- @Swamy39 Bharat mahaan, भारत माता की जै जीवेम शरदः शतम You are Sarasvati's children. Take the राष्ट्रम to great heights, her destiny.
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जीवेम शरदः शतम May you live a hundred autumns in the service of the राष्ट्रम
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Cry my beloved country -- Dr. Mrs. Hilda Raja
CRY My Beloved Country
In a reminiscent mood I think of the sad plight of my beloved country.-my motherland. This reminiscence takes me to the reasons that make me sad. There is a narration in the Bible which says that a father had two sons. The younger one demanded his share and left the father’s house. He squandered and wasted and was forced to live in pigs styes and eat the food of the pigs. He was remorseful and thought of his father and the rich life and the abundance of food. He then regretted and decided to go back to his father’s house. His father who was every day looking out for his son who had left him was filled with joy when his son returned. The son fell at his feet and begged pardon. The father embraced him and called the older son and ordered him to slaughter the fattest hog and prepare a feast. The older son was flabbergasted. This son who took his inheritance and wasted everything- you want to welcome him and feast his return he queried. The father told him, ‘Son you were always with me. But this son I lost but has come back. He is remorseful of what he did’. It is but in the fitness of things that we celebrate the return of this lost son. This does not quite reveal the Partition of my country. But it does have significance because the two sons are one and lived peacefully with their father. India’s partition is entirely the opposite. Here it is the demand to have the cake and eat it too. The Muslims who are in India and who stayed back want more than the share of the Hindu brethren. In fact they refuse to accept this country as a Hindu Rastra while welcoming the Muslims to live in India the Hindus cannot and will not allow their rights to be trampled.
I was wondering if this would in any way be an analogy for the partition of my beloved country. In a way yes, and in many ways no. The Muslim leaders convinced the Indian leaders like Gandhi and Nehru that the Muslims will not be able to integrate with the Hindus hence they demanded a separate country to live according to their religion. It was then that they were given a part of the country. It is then legally and politically compulsory that all Muslims should take their inheritance share and leave Hindustan. But it is in this aspect that Gandhi and Nehru failed the Indian people and betrayed this country’s interest. They generously allowed the Muslims who wanted to stay back to remain in India. In the case of the prodigal son which I narrated above, he returned with remorse. But here the Muslims wanted the cake and eat it too. And those who stayed back now make it evident that the Hindus cannot live according to their beliefs and finds it hurtful. Even that can be taken in our stride but they fail to respect the beliefs and the ethos of this country. Nobody forced them to stay back-nobody asked them to accept the rites and rituals of the Hindus. But on no basis can they have any objection if these are public manifestations and/ or private way of life. It is the duty of the Muslims not only to accept to these but to show sensitivity to the religious sentiments and expressions of the Hindus.. They surely have no right to object .But on the other hand they find it irksome and disturbing if the Hindus make public their way of life. One would think that the Muslims would respect the Hindus and their beliefs. Would not in any way find it hurtful because in this Hindu rastra it is their right of the Hindus to uphold their culture and their beliefs.This may be in the forms of worship or any other aspect .Can the Hindus or the Christians go to any one of the Islamic country and fulfill their religious duties-worship and uphold the demands of their religions? Then why are the Muslims so intolerant to the Hindus and hurt their religious sentiments? I have in mind the cow .It is sacred to the Hindus. Hence the ban on slaughtering the cow.If one needs to stay in this Hindu rastra then one has to peacefully co-exist respect the and not hurt the religious sentiments of the Hindus. Take for example depicting Allah. Will the Muslims allow it or tolerate it? Depiction of Allah even in the best form is forbidden. The Hindus are called upon to respect this. But does it not follow that the Muslims should also extend the same to the Hindus? Can they demean and denigrate the Hindu gods and goddesses? It is civil and necessary to respect the sentiments and the feelings of other religions. Why does this not be followed by the Muslims in India? It is this that has many a time troubled and angered the Hindus. Who in their turn wanted to retaliate?
The Muslims are also called upon to respect the laws of the land-the Constitution of India and uphold it. They cannot be under the Sharia law for civil matters and adapt the Indian penal code for criminal offences. If a Hindu/Christian defies the Koranic law in any Islamic country the culprit is not judged according to the offender’s law but by the Koranic law.Hence an eye for an eye-beheading-lashing in public etc.But here in India the Muslims want their double law system.-they refuse to come under one Uniform Civil code-to demand more than what is their due and worse to demand that they have more rights and the Hindus cannot assert their rights-built their Ram temple for example is a bit pushing the Hindus to a corner. May I then ask where must Ram temple be built?
Of course all the politicians of every hue will proclaim that all have same rights. This for the vote bank purpose .Towards this vote bank strategy the Hindus are reminded that this is a secular country. So what is the meaning of secular may I ask? If the different religious people cannot integrate-cannot accept the ethos of the Hindus? What is wrong if one calls this country a Hindu country? Do we not have ‘Christian’ countries Do we not have ‘Islamic’ countries-why only India must not call itself a Hindu country. Even the restriction of the rites and rituals of the Hindus are enforced. Take for example the Ganesh idol immersion- the routes must not be in the vicinity of any mosque. The temple lands come under the government supervision which has the Hindu religious Endowment Board. Then why not the Wafk Board lands and the church lands also come under government control? If one has to be fair then at least let the Hindu temple lands be governed by the Hindus. That is secularism. But to pamper only the Christians and the Muslims and allowing then to manage/mismanage their assets and lands does not indicate ‘secularism’. The same goes for the Minority Rights.If education institutions can be administered and managed by the Muslims and the Christians why not extend the same to the Hindus. Let them manage or mismanage-it is their business. Education is a powerful tool and today it is only a money making enterprise. Allowing the Christians and Muslims to mismanage with no control or supervision does not make this country secular. Either you treat all the same but to prove the secularism of this country does not call in for unequal rights and more rights to the minorities. Let every one be equal-that is a Fundamental right. Look at the effect of this Minority Rights. The Madrassas are government financed-why so? The Muslim children are groomed in ghettos and not allowed to learn and grow with others. No wonder the Muslim leaders plainly told Gandhi and Nehru that they cannot integrate with the Hindus. But why should the people’s tax money go towards this fundamentalism and this pampering at the cost of great risks to the nation? One can go on pointing out the discrimination and the mismanagement of the Minority Institutions-All with the tax money of the people. The salaries and pensions are paid by the government. The admission policy is their own.
It is relevant in this context to note that Justice Sachar and other Muslim leaders pointed out to the Muslims’ backwardness-both economically and educationally. They seem to blame India and its leaders for it. This is far from truth. The Muslims want to live in ghettos. It must be also noted that Justice Sachar’s survey was not very scientific .If one goes to the by lanes and the shanties it will be only poverty that one will see. The same can be said of the other communities. But Sachar forgets that the Muslims in the Film world-the leather industry, in marketing etc have enormous wealth. They too have a Azim Premji and many like him. Did Justice Sachar reckon with this? If so then the spread of wealth will negate the poverty that the Muslims are in. You can find what you want in a survey .Have they not education institutions in which they can admit all their own irrespective of the marks. So why should they be illiterate and uneducated. Having got more than their share why now exhibit the poor condition-the unemployment, the poverty etc in which they are seeped. Is it not their own making? They beget large families. Recently an English paper gave the story of a couple having 16 children and still looking forward to beget more till they get a male! So what do they want from the rest of the people? Why do they want the Hindu majority’s tax money to go down the drain for Justice Sachar to lament how they are neglected?
It has become the fashion of political leaders to state that we have more Muslims in India than in Pakistan.Is that a great achievement? But it is true. Where does the resource come from for all the subsidies? Why have they not accepted Family Planning? When I visited Mallapuram in Kerala as a Consultant I asked the women why they have not restricted the size of the families.Most of the men were working in the Middle East and they have cash and jewels and land.Their priorities are different. Yet Mallapuram has been declared a Backward district-thus eligible for all the development programs. When I asked the women’s groups why they have not adopted the FP the reply I got was, ‘Our ‘Palli’ authorites will not allow it’. Then ask your mosque authorities to finance you I stated at a public meeting.This large family size has repercussions on development and is definitely not secular. Mercy to some will be injustice to all. Now the demand is for reservation for the Muslims.I would blame the political leaders. For the sake of the vote bank politics they mortgage the country and its development. All said and done the Muslims in India are better off in Human Resource Index than in Pakistan.Then why scream oneself hoarse that Muslims are neglected and even justify terrorism on poverty and unemployment? Does all the other communities youth who are unemployed become terrorists. I am actually fed up with the utterance that all Muslims are not terrorists. That is true, but all terrorists are Muslims. Exceptions do not make the rule. So the UPA government was all out to detect ‘Saffron’ terror. As though that will justify the horror of terrorism both from within and cross border. So by giving part of my motherland-by trying to share the inheritance what have we bargained for? Coming to Partition we have brought this terrorism by the creation of Pakistan. It is going to be a constant risk and worry for India. Look how that country shelters Dawood Ibrahim.Look at its constant violation of the LOC? Look at its perception of the Kashmir issue. See how Kashmir has been populated and by whom. Hence it is with a purpose they demand along with some other countries for a Referendum. Can any one political leader of any one party vouch that Pakistan will cease to be a threat to India….How will the Muslims here in India react to Pakistan and its aggressive violations? Why have the Muslims on many occasions raised the Pakistani flag? Will this be tolerated in any other country? What do you call such an act?
Upholding the truth and speaking out will amount today to ‘instigation’ and causing unrest. Is it not fair and just to demand Equal Rights-Is it not fair and just to demand that all communities be subject to the rules and regulations of the country. Why does religion come in the picture? Why this ‘Minority’ and why this differential treatment for minorities. Let all be citizens of this country and be treated so. Let the Minority Rights be deleted from the Constitution and let there be Equality as the supreme yardstick for all.
It is but reasonable to take extra care and concern and be sensitive to the economically backward-but not on religious basis and not on caste basis. After 67 years if we still hold on to Reservation then one must accept the simple truth that Reservation has not benefited the down trodden. Who uses the reservation? This is like free electricity for the farmers-Who benefits from this- those who have land.But not the rural laborers and the marginal farmers. This is one example to show how the government’s schemes are highjacked. Does it not mean that Lalu Prasad Yadav‘s children are eligible for reservation. Once P.Chidambaram did confess that he used the reservation quota….Similarly former President KR Narayanan’s daughter got her posting using the SC tag. How fair are these. I know a family in Chennai-with father and brothers all IAS and doctors-using the reservation quota for jobs and admissions. Should we not put a stop to this plunder of the exchequer?
Coming to secularism-The political leaders cannot and should not use this against the Hindus. Because secularism is the very intrinsic makeup of the Hindu dharma .Hence Sanatana Dharma-Vasudeva kudumbum etc.It is the secular inbuilt of Hinduism that allowed all religions to flourish in India.Hinduism welcomed all religions-Is it not a fact that world religions evolved, flourished and spread in India. If the Hindu religion had not secularism at its core then it could have easily vanquished the others.Did it ever resort to violence for conversion and then like Pope Francis now ask forgiveness and get applause! Whose ‘ parampara’ is conversion through violence –Were the Hindus not persecuted –butchered and converted. Were their temples not destroyed? It is easy to say that it is the past. What you reap what you sow. Yes, it is the past but the history of a country is linked to its past and along with the present moves to the future. It has an impact. Why now call for banning ghar wapsi? One has to go to Tamilnadu and witness the scale of conversions.
So let us stop blaming the Hindus-calling them the ‘fringe groups’ and making it look that they are intolerant and fundamentalists. Are the other religions not Fundamentalists? How long can the Hindus be subjected to this insult and abuse of their ethos and their culture and suppression. So it is not for the political class to preach down to the Hindus of secularism because the kind of secularism which is being upheld by the Netas are vote bank garnering strategy. In the name of secularism one cannot and should not deny Hindus their legitimate rights in this Hindu rastra.I wish some of the NGOs and Human Rights activists try their brand of secularism in any one of the Islamic countries. Nay even in other countries the world over. Here religion takes priority and Christians have their headquarters outside India-either in Germany,Rome and England. While Muslims have their own fatwas.What has religions to do with headquarters outside the country to appeal to the Indian voters for whom to vote and for whom not to…One must learn from China. The fact is that the children of the Book have divided loyalties-one to their religious headquarters and directions and the other here in India. This often clashes and the people (read minorities) are at a loss ….I am not saying this from hear say but was present in a church when the pulpit was used to direct the congregation whom to vote for…..Why has the Muslim religion to ensure fatwas .Is this secularism? What if all the temples regularly congregate and give such instructions .But the point is Hindu religion is not ordered and disciplined that way. Each one is free to make his/her choice. Now when pushed to a corner it also reacts then the hackles are raised and the saffron and fringe groups are blamed. Modi is asked to rein in them. What about reining in the Christian funded NGOs? It must be noted that every action has a reaction. How long can the Hindus be at the receiving end? Is it not time to assert their own rights in their own country? Can they do this in Islamic countries and no Human Rights groups-no world organizations take note of the human rights violation in these countries. Is there freedom of religion in any Islamic country? Why then this silence. Now look at the film writers, the Sahitya Akademic award winners-the scientists have joined them against the intolerance that is showing its head in India…Who is instigating them? Which political power and vested interest are behind all this? One has only to watch the English TV channels and then even if one’s IQ is low it will be easy to identify the bias and the jaundiced visions.It is clear that most of these channels are owned by church and foreign persons. It is time that the government steps in. China would not allow this. If the BJP government steps in then it will be said that the voice of the people are being throttled. But the people are being throttled by these channels. One has only to listen to Arnab Goswami and now Zakk Jacob is following his example. Can we not detect the tone and tenor and the bias.If it is Bakhra Dutt it is so evident her bias and her carefully crafted queries. We can easily notice that the group she assembles as viewers is carefully selected and the answers are what the anchor wants to hear. This is brain washing. Should this not be stopped? So it is again shutting the voice of the people-freedom of expression at stake. It was fine when the Emergency was imposed. The party which imposed Emergency today pretends to be the great freedom of expression champion. What with the likes of Mani Shankar Iyer who went to the extent of saying that Modi will never win the elections-if he wants he can come and serve tea in the AICC. Such arrogance he has. And this is the man who cannot and will not win a single election.But must stay put in New Delhi for this he must speak of the Nehru-Gandhi Family . So these people cannot stomach the idea of Modi being at the helm of affairs and still worse cannot relish the fact that he is doing well. It is Nehru-Gandhi family alone which they think has the Divine Right to rule this country. That much for democracy, secularism and pluralism. Cry my Beloved Country
Dr Mrs Hilda Raja,
Vadodara, Gujarat.
( Dr. [Mrs.] Hilda Raja was a Professor of Social Sciences, at the Stella Maris College, Chennai
https://hildaraja.wordpress.com/2015/10/30/cry-my-beloved-country-2/↧
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Indian Ocean's South China Sea is hotting up with US Security presence. Time for India to form Indian Ocean Community
South China Sea disputes increasing demand for US security presence: Pentagon chief
Reuters | Nov 1, 2015, 11.55 AM IST
USS Lassen (DDG 82) transiting in formation with ROKS Sokcho (PCC 778) during exercise Foal Eagle 2015, in waters east of the Korean Peninsula.
• The dispute is causing countries in the region to increase their demand for an American security presence.
• The move triggered a warning from Beijing that a minor incident in the area could spark war.
• US defence secretary Ash Carter is due to arrive in Seoul on Sunday and is scheduled to hold talks with South Korea's defence
• The move triggered a warning from Beijing that a minor incident in the area could spark war.
• US defence secretary Ash Carter is due to arrive in Seoul on Sunday and is scheduled to hold talks with South Korea's defence
OSAN AIR BASE: Disputes over territory in the South China Sea are causing countries in the region to increase their demand for an American security presence, the US defense chief said on Sunday.
A US warship sailed within 12 nautical miles of one of China's man-made islands in South China Sea on Tuesday in the most significant US challenge yet to territorial limits Beijing claims around the Spratly archipelago.
The move triggered an angry rebuke from Beijing and a warning that a minor incident in the area, which is one of the world's busiest sea lanes, could spark war if the United States did not stop what it called "provocative acts."
Beijing rejects arbitration over South China Sea
"The attention to disputed claims in the South China Sea, the prominence of those disputes, is having the effect of causing many countries in the region to want to intensify their security cooperation with the United States," US defence secretary Ash Carter told reporters on his way to South Korea.
Carter said discussions at an upcoming defense summit in Malaysia would include developments in the South China Sea, "the most notable of which in the last year has been the unprecedented rate of dredging and military activity by China."
Carter is due to arrive in Seoul later on Sunday and is scheduled to hold talks with South Korea's defence chief on Monday, focused on the allies' response to North Korea's nuclear and missile programs.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/china/South-China-Sea-disputes-increasing-demand-for-US-security-presence-Pentagon-chief/articleshowprint/49615755.cms
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NaMo in parivartan rallies, Madhubani, Madhepura, Katihar Electrifying atmosphere in every rally, stunners of democracy at work in Bharat
कटिहार, मधुबनी और मधेपुरा की रैलियों के कुछ दृश्य http://nm-4.com/ocq
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TNKED46YIo8 Streamed live on Nov 1, 2015PM Shri Narendra Modi at Parivartan Rally in Madhubani, Bihar : 1.11.2015
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M84gWRgVCPo (29:05) Scheduled for Nov 1, 2015
PM Shri Narendra Modi at Parivartan Rally in Madhepura, Bihar: 1.11.2015
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-rH7IF7lcAY (46:25)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-rH7IF7lcAY (46:25)
Started on Nov 1, 2015
Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi at Parivartan Rally in Katihar, Bihar on November 1, 2015.
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Ramayana, with a Mughal brush -- Navina Najat Haidar
Published: October 31, 2015 17:42 IST | Updated: October 31, 2015 20:27 IST October 31, 2015
Ramayana, with a Mughal brush
Mughal rulers encouraged the creation of some of the most iconic Hindu art.
As the idea of a unified, secular India appears to be giving way to a divided and polarised one, the art of the past sends a special message: that India’s greatest artistic achievements arise out of inclusiveness, not division. Painters, musicians, dancers, writers, poets, textile-makers, builders, metal and stone workers, jewellers, cooks and other creative individuals have knitted India together over centuries, creating a fabric that reflects a blend of faiths and regions, and many foreign influences. Here are five masterpieces of the Mughal period to reflect upon. In doing so, let’s ask the question: Do we prefer the inspiring vision of India they provide, and celebrate the cosmopolitan reality that produced these treasures, or do we accept the intolerant and provincial alternative that is unfolding? The claim that India is a monolithic culture, as reflected in some imagined past, is belied by centuries of artistic production. The Mughal period brought together talented artists from all regions and religions together to create extraordinary works of art. In their time, these works provided pride, pleasure and education to their viewers. It is hoped that they will do so again here.
In 1574, Mughal emperor Akbar (reign 1556-1605) created a bureau of Records and Translation at Fatehpur Sikri. The aim was to translate important texts, including Hindu epics, into Persian and to illustrate them in the royal workshops. In order to accomplish this task, scholarly Mullahs and Pandits collaborated over several years as Sanskrit texts were reborn in Persian — the Mahabharata became the Razmnama; the Vishnu Purana and Kathasaritsagara were translated; and four illustrated versions of the Ramayana were made — three for different members of the Mughal royal family and one for a Rajput ally. For the artists at the Mughal court (which included Muslims, Hindus, Europeans and women painters), illustrating these manuscripts posed a special challenge because this was an almost entirely new type of imagery. For example, there is no surviving evidence that the Ramayana was illustrated in manuscript form before the 16th century. So, many of these paintings are innovations of the Mughal period.
One masterpiece from the Harivamsa depicts Krishna lifting Mount Govardhan to protect the villagers of Braj from the wrath of Indra. At the very centre of the painting stands the blue god, executed in the naturalistic Mughal style, but also bearing his attributes of blue skin, vanmala and peacock crown. The mountain is painted as a mass of stylised rocks, derived from Persian, and ultimately Chinese, painting, and is filled with plants, birds and animals. Clustered below are the villagers of Braj, along with a trio of Mughal courtiers. Among the old men, sadhus, young boys, and women, one female figure on the right is loosely based upon a European print image of the Madonna. Of equal interest is the group of cows in the foreground that are painted with great sensitivity and individualisation. While temple sculpture of the period tends to show Krishna using his little finger to lift the mountain, in this painting he performs the miraculous act with the flat of his palm. This small but significant detail shows that the unknown artist was in line with the earliest iconography of this subject, such as in the relief carvings at Mamallapuram (7th century). The miracle of this and other such works of its kind reflect a simple fact — that Muslim patronage was a vital key to the development of Hindu religious painting.
The verses of 13th century Sufi poet Amir Khusrao were illustrated in the late 16th century at the Mughal court. Among the exceptional artists involved in the project was the master Basawan, who is one of the talents named by Abu’l Fazl in his famous chronicle, the Ain-i Akbari. Here, Basawan has depicted a tale where a Muslim pilgrim meets a Hindu Brahmin. He asks the Brahmin why he is crawling on the ground, who replies that he has turned his heart into a foot and travels upon it in devotion to his deity. The Muslim pilgrim is so impressed by this show of piety that he removes his own shoes to continue barefoot on his way. Basawan was one of the first Mughal artists to be deeply interested in the European styles of shading, modelling and volume, techniques which can be seen in this painting. The inscriptions visible on the page are by the hand of another Mughal master — calligrapher Muhammad Husain Kashmiri, whom Akbar titled ‘Zarin Qalam’ or Golden Pen, for his beautiful handwriting.
So, we see again a coming-together between Muslim and Hindu on every level, from patron to writer and artist to calligrapher to have made this work possible. How appropriate, especially for a story that essentially is a metaphor for the meeting of Islam and Hinduism in the subcontinent.
The tradition of illustrating Hindu subject matter at the Mughal court continued through the 17th century and, from the period of Shah Jahan (reign 1628-58), another great painting survives, attributed to Mughal master Payag in about 1630. The subject is the fearsome Devi Bhairavi, shown here in a cremation ground, with Shiva appearing as an ash-covered devotee. Seven funeral pyres burn around, and jackals edge close while the ground is filled with human bones and corpses. The devotee expels a fiery breath, possibly to indicate a mantra, while the goddess herself spews blood, wears skulls, and also varieties of Mughal-style jewellery. Remarkable for its conceptual depth and iconographical sophistication, a close study of the painting has revealed that Payag relied in part on 17th century European images of the Crucifixion to create the scattered bones in the landscape, and also to create the naturalistic modeling of the figures. The image of the Devi herself may have evolved from an early Mughal illustrated Devi Mahatmya series, although here the rich detail of the iconography is unprecedented. This painting was likely made for Shah Jahan as a gift for the Hindu ruler of Mewar, to which collection it later went and where it got its visible Devanagari inscriptions. This particular goddess is among the rarest images of the Hindu pantheon, yet has emerged in full force at the Mughal court.
The beautiful flower at the centre of this kalamkari tent panel of the late 17th century is an imagined plant, as demonstrated by the different blossoms and leaves which grow out of the same stalk. This sense of fantasy and imagination is a hallmark of the Deccan schools of art, which flourished under the patronage of the Sultans of the Deccan courts of Bijapur, Golconda, Ahmadnagar, Bidar and Berar. But they were not the only rulers who patronised the great painters and textile dyers of the region. The Mughal and Rajput nobles, perched in the northern Deccan from the early 17th century in their bid to conquer the region, also employed kalamkari textiles as clothing, furnishing and tent panels, such as this example. This panel was once part of a tent made for Mirza Raja Jai Singh of Amber (reign 1622-67). His Rajput kingdom, along with many others, was part of the extended Mughal empire. This composite, multi-cultural and multi-faith alliance was poised, under the command of emperor Aurangzeb, to conquer another, equally diverse group of Muslim kingdoms in Deccan India, which they succeeded in doing by 1687.
The styles of art of this period speak of this mix of Mughals, Rajputs and Deccanis. Here, the flower is shown beneath a cusped arch with Chinese-inspired clouds in the sky. The idea of such ornamental flowers took shape in the Mughal world where by about 1640 such motifs were found all over architecture and decorative objects, including in the Deccan and Rajasthan. Not only did Mirza Raja Jai Singh purchase such kalamkaris (as indicated by the Amber toshakhana inventory notes on it and on many examples in Jaipur) but his memorial in the Deccan where he died is executed in the same Mughal-inspired aesthetic that we see in this piece. The language of ornament and artistic styles was thus shared across communities, and stands in marked contrasts with the prejudices and preferences being expressed today.
Mughal emperor Aurangzeb (reign 1658-1707) spent the last twenty-five or so years of his life in the northern Deccan, bent upon conquering the Muslim sultanates of the region. He finally succeeded, but he was already an old man by the time he did. The painting by the Hindu artist Bhavanidas portrays him on a palanquin in an open landscape with a royal army in the distance. The dramatic hills in the background indicate that the setting is the Deccan, which has a distinctive rocky terrain in some areas. The emperor himself sits on a palanquin which is carried by attendants and also noblemen. Paying homage to him are noble figures among them, probably his son and successor, Bahadur Shah I and his grandson. In the very front of the painting we see preparations for a shikar or royal hunt, with a party of huntsmen dressed in green. While the painting contains visible ink inscriptions in Persian giving the name of the painter Bhavanidas, the artist has also hidden his signature (also written in Persian) in a tiny gold inscription in the green ground, as was often done by Mughal artists.
This important work shows the production of painting in the late Aurangzeb period — one of the most distorted and misrepresented periods of Indian history today. It also demonstrates that the mature style of the period had evolved to encompass historical subjects, observation of daily life, the imperial image, and human portraiture, all of which can be seen here. Bhavanidas continued working in the Mughal atelier until 1719, after which he moved to the Rajput kingdom of Kishangarh and became its premier artist. The famous development of bhakti-themed paintings at that court would not have been possible without the Mughal input from artists such as him.
Thus, the creative energy of art emerges from the combination of forces, not their separation — a profoundly important message that is deliberately being forgotten today. The political obsession with a singular identity based on an assumed idea of purity rests on a falsehood about India’s historical past. The world has witnessed such impulses before and the effects have been devastating. In India’s case, the loss would be nothing less than the obliteration of its multifaceted and rich culture and history, to be replaced by a fictive distortion of what India was and ought to be. It is hoped that these masterpieces from the past inspire us to remember where India’s greatness lies.
Navina Najat Haidar is a historian of Indian and Islamic art. This article is available in five Indian languages:
"Krishna Holds Up Mount Govardhan to Shelter the Villagers of Braj", Folio from a Harivamsa (The Legend of Hari (Krishna))
Object Name: Folio from an illustrated manuscript
Date: ca. 1590–95
Geography: present-day Pakistan, probably Lahore
Culture: Islamic
Medium: Ink, opaque watercolor, and gold on paper
Dimensions: H. 11 3/8 in. x W. 7 7/8 in. (28.9 x 20 cm)
Classification: Codices
Credit Line: Purchase, Edward C. Moore Jr. Gift, 1928
Accession Number: 28.63.1 Metmuseum
The Hindu epics the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, and other texts such as the Harivamsa, a genealogy of Hari (or Krishna), were translated into Persian and illustrated for the first time during Akbar’s reign (1556–1605). Unlike other manuscript projects for which the Mughal court artists inherited a tradition of iconography and style from earlier Iranian manuscripts, they had to invent new compositions for these works. The present folio depicts Krishna holding up Mount Govardhan to protect the villagers of Braj from the rains sent by the god Indra.
"A Muslim Pilgrim Learns a Lesson in Piety from a Brahman", Folio from a Khamsa (Quintet) of Amir Khusrau Dihlavi
Poet: Amir Khusrau Dihlavi (1253–1325)
Calligrapher: Muhammad Husain Kashmiri (active ca. 1560–1611)
Artist: Painting by Basawan (Indian, active ca. 1556–1600)
Object Name: Folio from an illustrated manuscript
Date: 1597–98
Geography: India
Culture: Islamic
Medium: Image: Ink, opaque watercolor, and gold on paper Margins: Gold on dyed paper
Dimensions: H. 9 7/8 in. (25.1 cm) W. 6 1/4 in. (15.9 cm)
Classification: Codices
Credit Line: Gift of Alexander Smith Cochran, 1913
Accession Number: 13.228.29 Metmuseum
The Goddess Bhairavi Devi with Shiva
Artist: Attributed to Payag (Indian, active ca. 1591–1658)
Object Name: Illustrated album leaf
Date: ca. 1630–35
Geography: India
Culture: Islamic
Medium: Opaque watercolor and gold on paper
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Genome-wide analysis correlates Ayurveda Prakriti -- Periyasamy Govindaraj et al in Nature, 29 Oct. 2015
Genome-wide analysis correlatesAyurveda Prakriti
- Scientific Reports 5, Article number: 15786 (2015)
- doi:10.1038/srep15786
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Abstract
The practice of Ayurveda, the traditional medicine of India, is based on the concept of three major constitutional types (Vata, Pitta and Kapha) defined as “Prakriti”. To the best of our knowledge, no study has convincingly correlated genomic variations with the classification of Prakriti. In the present study, we performed genome-wide SNP (single nucleotide polymorphism) analysis (Affymetrix, 6.0) of 262 well-classified male individuals (after screening 3416 subjects) belonging to three Prakritis. We found 52 SNPs (p ≤ 1 × 10−5) were significantly different between Prakritis, without any confounding effect of stratification, after 106permutations. Principal component analysis (PCA) of these SNPs classified 262 individuals into their respective groups (Vata, Pitta and Kapha) irrespective of their ancestry, which represent its power in categorization. We further validated our finding with 297 Indian population samples with known ancestry. Subsequently, we found that PGM1 correlates with phenotype of Pitta as described in the ancient text of Caraka Samhita, suggesting that the phenotypic classification of India’s traditional medicine has a genetic basis; and its Prakriti-based practice in vogue for many centuries resonates with personalized medicine.
Introduction
Among the traditional systems of medicine practiced all over the world, Ayurveda of India has a documented history dating back to 1500 BCE1,2. Though contemporary medicine is currently the mainstream of medical practice in India, Ayurveda is extensively used side by side and remains highly popular, especially in South Asia. The basic concepts of Ayurveda are; 1. five elements – panchabhuta – which constitute the physical universe including the human body and; 2. three doshas (Vata, Pitta and Kapha) or constitutional types of every human. These doshas refer broadly to the functions of motion, digestion and cumulation. Though all three doshas exist in every human being one is dominant based on which an individual’s Prakriti is determined. Prakritis are discreet phenotypes and they are determined on the basis of physical, psychological, physiological and behavioural traits, and independent of social, ethnic and geographical variables1,3,4. The etymology of these Sanskrit terms suggests that Vata originates from movement, Pitta from digestion and Kapha from cumulation. Since Prakritisunderlie an individual’s predisposition to disease as well as response to treatment, it is imperative in Ayurvedicpractice to identify the Prakriti of a patient before treatment5.
Concept of Prakriti in Ayurveda and its relationship with genomics was hypothesized over a decade ago6. Subsequent studies have attempted to correlate Prakriticlassification with genetic information and association of single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in HLA-DRB17,CYP2C198, EGLN19, inflammatory and oxidative stress related genes10, CD markers for various blood cells11,12, DNA methylation alterations13 and risk factors of cardiovascular or inflammatory diseases have been reported14. While these studies have shown the association of specific genes with the phenotype of a particular Prakriti, the association of genomic variations with Prakriti classification was lacking. This is the first attempt to classify the Prakritis using genome-wide SNP markers and to provide a scientific basis for Prakriticlassification.
Results and Discussions
A total of 3,416 normal healthy male subjects between 20–30 years of age were recruited by the Institute of Ayurveda and Integrative Medicine (IAIM), Bangalore, Karnataka (‘B’ in tables); Sinhgad College of Engineering (SCE) Pune, Maharashtra (‘P’ in tables); and Shri Dharmasthala Manjunatheshwara College of Ayurveda (SDMCA), Udupi, Karnataka (‘U’ in tables). Since the hormonal fluctuations during premenstrual and menstrual phases result in numerous physical and psychological disturbances, which may have confounding effect at the time of Prakriti assessment, we have excluded females from this study (detailed justification on inclusion of only males is given in the Methods section). However, several studies have included of both male and female subjects for Ayurveda-based studies7,8,15,16. The subjects belonged to diverse ethnic and linguistic groups, and inhabited different geographical regions. The health status of every individual was ascertained by modern as well asAyurvedic methods (details given in the Methods). The composition of Prakriti was determined by seniorAyurvedic physicians and confirmed independently by ‘AyuSoft’ (http://ayusoft.cdac.in), a software developed based on information from classical Ayurvedic literature. The subjects, whose Prakriti was in concordance between the assessment by Ayurvedic physicians and by AyuSoft were only selected for this study. Of the total 3,416 individuals evaluated, 971 had 60%–93% dominance of one Prakriti (Table S1), of which 262 individuals (94 Vata-dominant, 75 Pitta-dominant and 93 Kapha-dominant) with the highest proportion of one predominant Prakriti were randomly selected and subjected to genome-wide SNP analysis (Affymetrix array, 6.0) and genotypes were fetched using Birdsuite software17. The proportions of each dominant and co-dominant Prakritis are given in Fig. 1; Figure S1.
Out of 262 individuals analyzed, 245 passed the quality controls (QC) with the call rate 0.966 ± 0.0162 (Table S2). In order to validate the high-throughput data set, we randomly selected 48 markers from Affymetrix array and genotyped 48 individuals using custom-designed VeraCode GoldenGate Genotyping Assay System (Illumina, San Diego, USA). The call rate of VeraCode analysis was 99.61% and the genotype matched with Affymetrix data set (Table S3), suggesting that the genotypes obtained from Affymetrix array was genuine with minimum error (0.39%). Further, to increase the statistical power, we used Indian population data set as reference and imputation analysis was performed using Beagle (v3.3.1) software18 (Figure S1). As we had demonstrated earlier that Indian population has unique genetic architecture, we were skeptical of using non-Indian samples as a reference for imputation19. To evaluate our assumption, we masked 2%, 5% and 10% genotype of 207 unrelated Dravidian and Indo-European population samples and performed 110 simulations on chromosome 22 with four-reference populations i.e.Indian population (28 trios of Dravidian and Indo-Europeans; IN), different HapMap populations (CEU, YRI, CHB, CHS and JPT; HM), different South-Asian populations of 1000 genome project (BEB, GIH, ITU, PJL and STU; SA) and Indian along with HapMap populations (IH). As expected, imputed genotypes were more accurate with Indian samples (IN) [2% (0.9518 ± 0.0012); 5% (0.95045 ± 0.00109); 10% (0.9476 ± 0.0005)] compared to HM [2% (0.9462 ± 0.0013); 5% (0.9436 ± 0.0017); 10% (0.9396 ± 0.0005)], IH [2% (0.9463 ± 0.0014); 5% (0.9448 ± 0.0016); 10% (0.9417 ± 0.00066)] and SA [2% (0.9481 ± 0.0013); 5% (0.9471 ± 0.00098); 10% (0.9441 ± 0.00061)] samples (Table S4; Figure S2). In all the three masked data (2%, 5% and 10%), IN showed high imputation performance compared to HM, SA and IH. Even with ~10% masked data, the imputed genotypes were more accurate with IN than other references, suggesting that it is appropriate to use Indian data set for imputation. The data set of Gujarati Indians in Houston (GIH) is the only one available in the public domain, which was admixed recently, and hence does not truly represent the ANI-ASI ancestry of Indian population19,20. As the data were not suitable reference for imputation, we prepared our own reference panel of Indian population (http://www.ccmb.res.in/bic/database_pagelink.php?page=snpdata). To achieve this, we followed two steps (i) imputation of 15 trios of Indo-European and 15 trios of Dravidian, and (ii) imputation of 229 unrelated individuals imputed with the reference genotype obtained from step-I. Further, we used this reference for imputing thePrakriti individuals. In the first step, we found 10.5% and 17.8% Mendelian inconsistency in two trios, (Kashmiri Pandit) (Table S5), which were removed from the analysis. Finally, we obtained 791186 SNP markers with 0.95 ≤ R2 ≤ 1, for further analysis.
To make sure that the Prakriti samples were collected randomly and there was no major ancestral bias while collecting samples, we performed the principal component analysis (PCA)21 of 245 Prakriti samples (Figure S3). PCA analysis revealed no significant overall differences among the Prakritis (ANOVA p-value on eigenvector 1 V vs. K-0.434; V vs. P-0.89; P vs. K-0.51; and eigenvector 2 V vs. K-0.09; V vs. P-0.06; P vs. K-0.02). In order to check the ancestry of Prakriti individuals, we used our published data set of 297 Indian population samples with known ancestry19,20. These 297 samples include; 150 Dravidians, 80 Indo-European, 35 Austro-Asiatic, 27 Tibeto-Burman and 5 Great Andamanese (Table S6). We found 7,89,309 SNPs were common between Prakriti and Indian ancestral samples. In order to remove the differentiation on spurious axes21, we pruned 3,76,138 SNPs, which were in strong linkage disequilibrium (LD) (r2 > 0.75), and performed PCA with 4,13,171 SNPs. Our analysis showed that most of thePrakriti samples clustered with Dravidian and Indo-European (the two major ancestral population of India), and only 3 samples seemed to be Tibeto-Burman and admixed recently (Figure S4). Previous studies have shown that stratification could cause spurious association22,23,24,25, hence, PCA was performed21 using 4,05,782 SNPs (3,85,404 SNPs were pruned with r2 > 0.75) for 245 Prakriti samples, of which 40 were outliers and have been removed in 10 iterations with σ ≥ 6 on eigenvector 1 to 10 (Table S7; Figure S3 and S5). ANOVA analysis revealed that the Prakriti groups were not significantly different (p-value: V vs. P - 0.40 ± 0.28; V vs.K - 0.51 ± 0.32 and P vs. K - 0.48 ± 0.29) (Table S8); and 205 Prakriti samples were used for further analysis (Figure S1).
Association analysis was performed using plink software26. Since the present study has no cases and controls (patients and healthy), we considered onePrakriti as case and the remaining two Prakritis as controls, and performed association analyses in three combinations: Vata vs. Kapha and Pitta (V vs. PK); Pitta vs. Kapha and Vata (P vs. VK); Kapha vs. Pitta and Vata (K vs.VP). Prior to association analysis, 3,890; 4,153 and 4,124, respectively, markers were removed from 791186 markers, which were not in Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium (HWE) i.e. p-value < 0.001 in controls of V vs. PK, P vs. VK and K vs. VP; respectively. The three combination association results were further used to identify the SNPs that were significant. Considering the fact that none of the samples represents 100% single Prakriti, we did not expect very low p-value in the association analysis. In this scenario, truly associated loci may co-exist with false positive markers and can be identified by permutation analysis. As expected, we observed that SNPs having approximately same p-value in the extreme tail of theoretical distribution failed to achieve 106permutations (Table 1). For example, rs2939743 having p-value 7.61 × 10−5 dropped at 142717th permutation while rs10197747 having p-value 2.50 × 10−5 achieved 106permutations, which of course revealed that rs2939743 is false positive. Similarly, we found 52 true positive SNPs achieved 1 million simulations with theoretical p-value ≤ 1 × 10−5 (details are given in Table 1; Figure S6).
It is well known that some markers differ in allele frequency more across ancestral population, compared to other set of markers. Moreover, natural selection might be the reason for this phenomenon because it acts locus-specific manner21. We speculate that the above so-called true positive loci might be artifacts of population stratification because of high probability of false positive results at the p-value, which observed in association analysis. Hence, we performed extensive statistical analyses to control these confounding factors and/or population stratification. Prevailing methods include genomic control and EIGENSTRAT to find such confounding effect of stratification. Genomic control uses uniform inflation factor to correct stratification, which is not sufficient for those SNPs having high frequency differences between ancestors21. Hence, we proceeded with EIGENSTRAT and found p-value did not change drastically (Table S9). To further confirm, we used variance component model (implemented in EMMAX)27 and mixed-linear model of association analysis (implemented in GCTA)28, which can correct sample structure in association, but have different statistics comparative to eigenstrat. Intriguingly, even with this analysis, we did not observe any drastic change in the p-value (Table S9). This has proved that these 52 SNPs were genuine characteristics of Prakriti and not derived from ancestry. Moreover, we also explored the allele frequency differences between centers; however, we did not find any significant difference for these 52 SNPs (Table S10). We further explored the power of 52 SNPs in Prakritisgenetic differentiation (Figure S1). In principal component analysis, 19 SNPs were excluded with r2 > 0.75 and, as expected, we found striking separation of subjects according to their Prakriti (Fig. 2A). On eigenvector-1 (eigenvalue = 18.168248) Pitta significantly differentiated against Vata and Kapha (p-value = 1.11022 × 10−16, 4.44089 × 10−16, respectively); while on eigenvector 2 (eigenvalue = 15.890861) Kapha was significantly different compared to Vata and Pitta (p-value = 3.33067 × 10−16 and ~0 respectively).
To examine the statistical power of these 52 markers for categorizing the samples with unknown Prakriti, we generated a statistical model (see methods). Initially, we applied it on 205 samples and found 23.9% (49 out of 205) were explained by the proposed model (Table S11). Further, we applied it on 297 Indian (population) samples and found 37 individuals (5 Austro-Asiatic; 22 Dravidian; 8 Indo-European and 2 Tibeto-Burman) satisfying the model. According to the model, 7 individuals were Vata, 20 were Pitta and 11 were Kapha. Interestingly, Indian population samples, which belong to one Prakriti were from different ancestry (Table S12), suggesting that these makers could separate the Prakritis, irrespective of their ancestry. To confirm the proposed model, we projected these 37 individuals on eigenvector of Prakriti samples and found that these individuals clustered with Prakritias predicted in the model (Fig. 2B). It suggests that the cluster is based on Prakriti, and is not due to the ancestry of samples. That would also suggest that the phenotypic variations have a genetic basis, which would be shared by Prakritis of Ayurveda.
Further, we used these 52 markers to find the genotype-phenotype correlations. We observed that 2 markers (rs10518915 and rs986846) were associated with two different Prakriti; rs10518915 with Vata and Pitta, while rs986846 with Kapha and Vata. This observation prompted us to believe that different alleles of the same locus might be influencing different Prakriti (Table 1). In order to correlate the functional relevance of these SNPs, we divided them into genic and non-genic. The SNPs, which are within 10 kb of gene, were considered genic; while others as non-genic29,30. We found 28 were genic SNPs, of which 12 were in Vata (7 genes), 11 in Pitta (7 genes), and 6 in Kapha (7 genes) (Table 1). To correlate the function of these genes with respect to the characteristics of Prakritis, we searched in Kyoto Encyclopedia of Genes and Genomes (KEGG) pathway and Reactome event and found PGM1 gene associated with the Pitta phenotype. In Ayurveda, characteristics of Pitta include digestion, metabolism and energy production. Interestingly, we found PGM1 gene is in the center of many metabolic pathways i.e. glycolysis or gluconeogenesis (hsa00010); pentose phosphate pathway (hsa00030); galactose metabolism (hsa00052); purine metabolism (hsa00230) and; starch and sucrose metabolism (hsa00500) (Figure S7). Our finding suggests that the function of the gene directly correlates with the role of Pitta in metabolism as described in Ayurvedicliterature.
In addition, we have checked the PGM1 gene markers in Affymetrix data set and found 4 markers (rs2269241, rs2269240, rs2269239,and rs2269238) were associated with Pitta Prakriti and all are in strong Linkage Disequilibrium (LD) (Figure S8). Therefore, to find the functionally relevant variants, we sequenced the whole exons and UTRs of the PGM1 gene in 78 individuals using Ion Torrent PGM (Life Technologies, USA). We found 23 variations in the gene, of which 8 were novel (Table S13). Interestingly, one non-synonymous; c.1258T > C (p.Tyr420His) (rs11208257) variant was present in the LD block and found in association with Pitta Prakriti (p-value–7.049 × 10−3). The frequency of the mutant allele “C” was 5.8% in Pitta and 20% in Kapha Prakriti (Table S14). This result prompted us to replicate the marker (rs11208257) in additional samples. We genotyped this marker (rs11208257) for 665 Prakriti individuals (299 Vata, 164 Pitta and 202 Kapha) using Sanger sequencing method. Initially, we analyzed the distribution of the genotype among participating centres and found “U” samples (collected from Udupi centre) were not in HWE (p-value - 0.04) (Table S15). Hence, we excluded 169 “U” samples from the analysis. Association analysis revealed that allelic and genotype distribution of the marker rs11208257 is significantly different in Pitta Prakritiagainst Vata and Kapha with p-value- 2.06 × 10−2; p-value- 6.16 × 10−3, respectively. Further, we explored the association between P vs. V and P vs. K; and found significant p-value - 7.61 × 10−3 and 2.35 × 10−2, respectively. The results would therefore suggest that Vata differs more from the Pitta Prakriti than Kapha (Table S16). We further screened 1108 randomly selected Indians and 992 HapMap samples and found that the frequency of mutant allele “C” was 17.9% among Indians, 15.5–17.6% in the Europeans, 14.5–18.8% in East Asians, 42% in Mexican, 15.3% in admixed Indians (GIH) and 12.8–28.3% in Africans. Indians have comparable frequency with Europeans and GIH (Table S17). Interestingly, we found Pitta has less frequency of mutant “C” allele, and Vata and Kapha have comparable frequency with overall Indian population. To explore the functional relevance of the variant, we used SIFT software and found that the mutation is damaging with 0.01 score and thus substitution at this position may affect the protein function. Our data suggest that the SNP (rs11208257) inPGM1 gene is linked with one of the main features (energy production), which is more homogenous and constant in Pitta than with Vata and Kapha, and a genotype correlation exists for the characteristics ofPrakriti classification.
In conclusion, our preliminary study suggests that thePrakriti classification, as a foundation for the practice ofAyurveda, has a genetic basis and does provide clues for further studies.
Methods
Selection of subjects and Prakriti assessment
Selection of subjects and evaluation of the Prakriti (the human classification of Indian ancient medicine) were carried out at three centres; 1. Institute of Ayurveda and Intergrative Medicine (IAIM), Bangalore, Karnataka; 2. Sinhgad College of Engineering (SCE) Pune, Maharashtra; and 3. Shri Dharmasthala Manjunatheshwara College of Ayurveda (SDMCA) Udupi, Karnataka. This study was approved by Institutional Ethics Committees (IECs) of all the collaborative centres and the methods were carried out in accordance with the approved guidelines. We have screened normal and healthy male subjects, who were between 20–30 years. Although several Ayurveda-based studies have included both male and female subjects7,8,15,16, we have excluded female subjects from this study to minimize the confounding variations.Prakriti of an individual is determined based on defined anatomical, physiological psychological and behavioural characteristics. During actual assessment of Prakriti, theAyurvedic physician needs to factor in these characteristics. One such aspect is the cyclical hormonal changes that occur in women, particularly the menstrual cycle. The hormonal fluctuations result in numerous physical and psychological disturbances, which occur in the premenstrual and menstrual phases. Existing evidence suggest that about 97% of young nulliparous women experience varying degrees of such disturbances31. These elicitable and visible features can confound or obscure the Prakriti assessment process. For example, premenstrual irritability occurring in a woman of Kapha Prakriti is confounding, since KaphaPrakriti individuals normally possess low irritability. Although the Ayurvedic physicians routinely enquire about the menstrual habits of patients while assessing the Prakriti, it would have been difficult for us to make similar enquiries to young, healthy women who volunteered to join this study. The health status of an individual was assessed based on the Ayurvedic criteria, that include; normal desire for food, easy digestion of ingested food, excretion of feces, excretion of urine, excretion of flatus, functioning of sensory organs, comfortable sleep, easy awakening, and attainment of strength, bright complexion and longevity. Subjects with smoking habit, diabetes, hypertension and other chronic diseases were excluded from the study. Blood pressure (BP) was measured for each subject and BP > 130/90 mm of Hg were excluded from the study. Chronic systemic diseases such as rheumatoid arthritis, cancer, etc., and subjects having recent history of acute ailments such as fever due to infections were also excluded.
We followed three steps for the Prakriti assessment of each subjects. In the first stage, senior Ayurvedicphysicians assessed the Prakriti of the subjects, applying classical Ayurveda parameters of Prakriti determination. In second stage, the same subjects were assessed using Ayusoft, a Prakriti software (www.ayusoft.cdac.in), which contains a comprehensive questionnaire, which had been developed based on the information from originalAyurvedic literature. In the third stage, another team ofAyurvedic physicians, who were not aware of the outcomes of assessment by senior physicians and Ayusoft, compared the Prakritis analysis. Subjects with ≥60% of single Prakriti dominance and having concordance in all the three stages were selected for the genome-wide analysis. Quantitative analysis of Prakritiwas performed using Ayusoft along with traditional ayurvedic measures for the Prakriti assessment. The reason for considering ≥60% of a particular Prakritias a dominant was mainly due to feasibility and concordance. Single dosha Prakriti with high percentage of one dosha rarely exist, hence most of the individuals possess dual-dosha Prakriti12. Therefore, we have considered subjects with ≥60% as single dosha dominantPrakriti. Subjects ≥60% of one dominant Prakriti were selected and blood was drawn after obtaining their informed written consent. A total of 3,416 healthy individuals were screened for their Prakriti, as per the details given above. From the total, 971 subjects who showed a predominantPrakriti of ≥60% were included in the analysis (Figure S1).
High throughput genotyping, their quality control criteria and resequencing
Genotyping
DNA was isolated from the blood samples using standard protocol32. We randomly selected 262 Prakriti individuals for genotyping, using Genome-Wide Human SNP Array from Affymetrix (6.0), following manufacturer’s protocols. About 250 ng of genomic DNA was digested with Nsp Iand Sty I restriction enzymes, followed by ligation ofNsp/Styadaptors, using T4 DNA ligase. PCR was performed using the primers that are specific to these adopters. After checking the amplicons on 2% agarose gel, they were purified with deep-well plate using magnetic beads and the fragments were eluted using EB buffer, followed by quantification and fragmentation. The fragmented PCR products (<180 bp) were end-labeled using labeling kit. Labeled fragments were hybridized onto the Affymetrix (6.0) SNP arrays using hybridization cocktail. Hybridization was performed in hybridization oven for about 18 hrs at 50 °C. After hybridization, arrays were washed, stained, scanned and analyzed using Affymetrix Genotyping Console 2.0 and GeneChip® Operating Software (GCOS). The samples which passed the quality controls i.e. call rate >95% and CQC > 0.4 were considered. Affymetrix power tool (apt-geno-qc) was used for calculation of dm (dynamic model) value. The samples having dm.all_qc<0.83 were removed from further analysis and genotypes were fetched with Birdsuite software from Broad Institute17 (Figure S1).
Detection of technical artifacts
In order to validate the Affymetrix data set, we randomly selected 48 markers (Table S3) from Affymetrix array and genotyped 48 individuals, who were already genotyped by Affymetrix array, using custom-designed VeraCode GoldenGate Genotyping Assay System (Illumina, San Diego, USA). Genotyping was performed according to the manufacturer’s (Illumina, San Diego, USA) instructions. The genotypes obtained by both the platforms were compared and checked for accuracy (Figure S1).
Targeted resequencing
We sequenced the whole-exons and UTRs of PGM1 gene (Figure S1) for randomly selected 43 Pitta and 35 Kapha individuals using Ion Torrent (Life Technologies, USA), following protocols of the manufacturer. Primer sequences were manufactured specifically for use with Ion AmpliSeq kits. The costume Ion AmpliSeqTM primer contains 35 amplicons in a single pool. For preparing amplicon libraries, about 10 ng of DNA was amplified (PCR) using AmpliSeqTM primer pools and Ion AmpliSeqTM HiFi master mix (Ion AmpliSeq kit version 2.0 Beta). The amplified products were pooled and treated with 2 μl of FuPa reagent. The amplicons were then ligated with adapters from the Ion XpressTM barcoded adapters 17–64 kit according to the manufacturer’s instructions (Ion Torrent). After ligation, the amplicons were purified by Agencourt® AMPure® XP Reagent and additional amplification was performed to complete linkage between adapters and amplicons. In order to determine the library concentration, an Agilent 2100 Bioanalyzer high-sensitivity DNA kit (Agilent, Santa Clara, CA) was used to visualize the size range of the libraries. Equimolar concentrations of all the libraries were pooled and diluted. Using Ion One TouchTM 200 Template Kit v@ DL (Life Technologies, USA), emulsion PCR was carried out according to the manufacturer’s instructions. Ion Spheres (ISPs) were recovered according to the Ion Sphere Particles 200 recovery protocol. Sequencing was done following the Ion PGMTM 200 Sequencing Kit Protocol (version 6; Ion Torrent). The 318 sequencing chip was loaded and run on an Ion Torrent PGM (Ion Torrent). Base calling and alignment were performed using the Torrent Suite 3.0 software (Ion Torrent). In order to find the significant variation in the PGM1 whole exome data, we performed association analysis using plink software26 and variations are annotated on EnsEMBL-BioMart.
Sanger sequencing
To validate and replicate the Pitta associated SNP (rs11208257), Sanger sequencing was carried out for 496Prakriti samples (246 Vata, 116 Pitta and 134 Kapha) along with randomly selected 1108 Indian samples. Pair of primers (Forward primer: 5′- GCACGTTTCTTACAGCAGCT-3′ and Reverse primer: 5′-ACCTTACCTTGTACCCCAGC-3′) were designed, synthesized and PCR was performed on the GeneAmp 9700 Thermal Cycler (Applied Biosystems, Perkin-Elmer) using the following cycling conditions: 95 °C for 5 min, 35 cycles at 95 °C for 30 s, 58 °C for 30 s, 72 °C for 2 min and a final extension at 72 °C for 7 min. Amplicons were purified using with USB ExoSAP-IT (Affymetrix) according to the manufacturers instructions. The purified products were directly sequenced using the Big Dye Terminator cycle sequencing kit (Applied Biosystems, Foster City, CA, USA) and analyzed using 3730 DNA Analyzer (Applied Biosystems, Foster City, CA, USA)(Figure S1). The genotypes were noted, and statistical analysis was performed with plink26 and R.
Indian, HapMap and 1000 genome project sample details
For comparative analysis, we used Affymetrix (6.0) array data of 297 well-classified Indian samples with known lingustic and ethnic affiliations i.e. 150 Dravidians, 80 Indo-European, 35 Austro-Asiatic, 27 Tibeto-Burman and 5 Great Andamanese. In addition, 15 trios of Dravidian (Vysya, Madiga, Mala; 5 each) and 15 trios of Indo-European (Kshatriya, Brahmin and Kashmiri Pandit; 5 each) were used for imputation19,20. We followed the same procedure (mentioned above) for extraction of genotypes and CQC measures. The list of population and their details are given in Table S6. We have also used 1184 HapMap (ftp://ftp.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/hapmap/genotypes/2009-01_phaseIII/plink_format/) and 1000 genome project data (ftp://ftp.1000genomes.ebi.ac.uk/vol1/ftp/release/20130502/) for imputation and comparative analysis.
Imputation and their relationship with ancestry
Imputation was performed for the missing genotypes using Beagle-v3.3.2 software18. In order to check the power of correct imputation, we randomly masked 2%, 5% and 10% genotype of chromosome 22 in 207 unrelated Indian population samples. We imputed masked genotypes with four types of reference i.e. Indian triose (15 trios of Dravidian and 15 trios of Indo-European), HapMap samples (CEU, YRI, CHB, CHS and JPT), Indian + HapMap samples and samples of 1000 genome project with South-Asian ancestry (BEB, GIH, ITU, PJL and STU). Accuracy of imputation was calculated by comparing imputed and true genotype in 110 simulations for 2%, 5% and 10% masked data. To perform the above analysis, we used a perl script.
To impute missing genotype in Prakriti samples, we followed two steps; In the first step, imputation and phasing was done for 15 trios of Dravidian (Vysya, Madiga, Mala; 5 trios each) and 15 trios of Indo-European (Kshatriya, Brahmin and Kashmiri Pandit; 5 trios each) together without reference population. SNPs which do not follow Mendelian rule in trios were checked and masked with Beagle utility program18. Number of SNPs per family, which do not follow Mendelian consistency are given in Table S5. In the second step, we performed imputation of unrelated population samples (Dravidian, Indo-European and Austro-Asiatic), with imputed familial (trios) samples as reference. Further, we imputed Prakritisamples with reference of imputed trios and unrelated Indian population samples and selected only those markers which were having R2 > 0.95 for further analysis.
Population stratification
Principal component analysis was done with Eigensoft Package21. Convertf was used for converting plink ped file to Eigenstrat format. We pruned the SNPs on the basis of their Linkage Disequilibrium (r2 > 0.75) before running PCA by using Eigensoft’s killr2 option. Ten eigenvectors were fetched. To find the ancestry of 245 Prakritisamples, we used 297 known ancestry of Indian population dataset (previously published) and performed the PCA. Stratification was checked and 40 outlier samples were excluded with cutoff sigma value ≥0.6 (default value) on 1–10 eigenvectors in 10 iterations (Figure S1).
Association analysis
Plink was used for association analysis21. Imputed Beagle file were converted into plink ped file. Association analysis was performed for the Prakritis. Since there are no case control groups in the present study, we compared one Prakriti against the other two Prakritis (Vata vs. Pitta and Kapha, Pitta vs. Vata and Kapha, and Kapha vs. Vata and Pitta) and calculated p-value from theoretical distribution. In order to exclude the markers, which could be in association by chance, we also performed adaptive permutation approach (empirical distribution) for maximum 106 iteration withplink and considered only those markers who achieved maximum 106 permutations and have p-value ≤ 1 × 10−5 in theoretical distribution (Figure S1).
Addressing issue of population stratification as possible confounder in association analysis
Even subtle stratification can cause spurious association; hence we used EIGENSTRAT software21 for correcting association chi-square value on 10 eigenvector and to find its confounding effect. Initially we excluded 385, 404 SNPs with r2 > 0.75 and calculated eigenvector with remaining 405, 782 SNPs with SMARTPCA. Further we used these same 10 eigenvector for correction of chi-square value with EIGENSTRAT (Figure S1).
To address this issue, we also used EMMAX and GCTA tools27,28. Both statistical methods consider genetic structure in association analysis. Hence, we expected major changes in p-value of 52 SNPs. First, we generated IBS matrix implemented in EMMAX and then used it with 10 eigenvector (generated with SMARTPCA) as covariate to calculate p-value with variance component model (implemented in EMMAX). To calculate mixed-model association p-value (implemented in GCTA), first, we calculated genetic relationship matrix and 10 eigenvectors with GCTA; and used it in calculation of p-value (Figure S1).
Statistical determination of Prakriti in subjects
In order to prove the power of these markers in samples of unknown Prakriti percentage, we generated a statistical model (Figure S1). First, this model applied to 205 Ayur samples and then replicated in Indian population data set with unknown Prakriti. For this, we calculated the weight for the genotype of each marker associated with the Prakriti. Suppose, if the frequency of genotype g in Prakriti p is fp then the weight of g(Wgp) can be calculated with equation (1)
Un-standardized total weight of the Prakriti Wvs for a sample s with n number of associated markers for p Prakriti can be calculated using equation (2)
Hence, for a single sample there will be 3 weights Wvs, Wps and Wks corresponding to Vata, Pitta and Kapha using equation (2). For making weights comparable, we standardized by subtracting with mean and dividing it by standard deviation. Mean and standard deviation were calculated from total weight of each sample for each markers corresponding to each Prakriti. If total number of sample is N then standardized weight can be calculated using equation (3)
Prakriti is relative proposition (tridosha), so we calculated the differences of standardized weight for all 6 permutations; ΔVP, ΔVK, ΔPV, ΔPK, ΔKP and ΔKP for each samples and calculated representative statistics Rp. For example, representative statistics for Kapha Rk can be calculated using equation (4)
Since multiplication of 2 negative values is positive, the Rp value could be positive for 2 negative Δ values. Hence, we considered only those Rp values, which have both Δ value positive. Moreover, we consider only those samples which have Rp ≥ 3 to find dominant Prakriti. We applied this model to Indian population and selected 37 samples on the basis of Rp and Δ values.
Phenotype and genotype correlation
We considered markers within 10 kb flanking region of gene as genic and other as non-genic. Physical location of the genes (knownGene.txt.gz) and SNPs (snp135.txt.gz) were fetched fromhttp://hgdownload.soe.ucsc.edu/goldenPath/hg19/database/ and; windowbed(Bedtools:https://code.google.com/p/bedtools/) was used to find the SNPs within 10 kb flanking region of the genes. Only genic markers were used for genotype-phenotype correlation. Genic SNPs were selected and considered for further analysis. To correlate the function of associated markers with characteristics of the individualPrakriti, we checked in KEGG (Kyoto Encyclopedia of Genes and Genomes) pathway and Reactome event using NCBI2R R package.We used SIFT algorithm (http://sift.jcvi.org) for predicting the effects of non-synonomous variant (rs11208257) on protein function.
Additional Information
How to cite this article: Govindaraj, P. et al. Genome-wide analysis correlates Ayurveda Prakriti. Sci. Rep. 5, 15786; doi: 10.1038/srep15786 (2015).
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Acknowledgements
This work was supported by the Office of the Principal Scientific Advisor to the Government of India; Department of Science and Technology (DST), Government of India (PRNSA/ADV/AYURVEDA/4/2007). KT was also supported by CSIR Network project - GENESIS (BSC0121), Government of India. We acknowledge the help of Dr. Ketaki Bapat for her constant support throughout the project tenure. We thank Dr. David Reich for his valuable suggestions.
Author information
Author notes
- Periyasamy Govindaraj
- & Sheikh Nizamuddin
These authors contributed equally to this work.
Affiliations
CSIR-Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology, Hyderabad, Telangana, India
- Periyasamy Govindaraj
- , Sheikh Nizamuddin
- , Anugula Sharath
- , Vuskamalla Jyothi
- & Kumarasamy Thangaraj
School of Life Sciences, Manipal University, Manipal, Karnataka, India
- Harish Rotti
- , Ritu Raval
- , Puthiya M. Gopinath
- , Kapaettu Satyamoorthy
- & Marthanda Varma Sankaran Valiathan
Shri Dharmasthala Manjunatheshwara College of Ayurveda, Udupi, Karnataka, India
- Jayakrishna Nayak
- , Balakrishna K. Bhat
- & B. V. Prasanna
Sinhgad College of Engineering, Pune, Maharashtra, India
- Pooja Shintre
- , Mayura Sule
- , Kalpana S. Joshi
- & Amrish P. Dedge
Foundation for Revitalization of Local Health Traditions, Bangalore, Karnataka, India
- Ramachandra Bharadwaj
- & G. G. Gangadharan
Department of Statistics, Manipal University, Manipal, Karnataka, India
- Sreekumaran Nair
Interdisciplinary School of Health Sciences, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra, India
- Bhushan Patwardhan
Department of Molecular Reproduction, Development and Genetics, Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, Karnataka, India
- Paturu Kondaiah
Contributions
M.V.S.V., K.S. and K.T. conceived the idea. K.T. design the study and provided reagents. K.T., K.S., M.V.S.V., P.K., B.P. and P.M.G. supervised the study. J.N., B.K.B., B.V.P., A.P.D., R.B., G.G.G. and S.K.N. screened and selected thePrakriti samples. H.R., R.R., P.S., M.S. and K.S.J. collected blood samples and extracted DNA. P.G. performed genotyping and DNA sequencing with help of S.N., A.S. and V.J.. S.N. analyzed data under supervision of K.T.. P.G., S.N. and K.T. wrote manuscript and all the authors reviewed the manuscript.
Competing interests
The authors declare no competing financial interests.
Corresponding author
Correspondence to Kumarasamy Thangaraj.
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Millennium of Acharya Abinavagupta -- Bhayyaji Joshi
Ranchi (VSK). November 1, 2015
Kashmir, a treasure trove of philosophers has given the world innumerable intellectual gems who gave new paradigms to the whole world by virtue of their spiritual knowledge, extensive penance and self realization. Several religions and sects have flourished in Kashmir. Existing order changed several times but that never eliminated the earlier order.
Acharya Abhinavagupta is an important link in this tradition. Acharya Abhinavagupta was a great philosopher and literary critic. He was the tallest scholar of Shaiva philosophy. He was not only an exemplar preceptor of Advaita Agama and Pratyabhigya Darshan, but several streams of knowledge systems converged in him. Many schools of Bharatiya intellect and penance coalesced in his towering personality and flows ahead as a powerful stream.
The intellect of Acharya Abhinavagupta has greater acceptability as he trained and graduated himself under many foremost contemporary teachers and mentors in several schools of knowledge. He learnt grammar from his father Narsimhagupta. Likewise, Lakshmanagupta was his teacher for Pratyabhigya Shashtra and Shambhunath of Jalandhar Peeth was his teacher for the practice of Kaul sect.
Ancestors of Acharya Abhinavagupta were related to renowned scholars in the Court of Kannauj rulers. His ancestor Atrigupta had come to Srinagar at the behest of victorious king Lalitaditya Muktapeed of Kashmir. Yogini Vimalakala was his mother who died in the childhood of Achaya Abhinavagupta.
Knowledge hungry Acharya Abhinavagupta studied under 19 eminent teachers including his chief preceptor Lakshmanagupta while remaining bachelor. He shared his knowledge by scripting many books. He became a true example of the verse ‘Shatahaste Samahara Sahasrahaste Vikir’ (Acquire by 100 hands and distribute by 1000 – giving back more to the society).
He wrote on all the aspects of Shaiva philosophy. He was the author of around 50 books. Acharya Abhinavagupta traversed way ahead of his contemporary Shaiva philosophers by writing volumes like Tantralok, Paratrinshika vivran, Parmarthsaar, Tantrassar, Geetarthsangraha along with treatise on Natyashastra and Dhwanyalok.
He declared sound as the ‘fourth dimension’. He did not reject the preaching and contents of Geeta but expressed them metaphorically. It was also acceptable to him if one saw Shiva in the form of Krishna. He presented Kaurav – Pandav war as conflict of Vidya vs Avidya (Spiritual vs Worldly).
In the last days of Acharya Abhinavagupta, his followers used to see him as mantrasiddha sadhak (Disciple who mastered the mantras – hymns) and incarnation of Lord Bhairav.
Around the age of 70, he and his disciples entered a cave in Beerawa village in Badgam district near Srinagar chanting the hymns of Lord Shiva. He immersed himself with Lord Shiva on 4th January 2016. The cave exists even today and is known as Bhairav gufa.
It would be a true homage to Acharya Abhinavagupta to enlighten the whole world, especially the youth of Kashmir with the life and deeds of this legend who interpreted the ancient spiritual and cultural heritage of Kashmir in a new unifying philosophy with the challenges of times, in this era of ideological fanaticism.
--Statement of Shri Bhaiyyaji Joshi, General Secretary, RSS
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Dissent nautanki diminishes democracy -- Kanchan Gupta. Nanga Nach -- Dattatreya Hosabale
Stinging slap by Shri @KanchanGupta to spineless actors of choreographed urban #nautanki we've suffered since weeks.
Dissent nautanki diminishes democracy
By Kanchan Gupta | Posted 31-Oct-2015
It must be said, and said right away, that India is witnessing its very own desi version of last summer’s US campus protests spun around the theme of boycotting, disinvesting and sanctioning Israel for its perceived oppression of Palestinians. The ‘BDS’ movement, as it came to be known, was cleverly crafted by the American Left-liberal intelligentsia, among them Jews who would rather see the Jewish homeland ‘wiped off the face of the world’, as Israel’s implacable foes continue to threaten to do, than be disowned, isolated and put in the proverbial dog house by fellow intellectuals.
Have we forgotten? A file picture of children in New Delhi in 2007, protesting the lack of action to help the Kashmiri Pandit community. Pic/AFP
The raucous ‘BDS’ movement has amply demonstrated that intellectual integrity is increasingly a discounted commodity as the intellectually bankrupt take centre stage. What began as campus protests in America’s ‘liberal’ universities has unsurprisingly caught the imagination of Left-liberals in Europe. Dissent is the new camouflage for anti-semitism; morality is the new pulpit from which the righteous now preach their sanctimonious bunk.
Here at home in India we are witnessing something similar. The intelligentsia — writers, filmmakers, historians and even scientists — have launched a ‘BDS’ movement against the NDA government headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. They bad-mouth the government relentlessly to paint it in the bleakest of colours, their manufactured dissent is aimed at urging people to disown an elected government, their attempt is to clearly sabotage the government’s agenda. If ‘BDS’ means hobbling India and halting its surge, so be it.
And, like the protagonists of the ‘BDS’ movement in America, our desi Left-liberal intellectuals also hope their ersatz dissent will influence opinion abroad and that, in turn, will lead to further sequestering of Modi Sarkar. Unknown and unheard of Indian-origin academics in the US and the UK have been vigorously trying to spread the desi ‘BDS’ message. Their petitions floating on the Net are a thinly disguised call for boycotting India till such time the present regime is in power.
Naming individuals is, frankly, meaningless. That would mean raising discomfiting questions like why they chose to gloss over real atrocities and assaults on freedom all these decades. It would also mean asking a simple question: How is the situation today far worse than the black days of Mrs Indira Gandhi’s Emergency? Do we still smell the stench of burning flesh that hung heavy over Delhi as Sikhs were massacred, many by placing a burning tyres around their necks?
Have we forgotten the Kashmiri Pandits who were forced out of their homes in Kashmir Valley by Islamists? The many riots and killings, from Nellie to Meerut to Bhagalpur: have they all been wiped from our collective memory? The infamous ‘Press Bill’ that Rajiv Gandhi tried to ram through Parliament, using his brute majority? The severe punitive restrictions imposed by the UPA through draconian amendments to the IT Act? The all-pervasive corruption by a cash-and-carry regime which corroded faith in the system?
It’s a long list. Very long. And it’s too well-known to merit replication in detail. Suffice it to say that when yesterday’s collaborators turn into today’s dissenters, when court historians and palace bards speak of the need to preserve freedom, when a compromised intelligentsia talks of intellectual integrity, when those who endorsed the tyranny of the Nehru-Gandhi Dynasty by maintaining eloquent silence or by toeing the line of least resistance, they elicit widespread contempt.
This sequenced, choreographed (no, it is not spontaneous, as is being fraudulently claimed) protest is the entrenched, privileged elite’s articulation of its inability to accept that subalterns have seized power in Delhi, dethroning the Ruling Class. What is equally unpalatable for them is that a chaiwallah with no club membership or boastful family credentials has risen to become the Prime Minister of India. The power of the ballot has made them fearful. The rise of the masses has clearly scared the classes.
The rage of the libbies would have been laughable had it been devoid of sinister motives. The papier-mâché protest could have been ignored had it not been sufficiently incendiary to light anti-India sentiments elsewhere. Gulzar, publicly praised by the Prime Minister, has poured ad hominem vitriol on him and his government, if not directly, then elliptically, in keeping with his poetry. “No freedom of speech in India, says Gulzar,” the Pakistani media reported dutifully.
Yet, it is difficult not to titter scornfully at the protesters. A group of Urdu poets attending a literary festival pompously declared their opposition to “fascist forces” ruling India. Who’s to tell them that had fascist forces indeed been at large, they would have been cowering behind shut doors or hiding under their beds, not attending lit fests. And who’s to tell the Urdu poet who made a grand show of returning his Sahitya Akademi award on live TV that he stood denuded of honour and dignity the day he penned a servile ode to Sonia Gandhi?
Democracy loses its life force if there is no dissent. But when dissent is trivialised and reduced to a village mela nautanki, democracy is diminished. Blinded by the bigotry of elitism, our Left-liberal intelligentsia has lost sight of this simple dictum.
The writer is a senior journalist based in the National Capital Region. His Twitter handle is @KanchanGuptahttp://m.mid-day.com/articles/dissent-nautanki-diminishes-democracy/16644152
Breaking news: #AwardWapsi; Dattatreya calls its a 'Nanganach'. Asks,' Where were they during Godhra carnage?'
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Awardwapsi-ism needs to be credible -- Jaya Jaitly. Awardwapasi irrelevant to common man -- Mahesh Jagga
Most ‘secular’ leaders, media & intellectuals supported Emergency. 34 intellectuals accepted Sahitya Akademi awards during Emergency.
Rahul will demand President's Rule. Sonia will demand her NAC should guide nation during President's Rule.
Please read & share. "Dear Award Returnee, you are irrelevant to common man; An open letter," my new post.
https://shar.es/15fztV Awardwapsi-ism needs to be credible
Jaya Jaitly
November 1, 2015
Ever since two ugly incidents took place involving violent attacks by narrow-minded fringe elements and rash lumpen groups, a set of writers, academics, film makers and scientists, some known, some not so much, have returned to this government a gift that was not given by it. They are protesting the lack of free speech and liberal thought in this country. Every one of us wants to be counted as fighters for free speech and liberal thinking. Some just want to be noticed again since their 15 minutes of fame were long over. They are entitled to have a shot at that too. After all, why should anyone’s good words and deeds be forgotten? It’s a free country, so they are entitled to say and do as they wish. And they are.
That's the funny thing. They are freely saying this is not a free country, and the free media is freely spreading their words. Social media is freely commenting, for and against their actions. Right now it seems that those who are accusing this government of being fascist and communal are shouting on every television panel and at every press conference, while those who are opposing this premise or disproving or contradicting it through their words and speeches are muzzled by the free media and liberals instead. Funny liberalism that doesn’t allow for an opposing view or condemns it just because it is not their view. In any case, if someone cared to halt the returning gestures for a moment and listen, who is disagreeing with them ?
Speech is free but to make an impact, speech must be credible too. Take small time film-maker and Congress drawing-room lackey Ramesh Sharma who has grandly announced that the situation now is worse than the Emergency. Others have echoed this sentiment elsewhere. Have any of them as English speaking citizens cared to read veteran journalist Coomi Kapoor’s book on the subject or reports of police treatment meted out to oppoents during the Emergency? Were they too young or too uneducated or too blind to know what happened to India and its free-thinking people for 18 months? Ramesh Sharma and his ilk have done great disservice to the cause of free speech and democracy by trotting out such a laughable comparison. And socialite writer Shobhaa De gets into a vicious argument with actor Anupam Kher when he has an opposing view, with the audience being allowed to boo him at a Literary Festival for so-called genteel liberal people in Mumbai (loaded, by the way, with those of one common political view) ?
National awards of any kind, including those in the Padma category, are given by the government of the day. After MGR, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Teesta Setalvad et al have received one or the other Padma or Ratna, who can claim with a straight face that they are apolitical in nature?, Most awards come after hectic lobbying, sycophantic massaging or backroom begging. If the present award returners claim the awards are not in some way influenced by political ideologies or preferences, and that they stood unsullied and unaligned while receiving them, then why blame the Sahitya Akademi now unless they believe it is indeed a political body. It has not changed its constitution, rules, systems or procedures recently, and has certainly never been imbued with the authority to lock fringe elements in jail. If any such body holds an emergency meeting on any subject, it would be condemned for hasty action while stealthily burning the midnight oil. If it issues notice as per the rules to convene a meeting and issues a perfectly acceptable statement, it is accused of acting too slowly. When some stupid morality vigilantes wanted girls not to frequent bars in Karnataka, the liberals caught BS Yediyurappa by the throat when he was the Chief Minister. When a rationalist is murdered in the same state, the present CM Siddaramaiah is not rendered sleepless by liberalists.
We presume that like Medecins Sans Frontiers, intellectuals too claim to be non-aligned, unbiased, humanitarian and fair and do not stop at politically defined borders to issue their edicts or return their awards for freedom or other rights abuses. A Nobel Prize winner like Orhan Pahmuk of Turkey has not thought of returning his literary prize to the august body in Oslo just because his country’s President Erdogan is against free speech and many other democratic credos. Apart from bloggers, now publishers are also being murdered brutally for their supposed atheist beliefs in Bangladesh. Our own Bangladesh writer-in-exile Taslima Nasreen would be slaughtered if she were to return to her country. It is the "illiberal" government which is giving her refuge while a 'secularist'- liberal like Mamata Banerji does not allow her into Bengal. Taslima had the courage to publicly ask whether our award returnees were anti-Hindu. Did any bold intellectual dare to answer her? Where are the international border-less voices of our liberals? If they made a noise against ISIS Sunnis killing Shias just because their Prophet seems to have said so somewhere, Boko Haram selling little girls to slavery to oppose Western values, and even a teacher’s hands getting chopped off in Kerala by religious opponents, or slaughter of RSS workers by CPM cadres in Kannur, their sincerity would have rung true. Is it too much to ask that these intellectuals, liberals, and free speech supporters display credibility to be respected and appreciated?
A true liberal would say Hinduism is a tolerant philosophy but its rituals and imposed practices are not. The same liberal would also have the courage to say many practitioners of today's Islam are intolerant of freedom for their women and other faiths.. Unfortunately Indian liberals shy away from a coherent and holistic application of their intellect. Instead, they have fallen into the trap first opened by the non-intellectual Rahul Gandhi who told the Americans that Hindu terror was worse than Muslim terror. This is music to the ears of the ISI and ISIS. This crowd of English-speaking, awarded intellectuals have saved them the job of translating local languages for the international press to defame India. However, to speak in favour of these honourable men and women, it is true that writers, scholars and scientists tend to create their own worlds, their own beautiful spaces, ideas and thoughts, as indeed they must. However, they are often far removed from the ugly political nature of international skulduggery, rumour-mongering, political games and incitements that motivate a herd mentality, and much else that inhabits the world. As true intellectuals, they have lost their ability to analyse and reflect upon such realities and offer reasoned debate in response.
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Utsava bera pōḷā and winnowing fan kul a continuum of Indus Script cipher in the annual festivities of Bharatam celebrating metalwork & Gaṇeśa
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/nev29o2
In the laukika-lokottara research methodology -- a continuing tribute to Prof. Shrinivas Tilak -- of unraveling the traditions handed down to us from time immemorial, it is seen that the written documentation in Indus Script Corpora and the traditions enshrined in annual festivities of people in the Indian sprachbund continuum can be correlated.
This may perhaps provide clues to an understanding of why the unique iconography of Gaṇeśa emerged.
I do NOT know when the iconography of Gaṇeśa emerged.
There are intimations that the import of the word gaṇa a synonym of kula, 'troop', can be traced to the days of the Rigveda, to a period earlier than ca. 8th millennium BCE. The evidence of RV 2.23 sukta abounds in extraordinary metaphors and is presented herein based on Sayana's commentary. Clearly, a multi-disciplinary enquiry guided by savants of the yajna tradition and the pramāṇam of the Veda is needed to further explore this stupendous interpretative challenge.
In the Indus Script Corpora, pōḷā is a celebration of metalwork, magnetite ore is pōḷa. kul'winnowing fan' rebus: kul is a troop, kol'working in iron', a celebration of metalwork.
The tradition of invoking Gaṇeśa attested in Rigveda 2.23.1 gaṇānāṃ tvā gaṇapatiṃ havāmahe is a celebration of the kaví ʻ wise ʼ RV., m. ʻ wise man, poet ʼ RV., °ika -- m. lex. Pa. Pk. kavi -- m., Pk. kaï -- m., Si. kivi ES 25 but ← Pa.(CDIAL 2964). This tradition is attested in Indus Script Corpora by the engravers denoting their metalwork catalogues using animal (elephant) and other hieroglyphs.
Toy animals made for the Pola festival especially celebrated by the Dhanoje Kunbis. (Bemrose, Colo. Derby - Russell, Robert Vane (1916). The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India: volume IV. Descriptive articles on the principal castes and tribes of the Central Provinces. London: Macmillan and Co., limited. p. 40).
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/zebu-archaeometallurgy-legacy-of-india.html?view=timeslide
This tradition is traceable to the toys of Daimabad with animals drawn on wheeled vehicles.
Harappan Chariot toy kept at the Brooklyn University Museum
Oxen pulled Bronze chariot found at Daimabad in Maharshtra
Daimabad bronze chariot. c. 1500 BCE. 22X52X17.5 cm.
Buffalo. Daimabad bronze. Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai.
Daimabad bronzes. Buffalo on four-legged platform attached to four solid wheels 31X25 cm.; elephanton four-legged platform with axles 25 cm.; rhinoceros on axles of four solid wheels 25X19 cm. (MK Dhavalikar, 'Daimabad bronzes' in: Harappan civilization, ed. by GL Possehl, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 361-6; SA Sali, Daimabad 1976-1979, New Delhi, 1986).
Decipherment of Indus Script Corpora has demonstrated that the animals are hieroglyphs denoting metalwork.
Elephant as hieroglyph
ibha 'elephant' karibha 'trunk of elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron' karba 'iron'
Elephant-head of śri gaṇeśa is signified by the hieroglyph: sangaDa 'joined animal parts' rebus: sangara 'proclamation'.
The orthographic style of ligaturing animal parts is an Indus Script tradition as may be seen from the following examples.
Slide 88. Three objects (harappa.com) Three terra cotta objects that combine human and animal features. These objects may have been used to tell stories in puppet shows or in ritual performances. On the left is a seated animal figurine with female head. The manner of sitting suggests that this may be a feline, and a hole in the base indicates that it would have been raised on a stick as a standard or puppet. The head is identical to those seen on female figurines with a fan shaped headdress and two cup shaped side pieces. The choker with pendant beads is also common on female figurines.
Material: terra cotta
Dimensions: 7.1 cm height, 4.8 cm length, 3.5 cm width
Harappa, 2384 Harappa Museum, HM 2082 Vats 1940: 300, pl. LXXVII, 67
In the center is miniature mask of horned deity with human face and bared teeth of a tiger. A large mustache or divided upper lip frames the canines, and a flaring beard adds to the effect of rage. The eyes are defined as raised lumps that may have originally been painted. Short feline ears contrast with two short horns similar to a bull rather than the curving water buffalo horns. Two holes on either side allow the mask to be attached to a puppet or worn as an amulet.
Material: terra cotta
Dimensions: 5.24 height, 4.86 width
Harappa
Harappa Museum, H93-2093
Meadow and Kenoyer, 1994
On the right is feline figurine with male human face. The ears, eyes and mouth are filled with black pigment and traces of black are visible on the flaring beard that is now broken. The accentuated almond shaped eyes and wide mouth are characteristic of the bearded horned deity figurines found at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro (no. 122, 123). This figurine was found in a sump pit filled with discarded goblets, animal and female figurines and garbage. It dates to the final phase of the Harappan occupation, around 2000 B. C.
Harappa, Lot 5063-1 Harappa Museum, H94-2311
Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 5.5 cm height, 12.4 cm length, 4.3 cm width
Nahali (kol ‘woman’) and Santali (kul ‘tiger’; kol ‘smelter’).
masks/amulets and
Slide72. Two composite anthropomorphic / animal figurines from Harappa.Whether or not the attachable water buffalo horns were used in magic or other rituals, unusual and composite animals and anthropomorphic/animal beings were clearly a part of Indus ideology. The ubiquitous "unicorn" (most commonly found on seals, but also represented in figurines), composite animals and animals with multiple heads, and composite anthropomorphic/animal figurines such as the seated quadruped figurines with female faces, headdresses and tails offer tantalizing glimpses into a rich ideology, one that may have been steeped in mythology, magic, and/or ritual transformation. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the larger figurine: 3.5 x 7.1 x 4.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
Ligatured glyph on copper tablet. m571B (serpent-like tail, horns, body of ram, elephant trunk, hindlegs of tiger).
44. Elephant figurine head with painted designs from Harappa. Elephant trunk ligatured to a winnowing fan.
It is unknown whether elephants were domesticated in the Indus Civilization. However, one of the few elephant figurines from Harappa is a head with large stylized ears and red and white stripes painted across the face. This may mirror the custom of decorating domesticated elephants (red and white are common colors) for ceremonies or rituals that is still practiced in South Asia. Elephant bones have also been found at Harappa. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 5.4 x 4.8 x 4.6 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
kul 'winnowing fan': kulya n. ʻ receptacle for burnt bones of a corpse ʼ MBh., ʻ winnowing basket ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav.: see kulāˊya -- ]Pa. kulla -- m. ʻ raft of basket work, winnowing basket ʼ, °aka -- m. ʻ crate ʼ; Pk. kullaḍa -- n. ʻ packet ʼ; A. kulā ʻ winnowing fan, hood of a snake ʼ; B. kul, °lā ʻ winnowing basket or fan ʼ; Or. kulā ʻ winnowing fan ʼ, °lāi ʻ small do. ʼ; Si. kulla, st. kulu -- ʻ winnowing basket or fan ʼ.(CDIAL 3350) Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith' kolhe 'smelters'.
kúla n. ʻ herd, troop ʼ RV., ʻ race, family ʼ Pāṇ., ʻ noble family ʼ Mn., ʻ house ʼ MBh.
Pa. kula -- n. ʻ clan, household ʼ, Pk. kula -- n.m. ʻ family, house ʼ; Dm. kul ʻ house ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) d*l da -- kul ʻ grandfather's relations ʼ; K. kŏl m. ʻ family, race ʼ; S.kuru m. ʻ tribe, family ʼ, L. kull m., P. kul f.; WPah. bhad. kul n. ʻ sub -- caste, family ʼ; N. A. B. kul ʻ clan, caste, family ʼ, Or. kuḷa, OMth. kula; H. kul m. ʻ herd, clan, caste, family ʼ, Marw. kul; G. kuḷ n. ʻ family, tribe ʼ, M. kūḷ n., °ḷī f.; OSi. -- kolaṭ dat. ʻ family ʼ; -- Si. kulaya ʻ family, caste ʼ ← Pa. or Sk. -- Deriv. Or. kuḷā ʻ of good family ʼ, akuḷā ʻ illegitimate (of birth) ʼ.(CDIAL 3330)
Thus, kula connotes a गण the word embedded in the phrase: Gaṇeśa lit. 'supreme leader of the troop'.
A scupture of Ganapati was found in 2020, in Yogyakarta Islamic University dated to c. 9th century.
A stone sculpture of Ganapati is seen in Bujang Valley museum (Malaysia).
Can we trace this ligaturing tradition to Indus writing?
It is unknown whether elephants were domesticated in the Indus Civilization. However, one of the few elephant figurines from Harappa is a head with large stylized ears and red and white stripes painted across the face. This may mirror the custom of decorating domesticated elephants (red and white are common colors) for ceremonies or rituals that is still practiced in South Asia. Elephant bones have also been found at Harappa. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 5.4 x 4.8 x 4.6 cm. (Photograph by
Elephant head with stylized wide spread ears. Traces of red and white paint bands are visible on the face. Painting of elephants for ritual processions is a common practice in traditional India and the main colors are red and white.
This figurine may represent a tame elephant or an elephant that is being marked for sacrifice. Hand formed and incised.
Material: terra cotta
Dimensions: 4.8 cm height, 5.4 cm width, 4.6 cm breadth
Harappa, Lot 800-01
Harappa Museum, H87-348
Elephant, trunk of elephant: kar-ibha, ib; rebus: karba 'iron'; ib 'iron'.
Une tête d'éléphant en terre cuite de Nausharo (Pakistan)
In: Arts asiatiques. Tome 47, 1992. pp. 132-136. Jarrige Catherine
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arasi_0004-3958_1992_num_47_1_1330
The elephant head ligatured with a buffalo at Nausharo is a curtain-raiser for the practice of ligaturing in Indian tradition for utsava bera 'idols carried on processions'. The phrase utsava bera denotes that processions of the type shown on Mesopotamian cylinder seals or Mohenjo-daro tablets are trade processions for bera 'bargaining, trade'. Thus, the processions with hieroglyphs may be part of trade-exchange fairs of ancient times. It is significant that the utsava bera of Ganesa is shown together with a rat or mouse -- as vāhana: ibha'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'. mūṣa 'rat, mouse' Rebus: mūṣa 'crucible'. Thus both rat/mouse and elephant face ligatured to a body, are Meluhha hieroglyphs related to metallurgical processes.
Utsava bera pōḷā (zebu, bos indicus) may be seen in the processions during festival days of Utsava Nandi and veneration in temples on days of pradosham.
బేరము [ bēramu ] bēramu. [Skt.] n. An image.ప్రతిమ . "పంకములోని హైమబేరము ." పర . v.
బేరము [ bēramu ] bēramu. [Tel.] n. Trade, dealing, a bargain,బేరముసారము or బేరసారము trade, &c. (సారము being a mere expletive.)బేరకాడు bēra-kāḍu. n. One who makes a bargain, a purchaser, buyer. కొనువాడు, బేరమాడువాడు . బేరకత్తె bēra-katte. n. A woman who bargains or purchases. బేరమాడు or బేరముచేయు bēram-āḍu. v. n. To bargain. బేరముపోవు to go on a trading journey. బేరి bēri. n. A man of the Beri or merchant caste.
బేరము [ bēramu ] bēramu. [Skt.] n. An image.
బేరము [ bēramu ] bēramu. [Tel.] n. Trade, dealing, a bargain,
पोळा [ pōḷā ] m (पोळ ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद . Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship.
पोळा [ pōḷā ] m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. The festival is held annually with processions of toys of animals drawn on toy carts, an evocation of the animals on carts shown in Daimabad. पोळ [ pōḷa ] The word pōḷa denotes: m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. That is bos indicus, zebu which is a hieroglyph on Indus Script Corpora to signify 'magnetite'. पोलाद [ pōlāda ] n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel.
īśa ईश a. [ईश्-क] 1 Owning, possessing, sharing, master or lord of; see below. -2 One who is com- pletely master of anything. -3 Capable of (with gen.) -4 Powerful, supreme. -शः 1 A lord, master; with gen. or in comp.; कथंचिदीशामनसांबभूवुः Ku.3.34 with great difficulty controlled (were masters of) their minds; so वागीश, सुरेश&c. -2 A husband. -3 A Rudra. -4 The number 11 (derived from the eleven Rudras). -5 N. of Śiva (as regent of the north-east quarter. -6 The Supreme god (परमेश्वर); व्यक्ताव्यक्तंभरतेविश्वमीश- मीड्यम्Śevt. Up.1.8; प्रसादयेत्वामहमीशमीड्यम् Bg.11.44. श्रीवत्सधामापररात्रईशः Bhāg.6.8.22. -शा 1 Supremacy, power, dominion, greatness. Śvet. Up.4.7. īś ईश् 2 Ā. (ईष्टे, ईशाञ्चक्रे, ऐशिष्ट, ईशिता, ईशितुम्, ईशित) 1 To rule, be master of, govern, command (with gen.); नायंगात्राणामीष्टे K.312 v.l.; अर्थानामीशिषेत्वंवयमपिचगिरा- मीश्महेयावदर्थम् Bh.3.3; sometimes with acc.; इमाँल्लोका- नीशतईशनीभिःŚvet. Up.3.1 (also used in the Veda with gen. of an infinitive or loc. of an abstract noun). -2To be able, have power; expressed by 'can'; माधुर्यमीष्टेहरिणान्ग्रहीतुम् R.18.13,14.38; कमिवेशतेरमयितुंनगुणाः Ki.6.24; U.7.4; Śi.1.38; Māl.1.13. -3 To act like a master, allow. -4 To own, possess. -5 To belong to. m. A master, lord, the Supreme Spirit. ईशा- बास्यमिदंसर्वम्Īśop. īśāvāsyamईशावास्यम् N. of the ईशावास्योपनिषद्, also called ईशोप- निषद्; the only instance of an upaniṣad included in a Saṁhitā (Vāj.4.1). īśāna ईशान a. [ईश्ताच्छील्येचानश्] 1 Owning, possessing, master or lord. -2 Reigning, ruling. -3 Wealthy, rich. -नः 1 A ruler, master, lord; ईशानोभूतभव्यस्य Kaṭh. Up.4.12.-2 N. of Śiva; ईशानसंदर्शनलालसानाम् Ku.7.56; K.1. -3 The Ārdrā Nakṣtra. -4 One of the Rudras. -5 The number 'eleven'. -6 The sun as a form of Śiva. पर्जन्योयमोमृत्युरीशानः Bṛi. Up.1. 4.11. -7 A Sādhya. -8 N. of Viṣṇu.
Utsava bera
utsava-bera — the icon which is taken out in procession on festivals.
The Uthsava_bera at Tirumala shrine is named Malayappan, the earliest reference to which is found in an inscription dated 1369 AD. This idol might have entered into the temple regimen with the rise of the Pancharathra School of worship. Malayappan is a very skillfully crafted, beautiful image, made of panchloha, standing three feet tall on a pedestal of fourteen inches. It does not greatly resemble the dhruva_bera. Yet, it has a very pleasing disposition and is modestly ornamented. His consorts Sridevi and Bhudevi (of about twenty-nine inches height) are on his either side. All services, processions and celebrations conducted outside the sanctum are rendered to Malayappan.
Bera Utsav is a regional festival celebrated in the Murshidabad district of the state of West Bengal. The annual event is organized at the historical and picturesque location of Lalbagh, which at one time was the home of the Nawabs and is located on the banks of River Bhagirathi. People throng the district of Murshidabad to witness this magnificent event. The event is held on the last Thursday of the Bhadra month of the traditional Bengali calendar.
utsavá m. ʻ enterprise ʼ RV., ʻ festival ʼ MBh. [√sū ] Pa. ussava -- m. ʻ festival ʼ, Pk. ucchava -- , °chaa -- , ussava -- , ūsa°, ōsa° m., K. wŏċhav, °ċhuwu m.; S. uchaü, och°, ocho m. ʻ feast given to brahmans ʼ; Or. ucha ʻ festival ʼ, osā ʻ festival, vow ʼ. dīpōtsava -- , mahōtsava -- .(CDIAL 1876) 9979 mahōtsava m. ʻ great festival ʼ MBh. [mahā -- , utsavá -- ]Pk. mahocchava -- , °hōsava -- , °hussava -- , °hūsava -- m.; P. mahocchā m. ʻ celebration, appointment of a new mahout ʼ; H. mahochā m. ʻ great festival ʼ, OG.mochava m.(CDIAL 9979)dīpōtsava m. ʻ festival of lights ʼ BhavP. [dīpa -- , utsavá -- ]
Pk. dīvūsava -- m. ʻ new moon of Kārtik ʼ; N. deusi ʻ festival beginning on the 5th day of Diwāli ʼ.(CDIAL 6359)In the Vaikhanasa temple, the immovable (Dhruva-bimba or dhruva-bera) main idol that is installed in the sanctum and to which main worship is offered (archa-murti) represents the primary aspect of the deity known as Vishnu (Vishnu-tattva). The other images in the temple which are worshipped each day during the ritual sequences are but the variations of the original icon (adi-murti). These other forms are emanations of the main idol, in successive stages. And, within the temple complex, each form is accorded a specific location; successively away from the Dhruva bera.
Just as the Vishnu of Rig-Veda takes three strides (trini pada vi-chakrama Vishnuh), the main idol (Dhruva – bera) installed in the temple too takes three forms which are represented by Kautuka-bera, Snapana-bera and Utsava-bera.
The Kautuka –bera (usually made of gems, stone, copper, silver, gold or wood and about 1/3 to 5/9 the size of the Dhruva-bera)receives all the daily worship(nitya-archana); the Snapana-bera (usually made of metal and smaller than Kautuka) receives ceremonial bath (abhisheka) and the occasional ritual- worship sequences(naimitta-archana); and, the Utsava-bera ( always made of metal ) is for festive occasions and for taking out in processions . To this, another icon is added .This is Bali – bera ( always made of shiny metal) taken out , daily , around the central shrine when food offerings are made to Indra and other devas, as well as to Jaya and Vijaya the doorkeepers of the Lord ; and to all the elements.
And, on occasions when a movable icon is used for daily worship, special rituals, and processions and for food-offering, it is known as Bhoga-bera.
These five forms together make Pancha bera or Pancha murti.
And again it is said, Purusha is symbolized by Kautuka bera; Satya by Utsava bera; Acchuta by Snapana bera; and Aniruddha by Bali bera.
To put these together in a combined form:
- The main idol (Dhruva-bera) which is immovable represents Vishnu (Vishnu-tattva).
- Purusha symbolized by Kautuka-bera is an emanation of the Dhruva-bera. Kautuka-bera is next in importance, and is an exact replica of the Dhruva-bimba. it is placed in the sanctum very close to Dhruva bera.
- Satya symbolized by Utsava-bera (processional deity) emanates from Purusha represented Kautuka-bera. And, Utsava-bera is placed in the next pavilion outside the sanctum.
- Achyuta symbolized by Snapana-bera emanates from Satya represented by Utsava-bera. Snapana-bera receives Abhisheka, the ceremonial bath; and, it is placed outside the sanctum in snapana-mantapam enclosure.
- Aniruddhda symbolized by Bali-bera emanates from Achyuta represented by Snapana-bera. The food offerings are submitted to Balibera. And, it is placed farthest from the Dhruva-bhera residing in the sanctum.
These different icons are not viewed as separate or independent deities; but are understood as emanations from the original icon, Dhruva–bimba.
Symbolisms
The symbolisms associated with the four murtis (chatur-murti) are many; and are interesting. As said earlier; the four are said to compare with the strides taken by Vishnu/Trivikrama. The main icon represents Vishnu who is all-pervasive, but, does not move about. When the worship sequences are conducted, the spirit (tejas) of the main idol moves into the Kautuka,-bera, which rests on the worship pedestal (archa-pitha). This is the first stride of Vishnu.Again, at the time of offering ritual bath, the tejas of the main idol moves into the Snapana-bera which is placed in the bathing-enclosure (snapana –mantapa). This is the second stride taken by Vishnu. And, the third stride is that when the Utsava-bera is taken out in processions. This is when the tejas of the Main idol reaches out to all.
In Marichi’s Vimana-archa-kalpa the five forms, five types of icons, the pancha-murti (when Vishnu is also counted along with the other four forms) are compared to five types of Vedic sacred fires (pancha-agni): garhapatya; ahavaniya; dakshinAgni; anvaharya; and sabhya. These in turn are compared to the primary elements (earth, water, fire, air, and space). And, the comparison is extended to five vital currents (prana, apana, vyana, udana and samana).
Further it is explained; the Vaikhanasa worship-tradition retained the concept of Pancha-Agni, but transformed them into five representations of Vishnu (pancha –murthi): Vishnu, Purusha, Satya, Achyuta and Aniruddha. And, that again was rendered into five types of temple deities as pancha-bera: Dhruva, Kautuka, Snapana, Utsava and Bali.
[The Vaikhanasa concept of five forms of Godhead parallels with that of Pancharatara which speaks of: Para, Vyuha, Vibhava, Antaryamin and Archa. Of these, Para is the absolute form, the cause of all existence and it is beyond intellect. Vyuha are the emanations from Para for sustaining creation. The Vyuha, in turn, assumes five worship-worthy forms: Vishnu, Purusha, Satya, Achyuta and Aniruddha. Vibhava represent the Avatars for destroying the evil, uplifting the virtuous and maintain balance in the world. Antaryamin is the inbeing who resides as jiva in all creatures. And, Archa is the most easily accessible form; the form which protects the devotees and eliminates their sorrows. This is the form that is worshipped in the temples.]
Source: agnyāyatanaṁ and agnihotrahomaḥ colophon: punarādheyam
Source: http://muktalib5.org/VEDIC_ROOT/vedic_library.htm
ॐ गणानां त्वा गणपतिं हवामहे
कविं कवीनामुपमश्रवस्तमम् ।
ज्येष्ठराजं ब्रह्मणाम् ब्रह्मणस्पत
आ नः शृण्वन्नूतिभिःसीदसादनम् ॥
ॐ महागणाधिपतये नमः ॥
RV_2,023.01a gaṇānāṃ tvā gaṇapatiṃ havāmahe kaviṃ kavīnām upamaśravastamam |
RV_2,023.01c jyeṣṭharājam brahmaṇām brahmaṇas pata ā naḥ śṛṇvann ūtibhiḥ sīda sādanam ||
RV_2,023.02a devāś cit te asurya pracetaso bṛhaspate yajñiyam bhāgam ānaśuḥ |
RV_2,023.02c usrā iva sūryo jyotiṣā maho viśveṣām ij janitā brahmaṇām asi ||
RV_2,023.03a ā vibādhyā parirāpas tamāṃsi ca jyotiṣmantaṃ ratham ṛtasya tiṣṭhasi |
RV_2,023.03c bṛhaspate bhīmam amitradambhanaṃ rakṣohaṇaṃ gotrabhidaṃ svarvidam ||
RV_2,023.04a sunītibhir nayasi trāyase janaṃ yas tubhyaṃ dāśān na tam aṃho aśnavat |
RV_2,023.04c brahmadviṣas tapano manyumīr asi bṛhaspate mahi tat te mahitvanam ||
RV_2,023.05a na tam aṃho na duritaṃ kutaś cana nārātayas titirur na dvayāvinaḥ |
RV_2,023.05c viśvā id asmād dhvaraso vi bādhase yaṃ sugopā rakṣasi brahmaṇas pate ||
RV_2,023.06a tvaṃ no gopāḥ pathikṛd vicakṣaṇas tava vratāya matibhir jarāmahe |
RV_2,023.06c bṛhaspate yo no abhi hvaro dadhe svā tam marmartu ducchunā harasvatī ||
RV_2,023.07a uta vā yo no marcayād anāgaso 'rātīvā martaḥ sānuko vṛkaḥ |
RV_2,023.07c bṛhaspate apa taṃ vartayā pathaḥ sugaṃ no asyai devavītaye kṛdhi ||
RV_2,023.08a trātāraṃ tvā tanūnāṃ havāmahe 'vaspartar adhivaktāram asmayum |
RV_2,023.08c bṛhaspate devanido ni barhaya mā durevā uttaraṃ sumnam un naśan ||
RV_2,023.09a tvayā vayaṃ suvṛdhā brahmaṇas pate spārhā vasu manuṣyā dadīmahi |
RV_2,023.09c yā no dūre taḷito yā arātayo 'bhi santi jambhayā tā anapnasaḥ ||
RV_2,023.10a tvayā vayam uttamaṃ dhīmahe vayo bṛhaspate papriṇā sasninā yujā |
RV_2,023.10c mā no duḥśaṃso abhidipsur īśata pra suśaṃsā matibhis tāriṣīmahi ||
RV_2,023.11a anānudo vṛṣabho jagmir āhavaṃ niṣṭaptā śatrum pṛtanāsu sāsahiḥ |
RV_2,023.11c asi satya ṛṇayā brahmaṇas pata ugrasya cid damitā vīḷuharṣiṇaḥ ||
RV_2,023.12a adevena manasā yo riṣaṇyati śāsām ugro manyamāno jighāṃsati |
RV_2,023.12c bṛhaspate mā praṇak tasya no vadho ni karma manyuṃ durevasya śardhataḥ ||
RV_2,023.13a bhareṣu havyo namasopasadyo gantā vājeṣu sanitā dhanaṃ-dhanam |
RV_2,023.13c viśvā id aryo abhidipsvo mṛdho bṛhaspatir vi vavarhā rathāṃ iva ||
RV_2,023.14a tejiṣṭhayā tapanī rakṣasas tapa ye tvā nide dadhire dṛṣṭavīryam |
RV_2,023.14c āvis tat kṛṣva yad asat ta ukthyam bṛhaspate vi parirāpo ardaya ||
RV_2,023.15a bṛhaspate ati yad aryo arhād dyumad vibhāti kratumaj janeṣu |
RV_2,023.15c yad dīdayac chavasa ṛtaprajāta tad asmāsu draviṇaṃ dhehi citram ||
RV_2,023.16a mā na stenebhyo ye abhi druhas pade nirāmiṇo ripavo 'nneṣu jāgṛdhuḥ |
RV_2,023.16c ā devānām ohate vi vrayo hṛdi bṛhaspate na paraḥ sāmno viduḥ ||
RV_2,023.17a viśvebhyo hi tvā bhuvanebhyas pari tvaṣṭājanat sāmnaḥ-sāmnaḥ kaviḥ |
RV_2,023.17c sa ṛṇacid ṛṇayā brahmaṇas patir druho hantā maha ṛtasya dhartari ||
RV_2,023.18a tava śriye vy ajihīta parvato gavāṃ gotram udasṛjo yad aṅgiraḥ |
RV_2,023.18c indreṇa yujā tamasā parīvṛtam bṛhaspate nir apām aubjo arṇavam ||
RV_2,023.19a brahmaṇas pate tvam asya yantā sūktasya bodhi tanayaṃ ca jinva |
RV_2,023.19c viśvaṃ tad bhadraṃ yad avanti devā bṛhad vadema vidathe suvīrāḥ ||
r.s.i: gr.tsamada (a_n:girasa s'aunahotra pas'ca_d) bha_rgava s'aunaka; devata_: br.haspati, 1-5,9,11,17,19 brahman.aspati; chanda: jagati_, 15,19 tris.t.up; Anuva_ka III
2.023.02 Br.haspati, destroyer of the asuras, through you the intelligent gods have obtained the sacrificialportion; in like manner as the adorable sun generates the (solar) rays by his radiance, so are you the generator of all prayers. [Br.haspati = Brahman.aspati; perhaps Br.haspati is of a more martial character; his protection is souhght for against enemies and evil spirits; perhaps, br.hata_m veda_na_m pa_lakah: br.hat = mantra, br.hato mantrasya, sva_min].
2.023.03 Having repelled revilers and (dispersed) the darkness you stand Br.haspati, on the radiant chariot of sacrifice, (which is) formidable (to foes), the humiliator of enemies, the destroyer of evil spirits, the cleaver of the clouds, the attainer of heaven.
2.023.04 You lead men, Br.haspati, by virtuous instructions; you preserve them (from calamity); sin will never overtake him who presents (offerings) to you; you are the afflicter of him who hates (holy) prayers; you are the punisher of wrath; such is your great mightiness. [Him who hates holy prayers: brahmadvis.ah = those who hate either the bra_hman.as,or the mantras or prayers].
2.023.05 The man whom you, Brahman.aspati, a kind protector, defend, neither sorrow nor sin, nor adversaries nor dissemblers ever harm, for you drive away from him all injurious (things).
2.023.06 You, Br.haspati, are our protector and the guide of (our) path; (you are) the discerner (of all things); we worship with praises for your adoration; may his own precipitate malice involve him (in destruction) who practises deceit against us.
2.023.07 Turn aside from (the true) path, Br.haspati, the arrogant and savage man who advances to injure us, although unoffending and keep us in the right way for (the completion of) this offering to the gods.
2.023.08 Br.haspati, defender (from calamity), we invoke you, the protector of our persons, the speaker of encouraging words and well disposed towards us; do you destroy the revilers of the gods; let not the malevolent attain supreme felicity.
2.023.09 Through you, Brahman.aspati, (our) benefactor, may we obtain desirable wealth from men destroy those (our) unrighteous enemies, whether nigh or far off, who prevail against us.
2.023.10 Through you, Br.haspati, (who are) the fulfiller of our desires; pure, and associated (with us), we possess excellent food; let not the wicked man who wishes to deceive us be our master; but let us, excelling in (pious) praises, attain (prosperity).
2.023.11 You, Brahman.aspati, who have no requiter (of your bounty), who are the showerer (of benefits), the repairer to combat, the consumer of foes, the victor in battles, you are true, the discharger of debts, the humiliator of the fierce and of the exulting.
2.023.12 Let not, Br.haspati, the murderous (weapon) of that man reach us, who, with unrighteous mind, seeks to harm us; who, fierce and arrogant, designs to kill (your) worshippers; may we baffle the wrath of the strong evil-doer].
2.023.13 Br.haspati is to be invoked in battles; he is to be approached with reverence; he who moves amidst combats, the distributor of repeated wealth; the lord Br.haspati has verily overturned all the assailing malignant (hosts), like chariots (overturned in battle).
2.023.14 Consume with your brightest (weapon) the ra_ks.asas, who have held your witnessed prowess in disdain; manifest, Br.haspati, your glorified (vigour), such as it was (of old), and destroy those who speak against you.
2.023.15 Br.haspati, born of truth, grant us that wonderful treasure, wherewith the pious man may worship exceedingly; that (wealth) which shines amongst men; which is endowed with lustre, (is) the means of (performing holy) rites, and invogirates (its possessor) with strength. [dravin.am citram = lit., various or wonderful wealth; in the Bra_hman.as it is interpreted as brahma varcas or tejas, brahmanical virtue or energy (cf. Yajus. 26.3; dravin.am = dhanam (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 4.11)].
2.023.16 Deliver us not to the thieves, the enemies delighting in violence, who seize ever upon the food (of others); those who cherish in their hearts the abandonment (of the gods); (they), Br.haspati, who do not know the extent of (your) power (against evil spirits). [Who do not know the extenf of your power: na parah sa_mno viduh = ye puma_msah sa_mnah sa_maya_t tvattah parah parasta_d anyadukr.s.t.am sa_ma yad raks.oghnam na ja_nanti, those men who do not know anything greater than the faculty of destroying ra_ks.asas, derived from you made up of that faculty; sa_ma vai raks.oha = sa_ma is the killer of ra_ks.asas].
2.023.17 Tvas.t.a_ engendered you (chief) amongst all beings, (whence) you are the reciter of many a holy hymn: Brahman.aspati acknowledges a debt to the performer of a sacred rite; he is the acquitter (of the debt), and the destoyer of the oppressor. [When you are the reciter: sa_mnah sa_mnah kavih, the reicter or another of every sa_ma, sarvasya sa_mnah ucca_rayita_ karta_si; or kavi refers to tvas.t.a_, further explained as the sage who created Brahman.aspati by the efficacy of the sa_ma: sa_mnah sa_ren.a tvam aji_janat; acknowledges a debt: r.n.acit stotr.ka_mam r.n.am iva cinoti, he takes the intention of the praiser as if it was a debt, or obligation; acquitter of the debt: r.n.aya is explained as the discharger or remover of the debt which is of the nature of sin: pa_paru_pasya r.n.asya pr.thak karta_].
2.023.18 When Br.haspati, descendant of An:giras, for your glory, Parvata had concealed the herd o fkine, you did set them free, and with thine associate, Indra, did send down the ocean of water which had been enveloped by darkness.
2.023.19 Brahman.aspati, who are the regulator of this (world), understand (the purport) of (our) hymn, and grant us posterity; for all is prosperous that the gods protect; (and therefore) may we blessed with excellent descendants, glorify you at this sacrifice. [Yajus. 34.58; vadema = may we declare or glorify you; or, let us speak, let what we ask be given to us;let it be enjoyed by us: di_yata_m bhujyata_m ucca_rayema].
Meaning:
1: Om, O Ganapati, To You Who are the Lord of the Ganas (Celestial Attendants or Followers), weOffer our Sacrificial Oblations,
2: You are the Wisdom of the Wise and the Uppermost in Glory,
3: You are the Eldest Lord (i.e. ever Unborn) and is of the Nature of Brahman (Absolute Consciousness); You are the Embodiment of the Sacred Pranava (Om),
4: Please come to us by Listening to our Prayers and be Present in the Seat of this Sacred Sacrificial Altar.
5: Om, our Prostrations to the Mahaganadhipati (the Great Lord of the Ganas).
http://www.greenmesg.org/mantras_slokas/sri_ganesha-gananam_tva_ganapatim.php
Pañcāyatana pūjā is worship of Gaṇeśa, Vishnu, Shiva, Devī, and Sūrya.
Gaṇeśa Nrtya Walters Art Museum.
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
November 2, 2015
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Historians admit to inventing ancient Greeks. 'Eminent Historians' of India should take a cue, feel proud and salute the traditions of Ancient Hindu Bharatam.
Historians of the genre of Romila Thapar, Ifran Habib should read Bharata's Natyashastra to find out that janapadas (democracies) had existed in Bharatam. They should also read the Uttaramerur inscription which prescribed in 12th century, procedures for election of civil officials through a secret ballot. This was also mentioned by Tanguturi Prakasam during the Constituent Assembly debates.
So, eminent historians of India should take a cue, feel proud and celebrate the traditions of Ancient Hindu Bharatam.
Kalyanaraman
PS: Note the source: Onion is a humor magazine and may have produced a spoof :)--
PS: Note the source: Onion is a humor magazine and may have produced a spoof :)--
Historians Admit To Inventing Ancient Greeks
October 7, 2010
WASHINGTON—A group of leading historians held a press conference Monday at the National Geographic Society to announce they had "entirely fabricated" ancient Greece, a culture long thought to be the intellectual basis of Western civilization.
The group acknowledged that the idea of a sophisticated, flourishing society existing in Greece more than two millennia ago was a complete fiction created by a team of some two dozen historians, anthropologists, and classicists who worked nonstop between 1971 and 1974 to forge "Greek" documents and artifacts.
"Honestly, we never meant for things to go this far," said Professor Gene Haddlebury, who has offered to resign his position as chair of Hellenic Studies at Georgetown University. "We were young and trying to advance our careers, so we just started making things up: Homer, Aristotle, Socrates, Hippocrates, the lever and fulcrum, rhetoric, ethics, all the different kinds of columns—everything."
"Way more stuff than any one civilization could have come up with, obviously," he added.
According to Haddlebury, the idea of inventing a wholly fraudulent ancient culture came about when he and other scholars realized they had no idea what had actually happened in Europe during the 800-year period before the Christian era.
Frustrated by the gap in the record, and finding archaeologists to be "not much help at all," they took the problem to colleagues who were then scrambling to find a way to explain where things such as astronomy, cartography, and democracy had come from.
Within hours the greatest and most influential civilization of all time was born.
"One night someone made a joke about just taking all these ideas, lumping them together, and saying the Greeks had done it all 2,000 years ago," Haddlebury said. "One thing led to another, and before you know it, we're coming up with everything from the golden ratio to the Iliad."
"That was a bitch to write, by the way," he continued, referring to the epic poem believed to have laid the foundation for the Western literary tradition. "But it seemed to catch on."
Around the same time, a curator at the Smithsonian reportedly asked for Haddlebury's help: The museum had received a sizeable donation to create an exhibit on the ancient world but "really didn't have a whole lot to put in there." The historians immediately set to work, hastily falsifying evidence of a civilization that— complete with its own poets and philosophers, gods and heroes—would eventually become the centerpiece of schoolbooks, college educations, and the entire field of the humanities.
Emily Nguyen-Whiteman, one of the young academics who "pulled a month's worth of all-nighters" working on the project, explained that the whole of ancient Greek architecture was based on buildings in Washington, D.C., including a bank across the street from the coffee shop where they met to "bat around ideas about mythology or whatever."
"We picked Greece because we figured nobody would ever go there to check it out," Nguyen-Whiteman said. "Have you ever seen the place? It's a dump. It's like an abandoned gravel pit infested with cats."
She added, "Inevitably, though, people started looking around for some of this 'ancient' stuff, and next thing I know I'm stuck in Athens all summer building a goddamn Parthenon just to cover our tracks."
Nguyen-Whiteman acknowledged she was also tasked with altering documents ranging from early Bibles to the writings of Thomas Jefferson to reflect a "Classical Greek" influence—a task that also included the creation, from scratch, of a language based on modern Greek that could pass as its ancient precursor.
Historians told reporters that some of the so-called Greek ideas were in fact borrowed from the Romans, stripped to their fundamentals, and then attributed to fictional Greek predecessors. But others they claimed as their own.
"Geometry? That was all Kevin," said Haddlebury, referring to former graduate student Kevin Davenport. "Man, that kid was on fire in those days. They teach Davenportian geometry in high schools now, though of course they call it Euclidean."
Sources confirmed that long hours and lack of sleep took their toll on Davenport, and after the lukewarm reception of his work on homoeroticism in Spartan military, he left the group.
In a statement expressing their "profound apologies" for misleading the world on the subject of antiquity for almost 40 years, the historians expressed hope that their work would survive on its own merits.
"It would be a shame to see humanity abandon achievements such as heliocentrism and the plays of Aeschylus just because of their origin," the statement read in part. "Moreover, we have some rather disappointing things to tell you about the pyramids, the works of Leonardo da Vinci, penicillin, the Internet, the scientific method, movies, and dogs."
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Modi is not communal at all he will act against loose cannons: Mufti Mohammad Sayeed. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.
Modi is not communal at all he will act against loose cannons: Mufti Mohammad Sayeed
As Prime Minister Narendra Modi finds himself the target of criticism for the perceived growing intolerance in the country, he gets a thumbs up from a crucial ally, PDP. Ahead of the PM's visit to Jammu & Kashmir, chief minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed tells TOI that the alliance between the BJP and PDP is very strong and that when Modi speaks at a public rally in Srinagar it would be the perfect opportunity for him to reiterate his faith in India's diversity and plurality.
Q: How would you describe your relationship with the BJP in last one year?
A: Our alliance is strong, very strong. The BJP here is of committed people. The PM has chosen some wonderful young people, chartered accountants, doctors. They are devoted, not corrupt like the Congress. I am more than happy with the alliance. The people here are cooperating, people in Jammu are cooperating. And the PM is totally focused.
Q: What about the Kashmir package? Why has it not yet been announced?
A: We're getting funds through the finance commission devolution recommendations and working within that. As for the package, I never specially asked for it. It will be in addition to what we have. I am sure the PM will see the merits of it. Work has gone into it for the last six months. It has never been a demand on my part and I would not like to make any statement demanding a package.
The good thing is that on Kashmir, the PM doesn't just rely on IB reports. He talks to the RSS, gets feedback from them. He sees that Mufti is serious, that my government is working hard. That's why he's coming. Like Vajpayee came in 2003, gave a package and reached out to Pakistan. Coming to Kashmir is an opportunity for Modi.
Q: Coming here is an opportunity for him?
A: Yes, he has the opportunity to come out of his cocoon. In India's only Muslim majority state, it's an opportunity to speak on diversity, to chart a course away from the loose canons, to open his mind. Vajpayee got an opening here, Modi will have too.
Q: But hasn't the beef ban divided communities in J&K?
A: Beef ban has never been an issue here. There's been a ban on cow slaughter in Kashmir for decades. Even Syed Ali Shah Geelani gave a statement that no sentiments should be hurt in the slaughtering of cattle. The killing of trucker Zahid Bhatt was condemnable. We fast tracked the case and charged the accused with murder. On the attack on Engineer Rashid, I made the deputy CM apologize in the House.
Q: But should the PM not have spoke out more on the Dadri incident?
A: Dadri was terrible, unfortunate. A real black mark. But Modi's agenda is 'Sab ka saath, sabka vikas'. 'Toofan ka aadmi hai', he is not communal at all. I am sure in the days ahead he will marginalize the loose canons in his party; it will take time, it's a process of evolution. My experience is that Modi is not at all authoritarian; he consulted a wide range of people before tying up with me.
There's no alternative to Modi and I am convinced he too wants to come out of a narrow political position and move towards economic development and political reconciliation. He has to be inclusive and he has to reach out to Pakistan, he has no choice.
Q: Are Hindus and Muslims becoming divided in J&K? How easy is it to balance Jammu and Kashmir?
A: There are no divisions. The BJP is in power for the first time. It's not looting like the Congress. The RSS background makes them do good work, be at the doorsteps of people. We've tried to balance Jammu & Kashmir. Jammu will have two AIIMS; Kashmir has a National Institute for Fashion Technology and NIIT. A group of Gujarati Muslims told me it's our wish you succeed in this alliance - that will be our success.
Q: Is Modi unfairly targeted?
A: He has a mandate; he is the leader. He is not corrupt, he has credibility. Maybe the land Bill was wrong, and the GST is now stuck. But in the long run, he will be successful and the hotheads will be marginalized once there is visible economic growth. Yes, I will say a PM has to have badappan, he must reach out, he must have dialogue, win over the Opposition.
Geelani has said he will take out a one million march when Modi comes to Kashmir. That's not right. Modi is the PM; he cannot be met with defiance and confrontation at all times.
Q: What about writers returning awards?
A: Perhaps they are committed to certain ideal, that's their right. You cannot change India's diversity; the manner in which writers and civil society have spoken shows the strength of India's diversity and pluralism.
Q: Did you feel bad that talks with Pakistan were called off?
A: There's no option but to engage with Pakistan, and yes Nawaz Sharif had come running. Mind you, Sartaj Aziz had no business to talk the way he did on having an atom bomb. Also, Hurriyat need not have been such an issue. There have always been informal contacts with the Hurriyat.
Q: What about the charge that your government is soft on militants?
A: We've always said 'Na grenade se, na goli se, baat banegi boli se'. Look at Syria, look at Iraq, is this Islam? There's a certain atmosphere in certain parts of Kashmir but these are all fringe elements, not mainstream.
Q: Should Modi distance himself from the RSS?
A: Vajpayee was a proud member of the RSS, but he was a pragmatist. Let's go by his deeds, not words.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Modis-a-force-of-nature-not-communal-at-all-Mufti-Mohammad-Sayeed/articleshow/49622397.cms?prtpage=1
J&K chief minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed
Q: How would you describe your relationship with the BJP in last one year?
A: Our alliance is strong, very strong. The BJP here is of committed people. The PM has chosen some wonderful young people, chartered accountants, doctors. They are devoted, not corrupt like the Congress. I am more than happy with the alliance. The people here are cooperating, people in Jammu are cooperating. And the PM is totally focused.
Q: What about the Kashmir package? Why has it not yet been announced?
A: We're getting funds through the finance commission devolution recommendations and working within that. As for the package, I never specially asked for it. It will be in addition to what we have. I am sure the PM will see the merits of it. Work has gone into it for the last six months. It has never been a demand on my part and I would not like to make any statement demanding a package.
The good thing is that on Kashmir, the PM doesn't just rely on IB reports. He talks to the RSS, gets feedback from them. He sees that Mufti is serious, that my government is working hard. That's why he's coming. Like Vajpayee came in 2003, gave a package and reached out to Pakistan. Coming to Kashmir is an opportunity for Modi.
Q: Coming here is an opportunity for him?
A: Yes, he has the opportunity to come out of his cocoon. In India's only Muslim majority state, it's an opportunity to speak on diversity, to chart a course away from the loose canons, to open his mind. Vajpayee got an opening here, Modi will have too.
Q: But hasn't the beef ban divided communities in J&K?
A: Beef ban has never been an issue here. There's been a ban on cow slaughter in Kashmir for decades. Even Syed Ali Shah Geelani gave a statement that no sentiments should be hurt in the slaughtering of cattle. The killing of trucker Zahid Bhatt was condemnable. We fast tracked the case and charged the accused with murder. On the attack on Engineer Rashid, I made the deputy CM apologize in the House.
Q: But should the PM not have spoke out more on the Dadri incident?
A: Dadri was terrible, unfortunate. A real black mark. But Modi's agenda is 'Sab ka saath, sabka vikas'. 'Toofan ka aadmi hai', he is not communal at all. I am sure in the days ahead he will marginalize the loose canons in his party; it will take time, it's a process of evolution. My experience is that Modi is not at all authoritarian; he consulted a wide range of people before tying up with me.
There's no alternative to Modi and I am convinced he too wants to come out of a narrow political position and move towards economic development and political reconciliation. He has to be inclusive and he has to reach out to Pakistan, he has no choice.
Q: Are Hindus and Muslims becoming divided in J&K? How easy is it to balance Jammu and Kashmir?
A: There are no divisions. The BJP is in power for the first time. It's not looting like the Congress. The RSS background makes them do good work, be at the doorsteps of people. We've tried to balance Jammu & Kashmir. Jammu will have two AIIMS; Kashmir has a National Institute for Fashion Technology and NIIT. A group of Gujarati Muslims told me it's our wish you succeed in this alliance - that will be our success.
Q: Is Modi unfairly targeted?
A: He has a mandate; he is the leader. He is not corrupt, he has credibility. Maybe the land Bill was wrong, and the GST is now stuck. But in the long run, he will be successful and the hotheads will be marginalized once there is visible economic growth. Yes, I will say a PM has to have badappan, he must reach out, he must have dialogue, win over the Opposition.
Geelani has said he will take out a one million march when Modi comes to Kashmir. That's not right. Modi is the PM; he cannot be met with defiance and confrontation at all times.
Q: What about writers returning awards?
A: Perhaps they are committed to certain ideal, that's their right. You cannot change India's diversity; the manner in which writers and civil society have spoken shows the strength of India's diversity and pluralism.
Q: Did you feel bad that talks with Pakistan were called off?
A: There's no option but to engage with Pakistan, and yes Nawaz Sharif had come running. Mind you, Sartaj Aziz had no business to talk the way he did on having an atom bomb. Also, Hurriyat need not have been such an issue. There have always been informal contacts with the Hurriyat.
Q: What about the charge that your government is soft on militants?
A: We've always said 'Na grenade se, na goli se, baat banegi boli se'. Look at Syria, look at Iraq, is this Islam? There's a certain atmosphere in certain parts of Kashmir but these are all fringe elements, not mainstream.
Q: Should Modi distance himself from the RSS?
A: Vajpayee was a proud member of the RSS, but he was a pragmatist. Let's go by his deeds, not words.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Modis-a-force-of-nature-not-communal-at-all-Mufti-Mohammad-Sayeed/articleshow/49622397.cms?prtpage=1
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1984, this week, when Congress taught tolerance to the world -- Kanchan Gupta
1984, THIS WEEK, WHEN CONGRESS TAUGHT TOLERANCE TO THE WORLD
Sunday, 01 November 2015 | Kanchan Gupta
All that we have to show as justice being done in the anti-Sikh pogrom case is the conviction of six men, who did not have the requisite financial or political clout to manipulate their way to freedom and last heard were serving sentence for ‘murder'. The key protagonists have had a free run
This week, light a candle in your window. And whisper a silent prayer in the memory of more than 4,000 Sikh men, women and children slaughtered by Congress hoodlums 31 years ago, in 1984. In Delhi alone, 2,733 Sikhs were burned alive, butchered or beaten to death.
Women were raped while their terrified families pleaded for mercy, little or none of which was shown by the Congress flag-bearers. In one of the numerous such incidents, a woman was gang-raped in front of her 17-year-old son; before leaving, the marauders torched the boy.
For three days and nights the killing and pillaging continued without the police, the civil administration and the Union Government, which was then in direct charge of Delhi, lifting a finger in admonishment. The Congress was in power, and senior Congress leaders, perhaps for the first time in their political careers, led from the front while the Prime Minister, his Home Minister, indeed the entire Council of Ministers, twiddled their thumbs.
Even as stray dogs gorged on rotting human entrails, gutters were clogged with charred corpses and wailing women, clutching children too frightened to cry, fled baying mobs armed with iron rods, staves and gallons of kerosene, All India Radio and Doordarshan kept on broadcasting blood-curdling slogans of ‘Khoon ka badla khoon se lenge’ (We shall avenge blood with blood) raised by Congress workers grieving over their dear departed leader, Indira Gandhi.
Rajiv Gandhi, having ensconced himself as Prime Minister, later sought to justify the terror unleashed by his party. Addressing a rally at Delhi’s Boat Club to celebrate his mother’s birth anniversary, he thundered: “When a big tree falls, the earth will shake.” And shake it did!
In mid-morning on October 31, 1984, Indira Gandhi was assassinated by two Sikh guards posted at her home. The assassins, Satwant Singh and Beant Singh, later said they had killed the Prime Minister to avenge the Indian Army’s assault on the Golden Temple — Operation Bluestar — at her explicit instruction on June 5 that year. Beant Singh was killed by the Indo-Tibetan Border Police soon after Indira Gandhi’s assassination. Satwant Singh and an alleged accomplice, Kehar Singh, against whom there was thin evidence, were executed for the crime.
Indira Gandhi’s death was officially confirmed by All India Radio and Doordarshan at 6 pm, after due dilligence had been exercised to ensure Rajiv Gandhi’s succession. By then, stray incidents of violence against Sikhs, including the stoning of President Zail Singh’s car, had started trickling in at various police stations.
That night, the Congress party machinery went into a rumour-mongering overdrive: in colony after colony (Delhi, the seat of India’s colonial rulers, is a sprawling conglomerate of ‘colonies’, some upmarket, most little more than shanty towns), rumours spread like wildfire, describing in graphic details how ‘Sikhs were distributing sweets to celebrate Indira Gandhi’s assassination, how ‘gurdwaras had been lit up as if it were Diwali’, and, how ‘Sikh terrorists had infiltrated the city’.
By the morning of November 1, hordes of men, shouting Congress slogans, had started running riot in south, east and west Delhi. They were armed with iron rods and carried old tyres and jerry cans filled with kerosene and petrol. Owners of gas stations and kerosene stores, beneficiaries of Congress largesse, provided petrol and kerosene free of cost. Some of the men went around on scooters and motorcycles, marking Sikh houses and business establishments with chalk for easy identification. They had been provided with electoral rolls by their political masters to make the task easier.
By late afternoon that day, hundreds of taxis, trucks and shops owned by Sikhs had been set ablaze. By early evening, the killing, loot and rape began in right earnest. The worst butchery took place in Block 32 of Trilokpuri, a resettlement colony in east Delhi. Scores of families were killed over November 1 and 2: Most of them were despatched by putting burning tyres around theirs necks.
The pogrom continued with the active abetment of the police. On November 1, some residents of Lajpat Nagar took out a peace march to thwart the violence. The police stopped the march because the participants did not have ‘official permission’. In many places, police asked Sikhs to hand over their kirpans, took them away forcibly if the Sikhs refused, before the marauders descended upon them.
To prevent Sikhs from taking refuge in gurdwaras, most of Delhi’s 450 gurdwaras were sacked in the early hours of the violence. The expedient means of setting houses ablaze was used to get at Sikh families who had taken refuge on the roofs of their homes. Entire families were roasted alive.
A sort-of curfew was imposed in south and central Delhi at 4 pm on November 1. But no action was taken in east and west Delhi and the outlying area of Palam where the massacre of Sikhs was being carried out with macabre ferocity and astounding impunity. Curfew was imposed in east and west Delhi at 6 pm, ensuring that the killers had an extra hours.
PV Narasimha Rao, who was the Home Minister and responsible for maintaining law and order in Delhi during those dark days, was fully aware of what was happening. But he chose not to deploy the Army in time which could have prevented the pogrom. In his affidavit submitted to the GT Nanavati Commission, inquiring into the pogrom, Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, the much decorated hero of the 1971 war, has said, “The Home Minister was grossly negligent in his approach, which clearly reflected his connivance with perpetrators of the heinous crimes being committed against the Sikhs.”
The Army was alerted at 2.30 pm on November 1; when the General Officer Commanding went to meet the Lieutenant Governor for orders, he was kept waiting for an hour. The first deployment of Army jawans took place around 6 pm on November 1 in south and central Delhi, which were comparatively unaffected, but in the absence of navigators, which should have been provided by the police and the civil authorities, the jawans found themselves lost in unfamiliar roads and avenues. The Army was deployed in east and west Delhi in the afternoon of November 2. But, here, too, the jawans were at a loss because there were no navigators to show them the way through byzantine lanes.
In any event, there was little the Army could have done: magistrates were ‘not available’ to give permission to the jawans to fire on the mobs. This mandatory requirement was kept pending till Indira Gandhi’s funeral was over. By then, 1,026 Sikhs had been killed in east Delhi, the majority of the dead were residents of Block 32 in Trilokpuri.
The slaughter was not limited to Delhi. Sikhs were killed in Gurgaon, Kanpur, Bokaro, Indore and many other towns and cities across India. In a replay of the blood-letting in Delhi, 26 Sikh jawans and officers of the Indian Army were pulled out of trains and killed. There has been no effort to compute the death toll in these places, but the most conservative estimates have placed it at 2,000.
After quenching their thirst for blood, the brave leaders of the Congress and their foot soldiers retreated to savour their deeds of revenge. The flames died, the smoke from smouldering shops and homes lifted and the winter air blew away the stench of death. Rajiv Gandhi’s Government, in a casual aside, issued an official statement placing the death toll at 425.
Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who was then president of the Bharatiya Janata Party, had instructed party leaders in Delhi to organise relief camps and provide succour to the survivors of the pogrom. Madan Lal Khurana and Vijay Kumar Malhotra had braved the marauders to move from colony to colony, giving whatever help they could. Vajpayee contested the official death toll and asked his colleagues to collate figures. Their total added up to 2,800. “The BJP is an anti-national party”, responded the Congress.
There were demands for a judicial inquiry to fix responsibility and add up the casualties. Rajiv Gandhi stonewalled these demands. Human rights organisations petitioned the courts. Rajiv Gandhi’s Government declared that courts were not empowered to order inquiries.
Meanwhile, Rajiv Gandhi dissolved the Lok Sabha and went for an early general election. The Congress launched a vitriolic hate campaign through advertisements and posters (‘Can you trust a Sikh taxi driver?’). In Rajiv Gandhi’s constituency, Congress workers raised a rather telling slogan against his opponent and sister-in-law, Maneka Gandhi: “Beti hai Sardar ki, qaum hai gaddar ki” (She is the daughter of a Sikh, a community of traitors).
Rajiv Gandhi rode the crest of a gigantic ‘sympathy wave’. The Congress won 401 seats in the Lok Sabha. The BJP was reduced to two seats, punished for sympathising with the Sikhs.
By 1985, Punjab was fast slipping into a bottomless spiral of secessionist violence and Rajiv Gandhi was desperate to show a breakthrough. He mollycoddled Akali leader Sant Harchand Singh Longowal into agreeing to sign a peace accord with him. Sant Longowal listed a set of pre-conditions; one of them was the setting up of a judicial inquiry into the anti-Sikh pogrom. Political expediency made Rajiv Gandhi concede this and other demands. (It is another matter that the accord foundered and Sant Longowal was assassinated by terrorists.)
Thus was born the Ranganath Mishra Commission that shall remain known forever for white-washing official complicity and political patronage without which the slaughter of Sikhs would not have been possible. Submissions and affidavits were surreptiously passed on to those accused of leading the mobs to facilitate their defence. Some of these documents were later recovered from the house of Sajjan Kumar, one of the Congress leaders who had been accused by victims in their signed affidavits. Gag orders were issued, preventing the Press from reporting in-camera proceedings of the commission.
For full six months, Rajiv Gandhi refused to make public the Ranganath Mishra Commission’s report. When it was tabled in Parliament, the report was found to be an amazing travesty of the truth, an exercise that was dedicated to drawing a bizarre distinction between Congress workers and the Congress party — the former were guilty, but not the latter; no responsibility was fixed nor were the guilty named.
Subsequently, three other committees were set up: the Jain-Banerji Committee to find out why cases were not registered by the police and, if registered, why was it not done properly; the Kapoor-Mittal Committee to look into the role of the police; and, the Ahuja Committee to compute the number of deaths. The findings of the first two committees are gathering dust in some corner of South Block.
The key finding of the Ahuja Committee is of relevance — a total of 2,733 Sikhs were killed in Delhi. There is no record of an apology being offered by either Rajiv Gandhi or his Government for placing the death toll at 425, leave alone for their description of the BJP as “anti-national” because it had placed the figure at 2,800.
In these 31 years, nine commissions and committees have been set up to look into different aspects of the anti-Sikh pogrom. Much bluster has been heard about bringing the guilty to book. What we have seen is inertia, political intervention and tardy prosecution. Overwhelming evidence against Sajjan Kumar, Jagdish Tytler and HKL Bhagat has been set aside by skulduggery and gerrymandering.
Two thousand seven hundred and thirty-three men, women and children killed in Delhi, another 2,000 killed in other towns and cities, scores of women raped, property worth crores of rupees looted or sacked. Families devastated forever, survivors scarred for the rest of their lives.
After 31 years, all that we have to show as justice being done is the conviction of six men, who did not have the requisite financial or political clout to manipulate their way to freedom and last heard were serving sentence for 'murder.'
Those who survived the pogrom of 1984, haunted by nightmares of a hideous crime the world has forgotten, wipe their tears silently.
This week, light a candle in your window. And whisper a silent prayer in the memory of more than 4,000 Sikh men, women and children slaughtered by Congress hoodlums 31 years ago, in 1984. In Delhi alone, 2,733 Sikhs were burned alive, butchered or beaten to death.
Women were raped while their terrified families pleaded for mercy, little or none of which was shown by the Congress flag-bearers. In one of the numerous such incidents, a woman was gang-raped in front of her 17-year-old son; before leaving, the marauders torched the boy.
For three days and nights the killing and pillaging continued without the police, the civil administration and the Union Government, which was then in direct charge of Delhi, lifting a finger in admonishment. The Congress was in power, and senior Congress leaders, perhaps for the first time in their political careers, led from the front while the Prime Minister, his Home Minister, indeed the entire Council of Ministers, twiddled their thumbs.
Even as stray dogs gorged on rotting human entrails, gutters were clogged with charred corpses and wailing women, clutching children too frightened to cry, fled baying mobs armed with iron rods, staves and gallons of kerosene, All India Radio and Doordarshan kept on broadcasting blood-curdling slogans of ‘Khoon ka badla khoon se lenge’ (We shall avenge blood with blood) raised by Congress workers grieving over their dear departed leader, Indira Gandhi.
Rajiv Gandhi, having ensconced himself as Prime Minister, later sought to justify the terror unleashed by his party. Addressing a rally at Delhi’s Boat Club to celebrate his mother’s birth anniversary, he thundered: “When a big tree falls, the earth will shake.” And shake it did!
In mid-morning on October 31, 1984, Indira Gandhi was assassinated by two Sikh guards posted at her home. The assassins, Satwant Singh and Beant Singh, later said they had killed the Prime Minister to avenge the Indian Army’s assault on the Golden Temple — Operation Bluestar — at her explicit instruction on June 5 that year. Beant Singh was killed by the Indo-Tibetan Border Police soon after Indira Gandhi’s assassination. Satwant Singh and an alleged accomplice, Kehar Singh, against whom there was thin evidence, were executed for the crime.
Indira Gandhi’s death was officially confirmed by All India Radio and Doordarshan at 6 pm, after due dilligence had been exercised to ensure Rajiv Gandhi’s succession. By then, stray incidents of violence against Sikhs, including the stoning of President Zail Singh’s car, had started trickling in at various police stations.
That night, the Congress party machinery went into a rumour-mongering overdrive: in colony after colony (Delhi, the seat of India’s colonial rulers, is a sprawling conglomerate of ‘colonies’, some upmarket, most little more than shanty towns), rumours spread like wildfire, describing in graphic details how ‘Sikhs were distributing sweets to celebrate Indira Gandhi’s assassination, how ‘gurdwaras had been lit up as if it were Diwali’, and, how ‘Sikh terrorists had infiltrated the city’.
By the morning of November 1, hordes of men, shouting Congress slogans, had started running riot in south, east and west Delhi. They were armed with iron rods and carried old tyres and jerry cans filled with kerosene and petrol. Owners of gas stations and kerosene stores, beneficiaries of Congress largesse, provided petrol and kerosene free of cost. Some of the men went around on scooters and motorcycles, marking Sikh houses and business establishments with chalk for easy identification. They had been provided with electoral rolls by their political masters to make the task easier.
By late afternoon that day, hundreds of taxis, trucks and shops owned by Sikhs had been set ablaze. By early evening, the killing, loot and rape began in right earnest. The worst butchery took place in Block 32 of Trilokpuri, a resettlement colony in east Delhi. Scores of families were killed over November 1 and 2: Most of them were despatched by putting burning tyres around theirs necks.
The pogrom continued with the active abetment of the police. On November 1, some residents of Lajpat Nagar took out a peace march to thwart the violence. The police stopped the march because the participants did not have ‘official permission’. In many places, police asked Sikhs to hand over their kirpans, took them away forcibly if the Sikhs refused, before the marauders descended upon them.
To prevent Sikhs from taking refuge in gurdwaras, most of Delhi’s 450 gurdwaras were sacked in the early hours of the violence. The expedient means of setting houses ablaze was used to get at Sikh families who had taken refuge on the roofs of their homes. Entire families were roasted alive.
A sort-of curfew was imposed in south and central Delhi at 4 pm on November 1. But no action was taken in east and west Delhi and the outlying area of Palam where the massacre of Sikhs was being carried out with macabre ferocity and astounding impunity. Curfew was imposed in east and west Delhi at 6 pm, ensuring that the killers had an extra hours.
PV Narasimha Rao, who was the Home Minister and responsible for maintaining law and order in Delhi during those dark days, was fully aware of what was happening. But he chose not to deploy the Army in time which could have prevented the pogrom. In his affidavit submitted to the GT Nanavati Commission, inquiring into the pogrom, Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, the much decorated hero of the 1971 war, has said, “The Home Minister was grossly negligent in his approach, which clearly reflected his connivance with perpetrators of the heinous crimes being committed against the Sikhs.”
The Army was alerted at 2.30 pm on November 1; when the General Officer Commanding went to meet the Lieutenant Governor for orders, he was kept waiting for an hour. The first deployment of Army jawans took place around 6 pm on November 1 in south and central Delhi, which were comparatively unaffected, but in the absence of navigators, which should have been provided by the police and the civil authorities, the jawans found themselves lost in unfamiliar roads and avenues. The Army was deployed in east and west Delhi in the afternoon of November 2. But, here, too, the jawans were at a loss because there were no navigators to show them the way through byzantine lanes.
In any event, there was little the Army could have done: magistrates were ‘not available’ to give permission to the jawans to fire on the mobs. This mandatory requirement was kept pending till Indira Gandhi’s funeral was over. By then, 1,026 Sikhs had been killed in east Delhi, the majority of the dead were residents of Block 32 in Trilokpuri.
The slaughter was not limited to Delhi. Sikhs were killed in Gurgaon, Kanpur, Bokaro, Indore and many other towns and cities across India. In a replay of the blood-letting in Delhi, 26 Sikh jawans and officers of the Indian Army were pulled out of trains and killed. There has been no effort to compute the death toll in these places, but the most conservative estimates have placed it at 2,000.
After quenching their thirst for blood, the brave leaders of the Congress and their foot soldiers retreated to savour their deeds of revenge. The flames died, the smoke from smouldering shops and homes lifted and the winter air blew away the stench of death. Rajiv Gandhi’s Government, in a casual aside, issued an official statement placing the death toll at 425.
Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who was then president of the Bharatiya Janata Party, had instructed party leaders in Delhi to organise relief camps and provide succour to the survivors of the pogrom. Madan Lal Khurana and Vijay Kumar Malhotra had braved the marauders to move from colony to colony, giving whatever help they could. Vajpayee contested the official death toll and asked his colleagues to collate figures. Their total added up to 2,800. “The BJP is an anti-national party”, responded the Congress.
There were demands for a judicial inquiry to fix responsibility and add up the casualties. Rajiv Gandhi stonewalled these demands. Human rights organisations petitioned the courts. Rajiv Gandhi’s Government declared that courts were not empowered to order inquiries.
Meanwhile, Rajiv Gandhi dissolved the Lok Sabha and went for an early general election. The Congress launched a vitriolic hate campaign through advertisements and posters (‘Can you trust a Sikh taxi driver?’). In Rajiv Gandhi’s constituency, Congress workers raised a rather telling slogan against his opponent and sister-in-law, Maneka Gandhi: “Beti hai Sardar ki, qaum hai gaddar ki” (She is the daughter of a Sikh, a community of traitors).
Rajiv Gandhi rode the crest of a gigantic ‘sympathy wave’. The Congress won 401 seats in the Lok Sabha. The BJP was reduced to two seats, punished for sympathising with the Sikhs.
By 1985, Punjab was fast slipping into a bottomless spiral of secessionist violence and Rajiv Gandhi was desperate to show a breakthrough. He mollycoddled Akali leader Sant Harchand Singh Longowal into agreeing to sign a peace accord with him. Sant Longowal listed a set of pre-conditions; one of them was the setting up of a judicial inquiry into the anti-Sikh pogrom. Political expediency made Rajiv Gandhi concede this and other demands. (It is another matter that the accord foundered and Sant Longowal was assassinated by terrorists.)
Thus was born the Ranganath Mishra Commission that shall remain known forever for white-washing official complicity and political patronage without which the slaughter of Sikhs would not have been possible. Submissions and affidavits were surreptiously passed on to those accused of leading the mobs to facilitate their defence. Some of these documents were later recovered from the house of Sajjan Kumar, one of the Congress leaders who had been accused by victims in their signed affidavits. Gag orders were issued, preventing the Press from reporting in-camera proceedings of the commission.
For full six months, Rajiv Gandhi refused to make public the Ranganath Mishra Commission’s report. When it was tabled in Parliament, the report was found to be an amazing travesty of the truth, an exercise that was dedicated to drawing a bizarre distinction between Congress workers and the Congress party — the former were guilty, but not the latter; no responsibility was fixed nor were the guilty named.
Subsequently, three other committees were set up: the Jain-Banerji Committee to find out why cases were not registered by the police and, if registered, why was it not done properly; the Kapoor-Mittal Committee to look into the role of the police; and, the Ahuja Committee to compute the number of deaths. The findings of the first two committees are gathering dust in some corner of South Block.
The key finding of the Ahuja Committee is of relevance — a total of 2,733 Sikhs were killed in Delhi. There is no record of an apology being offered by either Rajiv Gandhi or his Government for placing the death toll at 425, leave alone for their description of the BJP as “anti-national” because it had placed the figure at 2,800.
In these 31 years, nine commissions and committees have been set up to look into different aspects of the anti-Sikh pogrom. Much bluster has been heard about bringing the guilty to book. What we have seen is inertia, political intervention and tardy prosecution. Overwhelming evidence against Sajjan Kumar, Jagdish Tytler and HKL Bhagat has been set aside by skulduggery and gerrymandering.
Two thousand seven hundred and thirty-three men, women and children killed in Delhi, another 2,000 killed in other towns and cities, scores of women raped, property worth crores of rupees looted or sacked. Families devastated forever, survivors scarred for the rest of their lives.
After 31 years, all that we have to show as justice being done is the conviction of six men, who did not have the requisite financial or political clout to manipulate their way to freedom and last heard were serving sentence for 'murder.'
Those who survived the pogrom of 1984, haunted by nightmares of a hideous crime the world has forgotten, wipe their tears silently.
http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnists/coffee-break/1984-this-week-when-congress-taught-tolerance-to-the-world.html
The author is a current affairs journalist based in NCR)
- Aruna from IndiaSuch a terrible tragedy which was directly brought about by the Congress govt then. And everyone continues to keep silent??? Its time the left and congress-backed`Intellectuals' and others who scream intolerance and are clearly selective about their protests were brought to shame. Not only that..justice for the victims is long overdue.. Thanks for writing such a revealing article13 minutes ago(0) · (0)reply (0)
- BBharatk from NetherlandsWell done Kanchan Gupta. You put up an informative article. Most of us have little knowledge about the barbaric crimes against innocent Sikh people and the humanity by the Congress party. Congress party killed Sikhs, they killed Hindus, they killed muslims. Only to stay in power and control the power structure of India.about 9 hours ago315
- BBharatk from NetherlandsWell done Kanchan Gupta. You put up an informative article. Most of us have little knowledge about the barbaric crimes against innocent Sikh people and the humanity by the Congress party. Congress party killed Sikhs, they killed Hindus, they killed muslims. Only to stay in power and control the power structure of India.about 9 hours ago315
- Sugathan Thonur from IndiaA brilliant reminder of those brutal early November days of 1984 when the Indian state itself had become involved in a huge crime tantamount to genocide! The present leadership must have the big heart, courage and magnanimity to atone the sin done to an immensely patriotic and enterprising community by sincerely expressing the nation's apologies!!!about 14 hours ago130
- ARAshish Rai from IndiaRemarkable how this note has brought out details of the omnipresence and the omnipotence of the Congress party in the 1984 this week, such that using the word "instigating" dilutes the seriousness of their culpability in it, with the Congress workers, facetiously termed as such to dilute the gilded party's involvement from such lowly acts, whose tentacles spread even to the police force, in attacking the minority, being all the more vulnerable for their being easily identifiable. There was not even a pretense at a cover up for this mass murder, while in the exact intent was demonstrated in another metro city about 1500 kilometers to the east, then called Calcutta, the erstwhile chief minister ordered in the army after the news of arson in a building called Karnani Estate, and there was not a single fatality! Is the distinction between the party and it's workers, not similar to what our Western neighbour does in allowing their "non-state actors" across the borders, while spawning and fomenting terrorism against India is the abiding instrumentality of their foreign policy? To imagine that the same diabolical tactic has been used internally, by a party that has ruled over us for over us guileful (tolerant?) masses for 5 decades, leaves little to be said about it's own honesty and integrity! For decades, the Congress has maintained attack, using it's populist perceptions as a tolerant party, as the most potent form of defense, with the erstwhile prime minister, Manmohan Singh bowing his head in forgiveness on the massacre as a momentary photo op "regret", as a charade for not ceding anything more to the inconsolably suffering and interminably waiting victims of the carnage for as long the Congress was in power, while going with renewed vigor, venting spleen against it's principle opposition, the BJP led NDA, in an age when the media trotted images aided a lot in building perceptions. In reality, as in the very nature of truth, rebounding with greater relevance and pertinence, the facts that are out in the open after 31 years, would make it difficult to even defend itself as a party standing on any principle, no matter what argument it throws up as a alibi for it's misdeeds, and instead be answerable for it's tolerence it has taught the world.about 19 hours ago195
- Subodh Khanna retired medical representative तू ज़िंदा है तो ज़िन्दग� from India1984 , was witness to sikh geno cide in kanpur ,where over 1000 sikhs were masscared in most brutal way over 3 days
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Growing intolerance? What a bunch of old frauds these ‘intellectuals’ have proved to be --- Tavleen Singh. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.
Growing intolerance? What a bunch of old frauds these ‘intellectuals’ have proved to be
In more than 40 years in journalism, never have I seen such an explosion of free speech in India. The Prime Minister has been called a fascist, he has been charged with being complicit in the murder of Mohammad Akhlaq, he has been reviled by his political opponents and each word said has been given full and faithful coverage in the media. Only last week I was at a gathering in Mumbai where Raj Thackeray mocked him for travelling so often abroad that a sequel to Bajrangi Bhaijaan was being planned, for Salman Khan to bring him back to India. This was reported in the newspapers without anyone caring to mention the new directions in foreign policy. Or Narendra Modi’s efforts to revive foreign investment in the moribund economy he inherited.
Yet the writers, historians, filmmakers, artistes and scientists who have joined the award-returning protest say that they are protesting because they believe that freedom of expression is under threat. What a bunch of old frauds these ‘intellectuals’ have proved to be. Even as someone who predicted long before Narendra Modi became prime minister that something like this would happen, the extent of the fraudulence has surprised me. Not one of the men and women who have joined the protest have given a single example of books being banned or films being stopped, and yet they have whipped up such hysteria in the media that in the eyes of the world, India is today as awful a country as Iran.
Speaking of Iran, did you hear one of our conscientious intellectuals raise their voices for the poets Fatemeh Ekhtesari and Mehdi Mousavi who have been sentenced to receiving 99 lashes each for shaking hands with people of the opposite sex? No, you would not have. The Indian intellectual is a creature of selective outrage, so we did not hear voices raised either when Professor T J Joseph’s hand was chopped off by jihadists of Kerala’s Popular Front of India. He offended this Islamist military outfit because in their dreadful version of Islam, he had blasphemed their Prophet. Professor Joseph’s Islamic punishment did not make national headlines and was quickly forgotten because we in the media are as proudly ‘liberal’ as the award-returning intellectuals. So when was the last time you read a serious article on the ethnic cleansing of Pandits from the Kashmir valley?
The truth is that us ‘liberal’ types are really the most illiberal people you will ever meet. We cannot accept a narrative that differs from the narrative that we believe is the right one and Narendra Modi in our narrative has always been a villain. And must remain a villain even if this means turning democracy on its head. If a recent Pew poll reveals that Modi still has an 87 per cent approval rating, then the pollsters must be fascists or the people must be wrong. It might interest you to know that many of the protesting writers, filmmakers and historians have opposed Modi long before he became prime minister. Some openly campaigned against him during the 2014 general election and cannot accept that the people chose to give him a full mandate. Many lurked about in the corridors of fine hotels in Banaras hoping to influence voters to reject Modi and embrace Arvind Kejriwal.
As someone who was also lurking about in the corridors of fine hotels in Banaras, I ran into some of these ‘intellectuals’ and tried explaining that in their ivory tower they were missing the mood of the people. Nobody listened. They did not want to because their purpose was clear. It was to convince foreign correspondents of their view, and they succeeded brilliantly. So most influential foreign newspapers reduced the story of the most remarkable general election India has seen in decades to a dull tale of imaginary Hindu-Muslim tensions.
It was as if along with our intellectuals they were waiting for something like the murder of Mohammad Akhlaq to happen. When it did, the foreign press used it to once more paint India as a country that was really not much better than the Islamic republic next door.
So totally have the protesting intellectuals occupied the public square in recent weeks that not even General Pervez Musharraf admitting that Hafiz Saeed and Osama bin Laden were Pakistani heroes got the attention it should have. They will continue to dominate the public square till the elections in Bihar are over in the forlorn hope of changing the mind of voters. Then they will disappear into obscurity till the next important election happens when they will undoubtedly find some new issue to make a racket about. The sad truth is that our public intellectuals have always acted as a fifth column of the Congress party for reasons of ‘secularism’, and this is now more obvious than it has ever been.
@ tavleen_singhhttp://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/fifth-column-sahitya-akademi-protest-dadri-lynching-a-clash-of-ideologies/
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Intolerance against privileged lobbies and rentiers of old establishment -- Ratan Sharda
Ratan Sharda Nov. 2, 2015
Yes Sir, intolerance has increased!
- See more at: http://www.merinews.com/article/yes-sir-intolerance-has-increased/15910878.shtml#sthash.zu0EaWqo.dpuf
Yes Sir, intolerance has increased!
A friend of mine, moved to Chennai a decade back. As we chatted away, he told me, "I was a normal happy secular Hindu. But, after reading 'The Hindu' here for a few months, I have become staunch 'kattar' Hindu!"
This in a nutshell tells you what is wrong with our so called 'secular' narrative about 'Idea of India'. And how and why tolerance levels have dropped.
This 'Idea of India' has been floated by the people who believe that India was born on 15th August in 1947 at the 'stroke of midnight'. They quote this nice sounding cliche when they wish to criticise nationalists, Hindutva philosophy and abuse somebody who doesn't listen to them. This group refuses to believe that Bharat i.e. India is nation in true cultural sense since 5000 years if not more and has been a continuously flowing civilization that has lived to tell its tale unlike others that were silenced into graves by followers of 'exclusivist' faiths. So, it is a battle between those who believe in 'Idea of India' born on 15th August 1947 and those who believe in ancient cultural heritage of Bharat.
Yes Sir, intolerance has increased, but when did it all begin?
I will not go to 1200 years of exploitation and holocaust of Hindus. I will also avoid talking about Direct Action of Muslim League when thousands were butchered or pre-partition riots where thousands were again butchered by hooligans of Muslim League in Noakhali and around when Gandhi was packed off there to control next phase of retaliation or of train loads of Hindus butchered and sent to India to show power of Islamism.
Lets stick to the 'idea of India and begin from 1947. Seeds of intolerance were sown the day much revered icon of 'secular brigade''Marxists' and fellow travellers, J L Nehru threw out strong leaders or silenced them because their views didn't match with his romantic views of Fabian socialism, state controlled economies like Russia and his own west oriented version of 'irreligious' secularism in a spiritual country that respected pluralism due to its deep rooted Hindu ethos - basic condition of secularism.
Level of intolerance was further fuelled up during Indira Gandhi's time when she inducted Communists, fellow travellers, Marxist secular brigade and unread fashionable seculars in all academic and cultural bodies. They not only rewrote history in Marxian world view, they doctored it, neutered or castrated to their taste.
Their intolerance to history didn't stop here. They not only white washed history, but banished all other history books and historians from library shelves that were acknowledged in their field and referred for their thorough research. Just to name a few like R C Majumdar, Jadunath Sarkar. So, now there is no alternative view of history that is equally authentic! That was their tribute to liberalism and misguided effort at embedding secularism in young minds with wrong or partial history.
Left intolerance was at its peak when they closed their privileged doors to scholars and intellectuals with alternative views on not just history, but in any branch of humanities. Scholars like Ram Swaroop and Sitaram Goel who were originally Marxists but 'deviated' into Hindu and nationalist thought process, had no place in academics or in libraries or as even guest lecturers.
In recent times, Shrikant Teligiri, Koenraad Elst and public intellectual writer about Dharma Rajiv Malhtra have been banished from public discourse and libraries and abused by this same privileged class. Internationally renowned archaeologists like Prof Lall and Dr Rao were purged as 'revisionist' archaeologists who had turned renegade Hindutva fellow travellers when their authentic work showed that Ayodhya Ram Temple existed below the infamous Babri structure and that Dwarka of Mahabharata was not a myth. Their body of work debunked as immature. This bordered dangerously on fascism that is forcing your views on others and suppressing all other views. Now these one eyed historians talk of rising intolerance!!
Same humanities mafia persuaded Arjun Singh to stop research project of River Saraswati as it was inimical to their borrowed theories of Aryan Invasion. Their whole life's work and sinecures would be at risk. Yes, this was intolerance to alternative world view and oppression by privileged ruling clique of nationalist or indigenous thinkers.
Outlook, self professed secular weekly talked of Mafia controlling Sahitya Academies and Sahitya awards. No outsiders were allowed into the inner charmed circle and they gave each other awards.
Intolerance was further fuelled by Rajiv Gandhi first pandering to Muslim mullahs by nullifying Supreme Court judgement and then opening the locks on Ram Mandir to cushion the fall out.
From then on, Hindu bashing has continued unabated. Seculars were unhappy with 'destruction of secularism' with Babri, but were unconcerned that there were solid scientific proofs of a Ram Temple buried under it. The grand announcements that if a temple was found under rubble, Muslims will vacate the site, were withdrawn slyly later by non-Muslim actors abetting further animosity between communities. Scientific reports of ASI were rubbished as they didn't fall into Marxist-Secular model of conflict.
Hindus felt aggrieved when left-secular lobby kept quiet about exodus of 4 lac Kashmiri Hindus in their own country for loving their motherland. They had no words when 59 Hindus were burnt alive but came alive when post Godhra riots took place. They were quiet when 'big tree fell and earth shook' in Delhi.
Our Marxian social scientists were quiet about burying of Netaji's mysterious disappearance with connivance of ruling Nehru dynasty and its loyalists. Their protestations with release of Netaji files are proof of their role in this. Common citizen resented it.
Our society cried silently when Army memorial was desecrated for something happened in Myanmar and when a police women wrote poem in in-house magazine against molestation by religion of brotherhood but was asked to apologise.
What critics call intolerance is actually surfacing of years 'resentment' of silent majority who couldn't overcome the tag of 'good boys' as 'tolerant' understanding community. But, they probably questioned in their hearts time and again, why eyes of governing class were closed to the actions of aggressive communities who took to violence at their whims; but became active when aggressors became victims as majority community retaliated?
They resented sustained way these west oriented scholars insulted their traditions, their Gods, their beliefs and poked fun at them. They became intolerant when protests against M F Hussein's paintings showed their Gods in most indecent and perverse postures was taken as attack on freedom of expression, but murder of cartoonists for illustrating the Prophet was condoned and defended.
Common people were angered when seculars could joke about their revered cow but had no gumption to criticise goons who attacked a pork festival. They were bemused that saving useless stray dog was progressive but saving life giving cow was regressive.
They were surprised that Ayurveda and Yoga were lampooned till West took fancy to them. Not only that, anything good was sought to be delinked from Hinduism and only casteism and similar practices were used to define Hinduism. They couldn't digest this hypocrisy.
People who bemoan 'rise in tolerance' are surely not naming 'Hindus' as aggressors except quoting select incidents that show Hindus as aggressors but go 'mute' and cover incidents that show other communities as aggressors. This upsets Hindus.
Hindus resented minor stone Church incidents of stone throwing lobbed at them to show insecurity of minorities and naming of Hindu organizations as perpetrators of rapes on nuns not once but repeatedly but going 'mute' when evidence were found that they were either their own community people or from another non-Hindu community.
They resented Congress home minister asking police fast track cases of terrorism that involved 'minority' community, but let cases against alleged Hindu terrorists linger. They wondered why Hindus never became terrorists under gravest provocations in Kashmir or Bangladesh. They wondered why a single incident involving a Hindu was 'saffron terror' but huge numbers of terror incidents from India or world became 'non-religious' issues of bad people insulting a good religion?
Its funny that these so called intellectuals use all the platforms available to them freely to talk of rising tolerance and feeling suffocated! Same people who didn't allow any platform to nationalists and people with alternative views. None of them or none of the TV or media house has been harassed. Talk of Freedom of Opinion'!
People acted with democratic will and elected Narendra Modi who they thought represented true ethos of India and aspirations of an impatient young generation. But left-secular lobby's intolerance for Modi was beyond control. They insulted and abused their elected PM time and again. This left-secular brigade abetted by a discredited Congress doubted the sagacity of common man. This raised temperatures further. To that extent this lobby has succeeded in achieving what they want to do, that is - prove at any cost that Modi is a disaster as their fellow travellers had predicted. These are the same people who are resigning from various posts and returning rewards, same people who supported clemency petitions of terrorists.
This resentment is against the established and monopolist order that refuses to accept change popular thinking. This resentment shows impatience of common citizen whose aspirations were bottled up for decades. They would brook no roadblocks to their progress.
Yes Sir, intolerance is on rise. This intolerance is against such privileged lobbies and rentiers of old establishment. This intolerance could also turn against new government if it fails to deliver. That's what frustrated Congress is hoping.
About The Author
Ratan Sharda is a citizen journalist. He has authored books like 'Secrets of RSS'. A marketing consultant by profession, Mr. Sharda is a keen observer of the country's political scenario.
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NaMO addresses Parivartan Rallies, Darbhanga, Purnea, Forbesganj
Ecstatic atmosphere at the rallies across Bihar. NDA's development agenda is being appreciated across the state. http://nm-4.com/x7q
मैथिली भाषा को क्या मिला... महास्वार्थबंधन के नेताओं से अपमान, अटल जी से सम्मान
Narendra Modi @narendramodi बिजली दूंगा तो ही वोट लूंगा... क्या हुआ इस वादे का, महास्वार्थबंधन के नेता जवाब देंगे?
Narendra Modi @narendramodi Some glimpses from the campaign today.
MoreStarted on Nov 2, 2015https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ByGVS3rU4BM (1:23:48)
Streamed live on Nov 2, 2015
PM Modi addresses Parivartan Rally at Purnea, Bihar
Streamed live on Nov 2, 2015
PM Modi addresses Parivartan Rally at Forbesganj, Bihar
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Sitaraman of SBI convicted 23 years after the Securiies scam of 1992 surfaced. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.
Sitaraman of SBI convicted 23 years after the Securities Scam of 1992 surfaced
MONEYLIFE DIGITAL TEAM 02/11/2015 06:37 PM
Sitaraman who had helped Harshad Mehta as an SBI employee was convicted by the Bombay High Court, along with MS Srinavasan of State Bank of Saurashtra
On 23rd April 1992, when the Times of India first reported that Rs500 crore had been credited to the Big Bull’s (Harshad Mehta’s account) thanks to a missing SGL (Securities General Ledger) receipt, the man at the centre of it all was R Sitaraman, the manager. Over 23 years later, the Special Court set up for the expeditious trial of offences has finally delivered a verdict convicting R Sitaraman and a former chief manager of State Bank of India (SBI) and MS Srinivasan of State Bank of Saurashtra (SBS) in case 1 of 1996. Justice Roshan Dalvi, on her last day in office (30 October 2015) sentenced the two to four years rigorious imprisonment and a fine of Rs5 lakh each for criminal breach of trust and misappropriation of funds and under the Prevention of Corruption Act. The accused have also been asked to pay a compensation of Rs5 crore as compensation for embezzlement.
The order says, Srinivasan and Sitaraman are “exposed and uncovered to have caused tremendous loss aggregating to several hundreds of crores of rupees to SBS and SBI unbefitting their position as public servants responsible to the public exchequer. They are seen to have degraded themselves in misappropriating public property for illegal and criminal ends causing enormous monetary loss to the public exchequer. Their acts can well be termed anti-national as such acts had caused a tremendous economic strain and drain upon the country resulting in the scam of 1992. The sentence against them must account for wanton economic loss to the country reflecting the deprecation for the subterfuge of accused A1 & A8 and the consequent conundrum caused to our country. They have not only corrupted themselves but corroded the country”.
Sucheta Dalal, managing editor of Moneylife had broken that story in 1992. She later co-authored a book on the huge securities scam of 1992, titled The Scam, co-authored with Debashis Basu. The book starts with the desperate hunt for Mr Sitaraman by SBI’s vigilance chief at Palani near Coimbatore in Tamil Nadu, where he had gone for his son’s thread ceremony. This was after the Bank had discovered a gaping hole of Rs574 crore in the SGLs that it held.
The events that snowballed after the article was published engulfed the entire banking system and exposed the antiquated systems of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) public debt office and dangers of brokers dominating the then powerful Bombay Stock Exchange (BSE).
Some 23 years later, the Court has been able to deliver the verdict on that case. The first paragraph of the judgement itself points to the pointlessness of long-delayed judgements. Of the 22 accused facing trial, three were discharged, three are dead and only two are convicted after 16 were given the benefit of doubt. Even here, the involvement of one of the two, is not very clear to those who followed and wrote about the case in details two decades ago.
http://www.moneylife.in/article/sitaraman-of-sbi-convicted-23-years-after-the-securities-scam-of-1992-surfaced/43889.html?utm_source=PoweRelayEDM&utm_medium=Email&utm_content=Subscriber%231389&utm_campaign=Daily%20New%20Letter%2002%20Nov%202015
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Can’t rule out terror plot in Sinai plane crash: US intelligence chief
Can’t rule out terror plot in Sinai plane crash: US intelligence chief
James Clapper, the US director of national intelligence, says he could not rule out that the Russian passenger plane which crashed in the Sinai was brought down by Islamic State extremists.
Clapper told reporters in Washington that “we don’t have any direct evidence of any terrorist involvement yet” in the crash Saturday that killed all 224 people on the Metrojet.
But he noted that the Islamic State group, which has claimed responsibility, has a significant presence in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula. Asked if Islamic State extremists had the capabilities to bring down a passenger jet, he said, “It’s unlikely, but I wouldn’t rule it out.”
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Political opponents affecting image of India -- Venkaiah Naidu
Venkaiah Naidu writes: PM Modi admired globally, political opponents affecting image of India
The people of India, depressed by a lack of governance, policy paralysis, corruption and vote-bank politics, gave a massive mandate to the BJP-led NDA under the leadership of Narendra Modi. Aspiring Indians found in him a ray of hope. From Day One, his government declared that its main agenda was development and good governance. Around the globe, the prime minister has been mobilising support for investment and has successfully changed perceptions about India. He also took initiatives to improve the ease of doing business because unless you create wealth, you will not be able to provide employment or social justice.
India is now respected worldwide, more than at any other time. Modi has not only taken steps for reform but also initiated social-security measures like the Jan Dhan Yojana, Jan Suraksha Yojana, Atal Pension Yojana, Mudra Bank (for small traders like kirana merchants, vegetable sellers and vendors). The minimum pension has been enhanced to Rs 1,000. Efforts are being made to provide an Aadhaar card to everybody, to link them with various government benefits. The government’s larger aim in this respect is a system based on JAM (Jan Dhan, Aadhaar, mobile).
The Centre is moving towards the elimination of corruption, delays and exploitation in government schemes. The LPG and urea subsidies, PDS, payment of scholarships, pensions and even wages under the MGNREGA, are all being streamlined. The results are positive: A lot of money has been saved and we are now being able to reach out to the really poor in a targeted manner. The PM has also initiated innovative programmes like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, Sukanya Samriddhi, Swachh Bharat, Make in India, Skill India, Digital India and Clean India to push manufacturing and employment as well as cleanliness. There is an increased focus on skill-upgradation and human resource development.
FDI norms have been relaxed in many sectors to attract investments for creating jobs and rekindling economic activity. The government inherited high fiscal, revenue, trade and current account deficits — and, above all, a trust deficit. Some of these have now become matters of the past and the economy is recovering fast. GDP growth has picked up momentum.
FDI inflow has increased by about $31 billion. India is being projected to emerge as the fastest growing economy after the slide of recent years. Strong economic growth will help make a firm dent in poverty. An atmosphere of gloom and lack of hope has been replaced by a sense of confidence and purpose. Our opponents believe in politics of poverty, whereas we believe in politics of development, focusing on growth and development so that the poor can have better opportunities to escape the clutches of poverty and live on their own with dignity. For our opponents, poverty has served as good political capital. Some people yearn for Manmohan Singh’s government, the most corrupt, incompetent and afflicted by policy paralysis in the history of India.
The World Bank’s “Doing Business 2016” report shows that improvements in the regulatory environment have lifted India’s ranking four places higher to 130 of 189 countries from last year’s recalculated rank of 134. India was placed at 142 as per the original calculation. This improvement in a large economy like India in 12 months is thanks to the PM’s bold initiatives.
The World Bank report says that starting a business in India in 2004 took 127 days. Now this has come down to 29 days. On this parameter, India ranked 164 earlier. Now it ranks 155. Thanks to the government’s initiatives, non-performing assets in banks have come down by 28 per cent. On the ease of getting a new electricity connection, India is now in 70th place. With regard to protecting minority investors, India is ranked eighth, whereas the United States and Japan rank 35 and 36, respectively. This is all because of the reforms in Sebi and corporate affairs. The report strongly recommends bringing in the GST tax reform.
After interviewing 500 CEOs around the world, an Ernst and Young report says that India is the most favourable place for investment: “There is no doubt that interest in India has increased. Investors increasingly see the potential and understand the fundamentals.” At a time when even China is sliding, India is a bright spot and an island of hope. Let us not allow disruptors to damage India’s growth story.
India’s performance is likely to improve further next year, after some of the steps taken by the government in the past few months are reflected in the Doing Business index — the latest rankings take into account work done till May 31. Various reforms have been implemented for the simplification of rules, procedures and compliance, and many more are underway. The Centre is also proactively working with the states to streamline various processes.
India’s performance is likely to improve further next year, after some of the steps taken by the government in the past few months are reflected in the Doing Business index — the latest rankings take into account work done till May 31. Various reforms have been implemented for the simplification of rules, procedures and compliance, and many more are underway. The Centre is also proactively working with the states to streamline various processes.
Today, the Indian PM is admired globally — he is the 10th most admired personality in the world according to a survey conducted by the World Economic Forum. People are now saying that Modi stands for “Making of developed India”. Narendra Modi is the means to accomplish this mission. In the last year, the government has made a strong beginning towards this goal. There is no talk of corruption at the top, no scams, no scandals. “Minimum government, maximum governance” is fast being realised.
The Centre has devolved 42 per cent of Central revenues to the states, 5 per cent to urban local bodies, 2 per cent for natural calamities. This is a historic step in strengthening the finances of the states and local bodies to enable them to take up schemes/ projects of their priority.
In urban development, we have the Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation (Amrut), Smart Cities to act as lighthouses for other cities to follow, Hriday (Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana) cities to revive cultural heritage, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Antyodaya Yojana for uplifting the poorest of the poor, Housing for All by 2022, and the Swachh Bharat Mission.
MSPs for pulses have been increased by Rs 200 for the first time. Farmers will now be eligible for compensation even if crop damage is only 30 per cent — earlier this was 50 per cent. They are eligible for 50 per cent more compensation than in the past. Soil health cards for farmers are in the pipeline to help them know the type of their soil and suitable crops for it. Food parks are coming up in various parts of the country. Credit to the tune of Rs 8.5 lakh crore has been extended to farmers. In case of a family member’s death, the family will get Rs 4 lakh, instead of the earlier Rs 1.2 lakh. In the last 10 years, the Congress regime acquired more than 20 lakh acres of farmland without adequate compensation. It is now saying that it won’t allow the government to acquire even an inch of land. We proudly say that our government has not been embroiled in scam or scandal. Our focus is welfare and development.
Minorities can upgrade their skills under the Ustad scheme, and the government is targeting to distribute scholarships to one crore students. All workers are entitled to smart cards, under which benefits like pension and insurance would be extended. Thanks to a unique number for each worker, provident fund contributions will be transferred without hassle when they switch jobs. A commission has been set up to identify wandering communities and extend support to them. Now, there is no need to approach gazetted officers or people’s representatives to confirm identity — the government has introduced self-attestation. Both in rural and urban areas, six crore people will be provided housing with 6.5 per cent interest subvention, a record. Income tax exemption has been given to the middle class for housing loans. Efforts are on to have single-window clearance for housing. Six concerned ministers have already held four rounds of discussion on this.
We have successfully evacuated Indian citizens from Iran, Libya and Yemen. Whenever there is a crisis, Indians are taken care of by the ministry of external affairs in a prompt manner. When an earthquake shook Nepal, India was the first to react and offer help. Five Tamil fishermen who were convicted by Sri Lankan courts and languishing in jails there have been released with the intervention of our PM. Father Alexis Prem Kumar was also released from Afghanistan at the initiative of the PM.
People have shown support for the BJP and Modi’s leadership. We have won Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Haryana, Jammu andKashmir, and even municipal elections in Assam, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Goa, Port Blair and Ladakh.
But in India, some of our political opponents are not able to digest the growing popularity of the PM and the government. They did not allow Parliament to function and obstructed important legislation by virtue of their majority in Rajya Sabha. More than anything else, they continue a disinformation campaign against the PM. They think they are only harming the image of the PM, but actually, they are affecting the image of the country and, in turn, the interests of the people.
The writer is Union minister for urban development, housing and urban poverty alleviation, and parliamentary affairshttp://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/beware-the-disruptors/
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An open letter to Arun Shourie -- Shwetank Bhushan and Rajneesh Sinha
An Open Letter to Arun Shourie
Nov 02, 2015
"It was you Sir, who taught us that “not what exactly you say, but with what intent you say matters most”. But it seems, you have stooped down to the level of Shekhar Guptas and Rajdeeps in your discourse, no specifics, only rhetoric, not even intelligent choice of words, that too with a sulking face and a condescending smile. Where is your reason, where is your logic?"
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Intolerance: PM Modi deliberately silent while colleagues keep issues alive, says Arun Shourie
Former Union Minister Arun Shourie said on Monday that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s silence on key issues amid growing intolerance in the country was a political decision aimed at winning the Bihar elections.Rejecting the BJP’s defence that the Prime Minister could not be expected to speak on every issue, Shourie told Karan Thapar in an interview on India Today TV: “Prime Minister is not a section officer of the homoeopathy department. He is not head of a department. He is the Prime Minister. He has to show the country the moral path. He has to set moral standards.”Pointing out that Modi finds time to tweet on events such as British PM David Cameron’s birthday, Shourie alleged that his silence on crucial issues was deliberate. “He kept silent on the Dadri incident and incidents like the killing of two Dalit children (in Haryana)… He is keeping silent while his party colleagues and ministers are keeping the issues alive,” he said.Asked whether Modi’s silence was political, Shourie said: “I think so… you can’t have it both ways. You are a very strong leader but cannot control your members.”Terming Finance Minister Arun Jaitley’s statement that Modi was the victim of intolerance as “most dangerous”, Shourie said: “When a ruler believes or he is made to believe that he is a victim then in his mind he gets the fullest justification for vengeance. It is terrible. It will give him grounds to be vengeful.”Asked about the BJP’s claim that he was no longer a party member, Shourie indicated that he had not renewed his membership so that the party could not expel him for his criticism. “I am a graduate of the Ramnath Goenka school… When a guest is coming don’t leave any knives and forks that could be used to stab you,” he said.Referring to Tourism Minister Mahesh Sharma describing former President Abdul Kalam as “a nationalist despite being a Muslim”, Shourie said that allotting the BJP leader the house in which Kalam lived was like “spitting in the face of people”. “This is really symbolic,” he said.Shourie also agreed with suggestions that Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah were pitting one community against another in Bihar and cited a Pakistani analyst to say that while the neighbouring country was trying to get out of a pit, India was slowly going down that way.Criticising Shah’s statement that if the BJP loses in Bihar, crackers would be burst in Pakistan, Shourie said leaders were resorting to “anything and everything” to win “a mere election irrespective of its long term consequences”.Shourie also criticised those in the government who had described critics of Modi as “rabid” and “intolerant”, saying they themselves had “not read a single book in 20 years.”Shourie described the writers, authors and artistes who had returned their awards in the “climate of intolerance” as “conscience-keepers” of the country and said their motives cannot be questioned. “Those who cannot write two paragraphs are sitting in judgement over writers,” said Shourie.Although he expressed confidence that the country would survive these times, he said investors are concerned because the current climate comes on top of other “mistakes” such as somersaults on tax policies and the clash with institutions like the judiciary. “They (investors) do not want to get caught in legitimising something that is fundamentally wrong,” said Shourie.(With PTI)- http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/intolerance-pm-narendra-modi-deliberately-silent-while-colleagues-keep-issues-alive-says-arun-shourie/
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