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India has won. Man of the moment, NaMo. Jeevema s'aradah s'atam to establish the Rāṣṭram.

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India Has Won!

May 16, 2014 Author: admin

Narendra Modi thanks people for historic mandate for BJP and NDA
India has won! भारत की विजय। अच्छे दिन आनेवाले हैं : Narendra Modi on Twitter
Thanking the people for the emphatic victory of the NDA and the BJP in the 2014 Lok Sabha Elections, Shri Narendra Modi Tweeted, “India has won! भारत की विजय। अच्छे दिन आनेवाले हैं।”
As the initial trends poured in, several people from all walks of life congratulated Shri Narendra Modi.
Vijay Geet: Victory Song for Election 2014

Post your wishes on www.victorywall.narendramodi.in


Will dedicate every moment of the coming 60 months in service of the people of India
Addressing his first ever public meeting after the historic mandate for the Bharatiya Janata Party and the National Democratic Alliance,

In Pictures: Celebrations marking NDA’s victory
An unseen enthusiasm and a never-before-seen elation captured the mood of the Nation, moments after the counting of votes for 2014 Lok Sabha Elections began.
#TsuNaMo, #CongratsNaMo #Modiheadsto7RCR leave their mark as the BJP led by Shri Modi sweeps to a...
Congratulatory messages to Shri Modi from leaders across the world:
India Has Won! 

Narendra Modi thanks people for historic mandate for BJP and NDA India has won!
Shri Narendra Modi seeks blessings from mother
After the Nation’s massive support for the NDA, reflected in the landslide victory results pouring in, the party’s Prime Ministerial candidate Shri Narendra Modi ...
People of India have voted for development, and this election has laid the foundation of Adhunik Bharat.
Speaking to a massive crowd of supporters in his second victory rally, Shri Narendra Modi expressed gratitude and thanked the ...
MEDIA BUZZ
modiwebsite
Narendra Modi gives a makeover to his website to thank India for victory
Mother-16052014-Attach
Elections 2014: Narendra Modi meets mother, seeks blessings
Attach-16052014-DB
India has won, says Narendra Modi after BJP sweeps Genereal Elections 2014

Azad Hind Swarajyam. Muslim women offered dua-khwani, achieved Swarajyam revolution. My prayers, dua-khwani for the Muslim women of Bharatam.

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Muslim women pray for NaMo.

It is not mere dance of democracy. It is cosmic dance unfolding.

Three moments stand out in this breathtaking cosmic dance.

Moment No. 1: NaMo touches the feet of the soldier of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.
Modi touching the feet of Nizamuddin at the rally yesterday. PTI image

Modi touching the feet of Nizamuddin at the rally. Nizamuddin, known as 'Colonel' was a member of Subhash Chandra Bose's Azad Hind Fauj during the freedom struggle.

Read more at: http://www.firstpost.com/politics/narendra-modis-secular-moment-touching-a-muslim-mans-feet-1515631.html?utm_source=ref_article

Moment No. 2: Muslim women of Varanasi sing Hanuman Chalisa, offer raksha bandhan to NaMo and pray for NaMo.

Moment No. 3: Muslim women and men offer prayers to Padmavathy Devi in the temple at Devunikadapa.

As tears flow down my cheeks, I offer dua-khwani to all the Muslims of the world who have created this breathtaking Swarajyam Revolution.


This is the pinnacle of the Swarajyam Revolution.

Muslim women recite Hanuman Chalisa and pray for NaMo.

This is a date with civilizational history for protection of dharma in this sacred land.

Jeevema s'aradah s'atam is my prayer for those who offered 'dua-khwani' (prayer) in Varanadi, the sacred city of Bharatiya civilization.

I am thrilled beyond words as I post these 22 pages from Times of India which chronicles this historic date, an event unparalleled in human history. Only Bharatiya women could achieve this revolution by offering dua-khwani. This is the defining moment for a resurgent Bharatam setting in motion an unstoppable developed India achieving her due share of world GDP, a share which existed in 1CE.

The Rāṣṭram

My prayers, dua-khwani for the Muslim women of Bharatam.

Kalyanaraman

A group of Muslim women gathered in Varanasi before counting began on Friday and performed 'dua-khwani' (prayer) and even recited Hanuma Chalisa to pray for a Modi victory. They had also sent a rakhi to 'Modibhai' on Raksha Bandhan and requested him to contest from the city, one of them said. TNN (Page 3 of TOI Chennai Edition, May 17, 2014)


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=piDxUVa9MR0 Published on Apr 2, 2014
In a move that could bolster BJP's Prime Minister candidate Narendra Modi's chances with the minority community, a group of Muslim women in Varanasi have shown unconditional support for BJP's PM candidate. The group is also conducting door to door campaigns to garner support for Modi. Download the Times Now India's Election HQ app and get all the election info at one go. Click here: http://bit.ly/1iwcRBr
























http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/05/the-highest-tribute-to-mother-india.html


 


NATIONAL » ANDHRA PRADESH

Updated: April 1, 2014 12:01 IST

Muslims offer prayers at this temple

SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
  
Muslim women having darshan in Sri Lakshmi Venkateswara Swamy temple in Kadapa on Monday.
The HinduMuslim women having darshan in Sri Lakshmi Venkateswara Swamy 
temple in Kadapa on Monday.
Burkha-clad Muslim women, accompanied by men and children, offered prayers at Sri Lakshmi Venkateswara Swamy temple at Devunikadapa here on Ugadi festival on Monday.

Muslim women had darshan of Sri Venkateswara Swamy and Padmavathi Devi and presented coconut, fruits and camphor, along with rice and cereals to the presiding deities, as part of an age-old tradition symbolising communal amity in Kadapa. They offered prayers at the sanctum sanctorum, dhwaja stambham and balipeetham and received theertham and prasadam from the priests, who blessed them.

A devotee Basha who came with his family members said Muslims offer prayers to the Lord and his consort Bibi Nancharamma in a traditional manner, a practice in vogue since ages.

Hindu devotees too thronged several temples across Kadapa district.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/andhra-pradesh/muslims-offer-prayers-at-this-temple/article5855962.ece

Arrival -- Ravinar. Yes, Ravinar, lies do not pay. You have arrived -- Kalyan

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FRIDAY, MAY 16, 2014

Arrival


I remember that one morning. We were scrambling down the stairs to safety from the second floor. Any moment the building would have collapsed on us. The stairs and the railings were shaking wildly; we didn’t know what hit us. I was the last to leave home on that cold morning. All we knew was how to run by instinct. For the next few days we slept in other houses of our family. I kept a glass of water on the table all the time to watch if the water shook. I stayed up nights watching it. Whenever the water shook a bit we scrambled to the ground. That was Republic Day in January 2001 when an earthquake hit Gujarat at 8.00 am. For a whole week we felt the aftershocks and rushed in and out of our homes. I remember that nightmare. In one particular aftermath over hundred children were killed under a school building that collapsed in Ahmedabad. Nobody remembers! The epicentre of the earthquake was Bachau in Kutch. It destroyed everything in that area. Mention “Mansi towers” in Ahmedabad and people will tell you gruesome stories of deaths. Years of toil, hardwork and life and savings were destroyed in 10 seconds flat. Over 20000 were instantly killed in that earthquake. I remember that one morning.

It is under these circumstances that Narendra Modi was sent to Gujarat to replace the CM to ensure relief work was carried out in great speed. It seems Modi was known as a specialist in relief works and social service. Much of the relief was provided by RSS workers and private NGOs that did a better job for the poor. The media would have you believe that this man was sent to turn the earthquake disaster into a “Hindutva laboratory”. Frankly, I had never heard of Modi even then. We were more bothered about restoring normalcy to our lives than bothering who the CM was. It was months before the govt helped in reparations and it only speeded up after Modi became CM. They would have you believe that the man who turned around Kutch with speedy relief is a mass-murderer. No bigger lie has ever been perpetrated in the history of free India. If you visit Kutch today, you’d be delighted how the houses and homes have been rebuilt and of a better quality. Hospitals have been restored to a better quality. 8.00 am on May 16 will, hopefully, shake up India again, in a positive manner.

We cannot bring back the dead. No matter how much we sympathise and empathise we cannot feel the sorrow of those who lost their close ones. The Godhra incident and riots of 2002 are now known more than any other riot that ever happened in India. There isn’t much left to be said. In politics, surviving is a skill. Modi had that skill despite many wanting him dead. It is only in December 2002 I first heard the first speeches of Modi. Anyone who heard him saw a passionate man with extraordinary oratory skills that connected with people. His burden was not only to prove himself innocent but to perform. The media ensured he would never be given the benefit of doubt and therefore the only option left with Modi was performance.

When Modi was nominated PM the Congress and the media started screaming he had disrespected LK Advani and the seniors in the party. If you are someone who respects truth and performance then one has to admire the fact that the BJP showed the courage to move on and choose a new leader. You cannot think of this happening in Congress where a fake Gandhi is a permanent leader. Change matters. Change is inevitable. That BJP showed the courage to move on from Advani is a fantastic achievement that is under-rated by our media. I started writing this blog to counter the lies and propaganda of media. It is unbelievable that the same media is now claiming they created the media hype around Modi when they actually wanted him dead. I didn’t think when I started writing that Modi would be a PM candidate or ever be PM. That was hardly my concern. That a news media could lie so much about one person must come with a heavy price. The ones who enriched themselves through these lies are now sermonising on the Modi-miracle. Laughable!

I have nothing much to say on this extraordinary phenomenon called Modi but pay a tribute to the dead characters of many of the media crooks:



My words are not meant to imply death of these people. Its the death of their character and conscience. I hope they will realise their lies did not pay. I hope they realise people are not fools. I hope they will concede the arrival of the moment. I hope they have the decency to acknowledge they were wrong. As for me, I just did a job and I can quit in honour. I call it Arrival

Hiraben, mother of NaMo: 'My blessings are with him'

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The only woman in India to see her son become PM

Saturday, 17 May 2014 - 6:55am IST | Place: Gandhinagar | Agency: DNA
Embedded image permalink
Sought blessings from my Mother
As the BJP marches to a certain majority in the Lok Sabha poll, the party's prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi on Friday sought his mother's blessings, and said: "Good days are coming."
In tune with the huge importance given to the online campaign by the BJP and Modi himself, a special page called 'Victory Wall' was created to wish the victorious leader on his official website.
"I look forward to receiving your good wishes on the specially created 'Victory Wall'," Modi said in a tweet.
The Gujarat chief minister, whose party is leading the results with an unprecedented margin, called it a victory of the nation. "India has won! Good days are coming," Modi tweeted.
Wearing a beige-coloured kurta and a golden brown Nehru jacket, the BJP leader met his mother Hiraben and sought her blessings.
With the media in attendance, both of them hugged each other and then Hiraben pulled her son by his kurta and gave him some motherly advice. Modi beamed as his mother, to whom he was very close, talked animatedly. He later posted an autographed photo of himself and his mother.
"Sought blessings from my mother," Modi said in a tweet, after the Lok Sabha election results showed his party was headed for a comfortable majority. "My blessings are with him," Hiraben told reporters.
Modi also posted a video, calling it a 'Vijay Geet', and saying "Achhe din aane wale hain (Good days are coming)."
Interestingly, Hiraben, Modi's 95-year-old mother, will be the only woman in India so far who has lived to see her child become prime minister.
None of the prime minister's from Jawaharlal Nehru to Lal Bahadur Shastri to Atal Bihari Vajpayee had their parents alive when they were elected.
This is so perhaps because none of India's prime ministers, so far, were born in independent India, they were simply too old. Modi (64) is the first prime minister to be born in independent Indian in 1950. While the youngest PM late Rajiv Gandhi had lost his mother, Congress stalwart Indira Gandhi, when he was elected to India's top job. It is no secret that it has been the long-cherished dream of another Congress leader to see her son become prime minister but for now it is Hiraben's turn, Ms Gandhi will have to wait, for a long time it seems.
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-the-only-woman-in-india-to-see-her-son-become-pm-1989159

Graceless official exit of Sonia Gandhi from the fallen UPA Govt. -- V. Sundaram IAS (R)

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GRACELESS OFFICIAL EXIT OF SONIA GANDHI FROM THE FALLEN UPA GOVERNMENT
 
V. SUNDARAM IAS (r.)
 
I saw Sonia Gandhi addressing a Press Conference in her official capacity as Chairman of the UPA Coordination Committee in the Rank of a Union Cabinet Minister for the last time yesterday (16th May 2014 at 12 noon). She told the Press that she took the ultimate responsibility for the Congress debacle in the recently concluded Lok Sabha Polls. Almost an hour earlier to her Press Conference, I saw the Assam Chief Minister Shri Tarun Gogoi announcing his decision to resign from the post of Chief Minister of Assam on moral grounds. When Sonia Gandhi started addressing the Press yesterday, I felt that she would not follow suit in the same manner as Shri Tarun Gogoi. She wouldn’t feel morally constrained to resign from the Post of President of Sonia Congress Party – a Post which she physically usurped from the hands of Shri Sitaram Kesari who was the Congress President in 1998. When he went into the toilet, the supporters of Sonia Gandhi locked him up in the toilet and then the lurid drama of Sonia Gandhi was enacted in true Italian Mafia style. Italian Mafia treats all genuine issues of morality with indivisible contempt. I am not therefore surprised that Sonia Gandhi has not resigned from the Post of President of Congress Party on moral grounds!
 
Now it can be asked why there is no senior leader within the Congress Party who is asking for the resignation of Sonia Gandhi from the Post of Congress President? The answer is simple. Sonia Congress Party is a highly secretive body, the only share holders being Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi. Apart from these three, all the top Congress leaders of the Sonia Congress Party are paid employees of this Private Limited Company! Though this Family Business has suffered a shattering business reverse during the recent Lok sabha Polls 2014, yet the employees are in full knowledge of the fact this Private Limited Company can continue to suffer continuous losses even for the next 1000 years or till the life time of Sonia Gandhi, whichever is earlier. Gain or loss, the Senior Minions of Sonia Gandhi will continue to get their phenomenal informal salaries and perquisites from the Massive Loot of Public Funds Stashed Away by Sonia Gandhi and her Family in Swiss Banks.
 
In all my articles, I have been calling Sonia Gandhi as FirangiMemsahib, an Islam-Embracing, Christianity-Coveting, and Hindu-Hating Woman Catholic Imposter from Italy owing her allegiance to the Pope in Rome and not to the letter and spirit of the Indian Constitution. Sonia Gandhi has already lost the grandiloquent Post of Chairman of the National Advisory Council (NAC) – a Supra Constitutional Body filled only with Hindu-Baiting Communist/Christian/Islamic Sonia Chamchas when the NAC was wound up by the outgoing Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh on 8th May 2014k. Dr Manmohan Singh is expected to resign in the afternoon today (17-May 2014). After that formality is over, Sonia Gandhi will automatically lose her World-Shaking Post of Chairman UPA Co-ordination Committee together with the Union Cabinet Minister’s Status, which the Mussolini-type Dictator from Italy conferred upon herself after the ever-nervous, ever-obliging, ever-bowing, ever-silent and never-sincere Dr Manmohan Singh.
 
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Uttar Pradesh (UP) under the dynamic leadership of Shri Narendra Modi, very ably assisted by his Lieutenant Shri Amit Shah, has won 73 out of the 80 Lok Sabha Seats in UP. The Samajwadi Party (SP) led by Shri Mulayam Singh Yadav has won 5 seats. Only 2 Seats have gone to the Sonia Congress Party in UP. These 2 Seats are the Pocket Boroughs of the Gandhi-Nehru Family. One can see that Sonia Gandhi and her family are interested only in Sonia and Rahul in UP and no one else. The only political objective in UP was to ensure their success without any let or hindrance and this has been achieved 100 percent.
 
Sonia Gandhi had the temerity to denounce Shri narendra Modi during the 2007 State Assembly Elections in Gujarat as “Mauth Ka Saudagar” (Merchant of Death). During the Campaign for the Lok Sabha Polls 2014, Sonia Gandhi referring to Shri Narendra Modi and BJP as “Zeher Ki Khethi” (Farm Field of Poison). For showing such colossal political maturity, the astute people of UP have taught a lesson to the Sonia Congress Party in UP, in general and the Mother-Son duo in particular.
 
Now, Sonia and Rahul can shift their headquarters to Lucknow in UP to enable them to work round the clock on 24/7 basis for the next 5 years to ensure that the comatose Sonia Congress Party which came down from a 3 digit tally to a 2 digit tally in 2014 Lok Sabha Elections further comes down to a single digit tally in the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections!
 
Manuben (Mridula Gandhi), Mahatma Gandhi’s Personal Attendant, wrote in her diary on 29th January 1948 what Mahatma Gandhi told her: “Though split into two, India having attained political independence through means devised by the Indian National Congress, the Congress in its present shape and form, i.e., as a propaganda vehicle and parliamentary machine had outlived its use.” The Congress Party, which became venal after tasting political power, was no longer being able to work on self-abnegating Gandhian lines. Mahatma Gandhi, therefore, wanted the Congress Party dissolved, despite it “being the oldest National Political Organization and which after many battles fought her non-violent way to freedom”. Jawaharlal Nehru despite being outwardly respectful to Mahatma Gandhi defied the latter and continued to use the Congress Party to further his political aims. But mercifully Nehru’s daughter’s daughter-in-law Sonia Gandhi has taken upon herself the historic task of implementing Mahatma Gandhi’s desire to bring about the dissolution of the Congress Party!
 

Unites States of Indian Ocean: NaMo, make this happen. It will be a socio-economic revolution.

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The Hinduised states of southeast Asia was the title of a brilliant historical account by a great French epigraphist, George Coedes. He was the discoverer of Angkor Wat, the largest Vishnu mandiram of the globe.

He underscored the role played by Hinduism in defining social networks of the region, the Indian Ocean Rim along 59 nations.

Formation of Indian Ocean Community as a counterpoise to European Community will create a 10 trillion dollar powerhouse and take the region with India's active contribution in the fields of space, IT technologies and management of Himalayan waterways. The economic multiplier effect of Trans-Asian Highway and Trans-Asian Railway linking Bangkok to Vladivostok will unleash the revolution.

Everone in the IOC rim states is proud of the hindu cultural heritage. Malaysia issues its Govt. notifications calling them Seri Paduka Dhuli (in service to the sandals of the sacred feed of Sri Rama). Indonesia has Vinayaka on its 20000 rupiah note and celebrates Sri Krishna with a Gitopadesam statue in front of its Central Bank in Jakarta. Sultan of Brunei is anointed after taking the blessings of Sri Rama Paduka. Garuda is the symbol for Garuda airlines. Bali is a vedic society even today. Bangkok celebrates all Hindu festivals. Tiruppavai-Tiruvembavai is sung during the ceremony anointing Rama as Thailand's king. The centerpiece in Suvannaphom Airport (Suvarnabhumi) in Bangkot has a magnificent statue depicting Samudra Manthanam. From my native village Kidarangondan there is a celebration recorded in a temple inscription. Rajaraja Chola receives a golden chariot from Kedaram (Malaysia), hence the name Kedaram kondan. This chariot can be seen in a Singapore museum.

As I started working in Manila, I realised that Kidaram Kondan which is recorded in my passport as my place of birth was so named to commemorate sea-faring cultural contacts of ancient times. King Karikala Chola had established friendship ties with Kidäram, the Tamil form for the kingdom of Bujang valley. Kidaram was the Tamil name of Kedah ‘abode of peace’ located in the northwestern part of Peninsular Malaysia. The people of Kedah know the bounties brought by River Mekong flowing from Manasarovar glacier of Himalaya.
In the village called Piñjai, adjacent to Kidaram Kondan, there is a 1,000-year-old temple inscription which refers to the gifts given by the king to the artisans of the region. In the Singapore Kalachakra Museum, there is a model of a golden chariot which a Khmer king had given to King Karikala to celebrate the Chola-Khmer alliance. Khmer influence in Thai-Malay peninsula during 12th century CE is recorded by the French epigraphist George Coedes. Some historians interpret that the gift of the Khmer chariot was from Suryavarman to Rajendra Chola. See more at  https://sites.google.com/site/indianoceancommunity1/
Displaying kalachakrachariot.jpg
Baliyatra is celebrated in India every year on Karthik Purnima day remembering the pilgrimage of Hindu kings and sailors to these states. Every child in Orissa prepares a paper boat and lets it sail into the Bay of Bengal remembering this pilgrimage.

The temple puja in Angkor Wat should begin now.

This initiative to form IOC or United States of Indian Ocean will be a tribute to the dharmaatman, our pitr-s.

There will be no Leader of Opposition: Subhash Kashyap. Time for creating nationalist politicos who care for the nation. Then there can be meaningful debates.

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There will be no Leader of Opposition: Subhash Kashyap. Time for creating nationalist politicos who care for the nation. Then there can be meaningful debates.

Kalyanaraman

May 18, 2014

Winner shakes all

- Didi tests waters with Jaya for ‘Oppolition’
Mamata, (above) Jayalalithaa
Pehle to sarkar chalane ke liye gathbandhan karna parta tha, abhi to pratipaksh hai nahi. Abhi to pratipaksh banane ke liye gathbandhan karna parega
(Earlier, to run a government, a coalition needed to be formed. Now there is no Opposition. Now to form an Opposition, there is need to form a coalition)
Narendra Modi in Varanasi
May 17: Narendra Modi may not entirely be joking while driving another spear into the flattened opponent and prompting critics to wonder whether a Prime Minister-designate should continue to battle yesterday’s demons in his finest hour of glory.
Sources suggested that the Trinamul Congress is testing the waters to tie up with the AIADMK and stake claim to the posts of leader of the Opposition and deputy Speaker in the Lok Sabha.
The demolished Congress is the second largest party in the new Lok Sabha but it has only 44 MPs. Trinamul (34) and AIADMK (37) account for 71 MPs, higher than the UPA’s tally of 61.
The number is now caught in a procedural twilight zone as a Speaker’s directive in 1969 had said a party should hold at least 10 per cent of the Lok Sabha seats to stake claim to the post of the leader of the Opposition.
But a subsequent law in 1977 mentions only “the party in Opposition to the government having the greatest numerical strength”. The law, while dealing with salaries and allowances of leaders of Opposition in both Houses, defines the leaders of the Opposition, providing the legal underpinning to the post.
If the 1969 rule is applied, a party will need at least 55 MPs before it can stake claim to the post of the leader of the Opposition, which enjoys cabinet rank. The Congress will then fall short by 11 MPs.
However, if the 1977 law comes into play, the Congress will benefit and either Sonia Gandhi or Rahul Gandhi can become the Opposition leader.
The 1969 ruling and the 1977 law differ on another crucial aspect. The 1969 directive refers to a “party” or a “group” while the 1977 law mentions only a “party”.
But Trinamul appears to be banking on its own experience in Bengal in 2006. Trinamul was then denied the Opposition leader’s post in Bengal because the party had only 29 seats in the 294-member House following the death of an MLA. After Trinamul’s Saugata Roy won a bypoll, the party was given the post.
Hashim Abdul Halim, the Bengal Assembly Speaker in 2006, said tonight: “The rule says the Opposition should have at least 10 per cent of the total seats in the House for its leader to be considered the leader of the Opposition.”
But former Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee said tonight he was not aware of any such rule. “I have been a 10-time MP but I never knew about such a rule,” he said.
Constitutional expert Anil Divan said there was no constitutional provision for such a threshold. But he added that Parliament or an Assembly may frame its own rules and it is for the Speaker to take the final decision.
In such a scenario, the BJP is expected to be more than happy to deny the Congress the post.
A Trinamul leader said the party had a “pre-poll alliance” with the AIADMK, and so it had a legitimate claim over the posts. “Please check newspaper reports. We had withdrawn our candidates from Tamil Nadu and Puducherry in favour of the AIADMK. This shows that we had a pre-poll alliance with the AIADMK,” said a Trinamul leader.
Sources in the AIADMK declined to confirm or deny the claim.
“The Congress has lost the moral right to claim the leader of Opposition’s post,” the Trinamul leader said.
He said Mamata was in touch with Jayalalithaa and both were on the same page to rub salt into the Congress’s wounds. “The Trinamul and the AIADMK can share the LoP and the deputy Speaker’s post. Each of us can share the post for two-and-a-half years,” he said.
Jayalalithaa today sent a letter to Modi, wishing him and his proposed government the “very best” and congratulating him on “the magnificent victory”.
Mamata has not done so yet. Nor has Sonia.
Some Congress leaders feel that Sonia and Rahul have missed a chance to strike a functional relationship with Modi in the immediate aftermath of his stunning victory.
At her brief appearance before the media yesterday, Sonia had congratulated “the new government”. But perhaps the baggage of the past and the bitterness of the election campaign held her back from mentioning Modi or calling and wishing him.
Political convention did not require her to. Usually, an outgoing Prime Minister calls to congratulate his successor — a courtesy Atal Bihari Vajpayee had paid Manmohan Singh in 2004 — or a defeated prime ministerial candidate rings up his vanquisher, as L.K. Advani did in 2009. Singh returned the compliment yesterday with a call to Modi.
It’s possible that Sonia and Rahul, who bore the brunt of Modi’s attacks during the campaign, felt unsure how the BJP leader might react if they called him. Modi has continued to mock the Opposition even after his triumph.
Also, Sonia and Rahul were probably in a state of shock yesterday, although the son was smiling.
A few Congress veterans suggested that Sonia and Rahul might fulfil their “social obligations” after Monday’s Congress Working Committee meeting assesses the debacle.
Some Congress leaders also hope that once Modi takes the oath of office, he would work to bring about at least a semblance of functional ties.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1140518/jsp/frontpage/story_18355310.jsp#.U3ghqtKSySo

Published on May 17, 2014
Political scientist Subhash Kashyap has said that there will be no "the" Leader of the Opposition since no party, including the Congress, has the numbers required for it.

Needed, an undiluted Narendra Modi XI -- Madhav Nalapat

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MADHAV NALAPAT
ROOTS OF POWER
Needed, an undiluted Narendra Modi XI
Incoming PM needs to have around him individuals with competence and integrity, and not qualities or archaic concepts such as ‘seniority’ or prior service.
BJP leaders Arun Jaitely and Sushma Swaraj at a function to felicitate Prime Minister designate Narendra Modi at the party headquarters in New Delhi on Saturday. PTI
n order to ensure that this time around, distance did not result in a denial of the privilege of voting, this columnist sought to switch his vote from Bangalore to Gurgaon. Forms were filled and presented, and assurances received that the voter identity card would arrive in time. It did not, and hence this columnist joined the tens of millions of other citizens deprived of the right to help choose their representatives, owing to the inefficiency and incompetence of the election machinery. Unlike in 2009, when the BJP was practically oblivious to voter fraud and to other malpractices, this time around both that party as well as the Aam Aadmi Party were more diligent in uncovering malpractice. Hence, the greater frequency of reports of EVM "malfunctions" (or rigging, in simpler language), as well as such interesting details as the elimination of hundreds of thousands of voters in constituencies across the country. The fact is that, just as in another two-month campaign, that which took place five years ago, the Election Commission has been negligent and therefore culpable in the crime of holding elections that are less than fully transparent and fair.
Just because an individual is among that huge list of worthies named as "constitutional authorities" by a fawning media, it does not mean that they do not share the taint which has by now spread across the entire spectrum of governance in India. Naveen Chawla, for instance, was perhaps a trifle less loyal to the Congress party and its first family than for example Ahmed Patel, but the difference was so slight as would have been ignored in any policymaker seeking to choose a genuinely neutral CEC. Despite the fact that there has been considerably more media attention to issues of corruption during the past few years than was the case before, even today posts such as the CVC, the CAG and even the Chief of Army Staff have been filled by individuals who in previous avatars have taken decisions in such matters as the Westland helicopter purchase, but who now preside over the very agencies that are supposed to be investigating such scams. Over the decades, a cosy camaraderie has developed between the leaders of parties ostensibly opposed to each other, with the result that accountability for the numerous criminal acts of successive governments has been thrown out of the window.
This cosy culture needs to get replaced with a Modi-led team of ministers and officials who are different from that seen during 1998-2004. In order to have a realistic chance of getting rid of the debris created by flawed policy and personnel, the incoming Prime Minister needs to have around him individuals of competence and integrity. It is these qualities which ought to guide the choice of X or Y, not archaic concepts such as "seniority". Indeed, the term has become shorthand for trying to put in place another Vajpayee government, the only difference being that Narendra Modi replaces Vajpayee at the top. Such a government would soon falter, despite the best efforts of Modi, and create a climate whereby the way would be clear for a clutch of regional parties (supported by the Congress Party) to take charge of the country after the 2019 polls. The fact is that India needs at least ten — and hopefully fifteen — years of good governance, so that the old mould of unsatisfactory progress gets replaced by a much more dynamic model. For this to happen, Narendra Modi needs a team where none of the ministers seek constantly to discredit or to slow him down. In other words, those who are clearly averse to his leadership need to be excluded. Next, those with even a whiff of scandal (such as, for example, visiting Dubai two or three dozen times every year, and being pally with known economic offenders) need to be kept out. Unless Team Modi reflects the character and competence of the man himself, the likelihood of failure to reverse the present decline in performance may be high. The new Prime Minister, and indeed the entire country, needs a Modi I Council of Ministers (followed perhaps by a Modi II and a Modi III in case he wins two more terms in office) rather than what is sought to be forced on him, a Vajpayee III ministry. New times need new people. The promise of change represented by Narendra Modi ought not to get subverted by adherence to "seniority" or to prior service, which in most instances would have been of a mediocre quality, else the BJP would not have crashed to defeat in 2004.
http://www.sunday-guardian.com/analysis/needed-an-undiluted-narendra-modi-xi#.U3gZXRvfWX8.gmail

Sonia and her family are the chief beneficiaries of the plunder of US $1,500 billion, equivalent to Rs 90 lakh crore -- Ramjethmalani.

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RAM JETHMALANI
ETHICS & POWER
Ram Jethmalani is a senior politician and eminent lawyer.
Modi: Exalted planet in our horoscope
Those not committed to repatriating black money must be viewed as anti-national and compromising Modi..
t is about 10 o'clock in the morning of 16 May 2014, as I write this piece after my badminton game. Before starting I turned on the television to hear the election trends. 16 May 2014 will go down as a momentous Victory Day in India's history. The day the nation broke its shackles and attained deliverance from the corrupt, communal and colonial UPA government headed by the Italian branch of the Nehru-Gandhi family, which has bled our country by several thousands of crores during the last decade. This has been the mother of all victories, stunning the Congress into a deathly silence. With their miserable tally of 44 seats, they cannot even aspire to lead the Opposition.
The UPA ensured the unity of their coalition through their adharma of corruption. By allocating spheres of corruption to each constituent, they ensured their continuity, confident also that religious division and vote banks that they engineered would blot out their plunder at the next election. They couldn't have been more misguided. The entire nation rejoices and salutes India's new Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, who after a tireless and gruelling campaign of almost two years has received an unprecedented, historic mandate from the people of India to lead our country.
I must also congratulate every columnist of The Sunday Guardian for giving a near accurate assessment of the election result. The Sunday Guardian, right from the start has consistently supported Narendra Modi for Prime Ministership. And it has happened just as we forecast and hoped, and Narendra Modi will be Prime Minister of the country, despite the hatred, calumny and lies that was disseminated about him in the most diabolical and calculated manner. But he fought them all and won. Additionally, I congratulate M.J. Akbar, Editorial Director of The Sunday Guardian for joining the BJP, and as a spokesman now, leading the path for other secular enlightened Muslims of India.
As for me personally, I was both overjoyed and proud. Overjoyed, because the person whom I had been fighting for as most qualified and deserving for Prime Ministership of India, was miles ahead of his non-existent competitors. And proud, because my prediction made many months ago, based on my rudimentary knowledge of astrology corroborated by intuition, that Narendra Modi would be a glorious Prime Minister proved to be accurate.
Let me, however, assure my readers that I have no plans to change my profession of law for one of a soothsayer. Nor is it my intention to seek some grateful reward from Narendra Modi. But today, I feel totally free to speak the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, unrestrained by any adverse impact it might have on the electoral prospects of the BJP or any of its candidates, including Arun Jaitley. Everyone including Narendra Modi knows that I ceaselessly campaigned for him and the BJP, despite my expulsion from the party, chiefly manipulated by the notorious members of the 160 Club. My assistance during the election campaign was offered without distinction or discrimination, but about Arun Jaitley, I had written to Narendra Modi a long time ago, that his defeat was more or less certain, even without my campaigning for or against him. Apart from his humiliating electoral defeat, now that the 160 Club has also come a cropper, his attempts to flood important decision making platforms of Narendra Modi's government with his associates is not going to do him or the new government much good, except perhaps inviting his own quarantine in the party.
I believe it was Narendra Modi alone, and none of the other distinguished Party leaders, who was responsible for including the issue of recovery of black money stashed away in foreign banks, in the BJP election manifesto. Narendra Modi is aware of my five years of legal battle in the Supreme Court to have a Special Investigation Team supervised by two ex-judges of the Supreme Court to carry out the task of recovering our stolen money. The Manmohan Singh government, under orders of Sonia Gandhi and her son managed to frustrate the Supreme Court judgement of July 2011 constituting an SIT for this purpose. This corrupt action was rejected as vexatious by the new three-judge bench of the Supreme Court headed by Justice Dattu on 26 March 2014. But what is most shameful is that even as election results were coming in on 16 May, Additional Solicitor General Siddharth Luthra moved the Supreme Court for relief in the shape of stay of the constitution of the SIT, which P. Chidambaram badly wants. The Hon'ble Judges summarily rejected the frivolous and dishonest request. What emerges crystal clear is the desperation that even as their party was being pulverised at the polls, the infamous looter trio of Sonia, Rahul and Chidambaram were trying their utmost to stall the Supreme Court directions.
In this context, I would like to ask the mother and son one question: the nation should be informed of which foreign country Rahul was sent to by his mother, even as she was dining out the Prime Minister, and what the purpose of this unusual visit was. Incidentally, I have repeatedly stated in public and to the press that Sonia and her family are the chief beneficiaries of the plunder of US $1,500 billion, equivalent to Rs 90 lakh crore.
I look forward to informing Narendra Modi, after he settles down as Prime Minister, about a few significant events that have taken place regarding disclosure about the black money holders, during March this year when I visited Germany. The German authorities required a request with signatures from the political opposition asking for disclosure of the names. On my return, I informed L.K. Advani and requested him to initiate action regarding obtaining the necessary signatures to a three-line letter (also provided to him by me), addressed to the German authorities requesting disclosure. Well, Advani did nothing; when reminded, he referred me to another BJP leader and lastly to my own son.
It would clearly appear that any aspirant for office, whether from the 160 Club or Parliamentary Board who does not act in accordance with the commitment of repatriating black money must be viewed as anti-national and anti-party, and would greatly compromise Narendra Modi and the new government. They would be seen as part of the same criminal conspiracy which includes Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, some Cabinet ministers and associates, obstructing the repatriation of our stolen wealth. A Cabinet of impeccable integrity is the only way Narendra Modi must start with.
Narendra Modi is completely aware of the test through fire that awaits him. He has so many priorities to attend to — reducing prices, creating jobs, revving up the economy, development, finding ways of uprooting the deep tendrils of corruption. But one of his first acts after becoming Prime Minister must be to specifically and categorically assure the minorities that he is not their enemy and they have nothing to fear from him. He must take them into confidence and explain to them how the hate campaign against him was systematically orchestrated and sustained by the enemies of India. This is important, for he must start peeling off the layers of lies that have been perpetrated around him in India and abroad, through hired mercenaries and intellectuals, including Nobel Laureates. These lies need to be demolished as systematically as they were constructed, and the best way to start is through such an assurance to all minorities that they will be protected, and treated as equal citizens of India in the same manner as the rest, and that their religious freedom will not be touched. Sab ka saath, sab ka vikaas. In this respect, Narendra Modi's words must be matched by actions, to prove his detractors and accusers as complete liars who misled vast sections of the people of India. The undesirable fringe elements who act rabidly against Hindu principles of tolerance and in the past have attacked churches have been responsible for giving the BJP a bad name. These fringe elements must be controlled and disowned, and a strong diktat must be issued against invoking religion in national policies, where all citizens are treated equally, or in making communal hate speeches. The Inter Faith Committee, which is part of the BJP Election Manifesto, must be established immediately, and a special vigil should be kept to ensure that no anti national mischief makers engineer any communal riots in the country just to malign Narendra Modi.
Another important issue regarding which well intentioned but misinformed advice is being rendered by several of Narendra Modi's colleagues is regarding Article 370 of the Constitution of India. The ramifications of this issue are complex, and I look forward to discussing them with the Prime Minister, and fully informing him, particularly in the background of the negotiations that took place by the Kashmir Committee chaired by me during the Vajpayee regime, which I continued thereafter.
As for me, I continue to remain in the departure lounge of God's airport, with no desire for office or political ambition, except to return at least a part of the debt which I owe to my country.
http://www.sunday-guardian.com/analysis/modi-exalted-planet-in-our-horoscope

On Hindutva & Liberalism -- B. Shantanu

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On Hindutva & Liberalism..

15 MAY 2014 
In Lutyen’s Delhi hushed tones speak of a new bugbear in town. Such is the fear that even ardent & otherwise proud Hindus will try & avoid uttering the word – lest they be shunned and ridiculed. The word is ‘Hindutva’.
But fear was not what prompted this post. It was a question triggered by an email from a friend (who shared this fear). He asked, is Hindutva really appropriate in a liberal context? That question pretty much summed up all that is wrong with our understanding of the word. It also explains the fear.
But is Hindutva really anti-liberal? Or does it denote one of the most tolerant faith/belief system, a tradition that can provide moral order and an ethical compass for the planet? How did a word that literally means the essence of ‘Hinduism’ become so mangled?
Can Hindutva really become the basis of a liberal government? Can we reconcile Hindutva with modern-day classical liberal thought? Can Hindutva become the basis of an inclusive non-denominational, national identity?
Turns out it can. But first we need to remove the blinkers. And understand the ‘essence’ of what we call ‘Hinduism’ (which in itself is a misleading, incomplete and lazy description of the great traditions of our civilisation).
What is the essence of these traditions? I believe the essence is ‘freedom’. Freedom of thought, of belief, of practice.  Freedom is what underpins this great belief system. So deeply ingrained is this idea that Swami Vivekananda, famously asserted, “All of Vedanta is the assertion of freedom”. Indeed the liberal ethos in India owes its very existence to the long traditions of tolerance of the other in Sanatan Dharma. Pluralism is inherent to Indic traditions; being different is ‘normal’. So how can Hindutva be exclusivist?
Is this strong undercurrent of freedom enough to make ‘Hindutva’ a short-hand for liberal ideology & polity in India? Not quite.
What about the ‘politics’ of Hindutva, you may ask? How can it be relevant in the context of governance? Here, I shall borrow from the grand tradition of Raj-Dharma, the tradition that states quite unambiguously that the state exists to ensure prosperity and security for its citizens; that national interest lies in the well-being of all; that  “kings who perform Raj-Dharma selflessly, following the prescribed code of crime and punishment, and who treat their subjects even-handedly..get the highest position that may be available to a true sanyasin“; that “DandaNiti” requires state power be used to protect the weak against coercion and exploitation by the mighty.
Here are the seminal concepts of rule of law and equality before law – clearly enunciated in texts that date back to several millenia. Only the stubborn will doubt that the philosophy of Hindutva encompassing Raj-Dharma can be an excellent guide in matters of governance and statecraft.
What about the liberal stance on economic matters?
Here, I quote Mario Gómez-Zimmerman writing about “The Capitalist Structures of Hinduism”: “(In India, throughout the centuries) the play of particular economic forces was not over regulated and, more significantly, the individual was considered to have rights before the state….The socialist concepts of equality and a classless society are completely rejected by the Varna system…Hinduism never denies the right to property… The attainment of wealth, although embodied with a social function, is considered a praiseworthy personal achievement.”
Gómez-Zimmerman is hardly alone.  Numerous others have commented on this aspect of Hindutva.  And how can I ignore the concept of “Artha” – one of the four Purushaarthas in ‘Hinduism’? or the second line in the Chanakya Sutra: “Dharmasya moolam Arthah” meaning the basis of all “Dharma” is “Artha” or wealth (also resources, means).
There is much more of all this – and far more insights – in our ancient wisdom & traditions. It is time we stop feeling embarrassed about our heritage. Time instead, to start feeling proud of the civilisational continuity. Time to start feeling proud of the essence of this tradition. Time to start feeling proud of Hindutva.  Jai Hind, Jai Bharat!
Related Posts: Hindutva & Liberalism (the original post; now Part I); A slide presentation on “The Political Philosophy of Hindutva
Video of a brief talk on this topic delivered in presence of Sh Koenraad Elst. Also read: Hinduism is 100% anti-Socialist.
Finally, an interesting and relevant excerpt on ‘Nationalism’, courtesy Nitin Pai:
Let’s start with an axiom: all individuals are free, and from this freedom, they possess certain inalienable rights. They possess these rights and freedoms at all times, but in a state of nature, their ability to enjoy the freedom and exercise the rights is circumscribed by their individual power. In Indian philosophy, the state of nature is termed as matsya nyaya, or the law of the fishes, a condition under which the stronger fish eats the weaker fish. “..
To better enjoy their rights and freedoms, individuals trade-off a part of their freedom for the security offered by a state. Hence Kautilya writes
People suffering from anarchy as illustrated by the proverbial tendency of a large fish swallowing a small one (matsyanyayabhibhutah prajah), first elected Manu, the Vaivasvata, to be their king; and allotted one-sixth of the grains grown and one-tenth of merchandise as sovereign dues. Fed by this payment, kings took upon themselves the responsibility of maintaining the safety and security of their subjects (yogakshemavah), and of being answerable for the sins of their subjects when the principle of levying just punishments and taxes has been violated.[Arthashastra I:13]
…The upshot is that the state is necessary for the practical enjoyment of individual rights and freedoms. The survival and security of the state—often termed “the national interest”—is directly connected to the ability of citizens to enjoy their freedom. Put in another way, the “national interest” is the well-being and development of all its citizens.

2 Comments »


  • 1. Prakash said:
    No matter how hard you shout from rooftops about what the real meaning of Hinduttva is, you are unlikely to get many people to see things your way. You cannot start with the wrong word and arrive at the right conclusion.
    Try it the other way round and you might succeed. The recent elections provide an example. Dozens of channels tried to tell people about secularism. That didn’t get them anywhere. The word meant nothing. People knew that or figured that out eventually.
    One person talked about development. And he refused to talk about anything else. That got him somewhere.
    Try and begin with the word freedom instead. On this blog, you have demonstrated that you mean to keep it free (although you don’t let me delete all my posts, I must add). Where do you get the strength and patience to deal with adverse comments and reactions? Well, there may be some discovery there..
    (And by the way, I would like to congratulate you on your stint with the AAP party. If nothing else, your – and I am sure there must have been many others -disillusion with AAP demonstrated the hollowness of the AAP core and hastened the discovery of the true nature of AAP. Well done!)
    Finally, consider this. (I believe) politics begins when you are considering WHAT to discuss. It almost ends once you have chosen the topic. Let me ask you.. Why at all discuss Hinduttva today? Try and discuss who should be the next leader of the congress party. That might be the most important issue for the country.


  • 2. froginthewell said:
    Dear Shantanu,
    I appreciate that you are making serious non-trivial efforts to establish the compatibility of Hindutva and classical liberalism.
    I would just like to point out one thing. It is what Gaurav (@doubtinggaurav) wrote in hisrules for internet hindus as “Don’t have first principles, have guiding principles”. Here a “first principle” refers to accepting something dogmatically, to the exclusion of considering any competing idea. Even if an idea is great, at best be guided by it, and keep one’s eyes open for a conflicting idea.
    I would like to see that applied to the context of classical liberalism. Classical liberalism has served many different groups of people at different points of time. Trampling on classical liberal values mindlessly has lead to much damage or delay in progress. However, this doesn’t yet prove conclusively that in every single situation classical liberalism works best. Arguably, some of the poverty reduction in China has been helped by going against classical liberalism.
    I am not saying “abandon it with glee”, or even “don’t follow classical liberalism”. Do follow it if that is your calling, but keep it only as a guiding principle, not a first principle.
http://satyameva-jayate.org/2014/05/15/hindutva-liberalism-2/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+SatyamevaJayate+%28%7C%7C+Satyameva+Jayate+%7C%7C%29

Thorium-based nuclear doctrine. NaMo should announce this and resume atomic tests

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Notice from this cable that USA opposes thorium based reactors in India.

http://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/10NEWDELHI326_a.html

Wonder if this has anything to do with the killing of Indian scientists! Indian nuclear establishment needs to STOP meeting Americans ASAP in the interest of their own safety.

Also, the role of NYT journalists and Ford Foundation must be probed in the deaths of scientists.

Kalyanaraman
NUCLEAR SECURITY CENTER OF EXCELLENCE DISCUSSIONS IN MUMBAI
2010 February 22, 13:53 (Monday)
10NEWDELHI326_a
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B. NEW DELHI 00205 Classified By: POL Minister Counselor Uzra Zeya for Reasons 1.4 (B) and (D). 1. C) SUMMARY: U.S. and Indian interagency delegations met on the margins of the Civil Nuclear Energy Working Group (CNEWG) meeting in Mumbai Feb 3-4 to discuss collaboration on a Nuclear Security Center of Excellence (COE). Continuing discussions on proposals that had been tabled previously, the Indians outlined an Indian Center that contained elements of both proposals. Under the Indian proposal, U.S. involvement in the center would be to promote best practices for regulatory and physical security of existing nuclear processes and materials. India's proposal focused on setting up a research and development center dedicated to the world-wide deployment of technologies based on a purportedly proliferation-resistant thorium fuel cycle. It also contained some elements related to the physical security of facilities. The Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) chair noted that the creation of their center was an Indian initiative that would not depend on U.S. involvement, underscoring that they envisioned the establishment of a sustainable institution rather than a medium-term cooperative project. DAE welcomed U.S. and IAEA participation on an international advisory panel, but did not further elaborate on a U.S. role. Though the Indian proposal did not fully meet the U.S vision for a COE, it demonstrated initiative and a welcome openness to serious engagement with the United States on cooperative nuclear security training and research programs. Both delegations agreed to look for ways to work together on elements common to both proposals. END SUMMARY. Two Visions for a Center of Excellence - - - 2. (C) An interagency delegation, led by the National Security Council, met on the margins of the Civil Nuclear Working Group (CNWG) in Mumbai February 4 to discuss possibilities for collaboration on a U.S.-India Center of Excellence for Nuclear Security (COE). The Indian delegation, led by Dr. Ravi Grover of the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE), also included Amandeep Singh Gill, Director of the Ministry of External Affairs' Disarmament and International Security Affairs Division. The U.S. proposal envisioned a focus on best practices and training on physical security, targeting an international audience of operators, regulators, security management, inspectors and response force personnel. The aim was to announce the intention to collaborate on such a center with the Indian Government at the Nuclear Security Summit April 10-11 in Washington. The Indian initiative, titled "Center of Excellence for Worldwide Deployment of Nuclear Energy," represented a different vision emphasizing instead the promotion of purportedly proliferation-resistant thorium fuel cycles with a strong emphasis on research and development. India's Vision: Worldwide Deployment Center - - - 3. (C) The Worldwide Deployment Center described by DAE would comprise four schools. The main school would be dedicated to the design and analysis of nuclear energy systems to promote the worldwide deployment of thorium-based reactors which they claimed would be intrinsically proliferation resistant. The focus on proliferation-proof thorium fuel plays to India's long-term leadership aspiration regarding thorium. When questioned on the matter, however, Dr. Grover accepted the center could consider "other proposed systems." The remaining three schools would have a component base for training and research on nuclear security including simulation, physical security, radiation measurement, protection devices, and radiation technology applications. These issues have some overlap with the topic areas of the proposed U.S. COE. Discussion of engagement on these issues was a new and welcome development, a change from India's prior resistance to discussing collaboration on training and research. 4. (C) Grover emphasized that sustainability was the "key" to the Worldwide Deployment Center. He underscored the priority DAE placed on creating a center that could attract top-quality researchers who would not see a posting to the center as a dead-end job. DAE had a vision of a composite NEW DELHI 00000326 002 OF 002 center that could be a fertile think-tank about more than just nuclear security. Grover underscored that the Deployment Center would be an Indian government body, staffed by the DAE, whose primary focus was research and development. The Center would include visiting scientists, scholars and an international advisory board, including U.S. and IAEA representatives, to consult on programs and training curricula. However, how this international participation would work in practice was left unclear in the discussion. Cooperation Apart from Thorium - - - 5. (C) The U.S. delegation stressed that the United States did not support thorium research, nor could U.S. involvement be construed as an endorsement of the commercial promotion of thorium-based reactors. In response, Grover implied that the DAE already had the funding it needed to establish such a center and was in the process of scouting land near Delhi on which to locate the center. In a later off-line discussion, DISA Director Gill suggested that the money for the Deployment Center was not in place, leaving a door open for possible collaboration. Grover seemed open to collaboration on training conducted at the center even if the United States was not involved in the main thorium component of the center. The U.S. delegation promised to develop U.S. views on the thorium focus of the center, although it was not part of the original COE vision and the commercial deployment and promotion aspects of the program could likely not be endorsed by the United States. 6. (C) The U.S. delegation representative from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission noted that the Indian proposal made no mention of the role of regulation in nuclear security. Grover made clear that Indian regulators had not been consulted about the COE, but offered to inquire whether regulatory issues might be included in the curriculum. The DAE planned to announce the construction of the center at the Nuclear Security Summit (NSS) in April and asked that the U.S. welcome the announcement. In a sidebar discussion U.S. delegation representatives underscored that in addition to potential concerns about the thorium component of the proposal, the project title "Worldwide Deployment" could be problematic in the context of the Nuclear Security Summit. Meeting with Rao - - - 7. (C) In subsequent meetings on the sidelines of the Sous-Sherpa Summit in the Hague February 12-13, the President's Nuclear Security Summit Sherpa Gary Samore held a bilateral meeting with Foreign Secretary Rao in which the Indians continued their productive and helpful partnership on these issues. In their discussion, FS Rao helpfully referred to the proposed center as a "National Nuclear Center" rather than a "Worldwide Deployment" center. Recognizing that it would be India's center, the U.S. delegation again raised its concern about the research and development piece of the center being too narrowly focused on thorium, and suggested that India would attract a larger and potentially higher caliber of scientists it were more expansive. Rao underscored that India would like to announce the Center during the Summit and then work with the United States on details for the collaboration in advance of President Obama's visit to India. In a separate conversation at the Hague, DISA Director Gill, stated that India would provide the U.S. with an updated proposal based on these discussions. ROEMER

It is time for a laugh, NaMo. Take time off to savour the brilliant bon mots, don't allow sycophants near you.

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Finally, the bizarre is over and here goes the awards for different category.
Best Actor: Arvind Kejriwal.
Best Debut child actor: Rahul Gandhi.
Best female actor in supporting role- Mamta Banerjee.
Best female actor in negative role- Sonia Gandhi.
Best actor in Romantic role- Digvijay Singh.
Life time achievement award-Lal Krishna Advani.
Movie of the year-Abki baar Modi Sarkar.
Its heard that Anurag Basu has approached Manmohan Singh for "Barfi 2"


Jokes -- 2014 elections
 

1. What's the real meaning of Modi's triumph? Shows what
a Gujarati will do for an American visa.

2. Obama to Modi: Will you give me an Indian visa?
Modi: What for?
Obama: To come and give you an American visa.
 
3. Rahul Gandhi was hoping for rain during the polling
so that he could win by Duckworth Lewis.
 
4. How did a chaiwallah manage to become the PM?
       Rajni embraced him.
 
5. Smriti Irani almost won in Amethi. Reason:
      Rahul believes in empowering women.
 
6. When a Congress neta visits a barber, why does
the barber say "Modi"?  Because then the hair
shoots up and is easier to cut.
 
7. Congress's slogan after the elections:
Ab ki baar, anthim sanskar.
 
8.  What is Modi's first name?
Alia Bhatt (whose general knowledge is said to be zero):  Ab ki baar.
 
9. Why did Rahul miss Sonia's dinner for the PM?
He made a quick trip abroad to empower foreign women.
 
10. How many seats did AAP win?
Fewer seats than there are in a Nano.

Some interesting and best Cartoons picked from different sources and all rights for these cartoons vests with the owner /creator of the same.

Be warned, Prime Minister -- NV Subramanian. Beware, sycophants, SoniaG chamchagiri rascals. Build a team for Bharat Maataa.

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Be warned, Prime Minister

BE WARNED, PRIME MINISTER

Foreign powers are determined to undermine the Narendra Modi government.
New Delhi: No one knows Narendra Modi’s mind except the next prime minister himself. He has solely driven this general election and is the primary architect of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s extraordinary and epochal victory. The stakes were high with Modi as Gujarat’s chief minister. But they would infinitely be higher when he is sworn as prime minister next week. This commentary, a special one, is in the nature of an alert. His political detractors and the enemies of India are determined to get him, because he alone of his generation (the immediate post-Independence generation) has the potential to hurtle the country to greatness. His success depends in some measure on who all he appoints to the top cabinet posts of home, finance, defence and foreign affairs. At least one great power has suborned one of his (least) likely choices for one of the four posts. The covert agencies have a full file on the person, who cannot be named for obvious reasons. Narendra Modi would do himself no harm and the country a great deal of good by seeking quiet intelligence clearance of his probable top cabinet choices, one of who remains highly compromised in the estimation of this writer.

Foreign powers did not expect this decisive result in favour of Narendra Modi. They had prepositioned their favourite candidates in the expectation that the Bharatiya Janata Party and the National Democratic Alliance would fall grievously short of the majority numbers. One candidate identified early for the defence portfolio fell by the wayside. The approach was made to the person when the person held an important position in the shadow government. The second candidate was also won over in this period, with the person in question displaying a marked proclivity towards a great power that had shown unprecedented hostility towards Modi. The idea was simple. In case a majority eluded Modi, these two persons, one or both, would be positioned to take over as prime minister, with the discredited “liberal” establishment incited to take up cudgels on behalf of one or both of them. For all the determination of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangha not to make anyone other than Modi the prime minister, there was the danger that it would succumb to the unbearable pressure brought on it. It is Narendra Modi’s bold gamble and brilliance that upset the applecart.

With plan A failed, the great power, with other Western countries in tow, embarked on the fallback option, which is to infiltrate its surviving candidate into one of the four top Union cabinet posts. In a moment of indiscretion, the candidate let drop to stooge reporters (the mainstream media is near totally infiltrated) that any cabinet post other than defence, foreign affairs, finance and home would be unacceptable. It would befit the candidate’s seniority not to be considered for less. There was no substantial mention of the cabinet committee on security. But that is the key. Any of the top four posts gives access to the highest-level cabinet committee, where the most secret and sensitive national security issues are engaged with, including India’s military nuclear posture and plans, foreign relations, the neighbourhood policy, internal security, Kashmir, China, and so on. The inimical great power wants access to the deliberations of this committee, and it has prepared a mole. Narendra Modi cannot be too careful who he invites and permits into this critical cabinet committee.

For some time, there has been great disquiet that the prime minister’s office has been penetrated. No less alarming than Sanjaya Baru’s revelation that files of the prime minister’s office were shared with Sonia Gandhi are reports that it has been under successful surveillance of foreign intelligence agencies. This is over and above human penetration. Quite apart from Manmohan Singh’s shabby pro-Americanism, he ran a very leaky prime minister’s office. But the scale of danger to the upcoming Narendra Modi government is many times higher, in part because he is the lynchpin to India’s rise, and the foreign powers want to sabotage his success. This writer need not advise Modi on how to handle the new threat, where the cabinet committee on security is sought to be subverted, but at the least, he must identify the prospective mole, and isolate the burrower from government, or in a position where no state secrets are accessible, such as agriculture or rural development, without compromising on the productivity and delivery of these strategic ministries. India’s expectations from Narendra Modi reach the sky, and as determined as he is to fulfil them to excess, there is steely resolve too among his and India’s enemies to destroy him.

Be vigilant, Mr Prime Minister,
N.V.Subramanian is Editor, www.newsinsight.net and writes on politics and strategic affairs. He has authored two novels, University of Love (Writers Workshop, Calcutta) and Courtesan of Storms (Har-Anand, Delhi). Email: envysub@gmail.com
http://www.newsinsight.net/Bewarned,PrimeMinister.aspx#page=page-1

NaMo, issue an ordinance for restitution of $1500 billion of SoniaG&family into India's financial system

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http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/05/sonia-and-her-family-are-chief.html

Sonia and her family are the chief beneficiaries of the plunder of US $1,500 billion, equivalent to Rs 90 lakh crore -- Ramjethmalani. 

NaMo, issue an ordinance for restitution of $1500 billion of SoniaG&family into India's financial system.

This should be the first act of legislation by the nationalist government.

Namaskaram.

Kalyanaraman


pieush agrawal as @pieushsapnaCong's SoniaG-wealth reported $2.2Billions"@ndtv: Congress leader allegedly sought bribes for mining permits,US saysndtv.com/article/india/…

Congress leader allegedly sought bribes for mining permits, US says | NDTV.com

A Congress member of Parliament from Andhra Pradesh has been charged along with four others for their suspected role in an international corruption scheme, the US Justice Department said.
Read more at www.ndtv.com

Bravo NaMo: A tribute from Capt. Balakrishnan, IN (R). Ganga Maa will drive Bharat's destiny.

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---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: balakrishnan hariharan 
Date: 18 May 2014 09:11
Subject: MY COMMENT : THE PIONEER

Benares: Karma, Destiny and Freewill

UTTAM SINHA and MANOJ KUMAR MISHRA 

18 May 2014 



COMMENT :


Sir, 

Watching NaMo offering his prayers to 'KASHI VISWANATH' and thereafter to 'GANGA MA' at the breathtaking GANGA ARTHI, me and my friends CELEBRATED " INDIA'S SECOND INDEPENDENCE ".

Here was a PM designate, not being 'NEHRUVIAN SECULAR' and unashamedly sporting the sacred ash and tilak on his forehead, in full glare of the T.V. cameras. BRAVO NaMo !! 

Enough of Nehruvian Secularism and Macaulayism. Let the country get back to its civilisational roots. 

That in itself will shake up the Nation from its 'TAMASIC STUPOR', on account of NEHRUVIAN SECULARISM. 

And to GANGA MA, my humble pranams in making the 'LEFT IRRELEVANT'. 

JAI HO !!

BENARES: KARMA, DESTINY AND FREEWILL!

Sunday, 18 May 2014 | UTTAM SINHA and MANOJ KUMAR MISHRA | in Agenda

With more than a hundred names, Benares has a boundless range of facets as well. UTTAM SINHA and MANOJ KUMAR MISHRA demostrate how the cultural, the literary, the historical and the political, all merge in this dynamic and fascinating city
As you trudge through the narrow lanes and descend the slippery stone steps to the ghats where its edges touch the ripples of Ganga, you stop and look to the reverend river and turn behind to the heap of mismatched temples and then, suddenly, the mystery of life engulfs you. It is an epiphanic moment like theYaksha Prashna to Yudhisthira in the epic Mahabharata, “And what is the greatest wonder?” to which the virtuous Yudhisthira answers: “Each day death strikes and we live as though we were immortal. This is the greatest wonder.”
Benares is that puzzling city; a city of existence and continuity, one of palpable intensity that is forever alluring and perplexing — the enchanting city to wash away your sins and to die in. It is a city you need to know everything about but end up only discovering a million more facets to it; where one convincing story leads to another equally compelling one. The city strains, so to speak, under its own myth; hard to prove but difficult to not believe. The world’s oldest living city has legends, it is said, that go back 10,000 years to the Puranas, the Vedas and the Mahabharata. Each legend has a footprint and is recited with reverence and authority, whether it is Shiva who walked here with his wife Parvati at the beginning of time or Krishna who burnt his duplicate or where Rama came to do penance after slaying the demon Ravana.
And Flows the Prose
But more than anything else Benares is a city of fascinating juxtaposition that immediately instructs and even shocks. The “play of life and death” in the ghatsand in the mandirs starts with the break of dawn and lingers into the deep night with hanging smoke from the pyres. It’s an ancient Hindu city, which is as holy for the Muslims and continues its cheek-by-jowl existence with Islamic and Hindu traditions. It’s a city with timeless customs and traditions as Pankaj Mishra describes in the novel Romantics: “The chess games in the alleys, the all-night concerts in temples and the gently decadent pleasures of betel leaves and opium formed an essential component of the city.” The charm and mystique of Benares has attracted people from far and away and left an indelible impression, the expression of which has never ceased. Mark Twain, one of 20th century’s greatest cultural critics, on his subcontinental sojourn between January and April 1896 confesses: “If you go to Benares with a serious desire to spiritually benefit yourself, you will find it valuable.” He almost never stops describing the city in his book Following the Equator: A Journey Around the World (1897) and saying: “Benares is older than history, older than tradition, older even than legend and looks as twice as old as all of them put together”. Interestingly, Twain informs and appreciates getting valuable facts from reading Rev Mr Parker’s Guide toBenares of which little is known but another classic Benares: The stronghold of Hinduism by Charles Phillips Cape first published in 1910 is easily available. While the prose has always flowed in Benares like a muse to an inspired writer; the lens too has been captivated by the surreal expression of the city. Herbert Ponting, acclaimed for his enduring images of the Antarctic from 1910 to 1913, could not resist capturing the sadhussants and fakirs on the ghats and the melancholic presence of the havelis in the gullies of Benares.
Cultural Chronicle and Centre of Learning
Benares is also a cultural epicentre, a confluence of religion and faith, and a history of tolerance and co-existence that has seen Persian culture and Islamic traditions flourish. There can be nothing more syncretic than to find a Sufi Muslim shrine of Bahadur Saheed visited by thousands of Hindus and Sikhs and Christians. Benares has also been the favourite destination of seekers of all religion who come and take a holy dip in the Ganga — indeed a quintessential example of pan-India syncretism.
It is hardly surprising that Benares has been chronicled by historians, sociologist, satirists, poets, novelists and ethnographers. One has to put all the mythological, historical, anthropological, archaeological and proto-history together to unravel the city’s past. That’s why conflicting schools of philosophy have positioned for intellectual acceptance here through the language (Hindi and its dialect awadhi) that is common and involves larger participation. It follows the tradition of Tulsidas, who was commanded by Lord Rama in his dream, to write the Ramayana in a language for the common man and thus Ramcharitmanas orTulsi-krita came about — a simplistic version of Valmiki’s Ramayana written in Sanskrit, the language of the elite. Through the ages, ideas and ideals have emerged from the city and it has equally witnessed interventions from the Mughals and the British to establish ideological supremacy.
Benares never ceases to astound and amaze. While many cities have more than a few names, Benares has a hundred or probably even more. Though officially Varanasi (the secret land between the rivers Varuna and Assi that join the Ganga), the locals proudly call it Benares, after the mythological ruler Benar or simply the making of sweetness or joy (ras). The Jataka refer to the city as ‘Jitwari’, the place that brings good fortune, or as ‘Pushwavati’ (flower city), or as ‘Molini’ (lotus city). Another name ‘Kashi’ (city of light) carries cultural weight. Mentioned in ancient Buddhists texts around the first millennium BC as a great kingdom, Kashi has a resonance of universal knowledge and wisdom.
The deep-rooted tradition also reflects in the food both in the preparation and the eating of it. Relishing the true taste of Benares would mean lining up to the street side food kiosks. The cuisine is part of the larger food culture of eastern Uttar Pradesh and overlapping parts of Bihar. The famous Benarasi nasta(breakfast) of spicy kachori with aloo dam sabji and jalebi has reached legendary status and is found everywhere but the most famous being that of Chachi’s at Lanka, a popular gathering area. Then there are the tikki chaats, lassi and thandai, and the different varieties of sweets available at the famous Ram Bhandar in Thatheri Bazar. It is said that the owner soon after India’s Independence had especially made a sweet in tricolor and sent to Pt Jawaharlal Nehru. The tirangaalong with the lal peda greatly add to the appeal of Benares as a place where food and faith come together. Adding further to the mystic of Benares is themaghai paan and a general agreement that it is not to be chewed but allowed to melt in the mouth.
The “ek paan dena” culture in Benares, considered to be auspicious, has a symbolic value at ceremonies and events and thus quite naturally blends with theChaiti, Thumuri, Kajiri and Khayal styles of music of the Benares gharana and the rendering of the vocalists Pandit Bhimsen Joshi, Girija Devi, Rajan and Sajan Mishra and Chhannulal Mishra. Though with the younger generation not particularly keen, there is a crisis in the gharana as seen with the dying Dhrupad.
The city’s belief, myth and spiritual power are collectively captured on the ghats that line the west bank of Ganga. Each of the 84 ghats from north to south stretching for over seven kilometres are fantastically photogenic and delightfully architectural but also sees the unfolding of day-to-day life of a multitude of people. The ghats are a lifeline, in fact the only public space in Benares and one can also see the akhadaas (a traditional gym for athletes and martial arts), yet another distinctive feature of Benares. Each ghat has a character about it and a tale to tell. For example, the Assi ghat is the biggest and the liveliest and a favourite of the pilgrims as the river Assi meets Ganga. The Dashashwamedh ghat, where the father of Lord Rama once sacrificed 10 horses in an appeal to the Sun, is the most thronged especially in the evenings when the aarti takes place. At Kedar ghat the myth runs that Lord Shiva had to emerge from the Ganga as the priest took ill and couldn’t perform the prayer, suggesting the connect with human and god. At the Narad ghat it is said that woman who bathe will fight with their husbands and so no women are seen around this ghat; Manikarnika and Harishchandra are ghats for cremations. One can spend a lifetime studying and observing the manners and mores of the ghats.    
Benarasipan
Benares has lived through many folklore and metaphors such as Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb and Tana Bana. The former compares the Hindu-Muslim harmony and friendship to the holy confluence of India’s major rivers, the Ganga and Yamuna, and the peaceful merging of the culture and lifestyle, joint festivities and interdependence. As such Benares reminds people of the incomparable unison of the two communities that share the city space. There is community bonding rather than religious segregation.
The other peace metaphor that is unique to Benares is the Tana-Bana (weaving of the silk sari), which describes the interdependent and easy-going communal existence between the Hindus and Muslims — as interlinked like the warp and weft of a Benarasi silk sari. Tana-Bana emphasises salience of business and that harmony between Hindus and Muslims are not only a matter of their personal consciousness but are also driven by their social being. The Muslims constitute one-quarter of the population, which is substantially large as compared to other cities, and significantly contribute to the local economy. The other ethos which is very popular in the city life is that of ‘Benarasipan’. It is an over-arching collective identity, which loosely translated means a “free-spirited soul with a heart of gold”. This ‘Benarasipan’ accompanied with mauj-masti (leisure and pleasure) appear to support a unique lifestyle in the city and serves as a frame for the inter-faith activities. However, critics often deride the manner in which the mosaic character of Benares has been imaged noting that there is a gradual communalisation and concerns over identity, particularly since the two riots of 1991 and 1992.
In the Eye of Politics
 
Benares has always been politically alive and a seat from Kashi is regarded as a prized one — a representative from the spiritual and cultural capital. The 2014 Lok Sabha election campaign, however, was uniquely different. The high profile contest between the BJP Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi and his development and governance agenda versus Arvind Kejriwal’s anti-corruption rhetoric versus Ajay Rai’s secularism card, turned the city into a political minefield and even to the most politically engaged the excitement and breathless energy was something that Benares had not seen before. Like in most constituencies, politics is not above caste or religion in Benares, in fact very much part of it. Despite the charged atmosphere and the cutthroat campaign, Benares retained its sanity and cohesiveness, allowing the city’s free spirit to prevail and “a thousand flowers to bloom”. 
Benares has had its political figures including Raghunath Singh and Kamalapati Tripathi of the Congress; Shankar Prasad Jaiswal and Murli Manohar Joshi of the BJP, but none more towering and enlightened than Madan Mohan Malaviya. Respectfully called Mahamana, he would frequently advice those aspiring to be in politics that “The path of politics is strewn with struggles. And remember, if you want to be in politics never let your self-interests get the better of you.” His groundings in the tenets of HinduDharma led him to strong beliefs on ‘right thinking and right actions’. And it was his vision and great determination that he eventually built the renowned Benaras Hindu University (BHU) in 1916. As the president of the India National Congress four times, he moderated successfully between the liberals and the nationalists and the moderates and the extremists. Malaviya had the strength and resilience of a great leader — he would look at workable solutions; inspire and motivate; take reasoned and balanced positions; and had the ability to collect large amount of funds for public cause. In many sense a hallmark of a modern day prime minister. It is often recollected that when Malaviya was on his deathbed, he said, “Take me to the outskirts of Benares”. Puzzled, the people by his side asked as to why and he replied, “My work on earth is not complete, I do not want to achieve moksha. I must come back and finish my work.” 
Madan Mohan Malaviya was a harbinger of change. Narendra Modi also wants to bring a nation-wide change. There is no city that can claim greater antiquity, continuity and veneration than Benares and to have its elected representative at the helm of affairs and defining the contours of national politics is momentous. Modi’s victory is both a dream and destiny and his performing the aarti on the Ganga is a symbolic beginning to not only change but a new and vibrant India.

Uttam Kumar Sinha is a Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and holds an adjunct position at the Malaviya Centre for Peace Research, BHU
Manoj Kumar Mishra teaches at the Malaviya Centre for Peace Research, BHU

Thorium-based nuke doctrine. India's responsibility to protect thorium reserves for IOC.

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India’s Nuclear doctrine: Thorium-based nuclear reactors and protection of thorium reserves

Do not reveal what you have thought upon doing, but by wise counsel keep it secret being determined to carry it into execution -- CHANAKYA NITI-SASTRA

Outline of a Thorium-based Nuke doctrine

A 2005 report by the International Atomic Energy Agency discusses potential benefits along with the challenges of thorium reactors and possibility of converting existing rectors to be thorium-based. (Thorium fuel cycle — Potential benefits and challenge", IAEA, May 2005) Full text: http://www-pub.iaea.org/MTCD/publications/PDF/TE_1450_web.pdf

Thorium reserves of the country account for roughly one-third of the world reserves. A stable, sustainable and autonomous programme can be accomplished using these reserves for India and for countries of Indian Ocean Community.
        All existing nuclear reactors should be converted to be thorium-based
        All proposed nuclear reactors should be thorium-based
        Thorium (monazite) reserves should be safeguarded for the benefit of India and countries of Indian Ocean Community

Imperative of resumption of atomic tests

Simultaneously, atomic tests should be resumed to prove the effectiveness of the transmutation processes of Plutonium 239 and Uranium 233 generated in the three-stage thorium processes and to continuously validate the simulation models of effectiveness of transmuted nuclear materials.
The imperative of test is proven by the following statistics of tests conducted by nuclear powers of the world.
        USA: 1054 (1945-1992)
        Soviet Union: 715 (1949-1990)
        UK: 45 (1952-1963)
        France: 210 (1960-1996)
        China: 45 (1964-1996)
        India: 6 (1974-1998)
        Pakistan: 6 (1983-1998)
        N. Korea: 3 (2006-2013)

Potential for India’s nuclear leadership in Indian Ocean Region

India can take leadership role (by playing a catalytic role) in Indian Ocean Community countries offering to share with them our science and technology competence AND, as necessary, thorium reserves which are more than 33% of the world reserves. India can take over leadership of thorium nuke technology.
The decision of DAE to issue 20 Jan. 2006 notification opening up thorium-yielding atomic minerals to Open General Licence is perhaps linked to the Indo-US nuclear deal announced in June 2005. This notification should be nullified by the next Government and a new thorium-based nuclear doctrine announced with the necessary resumption of atomic tests.

Need to safeguard the country’s thorium reserves

The notification of Jan. 2006 transferring almost all atomic minerals to Open General License is ILLEGAL because the Atomic Minerals list in the Mines Act (No. 67 of 1957) which lists atomic minerals has not so far been amended. Any notification related to atomic minerals should have been issued only after the 1957 Act was amended by Parliament.

Since Parliament has NOT approved any amendment, the notification should have been withdrawn FORTHWITH.

As a consequence of the illegal Jan. 2006 notification, Dept. of Atomic Energy has stopped monazite clearance certification leading to the disturbing inference that DAE is a party to the ongoing loot and export of placer sand minerals. Local sources in Tamilnadu coastline note that that small trawlers are used in Gulf of Mannar to reach the mineral sands to Trincomalee and handed over for further transport to China. There are cases pending in Madurai Bench of Madras HC of illegal transport of monazite (thorium-containing placer sands).

Now the situation has reached a ridiculous state. IREL has been bypassed and almost the entire coromandel coast from Vizag downwards has been handed over by AP Govt. to a private miner. IREL stocks of Monazite (in Orissa/Puri silos) will be handed over to Toyota Tsusho allegedly to extract rare earth minerals. One can only guess on what controls exist to ensure that thorium is returned to IREL/DAE. This agreement of AP Govt. should be annulled FORTHWITH. Now it is known that AP has over 30% of the nation's monazite reserves.

Why should India get rid of her rich atomic minerals and rare earths by exports, of atomic minerals and rare earths without proper study of indigenous use and to promote the nuclear programme of the country?

Protection of atomic minerals and rare earths

To start with, we have to stem the rot of ongoing thorium loot by instituting joint army command to protect the nation’s rare earth reserves including monazite and other thorium-yielding atomic mineralsand then revisit Homi Bhabha's 3-stage nuke programme in the context of the Indo-US Nuke deal. A thorium reactor programme should be put on fast-track INDEPENDENT of and IN ADDITION to the slow pace of fast breeder reactor work under the 3-stage sequence. This parallel action of setting up a thorium reactor division in DAE will ensure India's leadership in the thorium reactor arena, in particular and as nuclear power in general in the comity of nations.

Imperative of nuclear energy to propel economic growth
Inline image 1
Indo-US nuclear deal is premised on the inevitability of use of nuclear power to meet the growing energy needs of the nation till 2020 to match the growth in the manufacturing sector at a consistent annual growth rate of about12% per annum.

The 1998 Pokharan blast awakened the world to India’s technological potential as a responsible nuclear power. Similar re-assertion of India’s global strategic role as an economic power can be achieved by declaring an indigenous thorium-base nuclear energy programme founded on the three-stage thorium fuel cycle and taking advantage of the technological developments and opportunities to use thorium as a source of nuclear energy, exploring options such as Molten Salt Reactors. This leads to the imperative of India’s responsibility as a nuclear power to protect and safeguard the thorium reserves of the country which exceed over 33% of the world total, making India a pre-eminent leader in thorium-based nuclear technology. This has to be realized by enunciating a clear, unambiguous nuclear doctrine of building up the nation’s nuclear arsenal  utilizing the nation’s indigenous uranium resources and in tune with comparable developments and military-posturing of other Asian powers. As a first step in protecting and preserving the nation’s thorium reserves, India should be a catalytic agent for constitution of an Indian Ocean Community (IOC) which will be fully supported by India’s nuclear, space and other technologies and founded the tenets of dharma-dhamma in the comity of nations to make IOC a counterpoise to the European Community.

India’s current thermonuclear designs emphasize plutonium-based devices supplemented as necessary by deuterium, tritium, and lithium deuteride. (Tellis, India’s Emerging Nuclear Posture, 478–481, 487–490). [Ashley J. Tellis has been a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He was on assignment to the U.S. Department of State as Senior Adviser to the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, during which time he was intimately involved in negotiating the civilian nuclear agreement with India.]

While India is self-sufficient in thorium, possessing 33% of the world's known and economically viable thorium. ("Information and Issue Briefs – Thorium". World Nuclear Association.) India possesses a meager 1% of the similarly calculated global uranium reserves ("UIC Nuclear Issues Briefing Paper No. 75 – Supply of Uranium". Uranium Information Center. Archived from the original on April 27, 2006)Our uranium reserves are very limited, adequate only 100 to 10,000 MW of first generation of uranium fuel reactors.  This is the limiting value for our Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors.These reactors will produce enough plutonium which can go through the stages of reaching the fast breeder reactor stage which will convert thorium to Uranium 233.

It is clear that India can develop a nuclear arsenal through her native resources alone, generating between 16,180 and 18,306 kilograms of weapons-grade plutonium, sufficient to add some 2,697–3,051 nuclear weapons to the inventory.

“The primary weapons-grade plutonium producing facilities in the Indian nuclear estate would thus require a total of some 938–1088 MTU to sustain New Delhi’s strategic program during their operational lives. During this period, these facilities would be able to produce some 840–976 kilograms of weapons-grade plutonium that, assuming 6 kilograms for each simple fission device, results in an aggregate inventory of some 200–250 weapons if India’s current stockpile is included. An arsenal of this size, which many in India believe would suffice for its deterrence requirements, can therefore be produced through its dedicated research reactors alone using a tiny fraction—about one-fiftieth—of India’s reasonably assured reserves of uranium...inventory of natural uranium required to sustain the PHWRs associated with both the current power program and the weapons program over the entire notional lifetime of the reactors involved—some 14,640–14,790 MTU—is well within even the most conservative valuations of India’s reasonably assured reserves of some 54,636 tons of uranium.” (Tellis, Ashley. "Atoms for War? U.S.-Indian Civilian Nuclear Cooperation and India's Nuclear Arsenal", p. 22-23).

Thorium ore typically contains 0.30 percent uranium. As a byproduct of processing monazite, uranium can be produced.

Thorium has to be converted to Uranium 233 to become a nuclear fuel. In the final state, thorium and Uranium 233 produced by the thorium will run the reactors. This stage will mean that we will be released from the need to use plutonium and natural uranium. This thorium-based nuclear fuel cycle will ensure a self-sufficient system for the country’s energy needs.

This three-stage programme can generate upto 350,000 MW of electricity by thorium utilization.

The first stage of the programme uses Pressurized Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs) fuelled by natural uranium, and light water reactors, to produce plutonium.

In the second stage, fast neutron reactors burn the plutonium to breed U-233 from thorium. The second stage, comprising of Fast Breeder Reactors (FBRs) are fuelled by mixed oxide of Uranium238 and Plutonium239, recovered by reprocessing of the first stage spent fuel. In FBRs, Plutonium239 undergoes fission producing energy, and producing Plutonium239 by transmutation of Uranium238. Thus the FBRs produce energy and fuel, hence termed Breeders. FBRs produce more fuel than they consume. Over a period of time, Plutonium inventory can be built up by feeding Uranium238.

Thorium232, which constitutes world’s third largest reserves in India, is not fissile therefore needs to be converted to a fissile material, Uranium233, by transmutation in a fast breeder reactor. This is to be achieved through second stage of the program, consisting of commercial operation of Fast Breeder Reactors (FBRs).

 In the second stage, once sufficient inventory of Plutonium239 is built up, Thorium232 will be introduced as a blanket material to be converted to Uranium233.

In the third stage, advanced heavy water reactors (AHWRs) utilize the mix to generate two-thirds of the power from thorium itself.

This sequential three-stage program is based on a closed fuel cycle, where the spent fuel of one stage is reprocessed to produce fuel for the next stage. The closed fuel cycle thus multiplies manifold the energy potential of the fuel and greatly reduces the quantity of waste generated.

The design for an Advanced Heavy Water Reactor using thorium is now ready. Using this design and also importing Molten Salt reactor alternatives to use thorium, India’s nuclear programme can be restated to achieve indigenization of nuclear resource use by 2020 producing two-thirds of the nation’s energy needs.


Notice from this cable that USA opposes thorium based reactors in India.

http://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/10NEWDELHI326_a.html

Wonder if this has anything to do with the killing of Indian scientists! Indian nuclear establishment needs to STOP meeting Americans ASAP in the interest of their own safety.

Also, the role of NYT journalists and Ford Foundation must be probed in the deaths of scientists.

Kalyanaraman
NUCLEAR SECURITY CENTER OF EXCELLENCE DISCUSSIONS IN MUMBAI
2010 February 22, 13:53 (Monday)
10NEWDELHI326_a
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B. NEW DELHI 00205 Classified By: POL Minister Counselor Uzra Zeya for Reasons 1.4 (B) and (D). 1. C) SUMMARY: U.S. and Indian interagency delegations met on the margins of the Civil Nuclear Energy Working Group (CNEWG) meeting in Mumbai Feb 3-4 to discuss collaboration on a Nuclear Security Center of Excellence (COE). Continuing discussions on proposals that had been tabled previously, the Indians outlined an Indian Center that contained elements of both proposals. Under the Indian proposal, U.S. involvement in the center would be to promote best practices for regulatory and physical security of existing nuclear processes and materials. India's proposal focused on setting up a research and development center dedicated to the world-wide deployment of technologies based on a purportedly proliferation-resistant thorium fuel cycle. It also contained some elements related to the physical security of facilities. The Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) chair noted that the creation of their center was an Indian initiative that would not depend on U.S. involvement, underscoring that they envisioned the establishment of a sustainable institution rather than a medium-term cooperative project. DAE welcomed U.S. and IAEA participation on an international advisory panel, but did not further elaborate on a U.S. role. Though the Indian proposal did not fully meet the U.S vision for a COE, it demonstrated initiative and a welcome openness to serious engagement with the United States on cooperative nuclear security training and research programs. Both delegations agreed to look for ways to work together on elements common to both proposals. END SUMMARY. Two Visions for a Center of Excellence - - - 2. (C) An interagency delegation, led by the National Security Council, met on the margins of the Civil Nuclear Working Group (CNWG) in Mumbai February 4 to discuss possibilities for collaboration on a U.S.-India Center of Excellence for Nuclear Security (COE). The Indian delegation, led by Dr. Ravi Grover of the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE), also included Amandeep Singh Gill, Director of the Ministry of External Affairs' Disarmament and International Security Affairs Division. The U.S. proposal envisioned a focus on best practices and training on physical security, targeting an international audience of operators, regulators, security management, inspectors and response force personnel. The aim was to announce the intention to collaborate on such a center with the Indian Government at the Nuclear Security Summit April 10-11 in Washington. The Indian initiative, titled "Center of Excellence for Worldwide Deployment of Nuclear Energy," represented a different vision emphasizing instead the promotion of purportedly proliferation-resistant thorium fuel cycles with a strong emphasis on research and development. India's Vision: Worldwide Deployment Center - - - 3. (C) The Worldwide Deployment Center described by DAE would comprise four schools. The main school would be dedicated to the design and analysis of nuclear energy systems to promote the worldwide deployment of thorium-based reactors which they claimed would be intrinsically proliferation resistant. The focus on proliferation-proof thorium fuel plays to India's long-term leadership aspiration regarding thorium. When questioned on the matter, however, Dr. Grover accepted the center could consider "other proposed systems." The remaining three schools would have a component base for training and research on nuclear security including simulation, physical security, radiation measurement, protection devices, and radiation technology applications. These issues have some overlap with the topic areas of the proposed U.S. COE. Discussion of engagement on these issues was a new and welcome development, a change from India's prior resistance to discussing collaboration on training and research. 4. (C) Grover emphasized that sustainability was the "key" to the Worldwide Deployment Center. He underscored the priority DAE placed on creating a center that could attract top-quality researchers who would not see a posting to the center as a dead-end job. DAE had a vision of a composite NEW DELHI 00000326 002 OF 002 center that could be a fertile think-tank about more than just nuclear security. Grover underscored that the Deployment Center would be an Indian government body, staffed by the DAE, whose primary focus was research and development. The Center would include visiting scientists, scholars and an international advisory board, including U.S. and IAEA representatives, to consult on programs and training curricula. However, how this international participation would work in practice was left unclear in the discussion. Cooperation Apart from Thorium - - - 5. (C) The U.S. delegation stressed that the United States did not support thorium research, nor could U.S. involvement be construed as an endorsement of the commercial promotion of thorium-based reactors. In response, Grover implied that the DAE already had the funding it needed to establish such a center and was in the process of scouting land near Delhi on which to locate the center. In a later off-line discussion, DISA Director Gill suggested that the money for the Deployment Center was not in place, leaving a door open for possible collaboration. Grover seemed open to collaboration on training conducted at the center even if the United States was not involved in the main thorium component of the center. The U.S. delegation promised to develop U.S. views on the thorium focus of the center, although it was not part of the original COE vision and the commercial deployment and promotion aspects of the program could likely not be endorsed by the United States. 6. (C) The U.S. delegation representative from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission noted that the Indian proposal made no mention of the role of regulation in nuclear security. Grover made clear that Indian regulators had not been consulted about the COE, but offered to inquire whether regulatory issues might be included in the curriculum. The DAE planned to announce the construction of the center at the Nuclear Security Summit (NSS) in April and asked that the U.S. welcome the announcement. In a sidebar discussion U.S. delegation representatives underscored that in addition to potential concerns about the thorium component of the proposal, the project title "Worldwide Deployment" could be problematic in the context of the Nuclear Security Summit. Meeting with Rao - - - 7. (C) In subsequent meetings on the sidelines of the Sous-Sherpa Summit in the Hague February 12-13, the President's Nuclear Security Summit Sherpa Gary Samore held a bilateral meeting with Foreign Secretary Rao in which the Indians continued their productive and helpful partnership on these issues. In their discussion, FS Rao helpfully referred to the proposed center as a "National Nuclear Center" rather than a "Worldwide Deployment" center. Recognizing that it would be India's center, the U.S. delegation again raised its concern about the research and development piece of the center being too narrowly focused on thorium, and suggested that India would attract a larger and potentially higher caliber of scientists it were more expansive. Rao underscored that India would like to announce the Center during the Summit and then work with the United States on details for the collaboration in advance of President Obama's visit to India. In a separate conversation at the Hague, DISA Director Gill, stated that India would provide the U.S. with an updated proposal based on these discussions. ROEMER


Protecting monazite reserves of Indian placer sands
  1. Cancel the DAE notification of 26 January 2006 which declared Atomic minerals as Open General Licence minerals
  2. Nationalise all stockpiles with private licencees
  3. Instruct the state governments to cancel the licenses issued to all private parties for mining in and/or export of placer sands all along the Indian coast
  4. Cancel the AP Government MOUs of December 2006 with private agencies and hand over mining licences to Indian Rare Earths Limited (IREL)
  5. Declare Indian Rare Earths Limited (IREL) a PSU under DAE as the only  agency authorized to mine in placer sands
  6. Review all shipments of placer sands during the last 6 years from January 2006 to evaluate the losses of resources (Note the Gagan Singh Bedi committee set up in Tamilnadu after the cancelling of mining leases of placer sands in Tamil Nadu; the report is still awaited for all districts in addition to Tirunelveli/Tuticorin)
  7. Review agreement with Toyota Tsoshu for Rare Earths including the handing over of monazite held in IREL silos. No monazite should be handed over to Toyota Tsoshu and all monazite should be retained by DAE for the country’s nuclear energy programme.
  8. Issue Geiger counters to all port authorities to ensure that no radioactive monazite is exported illicitly in shipments
  9. Alert the coast guard to watch out for smuggling of placer sands containing radioactive monazite consignments
  10. Hand over the security of the placer sand zones containing heavy concentrations of monazite to the control of a Joint Army-Navy-Air Force Command
  11. Institute a Thorium Energy Division in DAE to fast-track the researches into monazite and fast-track thorium-based nuclear energy program for the country. This can be on the lines of the mega 17.3b. dollar deal between nuclear giant AREVA and chemical giant SAVOY.
  12. Institute a study by DAE to convert existing reactors to use thorium-based nuclear fuel
  13. Fast track the Fast Breeder Reactor program of DAE within the three-stage nuclear development programme (called Homi Bhabha programme)
  14. Explore cooperation with countries of Indian Ocean Rim states for sharing thorium nuclear technology of India
  15. Institute a Minerals and Minining Regulatory Authority on the lines of the Telecom Regulatory Authority to control and monitor the sustainable development of the nation’s mineral resources
  16. Implement Shah Commission recommendations for placer sand minerals
  17. Review Indo-US Nuclear deal in the context of a change in nuclear doctrine to promote thorium-based nuclear energy.
  18. All present and future contracts for nuclear reactors should be so designed as to include an option for the use of thorium as nuclear fuel.


A blueprint for fast-tracking Thorium Reactor programme in India

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/09/thorium-nuclear-reactors-on-fast-track.html Thorium nuclear reactors on fast-track for India’s energy security

The thorium reactors can be rapidly commissioned in India with little or no modification to the existing reactors used to produce electricity.

I suggest that Nuclear Corporation of India and BHAVINI be given the responsibility to activate the use of thorium fuel cycle in four selected reactors for this thorium reactor programme which can be achieved in the next 4 to 6 months.

This should be independent of and complementary to the 3-stage nuclear programme of the country. The objective is to achieve production of 2/3rd electricity from thorium fuel in the selected reactors.

A separate Thorium division should be set up in DAE to work with NCI and BHAVINI to carry forward the time-bound programme, to demonstrate to the world the technological competence of Indian nuclear scientists for leadership role in the use of thorium fuel cycle.

Thorium division of DAE should be charged with the responsibility to evaluate alternative design options for further augmentation of the thorium reactors in the country using alternatives such as Molten Salt breeder reactors (MSBRs) whose efficiencies have been proven. The Thorium Division of DAE should also explore avenues for collaboration and cooperation with the countries of Indian Ocean Community to share the technologies possessed by Indian scientists in the areas of nuclear fuel fabrication, nuclear reactors, nuclear power generation and space technology.

Framework for the thorium nuclear reactors of India

Thorium cycles are feasible in all existing thermal and fast reactors, e.g., Pressurized Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs), Liquid Metal cooled fast breeder reactor (LWRs)[including WWERs especially Light-water Thorium Reactor (WWER--T)], High temperature gas cooled reactors(HTGRs), Molten Salt breeder reactors (MSBRs) and in Accelerator Driven System (ADS).

It should be possible to incorporate the thorium cycle in some of the existing reactors without major modifications in the engineered systems, reactor control and the reactivity devices. (IAEA, 2005, p.5)

It is possible to incinerate weapons-grade plutonium (WPu) in combination with thorium in light-water reactors of WWER-1000 type type to burn and not breeed 239Pu. For this, mixed thorium plutonioum oxide, containing ~~5% PuO2, could be used as driver fuel. The exclusion of uranium from fuel composition results in an essential increase in the rate of plutonium incineration compared to the use of standard mixed uranium plutonium oxide (MOX) fuel. The spent mixed thorium plutonioum oxide on achieving the standard burnup (~~40 MW days/kg HM) of LWR fuel is not only degraded in terms of WPu content but also becomes 'proliferation-resistance' with the formation of 232U, which has very strong gamma emitting daughter products. (IAEA, 2005, p.10)

The stock of civil plutonium could be significantly decreased by using the same in combination with thorium in WWER-1000 type reactors. A direct replacemet of low enriched uranium oxide fuel is possible by mixed thorium plutonium oxide fuel without any major modifications of core and reactor operation. In such a reactor, there is no need to use burnable absorber in the form of gadolinium, integrated into the fuel. The 240Pu isotope, present in significant quantities in civilian grade plutonium, is a good burnable absorber. (IAEA, 2005, p.11)

Both weapons Pu and civilian Pu could be efficiently disposed in combination with thorium as mixed throium plutonium oxide containing 20 to 30% PuO2 in commercial LMFBRs. In small LMFBR cores, like the demonstration type FBTR in India, the PuO2 content in (Th,Pu)O2 fuel could be much higher and in the range of 70 to 80%. (IAEA, 2005, p.11)

To overcome the constraints imposed by Nuclear Suppliers' Group for supply of uranium/plutonium to India -- even despite the Indo-US Nuclear Deal -- the plutonium/uranium released from the throium nuclear reactors can be augment the needs of Fast Breeder Reactor Programmes under the 3-stage nuclear programme of India.

The goal to be achieved is thus simple, feasible and dramatic. Two-third nuclear power production from thorium nuclear reactors will come from thorium fuel, using India's indigenous thorium reserves, thus conserving scarce uranium/plutonium nuclear fuels.

 http://www-pub.iaea.org/mtcd/publications/pdf/te_1450_web.pdf




Mohan Bhagwat brings a resurgent Sangh to the cusp of political power -- Dinesh Narayanan

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By DINESH NARAYANAN | 1 May 2014
MOHD ZAKIR / HINDUSTAN TIMES / GETTY IMAGES
In Kolkata, the RSS’s prachar pramukh, or head of promotion, and the chief organiser of the event, Manmohan Vaidya, laid out the objective: to help journalists understand the nuances of the RSS’s position so they could better project the Hindu nationalist point of view. The participants were instructed that the seminar was not to be reported on, or talked about outside RSS circles. “During some sessions, we were asked to let it go in one ear and out the other,” a journalist and swayamsevak, or RSS volunteer, who works for a regional newspaper, told me.

At one point, Shrirang Godbole, a homeopathic doctor from Maharashtra who serves as an Islam pundit within the Sangh, explained that the Muslim community is not monolithic, but is riven by divisions just like Hindus are by caste. He then expounded on how even “benign” sects such as Sufism have a violent past. “Some of our leaders pay homage to Sufi saints without proper understanding of history,” Godbole told them, as a slide showing the BJP leader LK Advani at the dargah in Ajmer, Rajasthan, popped up on a screen. The swayamsevak-journalist said it generated a lot of laughter—even from Mohan Bhagwat, the RSS sarsanghchalak, or supreme commander, who was present throughout the workshop.

“The problem is Hindus have started thinking about themselves as minorities,” Bhagwat later told the group. “Hindus should have an aggressive, nationalistic stand.”

During a tea break, the journalists got chatting with Bhagwat. Inevitably, the conversation veered towards the Bharatiya Janata Party and Narendra Modi, who two months earlier had been chosen, with the backing of the RSS, to spearhead the BJP’s parliamentary election campaign. “Modi is the only person who has remained rooted in the RSS ideology,” Bhagwat told the group, adding that the RSS had told party leaders, “You find good candidates—we will do the rest.”

Bhagwat said the journalists should tell BJP leaders that the party must embrace its core values—honesty in public life, and service to Hindu society. If they don’t, the party will become irrelevant. “If we win in 2014, the BJP can be in power for the next twenty-five years,” Bhagwat said. “If not, even if all of us try, they can’t be saved for the next hundred.”

“The way he said it,” the journalist told me, “it felt almost like the RSS is giving the BJP one last chance.”

MOHAN BHAGWAT is arguably the most powerful outsider in Indian politics today. Although the RSS publicly eschews politics, Bhagwat’s organisation supplies much of the ideological and strategic direction, as well as many leaders, to roughly three dozen affiliate groups across India. This includes the country’s largest trade union, the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, which boasts over ten million members; the country’s largest student union, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad; and the country’s main opposition party, the BJP. The Sangh and its various offshoots, collectively known as the Sangh Parivar, or Sangh family, run more than 150,000 projects across the country, including educational, tribal welfare and Hindu religious programmes. The sarsanghchalak is considered the “guide and philosopher” of the entire movement. Since he was elevated to the post in 2009, Bhagwat has skilfully rallied the RSS and its affiliates to help the BJP prepare for and fight what have become the most significant elections since 1971, when Indira Gandhi took the Congress party to a massive victory and consolidated her personal power.

Bhagwat’s comments in Kolkata captured a large part of what now seems to be at stake: the ascendancy of the BJP and its prime ministerial candidate, Modi—and therefore of the RSS’s vision for India as a Hindu nation. But they also reflected long-standing frictions between the RSS and its most conspicuous offspring. For two decades, since the climactic destruction of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya and the subsequent establishment of the first BJP-led government, there has been a widening chasm between the RSS, whose full-time members are supposed to practice a celibate austerity meant to keep them singularly focused on the fulfilment of the organisation’s aims, and the leaders of an increasingly fractured BJP, who are often seen to be lusting after modern luxuries and personal power. Many in the party believe that the RSS does not understand politics. “The Hindutva element of the party has increased over the years,” a senior BJP leader and former cabinet minister in the party’s National Democratic Alliance government told me. “People with inadequate political understanding are pitchforked into the party.” For their part, RSS leaders contend that the party has compromised its ideology and strayed too far from RSS influence.

The reality, however, seems to be that the RSS and the party need each other if they are to thrive, or perhaps even survive. Although Modi has been the focal point for much of the media debate about the BJP’s chances of success, Bhagwat, more than anyone else, may govern the party’s fortunes. The Sangh family has a highly disciplined volunteer army that is the envy of every political outfit in the country, and the BJP understands that it would be severely crippled without the support of this force. At the same time, Bhagwat appears to realise that the RSS’s best chance of achieving its goals—assimilating Indian society to a particular set of Hindu norms, and achieving Param Vaibhav, or ultimate glory, for Bharat (as the organisation prefers to call India) by making it the vishwa guru, or guide to the world—is with the active support of a strong, sympathetic government. As one joint general secretary of the RSS put it, “as long as no party in India is in a position to get at least 40 percent of the votes or a two-thirds majority, you can’t get anything done.”

Although Bhagwat seemed to imply in Kolkata that he is giving the BJP a final shot, the RSS, too, has been battling with problems that strike at the core of its existence. Since its inception in 1925, the organisation’s central pillar has been the shakha system of local branches, where volunteers are trained and potential full-time workers, or pracharaks, are recruited; some young swayamsevaks begin attending shakhas soon after they learn to walk. The RSS has an impressive forty-five thousand of these branches nationwide, of which two thousand reportedly sprouted up during the first quarter of this year. But several people within the Sangh family, including a swayamsevak who is also a former Madhya Pradesh state minister, told me that, in recent years, many of these branches were thinly attended; the organisation struggled to attract child volunteers and full-time workers—who must dedicate their most productive years to the Sangh and are in return assured of nothing but a cot to sleep on at an RSS office—especially in the face of proliferating career and lifestyle opportunities. Widely reported examples of the all-male RSS displaying sexism, homophobia, and religious bigotry have also alienated it from less extreme sections of the population.

Perhaps more threatening to the organisation is its reputation for breeding intolerance and violence among its members, whose actions have led to the RSS being banned several times by the government. Recent allegations made to The Caravan by the Sangh leader Swami Aseemanand—that senior RSS members including Bhagwat sanctioned his plot to launch a series of bombings in which 119 people were eventually killed between 2006 and 2008—briefly renewed a debate about whether the organisation should be allowed to exist at all. (After several attempts to arrange an interview with Bhagwat, Manmohan Vaidya told me it would not be possible, “not because of the Caravan story, but because he is not talking to the media until the elections are over.”)

According to the political analyst and editor of the Hindi weekly Yathavat, Ram Bahadur Rai—who along with KN Govindacharya was part of the Bihar Chhatra Andolan, the first RSS-backed political movement (which eventually snowballed into an anti-corruption campaign spearheaded by Jayaprakash Narayan against the Indira Gandhi government, and culminated in the Emergency)—“Bhagwat has two tasks before him. One is to reform the BJP. The other is to reform the Sangh.”

To a great extent, Bhagwat has already begun to stall the drift in the Sangh family. In the five years he has headed the RSS, he has displayed a remarkable pragmatism in the way he combines authority and persuasion to govern the organisation and its offshoots. He has clawed back a significant amount of control over various affiliates, reining in openly militant arms such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal. Shakhas have begun to modernise, with training sessions now occurring at more (and more convenient) times, and even being conducted over the internet, for RSS members abroad. The organisation’s prachar vibhag, or publicity division, has gone into overdrive, creating a powerful presence on social media. Bhagwat has also deepened the RSS’s influence in the BJP, helping to choose party presidents, mobilise Sangh workers and volunteers ahead of the elections, and smooth the way for Modi’s ascent.

Modi, who joined the RSS at age eight and once served as the organisation’s official liaison within the BJP, has also been a boon to, and a lodestar for, the Sangh. In the persona of the Gujarat chief minister—who projects a masculine Hindu pride while seeming to embrace a pragmatic economic philosophy and sporting a Movado watch, Bulgari spectacles, and Montblanc pens—the RSS may have found a way to resolve, or at least dissipate, the tensions between its ethos and the exigencies of contemporary political life. He has also helped to fire up the Sangh cadre.

Bhagwat has just over a decade before he turns seventy-five, the Sangh’s unofficial retirement age. Coincidentally, that will be in 2025, the RSS centenary. Between now and then, the organisation has planned a three-phase strategy aimed at expanding its work. Although the details of the strategy are not known, the phases recall a credo articulated by the RSS’s third sarsanghchalak, MD “Balasaheb” Deoras: “Organisation, mobilisation, and action!” The RSS says it’s nearing the end of stage one; it seems that the next step, for which Bhagwat has been preparing the ground, is to win political power. If the BJP becomes dominant in the next government, the Sangh juggernaut will likely begin rolling, entering a period of potentially unprecedented activity to fulfil its broader social goals. As Deoras once put it, “Organisation does not continue ad infinitum.”

ON FRIDAY, 13 September, a month after the Kolkata workshop, Modi was officially named the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate. At the beginning of October, Vidya Subrahmaniam wrote an opinion piece in The Hindu titled “The forgotten promise of 1949,” in which she argued that Modi’s appointment showed that the RSS had reneged on a guarantee in its constitution, written in 1949, to keep out of politics. A few weeks later, the Congress minister P Chidambaram told a public rally in Tamil Nadu that the 2014 general elections were going to be a “Mahabharath yudh,” an epic war, between his party and the RSS, “an organisation that has all along claimed to be non-political but chose to take indirect control of its political face.”

The former NDA cabinet member with whom I spoke told me of a common saying in the BJP: “soochna aai, sochna bandh”—the direction has come from the RSS, so stop thinking. But the RSS has always maintained that politics and politicking are not its proper work, even though it admits, sometimes grudgingly, that it shares an ideology, advice-on-demand and workers with the BJP. At least half a dozen senior RSS leaders, including the national executive member Madan Das Devi, who was formerly the Sangh’s official liaison to the BJP, told me that the RSS has nothing to do with the party’s internal affairs, and that the BJP’s decisions are the BJP’s alone. LK Advani, once a full-time RSS worker, has compared the RSS–BJP relationship to the one between Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress.

All of this makes the RSS’s open involvement in the party’s current election campaign a significant aberration. Around the time of Chidambaram’s rally, about three hundred RSS pracharaks gathered in Amravati, Maharashtra, for an informal RSS baithak; the main topic of discussion at the meeting was the Lok Sabha elections of 2014. It was clearly stated and unanimously agreed that the Sangh family had to come to power. A few days later, I met the deputy to one of the RSS’s national leaders—as well as regional domains, there are roughly a dozen national streams in RSS work, including physical training, organisation and promotion—at Keshav Kunj, the organisation’s regional headquarters in Jhandewalan, Delhi. He ridiculed Subrahmaniam’s article (“What is the RSS constitution? Most people in the RSS have not seen it. I am sure most swayamsevaks are not even aware that we have a constitution.”) and readily agreed with Chidambaram that these elections are essentially an ideological clash between the Congress and the RSS. He compared the current political moment to the period before the Emergency: “The situation in the country is very similar to those days and we are gearing up to fight it.”
Since then, the RSS has carried out a massive mobilisation of its volunteers—“the biggest since Emergency,” the deputy told me. Thousands of its workers are on the ground registering voters, updating electoral rolls and campaigning door-to-door to achieve 100 percent voting. Officially, Sangh volunteers are not allowed to canvas for any particular party, but this is an order honoured mostly in the breach. One swayamsevak I spoke with in Delhi’s Sarojini Nagar area said he went around to nearly four hundred houses handing out a flyer on important issues: one side of the sheet discussed urban economic concerns, such as roads and utilities; the other side touched on the RSS’s pet political themes, including terrorism, Pakistan, and “flying the tricolour at Lal Chowk” in Srinagar. The sheet also read, “Do you know who has achieved all of it? One ordinary man in Gujarat.” After handing it out, “we would tell people to vote for Modi,” the swayamsevak said.

Bhagwat has said that the RSS actively participated in only four previous general elections: at the end of the Emergency, in 1977; and in the three elections in the second half of the 1990s, when the BJP came to power. But he has also long acknowledged the importance of politics to the RSS’s mission. In an unpublished interview from the early 1990s, perhaps his first ever, he told the documentary filmmaker Lalit Vachani that the Sangh gets into politics whenever political developments are adversely “affecting the future of the nation”; its objective, Bhagwat said, is “only to give the right direction to political happenings, and then it withdraws.”

The RSS’s ambiguous relationship with politics, and by extension with the BJP, has its origins in the RSS’s early decades, long before the founding of the party, in 1980. Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar formed the RSS, in 1925, to create a large pool of disciplined, physically strong leaders who would provide direction to Hindu society. Hedgewar modelled his organisation on the British army, with a similar uniform and training in armed and unarmed combat.
Devendra Swaroop, the former editor of Panchajanya, the RSS’s Hindi mouthpiece, told me that the organisation “has a split personality” that goes back to Hedgewar. “He was a political man through and through,” Swaroop said when I met him at his modest home in East Delhi. “But he had also created the RSS as a time-bound organisation” that was supposed to dissolve into society after achieving its goals. “He did not see it continuing beyond twenty-five years.”

Swaroop said, “the crisis of goal started in the RSS after Independence, because the goal of Independence was achieved without RSS.” In this period, a combination of influential leadership and historical cataclysm forced the organisation away from a direct engagement with politics. The highly revered second sarsanghchalak, MS Golwalkar, took over in 1940 and subsequently became venerated as “Guruji.” (Hedgewar briefly handed the RSS over to LV Paranjape in 1930, but Paranjape is usually not included in the reckoning of its chiefs.) Golwalkar saw the RSS as primarily a social, cultural, and even spiritual body that ought to shun politics, and he kept it out of the anti-colonial Quit India movement. This apolitical stance solidified in 1949, when the government lifted a ban on the organisation (which was imposed after the assassination of Mohandas Gandhi, the previous year, by members of a Sangh affiliate). The RSS reciprocated with the promise made in its constitution.
Ever since, the RSS’s involvement with politics has often been at arm’s length in public, but intimate and complex behind the scenes—mainly because most of the top leaders of the now defunct Bharatiya Jana Sangh party, founded in 1951, and later of the BJP, came from and owed their primary allegiance to the RSS.

Unlike Golwalkar, subsequent sarsanghchalaks—particularly Golwalkar’s successor, Deoras, who was chief for twenty years beginning in 1973—embraced official power as a necessary instrument in the achievement of the RSS’s aims. Deoras was an acutely political man who understood the potential of the RSS’s highly disciplined volunteer force and wanted to use it to influence the country’s politics. When the organisation “assumes a certain strength or mass,” he once theorised, “the manpower put to action in the various fields of national life creates the desirable change.”

While Golwalkar was chief, Deoras had abandoned the RSS for at least half a dozen years because of a dispute with the sarsanghchalak over the organisation’s direction. As soon as he took over, Deoras plunged the Sangh family into several political agitations, including the one that led to the Emergency. Afterwards, the political scientist Pralay Kanungo writes in his book RSS’s Tryst with Politics, Deoras realised that “to remain in the mainstream of national politics” the RSS had to publicly “opt for the politics of accommodation.” This “realpolitik” led the Sangh to merge its political arm, the Jan Sangh, into the ideologically diverse Janata Party in 1977.

In the past fifteen years, first in the powerful post of RSS general secretary and then as chief, Bhagwat, too, has worked hard to assert the organisation in the political sphere, and to contain the conflicts between it and the BJP. That the party is now so openly reliant on the RSS is partly a mark of his profound influence. Many Sangh veterans told me that Bhagwat—whose father and grandfather were both RSS members and whose walrus moustache gives him an uncanny resemblance to Hedgewar—has picked up where Deoras left off.

DEORAS’S BELIEF THAT electoral politics could help the RSS refashion the nation in the organisation’s own image got its first major test in the late 1990s, when the BJP came to power at the head of an NDA government led by the RSS swayamsevak Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Ironically, the BJP’s years in power proved to be difficult ones for the RSS, as the party—made popular by a vigorous economy, and a dynamic foreign policy that projected supremacy over Pakistan and reset relations with the United States—elevated itself above its parent organisation.

From its inception, the RSS’s emphasis on Hindu exceptionalism had brought it into conflict with the brand of secularism espoused by the then dominant Congress. When the Jan Sangh was resurrected as the BJP, in 1980, the party explicitly adopted Gandhian socialism as its guiding principle in order to keep allegations of communalism at bay. In the 1984 general elections, the BJP was reduced to two seats in parliament; many believed that the RSS had refused to campaign for the party and even voted for the Congress.

In the following years, the BJP embraced Hindutva when it saw the amount of public support the RSS and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad attracted during the movement to build a Ram temple in Ayodhya. In June 1989, the BJP’s national executive met at Palampur in Himachal Pradesh. It passed a resolution drafted by Advani that formally put the party at the vanguard of the movement, thereby paving the way for the most communally divisive period in the history of India since Partition. From that day, the BJP, which had been one among many galleons in the RSS armada, became the flagship of the Sangh in the public imagination.

Riding on the temple movement and the mobilisation of Sangh cadres, the BJP captured power in 1996, for thirteen days. In 1998, it formed an alliance government, which lasted for thirteen months, exploded a nuclear weapon and fought a war with Pakistan. After the 1999 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance began five years of rule during which the government redirected India’s economic and foreign policy. But Vajpayee, who was prime minister in all of these governments, practically ignored the Sangh agenda of building a Ram temple, introducing a uniform civil code and repealing Kashmir’s quasi-autonomous status under Article 370. The former NDA cabinet minister told me that the prime minister gave RSS leaders “adequate izzat but set his own course.”

Vajpayee demonstrated his independence from the RSS early in his premiership. On 6 August 1999, four pracharaks were kidnapped from a Sangh-run student hostel in Tripura and taken to a camp in Chittagong, Bangladesh. The RSS blamed the Baptist Church and separatist insurgents of the National Liberation Front of Tripura, and pressured the government to send troops across the border. But both Vajpayee and the home minister, Advani, were reluctant to create an international situation, and the government never took military action.

Eventually, all four pracharaks were found murdered. Bhagwat, who had just been appointed the RSS’s general secretary, lashed out: “From the day of their abduction, the RSS has been trying hard to get them released. But its desperation was reciprocated by the union and state governments’ insensitivity.”

A slower burning but ultimately more incendiary conflict ignited over the Ram temple movement. Madan Das Devi told me about a meeting at the prime minister’s residence, early in the NDA’s term, at which he, Vajpayee, Advani, the RSS sarsanghchalak Rajendra Singh (who took over from Deoras in 1994), the RSS joint general secretary KS Sudarshan (who would take over from Singh in 2000) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Ashok Singhal were present. “Singhal really fired into Advani,” Devi said. “The feeling was that the Ayodhya land could have been given to the VHP.” The VHP leadership felt the NDA government belonged to them, and was letting down the cause—that the swayamsevaks and pracharaks in the government had ditched their ideology and roots. “One of the leaders of the government at the time said, ‘Why are we calling ourselves a party with a difference? We are the Congress with a tinge of saffron,’” KN Govindacharya, who was then a party general secretary, told me.

After Sudarshan became sarsanghchalak, “those in the RSS themselves began to believe that the BJP leaders had become bigger than them,” Sudhir Pathak, the soft-spoken former editor of the RSS’s Marathi newspaper, Tarun Bharat, told me. A decade earlier, at the height of the Ram temple movement, the RSS leadership had seniority and authority over the BJP. But by 2000, that was no longer the case; Advani, the second most powerful person in the party, became a full-time member of the RSS far before the new chief did. For the first time, there was a tussle over who should guide whom.

Within the BJP, Sudarshan, who was considered autocratic and whimsical, was an unpopular choice to lead the Sangh. Dilip Deodhar, a businessman in Nagpur, where the RSS has its national headquarters, grew up in an RSS family, is a long-time swayamsevak, and has been close with many senior leaders of the RSS; he said that when an ill Rajendra Singh first hinted that he was considering Sudarshan as his successor, in 1998, BJP leaders, including Vajpayee, asked Singh to postpone the decision. They told the organisation’s then general secretary, HV Sheshadri, that it would be “difficult to run the government even for a day” if Sudarshan became the RSS chief, Deodhar said.
Soon after taking over the RSS, Sudarshan tried to exert himself over the rest of the Sangh, including the BJP. Before an RSS function at a stadium in Delhi, for example, he issued instructions that nobody, including the press and NDA ministers, should be allowed in if they did not turn up in the RSS uniform, including the black Gandhi cap, long-sleeved white shirt with the sleeves rolled up above the elbow, and khaki shorts. None of the ministers—including Vajpayee, Advani and the education minister, Murli Manohar Joshi, all of whom had been swayamsevaks for several decades—attended. The then BJP president, Kushabhau Thakre, who was widely credited with building up the Sangh in Madhya Pradesh, arrived in the uniform but forgot to bring the bamboo staff that completes it. According to Deodhar, Thakre was asked to go back.

Delhi was Sudarshan’s base for much of the time that the NDA was in power. He frequently criticised the government in public, and meddled in ministries. In one characteristic episode, Sudarshan used a combination of Sangh organisational strength and government access to act as a cultural censor. When the director Deepa Mehta was shooting Water in Varanasi, filming was interrupted by RSS and VHP men who burnt down sets and shouted slogans against her, Mehta’s daughter Devyani Saltzman wrote in her book Shooting Water. Mehta was asked to get permission from the RSS chief in order to continue production; otherwise the protests would carry on. When she went to the RSS headquarters in Delhi one wintry morning, Sudarshan came to meet her wearing a heavy shawl, and a saffron balaclava over his face. He walked up to her and quoted a passage from Dante’s Inferno in perfect Italian, then sat down and told her not to misjudge the RSS.

“The Ganga is precious to us,” Sudarshan told Mehta.

“Have you read the script for Water?” Mehta asked. The RSS chief placed a copy of it on the table. “Where did you get that?” she said. Only one script had been shared outside of the production team—with the ministry of information and broadcasting.

Sudarshan said, “After all, whose ministry is it anyway?” He asked Mehta to work with Sheshadri Chari, then the editor of the RSS weekly Organiser, on correcting the script.

WITH THE IMPERIOUS SUDARSHAN at the top of the RSS, and an increasingly self-confident BJP in power at the centre, relations between the organisation and the party grew more and more frosty. Following the BJP’s shock defeat in the general elections in summer 2004, the RSS started appointing more of its pracharaks to work in the party. The acrimony soon became public; in a television interview with the Indian Express editor Shekhar Gupta the following year, Sudarshan asked of Vajpayee and Advani, “What have they done for the country?” He instead ranked Indira Gandhi as India’s best prime minister.

The RSS’s disaffection with the BJP had become so acute that for a time the organisation contemplated abandoning the party altogether. Among other things, the RSS leadership worried that the power-hungry ways and opulent lifestyles of BJP politicians were corrupting swayamsevaks, many of whom were losing interest in Sangh work. Following the 2004 elections, the RSS top brass, including Sudarshan, Madan Das Devi and MG Vaidya (whose son Manmohan is now the head of promotion) met at a farmhouse in Jhinjholi, on the outskirts of Delhi, to take stock of the organisation’s involvement in politics. Many of the leaders, including Sudarshan, felt that the RSS’s experiment with politics should come to an end.

Things reached absolute zero when Advani visited Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s mausoleum in Pakistan, in June 2005, and praised the Muslim leader’s secularism. Practically the entire RSS bayed for Advani’s head. Sanjay Joshi, then the party general secretary, demanded that Advani abdicate the party presidency. Advani was asked to report to the RSS’s Delhi headquarters and then convey his resignation at a press conference. Instead, he announced his decision to quit to waiting journalists as soon as he landed at Delhi airport. Later that year, Advani left the BJP’s national executive meeting in Chennai with a parting salvo: “Lately an impression has gained ground that no political or organisational decision can be taken without the consent of RSS functionaries. This perception, we hold, will do no good either to the party or to the RSS.”

While practically every leader stood arrayed against Advani, according to a former editor at an RSS-sponsored publication, Bhagwat took a soft line, arguing that the RSS should maintain good relations with India’s neighbours, and that the BJP should retain Advani as a sort of mentor. At the same time, he was quietly pushing for youngsters to take the party reins.

At a high-level strategy meeting of the RSS in Haridwar around that time, MG Vaidya and others suggested that the RSS should junk the BJP once and for all and float a new political party. According to Sudhir Pathak, Vaidya declared, “We are Hindutvawadis and our party should follow that line. I will create a party based on Hindutva.” He found no takers; Devi told me that a decision was taken to end the internal debate and stick with the BJP.

The decision may have been eased by the advent of the new BJP president, Rajnath Singh. Singh joined the RSS in 1964, at age thirteen, and became a district president of the Jan Sangh at age twenty-four. As soon as he took charge of the party, be began making conciliatory gestures to the RSS and, in 2006, the BJP amended Article 21 of its constitution to allow RSS workers to hold key positions all the way down to the district level. The Sangh’s prodigal party was beginning to return.

IN MARCH 2009, just two months before general elections in which the BJP was hoping to wrest back power from the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance, the RSS effected a generational shift when Sudarshan chose Bhagwat, then the organisation’s general secretary, as his successor.
On the day the change of guard happened, Pathak was hanging around the main hall of the RSS’s sprawling Reshimbag campus, in Nagpur, whose Zero Mile was considered by the British to be the geographical centre of the country. At the time, the hall had lattice windows through which he could see the proceedings of the Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha, the highest decision-making body of the RSS. “Normally Mohanji wears kurta and pyjama but that day he was wearing a dhoti,” Pathak recalled. In characteristic RSS style, the anointment was an unfussy affair. Afterwards, Bhagwat came out of the hall. “For a few seconds, he seemed lost,” Pathak said. “He could not even find his slippers. Then he regained his composure.”

Pathak said that when he later asked him about it, Bhagwat admitted he was stunned for a few moments thinking about the enormity of the role he had inherited: “I was just Mohan Bhagwat for those few seconds. I was thinking whether I will be able to do the job I have been given.”

The announcement was sudden, but not totally unexpected. The RSS had begun replacing its aging leaders with much younger ones beginning in the late 1990s; although this may have been a liability in short-term relations with the BJP, the organisation recognised the long-term importance of an energetic leadership. When the sixty-eight-year-old Sudarshan was appointed sarsanghchalak, the then general secretary, HV Sheshadri, told him there were two viable options for general secretary—Madan Das Devi or Bhagwat.

Sheshadri and Sudarshan were inclined towards Devi, who understood politics and was the official RSS point man for overseeing the BJP. But MG Vaidya advised Sudarshan that it would be prudent for him to put his weight behind Bhagwat. Like almost all RSS decision-making, the selection process was informal, highly consultative, and private.

“None of us had even heard his name until he became chief,” a senior editor at a national English-language magazine told me. Bhagwat was just fifty-nine.
Mohan Madhukarrao Bhagwat was born on 11 September 1950, in Sangli, Maharashtra, at his maternal grandfather Annaji’s home, into a family of Brahmins with close ties to the RSS. Bhagwat’s paternal grandfather, a lawyer from Satara named Narayan Bhagwat, moved to Chandrapur after his parents died. Narayan, or “Nanasaheb,” was a member of the provincial Congress and a schoolmate of Hedgewar’s at Nagpur’s Neel City School, which threw the future RSS founder out for defying British rule and singing Vande Mataram.
Bhagwat’s father, Madhukarrao, became an RSS pracharak in the 1940s and worked extensively for the organisation in Gujarat. He eventually decided to marry, but continued his work with the RSS until Bhagwat was born, after which he enrolled in law school in Nagpur. Bhagwat is the eldest of three sons and a daughter born to Madhukarrao and his wife, Malatibai.

The family was steeped in the values of the Sangh. Three generations of Bhagwats have held positions of authority in the RSS. After heading the RSS in Gujarat, Madhukarrao became Chandrapur district chief, a position held by his father before him. Malatibai was a member of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, the RSS’s women’s wing, and in charge of the Jan Sangh’s district women’s forum.

In January this year, I met Ravindra Bhagwat, Bhagwat’s youngest brother, at the family home in Chandrapur, a rapidly expanding Maharashtrian town whose skyline is dominated by the portly smokestacks of a 2,340-megawatt super-thermal power station, the biggest pithead electricity generator in the state. Hanging in the living room was a painting of a tiled two-storey house that originally stood where the large modern building—which includes shop fronts and Ravindra Bhagwat’s office—is today. A collection of mementos and trophies, many of them won by Bhagwat in singing and theatre competitions, were displayed on a shelf. Ravindra said that when Bhagwat returned from university after graduation he carried a gunnysack full of medals and trophies.
Bhagwat’s childhood friend Rajabhau Bhojawar, a former Life Insurance Corporation employee who still lives in Chandrapur, recalled that Bhagwat and he used to be very fond of Marathi pulp thrillers, especially those by Baburao Arnalkar, who wrote novels such as Akrava Avatar (Eleventh Avatar), Sinhagarjana (Lion’s Roar) and Vishwamitri Pech (Vishwamitra’s Dilemma).

Bhagwat enrolled in the veterinary sciences programme at Dr Panjabrao Deshmukh Krishi Vidyapeeth in Akola, but since many of the courses were taught at Nagpur University he spent most of his undergraduate years in the city. He graduated with a gold medal in pathology. Students of veterinary courses had to complete two years of government service after they graduated; Bhagwat joined the animal husbandry department in Chandrapur for a couple of months and then transferred ninety kilometres east, to Chamorshi, as a veterinary officer.

Sudhir Pathak recalled an inter-university youth camp organised by the Maharashtra government in 1970, which was celebrated as International Educational Year. About thirty students each from fourteen universities participated in the three-day programme. Bhagwat started a shakha on the second day. Even then, he could hold forth with authority on Bharatiya culture and tradition. “There was no flag, but everything else was like a shakha,” Pathak said. “About a hundred students attended it for two days.” The gathering became controversial, and questions were raised in the Maharashtra assembly over how a shakha could be run at a government programme. The government denied the shakha’s existence.

Apart from being a dyed-in-the-wool RSS volunteer, Pathak said Bhagwat was like any other student, fond of fashion and the latest Bollywood songs. Once, on a bus, a girl piped up, “arre Mohan, let’s hear something,” and he readily obliged with ‘Mere Samne Wali Khidki Mein,’ the wildly popular romantic song from the hit movie Padosan. Bhagwat also pursued an interest in theatre and poetry, and once represented Nagpur University at a festival in Calicut, performing the Marathi folk art Bhaarud, which combines devotional singing and storytelling. He also acted in and directed plays. Pathak said Bhagwat was a “totally different person” when he performed.

Bhagwat dropped out of a post-graduate course just before the Emergency to become a full-time RSS worker in Akola. During Indira Gandhi’s autocracy, he remained underground. Both his parents were jailed. When democracy was restored, he quickly rose through the Sangh ranks, heading RSS operations in Nagpur, and then for all of Vidarbha. In the 1980s, he was given charge of RSS operations in Bihar. In 1991, he was promoted to all-India chief of physical training, and was then made pracharak pramukh, the person in charge of overseeing all full-time RSS workers.

THE YEAR 1992 WAS A TUMULTUOUS ONE for India. The country was experiencing its own perestroika, launched the previous year by a Congress government led by the wily PV Narasimha Rao, only the third Congress member outside the Nehru-Gandhi family to become prime minister. That April, the revelation of a Rs 4,000-crore stock market scam triggered a tsunami of criticism against the capitalist turn the country had taken. As winter approached, the Sangh family prepared for its kar seva in Ayodhya, a massive mobilisation of volunteers who were supposed to help build a temple to Ram at his purported birthplace on the banks of the Sarayu river.

Around the same time, the filmmaker Lalit Vachani arrived in Nagpur to shoot a short film on the RSS. In 1990, Vachani had approached Sudarshan, then a joint general secretary, to make a documentary on the RSS. A pleased Sudarshan convened a gathering of about ten shakhas. “He was very disappointed to learn it was a radio documentary and there were no television cameras,” Vachani said. When Vachani returned two years later to make his movie, Sudarshan was “very enthusiastic. His attitude was like, where were you guys all these years?”

During two months of shooting, Vachani and his production team spent a lot of time at Asha Sadan, an RSS office in a mansion that also functioned as a sort of hostel for volunteers. One of the leaders whom Vachani met there was Bhagwat, who, as the RSS’s all-India chief of physical training throughout the 1990s, oversaw an integral part of character building in the Sangh.

“The boys at Asha Sadan simply adored him,” Vachani told me over Skype from his home in Germany. “He was like god to them.” One day the boys asked Bhagwat to play the flute, Vachani recalled. “He was terribly out of tune. Yet all the boys praised it like it was a great performance.”

Somewhere midway through Vachani’s twenty-seven-minute film, The Boy in the Branch, Bhagwat explains the logic of a game called “Kashmir hamara hai,” which is played in RSS shakhas. In the game, some kids stand in the centre of a circle and try to push out others trying to occupy it. “The shakha is the life of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh,” Bhagwat says in the film. “Now they don’t have too much information about the Kashmir problem—Article 370, acts, etc—but at least awareness is built in them that Kashmir is ours. It belongs to Bharat.”

Vachani made a follow-up documentary eight years later in which he revisited many of the same places and figures. In that film, The Men in the Tree, Sudarshan elaborates on the significance of recruiting young swayamsevaks: “Children are prone to habit formation. In childhood, they are also influenced by their environment. They are moulded in that environment. From infancy stage to childhood stage, children are very retentive and malleable and prone to learning good habits. What you teach them has a lasting impact in their minds. That is why we get children into shakhas from infancy.”

Reflecting on the early 1990s, the three main characters in The Men in the Tree—Sandeep Pathey, Purushottam and Sripad Borikar—speak proudly about their roles in the destruction of Ayodhya’s Babri Masjid, on 6 December 1992.
“I was up on the dome,” Borikar says. “That was a lifetime achievement. We helped make history.”

The RSS, according to them, had planned the kar seva which led to the demolition, down to the last detail. Pathey says the preparations were so meticulous that everything was recorded—the age of each boy, which train he would travel in, the group leader to whom he would report. Even those who ventured to Ayodhya independently had to register with RSS workers. “It wasn’t possible for just anyone to go there as a temple volunteer,” Pathey says.

Borikar recounts, “Nagpur had chosen ten men who could face anything. I was one of them. We worked on the dome with whatever we could lay our hands on—rods, sticks sometimes just rocks. We had only one thing on our minds—demolish the structure.” He adds, “The Muslims will come around to our way of thinking. Gradually, an environment will build up in which they will realise that Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura should be handed over” to Hindus. “If Muslims want to live in this country, then they will have to listen to big brother.”
Pathey goes on, “If they don’t hand it over on their own, then whichever way the Hindu behaves, they will have to face the consequences.”


AFTER HE BECAME SARSANGHCHALAK, Bhagwat’s first order of business was to continue to repair damaged relations with the BJP. He began by dismantling certain conventions. “Sudarshan did not want to go to Advani’s home because he thought, according to protocol, Advani should come to Jhandewalan,” Sudhir Pathak told me. “Mohanji said, ‘It doesn’t bother me. I’ll go to his house. After all, he is elder to me. We can solve issues only by talking.’” Bhagwat’s childhood friend Bhojawar told me that once when Bhagwat came to lunch at his home, he asked him how he handled Advani. “I know his status and I respect his age and behave accordingly,” Bhagwat replied. “But I don’t step back from the issue that I have gone to discuss with him.”

Bhagwat’s approach to the BJP patriarch is characteristic of the way the RSS has operated during his time—both internally and with respect to the party—and is in many ways a throwback to a civility that existed before Sudarshan became chief. Although serious differences of opinion exist between the organisation and the party, and among the RSS’s top brass, most are settled through the Sangh’s informal, deliberative process. (There are only two official policy meetings of the RSS each year.) As sarsanghchalak, Bhagwat is immensely influential, but he does not unilaterally impose his will on the BJP or on his own organisation. That said, once decisions are taken, and communicated by the sarsanghchalak, they are considered final for members of the RSS; no post hoc dissent is tolerated. (“There is a saying in the Sangh,” a swayamsevak and former journalist who worked on the BJP’s recent Delhi election campaigns told me. “If some official announces that goats have three legs, we will prove that it is so.”)

Many recent RSS decisions, especially with regard to the functioning of the BJP, clearly bear Bhagwat’s impress. On 2 January 2009, as general elections loomed, Bhagwat (who was two months away from being appointed sarsanghchalak), Madan Das Devi and Suresh Soni travelled to Advani’s house for talks with the BJP leadership. “We understand that it’ll be an NDA and not a BJP government, so you decide what you can do, and what you cannot, vis-à-vis our core Hindu agenda. The entire Parivar is firmly behind you, but there should be more such interactions,” Bhagwat said at the meeting, which lasted several hours, according to an Indian Express report. Bhagwat added that the BJP must ensure that “Hinduon ka anadar na ho”—that the Hindus are not shown disrespect.

After the BJP lost the elections, Bhagwat began tightening the screws. The Indian Express reported that he told Advani in August, “We would like to send a contingent of five hundred to seven hundred volunteers to strengthen your organisation at various levels, but it’s for you to take a call. First of all, you have to decide what kind of ties you wish to have with the RSS.”
On the eighteenth of that month, Bhagwat appeared on Times Now for his first interview as sarsanghchalak. He laid out five demands that the RSS would make of its volunteers in the BJP: uphold the Sangh ideology, uphold the RSS work ethic, maintain a “continuous dialogue” with other organisations where swayamsevaks are working and with those who “agree with the BJP,” ensure that the BJP is a “party with a difference regarding character,” and “bring the young generation along.”

“BJP as a party has to do this,” Bhagwat added. “BJP as a party is not run by the RSS. They have to find a way. Either they have to agree to this or disagree to this. They are free. But our swayamsevaks always belong to us. We are telling them this.” Bhagwat also hinted that the next BJP president should ideally be a leader who is not active in Delhi.

A few months later, the appointment of a new BJP chief sent out a clear signal that the RSS was trying to strengthen its grip on the party. According to several people in the Sangh family, including Dilip Deodhar and the swayamsevak who worked on the BJP’s Delhi election campaigns, the first choice was Narendra Modi. Modi, however, said he did not want a national role until the 2012 Gujarat elections were over. Manohar Parrikar, who had been the youngest-ever RSS regional chief and was then in between terms as Goa’s chief minister, was briefly discussed, but he was considered too young to lead the party nationally. Finally, Advani suggested the name of Nitin Gadkari, a Brahmin from Nagpur who has been a swayamsevak since his teens and served as the party’s Maharashtra state president.

Despite concerns about Gadkari, the suggestion was readily accepted by the RSS. “Gadkari had two problems,” Devendra Swaroop, the former editor of Panchajanya, told me. “The media didn’t know him and his style of expression”—his Hindi was relatively poor—“did not match with his national status. But Bhagwat thought he could play an all-India role.”

One of the BJP’s first major decisions under Gadkari’s watch had the stamp of RSS all over it. Barely a week after he was appointed, in December 2009, the results of the Jharkhand assembly elections came out; it was a fractured mandate, with the BJP and the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha getting eighteen seats each, and the Congress and its allies managing twenty-five. A day later, the Jharkhand leaders of the RSS’s tribal wing, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, were called to Delhi to report on religious proselytisation in the state. The RSS felt that if the Congress cobbled together a government, it would give a fillip to Christian conversions. To block the Congress from power, the BJP decided to tie up with the JMM, even though many BJP leaders were against it because of allegations of corruption against the JMM leader Shibu Soren. The BJP had just fought a Lok Sabha election largely on the issue of black money. Sudhir Pathak, and a long-time RSS member with direct links to the Jharkhand leadership of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, told me that Bhagwat was the alliance’s prime mover.

During three years as president, Gadkari alienated many people in both the party and the Sangh. He drew particularly intense flak for mismanaging the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections in early 2012. His business group, Purti, came under suspicion for fraud, and RSS members resented the open show of wealth at the wedding Gadkari threw for his son, that same year. “Why didn’t you object when ninety planes landed in Nagpur for the wedding?” an RSS member and former BJP state minister from Madhya Pradesh said of the Sangh leadership when I met him last November. “You have made moral values secondary.”

But Bhagwat backed Gadkari throughout his tenure, and when it was coming to an end, in late 2012, he let it be known that he preferred continuity. Several people, including Dilip Deodhar and Sudhir Pathak, told me that Bhagwat felt Gadkari should get a second consecutive term, and that Gadkari need not take personal responsibility for the charges against his companies.
The closer Gadkari’s presidency came to ending, the fewer backers he had in the party and the RSS. Among his remaining allies were MG Vaidya and his son Manmohan, the RSS’s head of promotion. The Vaidyas lobbied Bhagwat; he told them he had tried to retain Gadkari, but that the rest of the RSS and BJP leadership was firmly against it. Still, Bhagwat encouraged the Vaidyas to try again. According to Dilip Deodhar, the Vaidyas, without Bhagwat and the general secretary, Suresh “Bhaiyyaji” Joshi, met with the RSS senior leadership at the house of Bapu Bhagwat, a Nagpur-based swayamsevak. The RSS members heard them out, but said little. (Manmohan Vaidya denied this meeting took place.)

Finally, on 22 January 2013, income tax officials raided eight locations in Mumbai that were associated with Purti group companies. The addresses proved to be bogus. That day, Bhaiyyaji Joshi and Advani met with Gadkari in Mumbai, and advised him to step down. He resigned that night. With the blessings of Advani and the RSS, Gadkari nominated Rajnath Singh, who had led the party’s reconciliation efforts with the RSS after Advani’s resignation in 2005, to a second term. Singh took over the following day.

IF SINGH WAS AN ACCEPTABLE THIRD CHOICE for the RSS, Bhagwat would soon get the BJP leadership he most desired. Even before the party, under Vajpayee and Advani, lost a second consecutive general election, in 2009, Bhagwat had his eye on a future prime ministerial candidate—the Rajya Sabha member Pramod Mahajan, a Marathi Brahmin who became a full-time RSS worker in 1974 and later helped organise Advani’s rath yatra. According to the businessman and long-time swayamsevak Dilip Deodhar, between 2000 and 2006, Bhagwat used to secretly meet with Mahajan at the residence of Dr Vilas Dangre, a famous homeopathic doctor in Nagpur, where they had lengthy discussions late into the night. “Mahajan used to land at Nagpur airport and slip through the backdoor and meet Bhagwat at Dangre’s house,” Deodhar said. He added that Bhagwat saw in Mahajan the next BJP leader. (A family member of Mahajan’s confirmed that the two men were close.)

Mahajan was suddenly gunned down by his brother, in 2006. From that point on, according to Deodhar, Bhagwat began to back Narendra Modi, who had had a hand in organising Advani’s Ram temple agitation, and was then serving his first elected term as chief minister of Gujarat. Although Modi was a good organiser and had strong ideological credibility, many in the Sangh leadership were opposed to him, and he was under criminal investigation in connection with the 2002 Gujarat pogrom. (The investigation is ongoing.) “RSS leaders feared that court cases could go against Modi,” Bhagwat’s friend RH Tupkary, a swayamsevak and well-known metallurgist who headed the Visvesvaraya National Institute of Technology, told me.

Tupkary, who said he is about to start work on a book tentatively titled “The RSS Re-Evaluated,” said the leadership’s attitude began to change when Modi swept the 2007 assembly elections in Gujarat; after that, they started seriously considering him for a national role. With a renewed mandate, Modi began to clip the wings of many senior organisation and party members, hardening some sections of RSS opinion against him. But Bhagwat was evidently not concerned: the following year, with much of the Sangh leadership fuming at the Gujarat chief minister, Bhagwat travelled to Ahmedabad to release Modi’s book Jyotipunj, a collection of profiles of his mentors, including Bhagwat’s father, Madhukarrao.

“The first time his name was discussed as the potential prime ministerial candidate was in 2011, in Baroda,” a former member of the RSS central executive council told me. “After the scheduled baithak ended, some of us were asked to stay back for a couple of hours. That meeting was devoted to discussing the political situation in the country.” There were more people opposing Narendra Modi at the time than supporting him, the former central executive member added. Over the next two years, however, the discussions continued at meetings in Chennai, Amravati and Jaipur. Throughout this period, the Sangh leadership was collecting feedback from its pracharak network, which unequivocally supported Modi.

According to Sudhir Pathak, “There were two views—to take only a secularist line, or to have some Hindutva also. The Hindutvawadi group was in favour of Modi. Bhagwat was not taking sides. Advani had shown that the Hindutva line can only take you up to 180 Lok Sabha seats; if you want to carry everyone along, a sober face like Vajpayee was necessary. But then the argument was that in 2004 we saw how far a sober face could take us. So the leaders sort of agreed that in 2014 Hindutva would be the appeal.” By June 2013, when Modi was chosen to head the BJP’s national campaign committee, virtually every RSS and BJP leader, apart from Advani, had fallen in line.

A large part of Modi’s attraction for both Bhagwat and the cadre may be that, despite his autocratic operating style, he has never challenged the Sangh’s fundamental ideology. Rather, he has shown the RSS leadership that the family’s core values can travel even better in new packaging—that designer clothes and talk of economic development can fit perfectly well with hard-line Hindutva. He is a model for swayamsevaks who have embraced the ethos of a consumerist India.

Many leaders in the Sangh family continue to be wary of Modi, who has successfully sidelined many of his political rivals, first in Gujarat and now within the national party; most party and Sangh members who have maintained their influence have done so by making way for his rise. Perhaps the only person who has publicly checked Modi without experiencing any political fallout is Bhagwat. The RSS chief, who is reluctant to give up on anyone who has been a member of the organisation (including Advani and Gadkari), has rehabilitated several of Modi’s rivals, such as Gordhan Zadaphia and Sanjay Joshi. In Bangalore this March, during the concluding session of the Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha, Bhagwat, trying to refocus the cadre on its own agenda, reportedly told volunteers, “Our work is not to chant ‘Namo, Namo.’ We must work towards our own target.”

Still, Bhagwat seems to appreciate that Modi is currently the RSS’s best available means of securing political power. (That said, if Modi does become prime minister, he won’t necessarily need the Sangh until the next election.) In February, I spoke by phone with Vasant Limaye, a Pune-based corporate trainer and Marathi novelist. Limaye said he met Bhagwat at the RSS headquarters in Nagpur last year around Dussehra, while he was doing research for a new political thriller. Bhagwat told him about the BJP’s and RSS’s preparations for the upcoming elections, and said that the BJP and Modi were the right people to lead the country. Limaye asked him if he considered Modi to be a Winston Churchill. “What I meant was Churchill was the wartime British PM and was unceremoniously dumped after the war was over,” Limaye told me. “Bhagwat didn’t answer that question. He just smiled.”


THE SARSANGHCHALAK’S ANNUAL VIJAYADASHAMI SPEECH, in Nagpur, is considered the RSS’s most important public address every year. The one that Bhagwat delivered on 13 October 2013 was different in many ways from any that had come before; it was the first time in the history of the organisation that its supreme commander spent a third of the time talking about the national economy and government policy, with specific references to inflation, deficits and currency controls.

“If only we develop an indigenous pattern of growth, based on our own genius and in sync with the present times, keeping in mind the positive and negative aspects of modern technology, current world economic systems and trends, we will be able to achieve a growth that, along with bringing its benefits even to the last man in the row, will make us self-reliant, create jobs, improve quality, and ensure equity, justice and freedom from exploitation,” Bhagwat told the gathering of hundreds of RSS workers. He spoke about soaring prices, the plunging rupee and deepening deficits—subjects untouched by previous chiefs. The speech was webcast live, and a team of swayamsevaks across the country made sure it trended on Twitter. “It was a bit difficult that day because of cyclone Phailin”—which made landfall the previous day—“but we managed to make it the top trending topic from India,” the deputy RSS leader I spoke with at Keshav Kunj said.

For years, the Sangh’s economic platform has been articulated by the Swadeshi Jagran Manch, an RSS offshoot that advocates a wholly indigenous, self-reliant economy. In particular, the SJM has consistently opposed foreign investment in the country and, for the most part, the RSS has been as wary of it as the SJM. This has often set the RSS at variance with the BJP, which has taken a more ambivalent line on foreign financing. Bhagwat’s speech hinted that the RSS has moved away from its obstinate earlier position to a somewhat more liberal stance—one reflected in the BJP’s election manifesto, drafted by a committee chaired by the RSS stalwart Murli Manohar Joshi, which calls for foreign investment in many sectors.

One area where the economic platforms of the SJM, the Sangh and the BJP have always overlapped is corruption. For many years, the RSS has supported the anti-corruption agitation of Anna Hazare. At an informal interaction with journalists in Kolkata in 2011, Bhagwat said, “It was the RSS that highlighted Anna’s developmental programmes for villages. We even got Anna to help us in our village development programmes. It was during these interactions that the RSS suggested to him to go in for a movement against corruption.” More recently, Bhagwat has held up the electoral campaign of Hazare’s former lieutenant, Arvind Kejriwal, as a model for the BJP. A few months ago, at a lunch at RH Tupkary’s home, Tupkary said to Bhagwat, “Our plank has been stolen by Kejriwal.” Tupkary felt that BJP politicians were behaving like Congress members and were concerned only with making money. “He said he has told the BJP leaders the same thing,” Tupkary recalled. “He told them that they should take proper note of Kejriwal, and not give tickets to anyone with a tainted character.”

Despite the loftiness of the Sangh’s anti-corruption rhetoric, however, even Bhagwat has a somewhat equivocal record on malfeasance. The Sangh leadership has an established tradition of throwing the floor open to informal question-and-answer sessions at the end of most meetings. At one baithak in Alappuzha, Kerala, in late 2012, Bhagwat was asked a question on the Koodankulam nuclear power station and why the RSS was not part of the agitation. He replied that the demonstrations against the plant started when construction was nearly complete, and that Christians were leading the protests. The answer piqued KV Biju, then the SJM’s co-convenor for south India, who had been part of the agitation since 1989, soon after the project was announced. (Biju is now the organising secretary of the Swadeshi Andolan, a rival to the SJM.) He told Bhagwat that he had been misinformed. At that point, the meeting was called to a close and Bhagwat asked Biju to join him backstage. Biju said that when he explained in detail the history of protest against the nuclear plant, Bhagwat told him that he had been unaware of it.

Biju’s exchange with Bhagwat after the Alappuzha meeting took place at about 3 pm. “Around 9.30 that night, Bhagwati Prakash Sharma”—the SJM’s national co-convener—“telephoned me and asked me to step down from the SJM.”

Three days later, the veteran RSS leader Ranga Hari told Biju that he should meet the sarsanghchalak again and apprise him of corruption in the SJM. For about a year, Biju and an SJM organising secretary named Appala Prasad had been campaigning against the SJM core committee member and former national convener P Muralidhar Rao. They had produced documents to prove that Rao had used SJM funds to buy property in the name of his wife, Pratibha, and a cooperative society he headed. Biju told me that when he asked the RSS national executive member Madan Das Devi about who approved the purchase, Devi admitted that Rao had not taken any consent. (When I emailed Rao for comment, he wrote back saying he had left the SJM in December 2008; when I pointed out that the transaction took place in 2010, he didn’t respond.)

Biju took the issue to the national joint convener of the SJM, S Gurumurthy, who promised to take action but then ignored the matter. Then, at the RSS national executive meeting in Chennai, Biju spoke with Bhagwat, who he said assured him they would meet again to discuss the allegations.

Biju sent two reminders to Bhagwat about their appointment. He soon got a call from the then RSS joint general secretary KC Kannan. Biju told me Kannan said to him, “You want to meet the sarsanghchalak to flag the issues in the SJM, right? He knows about all those issues and has said that he is not going to interfere in such matters.” Rao was finally forced to repay the money, but only after months of protest.

THE RSS UNDER BHAGWAT may have updated its economic approach while retaining its ideological soul (the sarsanghchalak’s alleged tolerance for corrupt Sangh workers notwithstanding), and thereby partially overcome one of the most important challenges it has faced in recent decades—how to respond to the cultural upheaval wrought by economic liberalisation. But the organisation has failed to rid itself of a more longstanding existential threat—the bigotry of its members, especially against Muslims. Perhaps these trends are interlinked, and the Sangh, as it adopts a more market-oriented economic position, has found it advantageous to simultaneously reaffirm its aggressively Hindu-nationalist core.

Despite the RSS’s continual public denials that it is bigoted or fosters violence in its members, large and small examples of extreme intolerance in the Sangh family—Modi’s Uttar Pradesh campaign manager using the language of “revenge” and “honour” in riot-affected Muzaffarnagar; the head of the VHP calling for vigilante action to evict Muslims from their homes—seem to leak out into the press constantly. Bhagwat himself frequently accuses Muslim men of carrying out “love Jihad” by courting Hindu women. Former RSS members say that these are the attitudes in which the Sangh brought them up.
In January, I went to meet Shyam Pandharipande, a former journalist who grew up in an RSS family, at his sixth-floor apartment in Nagpur. “I joined the RSS before I joined school and I completed my RSS training before I graduated from college,” Pandharipande told me. He recalled a revealing episode from his third year of the Sangh’s officer-training camp, in 1970, the last step in becoming a full-time RSS worker. During a question-and-answer session, a volunteer asked Yadavrao Joshi, then the head of Sangh workers across all of south India, “We say RSS is a Hindu organisation. We say we are a Hindu nation, India belongs to Hindus. We also say in the same breath that Muslims and Christians are welcome to follow their faith and that they are welcome to remain as they are so long as they love this country. Why do we have to give this concession? Why don’t we be very clear that they have no place if we are a Hindu country?”

According to Pandharipande, Joshi replied: “As of now, RSS and Hindu society are not strong enough to say clearly to Muslims and Christians that if you want to live in India, convert to Hinduism. Either convert or perish. But when the Hindu society and RSS will become strong enough we will tell them that if you want to live in India and if you love this country, you accept that some generations earlier you were Hindus and come back to the Hindu fold.”
The RSS ideology has not always been so extreme. In the decade after Deoras took over, the Sangh managed to wipe away much of the stigma associated with its communalism. But then came the Ram temple movement and the demolition of the Babri Masjid, which indelibly stamped the Sangh as a fundamentalist organisation. Although the radicalisation that took place during the movement still defines the RSS for many people, I was told it created a generational rift within the Sangh family. A state executive member of the RSS in Kerala, who has been a pracharak since the 1950s, said that Ayodhya was never discussed at Sangh forums in the early days. “In the collected works of Guruji, there is no mention of Ayodhya or the Ram temple even once,” he pointed out. “A senior leader once told me that RSS’s participation in the Ayodhya movement was a case of the tail wagging the dog.”

He added that that single act—the destruction of the mosque—alienated thousands of people who were Sangh supporters. “I remember Kerala High Court judges openly participating in VHP conferences,” he said. “Similarly, many Muslims and Christians wanted to join the Jan Sangh. Now they do not want to associate.”

Of course, the RSS and its offshoots have never had a monopoly on bigotry and communal violence in Indian society. This is even true for the Ram temple agitation. Two people in the Sangh—Devendra Swaroop and one of the organisation’s dozen national leaders—told me that the movement grew out of a seed planted by the Congress. This is supported by Christophe Jaffrelot, who writes in his book The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics that Dau Dayal Khanna, an octogenarian Congressman and former Uttar Pradesh minister, was the first to lay before the VHP a plan to build a campaign around Ram’s purported birthplace, in 1983. This followed a period in which Indira Gandhi began making pilgrimages to sacred rivers, shrines and temples across the country, and speaking of a Hindu hegemony in the Hindi heartland. Several years later, when the Ram temple movement was gaining steam, Rajiv Gandhi arranged for secret talks between the sarsanghchalak, Deoras, and a Congress emissary, the former cabinet minister Bhanu Prakash Singh. At their conclave, Singh told Deoras that Gandhi was prepared to allow foundation stones for a Ram temple to be laid in Ayodhya, provided the RSS backed the Congress Party in the 1989 Lok Sabha elections. Deoras agreed. The Congress government permitted a foundation-laying ceremony to be performed, but changed course after an outcry from the Muslim community.

In the Bhagwat era, the Ram temple movement has largely been relegated to the increasingly minor domain of the VHP, though it also receives a mention in the BJP’s latest election manifesto. A couple of years ago, at a baithak in Tripunithura in Kerala, Bhagwat was asked about Ayodhya, “How long will it take to build a Ram temple there?” He replied that the dispute “won’t be solved for at least the next thirty years.” He then smiled, and added, “It will be the VHP’s biggest problem, too—to keep the issue alive for that long.”
Other pernicious strains in the Sangh seem to have thrived in the past decade. The RSS national executive member Indresh Kumar is named in the chargesheets for the bombings carried out by Swami Aseemanand and other Hindu terrorists between 2006 and 2008, when Bhagwat was the RSS general secretary. Although the investigations are proceeding at a snail’s pace, there is still some chance that Kumar may be charged. (Officials at the National Investigation Agency declined to comment on the cases.) In theory, Bhagwat, too, could come under investigation after Aseemanand told The Caravan in January that the RSS chief sanctioned the attacks.

The swayamsevak who worked on the BJP’s Delhi election campaigns told me that one reason the RSS is taking such an interest in these particular elections is that “they fear for their survival.” He said another UPA government might try to entangle Sangh leaders in the terror cases to subjugate the organisation. That possibility may now be remote, but charges and allegations of violence by Sangh members nevertheless hang like the sword of Damocles over the head of the RSS.

WHEN I MET the former BJP general secretary KN Govindacharya at his office in East Patel Nagar, Delhi, last October, he told me about an opinion piece that Vajpayee, then a forty-seven-year-old swayamsevak and president of the Jan Sangh, wrote in the Indian Express in 1972. The article argued that a strongly ideological party would never come to power in pluralist India, and could at best remain an influential pressure group. Swayamsevaks have two courses of action, Vajpayee wrote: give up on achieving power; or compromise on their ideology, come to power, and then discharge their responsibilities as RSS men.

After the article came out, the Sangh called a meeting of its national leadership to discuss Vajpayee’s views. The sarsanghchalak, Golwalkar, thought that in theory an ideological party could come to power. Vajpayee was not interested in debating possibilities; he wanted clear direction about which path to take. Golwalkar told him that it was up to Vajpayee and his colleagues in the party to choose.

As Bhagwat suggested to journalists at the Kolkata workshop last August, the Sangh family sees the current elections as an opportunity to solve this dilemma for the foreseeable future. Bhagwat himself has long been resolute about the direction in which the RSS must head. In an unpublished portion of his interview with the filmmaker Lalit Vachani, in the early 1990s, he spoke about new challenges facing the Sangh. The “RSS’s worst period is over,” Bhagwat said. “Earlier it was ignored. We didn’t have money or resources. It was a small organisation. Later, it was being opposed. There was a lot of negative, wrong publicity. People were filled with anti-RSS sentiment. Now that period is also over. From that perspective, the path ahead is clear.” He added, “Our thought is not opposed anymore. There is some because of political reasons, but we are not worried about that. We will handle it in our own style.”
In January 2009, Bhagwat echoed this line. Less than three months before becoming sarsanghchalak, he told a meeting of young professionals from the management and information technology sectors, “How to resolve the current problems prevailing in our country is the next question.” In words that could very well apply to what is playing out today, he said the Sangh will “help to organise. The rest will be done by the swayamsevaks themselves. And from 1925 till 2008 the evolution of the Sangh shows that we are indeed marching ahead with our plan and reaching towards our goal consistently. It is all about an individual. He is to be encouraged. There are difficulties in this. But we are not the people who talk about problems. We will overcome and surmount problems and try to accelerate the pace of our work effectively. This picture is clear in front of us. Not only the goal, the clear strategy, all the stages, methodology to reach there are all worked out and we have a clear cut plan before us.”

Correction: An earlier version of this article incorrectly stated that the Kargil War was fought during the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance's second term. This has been changed online. The Caravan regrets the error.
Dinesh Narayanan is a Delhi-based independent journalist. He is the former editor (economy and policy) of Forbes India magazine.
- See more at: http://www.caravanmagazine.in/reportage/rss-30?page=0,8#sthash.jUvjKAN2.dpuf

Philosophy of symbolic form: Ramasetu, exemplifies the Rāṣṭram for Dharma-dhamma

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Do you know what is the best consequence of the 2014 LS polls?

Protection of Ramasetu is assured. Formation of Rāṣṭram begins.
Valmiki ramayana, Sarga 21, Yuddhakandam
Describes Rama’s victory over the ocean; he releases the arrow which makes a volcano erupt, resulting in a tsunami. This episode is validated by the heatflow and geotectonic maps of Bharatam in the Rama Setu region. The painting by raja Ravi Varma celebrates the conversation between Samudra Raja and Sri Rama as he unleashes the arrow.


Muslim ladies in Varanasi sang Hanuman Chalisa and muslim men and women lined up to receive punya teertham from the priest of Devunikadapa temple after they offered their prayers to Padmavathy.

Jeevema s'aradah s'atam, NaMo. With Hanuman's anugraham and protected Ramasetu, take Bharatam to her destined role in the comity of nations. Do your bit to build up a Rāṣṭram of Vedic vision, as a lighted path for abhyudayam of nations along the Indian Ocean Rim. That will be a lasting tribute to the memory of Sri Rama and of Ramasetu which symbolises victory of dharma, a moment of glory for humanity which fought against evil, against adharma.

This beacon of dharma-dhamma shall take us to the Rāṣṭram to benefit over half of the humanity and be a role model for all nations of the globe.

Philosophy of symbolic form is that Ramasetu, an abiding bridge across the Setusamudram in the Indian Ocean, exemplifies the Rāṣṭram for Dharma-dhamma.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Centre
Rameshwaram Ramasetu Protection Movement

US Foreign policy has 'erectile dysfunction' problems -- Chinese General. How sexy can you get, Maj. Gen Zhu Chenghu?

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9:57 am HKT
Jun 2, 2014

Chinese General Says U.S. Foreign Policy Has ‘Erectile Dysfunction’ Problems


    A Chinese ship, left, shoots a water cannon at a Vietnamese vessel, right, while a Chinese Coast Guard ship, center, sails alongside in the South China Sea off Vietnam’s coast on May 7, 2014.
     
    Associated Press
    A Chinese general used a regional security conference this weekend to tell a global audience that U.S. rhetoric about the South China Sea risks provoking Beijing.
    For the Chinese language audience, the general used language saltier — and perhaps more provocative — words to describe how he feels about U.S. power.
    Maj. Gen Zhu Chenghu, a professor at the National Defense University, made the remarks in an interview with Chinese-language Phoenix TV at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore Saturday.
    He suggested that if China came to blows with any of its neighbors, the U.S. might not be a reliable ally.
    “As U.S. power declines, Washington needs to rely on its allies in order to reach its goal of containing China’s development,” he told the TV station.
    “But whether it will get involved or use military intervention once there is a territorial dispute involving China and its neighbors, that is another issue,” he added.
    He said that this depended on the U.S. ability to project power, citing Ukraine as an example.
    He said, “we can see from the situation in Ukraine this kind of ED” –which he explained in Chinese was a military abbreviation for something that may have meant “extended deployment” – “has become the male type of ED problem – erectile dysfunction.”
    Mr. Zhu was one of several Chinese military officials who reacted angrily to remarks of U.S. defense secretary Chuck Hagel, who accused China of taking destabilizing actions in the South China Sea.
    Hong Kong-based Phoenix TV has close ties to Beijing and much of its audience is in mainland China.
    China’s stance on its maritime claims in the South China Sea has led it into disputes with Vietnam and the Philippines. A standoff over a Chinese drilling rig in waters claimed by Hanoi led to deadly anti-Chinese rioting in Vietnam in May.
    Maj. Gen Zhu is no stranger to controversy. In 2005 he came under criticism for remarks that China would have no option but to go nuclear in the event of a conflict over Taiwan. U.S. officials called the remarks irresponsible and the Chinese foreign ministry backed away from them as well.
    – William Kazer
    http://blogs.wsj.com/chinarealtime/2014/06/02/chinese-general-says-u-s-foreign-policy-has-erectile-dysfunction-problems/?mod=e2tw

    Scan on bias in aviation deals -- Karan Choudhury

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    Scan on bias in aviation deals

    “We will look into the bilaterals given out earlier. We will be reviewing all the major decisions taken by the previous government”
    Ashok Gajapathi Raju, Civil aviation minister
    New Delhi, June 1: The civil aviation ministry plans to take a relook at the bilateral air services agreements to find out whether some countries and airlines are getting undue advantage at the cost of domestic carriers.
    “We will look into the bilaterals given out earlier. We will be reviewing all the major decisions taken by the previous government. I am not questioning anyone, neither will I persecute anyone or protect anyone,” newly appointed civil aviation minister Ashok Gajapathi Raju said.
    A bilateral air service agreement is a contract to liberalise aviation services, usually commercial, between two countries. Such a pact allows the airlines of the two countries to launch flights to fly both passengers and cargoes.
    Sources said the minister had asked ministry officials to make presentations on why West Asian countries were given a huge number of seats in the bilateral pacts.
    According to officials, the poor management of bilateral negotiations has diminished the possibility of making Delhi, Mumbai and other metros aviation hubs.
    Except Air India, other local players such as Jet Airways, IndiGo and SpiceJet have been reduced to “feeder services” for airlines based in Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Southeast Asia.
    Last year, the then civil aviation minister Ajit Singh agreed to expand the number of seats available on weekly flights between India and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) nearly four-fold to 50,000 for the designated carriers of each country. The minister was advised against such a move by domestic carriers as well as political parties.
    Deal controversy
    The memorandum of understanding (MoU) on air services between India and the UAE following a two-day negotiation in Abu Dhabi effectively sweetened Jet Airways’ stake sale deal with Abu-Dhabi based Etihad Airways.
    Under the new MoU, both sides agreed to allocate an additional 36,670 seats per week over three years. In 2013, the allotment was for 11,000 seats per week; in 2014, it will go up by 12,800 seats; and in 2015, another 12,870.
    Before the air services pacts, the designated carriers on both sides were entitled to 13,330 seats with the flexibility to add another 2 per cent, taking the total to 13,600 seats per week with eleven points of call available to Abu Dhabi.
    Air India along with other domestic airlines opposed the revision of traffic rights as it would only help Abu Dhabi to be yet another hub after Dubai and its national carrier Etihad. However, the protests fell on deaf ears.
    Minister Singh defended the government’s decision, saying the move was for the sake of passengers. The minister said international passenger traffic from India is expected to increase to 45 lakh in 5 years from 28 lakh. “It is a win-win deal, good for the flyers. It provides more competition and more connectivity and better efficiency,” he said.
    According to the Centre for Asia Pacific Aviation, India is unique in having separate bilaterals with the different emirates of the UAE. Agreements are in place with Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Sharjah and Ras al-Khaimah.
    “As a result of the expanded bilateral agreements that India had with Dubai and Abu Dhabi over the past twelve months, weekly entitlements for UAE carriers will increase to over 135,000 seats by 2015-16. Including the points of call available to Indian carriers from which Jet Airways will be able to operate to Abu Dhabi, hubs in the UAE can be fed from 26 points in India,” it said in its recent report.
    This represents a massive increase from the 10,400 seats in 2003-04. “It dwarfs the access offered to any other single country; it is almost as much as all European countries combined, which have just over 160,000 seats available to them,” it said.
    In addition, the majority of the Indian bilateral entitlements to Abu Dhabi are expected to be utilised by Jet Airways operating a co-ordinated network and schedule with Etihad. Hence, the number of weekly seats feeding hubs in the UAE is likely to be closer to 170,000-175,000.
    Air India grouse
    The careless distribution of bilaterals affected Air India the most. The national carrier’s downfall was brought about by a mix of unbalanced merger, a shopping spree for aircraft and a spate of forced “route rationalisation”.
    The merger was done without the management working out solutions to possible integration problems.
    In 2008, under a new routing policy as many as 32 profitable routes, including flights to the Gulf, were given to international carriers such as Emirates.
    Ministry officials said Raju would work on the revival of Air India, which has a massive cumulative loss and debt burden of about Rs 67, 270 crore. Before its merger with domestic arm Indian Airlines in 2007, Air India was making profits.
    Raju hinted at reviewing the need to buy aircraft, including the 27 Boeing 787s for Air India.
    “Aircraft have been bought and sold. We need to see why they were bought and sold,” he said.
    Air India jacked up its total order for Boeing and Airbus aircraft to around 111 planes from an earlier estimate of 78 aircraft.
    Analysts said the move meant taking on almost 50 per cent more debt than what was planned. The carrier had ordered 27 of the costliest aircraft — the Dreamliners — from Boeing at a cost of around Rs 20,000 crore.

    http://www.telegraphindia.com/1140602/jsp/business/story_18469506.jsp#.U4xynXKSySo
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