granted AJL permission to construct an 11-storey commercial building in 2003, building permissions were sought and received only in 2013.

How Singapore is creating more land for itself -- Samanth Subramanian

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How Singapore is creating more land for itself
A land-reclamation project in western Singapore that will be home to a sprawling shipping-container terminal. Sim Chi Yin/VII for the New York Times
CrediSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
The island off the southern tip of Malaysia reveals the
future of building in an epoch of dwindling territory

By Samanth Subramanian April 20, 2017
Jurong Island, a man-made smear of sand, lies just off the southern coast of Singapore. A quarter the size of Nantucket, it is thoroughly given over to the petrochemical industry, so crowded with spindly cracking towers and squat oil-storage tanks that the landscape is a blur of brand names — BASF, AkzoNobel, Exxon Mobil, Vopak. One of the island’s most distinctive features, though, remains hidden: the Jurong Rock Caverns, which hold 126 million gallons of crude oil. To get there, you ride an industrial elevator more than 325 feet into the earth, and that brings you to the operations tunnel, a curving space as lofty as a cathedral. It is so long that workers get around on bicycles. Safety goggles mist up with the heat and the humidity; the rock walls, wet from dripping water, look so soft they might have been scooped out of chocolate ice cream. This is as far as anyone — even the workers — can go. The caverns themselves are an additional 100 feet beneath the ocean: two sealed cylindrical vaults, extending away from Jurong. They opened for business in 2014. Next year, three new vaults will be ready. Then, if all goes according to plan, there will be six more.
As a concept, underground reservoirs are not new. Sweden has been building them since the 1950s; a pair in the port of Gothenburg has a titanic capacity of 370 million gallons of oil. So the Jurong Rock Caverns are less an emblem of the marvels of technology than of the anxiety of a nation. Singapore is the 192nd-largest country in the world. Tinier than Tonga and just three-fifths the area of New York City, it has long fretted about its congenital puniness. “Bigger countries have the luxury of not having to think about this,” said David Tan, the assistant chief executive of a government agency called the Jurong Town Corporation, which built Jurong Island as well as the caverns. “We’ve always been acutely aware of our small size.”
The caverns were designed to free up land above ground, Tan said. I remarked that the phrase “freeing up land” occurs like clockwork in conversations with Singapore’s planners. He laughed. Land is Singapore’s most cherished resource and its dearest ambition. Since it became an independent nation 52 years ago, Singapore has, through assiduous land reclamation, grown in size by almost a quarter: to 277 square miles from 224. By 2030, the government wants Singapore to measure nearly 300 square miles.
But reclaiming land from the ocean has its limits, particularly in an age of a warming planet. Scientists warn that by 2100, sea levels may rise by as much as six feet, and furious storms will pound our coasts. All over the world, the governments of small islands are working to respond to these hazards. Kiribati, an island nation in the Central Pacific, has bought 6,000 acres of forested land in Fiji, more than a thousand miles away, hoping to resettle some of its 100,000 people if a crisis hits. The Maldives, similarly, has talked about buying land in Australia. People have begun to leave Tuvalu, in the South Pacific; the Marshall Islands; and Nauru, in Micronesia. Five of the lowest Solomon Islands have already vanished. In humanity’s battle to save itself from a harsher climate, these diminutive islands find themselves on the front lines.
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Another view of the terminal project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
Most of these islands — in the Pacific or in Asia — are impoverished, reliant on larger nations for assistance and resources. Singapore is an exception. In countries ranked by per capita gross domestic product, it places fourth — far above Nauru, at 112, or Kiribati, at 212. Over the past half-century, building upon its function as one of the world’s great ports, Singapore has turned into a capital of finance and services. The country is so devotedly pro-business that it can feel like a corporation; its constitution includes several pages on how the government’s investments should be managed. Singapore doesn’t reveal how much money its two sovereign wealth funds administer, but a senior economist at the Macquarie Group estimated their value at just under a trillion dollars.
Among the world’s smattering of small islands, then, Singapore, with a population of 5.6 million, is a special case: a country that’s also a city, a government that owns 90 percent of all real estate, a one-party state in all but name. But how it fends off the ocean will be of deep interest to many other populous and productive cities near the water: New York, Miami, Rio de Janeiro, Mumbai, Guangzhou, all miniature nations of a sort.
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Caissons, or watertight retaining structures, that are part of the project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
Much of Singapore lies less than 50 feet above sea level. A third of the island sits around 16 feet above the water — low enough to give planners the jitters. Coastal roads are being raised; a new airport terminal is being built 18 feet above sea level. All the while, the island receives more and more rain each year. “If global temperatures continue to rise,” a government official said last year, “many parts of Singapore could eventually be submerged.”
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The Jurong Rock Caverns are just one answer to a pair of intriguing questions: What does a tremendously rich and ambitious country do when it is running out of land? And what can the rest of the world learn from these experiments?
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Artificial sand made of crushed granite on a barge. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
In the Tolstoy short story “How Much Land Does a Man Need?” a peasant muses in frustration: “Our only trouble is that we haven’t land enough. If I had plenty of land, I shouldn’t fear the Devil himself.” Similar thoughts must have struck Lee Kuan Yew, who cast Singapore in his vision. Through his three decades as prime minister, Lee saw his country as locked in a struggle against its size. Singapore was a tiny nation, and dire fates awaited tiny nations that could not take care of themselves. “In a world where the big fish eat small fish and the small fish eat shrimps, Singapore must become a poisonous shrimp,” he once said.
The island is still awash in his apprehensions. Bureaucrats assemble reports on topics like Maximizing Value From Land as a Scarce Resource. The government works from a Concept Plan, a land-use scheme that looks half a century into the future; the plan itself is reviewed every 10 years. On the first floor of a city museum in the Urban Redevelopment Authority building, a wall is engraved with letters that spell SMALL ISLAND. It’s not until the second floor that the second half of the message materializes: BIG PLANS.
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The caissons will be joined together to form a retaining wall for one of the piers where ships will dockCreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
A 10-minute walk from the museum is Boat Quay, the site of the island’s very first land reclamation. In 1822, having just colonized Singapore, the British dismantled a hill and packed the material along the bank of the Singapore River. “Some two or three hundred laborers were paid one rupee per head per day to dig and carry the earth,” Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, who acted as an informal secretary to British officials at the time, wrote in his 1849 memoir. “Every afternoon, sacks of money were brought to pay the workmen.” Boat Quay’s old shop-houses — shops that doubled as their owners’ residences — have been converted into restaurants, bars and massage parlors. In the evenings, the tables heave with workers from the nearby financial district, much like Manhattan’s South Street Seaport and other ribbons of waterfront realty around the world. In the spirit of preservation, the buildings of Boat Quay have remained low, crouched close to the ground. One street away, however, Singapore’s skyscrapers begin in earnest. At the spot where the hill was broken down and carted off to build Boat Quay, there now stands One Raffles Place, clad in steel and glass, taller, in all probability, than its rock-and-mud forefather.
Once I began looking for reclaimed land, I encountered it everywhere. The five towers of the Marina Bay Financial Center are built on reclaimed land; so is an assortment of parks, wharves and a coastal highway. Beach Road, in the island’s belly, at one time had a self-evident name; now it reads like a wry joke, given how much new land separates it from the ocean. Most of Singapore’s Changi Airport sits on earth where there was once only water. The artist Charles Lim Yi Yong grew up in a kampong, or village, near where work on the airport began in 1975, so his house looked out onto reclaimed land. “It was a wooded area, but if you walked there, the ground would be sand and not soil,” Lim said. “Then you went through this desert space. It felt like I was in ‘The Little Prince.’ ”
‘Bigger countries have the luxury of not having to think about this. We’ve always been acutely aware of our small size.’
Before he turned to art, Lim, now 43, sailed in the 1996 Olympics on the Singapore team. He grew interested in the sea because he sailed, and he sailed because he came from a kampong on the coast. The kampong has long since disappeared, and the coast has changed beyond recognition. Lim’s major creation, “Sea State,” is an anthology of artifacts and installations: videos and charts, buoys and other nautical paraphernalia. Shown at the Venice Biennale two years ago, “Sea State” embodies Lim’s obsession with his country’s transactional relationship with the ocean. His art is a form of urban exploration, roving over, into and around Singapore, studying what few others see: outlying islets, sewage tunnels, buoys, lighthouses, sand barges. For Lim, most of these are easy to access. “I can just take a small sailboat and go. I look very innocuous when I’m out at sea.”
Lim is able to narrate, practically by himself, a fine-grained history of the island’s reclamation projects. He pointed me to one of the videos in “Sea State,” which he has uploaded onto Vimeo. It stars an engineer who surveyed Singapore’s neighborhoods in the 1990s to determine where it would be best to haul away sand for reclamation. Close to the coast, he found more silt than sand, so he and his colleagues went farther out to sea, to “suck the sand into the barges and deliver the sand over to Singapore.” Once, having strayed into Indonesia’s territorial waters without a permit, they were arrested. “We weren’t criminals,” he said. “We were just doing our job.”
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Assembling rebar to make a caisson’s interior frame. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
Several countries have tired of feeding Singapore’s endless appetite for sand; Indonesia, Malaysia and, most recently, Cambodia have halted exports altogether. These bans have affected some of Singapore’s reclamation schedules, David Tan said, although he insisted that the supply lines from Myanmar were “still robust.” In any case, Singapore is trying to shrink its reliance on sand imports. “We do a lot of tunneling work for the subway, so that material goes into reclamation,” he said. Most of the infill in the reclamations under a coming shipping-container terminal — planned to be the world’s largest — is rock and soil debris from construction projects.
But the desire to reclaim never-ending shelves of land, farther and farther into the sea, will inevitably be outfoxed by physics. On a whiteboard, Tan drew me a diagram of the process: first, building a wall in the water, reaching all the way down into the seabed; next, draining the water behind the wall and replacing it with infill. As the ocean grows less shallow, it becomes harder and harder to build the wall, to stabilize the infill, to protect it all from collapse. “We’re already reclaiming in water that is 20 meters deep,” Tan said. “Maybe it would be viable to reclaim in 30 meters, if land prices go up. But 40 and 50 meters would be very difficult. It’s physically difficult and economically unviable.”
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The infinity pool on the 57th floor of the Marina Bay Sands Hotel, which is in an area built on reclaimed land.CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
Lim had told me that Singapore holds a strategic sand reserve, for emergencies. It lies somewhere in the area called Bedok, he said. I spotted it one day as I rode past in a taxi. The site was strewn with No Trespassing signs installed by the Housing and Development Board, a government agency. Fenced off from the public, the giant trapezoidal dunes shone bone-white in the sun and caramel in the shade, as the sand waited to be summoned.
The most miserable truth about this moment of the Anthropocene is the inevitability of it all; even if the whole world switched to solar power and turned vegetarian tomorrow, we cannot remove the carbon we’ve released into the atmosphere. To live within an altered climate will require deep pockets — a fact that punishes billions of poor people with negligible carbon footprints. When Kiribati bought its land in Fiji for $7 million, critics worried that the money was being squandered; the nation’s gross domestic product, after all, is only $211 million. By contrast, the first phase of a single Singapore government project — L2 NIC, which clumsily stands for Land and Liveability National Innovation Challenge — has $96 million to disburse to finance creative ideas. When countries face up to climate change, money can expand the imagination, swell the sense of the possible.
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The Float at Marina Bay, where a children’s carnival had been set up on the soccer field, opposite the grandstand.CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
C.M. Wang, a professor of civil engineering at the National University of Singapore, served as a project reviewer for L2 NIC, sifting through proposals for how Singapore might create more space. Wang even has an idea of his own. Approached by Singapore’s ports authority six years ago, he developed and patented a way for coastal cities to create land in the sea. At least, this is the way his staple PowerPoint presentation describes his idea for Very Large Floating Structures, which can bob about on the ocean, hold a range of facilities and “free up land.” “Singapore is the largest bunkering base in the world,” Wang told me when I went to see him in his office at the university. “Ships sail from the Suez, where they refuel, and then the next refueling stop is Singapore.” To be the Texaco station of the high seas, the island needs to maintain vast farms of oil tanks, enough to store the 53.6 million tons of fuel sold to ships last year.
“A logical move would be to store fuel in the sea, because fuel is lighter than water, so it should float,” Wang said. “What we need is a skin to go around it, a container.” He sketched a plan on a scrap of paper: two rectangular concrete decks laid out in parallel, holding oil tanks made of prestressed concrete partly submerged in the water. A ship could slide between the two decks, refuel and steam back out. Wang is working on making his design more economical, but he already has other ideas for floats. On his computer, he flicked through them: dormitories, a restaurant that resembles a crab, bridges, even miniature cities. Last October, to test a proposal from two government agencies, Singapore floated a hectare of solar panels in one of its reservoirs; it hopes, eventually, to build a four-gigawatt solar plant at sea.
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Another view of the terminal project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
Wang urged me to visit the Float at Marina Bay, the world’s largest floating stage, a 107,000-square-foot slice of steel that clings to the lip of Singapore’s esplanade. The afternoon I went, a shroud of smog covered an already sunless sky, and the artificial grass on the Float’s soccer field seemed wan and uninviting. Life preservers were fastened to the railings around the field, lest a player tumble into the sea. I sat on a bench for a while, with my back to the skyscrapers, watching office workers limber up for a friendly game. They looked happy enough with this insertion of playtime into their day, but watching them rattle around on this unnatural parcel of green was, somehow, dispiriting.
Still, unnaturalness may well be the world’s conceivable future; certainly it will be Singapore’s, as the country prepares to terraform itself in search of space. There will be more underground caverns, David Tan told me: a warren of research laboratories within the folds of Kent Ridge, right under the university; perhaps a warehousing facility beneath Jurong Bird Park. “Most of this space will be for industrial use,” he said. “People aren’t likely to live underground.” The island’s geology — a heart of granite in the west, compacted alluvium in the east — is such that most of it could be hollowed out. “Now, I’m not saying we should use it all,” he went on, in the tone of an eminently prudent man. Then he added, “But we can use two-thirds of it.”
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The sand reserve in Bedok. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
Singapore also plans to reclaim its air. “Twelve percent of the island is occupied by roads,” Tan said. “What’s above roads? Nothing! If you put roads under buildings, you free up some land.” Sky bridges and midair concourses are already a part of some public-housing estates. As Wang told me: “In the future, you might see a little town or offices above the expressways. We might create space above our container ports.”
Singapore already has high-rise factories: towers occupied by dozens of manufacturing units, all sharing amenities like cargo elevators, electricity and truck ramps. Since 2012, the government has funded vertical farms, shelves of aluminum planters that grow spinach, lettuce and Chinese cabbage. Singapore grows only 7 percent of its food, having decided long ago that its land has more profitable uses. In the 1980s, it began dispatching its pig farms to outlying Indonesian islands like Batam, which still supplies Singapore with pork. The government has invested $380 million in agricultural projects in Australia, and it is renting land in northeast China to build itself a farm that will measure double the area of the island of Singapore. The farm will take 15 years to complete and will cost $18 billion. Given enough ready money, thorny issues of territorial sovereignty swiftly dissolve.
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The operations tunnel above the Jurong Rock Caverns. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
Whether many of these ventures will bear fruit is difficult to say. When you’re talking to a typically matter-of-fact city planner, each of these ideas seems to possess the heft of certainty. Collected together, though, this vision of Singapore — on the ground and under it, in the air and beneath the sea, a city and a country and a transnational entity all at once — feels fantastic. Then again, even Singapore as it is — born a slum-ridden speck with no oil, no hinterland and a volatile mix of ethnicities, raised with an authoritarian hand and transformed into one of the most prosperous, most politically meek nations on earth — even this Singapore tugs at the bounds of our credulity.
Singapore has always held elections, but only one party — Lee Kuan Yew’s People’s Action Party — has ever ruled the island, and only three men have ever been prime minister. Opposition parties have never been permitted to be anything more than frail invertebrates, so the P.A.P. can do as it pleases. The environmental consequences of remodeling the coastline — an altered ecology, wetlands rubbed off the map — can be waved away. Residents can be moved so that projects can proceed. In Singapore’s quandary of where to put its people, the people themselves — the living as well as the dead — can seem like pieces on a checkerboard.
‘In the future, you might see a little town or offices above the expressways. We might create space above our container ports.’
The Bukit Brown Municipal Cemetery lies as close to Singapore’s geographical midpoint as is possible without intruding into the grounds of the Singapore Island Country Club. No one has been buried here since 1973, but it still holds more than 200,000 human remains within its 400 acres, making it one of the largest Chinese graveyards outside China. Burials began on this site in the 1830s, and the interred include several Singaporean pioneers, men and women who settled and built the island. Someone told me that the man who introduced the governess Anna Leonowens to the king of Siam was buried in a Bukit Brown tomb, but the casual visitor will be hard-pressed to find it. The cemetery is so overgrown with weeds that it is one of Singapore’s few truly untended spaces. There is no signage, and most inscriptions are in Chinese. The tombs are dignified affairs, shaped like thrones, broad enough to hold full families. On some of the short plinths, in front of the headstone, people had placed lighted joss sticks that had long since burned down; only their stems remained, like the surviving bristles of an ancient toothbrush.
One side of the path into the cemetery was lined with a green metal fence hiding construction work on a new expressway that will soon tear through the heart of Bukit Brown. “We can’t have that graveyard in the center of the island forever,” a former city planner told me. Singapore prefers columbaria, in which urns of cremated remains are stored in cavities on a wall. “All our graves are high-rise too!” he said with a laugh. A group of citizens is campaigning to save Bukit Brown, calling it a vital piece of the island’s heritage, but more than 4,000 graves have already been exhumed, and the ground that contained them has been leveled.
Continue reading the main story
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The skyline of downtown Singapore, with the Marina Bay Sands Hotel at center. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
In a restless polity, such single-mindedness would earn the ruling party a risky degree of unpopularity, but nothing seems to dent the P.A.P. It won an election in 2011, even though Singaporeans were angry over housing shortages and an overburdened public-transportation system. It won even more handily in 2015, after land prices rose by 30 percent three years in a row and after the government’s migration-led population target of 6.9 million by 2030 — necessary to fill out the work force, but also a strain on the island’s finite resources — kindled a public protest, a singular event in this country. But stopping the state from doing something it wants to do is, in Singapore, a task primed for defeat. An inert citizenry gives the government the freest of hands in confronting climate change, just as it does in every other sphere, far into the foreseeable future.
One afternoon, Charles Lim and I drove to a marina near the southeastern corner of Singapore and rented a sailboat, a two-man Laser Bahia in which Lim did the work of both men. The haze from Indonesia’s forest fires muddied the day; the ocean looked as if it were evaporating in front of us. Not far beyond the marina, cargo ships and oil tankers waited patiently for their turn at port. To the east rose the tall, unblinking surveillance tower of Changi Naval Base. “I call it the Eye of Sauron,” Lim said.
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The Supertree Grove in Singapore's Gardens by the Bay, which sit on 250 acres of reclaimed land. The Supertrees are vertical gardens that contain over 160,000 types of plants. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
The wind rose and fell in heavy gusts; Lim’s hair, tousled even indoors, grew still more animated. He pointed out a man-made hill eastward along the coast from the marina, where trucks and earthmovers milled about. This was the Changi East reclamation: more than a thousand hectares of land, designed to hold the new airport terminal and its three runways. In trying to edge closer, we must have wandered into sensitive waters. A loudspeaker screamed from the naval base, punctuated by three types of sirens: “You are entering a prohibited area! Please clear now!” Lim instructed me to pull at various ropes, and we tacked hurriedly out.
A couple of hours after we cast off, we came upon Tekong Island, sitting in the strait between Singapore and Malaysia, owned by the former but nearer the latter. The two countries bickered over reclamation activities here in 2002; it took three years of negotiations before Singapore could proceed. The part of the island where Singapore’s army units train was a smoky smudge on the horizon. Our boat nuzzled against a rock wall that marked out reclamation work. The wall began on the northern coast of the island, ran eastward to sea and then looped back to a point on the southern coast. In outline, it resembled a porpoise’s nose.
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An aerial view of a sand reserve. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
“That’s odd,” Lim said. “There’s no one here.” No trucks, no security guards, no bulldozers. “Maybe they’ve stopped work because of a shortage of sand.”
Lim held the boat steady while I waded into the shallows for a better look, careful not to trespass on the island. The rocks underfoot were slick, and I barked my shin.
“How does it look?” Lim called.
A few feet from the outer wall was an inner one, and packed between the two was sand: lovely, pristine sand the color of milky Ovaltine. It was held firm and tight in its sleeve of rock, its surface so level that had I walked on it, I might have been the first visitor on undiscovered land. Trapped beyond the inner wall was a low pool of water, yet to be filled in. Around us, the ocean lay idle in the sun, ready to challenge Singapore’s ingenuity with its patient, adamant rise.
Samanth Subramanian is a correspondent for The National and the author of “This Divided Island: Life, Death, and the Sri Lankan War.”

Sim Chi Yin is a writer-turned-photographer from Singapore who has been based in China for 10 years. She is currently working on a global project on sand.

How Singapore is creating more land for itself -- Samanth Subramanian

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How Singapore is creating more land for itself
A land-reclamation project in western Singapore that will be home to a sprawling shipping-container terminal. Sim Chi Yin/VII for the New York Times
CrediSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times

The island off the southern tip of Malaysia reveals the
future of building in an epoch of dwindling territory
Jurong Island, a man-made smear of sand, lies just off the southern coast of Singapore. A quarter the size of Nantucket, it is thoroughly given over to the petrochemical industry, so crowded with spindly cracking towers and squat oil-storage tanks that the landscape is a blur of brand names — BASF, AkzoNobel, Exxon Mobil, Vopak. One of the island’s most distinctive features, though, remains hidden: the Jurong Rock Caverns, which hold 126 million gallons of crude oil. To get there, you ride an industrial elevator more than 325 feet into the earth, and that brings you to the operations tunnel, a curving space as lofty as a cathedral. It is so long that workers get around on bicycles. Safety goggles mist up with the heat and the humidity; the rock walls, wet from dripping water, look so soft they might have been scooped out of chocolate ice cream. This is as far as anyone — even the workers — can go. The caverns themselves are an additional 100 feet beneath the ocean: two sealed cylindrical vaults, extending away from Jurong. They opened for business in 2014. Next year, three new vaults will be ready. Then, if all goes according to plan, there will be six more.

As a concept, underground reservoirs are not new. Sweden has been building them since the 1950s; a pair in the port of Gothenburg has a titanic capacity of 370 million gallons of oil. So the Jurong Rock Caverns are less an emblem of the marvels of technology than of the anxiety of a nation. Singapore is the 192nd-largest country in the world. Tinier than Tonga and just three-fifths the area of New York City, it has long fretted about its congenital puniness. “Bigger countries have the luxury of not having to think about this,” said David Tan, the assistant chief executive of a government agency called the Jurong Town Corporation, which built Jurong Island as well as the caverns. “We’ve always been acutely aware of our small size.”

The caverns were designed to free up land above ground, Tan said. I remarked that the phrase “freeing up land” occurs like clockwork in conversations with Singapore’s planners. He laughed. Land is Singapore’s most cherished resource and its dearest ambition. Since it became an independent nation 52 years ago, Singapore has, through assiduous land reclamation, grown in size by almost a quarter: to 277 square miles from 224. By 2030, the government wants Singapore to measure nearly 300 square miles.

But reclaiming land from the ocean has its limits, particularly in an age of a warming planet. Scientists warn that by 2100, sea levels may rise by as much as six feet, and furious storms will pound our coasts. All over the world, the governments of small islands are working to respond to these hazards. Kiribati, an island nation in the Central Pacific, has bought 6,000 acres of forested land in Fiji, more than a thousand miles away, hoping to resettle some of its 100,000 people if a crisis hits. The Maldives, similarly, has talked about buying land in Australia. People have begun to leave Tuvalu, in the South Pacific; the Marshall Islands; and Nauru, in Micronesia. Five of the lowest Solomon Islands have already vanished. In humanity’s battle to save itself from a harsher climate, these diminutive islands find themselves on the front lines.

Another view of the terminal project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
Most of these islands — in the Pacific or in Asia — are impoverished, reliant on larger nations for assistance and resources. Singapore is an exception. In countries ranked by per capita gross domestic product, it places fourth — far above Nauru, at 112, or Kiribati, at 212. Over the past half-century, building upon its function as one of the world’s great ports, Singapore has turned into a capital of finance and services. The country is so devotedly pro-business that it can feel like a corporation; its constitution includes several pages on how the government’s investments should be managed. Singapore doesn’t reveal how much money its two sovereign wealth funds administer, but a senior economist at the Macquarie Group estimated their value at just under a trillion dollars.
Among the world’s smattering of small islands, then, Singapore, with a population of 5.6 million, is a special case: a country that’s also a city, a government that owns 90 percent of all real estate, a one-party state in all but name. But how it fends off the ocean will be of deep interest to many other populous and productive cities near the water: New York, Miami, Rio de Janeiro, Mumbai, Guangzhou, all miniature nations of a sort.
Caissons, or watertight retaining structures, that are part of the project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times


Much of Singapore lies less than 50 feet above sea level. A third of the island sits around 16 feet above the water — low enough to give planners the jitters. Coastal roads are being raised; a new airport terminal is being built 18 feet above sea level. All the while, the island receives more and more rain each year. “If global temperatures continue to rise,” a government official said last year, “many parts of Singapore could eventually be submerged.”

Read on...

https://www.scribd.com/document/345862612/How-Singapore-is-Creating-More-Land-for-Itself

Why partiipatory notes are dangerous -- R Vaidyanathan. NaMo, instruct FM to scrap them, kaalaadhan.

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my 2007 alert about Participatory notes -- After a decade we have not learn anything Sad--RT

WHY PARTICIPATORY NOTES ARE DANGEROUS

Participatory Notes are a slap on the face of every citizen who is an investor. To invest in shares one has to fill up umpteen forms and provide proof of residence, PAN number, and so on. But for PN investors, the system is totally silent, even on basic information. Why not have confidence in the India story and realise that we can get funds with addresses without offering such anonymity.
The PN system is discriminatory and seems to favour ghost investors.
Participatory Notes (PN) — a general name used for the investment by Foreign Institutional Investors (FIIs) through Offshore Derivative Instruments (ODIs) such as Participatory Notes, Equity-Linked Notes, Capped Return Notes and Participating Return Notes — have created a storm in the stock market, with SEBI coming out with a draft for discussion to regulate them, the RBI suggesting that they be phased out, and the Finance Minister assuring that the Government is not going to phase them out.
First things first. Let us clearly understand the fundamental issues. The PNs are a slap on the face of every citizen who is an investor. For a person to invest even in one share, several KYC (know your customer) forms have to be filled up, and PAN numbers and proof of address, etc., provided. For the PN investor the system is totally silent on even elementary information. The FIIs issue PNs to funds/companies whose identity is not known to the Indian authorities.
Hence, the PN system is blatantly discriminatory and seems to favour ghost investors. Any self-respecting market, if it discriminates at all, does so against outsiders. But we have done the unthinkable.
We should recognise and internalise the fact that funds are in search of markets, and not the other way. Given the demographic shift in the developed markets (where pension funds have to locate markets to get returns for longer periods) and the lack of huge opportunities in long-term projects, it is natural that global funds are in search of markets.
The PN route, through which a section of investors is participating in our markets, is a mystery wrapped in a puzzle, crammed inside a conundrum and delivered through a riddle. These are address-less funds that could be from dubious sources and the clamour for it is intriguing, if not outright suspicious.
Current Scenario
According to the SEBI Web site, the current position of these instruments is as follows: “Currently, 34 FIIs / Sub-accounts issue ODIs. This number was 14 in March 2004. The notional value of PNs outstanding, which was at Rs 31, 875 crore (20 per cent of Assets Under Custody of all FIIs/Sub-Accounts) in March 2004, increased to Rs 3,53,484 crore (51.6 per cent of AUC) by August 2007.
The value of outstanding ODIs, with underlying as derivatives, currently stands at Rs 1,17,071 crores, which is approximately 30 per cent of total PNs outstanding. The notional value of outstanding PNs, excluding derivatives as underlying as a percentage of AUC is 34.5 per cent at the end of August 2007.” (SEBI – Paper for Discussion on ODIs).
This implies that more than 50 per cent of the funds are flowing through this anonymous route which needs a re-think on this entire issue. This brings us to the question about who are the investors interested in Indian Papers.
Who uses the PN route?
The first category is the regular funds whose twin objectives are returns and more returns on a 21*7*365 basis. They are interested in India since the India story is very good and returns are attractive compared to developed markets. The second category is prodigal money returning. It is not a secret that a large number of politicians/bureaucrats/business-persons have accumulated wealth abroad. This has been accumulated by under-invoicing/over-invoicing, by corruption in contracts and gifts from abroad; and by not bringing in legitimate receipts.
The third category is those foreign governments/entities who would like to acquire/control Indian entities by taking them over.
The fourth category is the terror financiers who could find this route attractive and simple. The first category does not have any reason to use the “anonymous” route since the aim is to earn returns /repatriate and benefit out of interest rate and currency value arbitrage. They enter and exit as per these calculations and are not shy about the greed for maximum returns. They pay the taxes applicable and laugh all the way to the bank with bonus incentives.
The only issue is that currently the stock market is the only route for investing while several other “unlisted” sectors, such as trade, transport, restaurants and other services are starved of funds. Maybe methods should be evolved to get these regular global funds to invest not just in the top ten shares of the stock market but in the needs of the large non-corporate or “ unlisted” segments of the economy, through NBFCs. That would ease the volatility in the market since currently large funds are chasing too few shares of the Sensex or Nifty.
No more ‘safe havens’
The second category will be enthusiastic in bringing the money back into India since the KYC (Know your Customer) norms in many so-called “safe” territories like Switzerland are becoming tougher — particularly after 9/11— and the India story is very interesting and the returns and growth prospects are very good. The Government can always think of an “Amnesty Scheme” for such “prodigal funds” in the form of “no questions asked” about the source. But, once the funds are brought in, then all the KYC norms must be followed, with minimum legal and tax hassles. After all, such amnesty schemes for the domestic black-money holders in the past have met with reasonable success. Otherwise, a Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) can be created which can be dollar-denominated to hold these funds at attractive rates and which are converted over a period of time to minimise the flow impact.
Harmful for companies
The third category spells danger for domestic companies since the unknown entity may be targeting the local company without its knowledge. With reasonable control they can pressure the current owners to settle with them or even try taking over.
This becomes more ominous in the context of several sovereign funds, like that of China, using the private equity companies to manage their funds which are non-transparent.
These PEs could use other vehicles to acquire on behalf of these sovereign funds and it may be possible that Chinese or West Asian sovereign funds may hold indirectly shares in Indian companies, particularly in software or oil or telecom, which are critical sectors.
The fourth category is the one to be worried about. The terror financier will be happy on two counts, namely the anonymity provided by these instruments and the domestic regulations on gifting the shares.
Also important is the issue of the sale of these PNs to entities that could be inter-connected to the original buyers.
In other words, the original buyer and to whom he sells could belong to inter-connected terror entitities, in which case the global entity could have succeeded in transferring funds to India with ease and anonymity.
It is not without basis that the National Security Advisor (NSA) has cautioned against terror-financing through the banking and stock market channels.
That is a cause for concern. Why are we insisting on the anonymity of the investor and the sources? Why not have confidence in the India story and realise that we can get funds with addresses since we have arrived on the global arena?
We should distinguish between clean global flows and dubious flows as a responsible country with a remarkable growth story.

Money launderer. NaMo, nationalise kaalaadhan.

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Mallya laundered money to British cos and bank accounts, India tells UK

TNN | Apr 22, 2017, 06.21 AM IST


NEW DELHI: Indian investigators feel there is a strong chance of bringing Vijay Mallya back to India as documents shared by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) with the UK government claim the controversial tycoon laundered money from banks in India to "British companies" and "bank accounts" in the UK.
The ED's findings on money laundering have been shared with the UK and are in addition to the CBI's exhaustive extradition "dossier" which states that Mallya is wanted in cases of criminal conspiracy and cheating. Mallya is accused of fraudulently obtaining loan and credit facilities from IDBI Bank and a consortium of banks which he failed to pay back and caused losses of thousands of crores, sources said.



Officials said the particular aspect about Mallya routing illegal money into British companies and banks accounts in the UK is seen to significantly weigh against the liquor baron. According to top sources, most of the money was laundered before he fled to London on March 2 last year. Mallya had taken loans of Rs 900 crore from IDBI Bank and Rs 6,027 crore from a consortium of 17 banks led by State Bank of India and the total outstanding with interest is around Rs 9,000 crore.

A major chunk of the loan money was diverted to shell companies and bank accounts in the UK, Cayman Islands (a British overseas territory), Mauritius and some other countries.

While the extradition process against Mallya has been initiated in London, the UK connection to "money laundering" is expected to strengthen India's case as UK laws do not take the money laundering charge lightly, officials said. The ED's documents will be shared with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) during the trial. 


"As per the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty between UK and India, assistance in investigation and obtaining evidence in such cases are agreed between both the countries," a source said.


Mallya's extradition proceedings will be heard by senior district judge (chief magistrate) Emma Arbuthnot at 81 Marylebone Road, London on May 17 where the CPS will argue that Mallya should be extradited to India as there is sufficient evidence against him. A team of CBI and MHA officials will be present in court.


The ED had first sought the UK's help in tracing Mallya in April last year when a non-bailable warrant was issued against him under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA).


Mallya was arrested+ by Scotland Yard on April 17 in London but he was released on bail on the condition that he will have to surrender his revoked passport and not travel outside the UK.

Why the notion of ‘Hindu Nation’ alone is chosen for criticism? -- Maria Wirth

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Why the notion of ‘Hindu Nation’ alone is chosen for criticism?
If the critics only imagined what a Hindu nation looks like, they might start propagating Hindu nations all over the globe.
temple
I sometimes wonder who influences whom: the Indian mainstream journalists influence the foreign correspondents or the other way round, as they always hold the same view. Or is there even a directive from the top of the media houses about who must be protected and who can be abused?
Obviously, Hindus can be abused. I was shocked when I recently checked articles in major newspapers like the New York Times on the appointment of Yogi Adityanath as chief minister in Uttar Pradesh. Like in the run-up to the general elections in 2014, when a Modi victory loomed large, the media went berserk. The gist was: By appointing Yogi Adityanath, Prime Minister Modi has finally shown his true face of a Hindu fundamentalist who wants to make India a ‘Hindu nation’ where minorities have no place. The articles peddled untruths and drew unacceptable conclusions. The Swiss NZZ for example wrote that it is hardly possible for Prime Minister Modi’s government to call itself the representative of all Indians after appointing a figure like Yogi Adityanath.
A Hindu nation is projected as the worst possible scenario by the wrongly called ‘liberal’ media. Yet, the same media don’t react when America or most other western countries are referred to as Christian nations. Nor do they get agitated about the numerous Muslim nations; not even about those which still have harsh blasphemy laws. Why are these ok, and a Hindu nation is not ok? They don’t explain; they just insinuate that minorities (read Muslims and Christians) will suffer in a Hindu nation.
Maybe they came to this conclusion because minorities like Jews or Hindus suffer in certain Christian or Muslim nations though the media hardly pulls those countries up for it. However, even otherwise, this conclusion is wrong, as Hindus have a different mind-set. They are open towards other views, unlike ‘good’ Christians and Muslims who feel obligated to make everyone believe what they believe, if necessary by deceit or force.
Hindus cannot be put into one single box. There are too many different ways to reach the goal of life. As it were, there are many minorities within Hinduism. But they all are based on the Vedic insight that everything, including our persons, is permeated by the same divine essence which is called by many names but is ultimately ONE. Our human consciousness (Atman) is one with the cosmic consciousness (Brahman) and to realize this, is the goal and fulfillment of life. “Satyam vada, Dharmam chara” the Veda exhorts – speak the truth and do what is right under the given circumstances. And find out who you really are: you are not a separate entity but in the depths of your being one with all.
From this follows that ‘good’ Hindus are those rare human beings whose dharma makes them regard all others as brothers and sisters. Their dharma makes them further respect nature and not harm unnecessarily any living being.
Hindus do not, unlike Christians and Muslims, divide humanity into those who are chosen by God and those who are eternally damned. Hindu children are not taught to look down on those who are not Hindus, unlike children of the dogmatic religions who are taught that their God does not love those others unless they join their ‘true’ religions.
Hindus are also comparatively kinder to animals. The great bulk of vegetarians worldwide are Hindus.
Hindus never fought crusades or jihads to establish their dharma in foreign lands. In fact, they didn’t need to, because they convinced most of Asia merely by solid arguments.  Yet, for the past thousand years Hindus were at the receiving end of jihads and conversion campaigns and millions of Hindus were killed in cold blood because they were Hindus.
It has to be held in favour of Hindus that they held on to their tradition and did not succumb to the pressure and even violence brought on them to adopt blind belief that only one particular person has revealed the full truth. Instead, they continued trusting their sages who never asked for blind belief, but asked to verify their insights through experience.
So why do media worldwide get so worked up about ‘Hindu fundamentalists’ and a possible ‘Hindu nation’. What is wrong with the fundamentals? There is nothing wrong with the fundamentals. But there is one major difference: For Hindus, the Divinity is in all and all is in the Divinity, whereas for Christians and Muslims the Divinity is separate from his creation watching us from somewhere.
The concept of Divinity is also different. For Hindus the best description for the absolute truth is sat-chit-ananda (it is true, aware and blissful). The many personal gods help the devotee to realize the Absolute. Christians and Muslims perceive Divinity in its highest form as a personal, superhuman entity who is jealous of other gods. The first commandment in Christianity and a very important issue in Islam is the claim that nobody must worship other gods except the ‘one true god’, which both religions claim is only with them.
In all likelihood the Hindu view comes closer to truth. When the first translations of Vedic texts appeared in the west, the greatest minds in Europe were greatly impressed by Indian thought. It did spread among scientists, too, who used it to push the frontiers of science further. It is no coincidence that modern science discovered that all is one energy after Vedanta became known in the west. It is also no coincidence that the Church lost much of its power in Europe when some of India’s wisdom filtered down to the masses
Why then are the media worldwide so worried about a nation where the Hindu roots are fostered? Where Sanskrit is taught, which is the most perfect, dignified, powerful language on earth? Where yoga is practised in schools, which is an ideal means for all-round development and which, on a deeper level, helps to find fulfilment in life? Where Vedic philosophy is studied, which inspired the new scientific discoveries for example in nuclear physics? Where the amazing wisdom of Mahabharata and Ramayana becomes common knowledge, which is already taught in business seminars abroad? Where children chant “Loka samastha sukhino bhavantu” (let all be happy) instead of Humpey dumpey, which happens already in certain schools in the west?
Yet as soon as Hindus make suggestions for India to keep its Hindu character or rather, to gain back its Hindu character, as even after Independence, the youth was encouraged to abandon it, there is an outcry by the media that “Hindu fundamentalists” want to make India a Hindu nation and exclude religious minorities. Ironically, ‘Hindu’ is a geographical term, with the same root as Indian – people who lived beyond the Sindu or between the Himalayas and the Indian Ocean.
So why would Indians who rather recently converted to Islam or Christianity not be proud of the achievements of their ancestors? India was the cradle of civilization, a knowledge hub and the richest country on earth. It was known for its wisdom. Greeks, including Pythagoras, are said to have come to India for knowledge and today everybody knows his name, but not the name of the Indian mathematician (Baudhayana) who originally discovered the Pythagoras theorem. Surely Christians and Muslims cannot have any objection that students are taught this fact or the fact that the Rishis of the Rig Veda (10.22.14) knew many thousand years before Copernicus that the earth goes around the sun. Surely they also cannot have any objection that students chant “May all be happy” in Sanskrit, the language of their forefathers. If someone calls such teaching communal, it is malicious. If someone objects to this teaching, should not he be shouted at by the media instead of those who want to revive their ancient culture? Is not he the one who tries to divide society and not those who say “vasudhaiva kutumbakam” (all is one family) due to their philosophical outlook?
Hindus are the exemplary role model for ‘how not to exclude others’? Where else have religious minorities flourished and grown like in India? Is not the relative harmony in this amazing diversity in India generally admired abroad? Media persons need only to look around in the world to realize this fact.
Why then are Hindus of all people accused of excluding others?
The reason may be this: neither the west nor Muslim countries want a strong India.  India was the cradle of civilisation and over most of the known history economically very powerful. They may fear that based on her ancient culture, India may rise again to the top. Is it the media’s job to put Hindus perpetually on the defensive by spreading this bogey of Hindu fundamentalism and prevent a better education policy which would give India an edge?
“Imagine, India would become a Hindu nation!” the media shout infuriated. The problem, however, is that they don’t imagine it and don’t ask basic questions. If they only imagined what a Hindu nation looks like, they might start propagating Hindu nations all over the globe.
One day, when people have become tired of blindly believing strange things, and when nobody is threatened any longer with dire consequences if he stops believing in those strange things, the world may be grateful to Bharat Mata that she has conceived and preserved over millennia those eternal, precious insights for the benefit of humanity.

Hypertext Meluhha steel mint signified by hieroglyphs मेढा mēḍhā 'twisted cord', pōlaḍu, 'black drongo', पोळ pōḷa 'zebu', ayo 'fish', khambhaṛā ʻfish-finʼ

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/kruoold

https://www.facebook.com/srini.kalyanaraman/posts/10156156376334625

Three characteristic hieroglyphs -- bos indicus (zebu), black drongo, and fish PLUS fish-fins' constitute a Hypertext expression to signify a mint working with cast iron and alloy metal. Three hieroglyph components of the expression are:

1. पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ'steel'
2 मेढा mēḍhā  A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl rebus:  med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) medhā 'dhana, yajna'. This is a semantic determinant of the hieroglyph पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळ pōḷa, 'magnetite, ferrite ore'
3. ayo'fish' rebus: ayas'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā ʻfish-finʼ rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.)



The hypertext expression is demonstrated in a number of examples from Sindhu-Sarasvati (Indus) Script Corpora in this monograph.

पोळ pōḷa,'Zebu, bos indicus' of Sarasvati Script corpora is rebus:pōlāda'steel', pwlad (Russian), fuladh (Persian) folādī (Pashto) 
pōḷa 'zebu' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore) pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: pōḷad 'steel' The semantics of bull (zebu) PLUS black drongo bird are the reason why the terracotta bird is shown with a bull's head as a phonetic determinative to signify 'steel/magnetite ferrite ore'.


పోలడు (p. 820) pōlaḍu , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)  rebus: pōlaḍu 'steel' (Russian. Persian) PLUS
wings/plumage


Cylinder seal impression, Tell as-Sulema, Mesopotamia, level IV (Akkadian to Early Old Babylonian --1950–1530 BCE)(IM 87798); gypsum; length 2.6 cm., dia. 1.6 cm. Drawing by Lamia Al-Gailani Werr; cf. Collon 1987: 143, no. 609; Parpola, 1994, p. 181; bird over a unicorn; fish over a bison.al-Gailani Werr, 1983, p. 49 No. 7; Collon, 1987, Fig. 609. 

Black drongo bird
Black Drongo (Dicrurus macrocercus) IMG 7702 (1)..JPG
A Black drongo in Rajasthan state, northern India

పసి (p. 730) pasi pasi. [from Skt. పశువు.] n. Cattle. పశుసమూహము, గోగణము. The smell of cattle, పశ్వాదులమీదిగాలి, వాసన. పసిపట్టు pasi-paṭṭu. To scent or follow by the nose, as a dog does a fox. పసిగొను to trace out or smell out. వాసనపట్టు. మొసలి కుక్కను పసిపట్టి when the crocodile scented the dog. పసులు pasulu. n. plu. Cattle, గోవులు. పసిగాపు pasi-gāpu. n. A herdsman, గోపకుడు పసితిండి pasi-tinḍi. n. A tiger, పెద్దపులి. పసులపోలిగాడు pasula-pōli-gāḍu. n. The Black Drongo or King crow, Dicrurusater. (F.B.I.) ఏట్రింత. Also, the Adjutant. తోకపసులపోలిగాడు the Raquet-tailed Drongo shrike. Jerdon. No. 55. 56. 59. కొండ పనులపోలిగాడు the White bellied Drongo, Dicrurus coerulescens. వెంటికపనుల పోలిగాడు the Hair-crested Drongo, Chibia hottentotta. టెంకిపనుల పోలిగాడు the larger Racket-tailed Drongo, Dissemurus paradiseus (F.B.I.) పసులవాడు pasula-vāḍu. n. A herdsman, గొల్లవాడు. 

"With short legs, they sit upright on thorny bushes, bare perches or electricity wires. They may also perch on grazing animals."(Whistler, Hugh (1949). Popular handbook of Indian birds (4th ed.). Gurney and Jackson, London. pp. 155–157.) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_drongo

Hieroglyph: eagle పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)(Telugu) पोळ pōḷa 'zebu'& pōlaḍu 'black drongo' signify polad 'steel


 *skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]

S. khambhu°bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640) rebus:  ಕಮ್ಮಟ kammaṭa 'mint' kambāṟa 'blacksmith'

Jiroft artifact. Two zebu PLUS twisted cord mēḍhā 'twist' rebus: 'iron' PLUS पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' of Sarasvati Script corpora is rebus:pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian), PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, पोळ pōḷa, 'iron, ferrite, magnetite' metal casting.

मेढा (p. 391) mēḍhā  A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl rebus:  med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) medhā 'dhana, yajna'.
PLUS
పోలడు (p. 820) pōlaḍu , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)  rebus: pōlaḍu 'steel' (Russian. Persian) PLUS
wings/plumage
PLUS
 *skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]
S. khambhu°bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640) rebus: Central Asia seal. Bird (eagle) PLUS wings. ಕಮ್ಮಟ kammaṭa 'mint' kambāṟa 'blacksmith'
m1431f

m1431a

m1431b

m1431c

m1431d
Text 2805 Row of animals in file (a one-horned bull, an elephant and a rhinoceros from right); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at right. Pict-116: From R.—a person holding a vessel; a woman with a platter (?); a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a tree. [Or, two antelopes flanking a tree on a platform, with one antelope looking backwards?] Mohenjo-daro m1431 four-sided tablet. Row of animals in file (a one-horned bull, an elephant and a rhinoceros from right); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at right. Pict-116: From R.—a person holding a vessel; a woman with a platter (?); a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a tree. [Or, two antelopes flanking a tree on a platform, with one antelope looking backwards?]



One side (m1431B) of a four-sided tablet shows a procession of a tiger, an elephant and a rhinoceros (with fishes (or perhaps, crocodile) on top?).
kāru ‘crocodile’ (Telugu). Rebus: artisan (Marathi) Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri) 
kola ‘tiger’ Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’. Heraka ‘spy’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’. khōṇḍa ‘leafless tree’ (Marathi). Rebus: kõdār’turner’ (Bengali) dhamkara 'leafless tree' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
Looking back: krammara ‘look back’ Rebus: kamar ‘smith, artisan’.

koḍe ‘young bull’ (Telugu) खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali)[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Te.)] baṭṭai quail (N.Santali) Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali)

ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'. kaṇḍa 'arrow' Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. ayaskāṇḍa is a compounde word attested in Panini. The compound or glyphs of fish + arrow may denote metalware tools, pots and pans.kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloy of 5 metals - pancaloha'. ibha 'elephant' Rebus ibbo 'merchant'; ib ‘iron'.  Alternative: కరటి [ karaṭi ] karaṭi. [Skt.] n. An elephant. ఏనుగు (Telugu) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati) kāṇḍa  'rhimpceros'   Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.  The text on m0489 tablet: loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'. kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the display of the metalware catalog includes the technological competence to work with minerals, metals and alloys and produce tools, pots and pans. The persons involved are krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smiths, artisans'. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, working in pancaloha alloys'. పంచలోహము pancha-lōnamu. n. A mixed metal, composed of five ingredients, viz., copper, zinc, tin, lead, and iron (Telugu). Thus, when five svastika hieroglyphs are depicted, the depiction is of satthiya 'svastika' Rebus: satthiya 'zinc' and the totality of 5 alloying metals of copper, zinc, tin, lead and iron.


Glyph: Animals in procession: खांडा [khāṇḍā] A flock (of sheep or goats) (Marathi) கண்டி¹ kaṇṭi  Flock, herd (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.

Hieroglyph: heraka ‘spy’. Rebus: eraka, arka 'copper, gold'; eraka 'moltencast, metal infusion'; era ‘copper’. āra 'spokes' Rebus: āra  'brass'. Hieroglyph: हेर [ hēra ] m (हेरक S through or H) A spy, scout, explorator, an emissary to gather intelligence. 2 f Spying out or spying, surveying narrowly, exploring. (Marathi) *hērati ʻ looks for or at ʼ. 2. hēraka -- , °rika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ lex., hairika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ Hcar., ʻ thief ʼ lex. [J. Bloch FestschrWackernagel 149 ← Drav., Kuiēra ʻ to spy ʼ, Malt. ére ʻ to see ʼ, DED 765]
1. Pk. hēraï ʻ looks for or at ʼ (vihīraï ʻ watches for ʼ); K.ḍoḍ. hērūō ʻ was seen ʼ; WPah.bhad. bhal. he_rnū ʻ to look at ʼ (bhal. hirāṇū ʻ to show ʼ), pāḍ. hēraṇ, paṅ. hēṇā, cur. hērnā, Ku. herṇo, N. hernu, A. heriba, B. herā, Or. heribā (caus. herāibā), Mth. herab, OAw. heraï, H. hernā; G. hervũ ʻ to spy ʼ, M. herṇẽ. 2. Pk. hēria -- m. ʻ spy ʼ; Kal. (Leitner) "hériu"ʻ spy ʼ; G. herɔ m. ʻ spy ʼ, herũ n. ʻ spying ʼ. Addenda: *hērati: WPah.kṭg. (Wkc.) hèrnõ, kc. erno ʻ observe ʼ; Garh. hernu ʻ to look' (CDIAL 14165) Ko. er uk- (uky-) to play 'peeping tom'. Kui ēra (ēri-) to spy, scout; n. spying, scouting; pl action ērka (ērki-). ? Kuwi (S.) hēnai to scout; hēri kiyali to see; (Su. P.) hēnḍ- (hēṭ-) id. Kur. ērnā (īryas) to see, look, look at, look after, look for, wait for, examine, try; ērta'ānā to let see, show; ērānakhrnā to look at one another. Malt. ére to see, behold, observe; érye to peep, spy. Cf. 892 Kur. ēthrnā. / Cf. Skt. heraka- spy, Pkt. her- to look at or for, and many NIA verbs; Turner, CDIAL, no. 14165(DEDR 903)
h1953A

h1953B

Image result for indus script bird bull
https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/736x/b8/67/50/b867501368c6316a82a18bed4b1844e2.jpg
Image result for indus script bird zebu bullfish
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<ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish’’. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish’’. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn’’. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn’’. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish’’. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+Gol-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish’’. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish’’. #15163.(Munda)

अयो (in comp. for अयस्) अयस् n. iron , metal RV. an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10; gold Naigh.steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron; Goth. eisarn; Mod. Germ.  Eisen.])अयस्--काण्ड m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.)(Monier-Williams, p. 85)

Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealNausharo. Pot.
Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealA zebu bull tied to a post; a bird above. Large painted storage jar discovered in burned rooms at Nausharo, ca. 2600 to 2500 BCE. 
Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealm1118
Image result for indus script bird zebu bullfish
Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealCylinder (white shell) seal impression; Ur, Mesopotamia (IM 8028); white shell. height 1.7 cm., dia. 0.9 cm.; cf. Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 7-8


Below the rim of the storage pot, the contents are described in Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts: 1. Flowing water; 2. fish with fin; 3. aquatic bird tied to a rope Rebus readings of these hieroglyphs/hypertexts signify metal implements from the Meluhha mint.





Clay storage pot discovered in Susa (Acropole mound), ca. 2500-2400 BCE (h. 20 ¼ in. or 51 cm). Musee du Louvre. Sb 2723 bis (vers 2450 avant J.C.)
The hieroglyphs and Meluhha rebus readings on this pot from Meluhha are: 1. kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: khāṇḍā 'metal equipment'; 2. aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy'; khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaṭ a 'mint, coiner, coinage' 3.  करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa‘duck’ (Samskrtam) rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'; PLUS 4. meṛh 'rope tying to post, pillar’ rebus meḍ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic)
Susa pot is a ‘Rosetta stone’ for Sarasvati Script

Water (flow)
Fish fish-fin
aquatic bird on wave (indicating aquatic nature of the bird), tied to rope, water
kāṇḍa 'water'   rebus: kāṇḍa 'implements

The vase a la cachette, shown with its contents. Acropole mound, Susa.[20]
It is a remarkable 'rosetta stone' because it validates the expression used by Panini: ayaskāṇḍa अयस्--काण्ड [p= 85,1] m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.). The early semantics of this expression is likely to be 'metal implements compared with the Santali expression to signify iron implements: meď 'copper' (Slovāk), mẽṛhẽt,khaṇḍa (Santali)  मृदु mṛdu,’soft iron’ (Samskrtam).
Santali glosses.
Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs painted on the jar are: fish, quail and streams of water; 
aya 'fish' (Munda) rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda) khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint' Thus, together ayo kammaṭa, 'metals mint'
baṭa 'quail' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.
karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा karaḍā 'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c'. (Marathi) PLUS meRh 'tied rope' meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formeḍinto an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end;  mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)
Thus, read together, the proclamation on the jar by the painted hieroglyphs is: baṭa meṛh karaḍā ayas kāṇḍa 'hard alloy iron metal implements out of the furnace (smithy)'.

This is a jar closed with a ducted bowl. The treasure called "vase in hiding" was initially grouped in two containers with lids. The second ceramic vessel was covered with a copper lid. It no longer exists leaving only one. Both pottery contained a variety of small objects form a treasure six seals, which range from Proto-Elamite period (3100-2750 BCE) to the oldest, the most recent being dated to 2450 BCE (First Dynasty of Ur).

Therefore it is possible to date these objects, this treasure. Everything included 29 vessels including 11 banded alabaster, mirror, tools and weapons made of copper and bronze, 5 pellets crucibles copper, 4 rings with three gold and a silver, a small figurine of a frog lapis lazuli, gold beads 9, 13 small stones and glazed shard.

"In the third millenium Sumerian texts list copper among the raw materials reaching Uruk from Aratta and all three of the regions Magan, Meluhha and Dilmun are associated with copper, but the latter only as an emporium. Gudea refers obliquely to receiving copper from Dilmun: 'He (Gudea) conferred with the divine Ninzaga (= Enzak of Dilmun), who transported copper like grain deliveries to the temple builder Gudea...' (Cylinder A: XV, 11-18, Englund 1983, 88, n.6). Magan was certainly a land producing the metal, since it is occasionally referred to as the 'mountain of copper'. It may also have been the source of finished bronze objects." 

"Susa... profound affinity between the Elamite people who migrated to Anshan and Susa and the Dilmunite people... Elam proper corresponded to the plateau of Fars with its capital at Anshan. We think, however that it probably extended further north into the Bakhtiari Mountains... likely that the chlorite and serpentine vases reached Susa by sea... From the victory proclamations of the kings of Akkad we also learn that the city of Anshan had been re-established, as the capital of a revitalised political ally: Elam itself... the import by Ur and Eshnunna of inscribed objects typical of the Harappan culture provides the first reliable chronological evidence. [C.J. Gadd, Seals of ancient style found at Ur, Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932; Henry Frankfort, Tell Asmar, Khafaje and Khorsabad, OIC, 16, 1933, p. 50, fig. 22). It is certainly possible that writing developed in India before this time, but we have no real proof. Now Susa had received evidence of this same civilisation, admittedly not all dating from the Akkadian period, but apparently spanning all the closing years of the third millennium (L. Delaporte, Musee du Louvre. Catalogues des Cylindres Orientaux..., vol. I, 1920pl. 25(15), S.29. P. Amiet, Glyptique susienne,MDAI, 43, 1972, vol. II, pl. 153, no. 1643)... B. Buchanan has published a tablet dating from the reign of Gungunum of Larsa, in the twentieth century BC, which carries the impression of such a stamp seal. (B.Buchanan, Studies in honor of Benno Landsberger, Chicago, 1965, p. 204, s.). The date so revealed has been wholly confirmed by the impression of a stamp seal from the group, fig. 85, found on a Susa tablet of the same period. (P. Amiet, Antiquites du Desert de Lut, RA, 68, 1974, p. 109, fig. 16. Maurice Lambert, RA, 70, 1976, p. 71-72). It is in fact, a receipt of the kind in use at the beginning of the Isin-Larsa period, and mentions a certain Milhi-El, son of Tem-Enzag, who, from the name of his god, must be a Dilmunite. In these circumstances we may wonder if this document had not been drawn up at Dilmun and sent to Susa after sealing with a local stamp seal. This seal is decorated with six tightly-packed, crouching animals, characterised by vague shapes, with legs under their bodies, huge heads and necks sometimes striped obliquely. The impression of another seal of similar type, fig. 86, depicts in the centre a throned figure who seems to dominate the animals, continuing a tradition of which examples are known at the end of the Ubaid period in Assyria... Fig. 87 to 89 are Dilmun-type seals found at Susa. The boss is semi-spherical and decorated with a band across the centre and four incised circles. [Pierre Amiet, Susa and the Dilmun Culture, pp. 262-268].

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
April 23, 2017

Hypertext mint (for) brass/steel/hard alloy ingots signified by pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' vartikā 'quail, duck', karaḍa 'aquatic bird'

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This monograph presents clusters of inscriptions from Indus Script Corpora which convey hypertexts 'mint (for) hard alloy ingots'. The hypertexts are signified by hieroglyph clusters: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo'vártikā 'quail, duck', karaḍa करड 'hard alloy' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel', vartaka'brass or steel'

Three types of birds are unambiguous hieroglyphs in Indus Script Corpora:  1. quail or duck; 2. aquatic bird or crane; 3. black drongo. The third category, black drongo, is sometimes associated with 'fish' hieroglyph to convey a hypertext message through compound sign clusters, Sign 63, Sign 64. The function of split parenthesis in these signs is a hieroglyphic cipher to signify an ingot.  mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). kharva is a dwarf; kharva is a nidhi of Kubera. karba'iron' (Tulu). A little pointed at each end, the ingot is oval in shape and is split into two parenthesis as on Signs 63 and 64.

I suggest that the Signs 63 and 64 are hypertexts with three hieroglyph components: 

Component 1: Hieroglyph: split parenthesis rebus: mūhā 'ingot'; 

Component 2. Hieroglyph: ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā ʻfish-finʼ rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.); 

Component 3: Hieroglyph: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel'. 
Bird 1: quail or duck
vartaka = a duck (Skt.) batak = a duck (Gujarati)  vartikā quail (Rigveda) baṭṭai quail (Nepalese) vártikā f. ʻ quail ʼ RV. 2. vārtika -- m. lex. 3. var- takā -- f. lex. (eastern form ac. to Kātyāyana: S. Lévi JA 1912, 498), °ka -- m. Car., vārtāka -- m. lex. [Cf.vartīra -- m. Suśr., °tira -- lex., *vartakara -- ] 1. Ash. uwŕe/ ʻ partridge ʼ NTS ii 246 (connexion denied NTS v 340), Paš.snj. waṭīˊ; K. hāra -- wüṭü f. ʻ species of waterfowl ʼ (hāra -- < śāˊra -- ).
2. Kho. barti ʻ quail, partridge ʼ BelvalkarVol 88.3. Pa. vaṭṭakā -- f., °ka -- in cmpds. ʻ quail ʼ, Pk. vaṭṭaya -- m., N. baṭṭāi (< vārtāka -- ?), A. batā -- sarāi, B. batuibaṭuyā; Si. vaṭuvā ʻ snipe, sandpiper ʼ (ext. of *vaṭu < vartakā -- ). -- With unexpl. bh -- : Or. bhāṭoi°ṭui ʻ the grey quail Cotarnix communis ʼ, (dial.) bhāroi°rui (< early MIA. *vāṭāka -- < vārtāka -- : cf. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car.).Addenda: vartikā -- [Dial. a ~ ā < IE. non -- apophonic o (cf. Gk. o)/rtuc and early EMIA. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car. < *vārtī -- ) (CDIAL 11361)

Rebus: *varta2 ʻ circular object ʼ or more prob. ʻ something made of metal ʼ, cf. vartaka -- 2 n. ʻ bell -- metal, brass ʼ lex. and vartalōha -- . [√vr̥t?] Pk. vaṭṭa -- m.n., °aya -- m. ʻ cup ʼ; Ash. waṭāˊk ʻ cup, plate ʼ; K. waṭukh, dat. °ṭakas m. ʻ cup, bowl ʼ; S. vaṭo m. ʻ metal drinking cup ʼ; N. bāṭā, ʻ round copper or brass vessel ʼ; A. bāṭi ʻ cup ʼ; B. bāṭā ʻ box for betel ʼ; Or. baṭā ʻ metal pot for betel ʼ, bāṭi ʻ cup, saucer ʼ; Mth. baṭṭā ʻ large metal cup ʼ, bāṭī ʻ small do. ʼ, H. baṭṛī f.; G. M. vāṭī f. ʻ vessel ʼ.*aṅkavarta -- , *kajjalavarta -- , *kalaśavarta -- , *kṣāṇavartaka -- , *cūrṇavarta -- , parṇavartikā -- , *hiṅgulavarta -- .Addenda: *varta -- 2: Md. vař ʻ circle ʼ (vař -- han̆du ʻ full moon ʼ).(CDIAL 11347)

वर्तक a [p= 925,2] n. a sort of brass or steel वर्तः (Usually at the end of comp.) Living, liveli- hood; as in कल्यवर्त q. v. -Comp. -जन्मन् m. a cloud. -तीक्ष्णम्, -लोहम् bell-metal, a kind of brass.

Bird 2: aquatic bird or crane

Grus Virgo or Numidian or Demoiselle Crane The Demoiselle Crane breeds in C Eurasia, from Black Sea to Mongolia and NE China. It winters in Indian Subcontinent and in Sub-Saharan Africa. http://www.oiseaux-birds.com/card-demoiselle-crane.html

Image result for crane dongson bronze drum bharatkalyan97Image result for crane dongson bronze drum bharatkalyan97Hieroglyphs on Dongson bronze drum tympanums.

करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Samskrtam)కారండవము (p. 274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ]  rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy' करडा karaḍā 'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c'. 

khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaTa ‘mint, coiner, coinage’ gaṇḍa 'four' Rebus: khaṇḍa 'metal implements.  Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements mint 
Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaṇḍa kammaṭa ‘metallic iron alloy implements, mint, coiner, coinage’.koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi)  kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi) 

Bird 3: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel' 





m0274Text 1342
Text 1237
Text 2141



m1278 Text 2028
m1127Text 2696
h591Text 4228
m0010Text1006


Text 1207
Text 2077
Text 5471
Image result for indus script bird bullText 1338

kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore, to smelt iron’;koṭe ‘forged (metal)(Santali) kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuṭhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuṭhi, kuṭi (Or.; Sad. koṭhi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuṭire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkuṭi has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuṭhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuṭhi = a factory; lil kuṭhi = an indigo factory (koṭhi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuṭhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuṭhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuṭhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. koṭhī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuṭha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuṭhī factory (A.); koṭhā brick-built house (B.); kuṭhī bank, granary (B.); koṭho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); koṭhīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuṭhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koṭho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; koṭhī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) koḍ = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 

kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛI f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) 

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
April 23, 2017

Meluhha hieroglyph kaṁḍa ʻbackbone' rebus:'implements' and cargo on m1429 a Mohenjodaro boat

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A vivid example of the wealth creation by Bronze Age Meluhha artisans and seafaring merchants, is provided by a unique hieroglyph string of three hieroglyphs on Indus Script Corpora inscriptions. 

This is the most frequently used hypertext expression (with an occurrence on over 50 inscriptions) on Indus Script Corpora. This string is composed of three hieroglyphs: 1. currycomb; 2. rim of jar'; 3. backbone, spine to signify: 1. kharādī 'turner' 2. 

kanka, karaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karaka ‘account scribe’; 

kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) ; 3. kaṁḍa'implements'.

Rebus reading of h1827A: khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) karNika, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kaṇḍa kanka 'smelting furnace account (scribe), karNI, supercargo'

Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ(CDIAL 2670) is the Meluhha word for 'spine, backbone' given the semantics registered in the lexical repertoire of Bharatiya sprachbund. Hieroglyph: karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (Prakrit) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)Rebus signifies 'implements in general' as in the reduplicated expression:  கண்டானுமுண்டானும் kaṇṭāṉumuṇṭ- āṉumn. Redupl. of கண்டானும். Household utensils, great and small, useful and useless; வீட்டுத் தட்டுமுட்டுகள். கண்டானு முண்டானும் இத் தனை எதற்கு? Loc.


The specification that the metal ingots were made of alloyed hard metal was signified by hieroglyphs which were shaped like a skeleton-backbone:

 Rebus-metonymy layered readings of these hieroglyphs are: 

Hieroglyph: dōkkū skeleton (Kuwi) ḍogor peṛeka backbone (Go.)




Text 4589 points to the possibility that two distinct glosses are associated with two distinct hieroglyphs . Orthographically, Sign 47 may signify a 'skeleton' while Sign 48 may signify a 'backbone' or rib cage.

Backbone, rib cage

Sign 48. kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērā ʻmetal workerʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) Spine, rib-cage: A comparable glyptic representation is on a seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.” (I. Mahadevan, 'Murukan' in the Indus Script, The Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies, March 1999). B.B. Lal, 1960. From Megalithic to the Harappa: Tracing back the graffiti on pottery. Ancient India, No.16, pp. 4-24. 

Sign 47: OAw. pāṁjara ʻcage, skeleton ʼ Rebus: pasra 'smithy'.

Sign 48: 
Alternative 1: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērā ʻmetal workerʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) 

Alternative 2: Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (CDIAL 2670). Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy'


H94-2177/4999-01: Molded faience tablet, Period 3B/3C

kanka, karaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karaka ‘account scribe’.

kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) 
khareo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā ] m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus: 1. करडा [karaā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) 2. kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati)


Hieroglyph: 1. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) muhA 'the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace' (Santali. Campbell) 

A pair of 'lozenges infixed with spots or notches' together with a skeleton-backbone hieroglyph: They may signify a pair of खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble (Marathi) rebus:  kaṁḍa 'implements' -- a semantic determinant of the central hieroglyph 'spine, backbobe' which is . kaṁḍa ʻbackbone' rebus: 'implements'.Dotted ovarl hieroglyph: goTa 'round' rebus: khoTa 'ingot' PLUS  baraDo 'spine' rebus: bharata 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' PLUS karNI 'supercargo'  PLUS third hieroglyph (illegible, could be karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' ).

1. hālako ingots were signified by the ox-hide shaped ingots

2. mũhe ingots were signified by the cargo of cast metal out of a furnace




m1429 prism tablet. Boat glyph as a Sarasvati hieroglyph on a tablet.Three sided molded tablet. One side shows a flat bottomed boat with a central hut that has leafy fronds at the top of two poles. Two birds sit on the deck and a large double rudder extends from the rear of the boat. On the second side is a snout nosed gharial with a fish in its mouth. The third side has eight glyphs of the Indus script.

Hieroglyph 'fish' = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Telugu)] Rebus: ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali) 

khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.) 
Side C: 
Text 3246 on the third side of the prism. kāḍ  काड् ‘, the stature of a man’ Rebus: खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble (Marathi) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast (metal)’shapes objects on a lathe’ (Gujarati) 
कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman'
kanka, kar
ṇaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘account scribe’. kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi)


 
The hieroglyphs are: side a: eight sign glyphs including: body, rim of jar, two ingots, rim of jar, fish, three, graft infix ligature in ingot.side b: boat, two trees, two birds; side b: gharial (alligator), fish; Boat: kolam; rebus: kolami 'furnace'

kolmo ‘three’ Rebus: kolami ‘furnace,smithy’. Thus, the pair of glyphs may denote lapidary work – working with stone, mineral, gemstones.
 
ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayas ‘metal’. kāru ‘crocodile’ Rebus: kāru ‘artisan’. Thus, together read rebus: ayakara ‘metalsmith’.
kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali) karṇika id. (Samskritam) Rebus: kārṇī m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) 
meḍ  ‘body’, ‘dance’ (Santali) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)
kāḍ  काड् ‘, the stature of a man’ Rebus: खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’(Marathi) <khadan>  {N} ``a ^mine, place where earth is ^excavated for roads, buildings, etc.''.  @2417.  #13731.(Munda)

A pair of ingots with notches in-fixed as ligatures.
 
ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi)  khoṭ f ʻalloy (Lahnda) Thus the pair of ligatured oval glyphs read: khoṭ ḍhālako ‘alloy ingots’ PLUS dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'.

Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans,metal-ware' (Marathi) H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H.lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- ).(CDIAL 11171)

खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended.

लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously.
लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith.
लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 

See: http://tinyurl.com/m9mfn22  Backbone of Indus Script Corpora. Tin Road of Bronze Age Indian Ocean Community linking Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East. 

कणा (p. 74) kaṇā m The spine or back-bone. (Marathi) கணு kaṇu 'joint of the spine' (Tamil) مرکنډئِي mar-kanḏḏaʿī, s.f. The end of the backbone where the neck joins. (Pashto)  काण्ड [p= 269,2]mn. the part of the trunk of a tree whence the branches proceed W.; ([or काण्ड्/अ TS. vii]) (ifc. f( or ).) ([cf. खण्ड , with which in some of its senses काण्ड is confounded]) a single joint of the stalk or stem of a plant , such as a bamboo or reed or cane (i.e. the portion from one knot to another cf. त्रि-क्°) , any part or portion , section , chapter , division of a work or book (cf. त्रि-क्°) , any distinct portion or division of an action or of a sacrificial rite (as that belonging to the gods or to the manes) AV. TS. VS.

Ta. keṇṭai ankle. Ma. keṇippu joint, articulation. Ka. giṇṇu, geṇṇu knot, joint, as of sugar-cane, finger, etc.; gaṇṭu knot of cord, joint of reed, bamboo, cane, joint or articulation of body. Koḍ. gïṇṇï joint in wrist or fingers, knot in sugar-cane; ka·lï-gïṇṇï ankle. Tu. gaṇṭů, gaṇṭu knot in string, ankle, knot or joint of reed or cane. Te.gaṇṭu, (VPK) gaṇṭa a knot. Nk. kanḍe joint in bamboo. Cf. 1160 Ta. kaṇ joint. / Cf. Skt. gaṇḍa- joint; Turner, CDIAL, no. 3998 (also *gēṇḍa-). (DEDR 1946) gaṇḍa2 m. ʻ joint of plant ʼ lex., gaṇḍi -- m. ʻ trunk of tree from root to branches ʼ lex. 2. *gēṇḍa -- . 3. *gēḍḍa -- 2. 4. *gēḍa -- 1. [Cf. kāˊṇḍa -- : prob. ← Drav. DED 1619] 1. Pa. gaṇḍa -- m. ʻ stalk ʼ, °ḍī -- f. ʻ sugarcane joint, shaft or stalk used as a bar ʼ, Pk. gaṁḍa -- m., °ḍiyā -- f.; Kt. gäṇa ʻ stem ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. gaṇḍīˊ ʻ stem, stump of a tree, large roof beam ʼ (→ Par. gaṇḍāˊ ʻ stem ʼ, Orm. goṇ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL i 253, 395), gul. geṇḍū, nir. gaṇīˊ, kuṛ. gã̄ṛo; Kal. urt. gəṇ ʻ log (in a wall) ʼ, rumb. goṇ (st. gōṇḍ -- ) ʻ handle ʼ,guṇḍík ʻ stick ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) gongonu, (Morgenstierne) gɔ̄ˋn ʻ haft of axe, spade or knife ʼ (or < ghaná -- 2?); K. gonḍugrọ̆nḍu m. ʻ great untrimmed log ʼ; S. ganu m. ʻ oar, haft of a tool ʼ, °no m. ʻ sweet stalks of millet ʼ; P. gannā m. ʻ sugarcane ʼ (→ H. gannā m.), Bi. gaṇḍā, H. gã̄ṛā m., M. gã̄ḍā m. -- Deriv. Pk. gaṁḍīrī -- f. ʻ sugarcane joint ʼ; Bhoj. gãṛērī ʻ small pieces of sugarcane ʼ; H. gãḍerī f. ʻ knot of sugarcane ʼ; G. gãḍerī f. ʻ piece of peeled sugarcane ʼ; -- Pk. gaṁḍalī -- ʻ sugarcane joint ʼ; Kal. rumb. gaṇḍau (st. °ḍāl -- ) ʻ ancestor image ʼ; S. g̠anaru m. ʻ stock of a vegetable run to seed ʼ.2. Ku. gino ʻ block, log ʼ; N. gĩṛ ʻ log ʼ, gĩṛo ʻ piece of sugarcane ʼ (whence gẽṛnugĩṛ° ʻ to cut in pieces ʼ); B. gẽṛ ʻ tuber ʼ; Mth. gẽṛī ʻ piece of sugarcane chopped ready for the mill ʼ.3. Pk. geḍḍī -- , giḍḍiā -- f. ʻ stick ʼ; P. geḍī f. ʻ stick used in a game ʼ, H. geṛī f. (or < 4).4. N. girgirrā ʻ stick, esp. one used in a game ʼ, H. gerī f., geṛī f. (or < 3), G. geṛī f.*gaṇḍāsi -- ; *agragaṇḍa -- , *prāgragaṇḍa -- .Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 2: S.kcch. gann m. ʻ handle ʼ; -- WPah.kṭg. gannɔ m. ʻ sugar -- cane ʼ; Md. gan̆ḍu ʻ piece, page, playing -- card ʼ.(CDIAL 3998)  *kaṇṭa3 ʻ backbone, podex, penis ʼ. 2. *kaṇḍa -- . 3. *karaṇḍa -- 4. (Cf. *kāṭa -- 2, *ḍākka -- 2: poss. same as káṇṭa -- 1]1. Pa. piṭṭhi -- kaṇṭaka -- m. ʻ bone of the spine ʼ; Gy. eur. kanro m. ʻ penis ʼ (or < káṇṭaka -- ); Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f.,  kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ°ḍī ʻ back ʼ; P. kaṇḍ f. ʻ back, pubes ʼ; WPah. bhal. kaṇṭ f. ʻ syphilis ʼ; N. kaṇḍo ʻ buttock, rump, anus ʼ, kaṇḍeulo ʻ small of the back ʼ; B.kã̄ṭ ʻ clitoris ʼ; Or. kaṇṭi ʻ handle of a plough ʼ; H. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Si. äṭa -- kaṭuva ʻ bone ʼ, piṭa -- k° ʻ backbone ʼ. 2. Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.3. Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) kāˊṇḍa (kāṇḍá -- TS.) m.n. ʻ single joint of a plant ʼ AV., ʻ arrow ʼ MBh., ʻ cluster, heap ʼ (in tr̥ṇa -- kāṇḍa -- Pāṇ. Kāś.). [Poss. connexion with gaṇḍa -- 2makes prob. non -- Aryan origin (not with P. Tedesco Language 22,  190 < kr̥ntáti). Prob. ← Drav., cf. Tam. kaṇ ʻ joint of bamboo or sugarcane ʼ EWA i 197] Pa. kaṇḍa -- m.n. ʻ joint of stalk, stalk, arrow, lump ʼ; Pk. kaṁḍa -- , °aya -- m.n. ʻ knot of bough, bough, stick ʼ; Ash. kaṇ ʻ arrow ʼ, Kt. kåṇ, Wg. kāṇkŕãdotdot;, Pr. kə̃, Dm.kā̆n; Paš. lauṛ. kāṇḍkāṇ, ar. kōṇ, kuṛ. kō̃, dar. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ torch ʼ; Shum. kō̃ṛkō̃ ʻ arrow ʼ, Gaw. kāṇḍkāṇ; Kho. kan ʻ tree, large bush ʼ; Bshk. kāˋ'n ʻ arrow ʼ, Tor. kan m., Sv. kã̄ṛa, Phal. kōṇ, Sh. gil. kōn f. (→ Ḍ. kōn, pl. kāna f.), pales. kōṇ; K. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ stalk of a reed, straw ʼ (kān m. ʻ arrow ʼ ← Sh.?); S. kānu m. ʻ arrow ʼ, °no m. ʻ reed ʼ, °nīf. ʻ topmost joint of the reed Sara, reed pen,  stalk, straw, porcupine's quill ʼ; L. kānã̄ m. ʻ stalk of the reed Sara ʼ, °nī˜ f. ʻ pen, small spear ʼ; P. kānnā m. ʻ the reed Saccharum munja, reed in a weaver's warp ʼ, kānī f. ʻ arrow ʼ; WPah. bhal. kān n. ʻ arrow ʼ, jaun. kã̄ḍ; N. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛo ʻ rafter ʼ; A. kã̄r ʻ arrow ʼ; B. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛā ʻ oil vessel made of bamboo joint, needle of bamboo for netting ʼ, kẽṛiyā ʻ wooden or earthen vessel for oil &c. ʼ; Or. kāṇḍakã̄ṛ ʻ stalk, arrow ʼ; Bi. kã̄ṛā ʻ stem of muñja grass (used for thatching) ʼ; Mth. kã̄ṛ ʻ stack of stalks of large millet ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ wooden milkpail ʼ; Bhoj. kaṇḍā ʻ reeds ʼ; H. kã̄ṛī f. ʻ rafter, yoke ʼ, kaṇḍā m. ʻ reed, bush ʼ (← EP.?); G. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ joint, bough, arrow ʼ, °ḍũ n. ʻ wrist ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint, bough, arrow, lucifer match ʼ; M. kã̄ḍ n. ʻ trunk, stem ʼ, °ḍẽ n. ʻ joint, knot, stem, straw ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint of sugarcane, shoot of root (of ginger, &c.) ʼ; Si. kaḍaya ʻ arrow ʼ. -- Deriv. A. kāriyāiba ʻ to shoot with an arrow ʼ.kāˊṇḍīra -- ; *kāṇḍakara -- , *kāṇḍārā -- ; *dēhīkāṇḍa -- Add. Addenda: kāˊṇḍa -- [< IE. *kondo -- , Gk. kondu/los ʻ knuckle ʼ, ko/ndos ʻ ankle ʼ T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 55] S.kcch. kāṇḍī f. ʻ lucifer match ʼ? (CDIAL 3023)

ayas अयस् a. -काण्डः 1 an iron-arrow. -2 excellent iron. -3 a large quantity of iron. काण्ड [p= 269,2] a cluster , bundle W.; a multitude , heap , quantity (ifc.Pa1n2. 4-2 , 51 Ka1s3.; a bone of the arms or legs , long bone (cf. काण्ड-भग्न and पुच्छकाण्ड्/अ) Sus3r.; a rudder (?) R. ii , 89 , 19

लोखंड (p. 423) lōkhaṇḍa n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously. लोखंडकाम (p. 423) lōkhaṇḍakāma n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith. लोखंडी (p. 423) lōkhaṇḍī a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's हाड or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. 4 Ardent and unyielding--a fever. 5 लोखंडी, in the sense Hard and coarse or in the sense Strong or enduring, is freely applied as a term of distinction or designation. ఖండా khanḍā. n. A cross handled dagger. జంజాతికత్తి, పెద్దకత్తి. 

Note: Frenquency of hypertext string Signs 176, 342 and 48 (centre-piece oval in venn diagram) is in reference to Mahadevan corpus. The occurrences will be more if HARP discoveries are reckoned. The string of three hieroglyphs signifies भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.ready as supercargo (for seafaring merchants) and for turners in smithy.

khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (G.) karNika, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kaṇḍa kanka 'smelting furnace account (scribe), karNI, supercargo' baraDo 'spine' Rebus: भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.(Frequency of occurrence 41) Note: Frenquency is in reference to Mahadevan corpus. The occurrences will be more if HARP discoveries are reckoned. The string of three hieroglyphs signifies भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.ready as supercargo (for seafaring merchants) and for turners in smithy.

Many examples of such smultiple inscriptions on Harappa tablets have been noted by Meadow and Kenoyer (Meadow, Richard H. and Jonathan Kenoyer, 1997, The ‘tinysteatite seals’ (incised steatitetablets) of Harappa: Some observations ontheir context and dating in: Taddei, Maurizio and Giuseppe de Marco, 2000, South Asian Archaeology, 1997, Rome, Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente.After Fig. 3, p.12 Harappa 1995-1997: Mounds E and ET; molded terracotta tablets)


S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
April 24, 2017

Kalibangan inscription 079 catalogues hypertext expressions of mint metalwork sangara, ‘trade’

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Kalibangan tablet 079 on two sides encodes two hypertext expressions in Indus Script Meluhha cipher.

See: 
http://tinyurl.com/lf9zpy6.


Hypertext expression (Side 1)


Sign 147
This is a hypertext expression composed of hieroglyphs: 1. One long numeral stroke; 2. cross; 3. Six ingots: 1.  koḍa ‘one’ rebus:  koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’; 2. dāṭu 'cross' rebus: dhatu'mineral ore'; 3. 


Hieroglyph: koḍa ‘one’(Santali)  koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Gujarati).

దాటు [ dāṭu ] dāṭu. [Tel.] v. n. &a. To cross over, to pass over. To jump or leap, లంఘించు, To elude. To escape. To go beyond or transgress, ఉల్లంఘించు. To cross or copulate, applied to cattle. నామాట అడుగుదాటకు transgress not my command. n. A crossing. A jump, గంతు, లంఘనము. .దాట్రాయి or దాటురాయి dāṭrāyi. n. A boys' game. దాట్లువేయు dāṭlu-vēyu. v. n. To bound or jump. దాట్లువేస్తూరావడము to come bounding along. దాటుకట్టు dāṭu-kaṭṭu. v. n. To become a crowd. గుంపుకూడు. దాటుకొను. Same as దాటు.దాటించు dāṭinṭsu. v. a. To cause to pass over. To pass over. అక్కడ పది దినములు దాటించినాడు he passed ten days there.Ta. tāṇṭu (tāṇṭi-) to dance, skip, jump, leap across, jump over, cross, step over, transgress, surpass, excel; n. a leap, jump; tāṇṭavam leaping, jumping. Ma. tāṇṭuka to jump across; put into another place; tāṭṭuka to get over or through. Ko. da·ṭ- (da·ṭy-) to cross (mark, stream, mountain, road).To. to·ṭ- (to·ṭy-) to cross (boundary, etc.). Ka. tāṇṭu to jump, dance, leap, skip over, cross; dāṭu, dāṇṭu to jump, pass or step over, cross, ford, go beyond, exceed, transgress, pass away, expire; n. passing over, jump across, etc.; dāṭisu, dāṇṭisu to cause to pass over. Koḍ. (Kar.) da·ṭ- (-i-) to cross. Tu. dāṇṭunito cross, ford, pass by. Te. dã̄ṭu to leap, jump, cross over, pass over, go beyond, transgress; n. a leap, jump, crossing or passing over. Kol. da·ṭ- (da·ṭt-) to cross; da·ṭip- (da·ṭipt-) to make to cross. Konḍa ḍāṭ- (-t-) to hop, jump, hop in dance, jump over, walk fast. Br. traḍḍing to skip, prance, dance about. / Cf. Skt. tāṇḍava- Śiva's dance. (CDIAL 3158) 

Rebus:  dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)


On Sign 147, six bun-shaped ingots are ligatured to six ends of the hierolgyph. The ovals are ligatured because the related hieroglyph denotes 

 

The numeral count of SIX mũhe bun-ingots: bhaa ‘six ’; rebus: bha‘furnace’. 

mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽht = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽht ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali.Campbell) 

 

Hypertext expression (Side 1 of tablet) reads: bhaamūhā ‘furnace ingots’ PLUS  ko ‘artisan’s workshop’ 

The five hieroglyphs --components -- joined together in the hypertext expression are as follows:


Sign 418 on Kalibangan 079 Terracotta tablett incised with inscription on both sides of tablet. This Sign 418 is a hypertext composed of the hieroglyphs joined together as components. Such a joining together is called: सांगड (p. 495) sāṅgaḍa f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linkedor joined together. rebus: sangara 'trade'.



Hypertext expression (Side 2): 



Image result for sign418 indus script









ayo'fish' rebus: ayas'alloy metal' (Rigveda) ayo‘iron’ (Gujarati) PLUS khambhaṛā'fish-fin' rebus: kammaa'mint, coiner, coinage'.


kuṭi ‘water-carrier' (Telugu).   kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali)

A (गोटा) gōṭā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ (metal) (Marathi) खोट [khōṭa] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi). P. khoṭ  m. ʻalloyʼ  (CDIAL 3931)ad.ar ‘harrow’ (Santali) [cf. harrow ligatured to water-carrier] Rebus: adaru =native metal (Kannada) Vikalpa 2: pasa_ iron ring through which plough iron is thrust; pa_sa_ lump of metal (H.); pa_s silver ingot, iron share of harrow (M.) 

karṇika, kanka, khanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇī 'supercargo'; karṇaka 'account, scribe, helmsman'.


Hypertext expression (Slide 2 of tablet reads): Mint (with) smelter (for) iron, native metal, alloy metal, wedge, silver ingot, supercargo, scribe, account, helmsman


Thus, together, the hypertext expression conveyed by the Kalibangan 079 inscription is: Artisan's workshop (with) 1. furnace (for) ingots; 2.mint (with) smelter (for) iron, native metal, alloy metal, wedge, silver ingot, supercargo, scribe, account, helmsman.


S.Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
April 24, 2017


Simhāvalokanam, total of 2590 Harappa inscriptions, looking back at three dimensional metal objects in a two-dimensional perspective

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Harappa three-sided miniature tablet (h351) with incised inscription is presented to explain the characteristic features of hypertext compositions in Indus Script Corpora (Examples of 2590 inscriptions from Harappa embedded in a scribd document). 



 h531 tablet

The most remarkable feature is that on a tablet of the size of a thumbnail, messages related to metalwork are conveyed with precision and without any ambiguity. Many of these tablets of Harappa are about 1 cm.wide with inscriptions on two or three sides encoding in mlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher), hieroglyphs/hypertext Meluhha expressions related to metalwork catalogues.

At the outset, there are NO numeration indicators in the Script Corpora which is entirely devoted to a technical description of metalwork activities of artisans and seafaring merchants.

Thus, the following are NOT numeration indicators but hieroglyphic signifiers of words with the semantics of 'numerals' and read rebus> For exampe,

Long linear stroke hieroglyph | signifies koḍa'one' read rebus: koḍ'workshop'
Two long linear strokes hieroglyph || signify dula 'pair, two' read rebus: dul'metal casting'
Three long linear strokes hieroglyph ||| 'as a cluster hieroglyph' signifies kolmo'three' read rebus: kolimi'smithy, forge'
Four long linear strokes hieroglyph |||| signifies gaṇḍa'four' read rebus: kaṇḍ'fire-altar' khaṇḍa 'implements'

One short stroke hieroglhyph ' signifies the semantics khaṇḍa'notch, indentation' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements'
Two short strokes hieroglyph " signifies sal 'splinter' rebus: sal'workshop'

One slanted linear stroke hieroglyph \ signifies semantics  dhāḷ 'a slope, inclination' rebus:  dhāḷako'large ingot' (ox-hide ingot)
Two slanted linear strokes hieroglyph \\ signifies semantics dula'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS dhāḷ 'a slope, inclination' rebus:  dhāḷako'large ingot' (ox-hide ingot). Thus, together, the hieroglyph \\ signifies metal cast large ingot.


Hypertext on Side 3 of Harappa Tablet h 531 is composed of 1. splinter hieroglyph; 2. long linear stroke hieroglyph; 3. notch PLUS slanted stroke hieroglyph. These are read rebus: 
1. sal'splinter' rebus: sal'workshop (smithy/forge)' The split ' and ' enclose a long linear stroke. This device is a way to signify a semantic determinant for the circumscripted hieroglyph: One long linear stroke
2.  koḍa 'one (long linear stroke)' rebus: koḍ 'workshop (smelter)'. 
3. khaṇḍa 'notch, indentation' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements' PLUS dhāḷ 'a slope, inclination' rebus:  dhāḷako 'large ingot' (ox-hide ingot)

Thus, the hypertext signifies the expression: koḍ 'workshop (smelter)' (with) sal 'workshop (smithy/forge)' (for) implements, large ingots.

Thus, Side 3 of the inscription on h531 tablet signifies: 

1,koḍ 'workshop (smelter)' (with) sal 'workshop (smithy/forge)' (for) implements, large ingots.
2. dula'two' rebus: dul'metal casting'
3. karṇaka, kankha 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇaka'helmsman'karṇika'supercargo, scribe, account'
4.  khareḍo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā ] m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus1: करडा [karaḍā] Hard alloy of metals. Rebus 2: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) 

Side 2 of the inscription on h531 tablet signifies: 
1. gaṇḍa 'four' read rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' khaṇḍa 'implements'
2. baa'rimless, wide-mouthed pot' rebus: bhaa'furnace'

Side 1 of the inscription on h531 tablet signifies with X hieroglyph
dāṭu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore';

Together, the message hypertext expressions on three sides of Harappa tablet h531 are: helmsman (incharge of) mineral ore, furnace implements; hard alloy metal casting ingots smithy/forge, furnace workshops.


Sign 119 variants

 See this note for an explanation of the significance of Signs 47 and 48 'backbone, spine' hieroglyphs.



Mahadevan's interpretation of the hypertext glyphs:
[quote]

Kalibangan 039 Text 8011

gaṇḍá 'rhinocerosʼ Rebus: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’
ranku 'liquid measure'; ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) 
kolmo 'sprout' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge' koṭi 'flag' Rebus: koḍ 'workshop' (Detailed Meluhha etyma annexed)

Text 8011 is on a Kalibangan pink terracotta object with a boss on the reverse. Text is on two lines. The field symbol of a rhinoceros looking left and the inscription are in relief indicating that the seal was made from a mould. This is referred to as a 'raised seal'. Fig. 27 in PI. II (p. 803). (Mahadevan, 1977, p.25) 

K039 is a seal with raised script. This method of writing script is comparable to the raised script found on a copper molded tablet at Harappa: Copper tablet (H2000-4498/9889-01) with raised script found in Trench 43.




The inscription on the cast copper tablet is read as: dul 'cast metal', khoT 'alloy ingot', bharata, 'alloy of coper, pewter, tin'.Hieroglyphs:dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'; goT 'seed' Rebus: khoT 'alloy ingot'. खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. (Marathi) baraDo 'spine' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. (Marathi) karava 'pot' Rebus: kharva 'wealth'; karba 'iron'; karNaka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karNI 'supercargo'; karnIka 'scribe'.Image result for size of indus script sealsAn additional six copies of these tablets, again all with the same inscriptions, were found elsewhere in the debris outside of perimeter wall [250] including two near the group of 16 and two in debris between the perimeter and curtain walls. Here all 22 tablets are displayed together with a unicorn intaglio seal from the Period 3B street inside the perimeter wall, which has two of the same signs as those found on the tablets. https://www.harappa.com/indus5/79.htmlImage result for after fig. 4 harappaAfter Fig. 4. Harappa 1995-1997: Mounds E and ET; Trench 11: steatite seal H96-2796/6874-01 and incised steatite tablets (22) with the same inscriptions. "The last 2 signs of this seal are the same as those on one side of the 22 tablets (taking three strokes as a single sign)...Each tablet is three-sided with the inscription on each side comprising a single more complex sign accompanied by three or four simple strokes." The tablets are "incised with script that was to be read directly from the tablet." (Note by J. Mark Kenoyer & Richard H. meadow on Inscribed objects from Harappa excavations: 1986-2007 in: Asko Parpola, BM ande and Petteri Koskikallio eds., 2010, CISI, Vol.3: New material, untraced objects, and collections outside India and Pakistan, Part 1: Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, Helsinki, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, (pp.xliv to lviii), p. xliv http://www.harappa.com/indus/Kenoyer-Meadow-2010-HARP.pdf

Trench 54 area in Harappa yielded tablets of very small sizes. Many incised miniature tablets of Harappa with script are of the size of a thumb-nail. 




For example, the characteristic square steatite seals with animal motifs and short inscriptions begins in late Period 2 as noted above, is found in 3A and continues into Period 3C, but the carving style for both the animal motifs, and the inscriptions shows stylistic changes. The greatest variation and widespread use of such seals appears to be during Period 3B. Small rectangular inscribed tablets made from steatite begin to appear at the beginning of Period 3B and by the end of 3B there is a wide variety of tiny tablets in many different shapes and materials. They were made of fired steatite or of molded terracotta or faience. Some of the steatite tablets were decorated with red pigment and the faience tablets were covered with a thick blue-green glaze. These various forms of inscribed tablets continued on into Period 3C where we also find evidence for copper tablets all bearing the same raised inscription.” 

http://www.harappa.com/indus4/print.html Kenoyer and Meadow date the Period 3 between c.600 BCE – 1900 BCE.(Period 3A c.2600BCE -2450BCE; Period 3B c.2450BCE – c. 2200BCEl Period 3C c. 2200BCE -1900BCE) This particular inscription on the tablet is one of the most frequently occurring texts in Indus Script corpora, in particular the hieroglyphs of ‘back-hone + rim-of-jar’

goTa 'round' Rebus: khoT 'ingot' DhALako 'large metal ingot' (Gujarati) kana, kanac = corner (Santali); Rebus: kañcu = bronze (Telugu). dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' Thus Copper tablet (H2000-4498/9889-01) is deciphered: dul kañcu DhALako bronze cast ingot PLUS bharat 'alloy of copper, zinc, tin'.
 bharaḍo ‘spine’ backbone (Tulu); Rebus: bharan ‘to spread or bring out from a kiln’ (P.) baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)(P.B.) baraḍo = spine; backbone; the back; baraḍo thābaḍavo = lit. to strike on the backbone or back; hence, to encourage; baraḍo bhāre thato = lit. to have a painful backbone, i.e. to do something which will call for a severe beating (G.lex.) Sign 47 may signify kaśēru rebus: metal worker. Sign 48 may signify भरत   bharata n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c


A third glyph on these tablets is an oval sign -- like a metal ingot -- and is ligatured with an infixed sloping stroke: ḍhāḷiyum = adj. sloping, inclining (G.) The ligatured glyph is read rebus as: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.) The inscription on these tablets is in bas-relief:





h2219A First side of three-sided tablet
h2219B Second side of three-sided tablet
h2219C Third side of three-sided tablet

The two glyphs which appear on the h2219A example also appear on a seal. "In a street deposit of similar age just inside the wall, a seal was found with two of the same characters as seen on one side of the tablets."




Seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.
This pictorial motif gets normalized in Indus writing system as a hieroglyph sign: barao = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍm. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awākaṇḍ, °ī ʻ back ʼH. ̄ā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. ̄ɔ m., M. ̄ā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) The hieroglyph ligature to convey the semantics of ‘bone’ and rebus reading is: ‘four short numeral strokes ligature’ |||| Numeral 4: gaṇḍa'four' Rebus: kaṇḍa'furnace, fire-altar' (Santali)


Copper tablet (H2000-4498/9889-01) with raised script found in Trench 43 


The obvious purpose of such a seal with raised script is to create multiple seal impressions, not unlike the printing demonstrated by the finds of copper tablets by Rick Willis. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/03/a-tribute-to-rick-willis-who.html

See: http://tinyurl.com/h5pl2j4 

 


Data mining of Indus Script Corpora (about 7000 objects with inscriptions) yields a remarkable feature of Harappa tablets (i.e. sealings as multiples and tablets both on tiny steate tablets and other multi-sided tablets). The feature is occurrence of multiple hypertexts (strings of hieroglyph-multiplexes). This feature of duplication confirms the decipherment of product descriptions of the Bronze Age and confirn that the inscriptions are NOT names of artisans. The set of Harappa tablets with inscriptions is embedded at 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/05/235- Rebus reading of harappa-indus-script-tablets.html The blogpost deciphers 235 Harappa tablets which include the most frequently occurring hypertext on h1827A
Out of 985 inscribed objects published in Mahadevan Concordance (1997, p.7), 288 are ‘sealings' (i.e. tablets creating multiples or duplicates)’ and 272 are ‘miniature stone, terracotta or faience tablets’. Thus, 288+272 = 560 objects (i.e. 57%) of Mahadevan corpora are multiples to record works in process. The information conveyed by these tablets (both sealings and miniatures) are entered into seals for shipment of supercargo as demonstrated in http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/05/harappa-tiny-steatite-tablets-with.html
:
Rebus reading of h1827A: khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (G.) karNika, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kaṇḍa kanka 'smelting furnace account (scribe), karNI, supercargo' baraDo 'spine' Rebus: भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.(Frequency of occurrence 41) Note: Frenquency is in reference to Mahadevan corpus. The occurrences will be more if HARP discoveries are reckoned. The string of three hieroglyphs signifies भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.ready as supercargo (for seafaring merchants) and for turners in smithy. Side h1827B: kanac 'corner' rebus: kanac 'bronze' koDi 'flag' rebus: koD 'workshop' dATu 'cross' rebus; dhatu 'mineral' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. Thus, bronze workshop mineral casting out of furnace.


This hypertext string of 3 hieroglyphs has some variants in messaging by replacing the third hieroglyph (Sign 176 in this case). Such variant strings are 8 copper tablets with raised script which replaces Sign 176 with a dotted oval (like an ingot) or h2200A where Sign 176 is replaced by fish+fin hieroglyph with a linear stroke added
fish fins khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint' PLUS baraDo 'spine' rebus: bharata 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' PLUS karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' PLUS koDa 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop'
Dotted ovarl hieroglyph: goTa 'round' rebus: khoTa 'ingot' PLUS  baraDo 'spine' rebus: bharata 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' PLUS karNI 'supercargo'  PLUS third hieroglyph (illegible, could be karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' ).

Many tiny steatite inscised tablets also, as prism tablets add on one side three dotted circles, tridhAtu 'three strands' rebus: tri-dhAtu 'three minerals' to confirm that the product descriptions relate to baraDo 'an alloy of three minerals, copper, pewter and perhaps zinc'. On h979, for example, the rebus readings are: Side C: tridhAtu 'three dotted circles' rebus: tridhAtu 'three minerals' PLUS Side A khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (G.) karNika, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kaṇḍa kanka 'smelting furnace account (scribe), karNI, supercargo' baraDo 'spine' Rebus: भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.(Frequency of occurrence 41) kolmo 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge' PLUS baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. 

Note: Frenquency of hypertext string Signs 176, 342 and 48 (centre-piece oval in venn diagram) is in reference to Mahadevan corpus. The occurrences will be more if HARP discoveries are reckoned. The string of three hieroglyphs signifies भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.ready as supercargo (for seafaring merchants) and for turners in smithy.

khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (G.) karNika, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kaṇḍa kanka 'smelting furnace account (scribe), karNI, supercargo' baraDo 'spine' Rebus: भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.(Frequency of occurrence 41) Note: Frenquency is in reference to Mahadevan corpus. The occurrences will be more if HARP discoveries are reckoned. The string of three hieroglyphs signifies भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.ready as supercargo (for seafaring merchants) and for turners in smithy.

Many examples of such smultiple inscriptions on Harappa tablets have been noted by Meadow and Kenoyer (Meadow, Richard H. and Jonathan Kenoyer, 1997, The ‘tinysteatite seals’ (incised steatitetablets) of Harappa: Some observations ontheir context and dating in: Taddei, Maurizio and Giuseppe de Marco, 2000, South Asian Archaeology, 1997, Rome, Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente.After Fig. 3, p.12 Harappa 1995-1997: Mounds E and ET; molded terracotta tablets)





h252Ah254B
Examples of 22 duplicates steatite triangular tablets h-2218 to h-2239

h1155 A&B two-sided tablet (which is one of the 31 duplicates). Tablets in bas relief. The first sign looks like an arch around a pillar with ring-stones. Obverse: One-horned bull.

The inscription on these 31 duplicates can be read rebus in three parts:

1. Composite glyph of arch-around-a-pillar with ring-stones: storehouse
2. unsmelted native metal
3. furace (with)a quantity of iron, excellent iron (metal) from stone ore 
h739B & A (Standard device; obverse: tree)

A variant glyph comparable to the 'pillar with ring-stones' which is part of the composite glyph with an arch over the glyph is provided by one side of a Harappa tablet: h739B Obverse: H739A: glyph: kuṭi 'tree'; rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter furnace' (Santali)

If this comparison of glyphs is valid, the 'pillar with ring-stones' may, in fact, represent a churning motion of a lathe-drill: Allograph: A sack slung on the front shoulder of the young bull is khōṇḍā , khōṇḍī , kothḷɔ Rebus: B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or. kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ‘lathe’) (CDIAL 3295) Rebus: koṭṭil ‘workshop’ (Ma.)(DEDR 2058). koṭe ‘forged metal’ (Santali) koḍ 'artisan's workshop' (Kuwi) Vikalpa: saṅgaḍa, portable brazier and lathe; rebus: sanga 'guild (of turners)'.

Thus, the arched drill glyph may connote a turner's workshop. This is a vikalpa reading, if the 'arch' is not to be read as roof of a 'storehouse'. The arch over the drill-lathe glyph may connote semantics of a guild: pattar. (Tamil); battuḍu 'guild of goldsmiths'. This may be consistent with the semant. patthar 'stones' (Hindi) pattar ‘trough’; rebus: . patthara -- m. ʻ stone; pattar ‘merchants, guild (smiths)’ (The word may, thus, denote a lapidary).(CDIAL 8857).

Glyph and rebus decoding: Patthara [cp. late Sk. prastara. The ord. meaning of Sk. pr. is "stramentum"] 1. stone, rock S i.32. -- 2. stoneware Miln 2. (Pali) Pa. Pk. patthara -- m. ʻ stone ʼ, S. patharu m., L. (Ju.) pathar m., khet. patthar, P. patthar m. (→ forms of Bi. Mth. Bhoj. H. G. below with atth or ath), WPah.jaun. pātthar; Ku. pāthar m. ʻ slates, stones ʼ, gng. pāth*lr ʻ flat stone ʼ; A. B. pāthar ʻ stone ʼ, Or. pathara; Bi. pāthar, patthar, patthal ʻ hailstone ʼ; Mth. pāthar, pathal ʻ stone ʼ, Bhoj. pathal, Aw.lakh. pāthar, H. pāthar, patthar, pathar, patthal m., G. patthar, pathrɔ m.; M. pāthar f. ʻ flat stone ʼ; Ko. phāttaru ʻ stone ʼ; Si. patura ʻ chip, fragment ʼ; -- S. pathirī f. ʻ stone in the bladder ʼ; P. pathrī f. ʻ small stone ʼ; Ku. patharī ʻ stone cup ʼ; B. pāthri ʻ stone in the bladder, tartar on teeth ʼ; Or. pathurī ʻ stoneware ʼ; H. patthrī f. ʻ grit ʼ, G. pathrī f. *prastarapaṭṭa -- , *prastaramr̥ttikā -- , *prastarāsa -- .Addenda: prastará -- : WPah.kṭg. pátthər m. ʻ stone, rock ʼ; pəthreuṇõ ʻ to stone ʼ; J. pāthar m. ʻ stone ʼ; OMarw. pātharī ʻ precious stone ʼ. (CDIAL 8857)
Rebus: paṭṭarai ‘workshop’ (Ta.) pattharika [fr. patthara] a merchant Vin ii.135 (kaŋsa˚).(Pali) cf. Pattharati [pa+tharati] to spread, spread out, extend J i.62; iv.212; vi.279; DhA i.26; iii.61 (so read at J vi.549 in cpd ˚pāda with spreading feet, v. l. patthaṭa˚). -- pp. patthaṭa (q. v.). பத்தர்&sup5; pattar, n. perh. vartaka. Merchants; வியாபாரிகள். (W.) battuḍu. n. The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as vaḍla b*, carpenter. 

Thus, the seal inscription shows the pattern of tally accomplished by bringing into the storehouse 1. unsmelted native metal; and 2. (output from) furnace of worker in wood and iron. The assumptio made is that the the two categories brought into the storehouse would have been tallied using tablets with inscriptions denoting: 1. unsmelted metal; and 2. (output from) stone iron (metal) ore furnace.

Glyph (arch-around a pillar with ring-stones may denote a storehouse): koḍ = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.) कोठी cattle-shed (Marathi) कोंडी [ kōṇḍī ] A pen or fold for cattle. गोठी [ gōṭhī ] f C (Dim. of गोठा) A pen or fold for calves. (Marathi)koḍ = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.) कोठी cattle-shed (Marathi) कोंडी [ kōṇḍī ] A pen or fold for cattle. गोठी [ gōṭhī ] f C (Dim. of गोठा) A pen or fold for calves. (Marathi) Rebus: koḍ = place where artisan’s work (Kur.) कोठी [ kōṭhī] f (कोष्ट S) A granary, garner, storehouse, warehouse, treasury, factory, bank. (Marathi) [An attempt has been made to provide rebus readings of some 'architectural' glyphs and the use of 'dot or circle' as a hieroglyph atop a bull on Urseal 18; the note is appended in Annex 2.]

Glyph: kolmo ‘seedling, paddy plant’; rebus: kolami ‘forge, smithy’ (Te.)Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)[It is possible that two variants of the glyph: one with three pronged representation of seedling; and the other with five-pronged representation of seedling might have been intended to decode the fine distinction between the two lexemes: kolmo, pajhaṛ perhaps denoting two types of forge].

Glyph: aṭar ‘a splinter’ (Ma.)aṭaruka ‘to burst, crack, sli off,fly open; aṭarcca ’ splitting, a crack’; aṭarttuka ‘to split, tear off, open (an oyster) (Ma.); aḍaruni ‘to crack’ (Tu.) (DEDR 66) Rebus: aduru ‘native, unsmelted metal’ (Kannada)aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddha_nti Subrahman.ya’ S’astri’s new interpretation of the Amarakos’a, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330)Viklpa: sal ‘splinter’; rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)

Thus the two glyphs of the text of the tablet inscription showing arch-around a pillar with ring-stones + paddy plant + splinter glyph may connote, rebus: kolami koḍ aduru, 'forge unsmelted metal workshop'.

Glyph: Fish + scales aya ãs (amśu) ‘metllic stalks of stone ore' (Seehttp://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/11/decoding-longest-inscription-of-indus.html) Vikalpa: badhoṛ ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali) 

Glyph: kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar, furnace'. 

The two glyphs together an furnace of a worker in wood and iron: aya ãs (amśu) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore'aya ãs kanḍa ‘furnace (with)a quantity of iron, excellent iron (metal) from stone ore’ Vikalpa: badhor kanḍa 'furnace (of) worker in wood and iron'. ayaskanḍa is a lexeme attested in: Paan.gan.
Circular platforms (below) in the southwestern part of Mound F excavated by M.S. Vats in the 1920s and 1930s, as conserved by the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan.

The circular platforms parallel to the street of houses seem to be workspots or workshops of a guild of artisans. Such a workshop is called paTTaDa 'smith's workplace'.
...


Text 5207 etc. (From 2-sided tablets h859-870, samples of the 31 duplicated mentioned herein.)...Copies of incised tablets and duplicates of molded tablets have been found in large numbers in two noteworthy instances at Harappa: (1) script copies incised into 22 rectangular steatite tablets, triangular in section, from secondary deposits of Period 3B on the outside of the perimeter wall in Trench 11 on East side of Mound E (Meadow & Kenoyer 2000, fig. 4; this volume: H-2218 through H-2239) and (2) 31 duplicates bearing iconography and script, made of regular molded terracotta, biconvex in section, from the northern portion of Trench II in Area G (Vats 1940: 195; CISI 1: H-252 through H-265 and H-276 & H-277; CISI 2: H-859 through H-870; this volume: H-1155). Other copies and duplicates have been found scattered across the site where, like the multiples above, they are always found in trash, fill, or street deposits. Why tablets were made, how they were used, and why they were discarded remain intriguing unanswered questions. Their intrinsic interest lies not only in the script that they often bear, but even more so in the iconography, which provides an important glimpse, however fragmentary, into details of Harappan ideology, particularly for the time frame from ca.2400 to ca. 2000 BC (Harappa Period 3B through much of Period 3C). For a more detailed discussion see Meadow & Kenoyer 2000." (J. Mark Kenoyer & Richard H. Meadow, 2010, Inscribed objects from Harappa excavations 1986-2007 in: Asko Parpola, B.M. Pande and Petteri Koskikallio (eds.), Corpus of Indus seals and inscriptions, Volume 3: New material, untraced objects and collections outside India and Pakistan, Part 1: Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, Helsinki, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, pp. xlix-l) http://www.harappa.com/indus/Kenoyer-Meadow-2010-HARP.pdf

In the referenced Kenoyer & Meadow 2000, it is noted: "The tablets (or tokens) are common at Harappa, and multiple copies were often produced. In 1997, HARP excavators found 22 three-sided steatite tablets, all with the same inscriptions, from the middle Harappan Phase (about 2300 BC). Sixteen were discovered in a single group, as if they had been in a perishable container that was thrown over the city wall with other trash. In a street deposit of similar age just inside the wall, a seal was found with two of the same characters as seen on one side of the tablets. Why were these intact seals or tablets discarded? They were individually manufctured by craftsmen from models or molds at the demand of an individual or group. They were used for a time, then discarded. Unlike coins, they apparently had value only in relation to the individual or group permitted to employ them. They have never been found in graves -- either the grave of a seal-owning individual has not been excavated, or the seals were not integral to n individual's identity. Perhaps a change in an individual's status made a specific seal or tablet invalid. Or perhaps the use of a seal or tablet was validated only when competent authority used it, otherwise, it was worthless. " (Richard H. Meadow and Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, 2000, The Indus valley mystery, one of the world's first great civilizations is still a puzzle, in: Scientific American Discovering Archaeology, March/April 2000, p. 41)

Richard H. Meadow and Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, 2000, The Indus Valley Mystery in: Scientific American, Discovery Archaeology, March/April 2000, pp. 38-43


S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
April 25, 2017

Göbekli Tepe, archaeoastronomy, meteor showers, mass extinction, ca. 11000 BCE

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Gobekli Tepe was excavated by a German archaeological team under the direction of Klaus Schmidt from 1996 until his death in 2014. Schmidt believed that the sites were early neolithic sanctuaries used as a holy site and not used as a settlement. The site was first noted in a survey conducted by Istanbul University and the University of Chicago in 1963.

DECODING GÖBEKLI TEPE
WITH ARCHAEOASTRONOMY:
WHAT DOES THE FOX SAY?
Martin B. Sweatman* and Dimitrios Tsikritsis
Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry, Vol. 17, No 1, (2017), pp. 233-250 

http://maajournal.com/Issues/2017/Vol17-1/Sweatman%20and%20Tsikritsis%2017%281%29.pdf

‘What does the fox say?’ Ancient temple carvings hint at a massive meteor strike 13,000 years ago
Faisal Ali
Monday, Apr. 24, 2017

An animal carved into the stone pillars at Gobekli Tepe. The researchers ask the question, "What does the fox say?" Zhengan

Carved into the facade on an ancient stone monument is an elaborate riddle. Clues, not just of a bygone civilization but of earth-shattering events that shaped the course of history. Or at least, that is the thinking of researchers at the University of Edinburg, U.K.
Standing on a hill on the southern edge of Turkey is the site of the Gobekli Tepe. It has been called “the world’s first temple”: a monument by primitive man 13,000 years old, predating even the famous Stonehenge by six millennia.
Around the same time as the people of Gobekli Tepe lived, somewhere around 11,000 BCE, a massive cosmic event is theorized to have taken place that radically altered the face of the Earth.
In what is called the Younger-Dryas impact hypothesis, there was a moment of “coherent catastrophism” in Earth’s history, when broken pieces of the Taurid comet that had been drifting in the Sun’s orbit collided with the passage of our own hapless planet.
Klaus-Peter Simon
Klaus-Peter SimonExcavation site of the Gobekli Tepe in Turkey.
The impact between our planet and the space debris, if it indeed took place, would explain a series of abrupt changes dated to that time. The Earth’s temperature cooled dramatically for the next 1000 years, many species of animals seemed to go simultaneously extinct, and there was a sudden shift in human culture in North America.
“It would have been the worst day ever in human history since the end of the ice age,” said Martin Sweatly, the study author.
His team believe, not only was the meteor strike real, but that our ancestors inscribed the events of that terrible day for future generations as the day the sky fell upon their heads.
The researchers’ thinking is two-fold. First, the team analyzed the symbols on one of the stone columns at Gobekli Tepe. There’s a scorpion, a couple of birds, what looks to be a frog, a shifty fox and a small zoo of other critters. The researchers say that these drawings are in fact star constellations and far from being random, their positions on the pillars are like a primitive star map.
Now dominating at the centre of this map is a circle: the Sun. Crucially, the sun is drawn over top the Sagittarius constellation. There are only a few instances in history when the sun’s position in the sky has crossed with a constellation, an event sometimes called a “zodiacal epoch.”
All of this put together gives us a date: 10,950 BCE. Surprise, it’s a date that falls well within period of the theoretical meteor strike that changed the world.
The team then move on to several other temple columns. There are symbols: the headless man, an eclipse, a snake — the dark portents of an ominous day.
Something so incredibly profound must have happened that those ancient people felt compelled to guard the knowledge of it for centuries.
After analyzing the markings, that event, says the research team, must have been the meteor.
Can we say this is proof-positive that the Younger-Dryas impact – the massive collision that shook the world – actually took place those 13,000 years ago?
Sweatman says no; but his team contend our sky-minded predecessors recorded in their stone then what much of the evidence today points to today.
Their full investigation, “Decoding Gobekli Tepe with Archaeoastronomy: What Does the Fox Say?”, is available in Volume 17, Issue 1 of the open access journal, Mediterranean Archeology and Archaeometry.

A tale of snakes and birds: Göbekli Tepe, Pillar 56.


Since we get lots of questions regarding Göbekli Tepe’s pillars and their depictions, we will try to post short descriptions here. This time it’s Pillar 56 in Enclosure H. 
Pillar 56 stands in the eastern circular wall of Enclosure H, located in the nortwestern depression of the tell. The pillar is excavated to a height of 2,15 m, its shaft is 0,94 m wide, the head measures 1,55 m. The southwestern broadside of this pillar is completely covered with reliefs. A total of 55 animals are depicted so closely packed, that the outline of one merges with the contour of the next image. Many depictions are reduced to silhouettes, it is hard to exactly determine which animal species is depicted for every example without fail.
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Pillar 56 in Enclosure H. (Photos & drawing: N. Becker, DAI)
In the upper part a group of ducks is portrayed, followed by snakes and number of quadruped animals, most likely felids. Between these, a large bird of prey can be spotted, clutching a snake in its claws. The bird and one of the snakes depicted below it deviate from the viewing axis of the other animals, not looking towards the enclosure’s centre, but into the opposite direction.
On the pillar’s shaft cranes and again duck-like water birds are depicted, followed below again by snakes. The narrower side of the shaft shows a bucranium accompanied by two snakes; the head’s narrow side has a snake curling down. The other broadside of the pillar shows faint lines which could suggest more duck-shaped depictions. Futher excavation will be needed to shed more light on this side of the pillar since it is currently largely concealed by the excavation trench’s baulk.
Pillar 56 is yet another example for the very rich decoration of single pillars within Göbekli Tepe’s enclosures. The large bird of prey grasping a snake and interrupting the symmetry of the depiction by looking in another direction seems to be the most important element and, as well attested on other pillars, too, could indicate a rather narrative character of the whole ensemble – maybe commemorating an important moment of a lore or myth. Important at least and in particular to the builders of Enclosure H.
Further reading:
K. Schmidt, “Adler und Schlange” – “Großbilder” des Göbekli Tepe und ihre Rezeption, in: Ü. Yalcin (ed.), Anatolian Metall VI. Der Anschnitt, Beiheft 25, Bochum 2013, 145-152. [external link]
O. Dietrich, J. Notroff, L. Clare, Ch. Hübner, Ç. Köksal-Schmidt, K. Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe, Anlage H. Ein Vorbericht beim Ausgrabungsstand von 2014, in: Ü. Yalcin (ed.) Anatolian Metal VII – Anatolien und seine Nachbarn vor 10.000 Jahren / Anatolia and Neighbours 10.000 years ago. Der Anschnitt, Beiheft 31, Bochum 2016, 53-69. [external link]

The Site


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Göbekli Tepe seen from the southeast (Photo: DAI).
The mound of Göbekli Tepe is situated a few kilometres to the northeast of the modern town of  Şanlıurfa in southeastern Turkey. The tell is situated on the highest point of the Germus mountain range towering 750 m above the Harran plain. With a height of 15 m, the mound, which is completely artificial, is spreading on an area of about 9 ha, measuring 300 m in diameter. This immense ruin hill was formed of the debris of monumental constructions dating back to the 10th and 9th millenium BC. Göbekli Tepe was first noted as an archaeological site during a combined survey by the Universities of Chicago and Istanbul in the 1960s (Benedict 1980 – external link) due to its remarkable amount of flint flakes, chips, and tools, but the architecture the mound was hiding remained unrecognized until its re-discovery in 1994 by Klaus Schmidt. Excavations started the following year and are still ongoing, until his untimely death in 2014 lead by Klaus Schmidt. They revealed an monumental architecture not suspected in such an early context and illustrating the outstanding role of this site – not as a settlement, but as a place of cult and ritual.
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Main excavation area with monumental PPN A enclosures (Photo: DAI).
Three layers could be distinguished up to now at the site. The oldest Layer III (10th millenium BC) is characterized by monolithic T-shaped pillars weighing tons, which were positioned in circle-like structures. The pillars were interconnected by limestone walls and benches leaning at the inner side of the walls. In the centre of these enclosures there are always two bigger pillars, with a height of over 5 m. The circles measure 10-20 m.

The T-shape of the pillars is clearly an abstract depiction of the human body seen from the side. Evidence for this interpretation are the low relief depictions of arms, hands and items of clothing like belts and loincloths on some of the pillars. Often the pillars bear further reliefs, mostly depictions of animals, but also of numerous abstract symbols. To the spectrum of finds adds a wide range of sculptures of humans and animals.

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So-called lion-pillar building from the younger Layer II (Photo: DAI).
Layer III is superimposed by Layer II, dating to the 9th millenium BC. This layer is not characterised by big round enclosures, but by smaller, rectangular buildings. The number and the height of the pillars are also reduced. In most cases only the two central pillars remain, the biggest measuring around 1,5m. Layer I consists of big accumulations of sediments at the hill flanks, which were produced partly by natural erosion, but mainly by modern farming activities at the ruin hill. The very early date of this astonishing monumental architecture to the early and middle Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN), i.e. the time between 9600-8000 calBC is not only confirmed by characteristic finds, but also by radiocarbon data.
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Map of Göbekli Tepe excavation and surveys by ground-penetrating radar (Photo: DAI).
The PPN A enclosures are the most impressive part of Göbekli Tepe´s archaeology. A geomagnetic survey, including ground penetrating radar proofs that these enclosures were not restricted to a specific part of the mound but existed all over the site. More than ten large enclosures were located on the geophysical map additionally to those already under excavation – numbered A to I in the order of their discovery. Five of these monumental structures, A, B, C, D and G were discovered in the main excavation area at the mound’s southeastern depression one, Enclosure F, at the south-western hilltop and another one, Enclosure E, at the western plateau. Enclosures H and I lie on more recently excavated areas in the northwestern part of the site. Two enclosures, C and D, could be excavated to ground level in recent campaigns. Enclosure D may serve as good example here  to characterize the general layout and character of Göbekli Tepe’s older circular to elliptic PPN A enclosures.
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Enclosure D (Photo: DAI).
Enclosure D is the largest and best preserved so far. Two huge central pillars are surrounded by a circle formed by – at current state of excavation – 11 pillars of similar T-shape. Most of these pillars are decorated with depictions of animals, foxes, birds (e.g. cranes, storks and ducks), and snakes being the most common species in this enclosure, accompanied by a wide range of figurations including the motives of boar, aurochs, gazelle, wild donkey and larger carnivores.

The two pillars in the centre of this enclosure, measuring about 5.5 m in height and weighing some 8 metric tons, are founded in only 20cm high pedestals, which are – like the rest of the floor level – carved out of the carefully smoothed bedrock, and, in one case, decorated with a relief frieze of ducks.

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Western central pillar of Enclosure D (Photo: DAI).
In particular these central pillars of Enclosure D allow demonstrating the anthropomorphic appearance of the T-shaped pillars. The oblong T-heads can be regarded as abstract depictions of the human head, the smaller side representing the face. Clearly visible are arms on the pillars’ shafts with hands brought together above the abdomen . The depiction of belts and loincloths in the shape of animal skins underlines the impression that these T-shaped pillars own an anthropomorphic identity and therefore should be regarded as pillar-statues more precisely. Some small bones from a foxtail found in front of one of the central pillar’s hints at the presence of a real fur here once, maybe as some kind of offering or indeed to be understood as a genuine counterpart to the loincloth depicted.
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Eastern central pillar of Enclosure D (Photo: DAI).
Since this relief of a loincloth is covering the genital region of the pillar-statues, we cannot be sure about the gender of the two individuals depicted in the centre. But some help may come from the clay figurines from the PPN B site of Nevalı Çori (Morsch 2002 – external link) about 50 km north of Göbekli Tepe, now flooded by the Atatürk dam reservoir. Apparently, of those figurines depicting both, male and female individuals, only the male ones are wearing belts. Thus, it is highly probable to assume that the pair of pillars in Enclosure D should represent two male individuals, too. Indeed, it seems striking that the iconographic and symbolic world present at Göbekli Tepe is one dominated by masculinity. Whenever the gender of one of the animals depicted is indicated, it is a male specimen. Among the depictions of human beings, ithyphallic individuals are numerous. The hitherto only known clearly female depiction is a later added graffito on a stone slab in one of the buildings of Layer II, which was most likely not an original decoration of that room.

Archaeoastronomy, meteor showers, mass extinction: What does the fox say? (And what the crane? The aurochs?)

Recently a (peer-reviewed) paper published by two researchers of the University of Edinburgh’s School of Engineering has made headlines, suggesting that the Göbekli Tepe enclosures actually were space observatories and that some of the reliefs depict a catastrophic cosmic event (the original publication in Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry 17(1), 2017 is accessible online here [external link]).
A selection of the carved reliefs found on many of Göbekli Tepe’s T-shaped pillars is linked to and interpreted as depiction of actual stellar constellations. In particular Pillar 43, which is indeed an outstanding (but actually not exceptional) example of the site’s  rich and complex iconography, is interpreted as record of a meteor shower and collision – with quite serious consequences for life on earth 13,000 – 12,000 years ago (this whole ‘Younger Dryas Impact’ hypothesis [external link] actually is disputed itself [external link], so making Göbekli Tepe a ‘smoking gun’ in this argument should absolutely ask for a closer look).
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Pillar 43 in Göbekli Tepe’s Enclosure D. (Photo: K. Schmidt, DAI)
Debate regarding a possible astronomic link and interpretation of the architecture and the characteristic pillars in particular are as old as the history of research regarding Göbekli Tepe, but as of yet no convincing proof for an actual celestial orientation or observation of such phenomena could have been put forward. However, we always were and still are open to consider these discussions. So, of course we were looking into the new study with quite some interest, too. After all it is a new and fascinating interpretation. However, upon closer inspection we would like to raise a few points which may challenge this interpretation in our point of view:
1. There still is quite a significant probability that the older circular enclosures of Göbekli Tepe’s Layer III actually were subterranean buildings – possibly even covered by roof constructions. This then somehow would limit their usability as actual observatories a bit.
2. Even if we assume that the night sky 12,000 years ago looked exactly like today’s, the question at hand would be whether a prehistoric hunter really would have put together the very same asterisms and constellations we recognise today (most of them going back to ancient Egyptian, Babylonian, and Greek scholars and descriptions)?
3. Contrary to the article’s premise the unearthed features at Göbekli Tepe are not  shrouded in mystery. Published over the last years and decades, there is ample scientific literature available which unfortunately did not find its way into the study. The  specific animals depicted in each enclosure’s iconography for instance seems to follow a certain intention, emphasizing different species in different enclosures. A purely  substitutional interpretation ignores these more subtle but significant details. This also can be demonstrated for instance with the headless man on the shaft of Pillar 43, interpreted as symbol of death and mass extinction in the paper – however silently omitting the emphasised phallus in the same depiction which somehow contradicts the lifeless notion and implies a much more complex narrative behind these reliefs. There are even more reliefs on both narrow sides of P43 which went conpletely uncommented here.
4. It also seems a bit arbitrary to base this interpretation (and all its consequences as described in the paper) on what seems to be some randomly selected pillars and their iconography (the interpretation thus not covering “much of the symbolism of Göbekli Tepe” as stated in the paper, but merely the tip of that iceberg). In the meantime more than 60 monumental T-pillars could have been unearthed in the older Layer III – many of these showing similar reliefs of animals and abstract symbols, a few even as complex as Pillar 43 (like Pillar 56 or Pillar 66 in enclosure H, for example). And it does not end there: the same iconography is prominently known also from other find groups like stone vessels, shaft straighteners, and plaquettes – not only from Göbekli Tepe, but a variety of contemporary sites in the wider vicinity.
So, with all due respect for the work and effort the Edinburgh colleagues obviously put into their research and this publication, there still are – at least from our perspective as excavators of this important site – some points worth a more thorough discussion.

Just don’t call it the Garden of Eden …

Sensations are making stories. And archaeology-stories apparently are no exception to this rule. That’s why even the most interesting sites and finds often are further dramatised and spiced up in public discourse. Somehow ‘interesting’ isn’t satisfying enough to everybody.
The early Neolithic site of Göbekli Tepe has it all: far reaching implications about prehistoric hunter-gatherer social group structures, the beginning of our very own modern sedentary lifestyle, and (some of the) oldest yet known monumental architecture ever built. However, this still doesn’t seem to be enough. People love a good mystery and apparently social structures of early hunters are (noted without any complaint here) not exactly enigmatic enough to be entertaining.
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The mound of Göbekli Tepe. view from south. (Photo: Klaus Schmidt, DAI)
In 2006 German magazine DER SPIEGEL came up with a cover story on the Göbekli Tepe excavations (“Die Suche nach dem Garten Eden. Archäologen auf den Spuren des biblischen Paradieses” [external link]), suggesting it was the (pre-)historical basis for the Biblical narrative about the ‘Garden of Eden’. Ever since this story multiplied and was picked up then and again, actually emphasising the great interest in our research on one hand, but also the pitfalls of all too simplifying analogies on the other. Only recently Discovery’s Science Channel (which features, among others, a segment about our research at Göbekli Tepe) was digging up the story up again (excuse the pun) for an episode of “What on Earth” called “Gateway to Eden” [external link].
To be honest, it’s not even hard to actually see where this fascination is coming from. A mythical garden, ‘paradise’ par excellence, is quite an archetypical narrative and a metaphor deeply rooted in our collective memory. The story of that ‘Garden of Eden’ seems to have great potential to fuel our imagination. Yet actually looking beyond that metaphor for a real place and location would mean to somehow misconceive the whole narrative’s elucidating intention.
Since there are a number of peculiar elements brought up repeatedly in support of an assumed link between the Göbekli Tepe findings and the Eden myth, it seems worth the time having a closer look into and a short evaluation of these arguments in the course of this blog post.
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The landscape around Göbekli Tepe. (Photo: Nico Becker, DAI)
The topographical situation of this idyllic garden delivered in the Old Testament (which, as probably most people would agree, is not exactly and specifically a proper historical source) tells of a river flowing from Eden, dividing into four streams: Pishon, Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates (Genesis 2, 10-14). While the latter two are well-known toponyms to this day in the region, the other two however don’t really fit into the picture, somehow raising the suspicion they might be as figuratively as the mythical gold-land of Havilah through which the Pishon is said to wind. Besides, there are no water sources at Göbekli Tepe at all (actually one of the arguments against an ideal settlement situation, cf. this discussion). Göbekli Tepe hardly ever was a flourishing garden in the literal sense.
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Snakes on a pillar. (Photo: Klaus Schmidt, DAI)
“But what about the snakes?” is an argument often put forward in favour of the Eden narrative. Yes, there are depictions of snakes at Göbekli Tepe. A lot, actually. Quite a lot. It almost is a snake pit rather than the single seducer trying to sell forbidden fruits. And what about all those other animal reliefs? There are spiders and scorpions, foxes and vultures, cranes, ducks, and boars. And more. In numbers certainly equalling those of  snake reliefs. So, this sole focus on the serpent seems a bit unfair towards the other animals. Are we going to ignore all these many additional animals (and few human depictions)  – or how do these fit into the story?
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Plaquette with depiction of a snake, a human (?) and a bird. (Photo: Irmgard Wagner, DAI)
Another small find produced by the Göbekli Tepe excavations, a so-called plaquette, is also often referred to as a clue in the ‘Garden of Eden’ line of argument. The small stone tablet is showing three carved symbols among which some recognise a snake and a tree (and we all can see where this would be heading). However, with a view to the recent discussion of the ambiguity of prehistoric art and the challenge to properly ‘read’ (let alone understand) it here, this particular find seems a weak advocate. Upon closer inspection of Göbekli Tepe’s iconography and its analogies from other sites, it becomes much more likely that the ‘tree’ actually might depict a person and the third object to its right may be understood as a bird – somehow changing the whole narrative of this object quite a bit.
Returning to that recent “What on Earth” episode, one could find the idea attractive that the remarkable pair of central pillars in each enclosure somehow could be interpreted as a mythical couple (even without the all too obvious ‘Adam and Eve’ analogy), some male and female ancestor. The show seems to suggest this, prominently quoting myself in this context. But – and this is the important point here, I  would like to make (and actually made in “What on Earth”, which somehow may have got lost on the cutting floor) – there are convincing leads showing that this is not the most favourable interpretation. The fact that both central pillars of Enclosure D are shown wearing belts and loincloths, for instance, seems to hint at two male individuals here – in analogy to contemporary clay figurines.
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Belt and loincloth at one of the central pillars of Enclosure D underline the anthropomorphic appearance of the T-shaped pillars. (Photo: Nico Becker, DAI)
Projecting a much younger and much later written down mythology onto archaeological material predating it for millennia leaves any secure grounds for substantial conclusions. Linking the early Neolithic, 10th millennium BC structures of Göbekli Tepe with a narrative written down not earlier then the 11th or 10th century BC (thus about 9,000 years later – after these enclosures were long abandoned and backfilled) would seem more than just a bit far-fetched.
As we already noted in our FAQ here:
“We disagree wholeheartedly with any parallels drawn between Göbekli Tepe and the ‘Garden of Eden’, for which there is absolutely no archaeological evidence. Certainly, Göbekli Tepe lies in a chain of hills north of the Harran plain, the scene of numerous biblical narratives, though this is where any associations with the Bible end. Anything more is pure conjecture.” Or, as Klaus Schmidt once put it in an interview [external link]:“Just don’t call it the Garden of Eden.” 
 A Sanctuary … or so fair a House?  01/24/2017Göbekli Tepe is situated on the highest point of the Germuş mountain range in southeastern Turkey. The spot is hostile to settlement; the next accessible springs are located in a distance of about 5 km northeast (Edene) and to the southeast (Germuş). A number of pits at Göbekli Tepe’s western slope could represent cisterns to collect rain water; although their exact date could not have been determined yet. With a total capacity of 153,12 cubic metres (cf. Herrmann-Schmidt 2012) they may have accumulated enough water for people to stay there for a longer periods of time, but probably not during the whole rainless summer. The next Neolithic settlements so far known were found in the plain in immediate vicinity of nearby springs, like for example Urfa-Yeni Yol.
From its discovery onwards, the interpretation of Göbekli Tepe’s suprising architecture has centered around the terms ‘special purpose buildings’ (Sondergebäude), ‘sanctuaries’, or even ‘temples’. Naturally, this line of interpretation has been called into question. As already discussed here, it is indeed quite challenging to use a rather strictly defined historical terminology and complex spiritual concepts to describe the material remains of prehistoric phenomena. Even more while cult, ritual and ultimately religion are concepts often cited but rarely clearly defined by archaeologists.
Just recently a colleague challenged the existence of pure domestic or ritual structures for the Neolithic, arguing that archaeologists tend to impose modern western distinctions of sacred vs. profane on prehistory, while anthropology in most cases shows these two spheres to be inseparably interwoven (Banning 2011, 624-627). In his eyes, Göbekli Tepe rather was a settlement with buildings rich in symbolism, but nevertheless domestic in nature. Undisputedly, this boundary is perceived much stricter today after centuries of secularization in the western hemisphere, although it should be noted that this differentiation indeed also is known from non-western societies, too. Banning’s arguments that in-house inhumations, caches and wall paintings are demonstrating that ‘the sacred’ clearly is leaking into everyday live in the Near Eastern Neolithic (Banning 2011, 627-629) and that therefore a clear distinction is impossible to define, is valid, too, of course. In fact the idea of manifestations of the sacred in houses or parts of houses is neither new, nor surprising as already M. Eliade pointed out in his seminal work on the entanglement of the sacred and profane. Yet Eliade also emphasized that belief and faith of course could focus within special places and structures particularly dedicated to give ‘the sacred’ a room: “… the sanctuary – the center par excellence was there, close to [man], in the city, and he could be sure of communicating with the world of the gods by entering the temple.” (Eliade 1959, 43). All this is essentially theoretical thinking, based on historical sources and ethnologic observation. But going back to prehistoric periods which are denying such direct access, we are thrown back again at a selection of what is left physically and intentionally – exclusively. In case of the enclosures unearthed at Göbekli Tepe this means to focus on the material culture found in this context and the structures themselves.
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Pillar 31, one of the central pillars of Enclosure D, illustrates the anthropomorphic appearance of the T-shaped pillars due to the depiction of arms, hands, and a loincloth. (Photo: N. Becker, DAI)
Among these, still the monumental T-shaped pillars can be regarded as the site’s most prominent and most defining moment. While they remain faceless, the depiction of arms, hands, and clothing clearly identifies these up to 5.5 m high pillars as anthropomorphic, but distinctively also larger than life at the same time. Their highly abstracted character must be considered intentional, in particular since we know of the existence of more naturalistic and life-sized sculptures like for example the contemporaneous ‘Urfa man’ and numerous heads of similar sculptures discovered at Göbekli Tepe. So, even though we cannot know if these buildings actually were really meant to house gods or deities, the peculiar role of these larger-than-life anthropomorphic images forming the centre and main element of the enclosures at Göbekli Tepe remain conspiciously disctinctive to the life-sized sculpture heads which were apparently carefully deposited in the backfill.
Early Neolithic domestic architecture is well known in the upper Euphrates region due to the long and secure stratigraphy of rectangular buildings at Çayönü Tepesi (Schirmer 1988; 1990; Özdoğan 1999) and extensive excavations at Nevalı Çori (Hauptmann 1988) for instance, both stiuated in Turkey. Contemporaneous with Göbekli Tepe in this sequence would be Çayönü’s so-called grillplan-phase (PPNA), the ‘channeled’ ground plans (early PPNB; attested also in Nevalı Çori), and the ‘cobble paved buildings’ (middle PPNB). Research of the last 20 years in the region has revealed that almost every settlement site of the 10th and 9th millennium BC, which was excavated more extensively, shows a spatial distinction into living quarters and workshop areas and furthermore produced special buildings or free spaces for apparently communal or ritual activity. Characteristic traits of these so-called special purpose buildings are benches at the inner walls, rich and elaborate inner fittings as well as outstanding installations and finds like (stone) sculptures and sometimes human burials – as the examples of Nevalı Çori’s ‘Terrazzo Building’, Çayönü’s ‘Skull’, ‘Terrazzo’ and ‘Flagstone Buildings’ or the communal buildings at Jerf el Ahmar and Mureybet (northern Syria) demonstrate, to just name some.
special-buildings
‘Special purpose buildings’ of the PPN: 1. Çayönü, ‘Flagstone Building’ (after Schirmer 1983, fig. 11c), 2. Çayönü, ‘Skull Building’ (after Schirmer 1983, fig. 11b), 3. Çayönü, ‘Terrazzo Building’ (after Schirmer 1983, fig. 11a), 4. Nevalı Çori (after Hauptmann 1993, fig. 9), 5. Jerf el Ahmar (after Stordeur et al. 2000, fig. 9), 6. Mureybet (after Stordeur et al. 2000, fig. 2), 7. Jerf el Ahmar (after Stordeur et al. 2000, fig. 5).
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Reconstruction of the ‘Terrazzo Building’ at Nevalı Çori where T-Pillars were found for the first time. (Photo: H. Hauptmann, reconstruction: N. Becker, DAI.)
At Göbekli Tepe no traces of this well-documented typical domestic PPN architecture could have been proven as of yet. But the existing structures at the site clearly mirror features and layout of those outstanding communal ‘special purpose’ buildings which usually are the exception within settlements. At Göbekli Tepe, however, this building type is not an exception, but the general rule – almost overrepresented compared to other settlement sites, while whole object classes (like clay figurines for instance) known from these settlements are almost completely absent.
Summing up, from our point of view there seems to be ample evidence to interpret Göbekli Tepe as a peculiar place formed of special purpose structures related to cult and ritual with distinct and fixed life-cycles of building, use, deconstruction and burial. All of these stages seem to be marked by specific ritual acts, of which the last, i.e. those related to burial and deposition of symbolic objects are naturally best visible in the archaeological record. What remains is largely a problem of adequate terminology to address these buildings and the site as a whole. If ‘temple’ is understood as a technical term for specialized cult architecture, one could indeed consider this lable for Göbekli Tepe. If the term is defined in our western perception as a place where a god is present, maybe ‘sanctuary’’ would be a more neutral description; alternatively the auxiliary construction of ‘special purpose buildings’ (Sondergebäude) may be used to escape any trap of culturally bound denominations. But in any case one thing is sure: the idea that Göbekli Tepe’s buildings are “so fair a house” seems not the most convincing interpretation of the available evidence so far.
A more detailed discussion of this question can be found in:
O. Dietrich and J. Notroff, A sanctuary, or so fair a house? In defense of an archaeology of cult at Pre-Pottery Neolithic Göbekli Tepe. In: N. Lanerie (ed.), Defining the Sacred. Approaches to the Archaeology of Religion in the Near East. Oxford & Philadelphia: Oxbow 2015, 75-89.
References:
E. E. Banning, So Fair a House: Göbekli Tepe and the Identification of Temples in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic of the Near East, Current Anthropology 52/5, 2011, 619-660.
M. Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane. New York: Brace & World 1959.
H. Hauptmann, Nevalı Cori: Architektur, Anatolica XV, 1988, 99-110.
H. Hauptmann, Ein Kultgebäude in Nevalı Cori. In: M. Frangipane, H. Hauptmann, M. Liverani, P. Matthiae and M. Mellink (eds.), Between the Rivers and Over the Mountains. Archaeologica Anatolica et Mesopotamica Alba Palmieri dedicata. Rome: Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, 37-69.
R. A. Herrmann and K. Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe – Untersuchungen zur Gewinnung und Nutzung von Wasser im Bereich des steinzeitlichen Bergheiligtums. In: F. Klimscha, R. Eichmann, C. Schuler and H. Fahlbusch (eds.), Wasserwirtschaftliche Innovationen im archäologischen Kontext. Rahden/Westf.: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2012, 57-67.
A. Özdoğan,  Çayönü. In: M. Özdoğan and N. Başgelen (eds.), Neolithic in Turkey. Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, 1999, 35-63.
W. Schirmer, Zu den Bauten des Çayönü Tepesi, Anatolica XV, 1988, 139-159.
W. Schirmer, Some Aspects of Building at the ‘Aceramic Neolithic’ Settlement of Çayönü Tepesi, Wolrd Archeology 21/3, 1990, 363-378.
D. Stordeur, M. Brenet, G. der Aprahamian and J. C. Roux, Les bâtiments communautaires de Jerf el Ahmar et Mureybet horizon PPN A (Syrie), Paleórient 26/1, 2000, 29-44.

Could we really call it a ‘temple’?

Of course, magazines have to sell stories – and superlatives always are a good argument in this case. People just love to hear about the biggest, oldest, and most spectacular. And what could be more spectecular than a headline like “The Oldest Temples in the World”? That’s how you sell a find, don’t you? Yet, as scientists we need to show some healthy reservation – in particular when dealing with such phrases and terms which obviously have developed a certain history on their own. It’s all too easy to make up a good story or ‘hypothesis’, but substantiating such proposition is where real research actually starts.
Against the background of the historical definition of ancient Roman or Greek or Near Eastern temples for instance, this peculiar type of building implicitly forms places to worship a deity or deities in our language use – the existence of this concept of ‘divinity’ is crucial to the temple as home of a god or goddesses in antiquity. It is a futile task trying to answer this complex question based on the archaeological record exclusively. We know to identify the temples of ancient Rome and Greece and the Near East and to name the gods these were housing due to the written record those cultures have left to us. Delving deep into the prehistory of the Anatolian Neolithic, however, confronts us with a sudden lack of any sources other than the material record. The challenge in relying to physically tangible sources solely to grasp rather spiritual concepts is obvious. Yet, the material culture of Göbekli Tepe and related sites and the elements of monumental architecture in particular may offer a lead worth following.
Göbekli Tepe_Fig. 2
Main excavation area with monumental PPN A enclosures (Photo: N. Becker, DAI).
The T-shaped pillars forming the major and most prominent feature of Göbekli Tepe’s architecture need to play a crucial role in our observations here. While large and highly abstracted, they also clearly own human characteristics: some of these pillars show arms on their sides and hands brought together above the abdomen. There are elements of clothing depicted in relief as well: stola-like garments draped around pillars’ shoulders and fox-skin loincloths depicted dangling from belts. This emphasizes quite impressively that the T-pillars apparently have to be understood as monumental anthropomorphic sculptures. Most interestingly, however, is that they are always depicted faceless. There are no eyes, no nose or mouth present, these pillar-statues remain bereft of individuality on first glance – only to be distinguished, at least in the case of the central pillars of Enclosure D for example, by peculiar symbols below their heads – not unlike where one would wear necklaces. So, while still nameless to us, the Neolithic people may well have recognized who it was depicted here towering above them.
Pfeiler 18 mit Podest 2
In particular the central pillars of Enclosure D illustrate the anthropomorphic character of Göbekli Tepe’s T-shaped pillars (3D-model: HS Karlsruhe; Photos: N. Becker, DAI).
With a height of about 5.5 m it is particularly the T-pillars’ larger-than-life appearance which seems so remarkable – especially given that their highly abstract character is intentional and not to the result of deficient craftsmanship. Apart from the numerous animal sculptures uncovered at Göbekli Tepe, the so called ‘Urfa Man’ gives witness to Neolithic sculptors’ ability to portray the human body naturalistically. This oldest known statue of a man, about life-size, was found during construction work in the area of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic site of Urfa-Yeni Yol.  In contrast to the cubic and faceless T-pillars, whose identity and meaning apparently seems to a different one, ‘Urfa Man’ has a face, his eyes depicted by segments of black obsidian sunk into deep holes (a mouth, however, is missing). From Göbekli Tepe there are known several limestone-heads, too. They have a breaking edge in the neck area indicating that they originally were part of larger statues much like ‘Urfa Man’ himself.
IMG_1685
So-called Urfa Man is considered the oldest known life-sized sculpture of a man (Photo: J. Notroff, DAI).
Göbekli_ZOrA_Abb. 17
Collection of limestone heads, supposedly parts of sculptures similar to ‘Urfa Man’, from Göbekli Tepe (Photos: N. Becker, DAI).
As already noted in the beginning, we know little of the beliefs these people might have followed, so it would seem rather bold to denote these monumental pillar-statues as personifications of ‘deities’. But faceless, larger than life and highly abstract, they clearly seem to be set on a quite different level than the naturalistic life-sized sculptures like ‘Urfa Man’ and the Göbekli Tepe stone heads. They seem to represent something more, supposedly something beyond the self-referential depiction of human beings. Together with the obviously narrative character of other depcitions on these T-pillars which clearly exceed simple decorative purposes, this perception feeds the impression that we are confronted here with a complex iconography – with mythological narrations probably even.
Göbekli Tepe_Fig. 11
P43 emphasises the narrative character of the T-pillars’ relief (Photo: B. Steinhilber).
It is these T-pillars in particular which form the centre and most important element of the site of Göbekli Tepe, so they naturally become a strong argument in the interpretation of these enclosures as well. If we after all would like to call them ‘temples’ or still hesitate to use this term finally comes down to the definition one applies. But differing so noticeably from the well-known general types of contemporary settlement patterns (and also apparently lacking most of the material culture which is so typically for clearly domestic contexts), we confidently name these structures ‘communal’ or ‘special purpose buildings’ with all due scientifical propriety. This is even more compelling since apparently almost every settlement site of the period and region seems to have produced at least one comparable communal structure of similar design and layout. Only at Göbekli Tepe there is a noticeable cumulation of this peculiar building type – but this should be topic of another contribution.
Further reading

N. Becker, O. Dietrich, Th. Götzelt, Ç. Köksal-Schmidt, J. Notroff, K. Schmidt, Materialien zur Deutung der zentralen Pfeilerpaare des Göbekli Tepe und weiterer Orte des obermesopotamischen Frühneolithikums, Zeitschrift für Orient-Archäologie 5, 2012, 14-43.

O. Dietrich, J. Notroff, A sanctuary, or so fair a house? In defense of an archaeology of cult at Pre-Pottery Neolithic Göbekli Tepe, in: N. Lanerie (ed.), Defining the Sacred. Approaches to the Archaeology of Religion in the Near East. Oxford & Philadelphia 2015, 75-89.
J. Notroff, O. Dietrich, K. Schmidt, Gathering of the Dead? The Early Neolithic sanctuaries of Göbekli Tepe, Southeastern Turkey, in: C. Renfrew, M. J. Boyd and Iain Morley (eds.), Death Rituals, Social Order and the Archaeology of Immortality in the Ancient World. “Death Shall Have no Dominion”, Cambridge 2016, 65-81.

To light or not to…

Vergl
The relief on Pillar 51 in Enclosure H under different light conditions: at the moment of discovery with hard light from one side, on a cloudy day, and a night shot with directed light (Photos: N. Becker, (c) DAI).
Photographs are far from objective. They suggest meaning through the selection of the scene, but also through a certain perspective, focal point, light. Everyone who has held a camera in hands will agree on this, and it is also true for archaeological photographs.Many photos from Göbekli Tepe that you will see on this website or in publications were taken using artificial lighting. Often the background is black. This may be perceived as the attempt to create a certain mood. The objects, pillars and reliefs may appear more enigmatic, gloomy, related to another realm. As we interpret Göbekli Tepe as a site associated with Neolithic cult and religion, this would certainly fit.
Pfeiler 18 mit Podest 2
A possibility for “objective” documentation? 3D-scan of Pillar 18 in Enclosure D (Graphics :Hochschule Karlsruhe, (c) DAI).
The explanation for the use of artificial lighting is another one however. Apart from some photographs, where it really was done for artistic reasons (see for example Berthold Steinhilber´s lightworks of Göbekli Tepe-external link), directed light is necessary in many cases to enhance the details of reliefs and surfaces in general.

If you visit Göbekli Tepe around the afternoon, like many people do, you could be slightly disappointed. Due to the sun´s position, many reliefs will not be visible very well. Some you will not be able see at all. Nearly every pillar at Göbekli Tepe has its “own time“, when reliefs will be best visible. Not in all cases really good, but best under direct sunlight conditions. Moreover, this “best moment” may also coincide with heavy shadows on other parts of the pillar. This is why night shots with directed light are the better choice in many cases.
Direct sunlight may also not have been the way the pillars were illuminated during Neolithic rituals. They do not seem to be made for this. The question whether the enclosures were roofed is still under debate, but there is also the possibility that activities took place after sunset and the reliefs were illuminated dramatically by fire.
But indifferent of this question, we are absolutely aware of the “dramatic” atmosphere generated in these pictures. And it turned out that some journals, including a few aimed at a scientific audience, liked the night shots much better than even good daylight images. It is clear that the images we use to describe a site or a find are not neutral. They can imply an interpretation of the site or of the artefact in question, or at least subtly influence the reader´s perception. Even a very neutral image, let´s say of an axe, with a white background and a scale, sends a message: that of absolute scientific objectivity.


Enclosure B, a short overview

Second in our series of short overviews of the architecture of Göbekli Tepe’s older layer comes Enclosure B – which also was the second structure discovered during excavations.
The ground plan of this enclosure is round, with an internal diameter of nearly 10 metres. Two central pillars and a total of eight pillars in the surrounding ring wall have been discovered so far. Most of these pillars are undecorated and none of them, as far as their front (i.e. ‘belly’) sides are visible, are adorned with the raised lateral parallel bands thought to depict a stola-like garment.
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Pillar 6 in Enclosure B (Photo: I. Wagner, copyright DAI).
Pillar 6 in the southern part of Enclosure B shows the relief of a quadruped animal from above on the small side of the pillar’s head. It resembles a reptile, but there are also similar PPN depictions which may depict leopards. On the pillar-shaft a snake is depicted crawling down. It is worth noting that all reliefs are found on the backside of the pillar, i.e. not facing towards the central pillars, a clear indication that Pillar 6 likely represents a case of secondary use.
Pillar 7, also located in the south of Enclosure B, has a largely obliterated relief on the right side of its head. There is also an old damage visible at the same pillar’s shaft and its head seems to have been reshaped at some point, resembling actually more a “Γ” than the typical “T”. Pillar 8 is located in the southeastern ring wall and has not produced any reliefs so far. In the eastern ring wall Pillar 14 has been excavated only partially. It bears the relief of another quadruped animal, maybe a fox, on the right side of its head which, however, is largely covered by the ring wall. Pillar 15, also in the eastern wall, stands parallel to the central pillars. That is unusual compared to the other circular enclosures’ layout where the pillars of the ring are facing the central pillars – most likely this indicates another case of secondary use of older pillars. Pillar 15, too, has no reliefs so far. And while Pillar 16 is still largely hidden in a baulk, Pillars 34 and 58 have not been completely excavated as of yet.
Both central pillars of Enclosure B, Pillars 9 and 10, bear a fox depiction – which thus dominate the reliefs of this scarcely decorated building. The fox on the western broad side of Pillar 9 is large, it measures about 110 cm. The fox on Pillar 10 follows this relief in position and measurements. Below it the shallow engravings of a boar and three dogs are visible, probably a later added hunting scene. Between these two central pillars a terrazzo floor was exposed in an area covering several square metres. This is a significant difference to most of the other PPN A enclosures discovered at Göbekli Tepe so far where the floor was formed directly of the (carefully smoothed) natural bedrock. The terrazzo may somehow work as imitation or ‘replacement’ of the limestone floor here and we can not exclude yet that there is some older floor level underneath. Interestingly, in front of central Pillar 9 a stone bowl was discovered – embedded right into the terrazzo which forms the floor of Enclosure B. A small channel running to to this bowl underlines its possible role in rituals which seem to have taken place here between both central pillars.
porthole-stone
Porthole stone found in situ in a wall in a deep sounding to the north of Enclosure B (Photo: N. Becker, copyright DAI).
To the south of the central pillars, a  bit off the Enclosure’s center, a so-called porthole stone was found lying on the terrazzo floor. ‘Porthole stones’, i.e. roughly quadrangular megalithic workpieces with one or two central openings are known in larger numbers from Göbekli Tepe. There are good arguments to interpret them as possible entrances, as another example found in a deep sounding to the north of Enclosure B demonstrates. This richly decorated porthole stone was found in situ, embedded into a wall. Whether the other example, found in the enclosure’s center, was installed orginally in a wall, too, or maybe in a possible roof, must remain unclear so far and may be answered by further research.

Enclosure A, a short overview

During the first field season at Göbekli Tepe in 1995 one of the landowners had started to clear his field in the southeastern depression of stones that hindered ploughing. He dug out the heads of two large T-shaped pillars and had already started to smash one pillar with a sledgehammer. Fortunately he could be persuaded to stop, and in the 1996 work started in this area. What came to light here was the first of the monumental buildings of Göbekli Tepe’s older layer (Layer III), later called Enclosure A.
Anlage A
Enclosure A in 1997 (Photo: M. Morsch, copyright DAI).
The ground plan of Enclosure A appears more rectangular than round. First radiocarbon data suggest that it may be a little younger than other Enclosures, C and D, and maybe the rectangular shape already could indicate the transition to the later, rectangular, Layer II building type. The existence of different outer walls may as well hint at a longer building history and possible alteration over toime. However, Enclosure A is still not entirely excavated, so any description must remain preliminary as of yet.
Pillars 1 and 2, the central pillars of Enclosure A, were excavated down to the level of the stone bench leaning against the inner walls of the building. Both pillars are richly adorned with reliefs. Particularly striking is a net-like pattern, possibly of snakes, on the south-western side of Pillar 1. The front side of this pillar carries a central groove running vertically from below the head to its base, covering about one third of its width. This groove and the raised bands to either side are decorated with five snakes in bas-relief. Maybe this is a depiction of a stola-like garment which is similarly known from other pillars as well. Pillar 2 carries on its right side a vertical sequence of three motifs: bull, fox, and crane. Its narrower back side is adorned with a bucranium between the vertical bands of another stola-like garment. Insights and experience gained in the last years, particularly with regard to typical motif-arrangement, suggests that Pillar 2 was not found in its original position, but was at some time moved to this, secondary, location. In the course of this action, the original back side of the pillar became its front and vice versa.
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Göbekli Tepe, detail of the main excavation area with Enclosure A (Plan: K. Schmidt, copyright DAI).
Currently, the number of pillars surrounding the two central figures in Enclosure A lies at four, though it is expected that this number will rise once excavations are continued in this area. Pillar 5 shows a snake again, Pillars 3 and 4 are without reliefs. Pillar 17 was heavily destroyed already in prehistory, and is without reliefs so far, too. As with all the buildings of Göbekli Tepe’s older layer, one animal species seems to dominate the imagery of Enclosure A. In this case, it is the snake which appears noteworthy often.
Further Reading
Klaus Schmidt, The Urfa-Project 1996, Neo-Lithics. A Newsletter of Southwest Asian Lithics Research 2/96,2–3.
Klaus Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe, Southeastern Turkey. A Preliminary Report on the 1995-1999 Excavations, Paléorient 26/1, 2001, 45-54.

Lithic Analysis or “Meet the Flint-stones”

This is Jonas and in this short contribution I would like to introduce myself and the research I am conducting. In the frame of the Göbekli Tepe project I will be responsible for the documentation and anlysis of lithic materials. Previously my focus has been on lithics from sites dated to the earliest Neoltihic in Central Europe. Upon my first visit to the site, I was astonished by the large amounts of flint. The analysis of this exceptional material will provide unique insights into lithic technologies, for example, châine opératiore, as well as cultural preferences, including diverse knapping techniques. Due to the extraordinarily large numbers of flint recovered from the site, I will be focusing on materials recovered from carefully chosen areas/archaeological features. Drop back soon for updates and new insights.
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Collection of projectile points from Göbekli Tepe. Just a small example of the lithic industry present at site. (Photo: N. Becker, DAI)

“Dances with Cranes” – Animal masquerade in Pre-Pottery Neolithic ritual.

The detailed and complex, often supposedly even narrative reliefs at Göbekli Tepe’s T-pillars are one of the most fascinating features of the site (next to its impressing monumentality of course). The crucial question of its interpretation is well related to our understanding of the iconography and what it meant in its creators’ world view. Do the respective animals represent certain segments within Pre-Pottery Neolithic hunter communities, are they depicting actual events or do they give a more mythological account of spiritual concepts?
Among the skilful naturalistic reliefs, predominantly depicting animals in an accuracy that bears witness of a close relation to and careful observation of nature, birds seem to take on a special role. Water birds like ducks and cranes, but also storks, ibises, and vultures are a recurring motif in this stone-age picture book. In particular because of this careful and dedicated naturalistic representation of the animals depicted, an image on Pillar 2, one of the earliest discovered T-pillars at Göbekli Tepe, was puzzling from the very beginning (Schmidt 2012, 116-119). There, underneath an aurochs and a fox, a crane was carved into the limestone (Fig. 1).
P2
Fig. 1: Pillar 2, Göbekli Tepe. Showing reliefs of aurochs, fox, and crane. The latter one with an extraordinary, rather not brid-like leg-anatomy. (Photo: DAI)
Again, one can only admire the virtuosity of this work, clear outlines forming the animals in the typical flat relief style well attested at the site from other carvings already. Yet something about that crane looks incongruous. Its long legs seem a bit odd, resembling much more those of a human than what would be expected as typical for a bird. Upon closer inspection a bird’s legs appear to bend backwards – so quite the opposite of what is depicted here. Actually, and we have to emphasise this here for any (archaeo-)zoologist’s peace of mind, this is only half true since bird-knees are situated much closer to their pelvis inside the body and not visible outside; what often is (erroneously) mistaken for the knees are in reality their tarsal (ankle) bones. However, the depiction of that crane on Pillar 2 still looks off from what could be seen in nature – so, would this mean rather poor observation skills or a lazy craftsman in this case? Since other reliefs from the site do properly depict bird anatomy (cf. Fig. 2), ignorant artists do not seem to be the most convincing explanation. Should we thus consider some intentional deviation from the naturalistic mode of representation which dominates the majority of Göbekli Tepe’s iconography here? If so, what could this peculiar depiction mean?
P56
Fig. 2: Pillar 56 from Göbekli Tepe, however, does show (among many other animals) the depiction of long-legged birds with proper anatomical legs. (Photo: DAI)
In 2003 Nerissa Russell and Kevin J. McGowan published a most fascinating paper [external link] about a notable crane-bone find from Pre-Pottery Neolithic Çatalhöyük (Russell & McGowan 2003). This central Anatolian settlement site dates to the middle of the 8th and the 7th millennium BC (PPN B to Pottery Neolithic) and shows some considerable links with Göbekli Tepe, especially in terms of iconography. The find of particular interest here is a single Common Crane left-wing coming from a deposition at Çatalhöyük’s East Mound. These bones were found together with a cattle horn core, two wild goat horns, a dog head, and a stone mace head. This association of cattle, canid, and crane alone already may be a noteworthy correlation to the depiction on Pillar 2 from Göbekli Tepe. Yet the analysis of the crane bone itself is even more interesting: it is the part of the wing which has little flesh, but the large flight feathers attached. Consequently, the cut marks on these bones do not indicate simple butchery waste, but the intention to separate the wing at the joints. Furthermore, the cutting motions indicate that apparently one or two holes were pierced through the skin between the bones. While one could of course imagine that the wing could have been mounted to a lot of things, the authors plausibly suggest that it might have been part of a costume – fibres running through the holes attested by cut marks could have been helped to attach it to a person’s shoulder for instance (Russell & McGowan 2003, 447-448).
One of the most intriguing facets in this context is that cranes are famous for their dances. Breeding pairs and whole groups of cranes perform these complex movements. Their dances serve purposes of socialisation and pair bonding, but also to avert aggression. As soon as one of the birds starts, others are joining – yes, they even would do so if a human initiated the dance. Dancing was emphasized as integral social behaviour among PPN hunter groups, stressing communal unity and intensifying group cohesion (Garfinkel 1998). Bipedal and almost human-sized, with a comparable life-span and similar social structure, it is easily imaginable that these hunters somehow could identify with the dancing cranes, maybe even consider them reborn humans or ancestors. Russel and McGowan thus suggest that crane dances may well have been imitated to re-enact myths of origin, maybe of the own clan or humanity as such (Russell & McGowan 2003, 451-453) (Fig. 3). Related ritual dances are indeed not unknown from historic and ethnographic contexts and have been attested from a wide geographical and chronological range. Examples are known among Khanty (Ostiak) shamans from Siberia (Armstrong 1943, 73; Balzer 1996), the indigenous Ainu of Japan (St. John 1873), the Twa of central Africa (Campbell 1914, 79), and the sema dances of the Alevi in Turkey (Erol 2010) to just name a few.
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Fig. 3: Dancing the crane dance. (Drawing: J. G. Swogger, with courtesy of the Catalhöyük Research Project)
So, since the fascination with cranes and their dances seem to be a thoroughly human phenomenon throughout space and time, the possibility of related Neolithic rituals should not come as a surprise. Cranes seem to have played an important role in the world of PPN hunter-gatherers. Remains of crane bones were reported from PPN B Jericho (Tchernov 1993) and Çatalhöyük (Russel & McGowan 2005) for instance, and they are known in significant numbers from Göbekli Tepe as well (where they form the second largest group in the avifauna right after corvids (cf. Peters et al. 2005, Table 1)). Next to the already introduced crane depiction from Göbekli Tepe’s Pillar 2, similar reliefs were discovered on Pillars 33 and 38 which, too, stand out due to their comparatively thick legs and what seems to be ‘human-like knees’ (Fig. 4 and 5). From PPN B Bouqras in Syria a frieze of about 18 painted and incised cranes is known – the repeated depiction of the same posture maybe indicating a dancing scene (Clason 1989/90; Russell & McGowan 2003, 450). Another little known painting at Çatalhöyük displays two cranes facing each other, their heads raised (Mellaart 1966, 190, Plates LXII-LXIII; Russell & McGowan 2003, 450). Since noticeably often pairs of animals facing each other are depicted, cranes may have been linked to a larger symbolism of pairs or twins which well reminds of Göbekli Tepe’s dualistic central pillars as well.
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Fig. 4: Of the three birds depicted on Göbekli Tepe’s Pillar 38 at least two (likely to be identified as cranes) demonstrate rather unusually bend, almost human-like legs. (Photo: DAI)
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Fig. 5: Detail of Göbekli Tepe’s Pillar 33 showing a crane (note the characteristic neck, head, and tail feathers) with unusual sturdy and bend legs. (Photo: DAI)
The conspicuousness of the Göbekli Tepe crane depictions, which, since large birds are practically unknown from the older, Palaeolithic pictorial art, might be the oldest yet known images of this bird, was already noted upon their discovery by Klaus Schmidt (Peters et al. 2005, 227; Schmidt 2003, 26-28; 2012, 170-174, 182-184). The representation of human legs somehow evoke the impression of masked people (which would not be surprising, given the discovery of several stone masks at Göbekli Tepe) yet leave us with the still rather bird-like depiction of three (or four) ‘toes’. Schmidt suggested to not just identify this as simple masquerade but, on the basis of ethnographic analogies regarding shamanistic rituals of hunter communities, maybe even as the visualisation of a transformation into the animal itself (Peters et al. 2005, 231; Schmidt 2012, 119, 205-208). A kind of cognitive, and subsequently accepted physical metamorphosis in the course of the ritual by imitating the cranes’ dancing. Although proper evidence for such specific rituals and performances naturally is rare in the archaeological material, this line of thought at least offers an interesting interpretation for the unusual deviation from the strictly naturalistic animal depictions. Furthermore, together with the possible remains of what seems to be a crane costume from Çatalhöyük, it adds a fascinating facet to our slowly growing understanding of Pre-Pottery Neolithic social and ritual life.
It seems intriguing to even expand these thoughts beyond the discussion of dancing humans disguised as cranes. One of the wall paintings from Çatalhöyük for instance may also show vultures with human legs according to James Mellaart (Mellaart 1967, 167, Figs. 14 & 15). And at the foot of one of Enclosure D’s central pillars at Göbekli Tepe, right underneath the depicition of a fox skin-loincloth that pillar was ‘wearing’, the bones of a foxtail were found – probably hinting at the presence of a real such item of clothing there. Thus it seems reasonable and necessary to also consider other, even more costumes and their possible application in PPN ritual. As Russell and McGowan already emphasized (2003, 454): bulls (and vultures) are not the only animal symbols in the Neolithic world and we have to keep our eyes open to identify the more fragile clues among the material remains we are studying.
References (incl. further reading)
E. A. Armstrong, Crane dance in East and West, Antiquity 17, 1943, 71-76.
M. M. Balzer, Flights of the sacred: Symbolism and theory in Siberian shamanism, American Anthropologist 98 (2), 1996, 305-318. [external link]
D. Campbell, A few notes on Butwa: An African secret society, Man 14, 1914, 76-81.
A. T. Clason, The Bouqras bird frieze, Anatolica 16, 1989/90, 209-213.
A. Erol, Re-Imagining Identity: The Transformation of the Alevi Semah, Middle Eastern Studies 46:3, 2010, 375-387. [external link]
Y. Garfinkel, Dancing at the Dawn of Agriculture. Austin: University of Texas Press 2003.
J. Mellaart, Excavations at Çatal Hüyük, 1965: Fourth preliminary report, Anatolian Studies 16, 1966, 165-191.
J. Mellaart, Çatal Hüyük: A Neolithic Town in Anatolia. London: Thames & Hudson 1967.
J. Peters, A. von den Driesch, N. Pöllath, K. Schmidt, Birds in the megalithic art of Pre-Pottery Neolithic Göbekli Tepe, Southeast Turkey. In: G. Grupe and J. Peters (eds.), Feathers, Grit and Symbolism. Birds and Humans in the Ancient Old and New Worlds. Proceedings of the 5th Meeting of the ICAZ Bird Working Group in Munich (26,7.-28.7.2004). Rahden/Westf.: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH 2005, 223-234.
N. Russel and K. J. McGowan, Dance of the Cranes: Crane symbolism at Çatalhöyük and beyond, Antiquity 77, 2003, 445-455. [external link]
N. Russel and K. J. McGowan, Çatalhöyük bird bones. In: I. Hodder (ed.), Inhabiting Çatalhöyük: Reports from the 1995-1999 Seasons. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, 99-110. [external link]
K. Schmidt, “Kraniche am See”. Bilder und Zeichen vom frühneolithischen Göbekli Tepe (Südosttürkei). In: W. Seipel (ed.), Der Turmbau zu Babel. Ursprung und Vielfalt von Sprache und Schrift. Band IIIa: Schrift. Wien – Milano: Kunsthistorische Musuem Wien 2003, 23-29.
K. Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe. A Stone Age Sanctuary in south-eatern Anatolia. Berlin: ex Oriente e.V. 2012.
H. C. St. John, The Ainos: Aborigines of Yeso, Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 2, 1873, 248-254.
E. Tchernov, Exploitation of birds during the Natufian and early Neolithic of the southern Levant, Archaeofauna 2, 1993, 121-143. 
Göbekli Tepe in images  11/02/2016Photography certainly is an important tool for documentation in archaeology. For me personally, it is also a hobby (you can find me on Flickr here: external link). Going through the loads of photos the digital age produces and often readily forgets, I found some images of Göbekli Tepe that I wanted to share here. The collection is not finished and the post will be expanded as I dig deeper into my archives. So come back for more if you like what you see!
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Göbekli Tepe is situated at the northern periphery of the fertile crescent, on the highest point of the Germuş mountain range overlooking the Harran plain. The site lies on an otherwise barren limestone plateau.The tell has a diameter of around 300 m and is characterized by several mounds divided by depressions. At the highest point, Göbekli Tepe has about 15  m of stratigraphy. This is a view of the tell from the south, with the excavation camp. Taken in 2007, during my first field season at the site with the late Klaus Schmidt.
Work starts early at Göbekli Tepe (usually around 6 am), so there are lots of opportunities to catch the special morning light. Images of the tell seen from the southeast from 2007 and of the main excavation area seen from the southeastern hilltop, in 2012.
All areas excavated so far show a similar general stratigraphic sequence. The oldest layer III is characterized by monolithic T-shaped pillars, which were positioned in circle-like structures. The pillars were interconnected by limestone walls and benches leaning at the inner side of the walls. The circles measure 10-20m. Work in Enclosures D and C, 2009-2010.
In the centre of the enclosures stand always two bigger pillars, with a height of over 5m.  The T-shape is clearly an abstract depiction of the human body seen from the side. Images of the central pillars of Enclosure D in 2007.
Evidence for this interpretation are the low relief depictions of arms, hands and items of clothing like belts and loinclothes on some of the central pillars. The western central pillar of Enclosure D during excavation, 2009.
There is a clear hierarchy of pillars inside the enclosures. The central pillars are up to 5,5 m high, they have the already described anthropomorphic elements. The surrounding pillars are smaller, but more richly decorated with animal reliefs than the central ones. They are always „looking“ towards the central pillars, and the benches between them further amplify the impression of a gathering of some sort. Richly decorated pillars from Enclosure D, 2012.
Decoration of the pillars is not arbitrary. There are marked differences between the animal species depicted inside each enclosure. It could well be that the dominant species are connected to certain groups, in the sense of emblematic, or totemic symbols related to their identitiesFoxes are the animal most frequently depicted in Enclosure B. The images are close-ups of the depictions on the central pillars.
Decorations on the pillars are not limited to low reliefs. On Pillar 27 in Enclosure C the high relief of a snarling predator is preserved. Directly in front of it, a boar is depicted in side view in low relief. A hunting scene? Images from 2009.


Pillar 27 is not the only example indicating narrative meaning of Göbekli Tepe’s imagery. One striking example for this is Pillar 43 in Enclosure D. Photo from 2009.
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Layer III is supraposed by layer II, dating to the early and middle PPNB. This layer is characterised by smaller, rectangular buildings. The number and the height of the pillars are also reduced. In most cases only the two central pillars remain, the biggest measuring around 1,5m. Layer II building with bench, pillar and stationary limestone vessel on the southeastern hilltop, 2012.
At Göbekli Tepe, the Neolithic quarry areas from which the workpieces for the enclosures originate are well known. They lie on the limestone plateau immediately adjacent to the site. The maximum distances that had to be covered were 600-700m. The largest standing pillars discovered so far have 5.5m and weigh around 10t. In the quarry areas however there is one example of a 7 m long pillar preserved.Photo from 2007.
To be continued…

Deciphering a meal at Göbekli Tepe (part 1)

Figure 8
(Photo: K. Schmidt, DAI.)
This short post is meant to introduce myself, Laura, as a new member of the Göbekli Tepe project team. I am an archaeologist doing research into the Neolithic and Bronze Age from the Levant to the Carpathian Basin with a focus on the archaeology of food and conflict. Exploring the preparation of vegetable meals in Göbekli Tepe and inferring the social dimensions of vegetable food is part of my project during the next three years.
Göbekli Tepe has a big potential for such studies. Not only is there a vast material culture related to food processing (grinding stones, pestles, mortars, sickles etc.), but food, and also vegetable food, seems to have had a special place in the worldview of its builders. Here is a little teaser.
In 2008, during the excavation of the final layers of Enclosure C, a special discovery was made. A wild boar and two stone platters lie in front of one of the central pillars of Enclosure C. The sculpture is around 30 cm high; its length is almost 50 cm. Both platters are similarly large, with diameters of 47 and 50 cm. They have been intentionally perforated in the middle; other similar finds from the site are usually unperforated. Strike marks are obvious around the perforation. Their surface is very well smoothed, although the northern platter is better worked than the southern one. Both platters are round with slightly convex surfaces down to the perforation. The wild boar is sitting with his mouth on the platters, somehow slightly oblique, its neck oriented to the hole.The platters don’t sit directly on the ground, but suprapose other stone vessels. Several more wild boar sculptures and reliefs are known from Enclosure C.  All of them are part of one bigger ensemble surrounding the central pillars – and this ensemble clearly shows strong links to the preparation of food.
We are only at the start of deciphering the multiple layers of meaning inherent in the buildings of Göbekli Tepe. So stay tuned for more as I start as we begin to unveil the site’s secrets.

Emblematic signs? On the iconography of animals at Göbekli Tepe

Göbekli Tepe was once called „a Stone Age zoo“ by its late discoverer Klaus Schmidt. This judgement is certainly appropriate, as the range of animals depicted is impressive. Bears, boars, snakes, foxes, wildcats, aurochs, gazelle, quadruped reptiles, birds, spiders, insects, quadrupeds, scorpions and many more are inhabiting the enclosures. But there is also some underlying structure to this zoo-like ensemble.
Tiere_Anlagen
The enclosures in the main excavation area with their prevalent animal species (several photographers, copyright DAI).
The enclosures of Göbekli Tepe show a variation in the animal species depicted prominently in the iconography of each circle. While in Enclosure A the snake prevails, in Enclosure B foxes are dominant, for example. In Enclosure C boars take over and in Enclosure D birds are playing an important role. Interpreting these differences as figurative expression of community patterns could probably hint at the different groups building the particular enclosures. Distinct enclosures may have served different social entities.
Table
The character of these entities remains open to discussion at the moment. There are some clues however. Restriction of the access to knowledge and participation in rituals seems to be attestable at Göbekli Tepe. On a general level, some object classes known from settlements are missing (Schmidt 2010, 70). For example, awls and points of bone are nearly completely absent. The tasks carried out with them probably were not practiced here, and it may well be that the part of the population carrying them out was absent, too. Further, clay figurines are absent completely from Göbekli. This observation gains importance in comparison to Nevalı Çori, where clay figurines are abundant, missing only in the ‘cult building’ with its stone sculptures and T-shaped pillars (Hauptmann 1993, 67; Morsch 2002, 148). Clay and stone sculptures may thus well form two different functional groups, one connected to domestic space (and cult?) and one to the specialized ‘cult buildings’ – and to another sphere of ritual also evident at Göbekli Tepe. Its iconography is exclusively male, and while evidence for some domestic tasks is missing, there is evidence for flint knapping on a much larger scale than in any contemporary settlement, and shaft straighteners are very frequent, too. Göbekli Tepe could have been a place for just a part of society, for male hunters. At least their ideology is exclusively represented at the site.
Anlage D
The pillars of Enclosure D (several photographers, copyright DAI).
But does that mean that all male hunters had access to the site? An answer is again hard to find, but another element of restriction is posed by the enclosures themselves. They are not of a size to accommodate very large groups of people at a time. If we imagine them open to the sky, then a certain public aspect would have to be taken into account, but another possibility is a reconstruction along the lines of largely subterranean buildings accessible through openings in the roof, similar to the kivas of the North-American Southwest, rather unimpressive and hidden from the outside. It is a distinct possibility that only a small group of people or ritual specialists had access to the enclosures. Taking into account the fierce and deadly iconography of Göbekli Tepe´s enclosures, male initiation rites including the hunt of fierce animals and the symbolic decent into an otherworld (especially if the enclosures really were roofed), symbolic death and rebirth as an initiate could have been one purpose of rituals at Göbekli Tepe.
Further Reading
Nico Becker, Oliver Dietrich, Thomas Götzelt, Cigdem Köksal-Schmidt, Jens Notroff, Klaus Schmidt, Materialien zur Deutung der zentralen Pfeilerpaare des Göbekli Tepe und weiterer Orte des obermesopotamischen Frühneolithikums, ZORA 5, 2012, 14-43.
Hauptmann, Harald, Ein Kultgebäude in Nevali Çori. In Between the Rivers and over the Mountains. Archaeologica Anatolica et Mesopotamica Alba Palmieri dedicata, edited by Marcella Frangipane, Harald Hauptmann, Mario Liverani, Paolo Matthiae and Machteld J. Mellink (Rome 2003) 37-69.
Morsch, Michael, Magic Figurines? Some Remarks about the Clay Objects of Nevalı Çori. In Magic Practices and Ritual in the Near Eastern Neolithic. Proceedings of a Workshop held at the 2nd International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East (ICAANE) in Copenhagen 2000, edited by Hans Georg K. Gebel, Bo Dahl Hermansen and Charlott Hoffmann Jensen (Berlin 2002) 145–162.
Klaus Schmidt, “Ritual Centres” and the Neolithisation of Upper Mesopotamia, Neo-Lithics. A Newsletter of Southwest Asian Lithics Research 2/05, 13-21.
Klaus Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe – the Stone Age Sanctuaries. New results of ongoning excavations with a special focus on sculptures and high reliefs, Documenta Praehistorica (Ljubliana) 37, 2010, 239-256.

Boars in Göbekli Tepe´s Enclosure C: just a story of hunters and prey?

Depictions and sculptures of boars predominate the imagery of Enclosure C. Pillar 12 for example has a very nice depiction of a boar with pronounced canine teeth. Next to this depiction a sculpture of a boar was found, obviously deposited there during refilling. Another deposition of a boar sculpture, this time together with stone plates, was found next to one of Enclosure C´s central pillars. The list continues with many further examples, as most boar sculptures discovered at Göbekli Tepe are from Enclosure C. The richness of both  boar depictions  and sculptures hints at a special concern of the builders of that stone circle with wild boar. As other enclosures also feature a dominant animal species, there is the possibility that we are dealing with emblematic or totemic animals here. But not all of the depictions are just “emblematic” in character. It seems that some, or all, also tell a story.
In an earlier post [link], I have shortly reviewed the possibility of narrative elements in Göbekli Tepe´s iconography with regard to snake depictions. For example, on the front side of Pillar 20 in Enclosure D we see a snake moving towards an aurochs. The aurochs´ body is seen from the side, the head from above. The position of the head, lowered for attack, could be in futile defence to the snake. The aurochs´ legs are depicted oddly flexed, which could indicate his defeat and near death. As could the size of the snake which is depicted considerable larger than the aurochs.
Another pair of animals to which that kind of metaphoric “reading” might apply is boars and snarling predators. Both are depicted frequently at Göbekli Tepe, and in a highly standardized way. One cannot help to note the emphasis the depictions put on the dangerous parts of these animals, especially their teeth. Of special interest for an understanding of at least one aspect of the meaning of this imagery is Pillar 27 in Enclosure C. On its shaft there is a high relief of a predator moving downwards. Both, animal and pillar are made of one piece. Below the predator, a much smaller depiction of a boar was added in flat relief. The choice of different techniques for the images may not be coincidental. The small boar appears to be lying on the side, the predator moving towards it. One possible interpretation would be – again – a hunting scene, with the boar possibly depicted already dead.
At this point, another aspect of Enclosure C has to be mentioned. It is the only enclosure so far, where at least for one building phase a clear entrance situation (later blocked by a wall) could be discovered. The supposed entrance way is formed by two walls branching off almost rectangularly towards the south and running nearly parallel to each other. The walls are made of conspicuously huge stones which are worked on all sides. Like a barrier, a huge stone slab protrudes into this passage. The slab has not been completely preserved, however it is safe to say that once it had been provided with a central opening closed by a stone setting, of which two layers are still preserved. At the southern side of the slab, looking away from Enclosure C and towards the visitor, there is a relief of a boar lying on its back below the opening of the door hole. The reliefed porthole stone is accompanied by another building element. At first, in front of the porthole stone, the plastically carved sculpture of a strong beast of prey with a wide open mouth could be recognized. Whether it is a lion or a bear cannot be decided. Only 80cm away, we found a similar counterpart whose probably sculptured head, however, had been severed and is lost. When the excavation went on it became obvious that the second, eastern column, together with the western counterpart, belonged to one gigantic, monolithic, U-shaped object. Obviously, together with the porthole slab, it marked the entrance of Enclosure C.
So the scenery of Pillar 27 is somehow repeated at the very entrance of the stone circle. Not only are a boar in flat relief and three dimensional predators shown, this time the boar also lies on its back. But what could be the meaning of this? Or, more directly put, why would you portray an animal presumably important to  your group’s identity in an unfortunate condition? Some explanation might come from the predators here. They are often also portrayed in unfavourable conditions with their ribs clearly sticking out, as also on Pillar 27. Images of that sort are known from other contexts and sites in the Near Eastern Neolithic and beyond. They could reflect a dual symbolism of life and death, the interaction and correlation of both principles. This would fit with the general character of the enclosures. Their use-lifes included burial, the treatment of human imagery found inside them shows close relations to death ritual [link], as do finds of skull fragments with cut marks inside the filling. Symbolic death and rebirth are important features of rites of passage, as for example initiation ceremonies. The imagery could thus open up a path towards a deeper understanding of the functions of Göbekli Tepe´s enclosures.
Food for future thought, definitely.
Further reading
Klaus Schmidt, Die steinzeitlichen Heiligtümer am Göbekli Tepe, in: Doğan-Alparslan, Meltem – Metin Alparslan – Hasan Peker – Y. Gürkan Ergin (Hrsg.), Institutum Turcicum Scientiae Antiquitatis – Türk Eskiçağ Bilimleri Enstitüsü. Colloquium Anatolicum – Anadolu Sohbetleeri VII, 2008. 59-85.
Klaus Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe, Southeastern Turkey. A Preliminary Report on the 1995-1999 Excavations, Paléorient 26/1, 2001, 45-54.
Joris Peters, Klaus Schmidt, Animals in the Symbolic World of Pre-pottery Neolithic Göbekli Tepe, South-eastern Turkey: a Preliminary Assessment, Anthropozoologica 39.1,2004, 179-218.
Jens Notroff, Oliver Dietrich, Klaus Schmidt, Gathering of the Dead? The Early Neolithic sanctuaries of Göbekli Tepe, Southeastern Turkey, in: Colin Renfrew, Michael Boyd and Iain Morley (Hrsg.), Death shall have no Dominion: The Archaeology of Mortality and Immortality – A Worldwide Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2016), 65-81.
Oliver Dietrich, Çiğdem Köksal-Schmidt, Cihat Kürkçüoğlu, Jens Notroff, Klaus Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe. A Stairway to the circle of boars, Actual Archaeology Magazine Spring 2013, 30-31.
On half-skeletonized animals
Hodder, I. & L. Meskell, 2011. A “Curious and Sometimes a Trifle Macabre Artistry”. Current Anthropology 52(2), 235-63.
Huth, C., 2008. Darstellungen halb skelettierter Menschen im Neolithikum und Chalkolithikum der Alten Welt. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 38, 493-504.
Schmidt, K, 2013. Von Knochenmännern und anderen Gerippen: Zur Ikonographie halb- und vollskelettierter Tiere und Menschen in der prähistorischen Kunst, in: Sven Feldmann – Thorsten Uthmeier (Hrsg.), Gedankenschleifen. Gedenkschrift für Wolfgang Weißmüller, Erlanger Studien zur prähistorischen Archäologie 1, 195-201.

How old is it? Dating Göbekli Tepe.

Dating sites and finds is the backbone of archaeology. Regarding Göbekli Tepe, we get lots and lots of questions about its chronology. These questions are absolutely legitimate (as actually really most of them are), and even more so with a site that claims to be the ‘first’ or ‘oldest’ (yet known) in many respects, the accuracy of dating becomes paramount. Of course we have a larger number of scientific publications on the topic, and more are under way as we type this. Yet academic publication sometimes needs its time and not everyone has access to a well-sorted research library. So, here we would like to provide a short summary of the story of Göbekli Tepe’s chronology.
Fig. 1
Table 1: List of radiocarbon data made on organic samples from Göbekli Tepe (DAI).
Fig. 2
Tabel 2: The main excavation area at Göbekli Tepe with origin of C14 samples (DAI).
Fig. 3
Table 3: Charts of radiocarbon data from Göbekli Tepe (DAI).
Fig. 4
Table 4: The calibrated radiocarbon data from Göbekli Tepe – single plots (DAI).
The period Göbekli Tepe was built in is addressed as the Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN) after one of its main cultural traits, the absence of pottery vessels (there are clay figurines later in the PPN, however). The general chronological division for the Early Neolithic was developed in the Southern Levant, by Kathleen Kenyon on the basis of the stratigraphy of Jericho. She observed a fundamental distinction in the ground plans of buildings – round constructions in the earlier PPN A, rectangular buildings in the later PPN B. She further based her subdivision on differences in the material culture. These differences are most obvious in a certain find category: projectile points. Very detailed categorization schemes have been elaborated meanwhile, based on material from sites throughout the Near East. They serve as ‘guiding fossils’ for dating (yes, early archaeologists borrowed this term from geology).
At Göbekli Tepe, we can differentiate two layers which are completely different in the type of architecture appearing in them. Layer III, the lower and thus older layer, has the famous circular enclosures with the T-shaped pillars. Layer II is characterized by smaller buildings with rectangular groundplans. They sometimes also have pillars that are much smaller than the older ones however.
Göbekli Tepe
El-Khiam-, Helwan-, Nemrik- and Byblos-Points from Göbekli Tepe (Photo: Irmgard Wagner, DAI).
Projectile points from Göbekli Tepe include PPN A types like el-Khiam, Helwan and Aswad points; regarding the PPNB, Byblos and Nemrik points are very frequent, Nevalı Çori points are rare. They clearly show that the site was in use beginning from the PPN A and into the PPN B. A closer examination of the points reveals, however, that characteristic forms of the latest PPN B are missing. Göbekli Tepe was abandoned after the middle PPN B, i.e. around 8000 BC. That is the time when agriculture finally is fully established; the demise of a hunter-gatherer site would thus fit in this general picture. There are neither domesticated plants, nor animals at Göbekli Tepe. Radiocarbon data support the general archaeological dating (see below).
L0978action_1610
Filling material in Enclosure D (Photo: K. Schmidt, DAI).
So far so good, but there is a problem with this story. The enclosures of Layer III were treated in a special way at the end of their use lives. They were cleaned, part of their fittings dismantled, and refilled. During the refilling, objects that obviously had a great importance to PPN people were deposited in the filling [link]. However it seems that refilling was a relatively fast process. There are no intermediate sterile layers brought in by water or wind.
This refilling is fascinating in regard to the enclosure’s functions but poses severe problems for the dating of Layer III using the radiocarbon method, as organic remains from the fill-sediments could be older or younger than the enclosures, with younger samples becoming deposited at lower depths, thus producing an inverse stratigraphy. Another issue is the lack of carbonized organic material available for dating; only in the last campaigns have larger quantities been discovered.
Given these inherent difficulties, in a first approach the attempt was made to date the architecture directly using pedogenic carbonates. These begin to form on limestone surfaces as soon as they are buried with sediment. Unfortunately the pedogenic carbonate layers accumulate at a variable rate over long time periods, so a sample comprising a whole layer will yield only an average value. This problem can be avoided by sampling only the oldest calcium carbonate layer in a thin section: the result should be a date near the beginning of soil formation around the stone, i.e. near the time of its burial. Radiocarbon data are available from both the architecture of Layers III and II. Although the observed archaeological stratigraphy is confirmed by the relative sequence of the data, absolute ages are clearly too young, with Layer III being pushed into the 9th millennium, and Layer II producing ages from the 8th or even 7th millennia calBC. Therefore, the data fail to provide absolute chronological points of reference for architecture and strata. At most they serve as a terminus ante quem for the backfilling of the enclosures (Layer III) and the abandonment of the site (Layer II).
A far better source of organic remains for the direct dating of architectural structures is the wall plaster used in the enclosures. This wall plaster comprises loam, which also contains small amounts of organic material. A sample (KIA-44149, cf. Tables 1-4) taken from the wall plaster of Enclosure D gives a date of 9984 ± 42 14C-BP (9745-9314 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level), thus placing the circle in the PPNA. This approach will be pursued in more detail in the future. A series of 80 samples has already been dated and will be published soon.
Concerning the filling material from the enclosures, two approaches have been pursued, the first dedicated to the dating of animal bones and a second to ages made on charcoal. The archaeological appraisal of a recently acquired series of 20 data made on bone samples is quite complicated as they pose some methodological problems. At least within the group of samples chosen, collagen conservation is poor, and the carbonate-rich sediments at Göbekli Tepe may be the cause for problems with the dating of apatite fractions.
Carbonized plant remains have been very scarce at the site, thus limiting the possibilities for dating charcoal. Nevertheless, three charcoal samples are available for Enclosure A. While two samples (Hd-20025 and Hd-20036, cf. Tables 1-4) stem from back-fill and have been dated to the late 10th / earliest 9th millennium calBC, a third charcoal sample (KIA-28407, cf. Tables 1-4) was taken from beneath a fallen fragment of a pillar. This sample has provided a date for a possible final filling event around the mid-9th millennium calBC. It is confirmed by a measurement (IGAS-2658, cf. Tables 1-4) made on humic acids from a buried humus horizon that provides a terminus ante quem for Layer II in area L9-68, dating to the late 9th / early 8th millennium calBC.
Larger amounts of carbonized material have been discovered in deep soundings excavated in preparaiton of the construction of permanent shelter structures over the site in recent years. Two deep soundings were excavated directly adjacent to the ring wall belonging to Enclosure D, with three new ages obtained from charcoal recovered from the sounding in area L9-78. These samples were collected close to the bedrock, which in its interior forms the floor of this enclosure. Calibrated ages cluster between 9664 to 9311 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level (UGAMS-10795, 10796, 10799, cf. Tables 1-4), a time-span which is in good agreement with the earlier measurement made on clay mortar from the ring wall of Enclosure D between Pillars 41 and 42 (KIA-44149, 9984 ± 42 14C-BP, 9745-9314 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level, cf. Tables 1-4). Based on these data, we now have a much clearer picture of the chronological frame within which construction activities took place in the area of Enclosure D. It is only regrettable that these four data all correspond to a period with a slight plateau in the calibration curve, thus resulting in larger probability ranges. Additional excavation work is needed to clarify the exact stratigraphical correlation of the three new charcoal dates with Enclosure D.
Finally, from the filling material of Enclosure D there is one new 14C-age made on collagen from an animal tooth found north of Pillar 33 (KIA-44701, 9800 ± 120 14C-BP, 9746-8818 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level, cf. Tables 1-4). Taken together with another new measurement made on charcoal extracted from the same fill (Layer III) in area L9-69 (UGAMS-10798, 9540 ± 30 14C-BP, 9127-8763 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level, cf. Table 1-4) there can still be no consensus regarding the time of abandonment and burial of this enclosure. Further radiocarbon measurements will be needed to clarify this process. Indeed, the animal tooth used to produce sample KIA-44701 (cf. Table 1) might even come from the enclosue’s use-life which, as we know, would have included the celebration of large feasts [link]. This line of thought would then allow for a considerable time (i.e. several hundred years) of use of the enclosure prior to its burial sometime in the late 10th or early 9th millennium calBC (UGAMS-10798, cf. Tables 1-4). But at the moment a rather short life-span of the enclosure remains possible too. At this point, reference should again be made to sample IGAS-2658 (8880 ± 60 14C-BP, 8241-7795 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level, Table 1-4) taken from a humus layer in area L9-68. This date marks the last PPN activities in this area and provides a terminus ante quem for Layer II.
To present, only one date is available for Enclosure C (UGAMS-10797, 9700 ± 30 14C-BP, 9261-9139 calBC at the 91.6% probability level, cf. Table 1-4). This sample was taken from a deep sounding in area L9-97 between the outermost ring walls of the enclosure and close to the bedrock. This could indicate that building activities at the outer ring walls of this enclosure were underway during the backfilling of Enclosure D. However, a larger series of data and a close inspection of Enclosure C´s building history will be necessary to confirm such far-reaching conclusions.
As a preliminary conclusion, the still limited series of radiocarbon data seems to suggest that the Layer III enclosures at Göbekli Tepe were not exactly contemporaneous. Earliest radiocarbon dates stem from Enclosure D, for which the relative sequence of construction (ca. mid-10th millennium calBC), usage, and burial (late 10th millennium calBC) are documented. The outer ring wall of Enclosure C could be younger than Enclosure D. However, more data are needed to confirm this interpretation. Finally, Enclosure A seems younger than Enclosures C and D. With only eleven radiocarbon dates, many questions remain for the moment that our new series of data will hopefully answer.
Further Reading

B. Kromer, K. Schmidt, Two Radiocarbon Dates from Göbekli Tepe, South Eastern Turkey, Neo-Lithics 3/98, 1998, 8–9.

O. Dietrich, C. Köksal-Schmidt, J. Notroff, K. Schmidt, Establishing a Radiocarbon Sequence for Göbekli Tepe. State of Research and New Data, Neo-Lithics 1/2013, 36-41.
Göbekli Tepe´s material culture

K. Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe. Southeastern Turkey. A Preliminary Report on the 1995-1999 Excavations, Paléorient 26/2001, 45-54.

Dating of animal bone

O. Dietrich, Radiocarbon dating the first temples of mankind. Comments on 14C-Dates from Göbekli Tepe. Zeitschrift für Orient-Archäologie 4, 2011, 12-25.

Dating of pedogenic carbonates

K. Pustovoytov, 14C Dating of Pedogenic Carbonate Coatings on Wall Stones at Göbekli Tepe (Southeastern Turkey). Neo-Lithics 2/2002, 3-4.

K. Pustovoytov, H. Taubald, Stable Carbon and Oxygen Isotope Composition of Pedogenic Carbonate at Göbekli Tepe (Southeastern Turkey) and its Potential for Reconstructing Late Quaternary Paleoenviroments in Upper Mesopotamia. Neo-Lithics 2/2003, 25-32.
K. Pustovoytov, K. Schmidt, H. Parzinger, Radiocarbon dating of thin pedogenic carbonate laminae from Holocene archaeological sites. The Holocene 17. 6, 2007, 835-843.
Dating of mud plaster

O. Dietrich, K. Schmidt, A radiocarbon date from the wall plaster of enclosure D of Göbekli Tepe, Neo-Lithics 2/2010, 82-83.

Göbekli Tepe – The first 20 Years of Research

Part 1: A (Re-) Discovery (1994-1996)
Beitrag Göbekli Tepe_Abb. 1
Göbekli Tepe before the start of excavations in 1995 (Photo O. Durgut, copyright DAI).
Göbekli Tepe was for the first time recognized as an archaeological site during a large-scale survey project conducted by the Universities of Istanbul and Chicago in 1963. In his account of work in the Urfa province, Peter Benedict describes the site as a cluster of mounds of reddish soil separated by depressions. The slopes were clustered with flint, and he described what he thought to be two small islamic cemeteries. The impressions of the survey team are mirrored in early aerial photographs of the site, taken before excavations started. The reddish-brown tell with its hight of up to 15m and a diameter of 300 m is the only colourful spot on the otherwise barren Germuş mountain range. Situated on the highest point of this geological feature, Göbekli Tepe is a prominent landmark at the edge of the Harran plain. The surveyors identified the materials at Göbekli Tepe as Neolithic, but missed the importance of the site. Further research may also not have seemed possible because of the assumed islamic graveyards.
Between 1983 and 1991 large-scale excavations, in fact rescue excavations in advance of the construction of the Atatürk barrage, were under way at another important Neolithic site in the Urfa region, Nevalı Çori. Under the direction of Harald Hauptmann, a Neolithic settlement was excavated that had large rectangular domestic buildings often similar to Cayönü´s channeled buildings. However, excavations revealed also one building (with three construction phases) that was completely different from anything known before in the Neolithic of the Near East. Not only was a large number of monumental stone sculptures discovered, but the rectangular building itself had T-or Gamma-shaped pillars running along the walls, interconnected by a bench, and a pair of T-shaped pillars in the centre. Due to the representation of arms and hands, these pillars could be understood as highly abstracted depictions of the human body.
Tree
The “wishing tree” at the highest point of Göbekli Tepe in 1995. The slopes of the tell are littered with finds (Photo M. Morsch, copyright DAI).
Nevalı Çori was finally flooded by the Atatürk Barrage in 1991. But one of the members of the excavation team, Klaus Schmidt (1953-2014), wanted to find out whether there were more settlements like Nevalı Çori hidden in the Urfa region, with special buildings and elaborated stone sculpture. In 1994 he visited all Neolithic sites mentioned in the literature. Drawing on the experience gained at Nevalı Çori, Schmidt was able to identify the ‘tombstones’ at Göbekli Tepe as Neolithic work-pieces and T-shaped pillars. The moment of discovery is best described in his own words [author’s translation based on Schmidt 2006]:
“October 1994, the land colored by the evening sun. We walked through slopy, rather difficult and confusing terrain, littered with large basalt blocks. No traces of prehistoric people visible, no walls, pottery sherds, stone tools. Doubts regarding the sense of this trip, like many before with the aim to survey prehistoric, in particular Stone Age sites, were growing slowly but inexorably. Back in the village, an old man had answered our questions whether there was a hill with çakmaktaşı, flint, in vicinity, with a surprisingly clear „Yes!“. And he had sent a boy to guide us to that place […]. We could drive only a small part of the way, at the edge of the basalt field we had to start walking […]. Our small group was made up of a taxi driver from the town, our young guide, Michael Morsch, a colleague from Heidelberg, and me. Finally we reached a small hill at the border of the basalt field, offering a panoramic view of a wide horizon. Still no archaeological traces, just those of sheep and goat flocks brought here to graze. But we had finally reached the end of the basalt field; now the barren limestone plateau lay in front of us. […] On the opposed hill a large mound towered above the flat plateau, divided by depressions into several hilltops. […] Was that the mound we were looking for? The ‘knocks’ of red soil Peter Benedict had described in his survey report, Göbekli Tepe, or to be more precise, Göbekli Tepe ziyaret? […] When we approached the flanks of the mound, the so far gray and bare limestone plateau suddenly began to glitter. A carpet of flint covered the bedrock, and sparkled in the afternoon sun, not unlike a snow cover in the winter sun. But this spectacular sight was not only caused by nature, humans had assisted in staging it. We assured ourselves several times: These were not flint nodules fragmented by the forces of nature, but flakes, blades and fragments of cores, in short artifacts. […] Other finds, in particular pottery, were absent. On the flanks of the mound the density of flint became lower. We reached the first long-stretched stone heaps, obviously accumulated here over decades by farmers clearing their fields […]. One of those heaps held a particularly large boulder. It was clearly worked and had a form that was easily recognizable: it was the T-shaped head of a pillar of the Nevalı Çori type…”.
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S1, the first test trench at Göbekli Tepe (Photo M. Morsch, copyright DAI).
At the moment of its re-discovery in 1994, Göbekli Tepe was nearly untouched by modern activities. The tell could be reached only by foot or horse. The only use, agriculture without deep ploughing, was documented by the extensive ‘walls’ of stones cleared from the fields. Due to heavy winter rains, the possibilities for agriculture are good throughout the region, but Göbekli Tepe is the only spot of arable land in the wider area.
Systematic survey preceded fieldwork. It resulted in a wide range of finds, including sculptures not unlike the ones already known from Nevalı Çori. Excavation work was initiated by Klaus Schmidt the following year, as a cooperative project with the Museum of Şanlıurfa under the direction of Adnan Mısır and the Istanbul branch of the German Archaeological Institute under the direction of Harald Hauptmann.
A first test trench was opened at the base of the southeastern slope, where a modern pit had been cut through a terrazzo floor. Already in this first excavation area a peculiarity of the site was recognized: the tell is not formed mainly of earth and loam. Göbekli Tepe’s sediments are largely made up of limestone cobbles, bones and flints, mixed with relatively little earth. The trench further revealed rectangular buildings characteristic for what was later determined as Layer II, dating to the early and middle PPN B. Two rests of pillars further confirmed the similarities between Göbekli Tepe and Nevalı Çori.
Anlage A
Enclosure A in 1997 (Photo M. Morsch, copyright DAI).
Excavation work did not continue in this area in the next year. During the first field season one of the landowners had started work to clear his field in the southeastern depression of stones that hindered ploughing. He had dug out the heads of two large T-shaped pillars and had already started to smash one pillar head with a sledgehammer. Fortunately he could be persuaded to stop, and in the 1996 work started in this area. What came to light here was the first of the monumental enclosures of Göbekli Tepe´s older layer (Layer III).
The ground plan of what was later called Enclosure A appears more rectangular than round. Pillars 1 and 2, the central pillars of Enclosure A nearly destroyed by the farmer, were excavated down to the level of the stone bench of the enclosure. Both pillars are richly adorned with reliefs. Particularly striking is a net-like pattern, possibly of snakes, on the left side of Pillar 1. The front side of this pillar carries a central groove running vertically from below the head to its base, covering about one third of its width. This groove and the raised bands to either side are decorated with five snakes in bas-relief. It is most likely that they represent a real object, some kind of stola-like garment.
Pillar 2 carries on its right side a vertical sequence of three motifs: bull, fox and crane. Its narrower back side is adorned with a bucranium between the vertical bands of a stola-like garment. Insights and experience gained in the last years, particularly with regard to typical motif-arrangement, suggests that Pillar 2 is not in its original position but was at some time moved to this secondary location. In the course of this action, the original back side of the pillar became its front and vice versa. Currently, the number of pillars surrounding the two central figures in Enclosure A lies at four.
The following field seasons have revealed astonishing features and finds at Göbekli Tepe that considerably have changed our image of complexity, creativity and organization of the last hunter-gatherers of southwest Asia.
To be continued – stay tuned for future posts on the fascinating history of research at Göbekli Tepe!
Read the full story here:

Klaus Schmidt, Sie bauten die ersten Tempel. Das rätselhafte Heiligtum der Steinzeitjäger. Die archäologische Entdeckung am Göbekli Tepe. C.H. Beck: München (2006).

Klaus Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe. A Stone Age Sanctuary in South-Eastern Anatolia. ex oriente e.V.: Berlin (2012).
The original survey report by Peter Benedict:

Benedict, Peter. 1980. “Survey Work in Southeastern Anatolia.” In İstanbul ve Chicago Üniversiteleri karma projesi güneydoğu anadolu tarihöncesi araştırmaları – The Joint Istanbul – Chicago Universities Prehistoric Research in Southeastern Anatolia, edited by Halet Çambel and Robert J. Braidwood, 150-91. Istanbul: University of Istanbul, Faculty of Letters Press.

On Nevalı Çori:

Hauptmann, Harald. 1988. “Nevalı Cori: Architektur.” Anatolica XV: 99-110.

Hauptmann, Harald. 1993. “Ein Kultgebäude in Nevali Çori.” In Between the Rivers and over the Mountains. Archaeologica Anatolica et Mesopotamica Alba Palmieri dedicata, edited by Marcella Frangipane, Harald Hauptmann, Mario Liverani, Paolo Matthiae and Machteld J. Mellink: 37-69. Rom: Gruppo Editoriale Internazionale-Roma.
Hauptmann, Harald. 1999. “The Urfa Region.” In Neolithic in Turkey, edited by Mehmet Özdoğan and Nezih Başgelen, 65-86. Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları.

Two foxes and a bucranium: the first in situ porthole stone from Göbekli Tepe

Vertikal
Deep sounding to the north of Enclosure B, the arrow marks the position of the porthole stone. (Photo: N. Becker, DAI).
Starting from 2011, work at Göbekli Tepe has focused on the excavation of several deep soundings, meant to contain the struts holding a membrane shelter structure to ensure a durable protection of the site. The soundings, some more than five meters deep, have offered us unparalleled insights into the stratigraphy of the site. The evaluation of this evidence is going on at the moment and will lead to a site formation model soon. But, besides that, many of the soundings, although limited in horizontal extension, have also produced remarkable finds. Among them is the porthole stone presented here.
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Schematic plan of Enclosure B with indicated position of the porthole stone in the northern wall. (Plan: K. Schmidt & J. Notroff, DAI)
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Porthole stone found in situ in a wall in a deep sounding to the north of Enclosure B (Photo: N. Becker, DAI).
It was discovered in 2011 in a deep sounding excavated to the north of Enclosure B. Apart from revealing a so far unknown part of this enclosure and two more of its pillars, immediately on the bedrock several walls outside of the enclosure were discovered. In one of them, a decorated porthole stone stood in situ. The subrectangular hole in the middle of the stone is flanked by two antithetic foxes, apparently portrayed in the moment of jumping (at each other, at the entrance, the visitor?). Above the hole, a bucranium was placed. Unfortunately, the sounding could not be enlarged to explore the room enclosed by the wall. It thus remains unclear, whether the porthole stone really marks the entrance to the building, or the animals were ‘guarding’ a niche with important contents within a room.

Guarded by beasts: a porthole stone from Göbekli Tepe

During the 2009 and 2010 excavation seasons at Göbekli Tepe, several new trenches at the northwestern hilltop of the tell were opened. Below the plough horizon, as we already had expected, soon rectangular rooms appeared, the characteristic features of the younger Layer II at Göbekli Tepe. However, in the eastern part of the new trenches, the rooms ended quite abruptly. Instead of them, for some time, there was – more or less nothing. That is, of course we were not digging in sterile soil, the sediments were full of finds, just the architecture was missing.
Northwest
Göbekli Tepe, the areas on the northwestern hilltop under excavation in 2010 (Photo O. Dietrich).
What do you do as an archaeologist in such a situation? Dig on, of course. And after some days of rather monotonous work, that simple strategy paid off. The colour of the sediment suddenly changed into a reddish tone. At Göbekli Tepe, this is a clear indication that you have reached the filling sediments of the older building layer III. And, just to confirm the rule, soon the head of a new monumental pillar appeared.
Unfortunately we were not able to resume work in those areas on the northwestern hilltop in the following years, as other excavation areas and preparation for the construction of permanent shelter structures over the site required the full attention of the excavation team. However, besides new information on the layer II architecture of the side, two important discoveries came from our work in the ‘north-west’.
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Göbekli Tepe. A monumental porthole stone from the northwestern hilltop areas (Photo O. Dietrich).
First, a very important detail for the interpretation of the site in general: it seems, that the situation in the main excavation area in the southeastern depression of the tell is not unique. There, the layer II buildings largely exclude the area of the monumental enclosures. This seems to have been a deliberate choice, as a roughly semi-circular ‘terrace wall’ physically marked the position of the Enclosures A-D, giving the tell an amphitheare-like appearance.
Second, in one of the areas, a very important find was made. What seemed in the moment of discovery to be a larger worked stone, a usual thing at Göbekli Tepe, turned after several days of detailed excavation into a  monumental porthole stone. Several such stones with a central opening are known from the site, and they could have played a role as entrances to the enclosures or other buildings. One of them lies approximately in the centre of Enclosure B and gives some reason to think about an entrance through a possible roof for that bulding.
However, the new porthole stone from the northwestern areas was completely different, and that not only regarding its enormous measurements of c. 3x3m. First, unlike all examples found before, it has two openings. Second, it is richly decorated with three c. 0.5m long sculptures of quadrupeds (bull, ram and a wildcat) and a 1.5 m long snake in high relief, as well as a row of cupholes. Unfortunately, the stone was not in situ, that is, not in its original architectonic context. But the decorations clearly show that it must have been part of an important building whose entrance had to be guarded accordingly.
Further Reading
Klaus Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe, in: Mehmet Özdoğan – Nezih Başgelen – Peter Kuniholm (Hrsg.), The Neolithic in Turkey. New Excavations & New Research. The Euphrates Basin, Archaeology and Art Publications (2011): 50-52.

A decorated bone spatula, what’s in that picture? – Iconology and Archaeology.

In 2011, a special object was discovered at Göbekli Tepe in one of the excavation trenches in the tell’s northwestern depression (Fig. 1). Excavation had just proceeded into layers undisturbed by modern ploughing, but there were still no traces of architecture, when a fragment of a bone object was found. The artefact was described preliminarily as a ‘spatula’ made from a rib bone. It measures 5.3 x 1.9 x 0.3 cm and bears a carved drawing that is only partly preserved. The image is rather unclear, however in the upper part, two hatched T-shaped forms are visible – one completely preserved, the other one only fragmentarily. These T-shapes rapidly led to associations with Göbekli Tepe’s most prominent architectural feature, and to a vivid discussion within the research team focusing on the probability of this interpretation and our possibilities of understanding Neolithic ‘art’ in general.
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Fig. 1: Bone ‘spatula’ from Göbekli Tepe (Photo: N. Becker, DAI, ).
The problems of interpretation prevented a premature publication of the find. Meanwhile it went on display in the Şanlıurfa Museum. As the interaction of museum visitors with the small object evolved largely along the same lines as ours in 2011 and has also evolved in more speculative directions [external link], it seems important to get back in more detail to the question of the ‘readability’ of this Neolithic depiction.
There is an ongoing discussion about the possibilities and pitfalls of interpreting art in archaeology. One aspect of this debate is the potential use of iconological approaches. Between the most influential models is Erwin Panofsky’s concept that he presented in the 1930s (1934, reprinted in 1982). He described “three strata of subject matter or meaning” (Panofsky 1982: 28, 40-41), e.g. levels of inference on the intentions and messages encoded in images by the artist. The first level of meaning is the “primary or natural subject matter”, the perception of basic forms as representations of natural objects, e.g. humans, animals, plants or inanimate objects and their spatial setting or possible interactions. On this level, interpretation in Panofsky’s view does not reach beyond the natural meaning of things; it is a basic pre-iconographical description that can be reached without further cultural knowledge. On the second level, basic motifs are combined and identified with cultural-specific themes or concepts (Panofsky 1982: 29-30). Panofsky’s most often cited example for this stratum is to recognize a group of persons seated at a dinner table in a certain arrangement as a representation of the last supper. This iconographical interpretation or understanding needs additional information. If one lacks the acculturation in a society for which these topics are understandable, written sources or other means of information are needed for a correct interpretation. The third level of interpretation, the iconology, targets the “intrinsic meaning or content”, i.e. the intentions of the artist in displaying an image just in that way, the messages he wanted to send about his subject, or the historical and political context in which the work was made. The iconological analysis thus tries to elucidate the symbolic values of images. In Panofsky’s (1982: 41) words, what is needed to achieve this is “synthetic intuition, a familiarity with the essential tendencies of the human mind, conditioned by personal psychology and Weltanschauung“. And of course all the insights gained from interpretation levels 1 and 2.
That in mind, the difficulties in reading and interpreting prehistoric art become obvious. As soon as such depictions cross the line to abstraction and symbolism, familiarity with their proper cultural context and knowledge of their connotations is inevitably necessary to perceive and understand theses codes. In particular, this includes us today. Without the cultural intimacy with narratives and concepts linked to these depictions and symbols we could at best guess what is a) depicted and b) meant. Unfortunately this offers a large probability of misconception. Somehow like discovering the symbol of the cross in a Christian church, yet without any clue to the whole Passion narrative it stands for and which is perceived without further explanation by members of most occidental cultures and even beyond. To be useful for Prehistoric Archaeology, Panofsky’s thoughts have to be adapted to the specific sources of this discipline. The need for a broad understanding of the cultural setting of images for an iconographical analysis (level 2) is a requirement hard to fulfil completely, when only material remains are available without written sources. But to some extent, this lack can be compensated for by find contexts on a macro (site-) and micro (deposition-) level and analogical reasoning. Panofsky’s model has the potential to address the ‘readability’ of an image as a key factor for a successful analysis. It thus seems appropriate to analyse the possibilities of understanding an ambiguous prehistoric depiction like the one on the ‘spatula’ from Göbekli Tepe.
(The impossibility of) Pre-Iconography
So, let’s just try to describe/understand what is represented on our spatula. Some colleagues from the moment of its discovery were convinced that the T-shaped objects on the spatula must be representations of the iconic find category of Göbekli Tepe’s archaeological record: the T-shaped pillars. In this line of thought, a roughly human shaped figure was standing in front of the pillars, while in the bottom left corner of the spatula the enclosure walls were represented.
There are some problems with this interpretation however. The perspective of the depiction is not easily understandable, as inside the real enclosures the central pillars stand side by side, not facing each other. This may find an explanation in the artist’s intention to display the T-shape of the pillars, which was obviously important to Göbekli Tepe’s builders. Furthermore, one of the visible ‘pillar shafts’ is depicted very slender, curved and narrowing in the lower part. An explanation for this could lie in the abilities of the artist to depict a perspective view, or it was not important to them to show these details in a realistic manner. It is rather difficult to explain however that the pillars, the presumed walls, and the potential human are interconnected by lines. At Göbekli Tepe, animals and humans are normally depicted individually, not interwoven. Yet there is another important point regarding the mode of depiction on this bone spatula. If we are really confronted with a depiction of the enclosure walls, they would very much look like the modern, excavated state. Today, the walls end considerably below the pillars. Whether this was the prehistoric appearance of the enclosures remains unclear for the moment; there is the possibility to reconstruct the buildings as semi-subterranean and roofed structures. In this case, the depictions of very small walls would not make much sense.
And there is another way of understanding the depiction. The people who built Göbekli Tepe had a very distinct concept of depicting their world. On reliefs, animals were usually represented in the way humans see them during a real-life confrontation. Snakes, spiders, and centipedes were thus depicted in flat relief and from above; larger animals like wild cats, foxes, gazelle etc. are shown from the side. A very interesting exception from this rule is associated with depictions of cattle. The body of aurochs is depicted in side elevation, the head however is seen from above. The special way of depicting the aurochs’ head could have a distinct meaning. It is fairly possible that the animal is shown with its head lowered for an attack, the sight a hunter sees in the moment the animal speeds towards him (read more here). Notably, the cattle head is one of the few animal depictions also transformed into a possible ideogram at Göbekli Tepe. Bucrania can be found on several pillars and other elements of architecture (like so-called porthole stones). It is obvious that the mode of representing animals in Neolithic art is far from arbitrary. Starting from here, another interpretation of the spatula appears possible.
dietrich-et-al-_figure-7
Fig. 2: Depictions of animals with stretched out limbs from Göbekli Tepe (Drawings: K. Schmidt, DAI).
Two larger stone slabs from Göbekli Tepe show high reliefs of animals in a crouched position, (Fig. 2) probably ready to jump; another depiction of that type can be found on the front-side of Pillar 6. The animals’ limbs lie stretched out besides head and body, a long tail is bent to one side. Schmidt (1999: 10-11, Nr. A12-13) suggested an interpretation as reptiles, while Helmer, Gourichon and Stordeur (2004: 156-157, Fig. 7) see them as felids, more exactly panthers, and compare them to depictions from Tell Abr’ 3 and Jerf el Ahmar. Meanwhile two more examples of squatted animals can be added from Göbekli Tepe, one on a fragmented stone slab, the other one on the shaft of Pillar 27 in Enclosure C [click here for images]. Irrespective of the depicted species, it is important that the special mode of showing certain types of animals is in any case not restricted to Göbekli Tepe, but a characteristic of Early Neolithic art in southwestern Asia in general.
While images of architecture are not well-attested, squatted animals are a standard-type in the repertoire of early Neolithic artists (e.g. Atakuman 2015: 769, Fig. 10 on the long history and the translation of this image type into stamp seal designs). The depiction on the bone spatula could thus represent a variant of this well-known type. This would also explain the hatching of the ‘body’, which could indicate the paws, as it is restricted exactly to these areas. One animal representation in high relief from Göbekli Tepe shares this feature, and its paws also take on a slightly trapezoid form.
Nevertheless, the image on the spatula does not fit exactly the intra- and offsite analogies presented here. Design and realization appear slightly awkward, which, as mentioned above, leads to the interpretational uncertainties. We could be dealing with an ad hoc engraving here that only superficially abides to the artistic conventions of displaying animals and at the same time overemphasizes certain aspects of the image. Maybe the artist wanted to emphazise the dangerous parts of the animal, its claws. However, a deeper understanding must fail in this case, as, to get back to the starting point and Panofsky, a clear pre-iconographical description is not possible.
Conclusion
The point of the above is not to show that Neolithic art in general is not understandable. But there must be a basic awareness of the fact that not every depiction is ‘readable’ beyond doubt, and that such depictions naturally should not be used as evidence for far-reaching interpretations. Panofsky’s thoughts can be a powerful instrument in determining the degree of interpretational potential of an image.
References
Ç. Atakuman  2015. From monuments to miniatures: emergence of stamps and related image-bearing objects during the Neolithic. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 25, 4: 759-788.
D. Helmer, D. Gourichon, and D. Stordeur 2004. À l’aube de la domestication animale. Imaginaire et symbolisme animal dans les premières sociétés néolithiques du nord du Proche-Orient. Anthropozoologica 39, 1: 143-163.
E. Panofsky 1982. Meaning in the visual arts. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
K. Schmidt 1999. Frühe Tier- und Menschenbilder vom Göbekli Tepe. Istanbuler Mitteilungen 49: 5–21.
Read the full story here:
O. Dietrich, J. Notroff 2016. A decorated bone ‘spatula’ from Göbekli Tepe. On the pitfalls of iconographical interpretations of early Neolithic art. Neo-Lithics 2/16: 22-31.

The death of an aurochs: Göbekli Tepe, Pillar 66, Enclosure H

Next in our series about the pillars of Göbekli Tepe (here, and here) is P 66 in Enclosure H, located in the northwestern depression of the tell. The most prominent decoration of this pillar is a large horned beast engraved with rough lines on one broadside. The animal is depicted in side view, its legs are flexed and its tongue is hanging out of the mouth. All this taken together could mean that the animal is depicted dead. Below it a smaller animal is shown, possibly in similar condition.
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Pillar 66 in Enclosure H (copyright DAI, photo N. Becker).
Of course this depiction is immediately reminiscent of the two famous paintings from buildings F.V.1 and A.III.1 at Çatalhöyük, showing large cattle surrounded by considerably smaller human figures (e.g. Russell 2012: 79-80, Figure 2). Mellaart’s original interpretation of the depictions as hunting scenes has been widely discussed, and we agree with Russell (2012) who has collected the multitude of different opinions – from hunting or teasing over sacrifice to ritual bull leaping – that chances of arriving at a definite interpretation are low. However, we believe that Rice (1998: 81) has a point when he observes that the tongues hanging out of these animals´ mouths and the positions of their legs may indicate that the animals are depicted dying or dead. Most important, and that is agreed upon in nearly all interpretations, are the differences in size between humans and cattle in the images. The tiny human figures encircling the large (dead?) animals clearly indicate how awe-inspiring big cattle must have been for Neolithic people. The size of the animal is emphasized also in the new depiction from Göbekli Tepe – by the smaller animal depicted alongside the large bull.
The two animals however do not seem to be the original decoration of the pillar. They are scratched into the surface with rough lines, which is usually indicative of preparatory drawings for reliefs at Göbekli Tepe. Moreover, above the large animal´s head a rest of an older relief, maybe of a bird, and several unclear lines are visible. The placement of the pillar deviates from the usual arrangement, it is not ‘looking’ towards the central pillars, but stands parralel to them. Taken together, all clues hint towards a secondary use of an older pillar.
A large worked block was placed on the pillar´s head. This has been observed also for other pillars, especially those of Enclosure B in the main excavation area. A possible explanation could be height compensation, at least in the case that the pillars originally carried a roof.
References
Rice, M. 1998. The Power of the Bull. New York.
Russell, N. (2012): Hunting Sacrifice at Neolithic Çatalhöyük. In: Porter, A.M. & Schwartz, G.M. (eds.), Sacred Killing. The Archaeology of Sacrifice in the ancient Near East, Winona Lake, 79-95.

The Göbekli Tepe ‘Totem Pole’

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The ‘totem pole’ from Göbekli Tepe (Copyright DAI, photo N. Becker).
Every excavation season at Göbekli Tepe reveals new remarkable finds and although the overall spectrum of objects to be exspected is known quite well, there are also surprises. One of these was a large sculpture discovered in 2009 and excavated in 2010 superficially reminescent of the totem poles of North Americas` natives.
The sculpture had been set in the north-eastern wall of a rectangular room of Layer II and was not visible originally due to the wall completely covering it. It has the remarkable length of 1,92 metres. The pole features three main motives, one above another. The uppermost motive depicts a predator, probably a bear or a large felid. The frontal part of the head had been obliterated in antiquity; the surface of the break is covered with a thin limestone coating. Below the head, a short neck, arms and hands are visible. Their human like shape is remarkable. Although we might postulate that this depicts a “Mischwesen”, such as the “Löwenmensch” from the Aurignacian site of Hohlestein Stadel in Southwest Germany, we still cannot eliminate the possibility that these features were intended to depict animal arms and legs and not human limbs. The arms (or legs) are holding another head, which again lost its face in antiquity.
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Find situation of the ‘totem pole’ after removal of wall stones in front of it (copyright DAI, photo N. Becker).
Significantly, the motive of a wild beast holding a human head is well known from several sculptures from Nevalı Çori and Göbekli Tepe. For this reason it is very probable that the lost face of the head being held by the “Löwenmensch” (or bear / lion / leopard) was that of a human. This suggestion is further strengthened by the fact that human arms are depicted below the head. The hands are placed opposite one another and on the stomach of the individual. This is a manner which is clearly reminiscent of the T-shaped pillars. Below the arms and hands a second person is visible. Fortunately, the face of this individual is completely preserved. Also depicted is the upper part of the body, including the arms and hands. Below the hands there is an unidentified object. It seems likely that the person is depicted giving birth, albeit that a very different explanation is also conceivable, e.g. the person could be presenting his phallus. Below the arms of the predator (or “Löwenmensch”) at both sides of the pole, large snakes are visible. Their large heads (one is partly damaged) are situated just above the head of the small individual. Below the heads of the snakes, structures are visible which might be interpreted as the legs of the uppermost human. It seems obvious that such a piece made of stone must also have had parallels in wood which have failed to survive the millennia. However, it should be noted that fragments of a quite similar totem pole-like object made of limestone were already discovered some 20 years ago in Nevalı Çori.
Read more
Köksal-Schmidt, Çiğdem, Klaus Schmidt, The Göbekli Tepe “Totem Pole“. A First Discussion of an Autumn 2010 Discovery (PPN, Southeastern Turkey), Neo-Lithics 1/10, 74-76.

A tale of snakes and birds: Göbekli Tepe, Pillar 56.

Since we get lots of questions regarding Göbekli Tepe’s pillars and their depictions, we will try to post short descriptions here. This time it’s Pillar 56 in Enclosure H. 
Pillar 56 stands in the eastern circular wall of Enclosure H, located in the nortwestern depression of the tell. The pillar is excavated to a height of 2,15 m, its shaft is 0,94 m wide, the head measures 1,55 m. The southwestern broadside of this pillar is completely covered with reliefs. A total of 55 animals are depicted so closely packed, that the outline of one merges with the contour of the next image. Many depictions are reduced to silhouettes, it is hard to exactly determine which animal species is depicted for every example without fail.
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Pillar 56 in Enclosure H. (Photos & drawing: N. Becker, DAI)
In the upper part a group of ducks is portrayed, followed by snakes and number of quadruped animals, most likely felids. Between these, a large bird of prey can be spotted, clutching a snake in its claws. The bird and one of the snakes depicted below it deviate from the viewing axis of the other animals, not looking towards the enclosure’s centre, but into the opposite direction.
On the pillar’s shaft cranes and again duck-like water birds are depicted, followed below again by snakes. The narrower side of the shaft shows a bucranium accompanied by two snakes; the head’s narrow side has a snake curling down. The other broadside of the pillar shows faint lines which could suggest more duck-shaped depictions. Futher excavation will be needed to shed more light on this side of the pillar since it is currently largely concealed by the excavation trench’s baulk.
Pillar 56 is yet another example for the very rich decoration of single pillars within Göbekli Tepe’s enclosures. The large bird of prey grasping a snake and interrupting the symmetry of the depiction by looking in another direction seems to be the most important element and, as well attested on other pillars, too, could indicate a rather narrative character of the whole ensemble – maybe commemorating an important moment of a lore or myth. Important at least and in particular to the builders of Enclosure H.
Further reading:
K. Schmidt, “Adler und Schlange” – “Großbilder” des Göbekli Tepe und ihre Rezeption, in: Ü. Yalcin (ed.), Anatolian Metall VI. Der Anschnitt, Beiheft 25, Bochum 2013, 145-152. [external link]
O. Dietrich, J. Notroff, L. Clare, Ch. Hübner, Ç. Köksal-Schmidt, K. Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe, Anlage H. Ein Vorbericht beim Ausgrabungsstand von 2014, in: Ü. Yalcin (ed.) Anatolian Metal VII – Anatolien und seine Nachbarn vor 10.000 Jahren / Anatolia and Neighbours 10.000 years ago. Der Anschnitt, Beiheft 31, Bochum 2016, 53-69. [external link]

The ‘Urfa Man’


So, this short post is about the ‘Urfa Man’. Let’s start with an answer to a very common question: no, he is not from Göbekli Tepe. He was found during construction work in the area of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic site at Urfa-Yeni Mahalle / Yeni Yol (Bucak & Schmidt 2003; Çelik 2011; Hauptmann 2003; Hauptmann & Schmidt 2007), broken in four nearly equal pieces.
The settlement was largely destroyed, but photos showing the construction work seem to reveal an interesting detail about the site: it featured a small T-shaped pillar (Çelik 2011, 142, Fig. 19), similar to those from Göbekli Tepe’s Layer II.  This speaks for a PPN B date, as does the archaeological material recovered (Çelik 2011).
The ‘Urfa man’ himself gives witness to the ability of early Neolithic people to sculpt the human body naturalistically. It is the oldest known statue of a man, slightly larger than life-size. In contrast to the cubic and faceless T-shaped pillars, the ‘Urfa man’ has a face, eyes originally emphasized by segments of black obsidian sunk into deep holes, and ears ; a mouth, however, is not depicted. The statue seems to be naked with the exception of a V-shaped necklace. Legs are not depicted; below the body there is only a conical plug, which allows the statue to be set into the ground. Both hands seem to grab his penis.
As no find context has been recorded for the sculpture, it is hard to evaluate its original function. But there are several fragments, especially heads, of similar sculptures from Göbekli Tepe. At this site, statues like the ‘Urfa Man’ seem to have been part of a complex hierarchical system of imagery directly related to the functions of the circular enclosures. You can find a longer text about this here.
The presence of a sculpture like the ‘Urfa Man’ and of T-shaped pillars are strong evidence for the presence of a special building inside the settlement at Urfa-Yeni Yol. It may have been comparable to the PPN B ‘cult buildings’ of Nevalı Çori (Hauptmann 1993), but this will remain pure speculation.
Bibliography
Bucak, E. & K. Schmidt, 2003. Dünyanın en eski heykeli. Atlas 127, 36-40.
Çelik, B., 2011, Şanlıurfa – Yeni Mahalle, in The Neolithic in Turkey 2. The Euphrates Basin, eds. M. Özdoğan, N. Başgelen & P. Kuniholm. Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yaınları, 139-164.
Hauptmann, H., 1993. Ein Kultgebäude in Nevalı Çori , in Between the rivers and over the mountains. Archaeologica Anatolica et Mesopotamica Alba Palmieri dedicata, eds. M. Frangipane, H. Hauptmann, M. Liverani, P. Matthias & M. Mellink. Roma: Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche Archaeologiche e Anthropologiche dell’Antichità, Università di Roma ‘La Sapienza’, 37-69.
Hauptmann, H., 2003. Eine frühneolithische Kultfigur aus Urfa, in Köyden Kente. From village to cities. Studies presented to Ufuk Esin, eds. M. Özdoğan, H. Hauptmann & N. Başgelen. Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yaınları, 623-36.
Hauptmann, H. & K. Schmidt, 2007. Anatolien vor 12 000 Jahren: die Skulpturen des Frühneolithikums, in Vor 12000 Jahren in Anatolien. Die ältesten Monumente der Menschheit. Begleitband zur großen Landesaustellung Baden-Württemberg im Badischen Landesmuseum 2007, ed. C. Lichter. Karlsruhe: Badisches Landesmuseum, 67-82.


Of animals and a headless man. Göbekli Tepe, Pillar 43

pillar-43
The western broadside of Pillar 43 in Enclosure D ist decorated completely with a variety of motifs (Photo O. Dietrich).
Addressing an earlier question from the comments, here is some more information on one of the most impressive pillars from Göbekli Tepe, Pillar 43 in Enclosure D.
Some images on Göbekli Tepe´s pillars indicate a  narrative meaning. One striking example for this is Pillar 43 in Enclosure D. The whole western broad side of this pillar is covered by a variety of motifs. Dominant is a big vulture. It lifts its left wing, while the right wing points to the front. It is possible that this gesture aims at the sphere or disc that can be seen above the tip of the right wing. To the right of the vulture another bird, maybe a bald (?) ibis, a snake, two H-shaped symbols and wild fowl are depicted. On the pillar´s shaft, a huge scorpion as well as the head and neck of another bird are dominating the scene. While some more reliefs to the left of the scorpion and the bird are hidden by the perimeter wall, to the right of the bird’s neck an especially interesting motif is depicted. Due to damage to the pillar it is not preserved completely, but the representation of a headless human with an erect penis is quite clearly recognizable. The depiction seems to relate to aspects of Early Neolithic death cult known from several sites. But even without giving too much weight to this aspect of the pillar´s reliefs, the vulture with the spheric object on the tip of its wing shows clearly that the intention behind the imagery goes well beyond depicting nature.
On the uppermost part of Pillar 43, a row of three rectangular objects with cupola-like ‘arches’ on their tops can be seen. Every one of these objects is accompanied by an animal added on the ’arch’. The meaning of these images is hard to guess, but they might represent the enclosures during their time of use, seen from the side. The rectangular part would represent the perimeter walls, while the cupolas may indicate roofs. As usually depictions of one animal species seem to dominate in every enclosure, it is an intriguing thought that buildings of different groups are depicted here with the emblematic animals of these groups added for recognition. Following this line of argument, one would also have to assume that the enclosures were depicted here rather schematic in an almost technical sectional view – what would be highly unusual compared to the other naturalistic representations from Göbekli Tepe. A final decision on the meaning of these images is not possible at the moment.
Read more:
Klaus Schmidt, Animals and a Headless Man at Göbekli Tepe, Neo-Lithics. A Newsletter of Southwest Asian Lithics Research 2/2006, 38-40. [Neo-Lithics 2/06-external link]

Why did it have to be snakes?

Snakes are omnipresent at Göbekli Tepe. Even today you may have the luck to encounter a Levantine Viper when visiting the site (yes, they are poisonous, but just let them be, they are also protected by the Washington Convention). In most cases you will only see their image in stone. Snakes are among the most often depicted animals at Göbekli Tepe. They appear on pillars, on porthole stones, on small stone plaquettes and shaft straightheners. Especially Enclosure A is full of them. Pillar 1, one of the central pillars of this building, shows what seems to be a net of snakes.
P01 - Schlangen vgl.jpg
Pillar 1 in Enclosure A and fragment of a stone plaquette discovered in 2013 (Photos: DAI).
A recent (2013) find of a small fragment of a stone plaquette from a deep sounding in trench K10-13 shows a very similar motif. Two snake heads and below them a net-like depiction of interwoven snake bodies are clearly visible. The motif seems to have been of such importance that it was reproduced in handy size to be carried around. Why this preoccupation with snakes?

A first explanation is that they fit very well in the range of animals depicted at Göbeklki Tepe. The site crawls with dangerous insects, scorpions, scolopenders; and the mammals depict are not any more friendly. This has something to do with the overall meaning of the site. Much of Göbekli´s iconography is related to early Neolithic death rites.
But there is another aspect to the apparent popularity of snakes at Göbekli Tepe.

GT03_P20_Ddj0141
Pillar 20 in Enclosure D (Photo: DAI).
On the front side of Pillar 20 in Enclosure D we see a snake moving towards an aurochs. The aurochs´ body is seen from the side, the head from above. The position of the head, lowered for attack, could be in futile defence to the snake. The aurochs´ legs are depicted oddly flexed, which could indicate his defeat and near death. As could the size of the snake which is depicted considerable larger than the aurochs. If this depiction really shows a battle between snake and aurochs, in which the snake prevails, there would be room for some interesting, but of course hypothetical, connections to other aspects of Göbekli´s material culture.
As mentioned, centipedes/millipedes and snakes are animals often depicted on PPN shaft straighteners. Morenz & Schmidt (2009) have taken this observation as a starting point to propose a metaphorical relation between the depiction and the object worked with the shaft straighteners. Form and deadliness of snake and arrow were maybe perceived as similar or at least wished to be. A further analogy could be seen between the fast flying arrow and the fast attack of the snake. There is vast ethnographical evidence for big game hunting with poisoned projectiles. If we start from the not completely unlikely hypothesis that this could have been the case also in the Neolithic, the image on Pillar 20 could possibly refer to this complex of analogies and metaphors, and could be ’read‘ as a depiction of a hunt in the widest sense, without the representation of an actual human actor.
Further Reading:

Morenz, L.D. & Schmidt, K.  2009. Große Reliefpfeiler und kleine Zeichentäfelchen. Ein frühneolithisches Zeichensystem in Obermesopotamien, in: Petra Andrássy – Julia Budka – Frank Kammerzell (Hrsg.), Non-Textual Marking Systems, Writing and Pseudo Script from Prehistory to Modern Times, Lingua Aegyptia – Studia monographica 8, Göttingen, 2009, 13-31.

Schmidt, K. 2014. „Adler und Schlange“ – „Großbilder“ des Göbekli Tepe und ihre Rezeption , in: Yalcin, Ünsal (Hrsg.), Anatolian Metall VI. Der Anschnitt Beiheft 25. Veröffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen Bergbau-Museum Nr. 195, Bochum 2013, 145-152. [read online – external link]

Visiting Göbekli Tepe


Göbekli_Fig. 1
Temporary shelter over the main excavation area (Photo: K. Schmidt, Copyright DAI).
Important noteDue to construction of two protective canopies at Göbekli Tepe’s southeastern and northwestern depressions, which ultimately will help protecting the Neolithic architecture unearthed and improve visitor accessibility and experience, the site will be closed to visitors from June 13 until December 31 2016. More details can be found here [update: completion of both canopies was slightly delayed and could not be achieved by the end of 2016 – the site remains closed to visitors as of yet; as soon as an official new opening date is announced, it will be made public here as well].
The archaeological site is situated about 15km NW of the provincial capital Şanlıurfa. The town is best reached by plane. Turkish Airlines operates flights on a daily basis via Istanbul or Ankara.
The way to Göbekli Tepe has been signposted in recent years, streets are in good condition. If you are not going with a rented car, a taxi is an affordable alternative. Ask about the price before the start of the tour.
Göbekli Tepe is part of the program of many travel operators offering guided excursions in eastern Turkey. As the offers and companies are constantly changing, unfortunately we can not offer advice here.
Please note that we can not offer any advice on the current security situation. Contact your embassy or other appropriate authorities before planning a visit. For German visitors, we highly recommend to check the “Reise- und Sicherheitshinweise“ offered by the Auswärtiges Amt [external link].
A touristic infrastructure is on the way of being installed at Göbekli Tepe by the Turkish authorities. There is an entrance fee, and a system of ways has been constructed. We ask all vistors to respect this way system. It is not possible to enter the enclosures directly. This is not only to protect the fragile archaeological substance of the site, but also for your own safety. Please note that the site is under video surveillance.
Turkey has very rigid laws (prison sentences of up to ten years) regarding the export of archaeological artefacts. A very wide definition of “artefact” applies. However, we would ask visitors not to collect or move any artefacts found during their stay also out of respect for the site.
Scientific work of any kind is only possible in accord with the excavation director and prior permission by Turkish authorities.
Sarah Knapton writes “Ancient stone carvings confirm that a comet struck the Earth around 11,000BC, a devastating event which wiped out woolly mammoths and sparked the rise of civilizations”. Experts at the University of Edinburgh analyzed mysterious symbols carved onto stone pillars at Gobekli Tepe in southern Turkey, to find out if they could be linked to constellations. The markings suggest that a swarm of comet fragments hit Earth at the exact same time that a mini-ice age struck, changing the entire course of human history. Scientists have speculated for decades that a comet could be behind the sudden fall in temperature during a period known as the Younger Dryas. But recently the theory appeared to have been debunked by new dating of meteor craters in North America where the comet is thought to have struck.
The Vulture Stone, at Gobekli Tepe CREDIT: ALISTAIR COOMBS
However, when engineers studied animal carvings made on a pillar – known as the vulture stone – at Gobekli Tepe they discovered that the creatures were actually astronomical symbols which represented constellations and the comet.
The idea had been originally put forward by author Graham Hancock in his book Magicians of the Gods.
Using a computer program to show where the constellations would have appeared above Turkey thousands of years ago, they were able to pinpoint the comet strike to 10,950BC, the exact time the Younger Dryas begins according to ice core data from Greenland.
The Younger Dryas is viewed as a crucial period for humanity, as it roughly coincides with the emergence of agriculture and the first Neolithic civilizations.
Before the strike, vast areas of wild wheat and barley had allowed nomadic hunters in the Middle East to establish permanent base camps. But the difficult climate conditions following the impact forced communities to come together and work out new ways of maintaining the crops, through watering and selective breeding. Thus farming began, allowing the rise of the first towns.
Edinburgh researchers said the carvings appear to have remained important to the people of Gobekli Tepe for millennia, suggesting that the event and cold climate that followed likely had a very serious impact.
Dr Martin Sweatman, of the University of Edinburgh’s School of Engineering, who led the research, said: “I think this research; along with the recent finding of a widespread platinum anomaly across the North American continent virtually seal the case in favor of (a Younger Dryas comet impact).
“Our work serves to reinforce that physical evidence. What is happening here is the process of paradigm change.
“It appears Göbekli Tepe was, among other things, an observatory for monitoring the night sky. One of its pillars seems to have served as a memorial to this devastating event – probably the worst day in history since the end of the ice age.” Gobekli Tepe, is thought to be the world’s oldest temple site, which dates from around 9,000 BC. Researchers believe the images were intended as a record of the cataclysmic event, and that a further carving showing a headless man may indicate human disaster and extensive loss of life.
Symbolism on the pillars also indicates that the long-term changes in Earth’s rotational axis was recorded at this time using an early form of writing, and that Gobekli Tepe was an observatory for meteors and comets. The finding also supports a theory that Earth is likely to experience periods when comet strikes are more likely, owing to the planet’s orbit intersecting orbiting rings of comet fragments in space.
But despite the ancient age of the pillars, Dr Sweatman does not believe it is the earliest example of astronomy in the archaeological record. “Many Paleolithic cave paintings and artifacts with similar animal symbols and other repeated symbols suggest astronomy could be very ancient indeed
The research is published in Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry.
A new study has reported evidence of a comet or meteorite or low-density object barreling toward Earth, exploding in the upper atmosphere and triggering a devastating swath that wiped out most of the large animals, their habitat and humans of that period. “The detonation either fried them or compressed them because of the shock wave. It was a mini nuclear winter,” said Ted Bunch, NAU adjunct professor of geology and former NASA researcher who specializes in impact craters.
The presence of around 500,000 elliptical craters, ranging from a few hundred meters to 11 kilometers in size, across the entire eastern seaboard of the United States, from New Jersey down to Miami, is perhaps the greatest clue. A comet which entered the earth’s atmosphere from the north-west over Alaska and disintegrated into millions of pieces that detonated above the ground, very much in the manner of the small comet which caused the Tunguska event in Siberia in June 1908. Is it just a coincidence that more than two million huge holes were gouged into the ground – all at the same time – about 12,000 years ago at a magnetic reversal?
Alexander Tollmann, “a professor in the institute of geology at the University of Vienna, compared the numerous myths of a great flood, recorded in almost every prehistoric civilization, with the geological evidence for a comet impact at about the same time.. Islands and caves are found filled with ancient bones showing a great catastrophe in our distant past. Thanks to the Telegraph

Shek Husen, Tamil Nadu farmer

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This man claims to be a TN farmer -His real background will SHOCK you!/ TN Farmers call off protest in Delhi -But the timing is suspicious!/ EXPOSED: The TRUTH about the Protesting TN Farmers in New Delhi!



https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/?tab=wm#inbox/15ba03f7713270f5

 

(1) This man claims to be a TN farmer -His real background will SHOCK you!

Background of Shek Husen -TN Farmer protests Background of Shek Husen -TN Farmer protests
The so called farmers from Tamil Nadu have been protesting New Delhi for over 42 days in the scorching heat. But something is not at all right. Most of their demands have already been met, but yet the excessive media attention continues. We decided to carry on an investigation in the background of the people who are protesting, particularly one “Shek Husen”. What we found sent shivers down our spine.
Shek Husen man has been part of the protest from Day 1. He claims to be a farmer from Tamil Nadu. A small run through his background. But is he? He was a former manager in a local Tamil Nadu daily called Dina Mathi. But so what, that is nothing shocking. The real shock comes now.
As we were carrying on a background check into this person, we learnt that he is a part of the Periyar Kazhagam, an extreme atheist group. He is a staunch follow of EV Ramaswamy or Periyar, the same person who garlanded several Hindu idols with garlands of slippers. But, let us ignore this too, after all he is also entitles to his freedom!
The next thing we struck upon is absolute gold. This man is against the Indian Army! He has spoken several times against the Indian Army’s role in Kashmir. In fact, Shek Husen deands a free Kashmir and accuses the Indian Army of “raping the natives of Kashmir”. So why did this anti-India element end up becoming a part of the Kashmir protests?
Shek Husen updates his profile picture against an Indian Kashmir Shek Husen updates his profile picture against an Indian KashmirShek Husen accuses the Indian Army of being rapists Shek Husen accuses the Indian Army of being rapists
This is not all. He is a staunch supporter of terrorist Afzal Guru who attacked the Indian parliament. He has written several articles in Tamil supporting Afzal Guru. He was also reportedly “very sad” when Afzal Guru was hanged as per the orders of the Supreme Court.
Shek Husen posts in favor of terrorist Afzal Guru Shek Husen posts in favor of terrorist Afzal Guru
One simple question remains, why did he join the protest? If this is really a movement to get justice for the farmers of Tamil Nadu, why is it being infiltrated by several anti-India terrorist sympathizers? It is time we stood up and asked the right questions and demanded answers. Jai Hind! (Also read: The Truth about the protesting TN farmers!)

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(2) BREAKING: TN Farmers call off protest in Delhi -But the timing is suspicious!

Delhi: The protesting TN farmers
Delhi: The protesting TN farmers

Protest called off by farmers

In confirmed news received just minutes ago through our sources in Delhi, the Tamil Nadu farmers who were protesting in the nation’s capital have called off the protest. The reason being cited by them is that Tamil Nadu’c Chief Minister has given them an assurance that he will act on the issue immediately.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister was in New Delhi today. He met Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, and Home Minister Rajnath Singh and discussed the plight of Tamil Nadu’s farmers with them. Sources also said that the Center has promised an additional drought relief package to Tamil Nadu over and above the Rs 2,000 crore package which has already been released.
Why right after MCD elections?
But this incident has raised severe suspicion over the motive of this protests. Earlier today, we had reported how the demands of these farmers seem quite dubious and unjust. Further developments also showed how Congress, Aam Aadmi Party and several other anti-National elements had infiltrated the protest.
What is shocking is that the farmers have called off the protest today, right after the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) elections got over. Considering the involvement of Congress and AAP in these protests, it remains to be answered as to whether this was a movement just to gather South Indian votes in Delhi.
Why did they protest in Delhi?
Further, is the farmers merely wanted an assurance from the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, why at all were they protesting in New Delhi? Why were they questioning Narendra Modi when he had already released Rs 2,000 crore for them? Why were they making a fiasco in Delhi when waiving loans of farmers is the duty of a state and not the Center?
These questions remain to be answered. As of now, the farmers have called of the protests till 25th May, 2017. What remains to be answered is that when the Chennai High Court had clearly directed the State Government and not the Center to waive off the farmer’s loans, why were they protesting in Delhi?
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(3) EXPOSED: The TRUTH about the Protesting TN Farmers in New Delhi!


Delhi: The protesting TN farmers

The hidden truth about the protest by “TN Farmers”!

Eating rats and snakes, running naked and drinking their own urine, these farmers have surely grabbed a lot of eyeballs. So what do these farmers really want? They want the Prime Minister to intervene and help them recover from the drought-like situation in Tamil Nadu. They have 3 basic demands: 1. Waiver of all loans of TN farmers, 2. A hefty 40,000 crore drought relief package, and 3. Better Minimum Support Prices or MSPs.
When I first saw them protesting, just like most Indians, I was convinced that their demands were quite justified. But when I saw the increased media attention on the issue, I thought I should do some investigation. I remembered, “When the Indian media is throwing excessive limelight on a particular issue, it is only to shift your mind from something more important”. So I did look into it, and what I found was startling:

Their first demand is to waive loans.

Well, let us look at a state that recently waived loans of farmers -Uttar Pradesh. Let us also consider a state that did it before them – Andhra Pradesh. Well one thing is obvious, waiver of farmer’s loans is a job of the State Government. Instead of questioning the Government they have at the state, for some vague reason, they are drinking urine on the streets of Delhi and blaming Modi for it.

Their second demand is a 40,000 crore drought relief package.

Not many know that the Modi Government already announced and released a draught package for the TN farmers. The amount was Rs 2,000 crore. But what the TN farmers are demanding is somewhat unreasonable. After a complete waiver of loans, what do they need so much money for? In fact, the first question should be, what did the state government do with the 2,000 crore that Modi sent? The amount they are demanding is extremely unreasonable. They need to understand that the Central Government cannot just mint the money they are asking for. For God’s sake, BE REASONABLE!

Their third demand is an increase in the MSP

Well, they need to first know what the reality is. During 2013-14 when Congress was in power the MSP for paddy was Rs. 1,310 per quintal. Currently, the MSP for paddy is Rs 1,470 per quintal. That is a 12.21% increase in the MSP of paddy. This is an extremely steep increase and is much higher than the inflation rate of the country. Keeping their promise, the Modi Government has raised the MSP for several produces from the first year of their Government. But funnily, these TN farmers don’t seem to see this.
Now,I was pretty sure that they were being backed by some bogus political party or missionary or media house.
So I continued by investigation into the matter and was in for a huge shock. I found certain photos and other documents which proved the obvious – this is simply another anti-Modi movement supported by politicial parties who are desperate to finish the Modi wave in India. In fact, this was quite obvious for anyone who stepped in to see these people protesting. Well, if you do not believe me, have a look at the image below. Things would certainly be quite clear for you!
Rahul Gandhi joins the protest with TN farmers
AAP joins TN Farmers protest
AAP joins TN Farmers protest
One thing before I sign off.
My heart bleeds for the TN farmers who have been affected by the drought. We must do everything to help them. Seriously, the farmers who have fallen victim to these people with vested interests who fool them by promising “justice” need to be helped ASAP. But what is really transpiring, I feel Narendra Modi‘s silence on the matter is very much justified.

Kaalaadhan. The hat-trick in 70 days of running a party. Arrest of Dinakaran on 25 April 2017.

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70 நாட்களில் எல்லாம் முடிந்தது... நடந்தது என்ன?






சென்னை: பிப்.,15ல் அ.தி.மு.க., துணைப்பொதுச்செயலராக தனது புதிய அரசியல் அத்தியாயத்தை துவங்கிய தினகரன் , ஏப்.,25ல் கைது செய்யப்பட்டதன் மூலம், சரியாக 70 நாட்களுக்குள் அதற்கு முடிவுரை எழுதப்பட்டுள்ளது.

கடந்து வந்த பாதை:

2017, பிப்., 15: அ.தி.மு.க., துணைப்பொதுச்செயலராக சசிகலாவால் நியமனம்

பிப்., 16: எடப்பாடி தமிழக முதல்வராக தேர்வு; முதல் வரிசையில் அமர்ந்து ரசித்தார் தினகரன்

மார்ச் 15: ஆர்.கே.நகர் இடைத்தேர்தலில் போட்டியிடப்போவதாக அறிவிப்பு

மார்ச் 22: இரட்டை இலை சின்னத்தை தேர்தல் ஆணையம் முடக்கியது.

மார்ச் 23: தொப்பியுடன் அ.தி.மு.க., அம்மா அணியாக ஆர்.கே.நகரில் களமிறங்கினார்.

ஏப்.,7: அமைச்சர் விஜயபாஸ்கர் வீட்டில் ஐ.டி., ரெய்டு

ஏப்., 10: பணப்பட்டுவாடா புகார் எதிரொலி; ஆர்.கே.நகர் இடைத்தேர்தல் ரத்து

ஏப்.,17: ரூ.1.30 கோடியுடன் சுகேஷ் டில்லியில் கைது; தினகரன் மீது வழக்கு பதிவு

ஏப்.,18: தினகரனை அ.தி.மு.க.,விலிருந்து விலக்கி வைப்பதாக அமைச்சர்கள் அறிவிப்பு

ஏப்.,19: கட்சி நடவடிக்கைகளில் இருந்து ஒதுங்கிகொள்வதாக தினகரன் அறிவிப்பு

ஏப்.,19: வீட்டிற்கு வந்து தினகரனுக்கு நேரில் ஆஜராக உத்தரவிட்டு சம்மன் தந்தனர் டில்லி போலீசார்

ஏப்.,22: டில்லி போலீசாரிடம் நேரில் ஆஜர். 7 மணி நேரம் விசாரணை. சுகேஷ் யாரென தெரியாது என்றார்.

ஏப்.,23: 2வது நாளாக ஆஜர். 9 மணி நேரம் விசாரணை. 

ஏப்.,24: 3வது நாளாக ஆஜர். 13 மணி நேரம் விசாரணை. ஒற்றை வரியில் பதில்.

ஏப்., 25: 4வது நாளாக ஆஜர். 7 மணி நேரம் விசாரணை. ஆதாரங்களை அடுக்கினர் டில்லி போலீசார். ஒப்புக்கொண்டார் தினகரன் . நள்ளிரவில் கைது.


அதிகபட்ச சிறை தண்டனை:

தேர்தல் கமிஷனுக்கு இரட்டை இலை சின்னம் பெறுவது தொடர்பாக லஞ்சம் கொடுக்க முயன்ற வழக்கில் கைது செய்யப்பட்டுள்ள தினகரன், முதல் குற்றவாளியாக சேர்க்கப்பட்டு, ஜாமினில் வெளிவர முடியாத 4 பிரிவுகளின் கீழ் நடவடிக்கை எடுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதாக தெரிய வருகிறது. இதனால் தினகரனுக்கு சிறை தண்டனை உறுதியாக கிடைப்பதுடன், அதிகபட்ச சிறைதண்டனை கிடைக்கும் என்றும் எதிர்பார்க்கப்படுகிறது. 

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