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Obama quietly reverses Hillary’s ‘get Modi’ policy -- MD Nalapat

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Obama quietly reverses Hillary’s ‘get Modi’ policy
MADHAV NALAPAT  New Delhi | 19th Apr 2014

Hillary Clinton
S President Barack Obama has quietly reversed a policy initiated by former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, to "get Narendra Modi"— ostensibly for the 2002 Gujarat riots, but in actuality "for taking stands that may be different from that favoured by the US administration"— in the words of a senior analyst in New York.
"Hillary Clinton likes to operate through NGOs, which are given funding through indirect channels, and which target individuals and countries seen as less than respectful to her views on foreign and domestic policy in the target countries," a retired US official now based in Atlanta said. He claimed that "rather than US NGOs, (the former) Secretary of State Clinton favoured operating through organisations based in the Netherlands, Denmark and the Scandinavian countries, especially Norway" as these were outside the radar of big power politics. These NGOs were active in the agitation against the Russian nuclear power plant at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu, with "funding coming mainly from a religious organisation based in Europe that has close links with France".
Incidentally, French companies are in direct competition with Russian rivals in seeking to expand the market for nuclear reactors in India. The senior official, now on a visit to India, claimed that "your (i.e. the Manmohan Singh) government has full details of the religious organisation involved in funding the Kudankulam protests, but is keeping this secret as the organisation has high-level backers" in the UPA.
These present and retired officials claimed that "during the tenure in office of Secretary Clinton, several expert teams in the guise of NGOs were sent to Gujarat to try and find mass graves". The purpose was to then take the matter to the Office of the UN Commissioner of Human Rights in Geneva as an example of genocide. "In 2011, some bones were discovered in a Gujarat field by one of the search teams and there was much excitement, but these were later found to be buffalo bones", an official said. The official added that "no evidence whatsoever of mass graves was uncovered in Gujarat despite six years of clandestine searching for them" by undercover experts posing as representatives of NGOs. He added that "five politicians, three from the state and two in Delhi, assisted the search teams, but the information given by them proved unproductive".
Finally, "now that Secretary Clinton had stepped down from office, by end-2012 orders were given to stop wasting time on the search for mass graves in Gujarat, much to the dismay of those NGOs who were getting significant funding as a consequence of the search operations". Interestingly, the senior official claimed that because of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's inability to water down the Nuclear Liability Act and Defence Minister A.K. Antony's decision to prefer the French Rafale fighter to its US rival, "orders were given to activate the Khalistan file so as to create embarrassment for Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh".
Another official, now retired, claimed that "since 2011, several search teams have been active in Punjab, seeking human remains in suspected mass graves". According to them, "key politicians in Punjab have assisted these search teams and on occasion even provided logistical facilities for them".
These officials claim that the recent decision by the US Aviation Authority to ban extra flights into the US by Indian carriers was "directly linked to US displeasure over the strong Indian response to the Devyani Khobragade episode, especially as they had been privately assured by senior officials that the fallout of an arrest would be routine and perfunctory".
Another example of misuse of public interest bodies cited was the recent decision by the UK Automobile Safety Authority to classify five India-produced small car models as unsafe, "or exactly the same models that are offering competition to European and US vehicles in the European market". They said that such steps were "protectionism in the guise of safety" and that "the Manmohan Singh government's passivity in responding to such unilateral measures encouraged more of them to get slapped on India".
Coming back to the BJP's PM candidate Narendra Modi, these sources say that the Obama administration has dialled back on the hectic efforts by Hillary Clinton to paint the Gujarat CM as guilty of mass murder and even genocide. "This is clear from the latest report of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, which has sharply scaled back its criticism of the Modi government as compared to earlier reports". According to a senior official, "President Obama does not share Hillary Clinton's confrontational approach and her preference for Sonia Gandhi, and is looking to establish a pragmatic partnership with India should Modi become the Prime Minister". Hence the search "for a US envoy who would be different from (former ambassador) Nancy Powell's Clinton-style hostile approach to Modi, and to find an individual who could be expected to bond with the new PM and his team". According to these sources, President Obama "is alarmed at the steep downslide in India-US ties caused by Hillary-style crusades, and wants the relationship to be even better than what it was under the Bush presidency".
Recent remarks by Narendra Modi indicate that the BJP's standard bearer is ready to reciprocate the hand of amity proffered by Team Obama to the BJP's PM nominee.
http://www.sunday-guardian.com/news/obama-quietly-reverses-hillarys-get-modi-policy

Narayana Murthy part of Ford Foundation

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Explains why some Infosys honchos support AAP. Maybe, they should call it either CIAAP or FFP.
Isn't this conflict of interest? One Infosys guy gets to be a trustee of Ford Foundation and another one lends the reputation of the firm to FFP.

kalyan

N.R. Narayana Murthy

Trustee
N.R. Narayana Murthyexecutive chairman of the board of Infosys Limited, serves on the Ford Foundation Board of Trustees. He is chair of the board's Economic Opportunity and Assets Committee and a member of the Audit and Proxy committees.
Murthy co-founded Infosys, an international software servicesfirm based in Bangalore, India, in 1981. He has been the company's CEO until 2002 and chairman and chief mentor since 2011. He is currently a trustee of the board of Infosys Science Foundation.
From 1977 to 1981, he headed Patni Computer Systems.
Murthy's board affiliations include the the United Nations Foundation, The Rhodes Trust, Asian Institute of Management(Manila) and India School of Business (Hyderabad). He is also chair of the Public Health Foundation of India and the National Payments Corporation of India. He is a presidential councilor of Cornell University, chairman of the Board of Governors at the School of Management at the Asia Institute of Technology, Bangkok, and a director at Catamaran Management Services Private Limited.
The recipient of numerous honors, Murthy was given the Padma Vibhushan, the second-highest civilian award, by thegovernment of India in 2008. The government of France conferred on him the Officer of the Legion of Honor in 2008 and the British Government conferred on him the Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) in 2007. In 2005, he was ranked among The Economist's list of 15 most admired global leaders.
Murthy received a bachelor's degree in electrical engineeringfrom the University of Mysore and a master of technology degree from the Indian Institute of Technology in Kanpur.
http://www.fordfoundation.org/about-us/leadership/narayana-murthy

Ant, twisted rope and other Meluhha hieroglyphs on Ancient Near East and Indian seals

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Twisted rope as hieroglyph on a plaque. Hieroglyph: मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' (Marathi) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) eruvai'eagle' Rebus: eruvai'copper'. kōḍe, kōḍiya. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. Rebus: koḍ artisan’s workshop (Kuwi) kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (Assamese) 
Technical description Votive bas-relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu in the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash C. 2400 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu) Bituminous stone H. 25 cm; W. 23 cm; Th. 8 cm De Sarzec excavations, 1881 AO 2354 Plaques perforated in the center and decorated with scenes incised or carved in relief were particularly widespread in the Second and Third Early Dynastic Periods (2800-2340 BC), and have been found at many sites in Mesopotamian and more rarely in Syria or Iran. The perforated plaque of Dudu, high priest of Ningirsu in the reign of Entemena, prince of Lagash (c.2450 BC), belongs to this tradition. It has some distinctive features, however, such as being made of bitumen.This plaque belongs to the category of perforated plaques, widespread throughout Phases I and II of the Early Dynastic Period, c.2800-2340BC, and found at many sites in Mesopotamia (especially in the Diyala region), and more rarely in Syria (Mari) and Iran (Susa). Some 120 examples are known, of which about 50 come from religious buildings. These plaques are usually rectangular in form, perforated in the middle and decorated with scenes incised or carved in relief. They are most commonly of limestone or gypsum: this plaque, being of bitumen, is an exception to the rule.


The precise function of such plaques is unknown, and the purpose of the central perforation remains a mystery. 
pe: मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10312).L. meṛh f. ʻrope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floorʼ(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) 

Some hieroglyphs listed as 'signs' in Mahadevan concordance of Indus script include the following set of variants of 'ant' hieroglyph; 'hare' hieroglyph:

Ant hieroglyph: h151 5057Text


h144 4280Text


h131 4271Text 

చీమ [ cīma ] chīma. [Tel.] n. An ant. కొండచీమ. the forest ant. రెక్కలచీమ a winged ant. పారేచీమను వింటాడు he can hear an ant crawl, i.e., he is all alive.చీమదూరని అడవి a forest impervious even to an ant. చలిచీమ a black antపై పారేపక్షి కిందపారే చీమ (proverb) The bird above, the ant below, i.e., I had no chance with him. చీమంత of the size of an ant. చీమపులి chīma-puli. n. The ant lion, an ant-eater.

చీముంత [ cīmunta ] chīmunta.. [Tel.] n. A metal vesselచెంబు.

cīmara -- ʻ copper ʼ in mara -- kāra -- ʻ coppersmith ʼ in Saṁghāṭa -- sūtra Gilgit MS. 37 folio 85 verso, 3 (= zaṅs -- mkhan in Tibetan Pekin text Vol. 28 Japanese facsimile 285 a 3 which in Mahāvyutpatti 3790 renders śaulbika -- BHS ii 533. But the Chinese version (Taishō issaikyō ed. text no. 423 p. 971 col. 3, line 2) has t'ie ʻ iron ʼ: H. W. Bailey 21.2.65). [The Kaf. and Dard. word for ʻ iron ʼ appears also in Bur. čhomārčhumər. Turk. timur (NTS ii 250) may come from the same unknown source. Semant. cf. lōhá -- ]Ash. ċímäċimə ʻ iron ʼ (ċiməkára ʻ blacksmith ʼ), Kt. čimé;, Wg. čümāˊr, Pr. zíme, Dm. čimár(r), Paš.lauṛ. čimāˊr, Shum. čímar, Woṭ. Gaw. ċimár,Kalčīmbar, Kho. čúmur, Bshk. čimerTorčimu, Mai. sē̃war, Phal. čímar, Sh.gil. čimĕr (adj. čĭmārí), gur. čimăr m., jij. čimer, K. ċamuru m. (adj.ċamaruwu).(CDIAL 14496)



 
Kalibangan 080 Seal impression 8120 Text

m0143 Mohenjo-Daro seal 2002 Text


kāṇḍā ‘metalware’

http://www.christies.com/LotFinder/lot_details.aspx?pos=5&intObjectID=2067289&sid=  A NEO-BABYLONIAN BANDED AGATE CYLINDER SEAL 
Circa 1000-800 B.C. 
With a winged lion-griffin with avian hind-legs in profile to the right, his wings hanging, his arms outstretched, holding an ibex in his raised right hand, a lion with its head turned back in his left hand, the terminal a winged solar disk above a stand, with a four-line inscription in Babylonian cuneiform reading, "To Shamash, Mr...., physician, dedicated (this seal)"



Hieroglyph:  ceṭṭai 'wing' Rebus: seṭṭi 'merchant. kol 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron''. melh 'goat' Rebus: milakkhu 'copper' arye 'lion' Rebus: āra 'brass'. eruvai 'eagle' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. khaṇḍa 'divisions' Rebus:  kāṇḍā ‘metalware’.

kulai, 'hare', Meluhha hieroglyph
Morgan Library and Museum 


Worshiper Holding Hare Before Enthroned Male Figure, Vultures Above
Cylinder seal and impression Syria (ca. 1720–1650 B.C.EHematite 21 x 10 mm Seal no. 937 http://www.themorgan.org/collections/collectionsList.asp?id=Seals

Hieroglyphs on the cylinder seal read rebus: 

The glyph of a crescent with a ball above may denote a crucible + ingot.

kola 'woman'Rebus: kolhe‘smelter’. 

H. mẽṛāmẽḍā m. ʻ ram with curling horns ʼ (CDIAL 10120). Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)

kuṛī f. ʻ girl (Punjabi) Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'; dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus, the two young girls denote dul kuṭhi 'smelter for cast metal'.

मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'polar star' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'iron' (Gujarati); ayas 'alloyed metal' (Sanskrit) eruvai 'eagle' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'.


*kuḍa1 ʻ boy, son ʼ, °ḍī ʻ girl, daughter ʼ. [Prob. ← Mu. (Sant. Muṇḍari koṛa ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛi ʻ girl ʼ, Ho koa, kui, Kūrkū kōn, kōnjē); or ← Drav. (Tam. kur̤a ʻ young ʼ, Kan. koḍaʻ youth ʼ) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 373. Prob. separate from RV. kŕ̊tā -- ʻ girl ʼ H. W. Bailey TPS 1955, 65. -- Cf. kuḍáti ʻ acts like a child ʼ Dhātup.]NiDoc. kuḍ'aǵa ʻ boy ʼ, kuḍ'i ʻ girl ʼ; Ash. kūˊṛə ʻ child, foetus ʼ, istrimalī -- kuṛäˊ ʻ girl ʼ; Kt. kŕū, kuŕuk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Pr. kyúdotdot;ru ʻ young of animals, child ʼ, kyurú ʻ boy ʼ, kurīˊʻ colt, calf ʼ; Dm. kúŕa ʻ child ʼ, Shum. kuṛ; Kal. kūŕ*lk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Phal. kuṛĭ̄ ʻ woman, wife ʼ; K. kūrü f. ʻ young girl ʼ, kash. kōṛī, ram. kuṛhī; L. kuṛā m. ʻ bridegroom ʼ, kuṛī f. ʻ girl, virgin, bride ʼ, awāṇ. kuṛī f. ʻ woman ʼ; P. kuṛī f. ʻ girl, daughter ʼ, P. bhaṭ. WPah. khaś. kuṛi, cur. kuḷī, cam. kǒḷā ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛī ʻ girl ʼ; -- B. ã̄ṭ -- kuṛā ʻ childless ʼ (ã̄ṭa ʻ tight ʼ)? -- X pṓta -- 1: WPah. bhad.  ʻ son ʼ, kūī ʻ daughter ʼ, bhal. ko m., koi f., pāḍ. kuā, kōī, paṅ. koā, kūī.(CDIAL 3245).
A cylinder seal shows: a winged goddess brings a prince down to his loving parentsmore

I recognize a few hieroglyphs on the artifacts (drawings) on this monograph of Tom van Bakel; I think it is possible to read rebus in Meluhha a few hieroglyphs on the artifacts:
Displaying ScreenShot1760.bmpDisplaying ScreenShot1762.bmpDisplaying ScreenShot1761.bmp
Louvre AO7296
http://www.bibliotecapleyades.net/sumer_anunnaki/anunnaki3a/Louvre%20Dec%201%202002%20192.html ml

1. Drawing of a Syrian cylinder seal (ca. 1600 - 1400 BCE).
2. Jamdat Nasr cylinder seal from Ur. Ur excavations Archaic seal impressions no 370




1. kulai ‘a hare’ (Santali) Allograph: kul ‘tiger’ (Santali) Rebus: kolhe‘smelter’. (Hieroglyph attached) A pair of hares: dul kolhe 'cast metal smelter'. (Hieroglyph: dula 'pair')
2. karaDi 'safflower' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy'.(Hieroglyph attached)

3. Twisted rope: मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10312).L. meṛh f. ʻrope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floorʼ(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: me'iron'. mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) (Hieroglyph attached; below the cord/twist are two seated lions)
4. arye 'lion' Rebus: araa 'brass'.
5. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal). Thus a cast iron-brass alloy indicated.
6. The person on the right holding an antelope is mlekh 'goat' Rebus: meṛh 'helper of merchant' (Desinaamamaalaa of Hemachandra)
7. eraka 'wing' Rebus: erako 'moltencast copper'.
8. kola 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolhe 'smelter'.
9. kuTi 'girl' (cf. two girls held upside down); Rebus: kuThi 'smelter furnace'. Thus, a copper smelter furnace is indicated.
10. khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali) Rebus: kampaṭṭa ‘mint, coiner’.

செம்பு² cempu , n. < செம்-மை. [K. M. cembu.] 1. Copper, Cuprum, as reddish; தாமிரம். செம்பிற் செய்நவுங் கஞ்சத் தொழிலவும் (சிலப். 14, 174). 2. Gold; பொன். (அக. நி.) 3. [K. Tu. cembu.] Metal vessel; செம்பு முதலியவற்றாற் செய்யப்பட்ட பாத்திரவகை. 4. Liquid measure=3¼ cēr செம்புக்குட்டி cempu-k-kuṭṭi Ta. cempu copper, gold, metal vessel, liquid measure; cempaṉ brown-coloured cow or bull; tampikai a kind of small water-pot. Ma. cempu copper, copper vessel. ? Ko. keby, keb-giṇḍy globular metal drinking-vessel with spout. To. teb copper; ? köb small brass vessel. Ka. cambu, cembu, combu copper, globular copper or glass vessel used for drinking water; cambige, tambige, tambuge globular copper or glass vessel.Koḍ. cembï copper, small metal pot. Tu. cembu brass, copper, small copper or brass pot; tambigè small, round, metal vessel. Te. cembu goblet, pitcher, ewer; tambuga a sort of drinking-vessel. / Cf. Mar. cābū a metal vessel with a belly and a tapering neck, a goglet. Are the Dr. words influenced by Skt. tāmra-, Pkt. tamba- copper?(DEDR 2775).

చీబోతు [ cībōtu ] or చీంబోతు chī-bōtu. [Tel.] n. A he-goat. HD. iii. 965. మేకలలో మొగది.


Bronze vessel of Etruscan or Rhodian craftship found in a mound at Graeckwyl, Switzerland, dated to the 7th century bce.    The winged goddess is flanked by four lions, the upper two resting on two snakes that emerge from her head. An eagle sits on her head, and she holds two hares in her hands.
Bronze vessel of Etruscan or Rhodian craftship found in a mound at Graeckwyl, Switzerland, dated to the 7th century bce. The winged goddess is flanked by four lions, the upper two resting on two snakes that emerge from her head. An eagle sits on her head, and she holds two hares in her hands. http://www.pinterest.com/smphilip/archaeology/ 
Grey-brown chalcedony cylinder seal  (white / cream patination was probably acquired during burial); antithetical group consisting of a four-winged hero in the centre, facing right, flanked by ostriches which he grasps by the neck; beneath each ostrich are two ostrich chicks; in the upper field above the ostrich on the left, a smaller ostrich pursues a gazelle, while above the ostrich on the right is an eight-pointed, globe-centred star set in a crescent. The hero wears an oval-topped helmet with two pairs of horns, his hair falls from two short horizontal lines in a thick curl on his shoulder, and both it and the beard are depicted with lines ending in rows of small drill-holes; he is bare-chested and wears a plain-belted, short, wrap-over kilt with a curved edge and double hem which is decorated with the dot-in-square motif. All the ostriches have eyes indicated by drill-holes at the inner end of the beak, bodies depicted like bundles tied together before the flaring tail, and huge feet indicated by a mass of small drill-holes; the large birds have an additional drill-hole at the top of beak and on the leg-joints, diagonal hatching at the bottom of the neck, wings with two rows of feathers spread on either side of the neck, and they are standing on one leg and kicking out at the hero with the other; the small birds are shown striding towards the centre, one on either side of the larger birds' leg, and have only one row of feathers to their wings and only one visible wing, except the chick on the left, where two are shown. Both wings of the ostrich pursuing the gazelle are visible too, and its legs are spread very far apart, so that one leg is almost touching the fleeing gazelle's rump and perhaps kicking up at it. The gazelle is set diagonally and looks back over its shoulder at the ostrich; its horn and belly are very finely hatched and small drill-holes mark its hooves. Very slight chipping of the edges.British Museum number102397Description Grey-brown chalcedony cylinder seal (white / cream patination was probably acquired during burial); antithetical group consisting of a four-winged hero in the centre, facing right, flanked by ostriches which he grasps by the neck; beneath each ostrich are two ostrich chicks; in the upper field above the ostrich on the left, a smaller ostrich pursues a gazelle, while above the ostrich on the right is an eight-pointed, globe-centred star set in a crescent. The hero wears an oval-topped helmet with two pairs of horns, his hair falls from two short horizontal lines in a thick curl on his shoulder, and both it and the beard are depicted with lines ending in rows of small drill-holes; he is bare-chested and wears a plain-belted, short, wrap-over kilt with a curved edge and double hem which is decorated with the dot-in-square motif. All the ostriches have eyes indicated by drill-holes at the inner end of the beak, bodies depicted like bundles tied together before the flaring tail, and huge feet indicated by a mass of small drill-holes; the large birds have an additional drill-hole at the top of beak and on the leg-joints, diagonal hatching at the bottom of the neck, wings with two rows of feathers spread on either side of the neck, and they are standing on one leg and kicking out at the hero with the other; the small birds are shown striding towards the centre, one on either side of the larger birds' leg, and have only one row of feathers to their wings and only one visible wing, except the chick on the left, where two are shown. Both wings of the ostrich pursuing the gazelle are visible too, and its legs are spread very far apart, so that one leg is almost touching the fleeing gazelle's rump and perhaps kicking up at it. The gazelle is set diagonally and looks back over its shoulder at the ostrich; its horn and belly are very finely hatched and small drill-holes mark its hooves. Very slight chipping of the edges.

A Winged Hero Pursuing Two Ostriches Cylinder seal and impression. Mesopotamia, Middle Assyrian period (ca. 1250–1150 B.C.)

شتر مرغ s̱ẖutur-murg̠ẖ, s.m. (5th) An ostrich. Pl شتر مرغان s̱ẖutur-murg̠ẖānشتر مرغه s̱ẖutur-murg̠ẖaʿh, s.f. (3rd) A female ostrich. Pl. يْ ey. (Pashto) (lurmu -- Akkadian; ghashirmushen -- Sumerian)

sūˊtra n. ʻ thread, cord ʼ AV., sūtraka -- n. Pat. Pa. sutta -- , °aka -- n. ʻ thread, string ʼ, Pk. sutta -- n., Wg. sūtr̥sṳ̄tr, Dm. sutr, Kal.rumb. sūtr̥, urt. sūtr; Kho. šutur ʻ thread ʼ, šutra ʻ thread over which spell has been recited for tying round limb of sick person ʼ (š<-> from šimánu ʻ trouser string ʼ < syūˊman -- BelvalkarVol 96 or < šunǰ ʻ needle ʼ < sūcí -- ); Phal. sūtrm. ʻ thread ʼ, K. sathar, dat. satras m., S. suṭru m.; L. sūtar, (Ju.) sutr m. ʻ thread, carpenter's line ʼ (whence kasūtar°trā, mult. kusuttr ʻ out of line, bad ʼ, m. and °trī f. ʻ quarrel ʼ), awāṇ. sūtur ʻ cotton yarn, arrangement ʼ, sūtrā ʻ thread amulet ʼ, kcch. sūtr ʻ cotton ʼ; P. sūtarsūt m. ʻ yarn ʼ, sūtrīsūtṛī f. ʻ cord ʼ; WPah.bhad. sūṭḷ n. ʻ thread ʼ, sūṭḷū n. ʻ amulet ʼ, bhal. sūṭḷū n. ʻ thread used to mark line in sawing ʼ; Ku. sūt ʻ cotton thread ʼ; N. sut ʻ thread, string ʼ; A. xut ʻ string (made of split cane), tendril ʼ, xutā ʻ thread ʼ; B. Or. sutā ʻ thread ʼ, Or. chuta ʻ gonorrhoea ʼ (so -- called from the thread -- like pus); Bi. sūtsūtā ʻ thread ʼ, Bhoj. H. sūt m., G. sutar n., M. sūt n., Ko. sūta, Si. huya ʻ thread ʼ (suta ʻ thread, rule ʼ ← Pa.), Md. ui; -- B. chut, B. Or. chutā ʻ pretext, excuse ʼ semant. cf. L. above and sūtrayati. -- Ext. -- l -- : Ku. sutlo ʻ thin shoot ʼ; N. sutli ʻ string ʼ, Or. sutuli (< -- ll -- ), H. sutlī f. (sutlā m. ʻ reins ʼ), G. sutḷī f., M.sutaḷ f. -- Pk. suttia -- ʻ made of thread ʼ, P. sūtī, N. B. suti, H. M. sūtī; G. sutriyɔ m. ʻ seller of thread ʼ.Pk. sūa -- m. ʻ thread ʼ; WPah.kṭg. súttər, poet. sutra m. ʻ thread ʼ ← P.; Garh. sūt; A. chutā (phonet. s -- ) ʻ pretext ʼ AFD 216.*sūtrakara ʻ spinner ʼ [Cf. sūtrakāra -- . -- sūˊtra -- , kará -- 1]M. suterā m. ʻ spider, the thread which it spins ʼ.sūtrakāra -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ R. [sūˊtra -- , kāra -- 1]sūtradhāra m. ʻ carpenter ʼ MBh. [Cf. sūtrakāra -- m. R. -- sūˊtra -- , dhāra -- ]Pk. suttahāra -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, mg. śuttadhālī -- f., S. sūṭahaṛu m., N. sutār, A. xutār, B. chutār, Or. chutāra, (dial.) sutāra; OH. sūtahāra m., H. sutār m. ʻ carpenter, wheelwright, head workman ʼ; OG. sūtahāra m., G. sut(h)ār m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, M. sutār m.sūtrayati ʻ strings together ʼ Hcat., ʻ contrives ʼ Rājat. [sūˊtra -- ]Pk. suttaï ʻ makes ʼ; Wg. sutr̥yám ʻ I write ʼ; Kt. strō<-> ʻ to compose ʼ; P. sūtṇā ʻ to smoothe (as a new rope or thread), rub, unsheathe ʼ; M. sutaviṇẽ ʻ to encircle with string (e.g. a new house or peepul tree during certain ceremonies) ʼ.*sūtrārā ʻ awl for thread ʼ. 2. *sūtrālā -- with dissimilation of r -- r. [sūˊtra -- , āˊrā -- ]1. N. sutāri ʻ bodkin, awl ʼ; Bi. H. sutārī ʻ bodkin ʼ (or < 2.).2. H. sutālī f. ʻ large needle, bodkin ʼ.(CDIAL 13561-13565).

Ewe and Ram Flanking Plant with a Gatepost
Cylinder seal and impression Mesopotamia, Late Uruk period (ca.3500–3100 B.C.E.Serpentine 16 x 13 mm Seal no. 5 Hieroglyphs: ewe, ram, plant, reedpost, ring, scarf. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-scarf-hieroglyph-on.html dhatu'scarf' Rebus: dhatu'mineral; eruvai 'reed' Rebus: 'copper'.  
Goats Before a Shrine
Cylinder seal and impression Mesopotamia, Late Uruk/Jamdat Nasr period (ca. 3500–2900 B.C.E.)
Marble 40 x 35.5 mm Seal no. 23
Scorpion with a Plant Cylinder seal and impression Mesopotamia, Late Uruk period/Jamdat Nasr period (ca. 3500–2900 B.C.E.Marble  36.5 x 21 mm Seal no. 31
Bull Men Contesting with Lions Cylinder seal and impression Mesopotamia, Akkadian period
(ca. 2334–2154 B.C.EMarble  28 x 26 (25) mm Seal no. 167
One-Eyed Hero with Lions Flanked by Enclosures Iran (?) (ca. 3100 B.C.E) 50 x 40 mm Seal No. 4
काणa‘one-eyed’ Rebus: kan  ‘stone’; kāṇḍā‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. Rebus 1: karikaकर्णिकhaving a helm, m. a steersman’. Rebus 2: karaika ‘scribe, account (of) kārī ‘boat cargo’.

'iron'. mẽṛhet ‘iron’  

AAP part of international anti-India racket -- Surajit Dasgupta

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AAP part of international anti-India racket: Parts 1 & 2


 18, 19 Apr 2014
AAP part of international anti-India racket: Part 1
To begin with, some political commentators had speculated that one or more larger players must be behind the inexplicable projection of India against Corruption (IAC) and its offshoot, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), in the media and political scene. Then, India News broadcast a story of an American student Shimrit Lee who had met Manish Sisodia before the Jan Lokpal movement was launched. It was found that Egypt had erupted after her visit to that country too. Third, Ashwini Upadhyay, former head of the AAP’s legal cell, who has known Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia since the inception of their NGOs,revolted on the ground that the party had links with the US’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Then journalist-researcher Madhu Kishwar exposed links of Rajmohan Gandhi, the AAP’s paratrooped candidate from the East Delhi Lok Sabha constituency, with terrorists.
Finally a larger network of miscreants, Maoists, Marxists, evangelists, tablighis,terrorists, India bashers and financiers of disruptive activities in this country helping the AAP has surfaced.
To understand how the entire international network works, the personnel connecting one nefarious organisation to another must be studied.
On July 19, 2011, two people of Pakistani origin were arrested in Washington DC. The USDepartment of Justice records describe one of them, Ghulam Nabi Fai, as an agent of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The New York Times reported that Fai was coordinating between the activities of several ultra-communist groups, Islamist outfits and Christian missionaries in India.
Fai once worked closely with Rajmohan Gandhi, the AAP’s paratrooped candidate from the East Delhi Lok Sabha constituency. Gandhi was one of the prominent signatories to the petition by 53 odd well-networked ‘liberals’ like Ved Bhasin and Gautam Navlakha that defended Fai and demanded his release from the American jail. People already know where sympathies of elements like Bhasin and Navlakha lie.
Kishwar recorded an interview with Sai Lal Jediya, son of a Gandhian freedom fighter late Hira Lal who lived in Panchgani where the headquarters of the AAP candidate’s Moral Re-Armament (MRA), now called Initiatives of Change, are located. The MRA has long been suspected of being a front of the CIA.
Madhu Kishwar writes in her website, “Sai Lal has documentary evidence to back up his charges…” She adds Gandhi instigated Hira Lal to foment separatist movements in Nagaland and other border areas of the Northeast. Sai Lal alleges that the MRA headquarters in Panchgani, Maharashtra, are centres of CIA-backed anti-national activities in India, including holding training camps for terrorist groups.
Niti Central now goes beyond the revelations above to unearth more skeletons in the AAP closet.
Fai sought the help of a US resident, anthropologist-activist Angana P Chatterji, who supports the cause of Kashmir’s separation from India, to further his agenda. The California Institute of Integral Studies (CIIS) suspended Chatterji along with her husband Richard Shapiro in July 2011 and dismissed them in December 2011, after it received complaints from students against them. The CIIS Faculty Hearing Board found them guilty of failure to perform academic duties and violation of professional ethics. Shapiro has been declared persona non grata in India for his separatist activities.
Ironically, before Chatterji was expelled, US-based advocacy group Indian Muslim Council (IMC) had given her the Tipu Sultan Award in 2008, and the CIIS celebrated the felicitation. What kind of a profile should one have to get this award? Readers will find mention of two more recipients of this prize in this report later on, from where they may draw their conclusion.
Chatterji happens to be a co-author of the book, Kashmir: The Case for Freedom, whose other authors are Arundhati Roy, Pankaj Mishra, Hilal Bhatt and Tariq Ali.
Fai, Chatterji and Roy are associated with at least one or more of three anti-Indian organisations: The ISI, Indian-American Muslim Council (IAMC) and Progressive South Asians (PROXSA).
The IAMC website gives the notorious Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) a clean chit and projects India as a dangerous place for minorities to live in. The IAMC supports Harsh Mander, who is now a prominent AAP member. It also hosts Harsh Dobhal, managing editor of Combat Law, a Maoist magazine, and secretary of the Independent People’s Tribunal (IPT) that damned India through its “Report of Independent People’s Tribunal on Human Rights Violations in Kashmir” published in 2010. The IPT report was published by the Human Rights Law Network (HRLN) that projects Hindus as a horrible majority population in India that persecutes Muslims, Dalits and Christians.
The HRLN’s agenda is furthered internationally by Germany-based Evangelischer Entwicklungsdienst (EED), Britain-based Christian Aid, Denmark-headquartered DanChurchAid and India-based Church Auxiliary for Social Action (CASA) among other forces that sees India divided along Hindu-Christian lines.
The IAMC often hosts India haters like John Prabhudoss alias PD John, Lise McKean and Raju Rajagopal. PD John or John Prabhudoss is the executive director of the Policy Institute for Religion and State (PIFRAS).
In the 2002 PIFRAS symposium on South Asia, Prabhudoss had, in his opening remarks, compared the conflicts in India to those of the Middle East, Sierra Leone, Central Africa, Kosovo, Chechnya and East Timor, thus equating India with some of the most cruel and violent regions in the world.
Rajiv Malhotra and Aravindan Neelakandan documented Lise McKean’s hatred towards Hindus and India in their book, Breaking India. “Whenever there is unrest in India, she shows up as a commentator to educate American audiences about what is wrong with Indian culture,” they write.
Raju Rajagopal is the president of self-styled Coalition against Communalism. His Hindu-hating articles used to be hosted by the EKTA website, known for promoting subversive elements in the country, till it was active. The trio works with Jesuit priest Cedric Prakash who finds Hindus tormentors of Christians. Rajagopal was the recipient of IAMC’s Bahadur Shah Zafar Award for “promoting pluralism and communal harmony in India” in 2008.
The PROXSA is an umbrella organisation for 300 extremist Leftists who are members of more than 20 outfits sporting different fancy names. The most prominent of these outfits are the Alliance for a Secular and Democratic South Asia (ASDSA), Alliance for South Asians Taking Action (ASATA), ASHA for Education, Association of South Asian Progressives (ASAP), Coalition for a Secular and Democratic India (CSDI), Campaign to Stop Funding Hate (CSFH), Centre for Study and Research in South Asia (CERAS), Coalition against Communalism (CaC), EKTA, Forum of Inquilabi Leftists (FOIL, earlier called Federation of Indian Leftists), Foundation for Pluralism (FfP), Friends of South Asia (FOSA), Indian Progressive Study Group of Los Angeles (IPSG-LA), NRIS for Secular and Harmonious India (NRI-SAHI), International South Asia Forum (INSAF), Organising Youth (OY), South Asian Collective (SAC), South Asian Magazine for Action and Reflection (SAMAR), South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy (SANSAD), South Asian Progressive Action Collective (SAPAC), Supporters of Human Rights in India (SHRI), Voices for Freedom (VfF), Youth Solidarity Summer (YSS) and the Association for India’s Development (AID).
After the collapse of Maoism in India, some elements of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) [CPI(ML)] moved to the US and, after a sabbatical, tried to revive the movement in this country, handling it from their American bases. Out of the outfits named above, the FOIL and AID were floated by these people.
The FOIL describes itself as a “clearinghouse for radical Indian activists in the United States, Canada and England”. Its purpose is described by its founders as “some place for us to share information, offer support, and encourage each other to write in the open media on issues pertaining to Indians overseas and India itself, and help build projects that make our radical politics more material”. Two of the FOIL’s co-founders are American Marxist-yet-evangelist Biju Mathew and Marxist historian Vijay Prashad. These are the people behind the propaganda in 2002 that the riots that took place in Gujarat that year were funded by Hindutva groups in America. Prashad happens to be a supporter of the now-failed Arab Revolution. He says Hinduism in its present form is nothing but a mix of Fascism and racism, and that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is personification of such ideology and, therefore, it must be condemned.
Three years before Chatterji, Mathew had received the Tipu Sultan Award for “courageously serving India and India’s interests” from the IMC.
The AID is the other prominent outfit under the PROXSA. It facilitates funding to various leftist extremist outfits by showing the financiers legally valid ways of routing the money. On different pages of the AID website, one finds campaign material for Binayak Sen and Kopa Kunjam, criticism of Salwa Judum, critique of Operation Green Hunt, Land Acquisition Act, Chhattisgarh administration and police etc.
The AID also collects funds for the AAP. On September 20, 2011, The Times of India had reported that “Arvind Kejriwal’s NGO Parivartan was supported by AID in 2008 to pursue the RTI campaign”. A page on the AID website shows it was, in 2011, soliciting money for IAC as well. Another page on the website hosts an article by Prashant Bhushan criticising the Government’s version of the then Lokpal Bill.
In quite a few other pages of the website, Arvind Kejriwal has been described as “AID Saathi”, including one where the outfit is seen soliciting donations for the AAP. Further, AID sent its volunteers to the AAP to help the party in its campaign for the Delhi Assembly elections.
AID co-hosted an event with the radical Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR). Communications director and civil rights coordinator of the CAIR, Randall Ismail Royer was arrested and convicted for conspiring with Lashkar-e-Tayyeba to execute terror strikes in India. Royer had earlier pleaded guilty to charges of using and discharging a firearm during — and in relation to — a crime of violence; and with carrying an explosive during commission of a felony. A decade before that, he had joined the Bosnian Forces fighting Serbs in 1994.
Royer was the third person with ties to CAIR’s leadership who has either been convicted, or is under suspicion of aiding militant Islam. Several other CAIR officials have either proven or suspected ties to militant Islam. Bassem K Khafagi has pleaded guilty to charges of visa and bank fraud in federal court in Detroit. Charges were brought against Khafagi for his role with the Islamic Assembly of North America. Khafagi was community affairs director for CAIR at the time of his arrest. On February 2, 1995, Siraj Wahhaj was named as one of the “unindicted persons who may be alleged as co-conspirators” in the attempt to blow up targets in New York. Wahhaj, on CAIR’s advisory board, was described by CAIR as “one of the most respected Muslim leaders in America.”
The most paradoxical ideology of the CAIR involves helping Leftist extremists in India but promoting Islam in the US, which it wants to turn into the world headquarters of Islamic movements in this century.
Shockingly, a member of this sinister circle is Sugata Bose, grandnephew of Subhas Chandra Bose, whose acceptance of Government of India’s version of Netaji’s death was proved ill-informed or politically motivated (or both) last year by author Anuj Dhar through the book, “India’s Biggest Cover-Up.”
Bose had co-authored a book, “Modern South Asia: History, Culture and Political Economy’, with Ayesha Jalal, a Pakistani-origin professor of history at the Tufts University in 1998. The book glorified Mughal bigot Aurangzeb as the best ruler India had ever had. Bose, Jalal and Chatterji (associate of Fai and Roy mentioned early in this report) have together, on numerous occasions, issued statements that reflect the Pakistani point of view on Kashmir.
Now we come to another wing of this international mafia. In 1999, Teesta Setalvad and her husband Javed Anand’s magazines Sabrang and Communalism Combat had, through their channels in the Indian National Congress, Communist Party of India (CPI) and Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)], extracted $15 million to project the BJP as an anti-minority, anti-woman party. Recently, the couple accepted that they had diverted part of the fund for their NGO for personal use. Some of their witnesses in the cases related to the riots in Gujarat in 2002 have turned hostile and accused the couple of putting words in their mouths via signatures and thumb impressions on affidavits submitted to the court, whose contents were dictated at will by Setalvad.
Finally, let’s see how all these people and their shady organisations are connected to each other. In 2000, Australia-based International Council of Evangelical Churches had instituted the International Award for Religious Harmony in the memory of slain Graham Staines. This award was first given to All India Christian Council’s general secretary John Dayal, known for his Dalit-Christian persecution complex and association with the infamous Dalit Freedom Network.
In 2003, the award went jointly to Setalvad and Admiral Laxminarayan Ramdass. The latter went on to become the AAP’s internal lokpal while almost his whole family was posted in the party’s policy committees.
Kaleem Khwaja of the Association of Indian Muslims in America, infamous for his article, “Brother, can you spare a tear for Taliban,” published by the Milli Gazette, is another recipient of IMC’s Tipu Sultan Award.
We will now see how the AAP is linked with this international racket. Kejriwal received the Ramon Magsaysay Award after he was promoted by National Advisory Council’s Aruna Roy following citation of his work by the World Bank. Documents of the CIA show its links with the Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation and the Ramon Magsaysay Foundation. The papers show how these foundations financially support intellectuals, students and activists across the world through mutual coordination. Our focus is on the AAP.
The World Bank featured the insignificant work of Parivartan in their report, “Social Accountability Stocktaking Exercise for South and East Asia” [World Bank Institute, Washington DC, 2005, pages 30-32]. Kejriwal was selected for the Ramon Magsaysay Award only after featuring in the World Bank report above. Narayana Murthy, the Infosys chief, is a Trustee of the Ford Foundation. He apparently advocated Kejriwal’s case for the award, as did Aruna Roy.
The CIA’s unusual interest in the AAP is evident in the fact that in 2012, right after the party was registered by the Election Commission of India, the American spy agency released a list of “significant” parties in this country. Every party that featured in the list except the AAP was a recognised party — one that has participated in elections in at least four States of the country and secured 6 per cent of the total votes polled. This, when the AAP was just one month old with no record of participation in elections!
A few years before that, a New York University researcher Shimrit Lee visited Manish Sisodia’s NGO Kabir and prepared a report, “Public Power: India and Other Democracies” (2010). She assisted in Kabir’s campaign for the Right to Information (RTI) and Local Self-Rule. She went on to work actively in Egypt. Is it mere coincidence that, while the IAC launched the Jan Lokpal Movement in India after she left, when she went to Egypt and left that country, it witnessed the Tahrir Square uprising? The Union Home Ministry has no record of Kabir having sought its clearance to host a suspicious researcher who has been active in some countries of the Middle East and Chad in Africa, required as per law of the land.
The Union Home Ministry does not come across as clean in this whole deal either. While Kabir was registered in 2007, Sisodia had got the ministry’s clearance to receive foreign funds in 2005! This is evident from the official papers Upadhyay has unearthed and handed over to this correspondent.
Did the Home Ministry bend the rules for Kabir at the behest of the Congress? If not, what was Kejriwal doing with Sonia Gandhi acolyte Ashish Talwar in Germany in 2005, Upadhyay questions. And why is Talwar now the head of the AAP’s Delhi unit?
The World Bank had committed a similar fishy act in 2002. It funded Kejriwal’s Jan Sunvai activity when his NGO was not even registered. And several of the donors of NGOs of Kejriwal and Sisodia mentioned above went on to adjudicate who would get the Ramon Magsaysay Award for the year 2006!
Kabir received funds from the Ford Foundation (Rs 86,61,742), PRIA (Rs 2,37,035), Manjunath Shanmugam Trust (Rs 3,70,000), Dutch Embassy (Rs 19,61,968), Association for India’s Development (Rs 15,00,000), India’s Friends Association (Rs 7,86,500), United Nationals Development Programme (Rs12,52,742) while Rs 11,35,857 were collected from individual donations between 2007 to 2010.
Ford Foundation India Representative Steven Solnick admitted on 31 August 2012 that Foundation’s last instalment to Kabir was donated in 2010. “Our first grant to the NGO was of $ 1,72,000 in 2005; the second was in 2008 of $ 1,97,000”, he said, adding that the Magsaysay Award for Emergent Leadership was funded by the Ford Foundation.
Lawyer Manohar Lal had filed a PIL in the Delhi High Court — WP (C) 3412/2012 — on 21 May 2012 against the dubious means NGOs employed to receive foreign funds. Following this, Kabir was raided by the Union Home Ministry officials for a suspected violation of Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) on 22 August 2012 after a court order. Following these developments, the Government lawyer submitted to the court that the state could lay its hands only on minor billing discrepancies in Kabir’s account (as well as in the account of an NGO run by Kiran Bedi).
Two months ago, however, the controversy surrounding Kabir resurfaced in newspapers with evidence of Sisodia misappropriating the foreign funds received by Kabir. Moreover, the papers revealed that Kejriwal is a part of Kabir, too.
Kejriwal’s NGO network goes beyond PCRF and Kabir. He also heads Parivartan that claimed it “is not registered under any Act as a society or a trust or a Company. It is a people’s movement. For Income Tax purposes, it is an Association of Persons.” However, it had advertised through various mediums in June 2002 that “all donations made to Parivartan are tax exempt under section 80 G. Parivartan is also registered under section 12A of Income Tax Act.” This is misleading as its present document says, “Parivartan Foundation for Socio Economic Development filed for tax exemption to donors under Section 80G on 10 August, 2009. The permission was granted on January 8, 2010 and was valid for all donations between April 1, 2009 and March 31, 2010. This has been further extended through an order dated March 29, 2011 for all donations from April 1, 2010 to March 31, 2013. The foundation also has clearance under Section 12AA of the Income Tax Act, 1961.”
Kejriwal represented Sampoorna Parivartan, too. The secretary of this NGO worked in the Commission Advisory Committee of the Delhi Electricity Regulatory Commission, which was constituted vide notification F1(135)/DERC/2000-01/5092 Delhi, March 27, 2003. This implies that the responsibility of power rate hike and installation of faulty metres that the AAP has been crying foul about partly lies on people associated with this very political party!
The website of both Parivartan and Kabir were withdrawn when they came under scrutiny in 2012. Even the Ford Foundation hid all the details about funding to Kabir when some blogs revealed their IAC/AAP connection in October 2012.
We can now see the circle complete with the Ramdas family — L Ramdas, Kavita N Ramdas, Lalita Ramdas and Sagari R Ramdas — as a vital link between anti-India organisations, Ford Foundation and the AAP. While the admiral was felicitated by evangelists, his daughter Kavita is the India representative of Ford Foundation and married to Zulfiqar Ahmad, a writer and researcher on peace and security issues in South Asia and the Middle East; this vocation gives him an opportunity to hobnob with other ‘South Asia experts’ and activists mentioned in this report. Admiral Ramdas’s wife Lalita Ramdas and the other daughter Sagari Ramdas are in the AAP’s policy committees, too.

AAP part of international anti-India racket: Part 2
The leftist and disruptive outfits named in part 1 of the report may appear mutually independent, but there is at least one person who is associated with two or more of these groups to link them all together.
We now come to Medha Patkar, the ubiquitous activist who is known not only for herNarmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) but also for surfacing in support of agitations happening anywhere in India — from the protest against setting up of the factory to manufacture Tata Nano in Singur, West Bengal, to that against the Government for delaying the enactment of Shanti Bhushan’s draft of Lokpal Bill, named by the self-styled India against Corruption (IAC) as the Jan Lokpal Bill.
Medha Patkar has worked with Angana Chatterji who was named in the first part of this report. The email correspondence between the NBA head and Patrick McCully, former director of the Berkley-based International River Network (IRN), is insidious. When theSupreme Court dismissed NGO National Council for Civil Liberty’s (NCCL’s) PIL on rehabilitation of people allegedly displaced by the Sardar Sarovar project on July 10, 2007, Patkar sent the information to McCully immediately. Two days later, McCully replied, “You have mentioned in your message (email) that Judge Thakkar (CK) is ex-chief justice of Gujarat and anything can happen. How you manage this. What was the second judge?”
The next day, Patkar wrote that McCully had made a mistake in quoting Thakkar as an ex-chief justice of Gujarat. Though he was initially a judge, it was Justice Altamas Kabir who wrote the judgement, Patkar informed her American friend. The mail reads, “…Many eminent persons wrote to the UPA Government. We dealt with the Press selectively and ensured that pressure was kept all through.” She also sent a soft copy of the judgement and the profiles of Justice CK Thakker and Justice Altamas Kabir.
On July 17, McCully congratulated Patkar and suggested that five or six people associated with ‘managing’ the verdict be honoured at a function in London (UK). The mail reads, “…We must honour Judge Kabir for supporting you. Please explore the possibility. He will retire in 2013 — a very useful man for your future battles.”
Niti Central does not wish to cast aspersions on the character of Justice (Retd) Kabir, notwithstanding the fact that he was embroiled in an unrelated controversy wherein Gujarat High Court Chief Justice Bhaskar Bhattacharya had complained that the then CJI had blocked his elevation to the Supreme Court because, as a member of the collegium of the Calcutta High Court, he had opposed the appointment of then CJI Kabir’s lawyer sister to the Bench. We are merely reporting the contents of a sinister email exchange. Patkar did mention in an email to McCully, “Along with this, the petitioner’s case was so weak. Its triviality was obvious. Legally it was non-maintainable.” However, the word “manage” in McCully’s email is disturbing as are the following suggestions by him and Patkar’s responses to those.
On July 19, McCully wrote to Patkar again, this time proposing felicitation of advocates and other individuals who supported the NBA in a function to be held in London. On 22 July, Patkar replied, “…Apart from advocates, no one would like to be acknowledged for writing to pressurise (sic) the Government. That might boomerang.”
The international racket’s nefarious act of trying to influence the Indian judiciary was reported by Navin Upadhyay in The Pioneer on September 10, 2007. “Senior Congress leader Urmilaben Patel and Ratilal K Verma of the BJP, both MPs, have submitted identical evidence to the Prime Minister to establish that Patkar was in touch with a foreign agency, who wanted to oblige even a judge of the Supreme Court after he, along with another judge, dismissed a PIL against NBA. The PIL was filed by the National Council for Civil Liberties, a Gujarat-based NGO alleging that NBA was engaged in anti-national activities,” Upadhyay reported.
How are McCully and Chatterji connected? In an April 2004 Press release issued by the AID, whose whereabouts are described in the first part of this report titled, “International activists to fast in front of World Bank headquarters during annual meeting to demand end to forced displacement,” Chatterji along with two foreign activists mentions McCully’s name among the demonstrators. An activist named in the list is David Pellow. This man authored a book, Resisting Global Toxics, where he acknowledged both McCully and Chatterji to be in his “network”. Further, Chatterji features on the board of the IRN.
And making this racket completely political, the AID supports the NBA on the one hand and it supplied volunteers to the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) for the Delhi Assembly election and collected funds for it on the other, appealing to the people using a photograph and name of Arvind Kejriwal as an “AID Saathi”.
That the AID works under the ultra-leftist PROXSA umbrella was mentioned in the first part of the network. Two other groups attached to this network are ASHA and India Literacy Project. To pass itself off as innocent, it also maintains relations with mainstream communist organisations like the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] and its wings — the All India Democractic Women’s Association (AIDWA) and Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI). In 2005, journalist Amit Varma, writing an article in Rediff,praised AID’s work and marked that “(the) DYFI suffers from the drawback of not having a high profile and, consequently, having rather low funds. But (the) AID takes care of that.”
In the “50 Block Plan” for Tamil Nadu that the AID sponsors, it asserts how communism must be promoted in the State, thus: “As a policy, encourage libraries only where linked to such an activity or to an active TNSF/AIDWA/DYFI/PWA group or activist.” TNSF means Tamil Nadu Science Forum; PWA stands for the Progressive Writers’ Association — both are communist groups.
AID leader Balaji Sampath identifies himself as a communist and also explains the communist ideology of TNSF, an organisation funded by AID, thus: “The ideas of power, politics, hegemony, social consciousness, how people think, struggle, Marxist analysis techniques, etc that I have learnt are now a part of me.” In the TNSF’s document explaining its ideology, Sampath writes, “(In the period August 1997 – August 1999) I was working primarily with two organisations — AID & AID-India and CERD & TNSF and to a much smaller degree with Asha and a few other NGOs. I was supported financially by an AID Fellowship from May 1998 – August 1999 @ Rs 4000/month (sic). The fellowship also provided money for travel, and project-related expenses (final accounts to be submitted). Reimbursements for expenses on CERD work were supported by CERD.”
CERD is the Government of Kerala’s Centre for Engineering Research and Development. This shows communist penetration in the country’s state machinery.
If the Government is not a player in this racket, it must explain why Kejriwal was never transferred outside Delhi — a unique track record for any income tax professional. And if the AAP’s claim that it is not a pawn in the hands of the Congress is to be believed, it must explain why so many of its decision makers had links with the first family of India’s oldest party in advisory capacity. Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia both assisted Aruna Roy when she headed the National Advisory Council (NAC). Yogendra Yadav was once a political adviser to Rahul Gandhi. He had worked with the NAC too — for the Right to Education Act. Yadav was funded by the ICSSR of the Jawaharlal University that received $350,000 from the Ford Foundation. Sanjay Singh was an acolyte of Amar Singh when the latter was a prominent member of the Samajwadi Party (SP). Sources say Sanjay Singh was used as a mediator whenever the SP rocked the UPA boat, threatening to pull out of the coalition. Prashant Bhushan was, in April 2012, named as a preferred mediator by Maoists when the Government of Chhattisgarh offered to hold talks with them. While rejecting the offer, the lawyer — and then eminent member of IAC — did say that the demands of the Maoists were justified. Shazia Ilmi belongs to a Kanpur-based family that is, except her, entirely in the Congress. When her family fell out with her over some property dispute, one of her brothers released details of her trying to secure some position in the Congress, along with her photographs with then Chief Minister of Delhi Sheila Dikshit. The photograph predates the Jan Lokpal Movement. Harsh Mander, another sympathiser of Guru, was a member of the NAC, too.
The AAP must also explain its communist links as Kejriwal insists his party is neither Leftist nor Rightist. It is believed the party’s Lok Sabha candidate from South Mumbai, Meera Sanyal, made a lateral entry from the banking sector. Let it be known that her NGO, Pradaan, works in Maoism-affected regions of the country.
Gopal Rai owes an explanation to this correspondent too. He had told activists like us that his partial paralysis was caused by a bullet injury that he had suffered at the hands of “student mafia” in Lucknow University as he was leading a movement to relieve the campus of such elements. That’s a lie that we had credulously believed in. We used to introduce him to sundry audience across Delhi with this story that we didn’t know was concocted. His former colleagues in the AISA — All India Students Association, student wing of the CPI(ML) — have revealed to this correspondent that he fought over contracts for bicycle and motorcycle stands in the campus. He was shot at during a showdown with a rival students’ gang.
The cases against Gopal Rai that have nothing to do with any political movement, are registered under IPC Sections 147, 148, 427 and 506 in case 336/97, at the Hasangarh district police station of Lucknow, dated November 6, 1998 and January 1, 1999. The cases are being heard at the Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate Court of Lucknow. Sec 147 refers to rioting; Sec 148 is rioting while armed with deadly weapons; Sec 427 slapped on him is for mischief causing damage to the amount of Rs 50, and Sec 506 applies to criminal intimidation. The combination of these IPC Sections actually shows this man is both petty and dangerous.
Back to the AID, let’s study its further Indian political links now. One knows Bhushan as well as the former boss of Kejriwal and Sisodia, Aruna Roy, has petitioned against the hanging of Ajmal Qasab, convicted for the November 26-28, 2008 terrorist attack on Mumbai, and Afzal Guru, convicted for the 2001 attack on Parliament. The AID campaigned for these terrorists, too.
Furthermore, there is a character called Feroz Mehdi who links various communist organisations to the AID. He has been secretary-general of the South Asia Program and Alternatives International since 2007. He is one of the founding members of the Alternatives International (AI), who has been working largely on projects related to South Asia in Quebec and the rest of Canada by way of organizing conferences and publishing newsletters and other analytical documents. The AI has nine member organisations from Canada, France, Brazil, Israel, Palestine, South Africa, Niger, India and Morocco. In 2005, Feroz Mehdi, writing for the AI while on a tour of areas hit with the tsunami, described a meeting with the director of AID India MA Devdas. He elaborated on the strategic partnership between various communist organisations and AID as: “The groups associated with the CPM and the All India Peoples Science Movement have reached a strategic alliance with AID by implementing relief measures and taking up mid and long-term rehabilitation work. While the material purchase and construction is done by AID, the human power is provided by over a thousand volunteers of the AIPSN [All India Peoples Science Movement], SFI (Student Federation of India), DYFI (Democratic Youth Federation of India), AIDWA (All India Democratic Women’s Association) and TNSF [Tamil Nadu Science Forum] itself.”
Interestingly, the website of the extremist CPI (ML) was registered under the AI with the address as 3680, Rue Jeanne-Meance, Montreal, Quebec, H2X 2K5, CA.
The AID’s links with FOIL and FOSA have already been written about in the first part of this investigative account. That is where the international sponsor of the AAP stands. The AAP, on its part, is suspected to have got money also from one or more American citizens through awaaz.org that was found involved in agitations in Syria, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia as well.
The AAP’s founding members, like this correspondent, who did not make it to its decision-making bodies such as its national executive and political affairs committee (PAC), wondered for long why these positions were kept out of bounds for nationalists while they were filled to the brim by communists and socialists. Now the perspective is clear. When this correspondent sought an explanation from Kejriwal about the leftist skew in the PAC over the breakfast at his residence in the last week of November 2012, wanting to know why positions in the AAP did not reflect his assurance that his party would accommodate activists of all ideologies, he said, “Politics men jo dikhta hai, hamesha woh hota nahin hai. Kuchh bolna padta hai, kuchh aur karna padta hai (in politics, what appears need not have actually transpired; I have to say something but do something else).”
I understand now, Mr Kejriwal. An organisation dancing to the tunes of an international Leftist racket that wishes to destabilise India cannot afford to have Right-of-Centre thinkers and activists among its policy makers. Of course, such a report is not likely to figure in the mainstream media that is in a vice-like grip of former members of the CPI(M), beneficiaries of Indira and Rajiv Gandhi Governments, journalists exposed by the infamous Radia Tapes and, most importantly, former employers of Sisodia, Ilmi, Yadav, the post-Delhi poll entrant in the AAP — Ashutosh and a journalist who found Kejriwal pretending to be a follower of Bhagat Singh “bahut krantikari” (extremely revolutionary).
(More exposes on these lines are expected in coming days and weeks. Stay tuned.)

http://www.niticentral.com/2014/04/18/aap-part-of-international-anti-india-racket-part-1-213357.html
http://www.niticentral.com/2014/04/19/aap-part-of-international-anti-india-racket-part-2-213876.html 

ASI hopes to unravel Mahabharata link at Purana Qila

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ASI hopes to unravel Mahabharata link at Purana Qila

Mansi Tewari   |   Mail Today  |   New Delhi, April 20, 2014 | UPDATED 12:32 IST
 
ASI officials have dug up 18 trenches of 5X5 metre each.
Did Indraprastha, the capital of the kingdom of Pandavas, as mentioned in the Mahabharata epic, exist around what we today known as Purana Qila (Old Fort) in Delhi? Historians and archaeologists have long believed so, even though could not be ascertained.
Now, an excavation that is underway at the site can possibly bring out the truth and shed light on that era.
Earlier, there have been indications that this site was related to the era of Mahabharata.
So there is a possibility that once we excavate further will find some evidence," said Vasant Swarnkar, superintending archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India ASI), Delhi circle.
The clue that ASI members are looking for to establish the link is painted grey ware PGW). " PGW is a pottery type that archeologists associate with the Mahabharata period. It is grey pottery painted with geometric patterns in black. Excavating 1.5 metres more is expected to expose the lowest cultural
settlement that was there," Swarnkar said. This also means that it would take one more month of excavation to find any such evidence.
Though the earlier excavations at Purana Qila had failed find any link to Indraprastha, this time the ASI is hopeful of making a breakthrough.
The ongoing excavation at site began in mid- January and in the last three months, ASI team has found a rare 12th century sculpture of Vishnu, a seal in terracotta from the Gupta period, pottery typical of the Kushan and Gupta periods, terracotta human figurines, ivory pendants, human figurines, a Gajalakshmi tablet and structures from the Mauryan period and copper coins.
The Archaeological Survey of India, which had opened its excavation site at the Purana Qila to the public on Friday marking the World Heritage Day, extended the exhibition till Saturday owing to the rush.
So far, the ASI has excavated an overall cultural deposit of 10 metres in the complete area of 30X30 metres.
Calling it a " life- time opportunity" for anyone interested in witnessing excavation, Swarnkar said he saw a huge response with people coming from places as far as Chandigarh and Bhopal to see the site. " It was a pleasure to see that a place that is a hub for couples was flocked bychildren and families in the last two days," he said.
The ASI has dug in a slopping surface behind Sher Mandal, located at the right extremity of the Qila, and found a history spanning 2300 years.
" I had never been to Purana Qila before. However, this time it was the excavation that got me interested. I enjoy History and this will give me a lot more understanding of different dynasties," said 13- year- old Monya Krishna, a student of Class 8.
RAPID FIRE
About the excavation at Purana Qila
This was the third excavation in Purana Qila after the one ASI did in 1955 and in 1969- 73.
This excavation has been one of the largest excavations where we found presence of artefacts from all the eras in the same area, dating back from 4th century BC to 16th century AD.
On opening the site for public
We wanted Delhiites to witness an excavation site where they could get an opportunity to see the history being unearthed in front of their eyes. The response has been huge and in just two days, we saw over 17,000 people visit the site. However, our team had to slow down the work and we could not do much work for two days.
But this was for the public.
On an open excavated site
So far, there is no open excavated site in Delhi. We are planning to make a glass pathway over the excavated structure and open the site for public round the year which the public can view at any given point in time. However, this will take over an year to be implemented.
On upcoming excavation
Next excavation will be at the Red Fort for the Mehtab Bagh.
Excavation will be carried out in an area measuring more than 70X70 metre ( 4,900 sq m). The excavation site might bring out the original layout of the Mughal Garden, water channels, system of the fountains and the water channel.

http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/asi-hopes-to-unravel-mahabharata-link-at-purana-qila/1/356653.html

Putting criminals in command? -- M.G.Devasahayam

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Coming from Devasahayam, a highly respected former Army and IAS officer, the evidence is just iron-clad. 

It will be a serious act of impropriety if the Election Commission permits the proposed appointment by a lame-duck UPA government as the next Army Chief, a person who was put on Discipline and Vigilance Ban.

The case details relate to the complicity of Lt. Gen. Dalbir Singh Suhag against whom a civil appeal is pending adjudication in the Supreme Court.

The evidence brought out should be subject to detailed investigation and appropriate action by the next Government which will take over by the third week of May 2014.

President Pranab Babu should also advice the UPA Government appropriately if any hasty action emanates from the crime-ridden UPA Government whose fate will be decided by the ongoing LS poll which is half-way through.

Enough. Let us hope that the nation which is already facing world-wide ridicule as a banana republic does not end up as a peanut republic subject to the fancies of a defunct UPA.

Kalyanaraman

Putting Criminals in Command?
                                                              M.G.Devasahayam April 20, 2014

Criminalisation of politics is the flavour of the election season. Aamir Khan in his Satyameva Jayate Episode-5 presented on 30 March 2014 (http://www.satyamevjayate.in/) ripped open its underbelly, clearly bringing out that the bigger the criminals contesting elections, the higher the chance of their getting elected. And this has been going on for the last several years and the resultant loot and plunder indulged in by those who run Governments has turned India from a functional democracy to a dysfunctional kleptocracy.

That this would afflict the Armed Forces was beyond one’s wildest dreams. But this is what precisely seems to be happening if one looks at the way persons are being selected and appointed to the highest command positions in the Army including the Chief.  When the appointment of General Bikram Singh was announced in a premature manner in 2012 after cutting short the tenure of General VK Singh through intrigues and deceit ‘prominent citizens’ pointed out the fact that there were allegations of fake encounter against the former pending in the J&K High Court and a Court of Inquiry was on in Meerut for his lapses as Commandant of an Indian Army contingent on peace-keeping mission in Congo which was accused of sexual exploitation of local women. Yet the appointment was rammed through and a plea in the Supreme Court fell on deaf years! What is worse, ‘doctored’ papers were presented to get the PIL dismissed and despite efforts through RTI Act over the last two years Ministry of Defence and Cabinet Secretariat are keeping the ‘fudged file’ hermetically sealed!

Now in 2014, as Bikram Singh is getting set to hang his boots, something similar is playing out. There are talks that he will be succeeded by Lt. General Dalbir Singh Suhag who has been accused of being accessory to more serious crimes indulged in by those under his direct command. This accusation is not coming from any busybody, but from serving Lt. General Ravi Dastane, who is just next to Lt. General Suhag in rank and seniority. He has done it in a sworn affidavit filed in Supreme Court in a Civil Appeal against an order passed by the Armed Forces Tribunal, Principal Bench, New Delhi. The Affidavit pertained to the criminal activities of one Colonel Shreekumar, who was commanding the Dimapur based Intelligence Unit (IU) of III Corps headed by Lt. General Suhag. These activities form two distinct events:

Event One was in July 2011 when Col. Shreekumar’s own Second-in-Command, Major Takula Ravi Kiran, wrote to the Brigadier General Staff of III Corps stating that on the 13thof March 2010, three Manipuri boys had been abducted and shot dead by Colonel Shreekumar’s outfit. Two days later, their bodies had been exhumed from a temporary grave in Rangapahar and thrown into a river. These bodies had been subsequently recovered by the Assam police on 19 March at Lakhijan in Karbi Anglong, but at the time they had no idea about who the deceased were. Despite the evidence on record with the police both Eastern Command and HQ III Corps refused to act on this crime.

Event Two happened in the early hours of the 20th of December 2011 when an armed party of fifteen soldiers dressed in battle fatigues under the command of Captain Rubina Kaur Keer, an officer of Col Shreekumar’s IU, raided the house of one Poona Gogoi, an army contractor in Jorhat, who was away in Guwahati.  But all members of the family-wife (Renu Gogoi) and three children–were manhandled and tied up. On the orders of Captain Keer soldiers forcibly took the keys of the locked cupboards and took into possession a licensed pistol with thirteen cartridges, jewelry worth Rs. 6.5 lakhs and cash adding up to 1.5 lakhs. They also took away an assortment of items that included a laptop and four mobile phones. As the raiding party exited the house, they were accosted by the patrol van of the local police station, but slipped out giving some lame excuse.

On return from Guwahati, Poona Gogoi filed an FIR in the police station listing all the items that had been stolen. However, other than the fact that the raiders were army personnel, the police had no way of knowing who they were. For all practical purposes, the raiders had disappeared into thin air. The only clue they had was Renu Gogoi’s statement that the party was being commanded by a woman whose face she had seen and could possibly identify. A week after the incident, the police got a crucial break when a phone call was made from one of the stolen mobile phones and was traced to a number in Haryana. Police investigated and found that the call was made by an Army Havildar, Sandeep Thapa of III Corps Intelligence and Surveillance Unit and had participated in the raid.

Assam, Nagaland and Manipur, the Areas of Responsibility of III Corps are covered by the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. The Corps, then under the command of Lt. General Suhag, refused to cooperate despite the police directly taking it up with him. However police managed to intercept and interrogate Sandeep Thapa who though not arrested, spilled the beans about the incident.

Faced with overwhelming and embarrassing pressure, in an attempt to quietly bury the incident, the Corps handed back the stolen pistol, most items and the cash but the jewelry and cartridges were missing. The police were told by Lt General Suhag that the matter would be dealt with by Army authorities and that they had no further jurisdiction in the matter. But by now military circles were abuzz with the news and the spotlight turned to Colonel Shreekumar. Though the Colonel had denied being part of the raiding party, the police had accessed his mobile call records which clearly established that he was constantly in touch with Captain Keer before and after the raid.

Colonel Shreekumar had been General JJ Singh’s OSD during his tenure as the COAS and was known to enjoy his patronage later when JJ Singh became Governor of Arunachal Pradseh. Shreekumar had a virtual free hand as he reported directly to Suhag and Bikram Singh and was involved in various nefarious activities which included the flow of narcotics and a network involving vehicle thefts in Rangia district of Assam. Despite being posted in Dimapur, Col Shreekumar was mostly seen in Delhi doing hatchet work and assisting in the conspiracies and intrigues against General VK Singh, the then Army Chief!

After the Jorhat incident, Chief Minister of Assam, Tarun Gogoi spoke to the then COAS, General VK Singh demanding action against the erring officers and men. Around this time, Major Kiran once again wrote to the Eastern Army Commander, Lt General Bikram Singh, repeating the allegations of the custodial killings. He had alleged that a cold blooded triple murder took place in the IU under the command of Col Shreekumar. According to the complainant three people were picked up by Major Nector and  Capt Rubina Kaur Keer after an operation in Dimapur and that these ‘suspected terrorists’ were brought to the unit's officers' mess and shot. This complaint appears to have been investigated by a one man inquiry by HQ III Corps and ‘disposed of’.

In the meantime Poona Gogoi had moved the Guwahati High Court demanding action. As it turned out the reason for the raid was to kidnap Poona Gogoi and hand him over to a militant organization for extortion. This was done at the behest of one Nirmal Gogoi, another army contractor based in Dimapur, who was a business rival of Poona Gogoi. Obviously huge money was involved!

On receiving the report of this incident, a Court of Inquiry by a different formation which was not under III Corps was convened by the Headquarters Eastern Command to investigate the matter. But it was headed by only a Brigadier rank officer with the deliberate intention of keeping the Corps Commander (Lt. General Suhag) out of its purview. This was premeditated because being directly responsible for the IU he should have been the first person to answer for its illegal actions. The CoI was obviously orchestrated which is evident from the fact that despite clinching FIR and evidence the accused could get away on some technical ground or the other.

Top brass at Eastern Command and III Corps were shielding Colonel Shreekumar, refusing to act on Major Kiran’s two written complaints and also against the erring unit in the Jorhat case. It was fairly obvious that Dalbir Suhag was biding his time, for he knew that he would take over Eastern Command from Bikram Singh who would move to Delhi as the Chief on VK Singh’s forced retirement.

The Court of Inquiry Report was received in Army HQ through Eastern Command and directions on the same were given by the then COAS (General VK Singh) on 23 April 2012 which was in variance with the one issued  by the then Eastern Army Commander (Lt. Gen Bikram Singh). Further, the then COAS also gave additional directions on this CoI on 18 May 2012. That there was attempt to protect all those involved is evident when one sees the much lower scale of punishment directed by the then Eastern Army Commander and subsequently upgraded by the former COAS in his directions.

COAS Gen. V.K. Singh also issued a Show Cause Notice (SCN) on 19-05-2012 to Lt. General Suhag for certain lapses related to his command responsibilities and simultaneously placed him under a Discipline and Vigilance (DV) Ban. The SCN brought out lapses noticed by the then COAS for not handling a Unit placed under the Corps Commander’s direct command in a professional and appropriate manner and also for not following up on certain other complaints sent earlier through HQ Eastern Command.

The IU is only an intelligence gathering unit on ‘targets’ and then keeps them under surveillance till it is decided that the targets need to be apprehended. As per the drills and procedures mandated if raid is to be conducted there has to be a combat unit with the IU personnel accompanying them together with a police party. The repeated illegal acts of the IU was a just case for the Corps Commander to be held accountable for his acts of omission in failing to command his IU in a professional manner. In the event General VK Singh was perfectly justified in issuing SCN and place Lt. General Suhag under DV Ban.

That MOD received the information from the Army HQ on 25-05-2012 about the imposition of the DV ban and they in turn informed the Cabinet Secretariat on 29-05-2012. But much against Rules Lt. General Suhag was appointed in the acting rank of Army Commander w.e.f. 01.06.2012 even before he replied to the SCN and its detailed processing on merit. No Army Commander is given an acting rank. It is only given when there is no clear substantive vacancy. In this case there were two substantive vacancies that of Eastern and Western Commands.

There was serious conflict of interest in the matter of dealing with the SCN and the DV Ban by General Bikram Singh. He ought to have sent the entire file to the Government in view of the fact that he was the one who had directed the action to be taken against the personnel involved in the incident and his directions were not agreed to by the previous COAS. Instead he got the DV Ban lifted in two weeks time in an illegal manner. This was done without thorough investigation and due application of mind only to make Lt. General Suhag a regular Army Commander against the vacancy kept unfilled for 15 days. If this had not happened Lt. General Ravi Dastane would have become Army Commander and taken over as COAS on the retirement of General Bikram Singh on 31 July, 2014. Even now this could happen if Supreme Court rules in his favour.

Though the Eastern Army Commander (Lt. General Suhag) and COAS (General Bikram Singh), both products of the obnoxious ‘Line of Succession’, tried their best to hush up the whole thing the Court of Inquiry led to Court Martial.  In December 2013, the Court Martial concluded its deliberations and ordered the dismissal from Service for Havildar Sandeep Thapa. Colonel Shreekumar was given a severe displeasure while Captain Rubina was given a reprimand along with Havildar Bhupen Hatimuta and Havildar Jeevan Neog who got severe reprimands.

Considering the enormity of the crimes these are no ‘punishments’. Under Section 391 of Indian Penal Code dacoity is described as “five or more persons conjointly commit or attempt to commit a robbery, or where the whole number of persons conjointly committing or attempting to commit a robbery…” Punishment laid down in Section 395 is life imprisonment or rigorous imprisonment up to ten years. Section 397 prescribes a minimum punishment of seven years. If Event One is taken into account it could be the charge of cold blooded murder attracting Section 302 IPC!

The IU raid comes under the definition of ‘dacoity’ and is a huge blot on the credibility and integrity of the Army which both General Bikram Singh and Lt. General Suhag failed to protect. They are also guilty of criminal negligence and dereliction of duty. If Event One that could have attracted Section 302 IPC (Murder) is taken into account it is far worse. Placing them at such high positions in the Army is clear indication of a premeditated plan to criminalise the upper echelons of the Army with nefarious intention.

Now, as if driving a red hot spear into a festered wound there are reports of the UPA government planning to make Lt General Dalbir Suhag as the next Army Chief before it demits office in May. Ex-Army chief and now BJP leader VK Singh has accused the government of 'playing with the institutional integrity of the Armed forces'. It is far more than that. Army Commanders are being criminalized. Can this ever be countenanced?

[Writer is a former Army & IAS Officer]

Perforated plaques of Tello, Lagash, Sumerian artifacts, and Meluhha hieroglyphs

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  • Tello (Girsu) was the first Sumerian site to be extensively excavated. 
  • Ernest de Sarzec, worked at Sumerian site of Tello (Girsu) from 1877-1900 and sent spectacular finds from the site to Paris. These included masterpieces of Sumerian art such as the beautifully carved statues of Gudea (now in the Musée du Louvre, Paris). Subsequent excavations were undertaken by the French: in 1903-9, 1929-31 and, the most important, directed by A. Parrot in 1931-33. 
  • http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/articles/t/tello_ancient_girsu,_iraq.aspx  Many of the artifacts deploy Meluhha hieroglyphs. Some recurrent and unique Meluhha hieroglyphs are read rebus.

08-02-14/62 Fragment of a stele,...
  • Fragment of a stele, raised standards. From Tello.
  • Mudhif and three reed banners. A cow and a stable of reeds with sculpted columns in the background. Fragment of another vase of alabaster (era of Djemet-Nasr) from Uruk, Mesopotamia. Limestone 16 X 22.5 cm. AO 8842, Louvre, Departement des Antiquites Orientales, Paris, France. Six circles decorated on the reed post are semantic determinants of Glyphआर [ āra ] A term in the play of इटीदांडू,--the number six. (Marathi) आर [ āra ] A tuft or ring of hair on the body. (Marathi) Rebus:  āra ‘brass’. काँड् । काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt kāḍ. The rebus reading of the pair of reeds in Sumer standard is: khānḍa ‘tools,  pots  and  pans and metal-ware’. 
  • Quadrupeds exiting the mund (or mudhif) are pasaramu, pasalamu ‘an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped’ (Telugu) పసరము [ pasaramu ] or పసలము pasaramu. [Tel.] n. A beast, an animal. గోమహిషహాతి.
  • Cylinder seal impression, Uruk period, Uruk?, 3500-2900 BCE. Note a load of livestock (upper), overlapping greatly (weird representation), and standard 'mudhif' reed house form common to S. Iraq (lower).
    Rebus: pasra = a smithy, place where a black-smith works, to work as a blacksmith; kamar pasra = a smithy; pasrao lagao akata se ban:? Has the blacksmith begun to work? pasraedae = the blacksmith is at his work (Santali.lex.) pasra meṛed, pasāra meṛed = syn. of koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.) పసారము [ pasāramu ] or పసారు pasārdmu. [Tel.] n. A shop. అంగడి. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-standard-compares-with-nahal.html Both hieroglyphs together may have read rebus: *kāṇḍāra:  *kāṇḍakara ʻ worker with reeds or arrows ʼ. [kāˊṇḍa -- , kará -- 1L. kanērā m. ʻ mat -- maker ʼ; H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers ʼ.(CDIAL 3024). 

  • All that remains of Tello (ancient Girsu) are mounds that cover an area of more than 100 hectares (247 acres). In antiquity the settlement was connected to al-Hiba (ancient Lagash), twenty-five kilometres to the south, by a branch of the Euphrates.
  • eruvai 'eagle' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'.
  • Fragments from the 'Vulture stele'. Victory stele of Eannatum, King of Lagash, called the "Vulture Stele" Early Dynastic period, c. 2450 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu) Limestone H. 180 cm; W. 130 cm; Th. 11 cm E. de Sarzec excavations, 1881 Gift of the British Museum AO 16109, AO 50, AO 2346, AO 2348

  • Partially reassembled from a number of fragments discovered among the remains of the ancient Sumerian city of Girsu, this victory stele represents the oldest known historical document. A long inscription in the Sumerian language tells of the recurrent conflict between the neighboring city-states of Lagash and Umma and of the victory of Eannatum, king of Lagash. His triumph is depicted in a wealth of detail in the remarkable reliefs covering the two faces of the stele.

    A unique historic document

    Despite its fragmentary nature, this tall stele, sculpted and inscribed on both sides, is a monument of incomparable value, being the oldest known historical document. Excavations at Telloh revealed several fragments, dispersed among the remains of the ancient Sumerian city of Girsu. The stele commemorates, in text and images, an important victory by Eannatum, king of Lagash, over the neighboring city of Umma. The two cities had been in recurrent military conflict over the determination of their common border, a fairly typical situation in the Early Dynastic Age.
    Grandson of Ur-Nanshe and founder of the 1st Dynasty of Lagash, Eannatum reigned around 2450 BC; under him the city reached the apogee of its power. The carved inscription on the Stele of Vultures, of remarkable length despite only having survived in part, exalts the triumphs of a ruler who had benefited from divine protection since birth. Nourished on the milk of the goddess Ninhursag and taking his name from the goddess Inanna, it was from the god Ningirsu himself that he had received the kingship of Lagash. Assured of the protection of the gods by a prophetic dream, Eannatum was resolute in his struggle with Umma for control over the Gu-edina, the border territory disputed by the two cities.

    The 'historical' face

    The narrative of the military campaign against Umma is spectacularly illustrated by figurative compositions carved in relief, arranged on the stele in accordance with the traditional system of registers. These depictions are distributed between the two faces of the stele, those on one side being 'historical' in significance, and those on the other 'mythological,' showing the deeds of men in the one case and of the gods in the other. Human determination and divine protection thus come together to bring victory.
    The 'historical' face shows, in the upper register, the king of Lagash marching at the head of his army. Eannatum wears the fleecy skirt called the kaunakes, partly obscured by a woolen tunic over the left shoulder, and he has the helmet with tress exclusive to persons of high rank. The soldiers, also helmeted and carrying long pikes, advance in serried ranks, collectively protecting themselves behind tall rectangular shields. The triumphant army of Lagash tramples the bodies of its enemies, on which a host of vultures has already begun to feed - the scene from which the stele takes its name. The inscription proclaims: "Eannatum struck at Umma. The bodies were soon 3,600 in number [...]. I, Eannatum, like a fierce storm wind, I unleashed the tempest!"
    The second register shows what seems to be a victory parade. The soldiers march in two columns behind their king, who is mounted on a chariot. They hold their spears raised and carry battleaxes on their shoulders. Eannatum too brandishes a long pike, as well as a curved saber, a ceremonial weapon. He stands on a four-wheeled chariot with a tall front panel, behind which emerge a number of javelins stored in a quiver.
    The third register, much of it missing, shows the funeral ceremonies that followed the engagement. To bury the heaped bodies of their comrades, the soldiers of Lagash climb up a ladder, carrying baskets of earth on their heads. Nearby are animals, including a bound bull on its back, which are awaiting sacrifice, while a libation is poured over large vessels holding branches.

    The 'mythological' face

    The 'mythological' face shows the divine intervention that brings Eannatum victory. It is dominated by the imposing figure of Ningirsu, the tutelary deity of the city-state of Lagash. He holds the enemy troops heaped pell-mell in a gigantic net, striking them with his mace. The god's favored weapon of war, the net is held shut by the emblem of Imdugud - the eagle-headed lion, the attribute of Ningirsu - shown with wings outspread, gripping two lions in its talons.

    The rest of the 'mythological' face, a great deal of which is missing, seems to show the presence at the god's side of a goddess, probably Nanshe, Ningirsu's wife, also associated with the lion-headed eagle. The lower register offers a glimpse of the god on a chariot, accompanied by the same goddess.

    Having praised Eannatum's victorious deeds, the inscription devotes considerable space to the oaths sworn by the two kings before the great gods of the pantheon. Having recovered Gu-edina for Lagash, Eannatum establishes the border with Umma, on which a stele is erected. But as human undertakings can only prosper by divine favor, it is the latter that is invoked to guarantee the permanence of the new order: "Let the man of Umma never cross the border of Ningirsu! Let him never damage the dyke or the ditch! Let him not move the stele! If he crosses the border, may the great net of Enlil, king of heaven and earth, by whom he has made oath, fall upon Umma!"

    Bibliography

    Amiet Pierre, L'Art antique du Proche-Orient, Paris, Mazenod, 1977, p. 369, fig. 328.
    Huot Jean-Louis, Les Sumériens : entre le Tigre et l'Euphrate, Paris, Errance, 1989, pp. 222-224.
    Parrot André, Tello, vingt campagnes de fouilles, 1877-1933, Paris, Albin Michel, 1948, pp. 95-101.
    Sarzec Édouard de, Découvertes en Chaldée, Paris, Leroux, 1884-1912, pp. 36, 68, 94-103, 174-195.
    Sollberger Edmond, Kupper Jean-Robert, Inscriptions royales sumériennes et akkadiennes, Paris, Cerf, 1971.



    From inscriptions found at Girsu such as the Gudea cylinders, it appears that Lagash was an important Sumerian city in the late 3rd millennium BC. It was at that time ruled by independent kings, Ur-Nanshe (24th century BC) and his successors, who were engaged in contests with the Elamites on the east and the kings of "Kienĝir" and Kish on the north. Lagash's temple was E-Ninnu, dedicated to the god Ningirsu.

  • "I, Eannatum the powerful, called by Ningirsu, to the [enemy] country, with anger, that which was in all times I proclaim! The prince of Umma, each time when with his troops he eats the Gu-edina, the well-beloved lands of Ningirsu, may the [latter] lay him low."

08-02-12/62 Fragment of a stele,...
Fragment of a stele, showing part of a lion and vases
Gudea, prince of Lagash, holding an overflowing vase; Gudea "au vase jaillissant" from Girsu (modern Tello, Iraq). Neo-Sumerian, c.2120 BCE. Dedicated to the goddess Geshtinanna. Dolerite, 62 x 25.6 cm. Louvre, Near Eastern Antiquities AO 22126.

Rebus readings: 

<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'.  @B24310.  #20851. Re<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi)
 
ṇṭam, n. < ṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water (Tamil. Sanskrit)

M. lokhã n. ʻironʼ(Marthi) लोहोलोखंड [lōhōlōkhaṇḍa] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general (Marathi). 

08-02-09/13 Lyre-player, from on...

Lyre-player, from one of the steles of king Gudea Hieroglyph: tambura ‘harp’; rebus: tambra ‘copper.  

Rebus: tambra ‘copper’.

 






Entemena silver vase: Hieroglyphs, rebus readings: arye'lion' Rebus: āra 'brass'. ceṭai 'wing'; Rebus: seṭi 'merchant'.eruvai 'eagle' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. mra m. ‘markhor’ (Dm.) merg f. ‘ibex’ (Wkh)(CDIAL 9885) Tor. miṇḍ‘ram’, miṇḍā́l‘markhor’ (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: me‘iron’ (Ho.) mẽṛhet‘iron’ (Munda.Ho.) 


  • Entemena's inscribed Silver Vase (LouvreA votive offering to his god Ningirsu, deposited in the temple E-Ninnu. The central design of which only one face is shown in the illustration consists of four lion-headed eagles, of which two seize a lion with each talon, and a third eagle seizes a couple of deer and the fourth a couple of ibexes. The eagle appears to have been the symbol of Ningirsu, while the lion,—commonly associated with Ishtar—may represent Bau, the consort of Ningirsu—the Ishtar of Lagash. The combination would thus stand for the divine pair. Dr. Ward (Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, p. 34 seq.) plausibly identifies this design with the bird Im-Gig, designated in the inscriptions of Gudea as the emblem of the ruler. This vase, considered to be the finest specimen of early metal work of Babylonia, was found at Telloh, and is now in the Louvre. See De Sarzec, Decouvertes, Pl. 43 and 43 bis and pp. 261-264; Heuzey, “Le Vase d’Argent d’Entemena” (Monuments Piot, ii., p. 5 seq., and Pl. 1, and Heuzey, Catalogue, pp. 372-80). The same design of the lion-headed eagle seizing two lions is found on other monuments of Lagash. See Heuzey, Catalogue, Nos. 7 and 12. See also Nos. 234 and 239. http://www.wisdomlib.org/mesopotamian/book/aspects-of-religious-belief-and-practice-in-babylonia-and-assyria/d/doc7256.html 


  • Pl. 5. Specimens of Early Babylonian Art. Fig. 1. (left) Silver Vase (with copper base) of Entemena, Patesi of Lagash (c. 2850 B.C.). Fig. 2. (right) Sculptured Base. Decoration in stone (dark green steatite), forming the support of some larger piece. There are seven small squatting figures (each with a tablet on his knees) distributed in a circle around the stone and intended, presumably, as a decorative design. Found at Telloh. Now in the Louvre. See De Sarzec, Decouvertes, Pl. 21, Fig. 5, and pp. 161-162; Heuzey, Catalogue, pp. 255-256.
  • Plate 6 & 7:
    TmpBAD1 1Seal Cylinders of Various Periods

    Pls. 6 and 7. Seal Cylinders of Various Periods. See De Sarzec, Decouvertes, Pl. 30 and 30 bis and pp. 276-324.
    These two plates of seal cylinders—all found at Telloh—may be taken as typical of the illustrations found on these objects, which served the purpose of personal seals, used by the owners as their signatures to business documents. They were rolled over the clay tablets on which business transactions were inscribed. Presumably the cylinders were also used as amulets. (See Herodotus, Book I, § 195, who says that every Babylonian “carries a seal.”) The design in the centre of Pl. 6 represents Gilgamesh, the hero of the Babylonian Epic, attacking a bull, while another figure—presumably Enkidu (though different from the usual type)— is attacking a lion. This conflict with animals which is an episode in the Epic (see Pl. 33) is very frequently portrayed on seal cylinders in a large number of variations. See Ward, Cylinders of Western Asia, Chap. X. Another exceedingly common scene portrays a seated deity into whose presence a worshipper is being led by a priest—or before whom a worshipper directly stands—followed by a goddess, who is the consort of the deity and who acts as inter-ceder for the worshipper.
    On Pl. 6 there are three specimens of this scene; on Pl. 7 likewise three. An altar, tree, or sacrificial animal— and sometimes all three—are added to the design. The seated god is commonly Shamash, the sun-god, but Sin, the moon-god, Ea, and Marduk, Adad, Ningirsu (and probably others) are also found, as well as goddesses. See Ward op. cit., Chaps. XVI. and, XXXIX.
    The seated god with streams issuing from both sides on Pl. 7 (5th row to the right) is certainly Shamash; so also the one in the opposite comer with rays protruding from his shoulders. See Ward, op. cit., Chap. XIV. Instead of the seated god, we frequently find the god in a standing posture of which Pl. 7 contains three examples.
    The one on the lowest row to the left is Shamash, the sun-god, with one leg bare and uplifted—symbolising the sun rising over the mountain; the other in the fourth row to the right is probably the god Marduk with the crook (or scimitar) standing on a gazelle, while the third—on the third row in the centre —is interesting as being, according to the accompanying inscription, a physician’s seal. The deity represented is Iru—a form or messenger of Nergal, the god of pestilence and death, which suggests a bit of grim (or unconscious) humour in selecting this deity as the emblem of the one who ministers unto disease. The accompanying emblems have been conjectured to be the physician’s instruments, but this is uncertain. We have also two illustrations of the popular myths which were frequently portrayed on these cylinders—both on Pl. 7.
    The one in the centre on the second row is an episode in a tale of Etana—a shepherd—who is carried aloft by an eagle to the mountain in which there grows the plant of life; the second— on the fourth row in the centre—represents Nergal’s invasion of the domain of Ereshkigal, the mistress of the lower world, and his attack on the goddess—crouching beneath a tree. The other scene on the cylinder seems to be an offering to Nergal, as the conqueror and, henceforth, the controller of the nether world. (See p. 369 and Ward op. cit., Chap. XXIII.) The remaining designs similarly have a religious or mythical import. The seals of the Neo-Babylonian and Persian periods show a tendency to become smaller in size and to embody merely symbols (like the one on Pl. 7, 2nd row, right corner) instead of a full scene.
  • Hieroglyphs read rebus on libation vase of Gudea, Pateshi of Lagash:

  • chita 'spotted' (Hindi) śitá ʻwhetted, sharpʼ (Rigveda) lo ‘fox’ (WPah.)  Rebus: lōha ʻcopper metalʼ(Pali) nāga‘snake’ Rebus: nāga‘lead’; alternative anāku ’cassiterite (tin)’.
Libation Vase of Gudea Patesi of Lagash (c. 2350 B. C.)
  • A votive offering to the god Ningishzida. The elaborately sculptured design consists of two serpents entwined around a staff, backed by two fantastic figures, winged monsters with serpents’ heads and tails ending in a scorpion’s sting. Green steatite. Found at Telloh and now in the Louvre. See De Sarzec, Decouvertes , Pl. 44, Fig. 2, and pp. 234-236; Heuzey, Catalogue, pp. 280-284.
  • Pl. 4. Stone Libation Vase of Gudea, Patesi of Lagash (c. 2350 B.C.). The "libation vase of Gudea" with the dragonMushussu, dedicated to Ningishzida (21st century BCE). The caduceus is interpreted as depicting the god himself.
  • Tello (ancient Girsu, (Spelt Ngirsu), Iraq) Ninurta (Nin Ur: God of War) in Sumerian and the Akkadian mythology of Assyria and Babylonia, was the god of Lagash, identified with Ningirsu with whom he may always have been identified. 
  • In the inscriptions found at Lagash he appears under his name Ningirsu, "the lord of Girsu", Girsu being the name of a city where he was considered the patron deity. 
  • Tukulti-Ninurta I (1243-1207 BCE), King of Assyria.

  • bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (Gujarati) bagala = an Arab boat of a particular description (Ka.). melh 'goat' Rebus: meluhha milakkhu, 'copper' merchant;  kõda ’young bull calf’ (Bengali)kõdār ’turner’ (Bengali)
    A perforated bas-relief decorated with banquet scenes c. 2700-2650 BCE Mesopotamia Limeston H. 0.27 cm; W. 0.24 cm.
  • Purchased at a public auction, formerly Erlenmeyer Collection, June 1997 AO 31015
"Alongside statues of orants that the worshippers customarily deposited in the temples were plaques decorated with historiated reliefs and drilled with a hole in the center. Both decorative and votive, these plaques also had a functional role as door catchesThe decoration of this plaque, divided into three registers, depicts banquet scenes, the most frequently illustrated theme at the time these reliefs were made. In the upper register, two guests, a man on the right and a woman on the left, are holding conical cups. Between the attendants waiting on them, a musician is playing a harp. In the lower register, a single guest is enthroned on a boat rowed by three sailors. This "banquet in a boat" is the only known example of a complete scene. The goat and the heifer on either side of the hole in the middle perhaps refer to the animals that will be eaten during the meal." http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/perforated-bas-relief-decorated-banquet-scenes 

Bibliography

M.-L. Et H. Erlenmeyer, "Cerviden-darstellungen auf altorientalischen und ägäischen Siegeln" in Orientalia, vol. 26, fasc. 4, 1957, p. 323, pl. XVI-XVII, fig. 8-9
J. Boese, Altmesopotamische Weihplatten, Berlin, 1977, pp.209-210, pl. XXXVIII 
P. Amiet, La Glyptique mésopotamienne archaïque, Paris, CNRS, 1980, pl. 93, n 1225
F. Demange, "Acquisitions", in Revue du Louvre, 1988, pp. 80-85
  • Votive relief of Ur-Nanshe, King of Lagash Early Dynastic period III, c. 2550-2500 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu)Limestone H. 39 cm; W. 46.50 cm; D. 6.50 cm De Sarzec excavations, 1888 AO 2344
  • [quote]Characteristic of the period of the archaic Sumerian Dynasties, this remarkable perforated stone slab is decorated with a low-relief in tworegisters. It commemorates the religious action of King Ur-Nanshe, the founder of the 1st Dynasty of Lagash. He is shown presiding over the ceremonies of the foundation and inauguration of a shrine...The central perforation was probably intended to peg the slab to the wall in the votive part of the shrine. Of the 120 slabs of this kind that have been found, mostly in the large cities of the Sumerian cultural area, this is one of the most remarkable in terms of its size and the quality of the execution, as well as for the wealth of iconographic detail it offers. 

    Ur-Nanshe and the 1st Dynasty of Lagash

    The cuneiform inscription engraved on the background of the slab tells that the main person represented on it is Ur-Nanshe, the king of the Sumerian state of Lagash. Lagash was one of the city states that shared the great alluvial plain of southern Mesopotamia in the 3rd millennium BC. Its prosperity was largely due to its location on the road that led to the rich plain of Susa and from there to the Iranian plateau. Ur-Nanshe is considered to be the founder, circa 2500 BC, of what is known as the 1st Dynasty of Lagash, and was succeeded by nine kings over a period of almost two centuries. The inauguration of the dynasty by Ur-Nanshe was marked by the construction of many buildings, both civil - ramparts and canals - and religious. Temples were erected in honor of each of the country's high gods... the accompanying inscription in Sumerian: "Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, son of Gunidu, built the temple of Ningirsu; he built the temple of Nanshe; he built Apsubanda." The arrangement in two registers clearly distinguishes the person of the king, who is raised by his rank above the other men, and is thereby recognizable in both scenes by the large size conventionally attributed to him.
  • The upper register shows Ur-Nanshe carrying a hod of bricks on his head to help build the new shrine, probably that of Ningirsu, the divine protector of the state of Lagash. Clothed in a tufted woolen skirt known as a kaunakes, the king is accompanied by his wife and his sons, as well as high functionaries, each one identified by his name written on his garment.
  • In the lower register, the king of Lagash is again shown surrounded by his sons and high functionaries. Sitting with a goblet in his hand, Ur-Nanshe is presiding over a ritual banquet, which commemorates the building of the temple.
    The inscription states that "boats from the (distant) land of Dilmun carried the wood (for him)." This is the oldest known reference to the country of Dilmun (now the island of Bahrain), a transit port for hard stones and precious stones, building timber and metals from India and Oman. In this early period, the princes of the Sumerian city-states traded with faraway regions.
  • The decoration of the relief of Ur-Nanshe thus sums up the ceremonies of the foundation and inauguration of the temples, symbolized by the hod of bricks and the ritual banquet. For in exchange for the prosperity granted by the gods, men were expected to serve them and maintain their temples. The foundation and preservation of great shrines was the vocation par excellence of the first among men - the king.

    Bibliography

    Sarzec Édouard de, Découvertes en Chaldée, Paris, Leroux, 1884-1912, p. 168, pl. 2 bis, fig. 1.
    Parrot André, Tello, vingt campagnes de fouille (1877-1933), Paris, Albin Michel, 1948, p. 91.
    Amiet Pierre, L'Art antique du Proche-Orient, Paris, Mazenod, 1977, pl. 44, fig. 324, p. 368.
    Huot Jean-Louis, Les Sumériens, entre le Tigre et l'Euphrate, Paris, Armand Colin, 1989. [unquote]
  • . Tip of a lance with image of a lion; the inscription says "Ur-lugal, King of Kish". From Tello (Lagash) Period of Archaic Dynasties, 2500-2340 BCE Bronze, H: 85 cm AO 2675
  • Tip of a lance with image of a lion; the inscription says "Ur-lugal, King of Kish". From Tello (Lagash) Period of Archaic Dynasties, 2500-2340 BCE Bronze, H: 85 cm AO 2675 
  • . Three rams with gilded heads on a base of two demons. Bronze, gold and silver; support for an offering table or altar; from the palace of Larsa, Iraq. Period of Isin-Larsa (early 2nd mill.BCE) See also 08-02-04/41 H: 22 cm AO 15705
  • Three rams with gilded heads on a base of two demons. Bronze, gold and silver; support for an offering table or altar; from the palace of Larsa, Iraq. Period of Isin-Larsa (early 2nd mill.BCE) See also 08-02-04/41 H: 22 cm AO 15705 

  • Clay tablet for accounts. Pre-cuneiform writing. 5 x 5 cm. Proto-urban period, end 4th mill.BCE AO 8859 

  • Priest-king with headgear of plumes at the entrance of a temple marked by two lances. From Tello Period of the Archaic Dynasties (DA I) 2900-2750 BCE Limestone, 18 x 16 cm AO 221 
  • Tu. aaru twig.(DEDR 67) Rebus: aduru gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhānti Subrahmaya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330) 
  •  kūdī‘twig’ (on plumed headdress rising out of the horns) Rebus: kuhi‘smelter 

  • Fragment of an Iranian Chlorite Vase decorated with the lion headed eagle (Imdugud) found in the temple of Ishtar during the 1933 - 1934 fieldwork by Parrot. Dated 2500 - 2400 BC. Louvre Museum collection AO 17553. 

    • Votive bas-relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu in the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash C. 2400 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu) Bituminous stone H. 25 cm; W. 23 cm; Th. 8 cm De Sarzec excavations, 1881 AO 2354 
  • Hieroglyph: मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' (Marathi) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) eruvai 'eagle' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. eraka 'wing' Rebus: erako 'moltencast copper'.

  • Plaques perforated in the center and decorated with scenes incised or carved in relief were particularly widespread in the Second and Third Early Dynastic Periods (2800-2340 BC), and have been found at many sites in Mesopotamian and more rarely in Syria or Iran. The perforated plaque of Dudu, high priest of Ningirsu in the reign of Entemena, prince of Lagash (c.2450 BC), belongs to this tradition. It has some distinctive features, however, such as being made of bitumen.

    Dudu, priest of Ningirsu

    The bas-relief is perforated in the middle and divided into four unequal sections. A figure occupying the height of two registers faces right, leaning on what appears to be a long staff. He is dressed in the kaunakes, a skirt of sheepskin or other material tufted in imitation of it. His name is inscribed alongside: Dudu, rendered by the pictograph for the foot, "du," repeated. Dudu was high priest of the god Ningirsu at the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash (c.2450 BC). Incised to his left is the lion-headed eagle, symbol of the god Ningirsu and emblem of Lagash, as found in other perforated plaques from Telloh, as well as on other objects such as the mace head of Mesilim, king of Kish, and the silver vase of Entemena, king of Lagash. On this plaque, however, the two lions, usually impassive, are reaching up to bite the wings of the lion-headed eagle. Lower down is a calf, lying in the same position as the heifers on Entemena's vase. The lower register is decorated with a plait-like motif, according to some scholars a symbol of running water.

    Perforated plaques

    This plaque belongs to the category of perforated plaques, widespread throughout Phases I and II of the Early Dynastic Period, c.2800-2340BC, and found at many sites in Mesopotamia (especially in the Diyala region), and more rarely in Syria (Mari) and Iran (Susa). Some 120 examples are known, of which about 50 come from religious buildings. These plaques are usually rectangular in form, perforated in the middle and decorated with scenes incised or carved in relief. They are most commonly of limestone or gypsum: this plaque, being of bitumen, is an exception to the rule.

    Bibliography

    André B, Naissance de l'écriture : cunéiformes et hiéroglyphes, (notice), Paris, Exposition du Grand Palais, 7 mai au 9 août 1982, Paris, Editions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1982, p. 85, n 42.
    Contenau G., Manuel d'archéologie orientale, Paris, Picard, 1927, p. 487, fig. 357.
    Heuzey L., Les Antiquités chaldéennes, Paris, Librairie des Imprimeries Réunies, 1902, n 12.
    Orthmann W., Der Alte Orient, Berlin, Propylaën (14), 1975, pl. 88.
    Sarzec É., Découvertes en Chaldée, Paris, Leroux, 1884-1912, pp. 204-209.
    Thureau-Dangin, Les inscriptions de Sumer et d'Akkad, Paris, Leroux, 1905, p. 59.

  • The image may be read as a series of rebuses or ideograms. A priest dedicates an object to his god, represented by his symbol, and flanked perhaps by representations of sacrificial offerings: an animal for slaughter and a libation of running water. The dedicatory inscription, confined to the area left free by the image in the upper part, runs over the body of the calf: "For Ningirsu of the Eninnu, Dudu, priest of Ningirsu ... brought [this material] and fashioned it as a mace stand."

  • The precise function of such plaques is unknown, and the purpose of the central perforation remains a mystery. The inscription here at first ledscholars to consider them as mace stands, which seems unlikely. Some have thought they were to be hung on a wall, the hole in the center taking a large nail or peg. Others have suggested they might be part of a door-closing mechanism. Perforated plaques such as this are most commonly organized in horizontal registers, showing various ceremonies, banquets(particularly in the Diyala), the construction of buildings (as in the perforated plaque of Ur-Nanshe), and scenes of cultic rituals (as in the perforated plaque showing "the Libation to the Goddess of Fertility"). The iconography is often standardized, almost certainly an indication that they represent a common culture covering the whole of Mesopotamia, and that they had a specific significance understood by all.

Pravin Togadia issues legal notice against Times of India, Indian Express and Times Now for false reports

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Mo. 9426204695
S.  D.  Jani                                                                    
                  (Advocate)
12, Shiv Shakti Complex, High Court Road,Bhavnagar - 364 001
Page 1 of 2

LEGAL NOTICE

            TO WHOMSOEVER IT MAY CONCERN & TO ALL PUBLIC COMMUNICATORS, GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATIONS & SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS As advised by & on behalf of my client Dr. Pravinbhai Mohanlal Togadia, age 57 yrs, I S. D. Jani Advocate 12, Shivshakti complex, High court Road, Bhavnagar, Gujarat  India do hereby state as under.


1.         That the report about a misinformed incident in Gujarat as appeared in an English newspaper Times of India dated April 21, 2014 which per our information, has appeared in the said news paper’s almost all India editions under varied headlines, is false, malafide & mischievous.
2.         That significantly, on the same day, i.e. today i.e. April 21, 2014 in yet another English newspaper namely Indian Express dated a completely different report has suddenly appeared which is about a misinformed description of an incident in Uttar Pradesh village in dist Pratapgadh.
3.         That it also is noticed that a heated debate has begun on yet another English TV channel namely Times Now on the said misinformed mischievous report as mentioned in the said Times of India.
4.         That the entire sequence of events as mentioned in the above 1, 2 & 3 clearly show that there is a bigger conspiracy against my client not only to defame him in public life but also to put his life & the lives of his family members & of the people associated with the organizations he is associated with in danger.
5.         That my client happens to be an International Working President of VHP i.e. Vishwa Hindu Parishad with Head Office in Delhi. The said organization is known to be caring for Hindu Well-being & welfare.
6.         That my client has been provided with the security of the Z+ level by the concerned governments to protect him from physical attacks on his life.
7.         That under the rules of the above said security level, the travel, stay & other details of the secured person are supposed to be kept confidential by the concerned authorities who provide the security to ensure that no pre-planned attacks take place on the secured person.
8.         That my client was travelling at night around 11 pm from Bhavnagar City ,Gujarat on April 19, 2014 for a night stay at the house of Mr. Bhavin S. Jani  the town Bhavnagar.
9.         That while travelling my client was told by one of the security men that a large group was protesting on the route because know that Togadia were to travel from this route.
10.        That my client as mentioned above was traveling at night, asked the security man as to how did the group know of the route which was supposed to be confidential per the security rules. The concerned person did not reply.
11.        That after reaching the night stay place i.e. the house of Mr. Bhavin S. Jani again my client was informed that the same group that was protesting for some reason wanted to meet him. Although tired by the day’s hectic work of introducing the free medical service to all in India, my client agreed to meet the said group for 5 minutes.
12.        That then the group of around 1000 people came to give my client a memorandum & presentation about how their houses were purchased under force & duress by some people.
13.        That the said group also informed my client that they stayed in an area in Bhavnagar before & even there their houses were forcibly purchased & that they moved to another area where there were temples & that even the new place they are being hounded to sell their houses to another group.
14.        That hearing their plea, as a law abiding citizen, my client advised them to follow the legal process of writing to the local administration, the concerned state government & approach the court if they felt that they are being forced into any selling of their houses.
15.        That my client also informed that there had been a ‘Disturbed Area Act’ existing in some places in Gujarat which was enacted by the earlier Government & that the said group may find out if the said act was applicable to them in the said matter.
16.        That we wish to state here emphatically that there was nothing socially or legally wrong in the above advice given by my client to the said group as mentioned above.
17.        That after one full day of this incident & with no provocation whatsoever, to our distress & surprise, we found the malicious report about our client in the English news paper namely Times of India dated April 21, 2014.
18.        That the said report as mentioned in above 17 gives a completely false story intended to malign my client socially & also putting his life in danger.


Page 2 of 2

19.        That the timing of the other media reports such as in Indian Express front page which are totally unrelated of the misinformed incident of 2012, popping up on the same day i.e. April 21, 2014 mentioning my client’s name in a malicious way & then media debates followed by these reports are a definite conspiracy of planted stories by the vested interest parties against my client.
20.        That we hereby deny any such malicious reporting by all the media as mentioned above & demand the immediate CBI enquiry into the matter as mentioned hereunder:
     (a) That who, how, to whom & why disclosed the security information such as travel route, stay place & so on, which is supposed to be kept confidential for the Z+ category
     (b) That who all were involved in tracking the movement of my client during his travel & disclosing to the public in general even without verifying with my client whether he knew the said people.
     (c) That who arranged the said Times of India reporter to be at the secured route late at night without any information to & permission from my client despite the Z+ security.
     (d) That who managed the same say simultaneous appearance of reports in two different English news papers all India i.e. the misinformed, false & malicious reports of 2012 & 2014 that is a night before.

21.        That my client while denying of speaking of any inflammatory words as mentioned in the said Times of India report under different headlines all India as filed from Gujarat, demands a CBI investigation into the larger conspiracy of putting his life under threat by disclosing his security travel route & place of stay to general public.
22.        That my client now fears that this is a larger conspiracy in the General Elections time to draw benefit in votes at the cost of his freedom & his life. That my client also fears that the said orchestrated malafide, mischievous & malicious reporting of unrelated misinformed incidents in different media has been aimed at targeting his public & social life as well as the lives of my client, his family members & the people in the organizations with which my client is associated with.
23.        That the above suspicion is strengthened with the fact that for the past 3 months my client has been travelling extensively in India to introduce the Free Medical service for the poor & needy patients. That the regional media had been mentioning the same as but the said English media has not been mentioning the positive medical service however, the same Times of India, Indian Express & Times Now have simultaneously targeted my client on the misinformed unrelated incidents in a criminally defamatory, malicious & mischievous ways. That this proves that there has been a completely political conspiracy behind such ill-reporting about my client with the intention to harm his reputation, image & life and then to draw political mileage out of all this
24.        That once again while denying the concocted reporting in the above said & if so in any other media as false, malicious & malafide, we state here that such criminal conspiracy against my client may cause danger to my client’s life & reputation & that in such circumstances the entire criminal, financial, social & technical liability will be of the concerned Governments, its authorities, its various departments & all the people including the said media & all public communicators who have been involved in such a criminal activity against my client as conspirators.
25.        That we urge the Hon. Supreme Court to take note of the probable lethal attack on my client’s life, reputation & also lives of his family members as well as the people associated with the organizations to which he offers his services.
26.        That we urge all the public communicators to immediately refrain from spreading malafide, false, criminally defamatory & dangerous stories against my client & putting him in life threat, failing which my client will be free to take further legal steps as stipulated under all prevalent laws & Acts.
Place: Bhavnagar ,Gujarat
Date : April 21, 2014                                                                                      (S. D. Jani)
Copy to: 1) The Hon, Supreme Court, New Delhi                                                           Advocate
2) The Chief Minister, Gujarat
3) The Union Home Minister, India

Pravin Togadia under fire for hate-speech, RSS says he didn’t say that
Pravin Togadia urged a small gathering of VHP and Bajrang Dal members to evict Muslims from their houses. Tweet This

Modi should not wear skull cap just as I won’t wear tilak: Madani

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Modi should not wear skull cap just as I won’t wear tilak: Madani


Niticentral Staff21 Apr 2014



Modi clean on 2002 violence, should not wear skull cap for Muslim appeasement: Madani
Muslim cleric and general secretary of Jamiat Ulema Hind Maulana Mehmood Madani has said that Modi should not wear the skull cap which many politicians use to impress Muslims.
“If you ask me to put a tilak , I won’t agree. It has been our bad experience that symbolic acts have been done but real problems have not been solved. I don’t find not wearing skullcap as bad. I say that those who wear the cap fool Muslims. He (Modi) should not wear the skullcap. Nobody should. It is only a symbolic thing and I don’t want symbolism. I want work,” Madani said in an interview to private news channel.
“If people make him the PM even after Opposition then responsibility will be on him to treat everyone as equal. He would see everyone as equal and won’t destroy the country on the basis of religion and caste,” he said.
Appreciating Modi’s way of governance, he said, “If he talks about development and succeeds in implementing then he will be worthy of praise. It is good that he is appearing secular and not saying a single communal word but that is the strength of this country.”

Madani defends Modi, says he should not wear skull cap just as I won’t wear tilak
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AV1cI92gE44 Published on Apr 20, 2014. After drawing flak over his refusal to wear a skull cap, BJP's prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi has got some support. Muslim cleric Maulana Mehmood Madani said that Modi should not wear the cap for symbolic purposes as many politicians have been using the symbolic act to make a fool of Muslims. "If you ask me to put a 'tilak', I won't agree, not at all. And that doesn't make me a bad person. I don't find not wearing skull cap as bad. I say that those who wear the cap fool Muslims. I want to tell them with folded hands not to make a fool of us," Maulana Madani said. Subscribe https://www.youtube.com/user/ibnlive  

India needs Modi -- Swami Dayananda Saraswati

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On Monday, April 21, 2014 11:28 AM, Jayakumar S. Ammangudi <jkumar64@sbcglobal.net> wrote:
 
Dear Swamijis, Gurubhais and Sevaks,

Namaste!

Please find below Pujya Swami Dayananda Saraswati ji's endorsement Narendra Modi.  We are trying to get this published online.

I request all Swamijis, teachers, leaders, students and sevaks to pass on or leverage Swamiji's latest message to all their students, constituencies, friends and networks.  Every vote counts.  We all fondly recall Pujya Swamiji's message to all Hindus circa 2009 "Hindu Vote is Sacred.  Never Barter it Away", a message that Swamiji conveyed on other occasions as well.

The link below provides a total, state-specific or date-specific views of the continuing elections.

If I can be of any help in anyway, or for clarifications, I am currently at Coimbatore and can be reached by e-mail at jkumar64@sbcglobal.net or by phone at 98412-48867.
 
Vande Maataram,
Jayakumar

“India Needs Modi” - Swami Dayananda Saraswati
 
Jayakumar Ammangudi, Ph.D.

View image on Twitter
(Sri Swami Dayananda Saraswati ji with Sri Narendra Modi, Chief Minister of Gujarat, December 2013.)

Swami Dayananda Saraswati is a world-renowned teacher of Vedanta.  Under his guidance, numerous centers for Vedic teaching have been founded around the world. The two main centers in India are the Arsha Vidya Ashram in Rishikesh and the Arsha Vidya Gurukulam in Coimbatore. In the U.S., the main center is the Arsha Vidya Gurukulam at Saylorsburg, Pennsylvania. At present, there are at least sixty centers in India and abroad that carry on the same tradition of Vedantic teaching.  As a humanitarian and visionary, Swami Dayananda Saraswati founded the All India Movement for Seva, which has improved the lives of millions of indigent citizens.  He founded the Acharya Sabha, a Hindu Apex body of ancient Mathas of India.
 
After having been diagnosed with a severe pulmonary disorder, Sri Swami Dayananda Saraswati had been hospitalized for more than two months in Intensive Care in Coimbatore.  Swami returned to Arsha Vidya Gurukulam.  He is slowly regaining his voice.  He practices Physical Therapy daily to make his walking steadier and regain strength.  His devotees all over the world have been praying for his speedy recovery.
 
In a recent conversation, Swamiji spoke about the on-going elections and his conversation with Narendra Modi.  “Many months ago, I visited Narendra Modi and told him that he must be a PM candidate.  Modi was hesitant and said that there were many qualified people.   I told him that he should create a ‘Modi wave’.”
 
Indeed the only excitement today is the Modi wave that is sweeping the country.  So much so that even many from the US are visiting India to do their part.
 
Swamiji recalled campaign work he did in his twenties (1950s).  “I was a journalist.  Besides reporting, I used to get news from London and consolidate.  The candidate for the T. Nagar [Chennai] constituency was impressed with my capacity to write.  She offered me an office in a huge building.  I served as her agent.”  
 
“I ran her campaign well.  She lost to Congress as the Congress was very powerful.”
 
Swamiji reminded us that even then, working for elections was not an ordinary game. “ There are no rules.  Middlemen offer to sell votes in exchange for favors.”
 
“I left the job at the news agency because there was not much income there.  Indian Express offered me a job but they asked me to wait for one year!”
 
It is truly inspiring that the most revered and foremost teacher of Vedanta of today was a journalist and involved in national elections.  Today's citizens aspire for an honest and capable leader.

“Another term of Congress will ruin the country.  The country needs Modi.  I wish everybody all the best”, concluded Swamiji.

Gen VK Singh criticises UPA Govt. hasty choice on next Army Chief: Explosive Interview (20:56)

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https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=UJsJBnBg_PQ
Published on Apr 20, 2014
Speaking to NewsX, Ex Army-Chief general VK Singh slams government over 'hasty choice'.

General VK Singh has criticised government's decision to appoint LT General Dalbir Suhag as Army Chief.

V K Singh, who is now a BJP member and contesting for Lok Sabha from Ghaziabad constituency in Uttar Pradesh, has said the UPA government "should not be in a hurry" to appoint the new Army Chief.

"I don't understand why the UPA is in a hurry to make the present chief ineffective by announcing his successor's name," he has said.

Not 2002, 2001 shapes my view on Modi -- Hasmi Shams Tabreed. Jan. 26, 2001, Bhuj earthquake 8.2 on the Richter scale struck.

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An extraordinary account by Hashmi Shams Tabreed on how the nation reacted to the enormous natural disaster of the Bhuj earthquake and how RSS and VHP volunteers dedicated their lives to provide relief to the victims. That is the year 2001 that Hashmi Shams Tabreed remembers. Salaaam, Hashmi ji, for sharing with us this personal experience of yours. It is such sacred moments of life's journey that sustains and identifies our nation. Dhanyavaad. Hashmi ji.

Kalyanaraman
Not 2002, 2001 shapes my view on Modi
 - 
 I was an intern back then. Having done my diploma in journalism and mass communication, i was working with a senior journalist to learn the tricks of on-ground reporting and developing contacts.My mentor was a veteran journalist, aged about 52 years. Everyone used to call him Haji sahab. He had gone on Haj with family twice and on both occasions used his contacts in Haj committee to get Haj subsidy. He was a smart fellow. Always getting what he wanted just by approaching one of his numerous contacts. Haji sahab was living in Gaziabad with his parents and two sons, both married and had kids. His only daughter Zuveria, whom he loved very much was married into a Bhuj based family, however she along with her husband wasliving in Dubai. I was living in a hostel in Noida. Life was tough for me. Brutal heat and cold of Delhi region, food in hostel mess, round the clockreadiness to run for the story and above all, rudeness of Delhites. Guess its a cultural thing, it takes getting used to and in time i did get used to it.
26th Jan 2001, was a lazy day. Haji sahab had told me he was going with family to see the Republic day parade and i had decided to sleep as long as i can. I had come back from Bulandshaher the previous day and wanted to use the rare day of peace, sleeping. It had been 6 months in the city and I still had very few friends in city, Infact my neighbors in the hostel who were mostly students and the cook in hostel mess, Pradeep were my only friends. They were all Hindus. At around 4 PM, I was woken up by Pradeep for lunch. Watching TV in the mess, i first came to know of the Bhuj earthquake. Channels were saying hundreds might have died. The next day i encountered an extremely worried Haji sahab. He had been trying to reach his daughter’s in laws in Bhuj without success. Too worried to work, he sent me home for the day. By now media estimate of victims had swelled into thousands. Back at the hostel few of my neighbors were talking about doing something. We spent the day surfing channels and it seemed with each passing hour the tragedy was growing. By evening we had started a drive to collect money for the victims. By next day we had about Rs 9700 collected that we intended to donate to PM’s relief fund. I even approached Haji sahab for donation who was worried sick. He wanted to go to Bhuj but being a diabetic, idea of him going into a disaster zone was firmly struck down by his family. He said he was willing to donate Rs 10000 if anyone was going to Bhuj. That’s when the idea struck me. I proposed i can go there and cover the disaster as a reporter and check on well being of his relatives. I had his approval and the donation. Back at the hostel my friends agreed to join me as well. Surprisingly, Pradeep, the cook also wanted to join us. Said he earned enough paap by embezzling funds from hostel mess and wanted to earn some punya. We were getting ready to embark on this journey. TV reported a special train was announced by government to ferry people from Delhi to Ahmadabad free of charge. Things were getting into place. We had collected about Rs 21000 after pooling in our money as well. Pradeep had arranged another cook for the time he will be away. He had prepared 100 food packets which we intended to distribute among the needy. We were a group of five and we all pledged we would not spend a single paisa from the donations we had received on ourselves, no matter what.
Despite all the urgency we could only start on 30th night. We reached New Delhi railway station hoping to catch the special train to Ahmadabad which was to leave at 10PM. Unfortunately despite our frantic efforts we could not find that train. No one seemed to have heard of this train. How typical of Indian government efforts, mired in ineffective bureaucratic logjams. We asked a TT standing next to a Ahmadabad bound train. His response was “I know people like you hoping for a free ride, don’t you dare enter my compartment or i will throw you all off the running train.” We could not spend money on tickets, every single penny was for victims. And so despite, the TT’s warning we boarded that train. It was a sleeper bogey. We spread some newspaper on the floor and settled near door. In about couple of hours the angry TT was staring at us. He was hurling choicest of abuses,insulting us. I was upset at the humiliation but the students somehow were unaffected and just kept arguing with TT till he left us alone. Most passengers in the bogey didn’t believe we were going to Ahmadabad to help. To them we were a nuisance but no one dared to confront a group of 5 men.
The journey was excruciatingly long. We reached Ahmadabad by 8:30 PM next day. My first reaction was that of surprise. Going by media reports, I was expecting to see some damage in Ahmadabad as well but the city was unscathed. We were confused about what to do next. I called Haji sahab who gave contact and address of few NGOs engaged in relief work. We visited their offices. Some seemed as if they’ve been closed for last few years while others sounded extremely casual about relief work. We had not traveled this far to give the relief money to someone who wasn’t serious about utilizing it in a fair way. Finally someone suggested going to RSS office as they were heavily engaged in relief works. I had my apprehensions. I had heard enough about RSS VHP Bajrang Dal etc during Ayodhya movement. But i did not oppose. The RSS office was abuzz with activity. A lot of people were preparing big packets of relief material. A person said we’ve enough volunteers in the field, you can donate your stuff here if you want. Right ! give money to RSS ? never. I thought. Gladly, everyone agreed the money will be better utilized if we managed it ourselves. The RSS guy told us the epicenter of devastation was Bhuj and maximum assistance was needed there. We took an overnight bus to Bhuj. Food packets from Pradeep kept us going. I woke up at about 3 AM. Absolute darkness all around us, the bus was bouncing over cracked roads. Someone said, there used to be a village here.
About 6:30 AM, our bus rolled into Bhuj bus station. Wasn’t much left of it. There was devastation all around. Broken almirahs, computers, documents strewn around. The main road originating from bus stand towards town was deserted. Not a single building stood intact. There was debris all around. In balcony of few buildings one could see clothes hanging as they were hung out to dry on 26th morning. It looked like a scene lifted straight from a Hollywood movie. First thing my friends did was relieve themselves. They managed to get plastic bottles and there was plenty of space for attending to nature’s call. I couldn’t. It’s a personal thing. Some of you can relate i hope. Well we inquired about relief camps and headed to one setup in a college ground nearby. It turned out to be VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad) camp. I could see a big crowd waiting for food there. Muslim women in their dirt covered torn burqas along with their children queued up in a line. We thought it was a good place to distribute our food packets, however the vegetable had turned stale. Poori and pickle were still eatable. We checked with VHP guys and they were only too happy to allow us to distribute food we had. People didn’t mind our poori and pickle packets and within 15 minutes we were done distributing our packets. I wanted to go to the locality where Haji sahab said his relatives lived but the VHP guy said that area is completely devastated. He suggested we should go to Bhuj Military base where most of the rescued people have been camped. The Bhuj Military camp was full of injured and homeless people rescued in past few days. I was able to locate Haji sahab’s relatives who were rescued 2 days back. A lot of people in camp were Muslims and each had a tragic tale to tell. Most of them had lost loved one’s. We started distributing some money among people. We came across RSS volunteers who were bringing quake affected people to camps. I also saw the little girl who was rescued alive after being 6 days under rubble. She had become a celebrity and i could see media flocking her.
It was getting late. We wanted to cover more camps. Someone suggested a place called Mandvi had suffered more devastation. We caught the overnight bus. First place we went to was Haji Hasan hospital. It was chaotic, the hospital was full of injured people. We distributed some money when an angry doctor stopped us. He said we’ll end up creating stampede as there are large number of desperate penniless people. We still had some money which we wanted to ensure reaches the needy. The auto driver told us about a medical camp in his village. We reached that hospital which was nothing but a school converted into a makeshift hospital. When doctors learnt we were from Delhi, everyone stood up in attention pose, They had mistaken us for bureaucrats. We explained our position and said we wanted to help. Upon inquiring, the people there said they’d prefer food instead of money. One shop that we managed to find was selling a Rs 5 biscuit for Rs 50. Ghafoor the shopkeeper was as ruthless about profits as nature was when earthquake hit the region. Sparing some money for travel back home we spent the entire amount buying eatables for the people in that hospital. There are so many stories from this trip that i wanted to tell but i do not want it to turn into a memoir. There is a beautiful message that i got from this trip, one that serves me to this day. Oh, and by the way on our our ride back to Delhi a bunch of TTs argued among themselves, each wanted us to sit in his bogey. We were still ticket less. This time they had believed us when we told we were volunteers who came to help.
Today I hear a lot about 2002. From Mullahs, Intellectuals, Media both Indian and Foreign, Liberals, Seculars and God knows who else. Almost everyone singularly blames RSS, VHP etc.I haven’t heard most of them talk about 2001 which was a far bigger tragedy where Hindus-Muslims in tens of thousands died. I did not see any of those champions of humanity serving there. Muslims, similar to those who today outrage and hate Modi for loss of Muslim lives in 2002, were out there looting other Muslims like vultures. Unfortunately none of the liberal secular narrative unfolded there. What i saw there was much maligned RSS and VHP folks serving humanity without any bias or hatred. They didn’t show any hesitation in helping, be the person a bearded Muslim or a burqa clad women. How many liberals or Muslims can maintain such neutrality when they see a man in Khakhi shorts or sporting a tilak. 2002 riots were unfortunate. One that was provoked because of a cold blooded planned burning of Hindus. In a state where riots started on incidents like bicycle collisions and cricket matches, this was a grave provocation. In a moment of madness, hundreds of innocents lost their lives. Anyone who sits on judgement about 2002 riots should ponder and think. Imagine how it would feel to be burnt alive, Imagine if it happened to your parents or your child, Imagine if they were blamed to have foolishly burnt themselves. In the land of mahatma not everyone is Gandhi. Our history is replete with Hindu Muslim riots across the length and breadth of this country and yet for some reason Media sees Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb everywhere else except Gujarat. We will move on only when we let the pain of past go. It’s time to let 2002 go. Courts have already done so. In 2008 i visited Bhuj and Mandvi again, and i was surprised at the transformation that had taken place. It was here that Haji sahab’s in-law told me of a weird incident. While being rescued by Army, the local Maulvi was upset that the Army men, all Hindus, had to touch his wife in order to rescue her. Think what would these kind of people say about 2002 riots.
On Modi and RSS i’m not asking you to change your opinion. I’ve formed my opinion based on my experiences and i’d request you to do the same. Don’t let some random guy on TV shape your opinion. I’ve seen many preachers of high morality turn into spineless cowards when the time comes to practice what they preach. This country is too precious to be held hostage by a narrow skewed version of what happened in 2002. A lot of blood was spilled by freedom fighters in the hope of seeing the glorious India of yesteryear revived again. I have every hope that despite all odds India will prevail.
http://curiousindian.com/2014/04/19/2002-2001-shapes-view-modi-2/

Wendy Doniger needs to start educating herself first. Read the new book before reviewing her own works.

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It is not amusing to see Wendy Doniger defending her work in NY Review of Books. She must first read the following book and answer every comment therein to show that she is a true lover of truth and an academic devoted to high standards of scholarship. Almost every page of her Alternative History book receives attention from Vishal Agarwal's review of her book. 

Let Wendy first demonstrate that she is not an academic devoted to create new stereotypes of Hindus, not a porno-lover but a sincere student of Hindu traditions and history.

Wendy Doniger needs to start educating herself first. Read the new book edited by Vishal Agarwal before reviewing her own works.

Kalyanaraman

The New Stereotypes of Hindus in Western Indology
(Ed. by Vishal Agarwal; Contributors incl. Bharat Gupt, Chitra Raman, Aditi Banerjee, Pramod Pathak) 

Hinduworld Publisher, ISBN 9781312111547  Price: $19.99 
New Stereotypes of Hindus in Western Indology



India: Censorship by the Batra Brigade


doniger_1-050814.jpg
Kuni Takahashi/The New York Times/Redux
Dina Nath Batra, the retired headmaster whose lawsuit against Penguin India led the company to agree to destroy copies of Wendy Doniger’s book The Hindus: An Alternative History, in his office beneath portraits of right-wing Hindu nationalists K.B. Hedgewar and M.S. Golwakar, Delhi, February 2014

The Event

In February of this year, after a long career of relative obscurity in the ivory tower, I suddenly became notorious.1 In 2010, Penguin India had published a book of mine, The Hindus: An Alternative History, which won two awards in India: in 2012, the Ramnath Goenka Award,2 and in 2013, the Colonel James Tod Award.3 But within months of its publication in India, a then-eighty-one-year-old retired headmaster named Dina Nath Batra, a proud member of the far-right organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), had brought the first of a series of civil and criminal actions against the book, arguing that it violated Article 295a of the Indian Penal Code, which forbids “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class” of citizens.
After fighting the case for four years, Penguin India, which had recently merged with Bertelsmann, abandoned the lawsuit, agreeing to cease publishing the book. (It also agreed to pulp all remaining copies, but—as it turned out—not a single book was destroyed; all extant copies were quickly bought up from the bookstores.) When Penguin told me it was all over, I thought it was all over, and was grateful for the long run we’d had.
There wasn’t anything special about my book; Batra had been attacking other books for some time. But what was special, and unexpected, was the volume and intensity and duration of the outcry in reaction to Penguin’s action: other authors withdrew their books from Penguin, defying it to pulp them, too; people accused the publishers of cowardice for giving up without even taking the case to court, in contrast with their former courage in successfully (and at very great expense) defending Lady Chatterley’s Lover in 1960. One Bangalore law firm issued a legal notice suggesting that the Penguin logo be changed from a penguin to a chicken.

The Law

Some writers argued that Penguin could have won the case had it seen it through to the end. After all, these accusers said, how can you prove malicious intent in a book? Alas, in some courts it could be very easy. To satisfy the terms of Indian law, statements in the book in question need merely be expected “to outrage religious feelings.” If you got the wrong judge—and India is a place where the Supreme Court has recently reinstated a law criminalizing homosexuality—you’d be convicted just for publishing a statement that you had good reason to believe might well offend someone. It’s hard to imagine how you could write about any subject as sensitive as religion or history without outraging someone; such a rule would mean the end of creative and original scholarly thought. Any new idea offends people who are committed to the old idea, which is to say, most people. Even in the hands of someone as intellectually challenged as Batra, Article 295a is a weapon of mass cultural destruction.

The Lawsuit

I still believe that the Indian law is the main villain in this case, but of course there is also another, secondary villain: Batra. A closer look at some of his arguments in the original Penguin lawsuit reveals aspects of his mentality that obviate any possible hope that one might escape his denunciations by pulling one’s punches and avoiding “sensitive” aspects of Hinduism—for instance, to take a case at random, sex, which Batra has objected to in my book (perhaps confusing it with Lady Chatterley’s Lover).
Obscenity is not the issue here. Nor is it a matter of truth or falsehood. For instance, the lawsuit insists: “The book also defames youth icon Swami Vivekananda when it states that on being asked what he will eat, Swami Vivekananda replied ‘give me beef.’” The objection is not that this quotation is false, or insufficiently documented; it is true, and well documented. The objection is simply that repeating that statement in the book defamed Vivekananda.
Batra has other objections to the book’s citation of certain Hindu texts. He complains:
That in this book all books written in Sanskrit by all and sundry are treated as sacred scriptures at par with the Vedas. That the book does not inform the readers that Vedas are the supreme scriptures which supersede anything and everything which is in conflict with the Vedas.
And then, at greater length:
That in this at Page No. 106 the author has correctly stated that text of Vedas did not undergo any change of correction during thousands of years. When the text remains the same, it is oblivious [sic] that its meaning and message have remained the same. Therefore the core principle of Hinduism has remained the same as enunciated in Vedas. In other words, the core principles of Hinduism are eternal (Sanatan). Distortions and deviations do not constitute the core of any religion. That in the aforesaid book, the author has made basic blunder of equating and mixing core principles of Hinduism with the stray distortions.
This pious view simplistically declares most of Hinduism heretical and therefore irrelevant. The “stray distortions” may very well be irrelevant to some forms of Hindu worship, but they are highly relevant to any serious understanding of Hindu history.
Much of my work, including the book under attack, has been devoted to the representation of aspects of Hinduism that the Victorian Protestant British, when they ruled India, scorned as filthy paganism: polytheism, erotic sculptures, spirited mockery of the gods, and rich, earthy mythology. In the wake of the British, in their shadow, many Hindus who worked with the British—I am tempted to call them sepoys—came to share these sentiments. They also took on the British preference for the Sanskrit texts created and perpetuated by a small, upper-caste male elite, regarding as beneath contempt the vast oral and vernacular literatures enriched and animated by the voices of women and lower castes.
It is this “alternative” Hinduism that is denied by Batra and by many Hindus in the fundamentalist movement known as “Hindutva.” Pankaj Mishra, in his review in The New York Times Book Review, expressed the hope that my book would “serve as a salutary antidote to the fanatics who perceive—correctly—the fluid existential identities and commodious metaphysic of practiced Indian religions as a threat to their project of a culturally homogenous and militant nation-state.”4
In 1999, the Bharatiya Janata Party–Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (BJP-RSS) government put Batra in charge of a project to “Saffronize” all the history textbooks in Indian schools (i.e., to make them confirm with Hindutva ideology). They deleted passages dealing with the caste system and beef-eating in India, and added arguments that ancient India had both airplanes and the nuclear bomb.5 Now Batra is trying to do it again.
Another passage in my book “outraged” Batra’s “religious feelings” for a different reason. I wrote, “Placing the Ramayana in its historical contexts demonstrates that it is a work of fiction, created by human authors, who lived at various times….” And this was his complaint:
That in this book at Page No. 662 the author has hurt the religious feelings of millions of Hindus by declaring that Ramayan is a fiction. This act of the author breaches various sections of IPC [Indian Penal Code].
To eliminate all the books that share this understanding of the text as fiction, we would have to ban just about all of the extant scholarship on the Ramayana. And indeed, it is no accident that Batra was among those who attacked A.K. Ramanujan’s famous essay “Three Hundred Ramayanas” in 2009. Nothing could bring into clearer focus the threat to freedom of speech in contemporary India than the fact that a serious political attempt was made to remove this classic essay from the BA syllabus of the History Department at the University of Delhi and from the in-print list of Oxford University Press India; and, until now, nothing gave more hope for the survival of democracy in India than the qualified success of the protest against that attempt.6

The Argument: Religion and the Academy

This argument has nothing to do with religious civility; it is about the clash between pious and academic ways of talking about religion and about who gets to speak for or interpret religious traditions. The misunderstanding arises in part from the fact that there is, in India, no real equivalent of the academic discipline of religious studies. With only a few recent exceptions, students in India can study religion as a Hindu or Muslim or Catholic in private theological schools of one sort or another, but not as an academic subject in a university. And so the shared assumptions underlying this discipline are largely unknown in India.
Batra and I are talking past one another, playing two different games with the textual evidence. But he thinks there is only one game, and is determined to keep me off my own field. To debate a book you disagree with is what scholarship is about. To ban or burn a book you regard as blasphemous is what fascist bigotry is about.
The American Academy of Religion recently issued a statement of support for me, which said, in part:
But to pursue excellence scholars must be free to ask any question, to offer any interpretation, and to raise any issue. If governments block the free exchange of ideas or restrict what can be said about religion, all of us are impoverished. It is only free inquiry that allows a robust understanding of the critical role that religions play in our common life. For these reasons the AAR Board of Directors fully supports Professor Doniger’s right to pursue her scholarship freely and without political interference.
In response to this, a member of the Hindu American Foundation posted a comment on a blog in which he stated, in part:
Four words in the AAR statement—to offer any interpretation—leap out at me. To a lay person who deeply respects my religious tradition, it is this unconditional and self-proclaimed right “to offer any interpretation” which lies at the root of what is wrong with religious studies today.7
The notion that one might “ask any question” but not offer interpretations, that there arequestions—and, indeed, facts—without interpretations, reveals a nineteenth-century concept of history that is no longer viable. It betrays a basic misunderstanding of the nature of academic inquiry, the same misunderstanding that is at the heart of Batra’s misreading of my books.

It Can Happen Here: The Textbook Controversy

The fight in India has emigrated to the United States, for the Hindutva movement now dominates the political discourse in the American diaspora as well as in India. Out of a mounting sense of political entitlement and a heightened consciousness of the American phenomenon of identity politics, a small but growing group of Hindus in the American diaspora is raising objections to the work of a number of American scholars writing and teaching about Hinduism.
The situation in the US is not the same as the situation in India, for many obvious reasons, nor are the American protesters simply responding directly to events in India. Still, there is a strong, if indirect, connection between the rise of the Hindutva movement in India and in America. When books published by American scholars—including Jeffrey Kripal, Paul Courtright, James Laine—were attacked in India, and the Indian editions were suppressed, the books remained in print in America, but the offending scholars received death threats here.

doniger_2-050814.jpg
Shangri I Ramayana Series, Bahu, Jammu/Private Collection
A late-seventeenth-century illustration from the Ramayana—which Doniger referred to as ‘a work of fiction’ in her book, to the objection of Batra—showing the sage Vasishtha (center) instructing Rama in the correct purification rituals to be performed before his investiture as king, such as preparing a fire offering (left) and taking nourishment before fasting (right)
America has also seen unsuccessful Hindu attempts to censor books in a manner alarmingly similar to the way that Batra has attacked books and censored textbooks in India. In 2000, two of the leading historians of ancient India, Romila Thapar and Michael Witzel, wrote in the San Francisco Chronicle about Hindu attempts to alter school textbooks in the US:
Initially, the goals of these pressure groups seem benign, and even righteous. They aim to rectify culturally biased and insensitive depictions of India and Hinduism, and they would like Hinduism to be treated with the same respect as Christianity, Judaism and Islam.8
These concerns are entirely justified. Time and again, when I give a public lecture in the United States, no matter what I talk about, the first question from the American audience is: “What about the caste system?” Most textbooks, too, dwell upon, and exaggerate, the human abuses in the caste system and pay insufficient attention to the rest of Hinduism. But some of the Hindu interest groups have demanded that textbooks not mention the caste system at all, which can be as bad a distortion as the overemphasis on it. And this is not all that is at stake, as Thapar and Witzel went on to point out:
If such reasonable changes comprised the full extent of the desired amendments, there would be no controversy. There are, however, other agendas being pushed that are oddly familiar: the first Indian civilization is 1,900 million years old, the Ramayana and Mahabharata are historical texts to be understood literally, and ancient Hindu scriptures contain precise calculations of the speed of light and exact distances between planets in the solar system.
In 2005, the Vedic Foundation and the Hindu Education Foundation met with an ad hoc committee that included a consortium of California Department of Education staff and persuaded them to approve a number of changes in the way that school textbooks presented Hinduism. The changes involved such matters as pushing back the dates of major milestones in Indian history and erasing or minimizing features of Hinduism that could be perceived as negative, such as the caste system, the social category of untouchables (dalits), and the status of women. A great many prominent historians and scholars of South Asia protested against this, urging the board not to allow the religious chauvinism of some Hindus to become the policy of the state of California.9
Eventually, the scholars won; most of the proposed changes were not made. In February 2009, the Federal District Court of California ruled resoundingly against the Hindu interest groups that had brought a subsequent suit. Here I should also note that many Hindu Americans testified against the proposed changes, siding with the scholars10; the range of opinions among Hindus in the American diaspora is as diverse as it is among Hindus in India.
But serious damage had been done. Charles Burress, writing in the San Francisco Chronicle, commented:
Even though the board resisted many of the changes sought by activist groups this time, the conflict could still impact future textbooks with publishers being tempted to soften the content on their own initiative, said Stanford University professor of education Sam Wineburg.
“Publishers will tread on this territory ever more lightly,” Wineburg said…. “The result,” said Gilbert Sewall, director of the American Textbook Council, “is textbook editors censor themselves. They fall all over themselves to try to cater to one pressure group.”
This sort of bullying and the resultant self-censorship have indeed caused many scholars, especially young scholars still without the armor of tenure, not only to bite their tongues and hold back their true judgments on many sensitive issues, but even to refrain from tackling such topics at all—until, they tell themselves, they get tenure. But the sad truth is that generally by the time they do get tenure they have forgotten what it was that they wanted to say.
And the brush fire is spreading. Hindu parents of children in American schools, supported by messages from India, have brought concerted action against several school districts, objecting to the treatment of Hinduism in textbooks and insisting that they be altered to include such patently incorrect statements as that Sati (suttee)—the burning of women on their husbands’ funeral pyres—is a Muslim practice imported into India, or that the caste system is just a suggestion without any real effect.11 As one case is settled, another crops up somewhere else.

Who Speaks for Hinduism?

Members of the Hindu community in America have also made a concerted effort to limit the academic study and teaching of Hinduism to people who are themselves Hindus. This stems in part from their resentment of non-Hindu scholars who are seen as dominating the field inappropriately, shutting out Hindus. That claim is not true. Hindus are on the faculty of many religion departments all over the country; Hindus as well as non-Hindus teach Hinduism in American schools.
But the claim that only Hindus should teach about Hinduism betrays the same misunderstanding of the nature of secular education, of the academic discipline of religious studies, that colors Batra’s contentions. Growing up in a tradition does not necessarily produce the knowledge and understanding required of a scholar of religion. There is an essential difference between preaching and teaching, between teaching religion (which the parents or, more often nowadays, grandparents of many American Hindus may do) and teaching about religion (which Hindu or non-Hindu instructors in school may do).
Comparative religion—such as the study of Hinduism by someone who may not be Hindu, always an implicitly comparative enterprise—is not the same thing as interreligious dialogue, in which only Hindus can publicly speak for Hinduism. Both approaches—comparative religion and interreligious dialogue—are valuable, but they have very different goals and limitations. Of course there is always bias, from inside or outside the religion. But writing and teaching in the academic study of religion should never depend upon the faith of the writer or teacher. Otherwise it’s interreligious dialogue all the way down, and the equally valuable work of comparative religion is lost.

The Threat in India

Scholars in America must therefore deal with problems quite different from those that threaten scholars in India, but for that very reason they have a vital role to play in combating the threat to intellectual freedom posed by people like Batra. His lawsuit against my book also asks the court to
pass a decree of mandatory injunction directing the defendant no. 2 and 3 [the publishers] to issue appropriate instructions and guidelines ensuring that such objectionable books containing defamatory and derogatory passages should not be published in future.
Furthermore, he said, the court should act so that “she [me] may also be restrained from dissemanting [sic] misleading and fictitious facts.” Presumably he wants me to show future drafts of my books to him to be vetted; the schoolmaster would have me hold out my hand to receive the blows of his ruler. Dream on.
But Batra has also stated, in The New York Times, his intention in future to vet all of the books written for India’s children:
He dreams of creating a panel to review textbooks for the first 12 grades of India’s government schools. Asked how many he would like to replace, he waved a hand: All of them.
“Alternate books will come out,” he said. “We shall give them guidelines.”12
He has done it before and would do it again. Wherever he finds literature that he perceives to be not in line with the “cultural and spiritual heritage” of India, literature that “is found to disrespect the sentiments or distort facts, we will agitate at the State level and pursue legal action.”13
Indeed, he has already gone after another book of mine, On Hinduism, originally published by the Aleph Book Company in Delhi and available worldwide (except in India) from Oxford University Press. Even if, as I hope, Batra’s attacks on books are ultimately stopped, and the books are restored to bookstores, the trouble that he has made may well discourage courageous publishing in India, for the very same reasons that, as the San Francisco Chronicle reporter feared, the thwarted Hindu attacks on American textbooks might discourage American publishers: to avoid a potentially depressing and expensive fuss.

What We Can Do

Batra uses martial language: “We have won the battle, we will win the war.”14 And indeed, scholars of Hinduism must now fight a war on two fronts. In India, journalists, activists, novelists, historians, lawyers, writers, and scholars of all shapes and sizes are fighting against RSS leaders and the Hindutva rank and file; in America, it’s primarily scholars versus Hindu lobbyists. In India, astonishingly, the media are staying on the story, in part to keep alive the issue of free speech. Literally thousands of people have written articles and signed petitions and blogged and tweeted and posted on Facebook about the broader problems exposed by the alleged banning of my books. Several lawyers have volunteered to carry on the fight pro bono, and several publishers have offered to publish my books in India; one brave soul among them even wants to translateThe Hindus, all 779 pages of it, into Tamil.
Moreover, e-books and PDFs of “banned” books circulate widely in India. There’s irony in the fact that the same Internet that exacerbated the original problem, by broadcasting the words of people like Batra who would never have met the standards of academia or responsible journalism, now—like the brown paper wrappers that modestly veiled Lady Chatterley’s Lover before 1960—allows academic books to slip past the self-appointed moral police. But what if India follows China into that dark place where the Internet, too, is blocked? As the editor Sandip Roy has remarked, you can’t download freedom of speech.15
Well, we still have those low-tech brown paper wrappers. On March 24, I received this delightful message from a colleague in a major city in India:
You’ll be happy to hear about an interesting transaction I witnessed today: my friend walked into one of the larger bookstores and asked for a copy of your book. Within a minute the paperback edition of The Hindus: An Alternative History, discreetly packed away in a paper bag, was produced from some back area of the store and handed over to her. So the book is still being sold right here. This is India.16
Readers, God bless them. You can’t stop them.
Still, there is much work to be done. Last week, Vishakha Desai posted this thoughtful paragraph on the Asia Society website:
It’s heartening to see that all major newspapers, especially those in English, are full of major stories and editorials by well-known writers and thinkers, all condemning the decision by Penguin. Initially, I felt a sense of relief reading these articles. Aha, the debate is alive, I thought. But that sense of mild satisfaction quickly turned into a greater concern. Clearly, the intellectual urban elite was ready to criticize such acts. But where was the organized effort to ensure that the climate of fear and intimidation would not continue to allow the destruction of more books deemed to have a view of Indian culture different from the right-wing Hindu zealots?17
There are, however, a number of initiatives gathering force in India right now to combat the laws that enable the Batra Brigade to bully Indian publishers.18 Batra may have held up Penguin with a toy gun. It seems that Article 295a may not actually be applicable to this case at all, and that Article 153a of the code is more relevant; or, indeed, that the book might not have been liable under any extant Indian law.19 Penguin was badly advised by its lawyers. But it has now joined forces with both the Indian chapter of PEN and PEN International to form a network to help authors and publishers in dealing with legal problems in India.
After the elections coming in May, there will be a high-profile conference to discuss the limits of free expression in India, and the PEN network will undertake to be in contact with whatever government has come to power.20 The Supreme Court of India has asked the Law Commission to look into the issue of hate speeches made by leaders of political, social, and religious organizations.21 It’s not enough, but it is, at least, a start in the move to end the tyranny of the blasphemy laws.
Meanwhile, we must do our part in the US, where, despite the alarming rise of American reactionary and repressive tendencies (for India has no monopoly on the incursions of religious conservatives into public life), blasphemy is not—yet—a criminal offense. While continuing to support those who are fighting the good fight in India, we must speak out here. It is the particular responsibility of scholars with tenure—an increasingly rare luxury, nowadays—to write about topics that might “outrage religious feelings” in India. We can’t expect our students to take such chances, to risk their own possible tenure, probably to jeopardize their chances of getting Indian visas, or simply to be prevented from carrying out their research in India.
For my part, even before The Hindus was published, I had begun selecting and annotating Hindu texts for a large anthology that will be published in the US this coming autumn. As I became more and more aware of the need to make widely available substantial textual evidence for the alternative Hinduism that I continue to document, I realized that an anthology—a collection of texts, not a grandstand from which I might express my idiosyncratic opinions—would provide the ideal ammunition for the Hindu voices of reason that continue to speak out against the Hindutva shrinkage of their religion.
And so, after rounding up the usual suspects, the texts usually presented as representative of Hinduism—passages from the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Bhagavad Gita, the works of Tulsidas and Gandhi—I balanced that literature with lesser-known texts from Hindu writers, including many from Dalits and tribals, from ancient women poets and modern women novelists, the sorts of texts that Batra would call “distortions and deviations.” It is another big book—over six hundred pages—and I do not expect it to be published in India at this time. Still, you never know; life is short, but the fight for freedom of speech is long.
  1. 1
    When I gave the keynote speech at the 2014 Annual Meeting of the Association of Asian Studies on March 27, 2014, theAAS issued this statement: the AAS, “a scholarly non-political and non-profit organization with around 8,000 members, is dismayed by Penguin Books India’s out-of-court settlement in which it has agreed to withdraw and destroy all copies of Wendy Doniger’s book, The Hindus: An Alternative History. This decision undermines freedom of expression and academic freedom, both of which are the foundations of serious scholarship. That Penguin India has made this decision absent a court decision and under pressure from an advocacy group is deeply troubling. We believe that scholarly publishers in all countries should defend the principles of freedom of speech and academic freedom by all legal means. Penguin Books India’s capitulation to those who objected to Doniger’s book is not only a blow to these principles in India, but will also encourage censorship and attacks on scholarship in other parts of the globe…. We ask you to reconsider your decision.” 
  2. 2
    The Ramnath Goenka Award, from the Express Group, “will go to a writer/writers whose published work, through in-depth research and investigation, covers an issue/idea on a scale which newspapers or television channels with their limited space and time cannot aspire to tackle. This award will be for books published in English language. The prize money is R 100,000.” 
  3. 3
    The Colonel James Tod Award, from the Maharana Mewar Charitable Foundation, Udaipur, Rajasthan, was instituted in 1996 “to honour a foreign national who, like Tod, has contributed through his works of permanent value an understanding of the spirit and values of Mewar.” Previous recipients of the award include Dominique Lapierre, V.S. Naipaul, Richard Attenborough, Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph, and William Dalrymple. 
  4. 4
    Pankaj Mishra, “Another Incarnation,” The New York Times Book Review, April 24, 2009. 
  5. 5
    For more on Batra’s campaign, see Delhi Historians’ Group, Communalization of Education: The History Textbooks Controversy, December 2001; and Mishuril Hasan, “The BJP ’s Intellectual Agenda: Textbooks and Imagined History,”Journal of South Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3 (2002). See also William Dalrymple, “ India: The War Over History,” The New York Review, April 7, 2005. 
  6. 6
    See, among many articles, Soutik Biswas, “Ramayana: An ‘Epic’ Controversy,” BBC News, October 19, 2011; Scott Jaschik, “Scholarly ‘Self-Abasement,’” Inside Higher Ed, November 29, 2011; and Ramachandra Guha, “Read the Fine Print,” Hindustan Times, December 5, 2011. 
  7. 7
    Suhag A. Shukla, “Academic Integrity: It’s What’s Missing at the AAR,” The Huffington Post, March 14, 2014. 
  8. 8
    “A Different Agenda,” San Francisco Chronicle, March 6, 2000. 
  9. 9
    They included Michael Witzel, Homi Bhabha, Madhav Deshpande, Steve Farmer, Robert Goldman, Sally Goldman, Richard Meadow, Patrick Olivelle, Sheldon Pollock, Romila Thapar, and Stanley Wolpert. 
  10. 10
    I am indebted to Robert Goldman for telling me about this. 
  11. 11
    March 15, 2005, e-mail from Ariel Glucklich, who was an expert witness in the Fairfield County trial: “The school board approved the textbooks despite the testimony that evening of several parents. These took the microphone to say things such as, Sati is a Muslim practice imported to India, the caste system is just a suggestion without any real effect, etc.” 
  12. 12
    Ellen Barry, “Indian Publisher Withdraws Book, Stoking Fears of Nationalist Pressure,” The New York Times, February 13, 2014. 
  13. 13
    A.G. Noorani, “Penguin and the Parivar,” Frontline, April 4, 2014. 
  14. 14
    Noorani, “Penguin and the Parivar.” 
  15. 15
    “Beyond Hindutva and free speech: Invisible Indians in the Doniger debate.” Sandip Roy, First Post, February 24, 2014 
  16. 16
    Email from Ulrike Stark, March 24, 2014. 
  17. 17
    Vishakha N. Desai, “India’s Move on ‘Hindus’ Shows Disturbing Fear of Free Expression.” February 18, 2014, Asia Society website. 
  18. 18
    A.G. Noorani, “Indian Law and Wendy’s Books,” Frontline, March 20; print edition April 4, 2014. 
  19. 19
    Noorani, “Indian Law and Wendy’s Books.” 
  20. 20
    Email from John Makinson, chair, Penguin Books, March 22, 2014. 
  21. 21
    Business Standard, March 28, 2014. 

Poverty among Muslims declined in 7 years in Kerala and Gujarat -- Kundu Committee Report

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Kundu Committee will revive Diversity Index

 for Muslims
Diversity index provides a perspective that emerging India must work with to change the mindset of the bureaucracy.
ABHIMANYU SINGH  New Delhi | 4th Jan 2014
People hang posters to protest against Uttar Pradesh Government after the Muzaffarnagar riots while offering Friday prayers in Kolkata on 9 September. PTI
he new committee appointed by the Central government to oversee the implementation of the recommendations made by the Justice Rajinder Sachar committee for the uplift of Muslims, is going to revive the proposal of Diversity Index. The committee is also going to look into the mismanagement of funds released for the Multi-Sectoral Development Programme (MSDP) in Minority Concentration Districts (MCDs). This was stated to The Sunday Guardian by Amitabh Kundu, who heads the new committee, in an e-mail response from Germany, where he is currently residing. Professor Kundu is with the Centre for Study of Regional Development at the Jawaharlal Nehru University.
BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi said at his recent rally in Mumbai that "not a penny" had been spent for MSDP.
Kundu headed another committee earlier to develop the concept of Diversity Index, which was first mentioned in the Sachar Committee report. That committee had mooted a system in which work, housing and education were given priority for enforcing greater representation of Muslims. The government was supposed to make it work by incentivising the promotion of "diversity", or disincentivising its lack, as the case might be. However, the Ministry of Statistics shot down the proposal.
"The Ministry of Statistics had objected to diversity index-based interventions on the ground that the information required for designing these do not exist. That is well taken. However, it is not for this Ministry to decide whether such information must be made available and diversity index-based interventions are required in the country," Kundu said.
He added: "Diversity index provides a perspective that emerging India must work with to change the mindset of the bureaucracy. It is this vision which will be presented with a clear road map. I along with all our Committee members believe that no government in India will succeed even one full term if this perspective is not embraced in its policies and programmes."
As far as the MSDP is concerned, Kundu confirmed that the committee will look into complaints received about its performance. The MSDP was launched by the Central government in 90 districts in the country with a high population of Muslims. However, it has been criticised by activists like Harsh Mander, who said in a report earlier that funds meant for the programme were being diverted and misused. The issue was raised in Parliament in the monsoon session. BJP MP from Jharkhand, Sudarshan Bhagar asked if the government had submitted the accounts of Rs 1,400 crore sanctioned for the programme. The ministry said that a total amount of Rs 2,935.93 crore was released for MSDP, out of which Rs 2,166.71 crore was used. The ministry did not give any information about the rest of the money.
Kundu said, "This is a very important issue and our committee would look into the implementation problems of these programmes in some details, going beyond the official figures of allocation and expenditure. It would also try to find out if the problems are similar to other government schemes or if there are specific biases or attitudinal issues in the context of minority related missions and programmes. This is being done based on field level investigation in select states."
In an interview to the BBC recently, Kundu said that Muslims were doing better in the rural areas than in urban centres. He also pointed out that the bureaucracy in the country was largely from the majority community, which may have something to do with it. Asked to clarify, he said, "It would be erroneous to blame only bureaucracy for that. Partition changed the socioeconomic composition of Muslims in urban areas. Societal prejudices also resulted in discrimination in labour, credit and housing market for them."
http://www.sunday-guardian.com/news/kundu-committee-will-revive-diversity-index-for-muslims

Muslims prosper in Gujarat and Kerala; UP, Bihar the worst

Saturday, 22 March 2014 - 11:12am IST | Place: Mumbai | Agency: DNA
National Sample Survey data shows Maharashtra also augurs well for the community. Goa emerges the best in poverty eradication.
  • muslim-childrenImage for representational purposes only. RNA Research & Archives
Kerala and Gujarat have emerged as the top two states in India where poverty among Muslims in both rural and urban areas declined drastically in the last seven years, according to the NationalSample Survey (NSS) statistics. The condition of Muslims in Maharashtra also improved in this period, but Uttar Pradesh and Bihar remained at the bottom of the list with the dubious distinction of having the most number of Muslims below poverty line.
In its front-page report headlined 'No country for Muslims', dna on Thursday quoted an interim report by the Amitabh Kundu-led committee which highlighted that the socio-economic condition of Muslims had not improved despite the implementation of welfare schemes since the acceptance of the Justice Sachar report in 2006. The Union government in August 2013 formed a 10-member committee to evaluate the socio-economic condition of the Muslim community since the implementation of the Sachar committee's recommendation.
The recent findings are part of a research paper by Dr Kundu, who analysed the state-wise NSS statistics. In rural Gujarat for instance, the number of Muslims below poverty line (BPL) fell from 31% (about one-third of their population) in 2004-05 to a measly 7% in 2011-12. Comparison of the same period reveals that those in the BPL population in urban areas also declined from 42% to 14.6%.
Meanwhile, the maximum per capita expenditure (MPCE – an indicator of economic well-being) of Muslims in rural Gujarat went up from Rs 209 to Rs 291. In urban areas of the state, it shot up from Rs 259 to Rs 328 in the last seven years, according to the research paper.
In Kerala, the decline was from 26.5% to 8% in rural areas and from 23.7% to 3.5% in urban areas. Muslims in 'God's own country' had one of the highest per capita expenditure across India in 2011-12 – Rs 365 in rural areas and Rs 420 in urban, an increase from Rs 303 and Rs 320 respectively in 2004-05.
The percentage of Muslims in the BPL category in Maharashtra fell from 47.9% in 2004-05 to 28.6% in 2011-12 in urban areas. The decline in rural areas was from 40% to 28.6% in the same period.
Dr Kundu confirmed to dna that his research paper will be included in the committee's final report which will be submitted to the Centre by June.
"I am neither a BJP supporter nor a Narendra Modi fan, but as far as the welfare of the Muslim community is concerned, the facts say that Gujarat did much better in the past seven years compared to other states," Dr Kundu, who recently retired from JNU, told dna. Abhay Pethe, professor of economy at the University of Mumbai, was guarded in his response. "We have observed the trend in the NSS data. Since the elections are round the corner, I would prefer not to comment on this," he said.
Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Bihar still have a large percentage of the Muslim population below poverty line, the statistics reveal. In 2004-05, almost half of the Muslim population in UP was below poverty line. It came down to one-third in the last seven years. The change in the average MPCE of the community in UP in this period was little. It was the same in West Bengal and Bihar.
Goa and Nagaland are on top of the list when it comes to poverty eradication of Muslims. Seven years ago, more than one-third of their Muslim population was below poverty line; it was nil in 2011-12 in rural and urban areas. The rural areas of Pondicherry, Sikkim, Mizoram, Meghalaya and Himachal Pradesh also reported zero BPL population of Muslims. However, in urban areas, 10-20% of Muslims are still below poverty line. In MPCE, Andaman & Nicobar Islands tops the country in both urban (Rs 612) and rural (Rs 596) categories.

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-muslims-prosper-in-gujarat-and-kerala-up-bihar-the-worst-1971244

http://usindiapolicy.org/documents/inclusion/DiversityIndex_expgrp.pdf Full text of Expert Committee Report on Diversity Index (2008)

https://www1.oecd.org/els/emp/42546020.pdf Employment and inequality outcomes in India by Amitabh Kundu, PC Mohanan (2009)

Executive Summary
India has come to enjoy a distinct advantage in labour market compared to most developed and less developed countries due to the fast changing age distribution of population. Further, the decline in worker population ratio in the adult age group has been stalled while the same has gone up significantly for women in recent years. However, the trends and pattern of economic growth does not guarantee that the growth in job opportunities will be equal to that of the working-age population or higher than that, after wiping out the backlog of unemployment.
The performance of the economy in the nineties makes a significant departure from that in earlier decades in terms of GDP growth as also a number of other economic indicators. Notwithstanding the high growth in the number of employed as also employment days during the past decade, concerns have been expressed with regard to low growth in productivity and fragmentation of labour market. Institutional and social barriers have resulted in labour market segmentation which has come in the way of dissemination of the benefits of growth to workers in backward regions, small towns, rural areas and underprivileged socio-economic categories of population. The inequality across social and religious groups has gone up in rural areas and small towns but not in large cities. Scheduled Tribe population have benefited the least in terms of consumption expenditure followed by Scheduled Caste and Muslim population. Other religious groups like Parsis and Sikhs have done relatively well along with upper caste Hindu population. Gender inequality has also emerged as a major area of policy concern.
Rural poverty has got concentrated in a few inaccessible and less developed areas and those with high incidence of socially disadvantaged population. Urban poverty, however, is high not only in backward areas/states but many of the developed states. Incidence of urban poverty can, thus, be attributed to lack of development as also to the nature and pattern of development. Importantly, vertical inequality in urban areas has grown faster than rural areas. As a consequence of all these, the elasticity of poverty reduction to income growth is likely to be less in the Eleventh Plan (2007-2012), compared to that of earlier plans.
Migration for employment from rural to urban areas emerge as a major tool of poverty alleviation, the prospects being definitely better for the migrants into large cities than those in small towns. There is, Thus, a need to rescue migration studies from a negativist framework which relates it with immiserisation, epidemics, illegality, pressure on urban infrastructure and view it as an outcome of individual‟s initiative to improve his/her socio-economic condition. Unfortunately, this window of migration is slowly closing down for the unskilled, illiterate population, particularly into large cities. Households in low expenditure categories report low percentage of migration, even of short duration variety. The metropolitan cities particularly are resisting immigration of unskilled and illiterate male population due to changes in the requirements in labour market, reflected in decline in the percentage of poor and deceleration in the rate of population growth in these cities.
Employment and unemployment scenario is characterised by relative stability in worker population ratio (for working age population) with a slight declining trend over the years, reflecting greater staying power (unemployment affordability) among better-off households, young adults going for higher education and frictional unemployment among the educated. This relative stability and minor changes in unemployment rate, despite violent fluctuations in income growth, suggest that employment tends to be unaffected by short term crisis. While the employment in organised sector is protected by the system of legislated benefits, those in unorganised sector cannot afford unemployment due to their poor economic conditions.
There has been a shift in the pattern of employment in recent years with the process of casualisation being stalled and self employment going up both in rural and urban areas for men as well as women. To an extent, this reflects production units hiring individuals on contract for „jobs‟ rather than employing them directly on a casual basis and the poor households evolving a strategy for survival by drawing more family members into work. This is helping in creating of a low cost support system for the organised sector, particularly in urban areas. Small entrepreneurs, seeking linkage with formal sectors or global market, are trying to formalise their arrangements with their workers through such contracts or by employing them on a monthly rather than daily basis, in order to meet the deadlines or specifications of the contracted jobs. A large part of women have been absorbed in various low paid services including in domestic help, facilitating the middle class to respond to time requirements of the global activities, resulting in significant rise of regular employment. Unfortunately, this has not helped in pushing up the real wages of the unorganised workers including those employed on a regular basis.
The formal industries and business owe their growth and profitability partly to employing workers in an informal basis without their being covered under social security system. Their growth is facilitated by informal industries supplying semi finished products at cheap rates and emergence of a low cost support system. A decreasing share of workers compensation in rapidly growing sectors reveals direct and indirect engagement of unorganised workers with very little increase in formal employment. A small segment of the informal sector is linked with the market and grows in response to the trends in demand and profitability.
The present social security system covers less than 10% of the total workforce, mostly belonging to the formal sector. Attempts have been made to cover the unorganised workers in a piece meal fashion through a plethora of legislations. The Parliament passed the Unorganised Sector Worker's Social Security Bill last December and it is yet to be operationalised. The existing legislated and occupational benefit plans are in urgent need of overhaul in order to cover the unorganised workforce in the country.

There has not been a major backwash effect of global economic crisis in terms of reduction in wages or informal employment in India. The deceleration in growth in some of the rapidly growing sectors has brought down the aggregative growth rate to about 7% in the current year, 2 percentage points below that of the previous five years. However, concrete data are not available for assessing its effect on employment at macro level, as its absorption in the informal sector would take some time and this, in any case, is unlikely to be very high. The absence of a linkage between growth in income and employment has been responsible for unemployment rate not shooting up in the periods of crisis. The benefits of high growth in the last five years were not shared with the informal workers. Understandably, there is not much scope for reduction in their wages or employment in the current year as that would make marginal impact in terms of cost reduction. There are however indications that the economy would see an upturn in the next few months.

Unemployment, poverty rates high among Muslims: Study

Poverty among urban Muslims twice as high as national avg

Zimrilim's palace mural painting and Meluhha hieroglyphs (Compliments to Jack M. Sasson)

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Sasson should be complimented for a vivid narrative in exquisite prose the fictional history related to the life of Zimrilim who was ruler at Mari. 

This note complements Jack M. Sasson's enthralling fictional account of Zimri-Lim's thoughts. 

Jack M. Sasson offers a fictional history of the thoughts of Zimri-Lim, king of the ancient city of Mari, based on his knowledge of the archives of Mari.  http://discoverarchive.vanderbilt.edu/bitstream/handle/1803/3579/Thoughts%20of%20Zimri-Lim.pdf?sequence=1)

While Sasson has reconstructed a segment of history based on texts, this monograph focuses 1. on hieroglyphs mostly in the palace of Zimri-Lim and 2. on Bronze-age life-activities of Assur as metalworkers. 

Particular focus is an abiding Meluhha hieroglyph: overflowing pot with fish swimming up the flowing waters. Other associated Meluhha hieroglyphs describe the bronze-age metal- and stone-work as a collaborative enterprise between artisans-merchants of Meluhha, Magan, Dilmun and Assur (Mesopotamia-Assyria), along the Tin Road which extended upto Kanesh and beyond upto Nahal Mishmar (of cire perdue artifacts fame of 4th millennium BCE), not far from Haifa where a shipwreck hoard included two pure tin ingots with Meluhha hieroglyphs. 

This note complements this presentation by focusing on life-activities of citizens of Mari, Meluhha Assur artisans, in particular. 

The Assur were maintaining the tradition handed down by their Assur ancestors -- smelters and metalworkers of yore -- using hieroglyphs to denote in rebus cipher, the contributions to Bronze-age metalwork. 

The hieroglyphs as symbolic forms are the tradition handed down by the Assur ancestors (who were Meluhha speakers of Indian sprachbund) and venerated by the inheritors of that tradition, now operating in the river basins of Tigris-Euphrates.



Zimrilim was king of Mari from about 1775 to 1761 BCE.He was the son [Sasson, J. M., 1998, "The king and I. A Mari king in changing perceptions" Journal of American Oriental Society 118(4): 453-470] or grandson [Charpin,D,. 1992, "Les legendes de sceaux de Mari: Nouvelles Données" in: Young, G.(ed.)Mari in restrospect, Eisenbrauns, pp.59-76] of Iakhdunlim, but was forced to flee to Yamkhad when his father was assassinated.The city was occupied by Shamshi-Adad I, the king of Assur, who put his own son Yasmah-Adad on the throne. Shortly after the death of Shamshi-Adad I, Zimrilim returned from exile and was able to oust Yasmah-Adad from power with the help of Yarimlim, the king of Yamhad.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zimri-Lim 


"Shrewd historians have come to recognize that recreating the past is essentially an imaginative undertaking in which facts culled from a variety of sources are blended together to form a plausible reality. It is a common verity of the profession, however, that when it comes to reconstructing moments from Mesopotamian life, modern historians have largely failed to invest their narratives with the vision necessary to persuade and command attention...I also hope that you will note the ambiguity of the title and realize that Zimri-Lim's thoughts are, in effect, hardly distinguishable from my own reconstructions." (Sasson, JM, 1984, Thoughts of Zimri-Lim. Biblical Archaeologist47, p.110. 

Mural painting on white plaster
Early 2nd millennium BCE Mari (Syria), Amorite palace H 1.75 m; W. 2.50 m A. Parrot excavations, 1935-36 The Investiture of Zimri-Lim AO 19826


Found in Mari.Old Babylonian Period. 18th century BCE.

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The Investiture of Zimri-Lim is a large colorful mural discovered at the Royal Palace of the ancient city-state of Mari in easternSyria. The fresco, which dates back to the 18th century BC, depicts Zimri-Lim, king of Mari, receiving the symbols of rule (a ring and a staff) from the goddess Ishtar (Iselin, Claire. Mural painting. Musée du Louvre.One of the most distinctive features of the Amorite palace at Mari is its painted decoration. Many rooms and courtyards retain the traces of pictorial decoration, most often in the form of decorative motifs but sometimes in the form of large figurative compositions. Of these very fragile works it has been possible to reconstruct the famous Investiture of Zimri-Lim, showing a scene in which the king does homage to the goddess Ishtar, at the center of a composition representing the Mari palace.The lower register of the middle panel reflects the podium room in which the body of a statue of a goddess similar to the goddess Lama depicted in the mural was discovered. The statue had a vase from which actual water flowed... Plants are shown sprouting from the vase, and fish swimming in the flowing stream...Three mythic animals, a lion, a sphinx and a bull with a human head, are depicted each on a ground line. The animals are symmetrically placed on each side, and are turned towards the central scene in the painting. Flying doves, which symbolize the pacific aspects of Ishtar, counterbalance the lion which symbolizes her aggression.


m1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral. kāṇṭam காண்டம் kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). <kanda>  {N} ``large earthen water ^pot kept and filled at the house''.  @1507.  #14261.(Munda) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools,  pots and pans’ (Marathi)
Investiture ceremony; Lama deity dispensing water from a vase, fish in the dispensed water; a winged lion:
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        Isin-Larsa Period
        Statue from palace of Zimrilim
        One of a matching set from the throne room
        River goddess - holds vase
        - ripples of water and fish engraved along her dress
        Dragon spurting. Hunting scene. Mythological figures from a relief on a white limestone ritual basin (17th BCE) from the great Temple D, Acropolis of Ebla, Syria (Middle Bronze Age).National Museum, Aleppo, Syria


        Two weights shaped like a lion and a bull. Bronze and lead. From Ugarit (Ras Shamra) Middle Syrian/Late Bronze Age II Cat. 4516 National Museum, Aleppo, Syria.
        Sumerian fragment of two relief panels in two registers from Mari.

        Hero fighting or holding two bisons (top of the stele). Anzu, the lion-headed eagle with two ibex (bottom). Fragment of a relief panel with two registers Steatite (2645-2460 BCE) from Mari, Syria National Museum, Damascus, Syria. Findspot: Mari. 

        arye 'lion' Rebus: āra 'brass' eraka 'wing' Rebus: erako 'moltencast copper'.

        adar 'zebu' Rebus: aduru gaiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada) (Siddhānti  Subrahmaya  śāstri’s new interpretation of the Amarakośa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330) adar ḍangra ‘zebu or humped bull’; rebus: aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.); ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (H.)
        tamar, ‘palm tree, date palm’ (Hebrew) Rebus reading would be:  tam(b)ra, ‘copper’ (Prakrit)

        ayo, hako ‘fish’; = scales of fish (Santali) Rebus: aya ‘metal, iron’ (Gujarati); ayah, ayas = metal (Sanskrit) [Note the fish hieroglyph shown on the overflowing water from the pot on the Palace mural of Zimri-lim].

        lo ‘pot to overflow’A person with a vase with overflowing water; sun sign. C. 18th cent. BCE. E. Porada,1971, Remarks on seals found in the Gulf states, Artibus Asiae, 33, 31-7.] kāṇḍa ‘water’. Rebus: लोखंड lokhaṇḍ Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general.

        The overflowing water from the vase is a hieroglyph comparable to the pectoral of Mohenjo-daro showing an overflowing pot together with a one-horned young bull and standard device in front. 

        Hieroglyphs, rebus readings: arye'lion' Rebus: āra 'brass'. ceṭai 'wing'; Rebus: seṭi 'merchant'.eruvai'eagle' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. mra m. ‘markhor’ (Dm.) merg f. ‘ibex’ (Wkh)(CDIAL 9885) Tor. miṇḍ‘ram’, miṇḍā́l ‘markhor’ (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: me ‘iron’ (Ho.) mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Munda.Ho.) 


        <lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'.  @B24310.  #20851. Re<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. Thus, the two words read together Rebus: lōkhaṇḍa लोखंड Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general (Marathi).

        S. Kalyanaraman Sarasvati Research Center

        News, a sacred duty for the nation has become money-peddling by newstraders -- Arvind Lavakare

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        Spiteful newstraders close eyes to Narendra Modi’s good work


        Arvind Lavakare18 Apr 2014

        Spiteful newstraders close eyes to Modi's good work
        Hand it to NaMo for adding a new word to the English vocabulary. Answering the usual media inquisition on the 2002 post-Godhra riots, Modi said he had already answered all the questions to every top journalist of India. And if the question is again being brought against him, it is only because, he said, there are honest journalists and there were ‘Newstraders’. Implied was his view that there are those who peddle news as a matter of business of give-and-take.
        The honest journalists themselves and others who are more than familiar with the media reports and political analysis of the last two decades or so would readily endorse Modi’s  nomenclature for the state of much of our today’s media.
        Hence, it was surprising that Diptosh Majumdar, political editor of News X, an above average TV news channel, lost his customary cool when a BJP member of the panel discussing Modi’s interview brought up thatnomenclature of ‘Newstraders’. Majumdar almost had a froth of rage around his lips as he thunderously proclaimed that there were no such trading community and that, in any case, Modi, as a mere State Chief Minister, had no right to label journalists with that word.
        Majumdar’s loyalty to his professional class is touching. But his view is difficult to digest considering that even the Election Commission has accepted the concept of ‘paid news’ as a reality.
        All journalists who proclaim that ‘newstrading’ is a non-existing phenomenon, are either genuinely or deliberately ignorant of a  devastatingly damaging report entitled ‘Paid News in Indian Media’published by Vyas Desai in October 2011.
        This is the report by distinguished journalists Paranjay Guha Thakurta and Sanjeev Reddy on the corrupt media practices during the elections of 2009. Several media houses including the TV news channels and print media, and several politicians as well were accused of malpractices.  Media was alleged to have shown the worst form of corruption, maybe even dangerous than the politicians because media could hide the corrupt and mislead the nation. The media is not independent but is guided by the politicians to achieve their electoral goals, said the report. It is conspicuous that the Press Council of India decided not to forward the report following divisions within the Council.
        ‘Newstraders’ do not exist only in the corporate world. There are those foot soldiers too who attend press briefings only for a price or at least in expectation for something in return. As said someone in the Public Relations field for nearly 30 years and therefore, had to deal with the media, “I have had personal experience of this ugly fact of life.”
        A couple of years ago, a TV news channel made a big noise about the BJP paying Rupees 250  to each reporter attending a press conference convened in a small town in Madhya Pradesh. One of those who received the payment in a closed cover was brought in to say so on camera. After a BJP Spokesperson reacted by revealing the practice of “attendance envelopes” at press meets in that town, the TV news channel “killed” that “Breaking News”.
        ‘Newstraders’ also include those who deal, not in cash or kind, but in personal biases.
        Take the latest example of Amit Shah’s so-called hate speech in his election campaign in UP. An English-language daily, established in 1928, had a screaming headline spread across seven columns of the front page on April 6, 2014, saying “Hatchet man courts a controversy”. His ‘Hate Text’ as quoted in a prominent Box item on that page was reported to be,“A man can live without food or sleep. He can live when he is thirsty and hungry but when he is insulted, he cannot live. The insult has to be avenged. It is an election to take revenge for that insult.” The same newspaper’s next day edition not only repeated the earlier ‘hate text’ but to its last word ‘insult’ it added words, “and for teaching a lesson to those who committed injustice.” In both the editions, the text did not cite Shah’s words to the effect that because we no longer lived in the age of swords, the revenge was to be taken by pressing the button of the voting machine. Now, the question is why did a 86-year-old newspaper with a glorious tradition, not only highlight a so-called hate speech of a senior BJP politician on two successive days but also quote it without its non-violent revenge call clearly recorded on the video?
        The anti-climax came in that newspaper’s edition of April 18. In a tiny front page report, it carried the report that the Election Commission had lifted the ban on Amit Shah. The whole episode smacked of an anti-Amit Shah attitude of whoever was controlling the display of its front-page news. It was simply ‘Hate Shah’ kind of ‘newstrading’.
        The same nasty ‘newstrading’ was seen in the way the BJP manifesto for general election 2014 was announced to the public by a giant English-language daily. It indulged in a front-page eight-column headline to tell its vast readership that the BJP had stuck to its old issues of the Ram Mandir, abrogation of Article 370, and establishing a Uniform Civil Code. That these very issues figured only as also-ran items in the 58-page BJP manifesto was ignored and the party left to live the image of being communal, non-secular antediluvian. This headline was particularly perverse and pathetic because it itself conceded that the Ram Temple was in the manifesto just as ‘one line on second-last page’. Ergo, the BJP’s plans for preventing corruption, curbing inflation, empowering the federal States etc. got tucked away in a box of short summary.
        The truth of the above three issues is otherwise.
        Take the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya issue; it may be flippant to some but means a considerable lot to millions of believers. And, in any case, the BJP’s manifesto has merely expressed its commitment to building the temple within a constitutional framework. That was the only thing after the  Lucknow High Court on September 30, 2010 concluded that the masjid was built on the site where a Ram temple had existed; but it decided that the site concerned be shared by the contesting parties. The Ram Temple at Ayodhya now seems a certainty but the matter is in the Supreme Court and, if needed, negotiations thereafter. The BJP is not foolhardy to resolve it over pitched battles. The BJP-haters should understand that.
        About Article 370, it has been declared a “Temporary: provision in our Constitution right from the latter’s inception in 1950”. The fathers of the Constitution had reason to make it only “Temporary” and not permanent. Must it then remain “Temporary” till eternity?
        Also since 1950, a Uniform Civil Code for the citizens is embodied in Article 44 in our country’s Constitution as a Directive Principle of State Policy. Over six decades later, it is surely high time that all Indians make it a reality, especially because it will bring equitable treatment to all women in all our communities.
        The Supreme Court of India has at least three times in the past harped on the dire need for the nation to have such uniformity in civil laws. Go to the Google and you’ll get the details, including that of a Justice Kuldip Singh who, in just one judgement, mentioned the need for that uniformity as many as 20 times. And, once again, the BJP’s present manifesto is not advocating a steamrolling path to a uniform civil law. It’s only prescribing what its patriarch, LK Advani, did years ago viz. a dialogue with all to work out a code having the best features of all codes. What, pray, is wrong with that? How the hell is it communal? In fact, Nehru might well have been communal in aggressively pushing the Hindu Code Bill in the early fifties — even against the wish of the President of India — while ducking the truly secular approach of simultaneously ignoring the much-needed reforms in the laws of other religious communities including that of the Muslims.
        So, whatever is wrong with the ‘newstraders’ was also wrong with secular ‘Nehru’, was it?
        http://www.niticentral.com/2014/04/18/spiteful-newstraders-close-eyes-to-modis-good-work-213522.html

        Strengthen India's small business -- R. Vaidyanathan

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        Save, encourage 'un-organised' sector for India's future, says Prof Vaidyanathan
        MONEYLIFE DIGITAL TEAM | 26/04/2014 04:33 PM

        Speaking at an interactive session organised by Moneylife Foundation in Mumbai, Prof R Vaidyanathan said women savers and the so-called 'unorganised sector' are keeping India on the growth track and not the large corporate sector or foreign investments

        Indian women are responsible for the country's growth with their humoungous ability to save money at all times. Similarly, contrary to views expressed by experts, India's growth is primarily driven by partnership and proprietorship firms and not the 
        corporate sector. And we need to respect these women savers and the so-called 'unorganised sector' for keeping us on the growth track, says R Vaidyanathan, the professor of Finance at Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore (IIM-B).

        He was speaking at an interactive session organised by Moneylife Foundation in Mumbai. Prof Vaidyanathan, who has coined the term 'India Uninc' for the largest component of the Indian economy comprising small entrepreneurs, households, said, the arguments that the multi-national companies (MNCs) bring in ‘funds, efficiency and cost effective solutions are totally a mirage and lead to failed models.

        "They (MNCs) access funds at a low cost from overseas and even from our domesticfinancial institutions by brandishing their parent company’s ‘letters of comfort’, which fetch them funds even below prime rates. While large corporates obtain large lines of credit with highly suspect credit appraisals, at prime lending rate (PLR) or base rates, soft loans and exotic facilities, a poor flower vending girl cannot open a no-frills account. To exapand her business she may be borrowing from a usurious money lender at 50%, or getting Rs45,000 up front for a loan amount of Rs50,000. More than 70% of the retailworking capital requirements come from such non-bank sources," he said.

        Non-corporate sector –consisting of partnership, proprietorship and household enterprises constitute nearly 50% of Indian GDP while contribution of corporate sector or companies is just 15% of the GDP. The share of foreign direct investment (FDI) and foreign financial institutional investors (FFII) in Indian investment is not more than 7%. This means, 93% of the investment in India comes from domestic savings, out of which household saving contribute almost 80%.

        These savings mainly come from the household sector; the role of institutional capital is limited. Explaining the reasons for such a large household saving, Prof Vaidyanathan said, "There are four basic reasons why Indian households, especially women save money. First is for the old age. Then, there are costs involved with education, healthcare as most of these people have to spend money from their own pocket. Indian 'sanskar' also plays a vital role in savings. This includes handing over wealth to next generation."

        "Day by day education is becoming more expensive. In fact, you need more money to secure admission in under KG or junior KG than higher education. Not to mention the 'special terms and conditions', like mother should be graduate or post-graduate and the family must be speaking English at home etc., implied upon needy parents," he said.

        Poking fun at education practices and loans, the Professor said, "I often argue with banks that they should provide such loans to parents seeking admission for their kids in under KG or KG classes rather than IIM or IIT. I mean, what is the point to provide loan for second and third floors when there is no money to build a foundation!"

        According to Prof Vaidyanathan, another most important but hidden reason for household saving is corruption or bribery. "The phenomenal bribes extorted by police, municipal babus and their minions are nothing but ‘organized dacoity’ and there is no escape from this, for businesspeople. In fact, small vendors and shopowners have to pay as much high as Rs20 on a daily income of Rs200 as bribe or hafta. That is 10% of gross income of these people."

        World economy and India
        Earlier, speaking about the world economy, Prof Vaidyanathan said, based on the purchasing power parity, the share of emerging and developing economies is increasing, while the same for developed countries, like the G7 economies is falling.
         

        According to The World Economy: A millennial Perspective—Angus Maddison OECD Development Centre Studies --2007, till 1820, China and India contributed more than 50% to the world GDP. However, after that, the share of both these contries started to fall while contribution from Western Europe, USSR, US, Latin America to world GDP increased till 1998.

        But all these developed economies are burdened with huge debts due to non-savingculture. While India's overall debt percentage of GDP is 122%, the same for Britain jand Japan is over 500%. The US (289%), Germany (287%), South Korea (315%), France (349%), Spain (366%), Italy (310%), Brazil (494%) are the other countries from 'developed world' that have huge debt to GDP ratio.

        One of the major reasons for such kind of huge debt is the high household debt percentage of GDP in countries like Britain, Canada, US, South Korea and Spain.

        According to Prof Vaidyanathan, another issue before these developed world is dwindling birth rate. Almost all these countries have a population that is growing in age or retiring from active earning. At the same time, there is no replacement or same numbers are not being replaced by new work force. This is leading to migration and then there are other issues emerging related with this.

        Quoting The Economist, he said, during 2010, 40.8% of all births in the US were to unmarried mothers. What was illegitimate has become new normal. In UK, there are more households with TV sets than fathers. This means, sovereignty of family is disappearing and is being replaced by single parent, mostly women, family.

        Another issue in these developed countries is rising unemploment. "Spain’s jobless rate for people ages 16 to 24 is approaching 50%. Greece’s is 48%, and Portugal’s and Italy’s, 30%. In Britain, the rate is 22.3%, the highest since such data began being collected in 1992. The comparable rate for Americans is 18%. and most of the unemployed youth do not have skills. Such scenario definitely create social problems, the Professor said.

        Importance of India UnInc
        According to Prof Vaidyanathan, the growth of the economy in the nineties should be attributed to the partnership and proprietorship (P&P) firms in service activities and not due to the reforms carried out by the government or the miniscule contribution of the corporate sector, but ironically this remarkable contribution of the P&P sector has not been documented and appreciated.

        He said, unfortunately, the governments control and regulate an economic activity of these P&P firms or the unincorporated economy that it does not understand and tax it, if it is growing fast. This gargantuan appetite of the government goes against the grain of our civilisation ethos and negates the entrepreneurship of the non-corporate sector designated mini, small and medium enterprises. Its contribution to national savings hasn’t received the recognition because the aberration is due to it being wrongly labeled “household sector, though many of them notch turnovers running into hundreds of crores. The concept of capacity is cosmic and unlimited unlike western notions of limited capacity and possibility of increasing output only by increasing capital, Prof Vaidyanathan added.

        FDI in retail trade- facts and fiction
        Dissecting the myths and reality about FDI in retail trade, the Professor said, the trade is dominated by P&P firms. "The retail revolution that is applauded by planners, encouraged the government and eagerly talked by experts but not many seem to be worrying about the millions of retail traders, who will get marginalised. There is not much debate, let alone informed debate, among academics and other policy-makers about the far reaching implications that the entry of global retailers has on our economy, where the level playing field argument is meaningful and significant too," he said.

        Wholesale and retail trade contributes 16.6% to India's GDP, which is next only to agriculture's 17.5%. Livelihood of 30 million, including children and others, is involved in retail trade. About 120 million will be directly impacted by the so-called retail revolution (read FDI in retail), when real estate sharks will corner prime land to construct large malls by evicting retailers, Prof Vaidyanathan cautioned.

        He said, "Many householders will then create small retail shops inside their homes with the help of surplus self-employed in-house labour with mini refrigerators to store just-in-time stock of cola and bundles of toilet paper rather than a major retail revolution with the razzle-dazzle of shopping in comfortable surroundings, computer generated unreadable printouts as a panacea for all problems. The arguments that the new outlets will remain open for longer hours unlike those in the West where they close early and on Sundays falls flat as the local next door mom-n-pop kirana shops manned by the efficient owner knowing and his family the customers’ tastes, requirements, price considerations offers free home deliveries and also extends credit. He opens at 7am and closes at 10pm every day for 365 days, but labeled ‘unorganized’ by our experts and the national income data to diminish his contribution. The customers don’t need to blow up fuel to drive miles away to go to the malls. The footfalls in these shops cannot be measured using western models [since there is no place to keep anybody’s foot inside his shop!] and so he is derided and abused. It is like clubbing housewives with prostitutes in our Census data to show them that they are involved in ‘unproductive’ activities."

        He said, Indian laws are being amended a thousand times to facilitate the grand entry of global malls and hypermarkets, some to permit the retail giants to procure directly from farmers at the agricultural market yards and not to trade in commodities, where transparency is doubtful. Indian brands like Reliance have encountered opposition in states like UP. In India, with mounting pressure presently 100% FDI is permitted in single brand and up to 50% in multi-brand. Wal-mart faces US Congressional investigations into allegations of bribery and corruption in India. Today, it is a hot election issue with parties like Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Aam Admi Party (AAP) stoutly opposing the entry of retails giants in India.

        Prof Vaidyanathan said he considers these economic constraints imposed by the West to be terminological terrorism mouthed ad-nauseam by economists and policy planners without understanding its implications, they want to open it up to global sharks in the name of liberalisation and kill the fast growing, productive, efficient and effective retail trade. “The sooner we strengthen our small business, the better for employment and society,” Prof Vaidyanathan concluded.

        Decentralization, Empowerment, Good Governance, Team India -- Narendra Modi

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        Narendra Modi

        NDA's PM candidate & Chief Minister of Gujarat

        Decentralization, Empowerment, Good Governance, Team India - My Thoughts in Recent Interviews

        April 26, 2014
        In the last few days while I have been busy campaigning & visiting different parts of the country, I have also given several interviews to leading news channels explaining my views, opinions, plans & strategies on questions related to the campaign, Indian Economy, and on the personal & administrative fronts.
        Sharing a few excerpts from these interviews along with links to the full interviews…
        Interview with The Economic Times –
        I Believe in Decentralisation & Empowerment!
        “We are very clear that we want a government that does not shy away from taking decisions. We would like a stable policy framework and whatever incentives and tax structures are there should be made known to investors upfront. There should be credibility, clarity and continuity in both policy formulation and its implementation…
        I also believe in delegation, decentralisation and empowerment. We should work with the principle that what can be done at a lower level should never be escalated to a higher level.”
        Interview with CNBC
        Need of the Hour is ‘Team India’!
        “The Government at the Centre should have only one mindset - Team India. For the first time, a person has emerged who has the experience of running a state, and understands the problems that states face while dealing with the Government in Delhi. Team India means the CMs of states and the PM. See the change in the country once this Team gets to work.”
        “There will be growth only if the Center takes the states into confidence. There is only 4 per cent agricultural growth in the country. States which are doing well certain fields should be encouraged. There has to be some flexibility in allocating money to states. If the state has good roads but needs money to provide water then the state should get that money.”
        Interview with Hindustan Times-
        We will create special courts to try corrupt & criminal elements in every party
        “The two recent books by Sanjay Baru and PC Parakh reveal India has not had a functioningprime minister for nearly a decade. What Baru calls an "Accidental PM" has presided over a "detrimental government" for India. In the NDA, the youth and the voters of this country have been presented with an alternative that connects with their dreams and aspirations. The response we are seeing is a reflection of that.”
        “Our guiding mantra remains ‘nation first, party second, self last’ and each and every one of us in BJP are living by this ideal.” The full interview
        Interview with ABP NEWS
        Because country needs a change…
        “2014 poll has brought hope. There is distrust, stagnancy and immense corruption around. On one hand people are hugely disappointed and on the other hand people are thinking whether there is a place where such dirty politics doesn’t exist? Will the country run with a squabble (tutu main main). BJP with its track record has developed a trust among the people. This is on the basis of good governance and other is of development. Country needs a change and even the poor realise it now. This election is not about arithmetic calculation but of the chemistry & feeling of 125 crore people. 232 seats which have gone to polls has exposed the body language of Congress, you can see the kind of language they use. Due to these reasons, people will make BJP & NDA victorious.
        Interview with ANI
        I am not going to Banaras to defeat anybody, it is not my aim. I’m going there to win hearts of the people.
        “The BJP belongs to the rural people, farmers, backwards, north-south-east-west, on every crossing of the country. In these elections also we are performing on every front. Thirdly, earlier BJP was considered as an untouchable party where only Shiv Sena (and Akali Dal) were considered the allies. But for the first time there has been a party that has forged a prepoll alliance with 25 parties. It is unprecedented.”
        “If people will give me time, then that will be limited to 60 months. In these 60 months, I will rather make a new garden than wipe out other people’s garbage” My full interview with ANI
        Posted by:


        Mohan Kumar
        • Mohan Kumar
          Chairman & CEO -Sandy Resources
          Modi means Business. Modi means Growth and Development with clean and good Governance, should be your goal and eradicate corruption n bring Tax Reforms .... Mohan Kumar
          4 hours ago
        • Deepak Kala
          Deepak Kala
          Senior Research Associate - Business Research @ McGraw Hill Financial-S&P Capital IQ
          Sir, would appreciate if a platform can be built where individuals can share their ideas with you on bringing efficiency and effectiveness in public services. Since it is the common man of our country who goes through a harassing time while dealing with public/Govt officers, it would be great if this "harassing time" can be channelized into providing and sharing ideas and innovative thought on developing long-term solutions for such issues. Witt such a vast young, tech-savy talent pool that our country has got, we should be given a such platforms where the young guns (or any other citizen) can provide a "business plan" for removing the anomalies encountered in day-to-day public services.
          4 hours ago
        • RAVINDRANATH TRIPATHI
          RAVINDRANATH TRIPATHI
          EX EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR/ DIR at MPEL
          DEAR MODI JI, I HAVE SEEN GUJARAT DEVELOPMENT AND PEACE IN PREVIOUS 13 YEARS STAYING IN VADODARA; I HAVE SEEN MP AND CHHATTISGARH DEVELOPING. AM SURE INDIA WILL TOUCH ALL HEIGHTS OF DEVELOPMENTS. WE ALL ARE WITH YOU.
          4 hours ago
        • Dinesh C. Srivastava
          Dinesh C. Srivastava
          Additional General Manager at Vehicle Factory Jabalpur, Ministry of Defence
          Modiji, How you will ensure that people whose land is acquired for industries or other infrastructural development get a social safety and security net till their capacity is developed for self sustenance without land as lump sum money paid gets exhausted very fast.
          3 hours ago
        • The Rose
          The Rose
          --
          Dear Modii Ji u r the for India India will change for better in ur hand in sha Allah dear modii j I like u n luv nt like the others nope as a person I like n luv u .. U r d best take care
          15 hours ago
        • Sukumar Banerjee
          Sukumar Banerjee
          JYOTISH SAMRAT & TANTRA SAMRAT at HATIBAGAN TOLE,(NIMTA BRANCH),NIMTA,KOLKATA-49
          We want u as the as the best pm who look after the security frm border to gaumata, modify technology applying swadeshi chintan frm military to agriculture, applying only one law..following indian constitution for all the people demolishing any personal law.. VANDEMATARAM
          6 hours ago
        • kumar kadam
          kumar kadam
          He's right person to lead the country and he knows very well how to develop and what to do not like others just talks
          4 hours ago
        • Tarun Dave
          Tarun Dave
          Natural Stone Company
          Dear Modi Ji, we did what we can do in all respect under our capicity for "Abki Bar Modi Sarkar" campigan and we are much exicted for upcoming results , soon you will answer all question of congress and all secular parites with your work only as you did in Gujrat in last 12-15 years , All Nations with you now and always Best of Luck in all respect
          4 hours ago
        • Saurabh Kumar Modi
          Saurabh Kumar Modi
          Student at Birla Institute of Technology
          Very much excited to watch you as Indian Prime Minister India to get a real leader rather than cheap politicians. Achhe din aane wale hai. :)
          4 hours ago
        • Nagamoney Pillai
          Nagamoney Pillai
          Owner, consultancy
          modi is in linked in Modi is disturbed more by his so called friends rather than his enemies using loose words against congress,muslims etc
          4 hours ago
        • Shael Sharma
          Shael Sharma
          Principal Consultant & Founder at Spin IMC
          Go @narendramodi #सामदामदंडभेद
          4 hours ago
        • Jay Dave
          Jay Dave
          Student
          Gujaratis never give away even a single rupee without calculating the benefits, they have given their votes to Modi again and again, kuchh to faayda dekha hoga dekh ko tabhi de rahe hai.
          4 hours ago
        • Chandrasekaran Doraiswamy
          Chandrasekaran Doraiswamy
          Self employed at D Chandrasekaran, Advocate
          Modi means "Transparency". Modi means universal brotherhood, service to Nation and faith in God. My best wishes. T.D.C.
          3 hours ago
        • Bheem Singh saini
          Bheem Singh saini
          Student at university of Rajasthan
          NATION FIRST = INDIA FIRST = MODI SARKAR
          3 hours ago
        • Vickram Mederata
          Vickram Mederata
          at
          Mr. Narendra Modi must provide a complete focus on 1) Development of high end technology, which is future of human race. 2) Invitation of best brains and wealthy businesses into India by having competitive taxstructure to other low tax nations. 3) Tax incentives for all people engaged in direct generation of wealth and Jobs Indian Subcontinent is 200 years behind Europe in technology. If it becomed 500 years behind, then there is no question, India will be taken over a western regime sooner or later or by China. India has no option but to move close and go ahead in technology development. India can no longer stay satisfied as a market of sale for high tech products. And for this India and Govt must lose the poverty leading mindset, and work like DUBAI where the sheikh calls globes's best to build the best for Dubai.
          3 hours ago
        • Vickram Mederata
          Vickram Mederata
          at
          The best portfolio managers: Finance Minister for National Wealth (Not Govt Coffers): Gujarati/Sindhi Commerce Minister: Punjabi, Parsi Defence Minister: Punjabi, Bengali IT & Technology Minister: Karnataka/Bengali Home Minister: Kashmiri People in India have evolved over years of traditional jobs in each culture with developed instinct. Only education is not good enough. Chidambram Finance Minister has been a disaster but Manmohan Singh FM was outstanding. Place Smart.
          2 hours ago
        • Madhav Bhardwaj
          Madhav Bhardwaj
          Associate at D'Nova Infracon Private Limited
          It's an opportunity for we Indians to select a person of actions. Affiliation to a party is no more concern for us. we don't need people who boast of austerity and keeps on opposing all the action in positive direction, we need a Prime Minister who is free to live as he wish, whether in a room or in a penthouse, have helicopter for movement in such a big landmass. But, Should have the capability to run the country. We see such capability in Narendra Modi.
          2 hours ago
        • JIMMY Christopher
          JIMMY Christopher
          --
          Shri Modiji means strong Substance for our Happy Krause For Iowa's Future!
          1 hour ago
        • Puneet (pchanchani)
          Puneet (pchanchani)
          --
          You HV a clear cut plan and experience to implement it so HV full faith in you
          1 hour ago
        • Mukesh Batra
          Mukesh Batra
          Tech-Ventures & SME Specialist
          Bhaarat seeks Confident Youth, Cultured Families, Conscientious Mind-set, Collaborative Progress and Collective Success !! "Great Leaders aspire and train their men (followers) to be greater than them" ~ Dr. Mukesh Batra, 15th Feb 2014.
          1 hour ago
        • Indranil Khan
          Indranil Khan
          House Surgeon at North Bengal Medical College and Hospital
          Dear Modiji, I would like to know from you your vision regarding improving and refurbishing the healthcare sector of the country. For a booming national economy, besides financial health, we also need a good physical health for our countrymen to increase the productivity of our workforce. Maternal mortality rate and infant mortality rates- two primary indicators of a healthy nation should be brought at par with developed nations. Would like to know your views and share mine in this regard.. Looking forward to a resurgent India under you..
          23 minutes ago
        • uma rajput
          uma rajput
          health expert at modicare
          namo namo namo namo
          20 minutes ago
        • Laxmi Singh
          Laxmi Singh
          ADVOACTE
          Sir its great to hear what u have in mind related to the good future of India.I wish that even if we implement the 25 % of the committed agendas BJP will be in the capacity to mesmerize the Indians.Prorities of agenda needs to be decided. Sir , I , as a general public and a strong BJP supporter will always work as devils advocate for BJP to help them do the correct things as per committment to the public.
          12 minutes ago
        http://www.linkedin.com/today/post/article/20140426111842-274826784-decentralization-empowerment-good-governance-team-india-my-thoughts-in-recent-interviews?published=t

        Damad Shree -- Vadra model of development; National Herald, Rs.5000 cr. grab: SoniaG model of development (42:33)

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        Deputy Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha, Ravi Shankar Prasad (L) and MP from Bikaner Arjun Ram Meghwal release documents on Robert Vadra's alleged land case involving DLF at BJP headquarters in Delhi on Sunday in Delhi. Photo: Monica Tiwari.

        Deputy Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha, Ravi Shankar Prasad (L) and MP from Bikaner Arjun Ram Meghwal release documents on Robert Vadra's alleged land case involving DLF at BJP headquarters in Delhi on Sunday in Delhi. Photo: Monica Tiwari.

        BJP seeks Sonia, Rahul to explain Robert Vadra model(Video)

        April 27, 2014

        BJP in Delhi held a press conference on ‘Robert Vadra’ model. Party spokesperson Ravi Shankar Prasad clarified that the press conference was not about targeting one family or one individual, but it was about corruption under political patronage. BJP released a video film on Rober Vadra’s land and other deals. Ravi Shankar Prasad said, so far Robert Vadra has been defended only by Priyanka Gandhi, but today the BJP wants to ask question to Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi to explain the Robert Vadra model of development. How Mr. Vadra with initial investment of Rs. 1 lakh made huge profit of Rs. 300 crore in few years. Prasad said one of the family members of Gandhi family today spoke about morale strength and large heart. This family member should explain which morale and large heart played role in escalation of Vadra’s empire. BJP distributed a note among journalists titled as ‘Damad Shree’ containing comprehensive details on Vadra’s deals in various states that also involve some criminal offenses that need investigation.






        BJP attacks the 'Vadra Model of Development'; questions Gandhi son-in-law's business growth











        DNA Web Team Sunday 27 April 3:20 PM

        At press conference organised by Ravi Shankar Prasad, today, the BJP once again launched an attack on Robert Vadra's land deals.
        Presented through a 'documentary', that took a rather sarcastic stance, on the what they referred to as the 'Vadra Model of Development', the party leaders questioned the Congress party over the various deals involving Priyanka Gandhi's husband. They also released a booklet titled 'Damad Shree' documenting these accusations.
        Interestingly, this attack comes hours after Gandhi statement against BJP's prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi, saying that one does not need a 56-inch chest to run the country but a "big heart" and "moral strength".
        Following the video documentary, Prasad launched a series of questions directly targeting Sonia and Rahul Gandhi over "helping build Robert Vadra's empire". 
        * Why was the licence for Skylight Hospitality renewed on 18/1/2011, despite knowing that a 50 crore advance has been received from DLF?
        * Was short term capital gain tax paid for?
        * According to the CAG, there was supposed to be thematic audit. However, there are a lot inconsistencies in the same. For one, this audit was dropped, and we would like to know why?
        * The questions are raised because of the recent move to commercialise the Aravalli forest land, violating environmental laws. Is there a Haryana Model of development along side the Vadra Model of development?
        Watch the conference here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j6COPPH1RdE

        BJP Press Conference by Shri Ravi Shankar Prasad 27.04.2014

        https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Whb5LABpqhI
        Damaad Shree : A documentary on Robert Vadra land scam
        Published on Apr 27, 2014
        ज़मीन का कारोबारी या गुनेहगार। The BJP on Sunday released a video targeting
        Robert Vadra for his land deals in Haryana and
        Rajasthan under the Congress-ruled governments.
        The video named Damad Shree accused the Haryana
        and Rajasthan governments of colluding with
        Robert Vadra to help him acquire lands
        fraudulently.

        LUCKNOW/NEW DELHIApril 28, 2014

        Explain Vadra’s quick-rise model: BJP


          OMAR RASHID
          ANITA JOSHUA

          Priyanka says she will not keep quiet against ‘negative politics’

          The Bharatiya Janata Party on Sunday asked Congress president Sonia Gandhito explain how her son-in-law, Robert Vadra, managed to amass Rs. 300 crore with an investment of just Rs. 1 lakh, even during the economic slowdown.
          Calling it the “Vadra get-rich-quick model,” senior BJP leader Ravi Shankar Prasad said the party had several questions on the land deals struck by Mr. Vadra in collusion with the Congress governments of Haryana and Rajasthan.
          The BJP released a booklet and a short film in which it raises allegations on the land deals and takes a fleeting dig at “political dynasties” of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Samajwadi Party. The film is a dramatised version of the allegations in the booklet.
          Mr. Prasad said Ms. Gandhi and her son, Rahul Gandhi, should reply to the questions as without their patronage, Mr. Vadra would not have been able to buy and sell land the way he did.
          Asked why the BJP had not filed any case against Mr. Vadra in Rajasthan, now that the party is in power in the State, Mr. Prasad said: “Nothing shall be done with vendetta. This is not a witch-hunt. Inquiry is on, the law will take its own course.”
          Hitting back at the BJP, Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra, daughter of Ms. Gandhi, said the party was “scrambling like rats” in the election season.
          “They are scared and acting like baffled rats. I know that just a few days before elections, they will say all sorts of lies. There is nothing new in it. They can conduct any smear campaign they want. LetNarendra Modi say anything, I will not keep quiet,” Ms. Vadra said in Rae Bareli where she is campaigning for her mother.
          Stressing that she would not keep quiet against “disastrous, negative and shameful politics,” Ms. Vadra said she was “not scared of them [BJP] or anyone.” She would defend her husband as she knew that during election time, the BJP “would resort to spreading lies.”
          Congress spokesman Randeep Surjewala said the BJP was panicking as Ms. Vadra had been campaigning in Rae Bareli and Amethi.
          “In this frustration and desperation, they [BJP] have lost their balance and have hatched a conspiracy through the BJP’s ‘dirty tricks department’ to level false, motivated, misconceived and mischievousallegations against Robert Vadra and the Gandhi family. Even this cheap political stunt by the BJP is not sufficient to save the sinking ship of Narendra Modi,” he said.

        Damaad Shree : A documentary on Robert Vadra land scam (8:05)

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        https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Whb5LABpqhI

        Damaad Shree : A documentary on Robert Vadra land scam


        Published on Apr 27, 2014
        ज़मीन का कारोबारी या गुनेहगार। The BJP on Sunday released a video targeting
        Robert Vadra for his land deals in Haryana and
        Rajasthan under the Congress-ruled governments.
        The video named Damad Shree accused the Haryana
        and Rajasthan governments of colluding with
        Robert Vadra to help him acquire lands
        fraudulently.
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