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Pappu claims he is MPhil. Dr. Swamy has filed a complaint with EC on Buddhu's perjury


Spike in P-Note investments raise alarm -- SPS Pannu

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Sunday, March 30, 2014

Spike in P-Note investments raise alarm


There are several reissues of P-notes, which makes it difficult to track the ultimate beneficiary, according to officials
There are several reissues of P-notes, which makes it difficult to track the ultimate beneficiary, according to officials

Spike in P-Note investments raise alarm


28 March 2014 


The surge in participatory note (P-Note) investment in stock markets has emerged as a worrying feature ahead of the general elections as the route can be used to bring in black money into the country. 

With foreign funds pouring into the stock markets, the Sensex on Friday scaled a new historic high for the fifth day in a row and the rupee for the first time in eight months strengthened to 60. 

However, the P-Note component of the foreign institutional investor (FII) flow is seen as a disturbing trend. Investment in shares through P-Notes is a preferred route for high networth individuals (HNIs) and hedge funds from abroad as it allows them to invest in domestic markets through registered FIIs while saving on time and costs associated with direct registrations. 

However, senior income tax officials are of the view that P-Notes are also being used by Indians to reinvest black money in the country. A senior official told MAIL TODAY that P-Notes enable investors to keep their identity anonymous. This is possible as P-Notes can be freely traded and easily transferred without disclosing the identity of the actual beneficiaries.

The official added that the onus of knowing the ultimate beneficiary of P-Notes is on FIIs there have been instances where FIIs have failed to do this. 

There are several reissues of P-notes, which makes it difficult to track the ultimate beneficiary. This had also been highlighted in a white paper tabled in Parliament, the official further added. 

The white paper also admits that since P-Notes are issued from offshore financial centres such as Cayman Islands, British Virgin Islands, Switzerland and Luxembourg, it is possible to hide the identity of ultimate beneficiaries through multiple layers. 

The Securities and Exchange Board of India (Sebi) has been taking measures to check the use of these instruments for black money laundering. While Sebi has laid down know-your-customer (KYC) norms for FIIs, it is the multiple transfer of P-Notes that makes this measure ineffective. "If the government or Sebi cannot track down the ultimate beneficiary of the P-Notes, the whole purpose of KYC is defeated," a senior official added. 

Sebi tightened norms for issue of P-Notes by overseas investors in January by barring 'unregulated' foreign funds from dealing in offshore derivative instruments. These guidelines are aimed at providing more stringent oversight of PNotes. However, Sebi in the past has had to take action against reputed players like UBS Securities and Barclays due to non-compliance with KYC norms.

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RELATED PLEASE :


Book Review: 

http://www.dnaindia.com/lifestyle/review-book-review-sense-sensex-and-sensibilities-the-failure-of-india-s-financial-sentinels-1588442

'Sense, Sensex And Sensibilities: The Failure Of India’s Financial Sentinels'



18 September 2011


Both the government and the Opposition, as well as financial sentinels like the RBI and SEBI, seem reluctant to enforce rules that can prevent corporate money laundering.

Book: Sense, Sensex And Sensibilities: The Failure Of India’s Financial Sentinels Author: MR VenkateshPublishers: KW PublishersPages: 336

For developing nations, the black markets induced by a recession are a bigger menace than the recession itself. The illicit global economy is a hydra-headed monster, affecting the ‘peripheral economies’ (smaller economies on the border of global trade) the most.

In fact, between 2000 and 2008, the outflow of illicit capital from India was estimated at $104 billion. InSense, Sensex And Sensibilities, MR Venkatesh, a chartered accountant and commentator on trade and economic affairs, holds the Indian ruling class responsible for the rampant money laundering that has flourished in India since the onset of liberalisation and privatisation. 

The Securities scam of 1992, the Ketan Parekh scam of 2001, and the 2G and CWG scams of 2011 are some of the infamous examples.

A study by the Global Financial Integrity, a Washington-based organisation that aims to curtail illicit financial flow, estimates that in 2006, developing economies lost $1 trillion due to black money. MR Venkatesh has done a creditable job of compiling extensive data on the ‘volatile’ black market, and interpreting it financially and legally.

Take participatory notes (PNs) for example: PNs are non-transparent derivative instruments used by investors who are not registered with the SEBI (Securities and Exchange Board of India) to invest in Indian securities. 

PNs are instruments that derive their value from an underlying financial instrument such as an equity share. 

The SEBI permitted foreign institutional investors (FIIs) to register and participate in the Indian stock market in 1992. India-based brokerages buy India-based securities, and issue PNs to foreign investors. Dividends from the underlying securities go back to the investors.

Incredible as it may appear, the only national leader who has demanded disclosure of names and whereabouts of PN holders was AIADMK chief J Jayalalithaa, by no means a politician renowned for her integrity. On the other hand, every finance minister — be it of NDA or the UPA regime — has rejected the suggestion. Even the RBI is all for restricting PN transactions, but the SEBI is not.

The total value of “underlying investments by the PNs was estimated at Rs67,000 crores”, or 26% of cumulative net investments by the FIIs at the end of 2005. And yet, neither SEBI nor the government of India seem concerned about this tradable instrument, or about the identities of the PN holders.

This seems incredible when even the parliamentary committee on finance has conceded that a “legislative framework alone is not enough, because tax-evaders keep shifting their operations”. 

The loss to the national exchequer went up from Rs72,881 crore in 2009-10 to Rs88,263 crore in 2010-11, thanks to the bonanza offered to corporates.

Complex structures, such as legal entities operated by intermediaries working in secrecy jurisdictions (mechanisms used to facilitate illicit financial flows), mostly help the black market. 

For India, the offshore trust created in Mauritius is a catalyst for tax evasion. Offshore companies are often registered in tax havens such as the Isle of Man and Mauritius. 

Beneficiaries of this structure (nominee directors and shareholders) are apparently disassociated from the original trust. 

These tax havens are aggressively marketed by financial intermediaries to potential clients through mainstream publications such as The Economist, with advertisements openly inviting illicit funds. 

Amusingly, capital is almost completely mobile, be-fooling the police in cross-border black-money transfers, and the judiciary is toothless here.

The chapters on ‘plunder’, ‘money laundering’, ‘sleeping watchdogs’ and ‘deliberately weak statutes’ contain clinical scans of how illicit capital is siphoned out of India via the hawala route, and then redirected back into the country as foreign investment.

The collusive roles of national elites and international commercial and criminal interests in this vicious cycle are exposed, suggesting that the national laws and regulations are but a cruel joke.

Governments and multilateral agencies relate dirty money with narco-terrorism, but only casually. The World Bank and the IMF, too, are strangely uninterested in investigating or quantifying illicit financial flows and tax evasion.

But the corruption debate has to expand beyond dishonest politicians and government officials. Financial intermediaries engaged in transacting illicit cross-border financial flow via offshore centres into the mainstream banking system should be nabbed without delay.

There are discreet legal instruments used by MNCs and plutocrats for tax evasion. Their links with criminal activities — such as market rigging, insider trading, payment of political donations, embezzlement, fraud, and bribery — are a threat to democratic politics.

Sense, Sensex And Sensibilities is an insightful and informative narrative on how informal economies are weakening the official economy. 

Venkatesh believes that things can be remedied if the government and statutory bodies decide to stick to the rule book.

For instance, the SEBI and the RBI have the power and ability to “get at the root of the PN conundrum”, and the government should unearth illicit deposits abroad such as those stashed in the LGT Bank. 

But then, this is likely to remain just wishful thinking, given that India is controlled by an oligarchic nexus of politicians and businessmen that has no state and no social commitment.

Ms Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has multiple DIN numbers, in violation of Companies Act -- Dr. Swamy demands criminal prosecution

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Ms Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has multiple DIN numbers, in violation of Companies Act -- Dr. Swamy demands criminal prosecution

DIN - Director Identification Number

[quote] April 16, 2014 To: The Secretary, Ministry of Corporate Affairs, Shastri Bhavan, New Delhi. Dear Mr. Secretary, I am enclosing a printed download from your Ministry's website wherein it is disclosed that Ms. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra had applied and obtained three DINs numbers. This is a criminal contravention and violation of Section 155 of the Companies Act read with Section 159 thereof. Section 155 permits one and only one DIN per person. Section 159 states as follows: "159. If any individual or director of a company, contravenes any of the provisions of Section 152, Section 155 and Section 156, such individual or director of the company shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months or with fine which may extend to fifty thousand rupees and where the contravention is a continuing one, with a further fine which may extend to five hundred  rupees for every day after the first during which the contravention continues." Kindly initiate necessary criminal prosecution against Ms Priyanka Gandhi Vadra treating this letter  of mine as a complaint under Section 200 of the Cr.P.C., with intimation to me so that I may assist the proceedings as per law. 

Yours sincerely, Sd. Dr. Subramanian Swamy [unquote]

President refers Dr. Swamy's letter on Vadra-DLF to Home Ministry for action

Ignorance and bogus claims for empathy. Gurumurthy debunks uninformed criticism of NaMo about disclosing his wife's name.

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Dance of Democracy in Ignorance

Published: 16th April 2014 06:00 AM
Last Updated: 16th April 2014 12:46 AM

On April 10, 2014, the media reported that Narendra Modi has mentioned the name of his wife Jasodaben in the affidavit to be filed along with his nomination form for the Vadodara Parliamentary constituency. The very next day, Hindustan Times [12.4.2014] reported Rahul Gandhi as saying that it took the BJP’s prime minister nominee—“who talks about honour of women”—many “elections” to admit that he was married. In Delhi, they talk about respecting women... but his wife’s name never found its way into the affidavit.” And Digvijaya Singh, one of the most loose cannons in national politics, even said that Modi should be booked for concealing in the past that he had married. Sections of visual and print media went to town with their views. But what shocks is the amazing illiteracy of these leaders, their advisers and sections of the media on the elementary rules of election law. It does not call for any great expertise to know that there was—and even now there is—no requirement in Indian electoral law that a husband, whether he is a voter or a candidate, must disclose his wife’s name. It is the other way round actually. It is the wife who, whether she is a voter or a candidate, must disclose her husband’s name.
The regulations on disclosure of family relations of a voter or candidate are contained in Rule 4 of the Conduct of Election Rules and the Forms 2 Part I, Part II and Part III. The regulations stipulate that these forms be filed at the time of the nomination. The first form [Part I] is prescribed for a candidate who is set up by a recognised political party. This form may be filed by the candidate himself or by his proposer. If the form is filed by the proposer, the form requires the proposer to give candidate’s name, his father’s/mother’s name or husband’s name [obviously if the candidate is a married woman]. If the form is filled by the candidate himself or herself, the candidate is required to enter his or her particulars in the electoral roll and no particulars of father or mother or husband is needed to be mentioned. Why? Because the electoral roll gives the names of the voter-candidate’s father/mother/husband. The Hand Book for Electoral Registration Officers issued by the Election Commission of India 2012 states that in the electoral roll “Father’s name should be entered in the case of men and unmarried women and the husband’s name in the case of married women and widows.” Nowhere is a wife’s name needed to be mentioned along with husband’s. And even where it requires that the names of the father or husband must be mentioned, the Hand Book says that that “is only for purposes of identification and need not be insisted on in all cases”. It means that if the name of the husband is not mentioned along with that of the voter wife, it is not fatal to the voter’s or the candidate’s rights. The Hand Book goes on to say that “where matriarchal system prevails, the mother’s name should be entered”.
If a person eligible to vote is not registered as a voter he or she can register himself/herself by filing a form [Form no 6]. See what the man or woman seeking registration as voter is required to disclose. In case of unmarried female applicant, name of Father/Mother is to be mentioned. In case of married female applicant, name of Husband is to be mentioned. [See the guidelines issued by the Election Commission for filling up application in Form 6]. If a married man seeks to register himself as voter, he is not required to disclose his marital status or name of his wife. Likewise, where a registered voter needs to correct his electoral roll, he or she can file a form [Form 8] for correction. In such a case again the regulations require the voter to disclose, in case of unmarried female applicant, name of Father/Mother. In case of married female applicant, name of Husband. QED: The regulations on electoral roll clearly stipulate the mentioning of the name of the husband of the voter wife, but not the name of the wife of the voter husband.
Is there no requirement at all then for a candidate who is married to mention his wife’s name? Yes there is no direct requirement. But indirectly yes—from 30.9.2013. Here is the story of how this indirect requirement evolved, not by any legal enactment but by the judgements of the Supreme Court. Following a judgement of the Supreme Court in 2003 the Election Commission mandated that all candidates must file an affidavit in the prescribed form [Form 26] along with their nomination disclosing amongst other things his/her assets and liabilities and those of his/her spouse and dependents. The candidate, if he was married, was required to furnish the details of the PAN and Income assessment status of the wife and income returned by her in the tax returns. But for almost a decade, this affidavit was regarded as information to the public and leaving any part of the form blank or with a hyphen did not lead to rejecting the candidate’s nomination. Most candidates, particularly males, used to leave the details of their wife blank unless the spouse had a tax PAN or taxable income or furnished tax. This was the regulation effective till September 2013.
That was why when Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh filed nomination for Rajya Sabha from Gauhati on May 10, 2013, he did not mention his wife’s name against “spouse” and just mentioned “nil” under the column PAN and N/A [Not Applicable] under the columns tax returns filed and income disclosed. Why? Because his wife neither had a PAN nor filed returns or disclosed any taxable income. The understanding of the law at that time was that a male candidate was required to fill the details of his wife only if she had had any tax record or taxable income or assets. It is clear that when Narendra Modi filed his nomination on 29.11.2012 his advisers ought to have advised him precisely like how Dr Singh’s advisers would have had advised the PM five months earlier. Therefore, like Dr Singh, Modi did not mention his wife’s name and also filled the column regarding his wife’s tax particulars with a hyphen. Neither Modi nor Singh in their affidavit denied having married. They only indicated by the manner of their filling the form that there was no tax record or income or assessment of their respective wives. By not mentioning his wife Gursharan Kaur’s name Dr Singh would not have meant any disrespect to her. How could it be then that Modi had disrespected his wife by not mentioning her name?
But things changed on 30.9.2013. By its judgement dated 13.9.2013, the Supreme Court made the prescribed particulars in the affidavit mandatory for accepting the nomination. The court ruled that no column in it should be left blank. Consequently, on 30.9.2013, the Election Commission noting the Supreme Court, notified that the candidates are required to fill up all columns therein and not leave any column in the affidavit [form 26] blank. It does not need a seer to say that when Modi had left the columns blank in the affidavits filed before 30.9.2013 he did not violate any rule. But even now the requirement is not that Modi should mention the name of his wife. He is only required to give the details of her tax particulars, if he had them. In fact he has mentioned his wife’s name—which is not a requirement. So, when Rahul Gandhi says that despite his professed respect for women Modi’s wife’s name was never found in his affidavits, he knows neither the rule that existed when Modi filed his nomination earlier on 29.11.2012 nor the new rule notified from 30.9.2013. Rahul seems to think that the Election Commission wants the candidate-husband to mention his wife’s name to show his respect to her. He does not know that the commission only wants to know whether the candidate’s wife has a tax record or taxable income, not whether he respects her or not. More. That media allowed Rahul to get away with his illiterate remark without questioning or exposing him shows its ignorance at the least or complicity at worst. Is it just Dance of Democracy? Or Dance of Democracy in ignorance?
S Gurumurthy is a well-known commentator on political and economic issues. Email:
comment@gurumurthy.net
http://www.newindianexpress.com/opinion/Dance-of-Democracy-in-Ignorance/2014/04/16/article2170442.ece

One publisher quits. Modi effect? No. Maybe, revulsion against Wendy porno. She ain't no authority on Hinduism.

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Modi effect: One publisher quits, other spikes

Ravi Singh of Aleph ‘quits’ over decision to put Doniger on hold, publish Modi verse.
Written by Anubhuti Vishnoi | New Delhi | April 16, 2014 12:40 am
Ravi Singh, co-publisher of Aleph Book Company, has quit apparently in protest against the manner in which Aleph seemed to have yielded to those calling for a ban on Wendy Doniger’s On Hinduism. Sources said he also questioned the decision by Rupa — Aleph’s publishing partner — to publish a translation of BJP’s PM candidate Narendra Modi’s poetry during the election campaign.
Aleph was founded in May 2011 by David Davidar in partnership with R K Mehra and Kapish Mehra of Rupa Publications India.
Rupa Publications will launch the English translation of Modi’s 67 poems, A Journey, Poems by Narendra Modi, on April 20. Described as “the story of Mr Modi’s rise from humble beginnings to high political office” in verse, the translation is by Ravi Mantha.
While Dina Nath Batra of the RSS-backed Shiskha Bachao Andolan (SBA) had claimed that Rupa Publications had assured him the Doniger book would be withdrawn, Ravi Singh had then told The Indian Express: “We are not withdrawing the book and we are not terminating any contract.”
Days later, however, Aleph issued a statement that the Doniger book is out of stock and will not be reprinted until it is reviewed by four independent scholars in the light of objections raised by Batra. The Aleph episode had come within days of Penguin India agreeing to withdraw the other Doniger book — The Hindus — after Batra dragged them to court.
Sources confirmed that Singh was “uncomfortable” with the way thepublishing house was proceeding with the Doniger controversy and felt that it would eventually move in a direction where he would have no say at all. But when asked about his resignation, Singh told The Indian Express: “I’m happy that together with David I set up and nurtured a wonderful company but it’s time to move on now.
This was echoed by David Davidar, Aleph’s publisher. “It is with regret that I would like to announce the resignation of Ravi Singh… I would like to thank him for everything he has done for us and, on behalf of everyone at Aleph, wish him the very best for the future,” Davidar said in a statement emailed to this newspaper.
Neither Davidar nor Kapish Mehra replied to text messages asking them if Singh’s resignation was linked to the publication of Modi’s verse or the Doniger decision.

Mrs Vadra is in trouble and she knows it -- Sandhya Jain

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SWAMY ALLEGES PRIYANKA VIOLATING COMPANY LAW, URGES PROSECUTION

Thursday, 17 April 2014 | PNS | New Delhi
Stepping-up attack on Gandhi family, BJP leader Subramnian Swamy on Wednesday filed complaint againstPriyanka Gandhi, alleging violation of Company Law and illegally holding three Director Identification Numbers (DIN). In his complaint to Company Affairs Ministry, Swamy said the law permits only to hold only one DIN and demanded that criminal action be initiated against Priyanka.
In his complaint along with documents, Swamy said Priyanka is holding three DINs — 01038703, 01840144 and 02914391, while Section 155 of the Companies Act permits only one unique number for a Director in companies in India.
“In the Ministry’s website it is disclosed that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra had applied and obtained three DINs. This is a criminal contravention and violation of Section 155 of the Companies Act read with Section 159 thereof. Section 155 permits one and only one DIN per person,” said Swamy to Secretary, Ministry of Corporate Affairs.
As per Section 159 of the Companies Act, those holding more than one Director Identification Number“shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months or with fine which may extend to `50,000”, said Swamy urging for criminal prosecution against Priyanka.Swamy has also complained to President Pranab Mukherjee against Priyanka’s husband Robert Vadra’s six new companies alleging a quid-pro-quo with real estate major DLF Group. 

http://www.dailypioneer.com/nation/swamy-alleges-priyanka-violating-company-law-urges-prosecution.html

Sandhya Jain's profile photo

Mrs Vadra is in trouble and she knows it


Sandhya Jain16 Apr 2014
Mrs Vadra is in trouble and she knows it
Continuing his pressure on the Congress ruling family for a propensity to violate rules and norms with impunity, BJP leader Subramanian Swamy swiftly invoked the legal process against Sonia Gandhi’s daughter Priyanka Vadra, regarded as the ‘last hope’ of the politically declining party, for possessing three DIN (Director Identification Numbers) in violation of the law. He demanded criminal prosecution of Priyanka Vadra under Section 200 of the Criminal Procedure Code.
In a letter to the Secretary, Ministry of Corporate Affairs, Subramanian Swamy pointed out that as per the Ministry’s own website, Priyanka Vadra had applied for and duly received three DIN numbers. These include 01038703, 01840144 and 02914391 – which is a violation of the Company Act and the Income Tax Act. Interestingly, Robert Vadra’s mother Maureen Vadra has also been allotted two DIN numbers – 01840680 and 01839769.
Section 155 of Companies Act 2013 prohibits any person have having more than one DIN. It says: No individual, who has already been allotted a Director Identification Number under section 154, shall apply for, obtain or possess another Director Identification Number.
The situation was the same under Section 266C of the old Companies Act 1956, and is thus an established legal principle, which fact would have been known to the family chartered accountants.
Section 159 of the Act posits six months imprisonment and a fine up to Rs 50,000, plus a fine of Rs 500 per day. It reads:
If any individual or director of a company, contravenes any of the provisions of section 152, section 155 and section 156, such individual or director of the company shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months or with fine which may extend to fifty thousand rupees and where the contravention is a continuing one, with a further fine which may extend to five hundred rupees for every day after the first during which the contravention continues.
Section 152 (3) of the Act specifies that no person can be appointed as a director of a company unless he has been allotted a Director Identification Number under section 154. Clause 4 asserts that a person appointed as a director must furnish his Director Identification Number (DIN) along with a declaration that he/she is not disqualified to become a director under this Act. Clause 5 states that no person can act as a director unless he gives his consent to hold the office as director and such consent has been filed with the Registrar within thirty days of appointment in a prescribed manner.
Section 155 explicitly states:
No individual, who has already been allotted a Director Identification Number under section 154, shall apply for, obtain or possess another Director Identification Number.
Section 156 reads:
Every existing director shall, within one month of the receipt of Director Identification Number from the Central Government, intimate his Director Identification Number to the company or all companies wherein he is a director.
It may be pointed out that Robert Vadra, a promoter director in 12 firms, has only one DIN number and his colleague, Amit Mehta, a director in seven firms, also has only one DIN number. Hence there must be some reason for Priyanka Gandhi seeking and receiving three DIN numbers, and an enquiry into the matter is clearly warranted. While it is fair to state that she would be unaware of the nitty gritty of the law, the excuse cannot extend to the corporate lawyers and chartered accountants who would have assisted her in the matter.
This is a direct embarrassment for the Gandhi family, which cannot be wished away easily. It comes amidst the hottest contested general election since 1977, and comes close on the heels of allegations of a nexus between six new firms floated by Robert Vadra in 2012 and the realty major DLF, after an executive of the Group, Amit Mehta, gave the corporate email id as his email id in the relevant papers submitted to the Government. DLF has since distanced itself from the employee, who is a Director in five of the new firms floated by Robert Vadra.
The Ministry of Corporate Affairs lists Priyanka Gandhi Vadra as a Director, with Active status in her husband’s company Blue Breeze Trading Private Limited, incorporated in November 2007, though she is said to have resigned as per information with the RoC, after getting hints about approaching controversies. She was also a Director in Rahul Gandhi’s Backops Services Ltd, which was closed down following media attention into its projects and income.
An enquiry into Priyanka Vadra possessing three DIN numbers is serious because it raises the possibility of her involvement in businesses that do not reflect on the Ministry’s website.
http://www.niticentral.com/2014/04/16/mrs-vadra-is-in-trouble-and-she-knows-it-212597.html

Operation Hawala: Moin Qureshi exposed, has 'links' with 10 Janpath -- Zeebiz

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Last Updated: Thursday, April 17, 2014, 00:41

Operation Hawala: Moin Qureshi exposed, has 'links' with 10 Janpath

Operation Hawala: Moin Qureshi exposed, has 'links' with 10 JanpathZee Media Bureau

New Delhi: The 60-day long raid and survey by the IT department on alleged Hawala operator and meat exporter Moin Qureshi ended Tuesday exposing links with cabinet ministers and a political leader allegedly very close to 10 Janpath.

Since its first raid on February 16, 2014, the IT department has so far raided various locations at Delhi, Gurgaon, Noida and a farmhouse at Chhatarpur belonging to Moin Qureshi.

According to sources, the department seized over Rs 6 crores in cash and 20 lockers in the name of Qureshi's employees during its first raid. Later during interrogation, Qureshi is said to have admitted that lockers belonged to him which had huge cash deposit.

The raid followed after IT officials intercepted over two months of call recordings.

In the 520 hours of call recordings, names of four cabinet ministers, a political leader allegedly very close to 10 Janpath and many big corporates linked to 2G scam have surfaced, as per sources.

The 520 hours phone recordings in digital format is stored in DGIT office at Jhandewalan.

According to the source, a former CBI director had rented out his house (C-134, Defence Colony), registered in his mother's name to Moin Qureshi for office space. The bribe money, which the former CBI director received from a corporate named in 2G case, is allegedly routed by Qureshi via Dubai-London route.

The IT department has also searched two other offices in Defence Colony D-318 and D-268. D-318 which are being operated as the office of Doon School Old Boys' Association where Qureshiis the President.

Cabinet minister RPN Singh is the Vice President of the association.

Qureshi has seen phenomenal growth in his wealth in the last decade. His meat export business AMQ Agro India has posted a turnover of Rs 167 crore which, as per the IT department, is less than the actual wealth.

Qureshi has also deflated his actual wealth on paper as his bank account transactions in London and Dubai are not concomitant with his disclosed income, as per the IT dept.

As per sources, the IT department is likely to collate seizures and interrogation details and make the disclosure within two months.

IT Department may also interrogate ministers and corporate named in the recordings. It may also be referred to Enforcement Directorate for investigating under money laundering case.

http://zeenews.india.com/business/news/economy/operation-hawala-moin-qureshi-exposed-has-links-with-10-janpath_97962.html

Arvind Kejriwal exposed in his nakedness. Anti-national.

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A group has created a documentary on the dangerous nexus between AAP and other political parties, media and forces within and outside India. While election is in full swing, it is still not late to send it across to as many people as possible. Huge number of constituencies will have polling on Thursday the 17th. It is imperative that we reach out to max people today itself.
 

The AAP Connections Documentary – Network of Anti-India forces

These 3 part videos expose relationships between India’s Political and Media establishments with invisible and dangerous Forces within and beyond Indian borders. Its a must watch for those who would like to understand the battlefield focussing on Delhi today.
Hindi:

SoniaG Business interests --Mom/son and Damad! (Not yet included: business interests & extended family abroad)

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FIRST PUBLISHED: THU, APR 17 2014. 01 27 AM IST

The business interests of Sonia Gandhi

Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, the Congress president and vice-president, are seeking re-election from Rae Bareli and Amethi constituencies
The business interests of Sonia Gandhi
Photo: Pradeep Gaur/Mint
Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, the Congress party president and vice-president, are seeking re-election from Rae Bareli and Amethi constituencies, both in Uttar Pradesh. The mother and son hold 38% stake each in Young Indian, a Section 25 company that was founded in November 2010 and which later acquired Associated Journals Ltd that published the now defunct ‘National Herald’, ‘Navjivan’ and ‘Qaumi Awaz’ newspapers and the ‘International Weekly’ magazine. The so-called Section 25 companies are entities engaged in promoting art, science, religion or charity and have to plough back any profits generated into their pursuits and not distribute them as dividends.
Data available with the Registrar of Companies (RoC) show that while Sonia and Rahul Gandhi do not have any other current business interests, between 28 May 2002 and 25 March 2009, the Congress party vice-president was a director on the board of Backops Services Pvt. Ltd.
RoC data also show that Sonia Gandhi’s son-in-law Robert Vadra, along with his mother Maureen Vadra, has stakes in several companies, including Blue Breeze Trading Pvt. Ltd, Sky Light Reality Pvt. Ltd, North India IT Park Pvt. Ltd, Real Earth Estates Pvt. Ltd, Lifeline Agrotech Pvt. Ltd and Lambodar Art Enterprises India Pvt. Ltd.
Emailed queries sent to Rahul Gandhi’s office remained unanswered. Mint could not ascertain the exact nature of businesses these companies are engaged in. The Congress party has in the past described Vadra as a businessman. 

THE BUSINESS HOLDINGS OF
SONIA GANDHI AND HER FAMILY


Narendra Modi ANI interview 16 April 2014 (90 mts.)

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Reply ·

tanmay patil29 minutes ago

This man really knows what he is talking about
Reply ·

Akhilesh Mohan11 minutes ago

not at any moment in this interview did he drop his guard. this is the kind of leader india needs
Reply ·

sunil kumar4 hours ago

namo
Reply · 1

artist14027 hours ago

13:20
Reply ·

Kuljeet Singh18 hours ago

It was a good interview.
If he comes to power, I feel that he will prove his mettle with good governance.
Reply · 16

sarang jain via Google+4 hours ago

If You want to know MODI, watch this. part 2/2
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रऊफ अहमद सिददीकी की दुनिया8 hours ago

good
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Renukaprasad Siddalingappa18 hours ago

I VOTING FOR BJP 
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Sanju Rana10 hours ago

Love u namo
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aditya bahl19 hours ago

ONLY NAMO!!!
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Dinesh Chander17 hours ago

I'd voted for BJP in past because I was option less now I've option of clean candidates with clean source of funding I've now people with clean track records to vote for my vote for AAP my vote for my country. 
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Shivam Aroraa15 hours ago

HA HA IS DESH KE LOGON KO PATA NAHIN KYA PADI HAI AGAR EXPERIMENT KARNA HAI TO STATE LEVEL PE KARNA THA NAA AGAR AB CENTER MEIN TUM KISI AUR KO VOTE DOGE TO VO VOTE DIRECTLY INDIRECTLY CONGRESS KO HI PAHUNCHEGA TAB TUMHARE CANDIDATES KITNE BHI ACHEY HO MEHENGAI TUMHEN MAAR DAALEGI
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Maninder Randhawa5 hours ago

Remember this is not municipal corporation or assembly election this is parliamentary election , local issues of water, road,lights should not be base here , foreign policy , stability,economic policy should be base
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MUKESH SHARMA5 hours ago

Ucha Vichar Ucha Vichar ... aati sundaram
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Raja S8 hours ago

Jao vote deke aao yaar..Aab ki baar Modi sarkar
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Manas Sachdeva2 hours ago (edited)

Vote For MODI...... 

Bharat Vijay rallies 3D holograms (Videos: 54:58; 1:31.31)

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Just finished listening to NaMo's speech (8:55 pm, April 17, 2014). Hope SoniaG will answer the charge sheet issued by NaMo on SoniaG's credentials to support democratic institutions of the nation. He began with a stirring plea for creating a National Water Grid and focused his message to the youth between 18 and 28 years of age.

An extraordinary speech, a landmark in 2014 election campaign.

Kalyanaraman

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TF_LmujSteM
Published on Apr 13, 2014
Shri Narendra Modi's Address to "Bharat Vijay" Rallies across country using 3D Hologram Technology 11/4/2014

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zXjSmNcHQLs
April 17,2014


Of secular imams and economists -- Ram Jethmalani

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Of Secular Imams and Economists

Published: 17th April 2014 06:00 AM
An unusual combination of communal incidents occurred recently. The first, Sonia Gandhi’sshopping spree for “secular” votes from a religious head, Shahi Imam Syed Ahmed Bukhari—the ultimate in surrealism—and in complete contempt for the Election Code of Conduct. As if the Imam is a wholesale dealer of vote banks, and she a bulk buyer. Yes, this is the same Imam who called upon Muslims to boycott the Anna movement against corruption, saying that Vande Mataram and Bharat Mata Ki Jai are against Islam.
The second was a strangely uncharacteristic article in The Economist, Bagehot’s child, universally respected for its erudition, analysis, and unbiased reporting. For reasons unknown, but full of sinister possibilities, the magazine thought it appropriate to give unsolicited advice to the people of India about who they should elect as their leaders. Almost, as if they were still the imperial power with complete authority to interfere in the election of their colony. Their lead article “Can anyone stop Narendra Modi?” arrogantly hectors that “though Modi will probably become India’s next prime minister, that does not mean he should be”. Unseemly, to say the least, that a respectable magazine straight from the mother of democracy, believes its diktat can substitute for the democratic will and mandate of the people, as it did in the days of the Raj and Viceroys, when the white man thought he knew best what was good for his burden.
Why does The Economist disapprove of Modi? The reasons stated are almost a verbatimreproduction of the tired, Goebellsian broken record, repeated ad nauseam by Congress party spokespersons and their communal allies during the last decade—that “he is a man who has thrived on division” and that he is “still associated with sectarian hatred”. The usual unsubstantiated, false propaganda, or perceptional accusations without evidence, smacking of prejudice, which lead one to conclude that it could only be Goebellsian infection, if not mutation of the Murdochian virus.
The Economist, like its Congress party counterparts, blame Modi for the Godhra riots, showing no concern whatsoever about the 59 Hindu victims burnt alive by Muslim miscreants in the Godhra train; for the Ayodhya aftermath; for making communal speeches “early in his career”, without even verifying that his early speeches reflect only patriotism and secularism, without a trace of communalism—the common cause of Gujaratis, the power of oneness, Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikaas.
It continues its false declarations with great authority and zero evidence that “one reason why the inquiries into the riots were inconclusive is that a great deal of evidence was lost or wilfully destroyed”. But what The Economist deliberately conceals is the conclusive evidence that much of the complaints and allegations against Modi were found to be false, fabricated and orchestrated.
Surprising that The Economist should find Modi seriously culpable for not explaining or apologising for the riots. It surely knew that over the last decade, Modi was swamped by enquiries and commissions from all directions, at all levels, including the Supreme Court, and that any public discussion of matters sub judice, is frowned upon by the courts as improper. These are practices of the Anglo-Saxon legal system adopted in India since British rule.
Clutching superficial symbolisms, the most serious charges that The Economist could ferret against Modi were the “puppy” comment and the “topi” event, while deliberately concealing the context of both instances. It chooses to ignore Modi’s concrete intent and action for the evolving positive Muslim-Modi dynamics in India, and makes its most incendiary statement that “Mr Modi might start well in Delhi but sooner or later he will have to cope with a sectarian slaughter or a crisis with Pakistan…” This can only be read as a shocking, inflammatory statement inciting Hindu Muslim violence. Any truly secular government worth its salt should have by now hauled them up for the gravest charges of inciting communal violence and rioting.
Hindu Muslim riots were a legacy left behind by the Raj who saw great merit in them for effective control over India. British India, across its length and breadth, was riddled with gruesome Hindu Muslim riots, costing enormous human lives. In accordance with British tradition of justice and fair play, The Economist could well start its search for accountability, responsibility, and apology with the “pogroms” that happened under British rule. To the best of my knowledge, I haven’t heard any apology yet.
India couldn’t care less whether The Economist backs Modi or not, or whether it preferscorruption to a firm, decisive leader who will take India forward. Fight your colonial hangover and concentrate on your own backyard, where religious riots get hidden under the euphemism of racial riots. And in keeping with your own advice and recommendations, the British Prime Minister could also be requested for explanations and apologies for the Bradford, Tottenham or Woolwich riots, to name just a few, or how to make British society more inclusive and less divisive. India will look after itself.
Strong Hindu leadership seems to make the world nervous. A strong India where majority of the people can move forward, united in harmony, disturbs the international balance of power. That is why lopsided double standards keep getting disseminated as articles of faith. No accusation of communalism is ever expressed at the Queen’s titles—Defender of the Faith, and Supreme Governor of the Church of England, or at Margaret Thatcher extolling Christian values, or David Cameron saying that “the UK is a Christian country and we should not be afraid to say so”. Substitute the UK with India, and the word Christian with Hindu, and watch the “secular” explosion of double standards in the Western world, and in the divisive Congress party.
Let me put a very simple question to The Economist. Hindus constitute around 1.5 % of Britain’s population, the second largest religious minority. Can the UK identify the religious community with whom they have had no public order, racial or faith problems? So, if Hindus are such a tolerant and peace-loving lot in the UK, why does The Economist perceive them as otherwise back in India?
The concluding lines of The Economist piece describe it best—“there is nothing modern, honest or fair about that. India deserves better”. Yes, indeed it does.
The author is a well-known lawyer and politician. He has served as Union Law Minister and Chairman, Bar Association.
http://www.newindianexpress.com/opinion/Of-Secular-Imams-and-Economists/2014/04/17/article2172168.ece

The Nehru family fight -- MD Nalapat

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The Nehru family fight

Geopolitical notes from India
M D Nalapat
Every family is subject to its feuds and tensions, and the Nehru family is no exception. Because the husband of Jawaharlal Nehru’s only child, Indira Priyadarshini, was re-named “Feroze Gandhi” by Mahatma Gandhi himself, the Nehru family has usually (and inaccurately) been referred to as the “Gandhi family” when in fact there is no blood tie between any of them and any member of Mahatma Gandhi’s family. Indeed, the latter have been conspicuous in the way in which they have declined to take advantage of their world-famous ancestor.

Whether it be Gopal Gandhi, the soft-spoken diplomat who was also Governor of West Bengal, or any of the other descendants of the Mahatma, each has shown a modesty and a dignity that has remained immune to the lure of either power or money. In contrast, Sonia Gandhi has adopted a leading role in the country’s politics, and uses such perquisites of high office as corporate jetswhile staying in a huge mansion that would cost about $150 million if placed on the open market. Of course, she gets it virtually rent-free from the Government of India, which also takes care of much of the travel and other costs incurred by her and her family members. Interestingly, both son Rahul as well as daughter Priyanka have their own state-provided mansions in Delhi, even while their mother stays in a dwelling that is by any standard palatial, and which has more than enough room to accommodate the two children There has always been tension between Sonia Gandhi, the wife of elder son of Indira Gandhi Rajiv Gandhi, and Maneka Gandhi, the Sikh bride of younger son Sanjay. During the period from the Congress defeat at the 1977 polls to Indira Gandhi’s victory in the 1980 polls, it was Sanjay and Maneka who gave courage to Indira Gandhi, and who carelessly worked towards a political comeback. During this entire period, Rajiv And Sonia were abroad for extended lengths of time, or spending time away from Indira Gandhi and Sanjay.

Indeed, it was no secret that Rajiv and Sonia regarded Sanjay Gandhi as responsible for the downfall of Indira Gandhi, or that Sonia Gandhi had the same feelings towards the younger and attractive Maneka as have been immortalised in “Bahu versus Bahu” soap operas throughout the subcontinent, whether in India, PakistanSri Lanka or Bangla Desh. After the death of Sanjay Gandhi in 1980,which occurred soon after Indira Gandhi returned to power and Sanjay emerged as the second-most powerful person in the country, reports have it that Sonia worked ceaselessly to poison the mind of Indira Gandhi against the young widow, Maneka Gandhi, such that the latter was forced to leave the Prime Ministers House along with her infant son. Since then, Maneka has followed a political career entirely independent of the Nehru family, unlike family of Rajiv Gandhi, which has enjoyed the privileges of state patronage ever since.

How did Sanjay Gandhi die? It was in an air crash, when the small aircraft flown by him crashed. But Sanjay was an excellent pilot, and there is talk that the aileron wires were filed in such a way that a few hard tugs on the joystick would have resulted in their fraying and breaking away, thereby sending the aircraft into a fatal dive, which is exactly what happened. There have been whispers that the incident was arranged by local agents of the intelligence agency of a huge country that Sanjay was open in his dislike of. This was the USSR, now defunct. Moscow saw Delhi as its most important strategic partner in Asia, and was apprehensive that Sanjay Gandhi would persuade his mother to move away from the USSR to get closer to Washington, the way Anwar Sadat had in Egypt.

Certainly Sanjay Gandhi was an individual of firm views, and he was never afraid to express them. Such transparency may have been his undoing. Certainly, with the death of Sanjay Gandhi, all expectations of a geopolitical shift from Moscow to Washington disappeared. Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi were very respectful of the USSR and it needs to be mentioned that this loyalty by aCongress Party dominated by them continued to the very last hours of the USSR. Of course, much of the cause was the approach of Washington towards Delhi, with successive US administrations looking not for the crafting of a fair bargain but a surrender by India to the dictates of the US. Sonia Gandhi has several admirers in the Indian media, among which is Vir Sanghvi, who lost his temper at this columnist on a television show some days ago. This was because Vir (who is ordinarily very pleasant and well-mannered) mentioned that Sanjay Gandhi’s widow Maneka “was not a Gandhi”. Such a view is in sync with that of much of the media, which forgets that Indira Gandhi had two sons, and that both families have the same right to legacy of the family.Indeed, out of fear or respect for Sonia, a conscious effort has been made to airbrush Maneka and her son Varun (who is also an MP in the BJP) from any discussion of the Nehru family.

However, because of the fall in popularity of the Congress Party and a rise in popularity of the BJP, there seems to be rising panic within the ruling party’s ranks. In order to ensure that Maneka and Varun are not seen as what they are, full members of the Nehru family, a diatribe has been launched against them, including by Sonia and her two children. This is unfortunate. Family isfamily, and civilities need to be maintained untainted by politics.No more can the fiction be maintained that Indira Gandhi had in effect only a single son,Rajiv, and that other son, Sanjay (and his wife and son) are seen as unpersons. The more Sonia and her children rail against Maneka and her son,the faster will be the loss of their public support and popularity. The people of India respect family ties,and those that uphold them.

—The writer is Vice-Chair, Manipal Advanced Research Group, UNESCO Peace Chair & Professor of Geopolitics, Manipal University, Haryana State, India.

Meluhha metallurgy: hieroglyphs of pomegranate, mangrove date-palm cone (raphia farinifera), an elephant's head terracotta Nausharo, Sarasvati civilization

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Raphia farinifera mangrove palm-bush and fruits. A very spectacular palm, with a trunk to about 10 m. The leaves up to 20 m long, (amongst the largest in the plant kingdom), point almost upright. The stems are monocarpic.



Raphia farinifera
1, habit; 2, mid-section of leaf; 3, leaf apex; 4, inflorescence branch; 5, female flower; 6, male flower (one petal removed); 7, infructescence branch; 8, fruit.


Raphia farinifera habitat: The edges of rivers and lakes distributed throughout the southern part of tropical Africa. It is frequently cultivated, for instance in Nigeria, Madagascar, the Seychelles, Réunion, India, the United States and the Lesser Antilles. Vernacular names: nakl al shaytan (Arab.), Bambuspalme (G.), Raffiabastpalme (G.), Raffiaweinpalme (G.), mavale (Kenya), mvale (E Africa), mwaale (Kenya), mwalo (E Africa). 

PROSEA http://www.prota4u.org/protav8.asp?p=Raphia+farinifera
Ht. 10 feet.Alabaster relief in the Louvre. Drawing by Saint-Elme Gautier.  Illustration for A History of Art in Chaldaea and Assyria by Georges Perrot and Charles Chipiez (Chapman and Hall, 1884) The winged person, whose helmet has three sets of horns holds a raphia farinifera  cone on his right palm. The person (perhaps a Meluhha) with antelope on his left arm appears to be holding a date cluster on his right hand; he is followed by a person holding a pomegrante cluster.  



I suggest that very specific Meluhha hieroglyphs are deployed on the alabaster relief in Louvre Museum showing a trade encounter of Ashur merchant (the winged, horned person) with Meluhha merchant and his asistant.

The hieroglyphs and rebus readings are: ceṭai'wing' Rebus: seṭi 'merchant, bēri seṭi merchant (who specializes in bēram 'bargaining'). The Ashur merchant is denoted by the mangrove date-palm cone (raphia farinifera): sīta 'a wild small date-palm bush' kaṇṭa'bullbous raphia farinifera cone' Rebus: śitá ʻwhetted, sharpʼ kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’. Thus, the relief presents a trade deal involning exchange of sharp metal tools with copper metal ingots from Meluhha.

mlekh'goat' carried by him denotes the Meluhha merchant (dealing in) milakkhu'copper'. The twig or sprig on his right hand: ḍhāḷā m. ʻsprig' meṛh'mrchant's assistant' carries a cluster of pomegranates: ḍ̠āṛhū̃ 'pomegranate' (Sindhi) Rebus:  ḍhālako 'a large metal ingot' (Gujarati)


ḍāla1 m. ʻ branch ʼ Śīl. 2. *ṭhāla -- . 3. *ḍāḍha -- . [Poss. same as *dāla -- 1 and dāra -- 1: √dal, √d&rcirclemacr;. But variation of form supports PMWS 64 ← Mu.]1. Pk. ḍāla --  n. ʻ branch ʼ; S. ḍ̠āru m. ʻ large branch ʼ, ḍ̠ārī f. ʻ branch ʼ; P. ḍāl m. ʻ branch ʼ, °lā m. ʻ large do. ʼ, °lī f. ʻ twig ʼ; WPah. bhal. ḍā m. ʻ branch ʼ; Ku. ḍālo m. ʻ tree ʼ; N. ḍālo ʻ branch ʼ, A. B. ḍāl, Or. ḍāḷa; Mth. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, °ri ʻ twig ʼ; Aw. lakh. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, H. ḍāl,  °lā m., G. ḍāḷi°ḷīf., °ḷũ n.2. A. ṭhāl ʻ branch ʼ, °li ʻ twig ʼ; H. ṭhāl°lā m. ʻ leafy branch (esp. one lopped off) ʼ.3. Bhoj. ḍāṛhī  ʻ branch ʼ; M. ḍāhaḷ m. ʻ loppings of trees ʼ, ḍāhḷā m. ʻ leafy branch ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ twig ʼ, ḍhāḷā m. ʻ sprig ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ branch ʼ.(CDIAL 5546). Rebus: ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B.ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl  (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.. *ḍhāllā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f. (CDIAL 5583).


S. ḍ̠āṛhū̃ 'pomegranate'(CDIAL 6254). Gy. eur. darav ʻ pomegranate ʼ (GWZS 440).(CDIAL 14598). dāḍima m. ʻ pomegranate tree ʼ MBh., n. ʻ its fruit ʼ Suśr., dālima -- m. Amar., ḍālima -- lex. 1. Pa. dālima -- m., NiDoc. daḍ'ima, Pk. dāḍima -- , dālima -- n., dāḍimī -- f. ʻ the tree ʼ, Dm. dā̤ŕim, Shum. Gaw. dāˊṛim,Kaldā̤ŕəm, Kho. dáḷum, Phal. dhe_ṛum, S. ḍ̠āṛhū̃ m., P. dāṛū̃°ṛū°ṛam m., kgr. dariūṇ (= dariū̃?) m.; WPah.bhiḍ. de_ṛũ n. ʻ sour pomegranate ʼ; (Joshi) dāṛū, OAw. dārivaṁ m., H. poet. dāriũ m., OG. dāḍimi f. ʻ the tree ʼ, G. dāṛam n., dāṛem f. ʻ the tree ʼ, Si. deḷum.
2. WPah.jaun. dāṛim, Ku. dā̆ṛimdālimdālimo, N. rim, A. ḍālim, B. dāṛimdālim, Or. dāḷimba°imadāṛimaḍāḷimba,ḍarami ʻ tree and fruit ʼ; Mth. dāṛim ʻ pomegranate ʼ, daṛimī ʻ dried mango ʼ; H. dāṛimb°imdālimḍāṛimḍār°ḍāl° m., M.dāḷĩb°ḷīmḍāḷĩb n. ʻ the fruit ʼ, f. ʻ the tree ʼ.3. Sh.gil. daṇū m. ʻ pomegranate ʼ, daṇúi f. ʻ the tree ʼ, jij. *lṇə́i, K. dönü m., P. dānū m. dāḍima -- . 2. dāḍimba -- : Garh. dāḷimu ʻ pomegranate ʼ, A. ḍālim (phonet. d -- ).(CDIAL 6254).Ta. mātaḷai, mātuḷai, mātuḷam pomegranateMa. mātaḷam id. (DEDR 4809). தாதுமாதுளை tātu-mātuḷai
n. < id. +. Pomegranate, s. tr., Punica granatum; பூ மாதுளை. (யாழ். அக.)

Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati)

                     



Louvre Museum. Fragment of a large cylinder seal;top:bull,center a draped figure (Goddess Inanna?) offering a libation. H:6 cm AO 6620 

Louvre Museum. Mold in the form of a fish. Such molds were used for baked dishes for the royal table. Period of the Amorite dynasties, early 2nd mill.BCE Terracotta, 29,3 x 12 cm AO 18915 


Louvre Museum. Two zoomorphous genii holding the sacred palm tree. From Eshnunna (Tell Asmar near Baghdad,Iraq). Early 2nd mill.BCE Baked clay tablet, 9,6 x 7 cm AO 12446 




Cylinder seal of the priest-king Uruk period, circa 3200 BC Iraq, findspot unknown. Louvre Museum. This provides a clear delineation of the 'cone-shaped' fruit in the context of date-palm fond carried on the lady's hands assuring the possibility that the artist who made the seal is attempting to depict raphia farinifera cone.
Cylinder seal and imprint: bulls raised against trees, a symbol of abundance. Kassite period, 1595-1200 BCE Limestone, H: 5,5 cm, 1,7 across. AO 25365 

Stele of Si' gabbor, priest of the moon-god, sitting in front of a table with offerings. Aramaic inscription. Early 7th BCE, from Neirab,Syria Basalt bas-relief, H: 95 cm AO 3027 . Louvre Museum. The legs of the stool and seated chair are decorated with 'cone' hieroglyphs. Maybe, the hieroglyph kept on the bowl atop the stool is also a 'cone' artifact. The standing person is perhaps holding a date-palm cluster.

Cylinder seal and imprint, period of the Assyrian merchant settlements in Cappadocia, 19th-18th BCE Sacrifice of a kid to Shamash the sun-god,identified by the mountain from wich he escapes and the saw-like dagger. Haematite, H: 2,5 cm MNB 1171 Louvre Museum.

Two snakes and five small divine figures holding vases. Bronze sacrificial altar cast in one piece. Middle-Elamite era (10th-9th BCE), from Susa, Iran 158 x 70.5 cm - Sb 185 

Louvre Museum. Genius with two pairs of wings. In a gesture of magic protection, he holds a cedar cone in one hand, a bucket in the other. From Nimrud, capital of king Ashurnarzipal II (883-859 BCE).. Gypseous alabaster, H: 228 cm AO 19845


Louvre Museum. Tip of a lance with image of a lion; the inscription says "Ur-lugal, King of Kish". From Tello (Lagash) Period of Archaic Dynasties, 2500-2340 BCE Bronze, H: 85 cm AO 2675 

Louvre Museum. Two worshippers, one carrying a kid, the other a small animal. From the acropolis of Susa, middle-Elamite, period of the Shutrukides dynasty, 13th BCE. Silver and gold, H: 7,5 and 7,6 cm Sb 2758, 2759 

Louvre Museum. Bronze tripod hung with pomegranates - a symbol of fertility reminiscent of the decorations of the Solomonic temple in Jerusalem. From Ugarit,Syria. Late Bronze H: 12 cm, 14,3 cm across AO 11606 
Louvre Museum. Cylinder seal and imprint, Assyrian. Two figures around an altar; above the altar a solar disk with wings; a god on a bull. Agate, H: 3 cm AO 22347 

Louvre Museum. Stele with eagle;inscription on the plinth:"Made by Zabd'Abel,son of Zebda Baida".From Palmyra,ancient Tadmor,Syria. Limestone relief 

Louvre Museum. Worshipper with a pigeon? (Maybe, karaḍa ,' an aquatic bird' to describe the nature of hard alloye used for the bronze casting). Bronze statuette (late 2nd millenium BCE) from Susa, Iran 11 x 3.8 cm Sb 2889 

Goblet,electrum,decorated with fabulous animals with entwined feet,two kids.From Marlik, northern Iran. Iron Age I. Reverse side. For front and bottom view see 08-02-16/6,8 AO 20281 


                   
A palm fond is also shown on a Dagger Chape of ca. 539-333 BCE. A lion bites into an ibex (long neck and head  seen). Bone. H. 30 cm; W. 45 cm; D. 10 cm. Antoine-Barthélémy Clot Bey collection N 8336 (MN 1376).

Blessing genius Bone








                                        Neo-Assyrian period, circa 721-705 BC (reign of Sargon II) Third gate of the palace of Sargon II, Khorsabad (ancient Dur-Sharrukin), Iraq Louvre Museum



Date-clusters on date-palm.

Cylinder seal with the solar disk of Ashur, anointing with two eagle-headed gods before the Tree of Life. The blossoms on the tree appear to be pomegranates.

Description: Cylinder seal and modern impression- bull-men flanking deity above sacred tree, and a winged deity holding horned animal heads.

Date: c.8th-7th century BCE
Location: Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York



Balawat Bronze Gate Band of Assurnasirpal II: http://www.arthistory.upenn.edu/spr03/422/April24/16.JPG


 

Arecaceae (Palmae), Raphia farinifera, Mwaale (Swahili) » Raffia seed Fruit de raphia farinifera


Kui sīta a small date bushKonḍa sītel dubu, sīntel maranu date tree, P. sylvestris. Pe. hīndi wild date-palm. Kuwi (Su.) sindi, (Isr.) sīndi marnu wild date-palm; Ta. īntu date-palm, Phoenix dactylifera; dwarf wild date-palm, P. fariniferaīñcu id.; wild date-palm, P. sylvestrisīccam-paṉai wild date-palm. Ma. īntal P. farinifera (ciṟṟ-), Elate sylvestris (kāṭṭ-); īntu a cycas [i.e. sago-palm]; ītta P. dactylifera. (DEDR 2617). hintāla m. ʻ the marshy date -- palm Phoenix paludosa ʼ Hariv. [Cf. tāḍa -- 3Pa. hintāla -- m. ʻ Phoenix paludosa ʼ, B. hĩtālhẽt°; Si. hitul ʻ the swamp date -- palm ʼ, kitul  (X kaduru < kharjūˊra -- ?).(CDIAL 14093). *sindī ʻ date -- palm ʼ.
Pk. siṁdīsiṁdōlī -- f. ʻ date -- palm ʼ; M. śĩdśĩdīśĩdhī f. ʻwild date -- palmʼ.(CDIAL 13410). kirīṭī f. ʻ Andropogon aciculatus ʼ, kiriṭi -- n. ʻ fruit of the marshy date palm (Phoenix paludosa) ʼ. [Cf. tirīṭa -- 2 and similar alternance of initial in kirīṭa -- 1 and tirīṭa -- 1]S. kiriṛī f.  ʻ a tree growing in salt marshes (Ceriops canolleana) ʼ.(CDIAL 3177). Phoenix paludosa (paludosa, Latin, swampy), also called Mangrove Date Palm, is a species of flowering plant in the palm family, indigenous to coastal regions of  India,  Bangladesh, MyanmarThailand and peninsular Malaysia. The trees grow in clusters, to 5 m high, usually forming dense thickets. 

Rebus: śitá ʻ whetted, sharp ʼ RV. [√śō1Pa. sita -- ʻ sharp ʼ,  Pk. sia -- , Kt. ċyā̊ (→ Kal.rumb. ċiu, st. ċīl -- ʻ edge, sharp ʼ, ċilaka ʻ sharp ʼ, urt. ċīra); -- Si. hiyaiyaīya ʻ arrow ʼ (EGS 22) (CDIAL 12438).
Apple Annona squamosa.Sugar Apples or Sweetsop, is native to the tropical Americas, but is also widely grown in Pakistan, India and the Philippines. The fruit looks a bit like a pine cone, and are about 10 cm in diameter. Under the hard, lumpy skin is the fragrant, whitish flesh of the fruit, which covers several seeds inside, and has a slight taste of custard. It is called sītaphal, 'sīta fruit' in South India.
Eagle-headed protective spirit between sacred trees.Assyrian, ca. 865-860 BCE from Nimrud, North-west Palace, Room F, Panel 8  http://encyclopediaurantia.org/treeoflife.htm 
*siḍha ʻ sail ʼ. [Cf. śīta -- 2 n. ʻ sail ʼ BHSk., Pa. sīta -- n.] Pk. saḍha -- m. ʻ sail ʼ Deśīn., S. siṛhu m., L. siṛh m., G. saḍh m., M. śīḍ n.(CDIAL 13397).

*siṭṭa ʻ ear of corn, straw (?) ʼ. S. siṭo m. ʻ ear of corn ʼ, L. P. siṭṭā m.; -- N. siṭosiṭho ʻ dry twig ʼ?(CDIAL 13396).

sīˊtā f. ʻ furrow, goddess of agriculture ʼ RV. Pa. sītā -- f. ʻ furrow ʼ, Pk. sīā -- f., Sh. (Lor.) ; L. sī˜sīã f., sīvī˜ f., sīyã̄ m. ʻ a ploughing ʼ, awāṇ. sī˜ ʻ cultivation ʼ; P. sī˜ f. ʻ furrow, ploughing ʼ, ludh.  f.; WPah. bhal. sihā f. ʻ furrow ʼ,  f. ʻ the second ploughing ʼ, jaun. sī˜ ʻ furrow ʼ; Ku. siyo ʻ a ploughing ʼ, gng. śyu ʻ furrow ʼ, N. siyo; Si. ya ʻ furrow, ploughing ʼ;P. siāṛ m. ʻ furrow ʼ, WPah. khaś.  se\āṛ (+?). -- Pk.sīā<-> f. ʻ Sītā ʼ, OAw. siya. WPah.kṭg. sīˊ f. (obl. -- a) ʻ furrow ʼ; Sía ʻ Sītā ʼ (retention of -- a due to lw. Sītā Him.I 214).(CDIAL 13428).

Or. siṭha ʻofficer of a rājā's household in charge of palace and granaryʼ; śiṣṭá2 ʻ taught ʼ AV., ʻ disciplined ʼ ŚBr., ʻ learned ʼ Mn., m. ʻ chief ʼ Hit. [√śāsPk. siṭṭha --  ʻ ordered, taught ʼ, m. ʻ gentleman ʼ; NiDoc. śiṭha ʻ punishment ʼ, śiṭhidavya ʻ to be punished ʼ; N. siṭnu ʻ to reprimand ʼ; Si. siṭu ʻ nobleman ʼ, hiṭāno ʻ very wealthy man ʼ (ES 96 < śrēṣṭhin -- ).(CDIAL 12479). సెట్టి [ seṭṭi ] or శెట్టి seṭṭi. [from Skt. శ్రేష్ఠీ.] n. A merchantవర్తకుడు. A title assumed by all members of the Bēri Komati, or Balija caste who are merchants. బేరి bēri. n. A man of the Beri or  merchant  caste. బేరము (p. 0906) [ bēramu ] bēramu. [Tel.] n. Trade, dealing, a bargain,  బేరముసారము  or బేర సారము  trade, &c. (సారము being a mere expletive.) బేరకాడు bēra-kāḍu. n. One who makes a bargain, a purchaser, buyer. (Telugu)செட்டி¹ ceṭṭi , n. < Pkt. sēṭṭišrēṣṭhin. [M. ceṭṭi.] 1. Vaišya or mercantile caste; வைசியன். முட்டில் வாழ்க்கைச் செட்டியார் பெருமகன் (பெருங். இலாவாண. 20, 126). 2. Title of traders; வியாபாரிகளின் பட்டப்பெயர். 3. Skanda; முருகன். கடற்சூர் தடிந்திட்ட செட்டி (தேவா. 742, 10). செட்டிமை ceṭṭimai , n. < id. 1. Quali- ties, characteristics of the Chetti caste; செட்டித் தன்மை. (யாழ். அக.) 2. Trade, traffic, mercantile profession; வியாபாரம். (W.) செட்டு ceṭṭu , n. < செட்டி¹ cf. šrēṣṭhi-tā. [M. ceṭṭu.] 1. Trade, traffic; வியாபாரம். (யாழ். அக.) kirāṭa m. ʻ merchant ʼ Rājat., kirīṭa -- 2 m. BhP., kírāta- m. ʻ a degraded mountain tribe ʼ VS., cilātī -- f. ʻ woman of this tribe ʼ YogH. [Alternance of k -- and c -- , --  -- and -- t<-> suggests Drav. origin, EWA i 211. Perh. same as kilāta -- ʻ dwarf ʼ] Pa. kirāṭa -- m. ʻ fraudulent merchant ʼ (kirāṭa -- , °āta<-> m. ʻ man of a jungle tribe ʼ see kilāta -- ); Pk. kirāḍa -- , °āya -- , cilāa -- m., f. °āī -- ,°āiyā -- ʻ a non -- Aryan tribe, slave ʼ, cilāī -- f.; S. kirāṛu m. ʻ Hindu shopkeeper ʼ; L. kirāṛkarāṛ m., kirāṛī f. ʻ member of a tribe of Hindus (also called aroṛā) who act as traders and moneylenders ʼ; H. kirāṛ m. ʻ merchant ʼ. -- Deriv. Pa. kērāṭika -- , °iya<-> ʻ false ʼ (cf. kirāsa -- ʻ fraudulent ʼ); -- L. kirṛakkā ʻ connected with Hindus ʼ.(CDIAL 3173).

செட்டை¹ ceṭṭai , n. < T. ceṭṭupa. 1. Wing, feather, plumage; சிறகு. (யாழ். அக.) 2. Fin; மீன்சிறை. (W.) చెట్టువ cheṭṭupa. n. A wing. రెక్క.(Telugu) Ta. ceṭṭai  wing,  feather, plumage, fin, shoulderblade. Te. ceṭṭupa, caṭṭupa wing.(DEDR 2764). Kol. saṭṭa shoulder-blade, (SR.) shoulder. Nk. saṭṭa back. Go. (W. Ph.) saṭṭā, (Tr.) sattā, (G. Mu. S.) haṭṭa, (M. Ma.) aṭṭa, (Ko.) aṭa jaba shoulder (Voc. 3326); (ASu.) seṭṭā shoulder-blade. ? Ma. caṭṭuvam shoulder-bone (or with 2309 Ta. caṭṭukam). (DEDR 2303)

ŚiṢ ʻ leave ʼ: śiṣṭá -- 1, *śiṣṭi -- 1, śēṣa -- ; úcchiṣṭa -- , *ut -- śiṣṭa -- .


śiṣṭa1 ʻ left, remaining ʼ AV., n. ʻ remnant ʼ ŚBr., madhu -- śiṣṭa -- n. ʻ wax ʼ R. 2. *śaiṣtya -- . [√śiṣ] 1. Pa. Pk. siṭṭha -- ʻ left over ʼ, NiDoc. śiṭhe; A. xiṭā ʻ dregs ʼ, B. siṭhāsiṭā; Or. siṭhā ʻ dregs, sediment at bottom of oil pot ʼ; H. sīṭhā ʻ juiceless, tasteless ʼ; Si. hiṭiiṭi ʻ wax ʼ; -- forms of Bi. and Mth. altern. < *śiṣṭi -- 1 q.v. 2. P. seṭhseṭ m. ʻ expressed sugar -- cane ʼ; WPah.bhad. bhal. śeṭṭu (bhal. also śe_ṭu) n. ʻ remains of pressed oilseed ʼ (or < śiṣṭá -- with ē from śēṣa -- ?). -- X siktha -- 2q.v.(CDIAL 12478).*śiṣṭi1 ʻ leaving ʼ. [√śiṣ]B. siṭhi ʻ dregs, sediment ʼ; Bi. (Shahabad) siṭṭhī ʻ spat out refuse of chewed sugar -- cane ʼ; H. sīṭh f. ʻ what is chewed and spat out, betel dregs ʼ (LM 423 < sŕ̊ṣṭi -- ), siṭṭhī f. ʻ dross, lees ʼ; -- altern. < śiṣṭa -- 1: Bi. sīṭh ʻ refuse of indigo used as manure ʼ; Mth. sīṭh ʻ refuse of indigo, anything chewed and spat out ʼ.(CDIAL 12480).

కండె [ kaṇḍe ] kaṇḍe. [Tel.] n. A head or ear of millet or maize. జొన్నకంకి

*pōśī ʻ pine ʼ. [Cf. Gk. peu/kh f. ʻ pine ʼ, Lith. pušìs, OPruss. peuse NTS xiii 229]Ash. piċ -- kandə  ʻ pine ʼ,  Kt. pṳ̄ċipiċi, Wg. puċpüċ (pṳ̄ċ -- kəŕ ʻ pine -- cone ʼ), Pr. wyoċ, Shum. lyēwič (l -- ?). -- In Shum. ts > č, and earlier for the forms with i NTS ii 271 suggested *pītsa -- , but they are scarcely to be separated.(CDIAL 8407). The suffix –kandə in the lexeme: Ash. piċ-- kandə ʻ pine ʼ may be cognate with the bulbous glyphic related to a mangrove root: Koḍ. kaṇḍe root-stock from which small roots grow; ila·ti kaṇḍe sweet potato (ila·ti England). Tu. kaṇḍe, gaḍḍè a bulbous root; Ta. kaṇṭal mangrove, Rhizophora mucronata; dichotomous mangrove, Kandelia rheedii. Ma. kaṇṭa bulbous root as of lotus, plantain; point where branches and bunches grow out of the stem of a palm; kaṇṭal what is bulb-like, half-ripe jackfruit and other green fruits; R. candel.  (DEDR 1171). Rebus: kaṇḍa‘tools, pots and pans of metal’. Alternative: Paš. lauṛ. kayāˊ ʻ edible pine cone ʼ.

Rebus: kaṭhiná ʻ hard, stiff ʼ Suśr. [EWA i 144 with lit. groups kaṭhiná -- , káṭhōra -- , °ōla -- , kaṭhara -- , kaḍḍati as ← Drav. Tam. kaṭṭu ʻ hardness ʼ, Tu. gaṭṭi, &c.]Pa. kaṭhina -- ʻ hard, stiff, cruel ʼ; Pk. kaḍhiṇa -- , °aga -- , kaṭṭhiṇa -- ʻ hard ʼ; M. kaḍhīṇ ʻ difficult ʼ, khaḍīṇ°ḍaṇ ʻ vicious, difficult (of an animal) ʼGarh. kaṛe ʻ hardness ʼ(CDIAL 2650). खरा kharā Genuine, real, not counterfeit. Good, undebased, unalloyed--coins, the precious metalsकरडा [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c.(Marathi)Ta. kaṭṭu (kaṭṭi-) to harden, consolidate, congeal, coagulate, be congested (as the throat), swell (as a boil, tumour); n. boil, abscess, tumour; firmness, strength; kaṭṭu-kkāval strict guard; kaṭṭi clod, lump, concretion, anything hardened, coagulated, boil, abscess, tumour, enlarged spleen, foetus;keṭṭi firmness, hardness, strength; (-pp-, -tt-) to harden, strengthen, make firm; keṇṭai, keṇṭai-kkaṭṭi  enlargement of the spleen. Ma. kaṭṭa lump, mass, clod; kaṭṭi what is condensed, solid, ingot; kaṇṭi lump, concretion; keṇṭa a hypochondriacal disease. Ko. kaṭy solid lump; kaṭ-ka·vl close watch; kaṛcvery hard, brittle steel; kaṛg gristle; geṇḍ round lump or ball (food, butter), growth in abdomen; geṇḍ-payṇ frost on grass, ice on top of water. To. koṭ- (koṭy-) (blister) to form, swell. Ka. kaṭṭu to gather (as a boil, secretion, or lump); kaḍugu to become hard or solid; gaṭṭi firmness, hardness, lump; gaḍacu, gaḍasu, gaḍusu hardness, brittleness, severity; gaḍḍe, gaṇṭe a mass, ump, concretion; islandKoḍ. kaṭṭi mo·rï curd (cf. 4902 Ta. mucar); (Shanmugam) gëṭṭi hard; gëṇḍe spleen. Tu. gaṭṭi, gaḍůsů firm, hard; gaṭṭè, geṭṭi, geṭṭè a lump, clod. Te. kaṭṭu to gather, collect, become hard; gaṭṭi, gaḍusu hard, firm; gaḍḍu hard, difficult; gaḍḍa lump, mass, clod, clot; boil, ulcer; island; (for -gaḍa/-gaḍi clod, cf. 820). Kol. (Pat., p. 107) gaṭṭi thick (density);  keḍk hard.  Nk. kaṭṭ spleen. Pa. (S.) kay-gaṭṭa bile (cf. 1249). Ga. (S.3)gaṭṭin  hard. Go. (Tr. Mu.) kaṭ spleen; (Ma.) kaṭṭi gall-bladder (Voc. 464); (Ko.) kay-kaṭ bile (Voc. 523); (Ma.) kaṭṭ- (fruits) to form (Voc. 471); (Ko.) gaṭṭi very (Voc. 1022); (Ko.) gaṭ pāpe Adam's apple (Voc. 1023; pāpe throat);  gaḍa clod (Voc. 1024). Kui ḍṛahpa (ḍṛaht-) to be hard, stiff, difficult, troublesome; n. hardness, stiffness, difficulty, trouble; ḍrai hard, stiff, firm; ḍrai inba to be hard, etc.;  ḍrāna  solidly. Kuwi (F.)  gatteninga  strongly, loudly; (S.) gatti hard;  adv. gattininga. ? Kur. kaṛarnā (kaṛryas), kaḍrnā to congeal, freeze, be paralysed with fear. ? Cf. 1144 Ta. keṭṭi. / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 2650, kaṭhina- hard, firm, stiff; no. 2651, kaṭhara-, kaṭhura-, káṭhora- hard; no. 2657, kaḍḍ- to be hard, severe (DhP.).(DEDR 1148).

British Museum. ME 89115

Greenstone seal of scribe Adda. The winged lady holding a cluster of dates.  Shows Enki depicted with a flowing stream full of fish;c.2300-2200 BCE. Enki's two-faced minister Isimu stands to his right. Adda is the name of a storm-god with a temple in Aleppo.

Four of the principal Mesopotamian deities

This is one of the many high quality greenstone seals that were made when much of Mesopotamia was united under the military control of the kings of the city of Agade (Akkad). The cuneiform inscription identifies the owner of the seal as Adda, who is described as dubsar, or 'scribe'.
The figures can be identified as gods by their pointed hats with multiple horns. The figure with streams of water and fish flowing from his shoulders is Ea (Sumerian Enki), god of subterranean waters and of wisdom. Behind him stands Usimu, his two-faced vizier (chief minister).
At the centre of the scene is the sun-god, Shamash (Sumerian Utu), with rays rising from his shoulders. He is cutting his way through the mountains in order to rise at dawn.
To his left is a winged goddess, Ishtar (Sumerian Inanna). The weapons rising from her shoulders symbolise her warlike characteristics; she also holds a cluster of dates.
The god armed with a bow and quiver has not been identified with certainty, but may represent a hunting god like Nusku.
J.E. Reade, Mesopotamia (London, The British Museum Press, 1991)
D. Collon, First impressions: cylinder se (London, The British Museum Press, 1987)
D. Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asi-1 (London, 1982)
A 14th-century B.C. relief depicts a "fish-man" carrying a pinecone and bucket. Temple of Adda, storm-god in Aleppo.

A half-man, half-bird frieze from Aleppo dating to 900 B.C. (left) could have been a model for artists working 30 years later on the famous reliefs at the Assyrian city of Nimrud. (Courtesy Kay Kohlmeyer; age fotostock/SuperStock) http://archive.archaeology.org/0911/features/syria_aleppo_temple_storm_god_citadel.html 

Neo-Assyrian bas reliefs show a sacred tree which appears to be highly stylized date palm enveloped by vine tendrils

A cylinder seal showing "fishmen" holding pine cones (?) and pollen-buckets (?), adoring a sacred tree. Above the tree is the sun-god with eagle wings and tail (perhaps Utu, Shamash or Asshur?). This tree appears in other Neo-Assyrian art forms as a highly stylized Date-palm with a vine lattice and leaves, sometimes bearing fruits such as grapes (?). http://www.bibleorigins.net/AdapaAdamPicturesFishmen.html 
PIne-cone on a relief of Ashur (Nimrud).

[quote] Detail of pine cone. Standard Inscription.Palace of Ashurnasirpal, priest of Ashur, favorite of Enlil and Ninurta, beloved of Anu and Dagan, the weapon of the great gods, the mighty king, king of the world, king of Assyria; son of Tukulti-Ninurta, the great king, the mighty king, king of Assyria, the son of Adad-nirari, the great king, the mighty king of Assyria; the valiant man, who acts with the support of Ashur, his lord, and has no equal among the princes of the four quarters of the world; the wonderful shepherd who is not afraid of battle; the great flood which none can oppose; the king who makes those who are not subject to him submissive; who has subjugated all mankind; the mighty warrior who treads on the neck of his enemies, tramples down all foes, and shatters the forces of the proud; the king who acts with the support of the great gods, and whose hand has conquered all lands, who has subjugated all the mountains and received their tribute, taking hostages and establishing his power over all countries.

When Ashur, the lord who called me by my name and has made my kingdom great, entrusted his merciless weapon to my lordly arms, I overthrew the widespread troops of the land of Lullume in battle. With the assistance of Shamash and Adad, the gods who help me, I thundered like Adad the destroyer over the troops of the Nairi lands, Habhi, Shubaru, and Nirib. I am the king who had brought into submission at his feet the lands from beyond the Tigris to Mount Lebanon and the Great Sea [the Mediterranean], the whole of the land of Laqe, the land of Suhi as far as Rapiqu, and whose hand has conquered from the source of the river Subnat to the land of Urartu.

The area from the mountain passes of Kirruri to the land of Gilzanu, from beyond the Lower Zab to the city of Til-Bari which is north of the land of Zaban, from the city of Til-sha-abtani to Til-sha-Zabdani, Hirimu and Harutu, fortresses of the land of Karduniash [Babylonia], I have restored to the borders of my land. From the mountain passes of Babite to the land of Hashmar I have counted the inhabitants as peoples of my land. Over the lands which I have subjugated I have appointed my governors, and they do obeisance.
I am Ashurnasirpal, the celebrated prince, who reveres the great gods, the fierce dragon, conqueror of the cities and mountains to their furthest extent, king of rulers who has tamed the stiff-necked peoples, who is crowned with splendor, who is not afraid of battle, the merciless champion who shakes resistance, the glorious king, the shepherd, the protection of the whole world, the king, the word of whose mouth destroys mountains and seas, who by his lordly attack has forced fierce and merciless kings from the rising to the setting sun to acknowledge one rule.

The former city of Kalhu [Nimrud], which Shalmaneser king of Assyria, a prince who preceded me, had built, that city had fallen into ruins and lay deserted. That city I built anew, I took the peoples whom my hand had conquered from the lands which I subjugated, from the land of Suhi, from the land of Laqe, from the city of Sirqu on the other side of the Euphrates, from the furthest extent of the land of Zamua, from Bit-Adini and the land of Hatte, and from Lubarna, king of the land of Patina, and made them settle there.
I removed the ancient mound and dug down to the water level. I sank the foundations 120 brick courses deep. A palace with halls of cedar, cypress, juniper, box-wood, meskannu-wood, terebinth and tamarisk, I founded as my royal residence for my lordly pleasure for ever.
Creatures of the mountains and seas I fashioned in white limestone and alabaster, and set them up at its gates. I adorned it, and made it glorious, and set ornamental knobs of bronze all around it. I fixed doors of cedar, cypress, juniper and meskannu-wood in its gates. I took in great quantities, and placed there, silver, gold, tin, bronze and iron, booty taken by my hands from the lands which I had conquered. [unquote]
New York city Art museum. Ashurnasirpal. Kalhu Ear-ring and pendant with a pine cone glyph.
Winged Eagle-Headed Being (Genie); Neo-Assyrian period, reign of Ashurnasirpal II (r. 883–859 B.C.), Mesopotamia; excavated at Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), Alabaster (gypsum) http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-chat/1836884/posts 
On this relief from Nimrud, a winged benevolent spirit blesses either the king or palace with a pine-cone.Walters Art MuseumBaltimore.
King Ashurnasirpal flanked by eagle-headed protective spirit, Assyrian ca 860 BC, Nimrud
King Ashurnasirpal flanked by eagle-headed protective spirit, Assyrian ca 860 BC, Nimrud  http://www.pbase.com/bmcmorrow/image/101156204
Chaldean Assyrian relief sculpture slab from the northwest palace of King Ashurnasirpal II of a Genie standing. 881-859 B.C form Nimrud or Ni=mrut ( Kalhu or Kalah). Istanbul Archaeological exhibit Inv. No. 5.  http://www.pinterest.com/magistramichaud/assyrians/ 
Personnage tenant un ibex et une fleur de pavot - Assyrie | Site officiel du musée du Louvre
harvested pine cones drying in the autumn sun Kozak
Kozak pine nuts in the raw 
Assyrian Period, reign of  King Ashurnasirpal 11 (883 -- 859 BCE) Alabastrous Limestone Height 110.5 cm. Width 183 cm.  Depth 6.4 -- 9.6 cm. Miho Museum http://www.shumei.org/art/miho/miho.html


Hieroglyphs: kandə ʻpineʼ, ‘ear of maize’. Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’. Rebus: kāḍ ‘stone’. Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298).

Hieroglyph: Ash. piċ -- kandə ʻ pine ʼ, Kt. pṳ̄ċi, piċi, Wg. puċ, püċ (pṳ̄ċ -- kəŕ ʻ pine -- cone ʼ), Pr. wyoċ, Shum. lyēwič (lyē -- ?).(CDIAL 8407). Cf. Gk. peu/kh f. ʻ pine ʼ, Lith. pušìs, OPruss. peuse NTS xiii 229. The suffix –kande in the lexeme: Ash. piċ-- kandə ʻ pine ʼ may be cognate with the bulbous glyphic related to a mangrove root: Koḍ. kaṇḍe root-stock from which small roots grow; ila·ti kaṇḍe sweet potato (ila·ti England). Tu. kaṇḍe, gaḍḍè a bulbous root; Ta. kaṇṭal mangrove, Rhizophora mucronata; dichotomous mangrove, Kandelia rheedii. Ma. kaṇṭa bulbous root as of lotus, plantain; point where branches and bunches grow out of the stem of a palm; kaṇṭal what is bulb-like, half-ripe jackfruit and other green fruits; R. candel.  (DEDR 1171). Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’.

Hieroglyph: కండె [ kaṇḍe ] kaṇḍe. [Telugu] n. A head or ear of millet or maize. జొన్నకంకి.
खांदा [ khāndā ] An arm or a large bough of a tree;  khānda खांद (Usually खांदी) A bough or branch (esp. a large one.) खांड [ khāṇḍa ] A chump or division of a tree.(Marathi)


The statue was cast in two parts. A clay core allowed the making of a single shell of copper by the lost-wax technique. Once the core was removed, the shell was filled with soid bronze. Molded and engraved surface of Napir-Asu's garment was perhaps covered with gold and silver leaf. Head was never found and perhaps was cast separately. (Meyers, P., 2000, The casting process of the statue of Queen Napir-Asu in the Louvre, in: Mattusch, Carol C., Amy Brauer & Sandra E. Knudsen (eds.), JRA supplementary series no. 39.1 From the Parts to the whole, Vol. 1, ACTA of the 13th International Bronze Congress, held at Cambridge, Massachusetts, May 28-June 1, 1996.)
The 51-inch Queen (without head) consists of a delicately patterned copper shell mounted on a bronze core. The sculpture, more than 3,000 years old, weighs 3,760 pounds and consists of a core of cast bronze containing 11% tin on which is mounted a copper shell cast in two halves neatly fitted together. The copper contains 1% tin plus traces of lead, iron, silver, nickel, bismuth and cobalt. The shell is attached to the core by means of copper drift pins.The Queen's husband, Untash-Napirisha, reigned over the Kingdom of Elam in the 14th Century, B.C. His capital, Susa (biblical Shushan) in what is now southwestern Iran, existed for 3,000 years. It was excavated by French archeologists early in this century. All 200 objects in the exhibition are on loan from the Louvre. http://www.copper.org/publications/newsletters/discover/1993/Ct74/bronze_statue.html 

śiṣṭá2 ʻ taught ʼ AV., ʻ disciplined ʼ ŚBr., ʻ learned ʼ Mn., m. ʻ chief ʼ Hit. [√śās] Pk. siṭṭha --  ʻ ordered, taught ʼ, m. ʻ gentleman ʼ; NiDoc. śiṭha ʻ punishment ʼ, śiṭhidavya ʻ to be punished ʼ; N. siṭnu ʻ to reprimand ʼ; Or. siṭha ʻ officer of a rājā's householdin charge of palace and granary ʼ; Si. siṭu ʻ nobleman ʼ, hiṭāno ʻ very wealthy man ʼ (ES 96 < śrēṣṭhin -- ).(CDIAL 12479).




उच्-छिष्ट [p=174,1] n. leavings , fragments , remainder (especially of a sacrifice or of food) AV. S'Br.

"Thus it seems that the reconstruction of the word for ‘wax’ could equally well be *śiksta (as proposed by Paasonen) or *śista. In Indian sources, a formally and semantically perfect match can be found for Proto-Volga-Permic *śista ‘beeswax’, namely Sanskrit śistá- Ͻ Proto-Indo- Aryan *śistá-, preterite participle regularly formed with the suffix -tá- śrom the verbal root śis-‘to leave (over)’. In Ramayana 5.60.10. ‘beeswax’ is called madhu-śista-, literally ‘what is left over of honey’ and in some other texts synonymous terms madhucchista- and madhu-śesa-. śista- is used as a neuter noun meaning ‘remainder, remnant’ in Vedic texts (cf. śatapatha-Brahmana 11.5.4.18: interestingly, this passage speaks of eating honey). Sanskrit śista- has become sittha- ‘left over, remainder’ in Middle Indo-Aryan; its cognates in Modern Indo- Aryan languages usually mean ‘dregs’, but in Singhalese ‘wax’ (cś. Turner 1966: nos 12478 and 12480). There is an exact correspondence even between the Sanskrit compound madhu-śista- ‘beeswax’ and the Komi compound ma-siś ‘beeswax’, śor Komi ma corresponding to Udmurt mu goes back to Proto-Permic *mo and this to Proto- śinno-Ugric *mete ‘honey’, just as Komi va corresponding to Udmurt vu..."

http://www.slideshare.net/2sadanand/the-indoaryans (Parpola, Asko &Christian Carpelan, 2005, The cultural counterparts to proto-Indo-European, proto-Uralic and proto-Aryan: matching the dispersal and contact patterns in the linguistic and archaeological record, in: Bryant, Edwin W and Laurie L Patton, The Indo-Aryan controversy -- evidence and inference in Indian history, Routledge, p.117)
Technical description
Statue of Queen Napirasu, wife of Untash-Napirisha
C. 1340-1300 BC
Tell of the Acropolis, Susa
Bronze and copper
J. de Morgan excavations, 1903
Sb 2731This statue is of Queen Napirasu, wife of Untash-Napirisha, who ruled in the Middle Elamite period as one of the greatest Igihalkid kings. Under this dynasty, a great Elamite empire flourished, taking advantage of the decline of neighboring Mesopotamia. Untash-Napirisha founded the city of Al-Untash-Napirisha and filled it with monuments decorated with statues, which are remarkable proof of the standard of Elamite metalworking techniques. 

A statue protected by the gods

Queen Napirasu, Untash-Napirisha's wife, is shown standing. The figure is life-size, but the head and the left arm are damaged. She is wearing a short-sleeved gown covered in the sort of embroidery usually found on such garments. She has four bracelets on her right wrist and a ring on her leftring finger. Although her hands are crossed on her stomach, she is not in the pose usually associated with worship. The inscription on the front of the skirt is in Elamite, reflecting the kingdom's linguistic identity. This inscription gives the queen's name and titles, invokes the protection of the gods, describes the ritual offerings made to them, and calls down their curse on anyone bold enough to desecrate her likeness. The statue is placed under the protection of the god Beltiya and three deities associated with the Igihalkid Dynasty - the god Inshushinak, the god Napirisha, and his consort Kiririsha. These three deities are also depicted on the stele of Untash-Napirisha, also in the Louvre (Sb3973).

Elaborate metalworking techniques

This statue of Queen Napirasu is a rare surviving likeness of a member of the royal court during the Middle Elamite period. The sheer amount of metal used - some 1,750 kg for a single work - reflects the wealth of the Elamite kingdom during Untash-Napirisha's reign. The dimensions and the finesse of the statue also reflect the skill of the Elamite metalworkers. The work must have been cast in two successive parts: a lost-wax cast for the copper and tin shell, followed by a full cast alloy of bronze and tin for the core, rather than the more usual refractory clay. The two parts are held together with pins and splints. The sides would have originally been covered with gold or silver.

A great king and a great builder

The reign of the Igihalkid king, Untash-Napirisha, witnessed the launch of a major construction program. The king ordered the restoration of a large number of temples and also built a new religious capital, Al-Untash-Napirisha (sometimes simply known as Al-Untash), on the site of modern-day Chogha Zanbil. The aim was to unite the different religions practiced in his kingdom in one place. Monuments throughout the city were decorated with numerous sculptures commissioned by the king, including this statue of his wife, which was discovered in Susa but was probably moved there from Al-Untash.

Bibliography

Amiet Pierre, Suse 6000 ans d'histoire, Paris, Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1988, pp. 98-99 ; fig. 57.
Benoit A. , "Les Civilisations du Proche-Orient ancien", in Manuels de l'École du Louvre ; Art et archéologie, Paris, École du Louvre, 2003, pp 358-359 ; fig. 180.
Meyers Peter, "The casting process of the statue of queen Napir-Asu in the Louvre", extrait de : Journal of Roman Archaeology, supplementary series, n 39, Portsmouth, 2000, pp.11-18.

Une tête d'éléphant en terre cuite de Nausharo (Pakistan)
In: Arts asiatiques. Tome 47, 1992. pp. 132-136. Jarrige Catherine
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arasi_0004-3958_1992_num_47_1_1330



The elephant head ligatured with a buffalo at Nausharo is a curtain-raiser for the practice of ligaturing in Indian tradition for utsava bera'idols carried on processions'. The phrase utsava bera denotes that processions of the type shown on Mesopotamian cylinder seals or Mohenjo-daro tablets are trade processions for bera'bargaining, trade'. Thus, the processions with hieroglyphs may be part of trade-exchange fairs of ancient times. It is significant that the utsava bera of Ganesa is shown together with a rat or mouse -- as vāhana: ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'. mūṣa'rat, mouse' Rebus: mūṣa'crucible'.  Thus both rat/mouse and elephant face ligatured to a body, are Meluhha hieroglyphs related to metallurgical processes.

This note is a sequel to the work: Philosophy of symbolic forms in Meluhha cipher.

http://www.scribd.com/doc/218367721/Une-tete-d-elephant-en-terre-cuite-de-Nausharo-Pakistan-Catherine-Jarrige-lien-Arts-asiatiques-lien-Year-1992-lien-Volume-47-lien

The Mystery Man who Buys Land for the Gandhi Family-- Rajesh Roy & Geeta Anand

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Apr 18, 2014

The Mystery Man who Buys Land for the Gandhi Family

Land facilitator Mahesh Nagar is at right in a Congress party campaign poster. 
 
Rajesh Roy/The Wall Street Journal
Who is Mahesh Nagar? It depends who you ask.
Mr. Nagar’s name appears on land office documents as the facilitator for land deals for India’s politically powerful Gandhi family.
Over four years, from 2009 to 2012, Mr. Nagar bought and sold tracts of land in Rajasthan on behalf of Robert Vadra, the 44-year-old husband of Priyanka Gandhi, whose brother, Rahul Gandhi, is spearheading the Congress party’s re-election efforts in national parliamentary elections that began April 7 and end next month.
Mr. Nagar has also bought land in Haryana on behalf of Mr. Gandhi in 2008.
In Rajasthanthe brokers who sold land to Mr. Nagar say they don’t have his contact information. In his home state of Haryana, next door to Delhi, officials at the land revenue office where he facilitated the purchase of land for Mr. Gandhi say they don’t have any information on Mr. Nagar either. Even his own brother, reached by phone, professes ignorance about where he is.
“Sorry, I don’t know his whereabouts,” said the brother, Lalit Nagar, a Congress party politician who ran and lost a bid for a seat in the Haryana state legislature in 2009 in Faridabad, a city near New Delhi.
But when a reporter showed up in Faridabad that same day, it was hard to find anyone who didn’t know Mahesh Nagar — and where to find him. A giant campaign poster in a marketplace near a local hospital featured Mr. Nagar, along with his brother, Lalit Nagar, and the leaders of the Congress party nationally — Mr. Gandhi and his mother, Congress party President Sonia Gandhi.
In an air-conditioned office in the same marketplace, Mr. Nagar, wearing a white shirt, lounged in a big leather chair, the walls decorated with pictures of Mr. Gandhi, Mrs. Gandhi and Mr. Vadra’s wife, Priyanka Gandhi.
Mr. Nagar and his brother live less than a kilometer away in a sprawling bungalow that bears both of their names on a sign out front.
Asked why he’s so elusive, Mr. Nagar smiles and asks, “Are you the reporter who called my brother this morning? I was there only when he was speaking to you.”
In the interview with the Wall Street Journal, he tried to distance himself from the Gandhi family, saying he’s never met them.
“Yes, I got some of the land registered for them,” he says. “But I don’t know the Gandhifamily directly.”
Land records show Mr. Nagar bought 6.4 acres of land for Mr. Gandhi in Haryana’s Hassanpur village in 2008. Then, in 2009, Mr. Nagar began showing up in the northwestern part of Rajasthan, buying nearly 2,000 acres of barren land on behalf of seven of Mr. Vadra’s companies over the next three years. He paid about 64,000,000 rupees, or about $1 million, for the land, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis of a summary of Mr. Vadra’s land deals that Kolayat land officials put together for a state investigation into his holdings.
Asked to explain Mr. Vadra’s land dealings, a spokesman said in an email that Mr. Vadra was a private citizen who had acquired real estate but “obtained no favor or benefit from anyone.” He had complied with the law and was unfairly being “subjected to a campaign to malign him for political reasons.”
In 2010 and 2011, the central and Rajasthan governments adopted tax incentives for the solar industry, which drew companies to the Bikaner area, which has among the highest irradiation levels in India. Land prices soared. Mr. Nagar, who bought Mr. Vadra’s land at an average price of 33,000 rupees, or $550, an acre, began selling the land less than three years later at more than six times that price, or an average per acre price of 220,000 rupees, about $3,700, according to the Journal’s review of the Kolayat land district office summary.
Local brokers and a local land official recall Mr. Nagar showing up frequently over the years in a black SUV, parking all day outside the Kolayat land office, and making deals in his vehicle. Brokers say they would enter the SUV to sign documents selling the land to Mr. Vadra’s companies.  Mr. Nagar would hand them payments in cash, the brokers say.
Asked how he came to be buying land for Gandhi family members, Mr. Nagar said somebody from Gurgaon, a growing suburb of Delhi, asked him to buy the land and gave him letters of authority to facilitate the land deals. He declined to identify the person.
Mr. Nagar said his buying for the Gandhi family is “all over now,” and that he’s no longer making purchases or sales for either Mr. Vadra or Mr. Gandhi. He said he doesn’t recall using a black SUV or paying in cash for land. Mr. Nagar declined to say what car he used in Rajasthan or how he did pay for the land. He said he got no special treatment by the land office.
Despite the Gandhi family photographs on the walls and poster of himself with Congress Party leadership outside his office, Mr. Nagar said in the interview that he didn’t have any political affiliation.
He said he was a farmer growing flowers, wheat and paddy, showing a reporter a business card bearing his name and academic credentials—a master’s degree in the arts and a law degree. However, the card was also imprinted with the symbol of the Congress Party, a hand.
Follow Geeta and India Real Time on Twitter @GOAnand and @WSJIndia.

http://blogs.wsj.com/indiarealtime/2014/04/18/the-mystery-man-who-buys-land-for-the-gandhi-family/?mod=e2tw

Decline & fall of the Hindu civilization in Cambodia

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DECLINE & FALL OF THE HINDU CIVILIZATION IN CAMBODIA

Posted by Dr. Naresha Duraiswamy ( April 3, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Decline & Fall of Hindu civilization of CambodiaCambodian history illustrates the interplay of economics and ideology in defining the fate of a nation. A vibrant South East Asian empire that selectively adopted Indian civilizational norms and institutions expanded over a 1,300 year period before it witnessed a steady 700 year decline.

Background

The Indianized Khmers and their predecessors were the first most powerful people in mainland South East Asia between 1st and 13th centuries of the Common Era (CE). Later Hinduism flourished, followed by Buddhism. The Khmer empire included the southern half of what is today Vietnam, North East/North Thailand and Laos. It stretched to the borders of Burma and the Malay Peninsula. The interplay between the Cambodian and the classical-era Indian civilizations should be of interest to any student of Hindu history.
The early kingdoms of Funan, Chenla and Champa in the first millennium of the Common Era were the precursors of the Khmer empire. The Cambodians adopted Indic traditions in the 1st century CE via the maritime trade centers in what is today Vietnam. These ports were situated on the lucrative trade routes between India, the Indonesian archipelago and China. The Hinduized Kingdom of Funan, reportedly established by the Brahmin Kaundinya, dominated the Indo-China region between the first and the sixth centuries CE. There were trade links with the Gupta Empire and later, the Pallava Kingdom. Indonesian influence was significant. The Saivite and Vaishnavite Hindu traditions had left their imprint.
The Khmer subsequently moved up the Mekong river to avoid the Indonesian naval domination. The expansion of irrigated wet rice agriculture complimented the earlier maritime trade. Authoritarian kings legitimized their rule using social concepts borrowed from India. Jayavarman II unified the Khmer in 802 CE forming the Angkor Empire. Having declared himself a Devaraja (God King), he embarked on a military conquest. A succession of strong kings followed until the 1200s CE. The consolidation of the state was linked to economic surplus and religious practices. Huge investments were made in the fields of irrigated agriculture, temple construction and the military. There were alternate periods of tumult and those of empire-building. Cambodia traded with India, China, the Indonesian Archipelago and the Burmese Mon dynasty. It was an era of unparalleled prosperity.

Civilizational Momentum:

Kampuchea was a hydraulic civilization. A centralized bureaucracy administered a vast irrigation network. The King’s control over the water resources and the agrarian surplus resulted in a prosperous empire. Successive rulers invested their resources in an expensively huge campaign of construction, legitimized by Brahmanic ritual. The capital of Angkor may well have been the largest pre-industrial city in the world with an urban area of 1,150 square miles and a population of one million people. At this time the biggest towns in the Christian West Europe did not exceed twenty-five thousand residents. Angkor may have also been the world’s busiest city at that time situated at the centre of a vibrant overland and riverine trade network.
The temple of Banteay Srei, dedicated to the God Shiva and constructed in 967 CE by a courtier for King Jayavarman V, was known for its intricate three dimensional stone carvings depicting scenes from Mahabharata and Ramayana. Suryavarman commissioned the construction of Angkor Wat in 1112 CE, in the honour of God Vishnu. This is still the largest religious structure in the world. The artistic workmanship is sophisticated with scenes from the battle of Kurukshetra, the Battle of Lanka, the Churning of the Ocean of Milk, and the Battle between the gods and demons carved on the panels of its walls. The Hindu epics were etched in stone in stone but also, brought to life through literature, theatre and dance. The temple towers dominated the surrounding countryside flanked by irrigated paddy fields, palmyra palms and banyan trees.
The assimilation of Indic concepts stimulated the Khmer people. It was a time of civilizational efflorescence where new traditions and ideas were adopted. The ruling dynasties were Hinduized. Cambodia adopted Indic traditions of administration, aesthetics, architecture, calendar, court ceremony, economy, jurisprudence, literature, religion, statecraft and theatre. The Dharmashastras, Mahabharata, Ramayana and Saivite Tamil hymns left their imprint. The Khmer alphabet was derived from the Pallava grantha script. The Cambodian New Year coincided with the start of the Hindu solar calendar.
The Khmer empire reached its zenith in the 12th century CE. It annexed neighbouring states and controlled mainland South East Asia. It dominated the South China Sea. In 1181 CE, Jayavarman VII adopted Mahayana Buddhism and commissioned the construction of the Bayon in nearby Angkor Thom dedicated to the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshwara. The Mongol army invaded soon, thereafter. Kampuchea was able to buy them off with its enormous wealth. But its military prowess had begun to decline.

Change and Cataclysm:

The unceasing military campaigns and the expensive temple building as well as public works program led to a fiscal deficit. The increased taxation burdened the peasant population and caused discontent. Deforestation, linked to increased rice cultivation and construction, undermined the irrigated agriculture economy. It silted the man-made water ways and disrupted the complex irrigation system. The land witnessed an ecological and infrastructural breakdown. The elaborate court ceremony centred on the Brahmanic concept of the God King or Deva Raja had exhausted its capacity to provide meaning to the tired people of the kingdom.
The Khmer populace adopted the simplicity of Theravada/Hinayana or southern Buddhism in 1295 CE under Indravarman III. Sinhalese influence was felt at a time when Sri Lanka itself had been attacked by the Magha of Kalinga. The Pali canon supplanted the Sanskrit texts. Buddhist iconography was retrofitted into parts of Angkor Wat at a subsequent date. Sri Lanka helped transform Cambodia into a Theravada Buddhist land. Was this loss of Hindu civilizational momentum due to the disruption of trade and intellectual links with India given the Turkic invasions of South India? Or was it due to the beginning of gradual Islamization of the ports of Sumatra and Malayan peninsula on account of Bengali, Gujarati and Arab traders in the aftermath of the Chola decimation of the Sri Vijaya maritime confederacy? Or were there other factors at play? Had Hinduism lost the capacity to renew itself in the changed South East Asian circumstances?
What is clear however is that this civilizational shift coincided with Cambodia’s period of terminal decline. The dark ages had commenced. Thai in the west and Vietnamese in the east annexed large swathes of Kampuchean territory. Thai annexed the present North East Thailand and Laos. Thailand, unlike Cambodia, had become a vibrant power once again with its adoption of Theravada Buddhism in the 13th century CE under the Sinhalese influence.
While Thai people also assimilated the Hinduized Khmer classicism, they continued with their incursions, plunder and annexation of Khmer territory. The Thai state sacked the Cambodian capitals in 1432 and 1594. Tens of thousands of Khmer peasants, scholars and artists were taken to Thailand as slaves.
The Vietnamese meanwhile expanded southwards to incorporate what it today the southern half of Vietnam and the Mekong Delta, originally Khmer. The much reduced Khmers became pawns in a Thai-Vietnamese chess game. Thailand and Vietnam agreed to a joint suzerainty of Cambodia in 1845.
Cambodia was relegated to the backwaters. It continues to be overshadowed by its two more powerful neighbours whose policies helped define its sad history in the 1970s and 1980s when millions perished. The Khmer often retreat into an anti-Vietnamese and anti-Thai xenophobia. This was witnessed in a recent emotive dispute over the control of a classical-era Saivite Hindu Khmer temple of Preah Vihear on the Thai border.
One can only hope that the 700 year period of decline will reverse itself and Cambodia will reclaim its past grandeur and enlightenment. May Vishnu of Angkor Wat revive this deeply fractured and traumatized land.
(A version of this article was first published in the Sri Lanka Guardian)

http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2014/04/destiny-thwarted-two-thousand-years-of.html

Mirror: http://www.indiafacts.co.in/decline-fall-hindu-civilization-cambodia/#sthash.ba8f6R3C.dpbs

SoniaG family real-estate portfolio

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Behind a Real-Estate Empire, Ties to India's Gandhi Dynasty

Robert Vadra, In-Law of Sonia Gandhi of India's Ruling Congress Party, Quickly Built Real-Estate Portfolio

April 17, 2014 10:30 p.m. ET
Robert Vadra, in black vest, with Congress party president Sonia Gandhi, right, his mother-in-law, and his wife, Priyanka, and daughter, Miraya. Rajesh Kumar Singh/Associated Press
KOLAYAT, India—A taciturn man in a black SUV started buying up tracts of arid agricultural land around this small town in the western Indian state of Rajasthan in 2009.
He would sit in the parking lot outside the one-story concrete building that houses the land office and dole out cash for sellers from the back seat, according to real-estate brokers and a local government land official.
The buyer represented by the man in the SUV, according to state land records, was Robert Vadra, a member of India's powerful Nehru-Gandhi political clan, whose Congress party leads the country today and has for much of its more-than-66-year post-colonial history.
Soon after he began buying, the federal government announced plans to promote large-scale solar-energy production, a land-intensive project for which the area was well-suited. He continued buying land, and in 2011 the state, too, announced solar incentives. The value of the land Mr. Vadra bought soared sixfold within three years, a state record of land transactions shows.
State officials say they are investigating whether there were any legal violations, such as exceeding land-purchase limits, in the investments by Mr. Vadra, who is the son-in-law of Congress party President Sonia Gandhi and brother-in-law of Rahul Gandhi, the leader of Congress's campaign in elections now under way.
A spokesman for Mr. Vadra said he is a private citizen who has been subjected to a campaign to malign him for political reasons. "He has acquired and disposed of real estate in exercise of his rights and has obtained no favor or benefit from anyone," the spokesman said. "He has complied with all applicable provisions of law and has nothing further to say."
Land facilitator Mahesh Nagar is at right in a Congress party campaign poster. Rajesh Roy for The Wall Street Journal
As Indians go to the polls in a weekslong parliamentary election, a powerful force is resentment by many over the ease with which politicians of most parties, bureaucrats and people close to them have prospered while the country struggles to meet the basic needs of the masses. A growing belief that the economic playing field is tilted too far in favor of those with political connections is helping drive a voter revolt against the ruling Congress party and fueling a surge in support for its main rival, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP.
A Pew Research survey found that 83% of Indians consider corruption a "very big" problem. The subject of corruption is repeatedly discussed on television talk shows and in political speeches. India has endured a stream of abuse-of-power scandals during Congress's 10 years in office, on matters ranging from jobs at the state railway to coal-mining licenses, helicopter purchasing and cellphone bandwidth.
"Never in my lifetime have I seen the kind of cynicism that the current government in Delhi has generated among the middle classes," said Jyotirmaya Sharma, a University of Hyderabad political scientist. "It's phenomenal."
Congress party leaders have acknowledged the voter outcry and said they are doing their best to combat the problem.
As India has urbanized, real-estate investing has become a route to quick wealth for some. People with connections or inside knowledge can position themselves to profit as property changes hands, including by helping speed approvals through a bureaucracy notoriously arbitrary and slow to act.
"A section of India has become prosperous, unimaginably rich," said Sudheendra Kulkarni, a onetime adviser to former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee of the BJP who runs a think tank and is critical of politicians across the spectrum.
It is hard to know how much property people really own. The wealthy and politically connected in India sometimes hold large amounts in the names of others—from servants to shell companies—to avoid tax officials and corruption investigators, said R.H. Tahiliani, former chairman of the India chapter of Transparency International, the global anticorruption group.
No legal authority has accused Mr. Vadra of any wrongdoing. An investigative committee appointed by the state of Haryana's Congress-led government reviewed one transaction questioned by a land official in 2012 and cleared Mr. Vadra. The Congress party said that Mr. Vadra is a private citizen engaged in business and hasn't done anything wrong.
India Against Corruption, an activist group, has criticized some of Mr. Vadra's deals and accused him of enriching himself through transactions with a property developer. The group has called for a new probe of his business that it says would be more politically independent than the one begun in 2012.
The Wall Street Journal found that during the decade Mr. Vadra's in-laws have held sway in New Delhi, the 44-year-old with a high-school education and no experience in property development amassed a large real-estate portfolio. Based on a review of company filings, land records and interviews with property experts, the Journal calculated that through 2012, Mr. Vadra sold more than $12 million of property, and as of then he still held real estate valued at about $42 million. It isn't clear whether Mr. Vadra's companies have sold any more real estate since then because company filings for the past two years aren't available on government websites.
Mr. Vadra in 2008 at an aviation exhibition. Associated Press
Mr. Vadra married into India's political nobility in 1997 when he wed Priyanka Gandhi, a daughter of Sonia Gandhi and the late Rajiv Gandhi, prime minister from 1984 to 1989. Priyanka Gandhi's great-grandfather was independence leader Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first prime minister. Her grandmother, Indira Gandhi, served as prime minister for 15 years in two stints.
When Congress, with Sonia Gandhi at the helm, retook power from the BJP in 2004, Mr. Vadra was running a small business exporting inexpensive costume jewelry. In late 2007 he went into the real-estate business, forming a firm called Sky Light Hospitality Private Ltd. with less than $2,000, according to company filings at the Registrar of Companies of the Ministry of Corporate Affairs in New Delhi.
Early in 2008, Sky Light bought 3.5 acres of undeveloped land near a highway intersection in the New Delhi suburb of Gurgaon for $1.3 million, according to a sales document. Two months later, Mr. Vadra applied to the Congress-controlled state government for a license to convert the land to commercial use from agricultural. Preliminary permission was granted 18 days later, according to the license application and state approval. With that, the land became far more valuable.
Over the next four years, developer DLF Ltd. 532868.BY +1.01% poured millions of dollars into Mr. Vadra's company, reported on its balance sheet as "advances." Then in 2012, DLF said it bought the Gurgaon property from Mr. Vadra's company for a total of $9.7 million, most of which it had advanced in the preceding years. It was more than seven times his reported purchase price.
A senior official at the Haryana state land office, Ashok Khemka, looked into the deal and concluded Mr. Vadra's company "did not own the resources to pay" for the land when purchasing it in 2008. Suspecting irregularities, he moved to cancel the deal.
The state's chief minister, a Congress party politician, ordered Mr. Khemka transferred to a position in a state-run agricultural company. The chief minister and his staff didn't respond to requests for comment. Mr. Khemka, a whistleblower in a number of past allegations of corruption, said he has been transferred numerous times in his 22-year civil-service career to foil his gadfly efforts.
According to government filings, Sky Light Hospitality said it paid for the land in 2008 with a loan from state-owned Corporation Bank532179.BY +1.43% In 2012, the bank's then-chairman was quoted by the Times of India as saying there "was no such transaction with us as per our records so far." That official has left the bank and couldn't be reached; the new bank chairman declined to comment.
In a report to the state last year, Mr. Khemka wrote that the 2008 sale of the land to Mr. Vadra's company "was a completely sham transaction." The state-appointed investigative committee looked at the deal and concluded Mr. Vadra did nothing wrong. Congress's political opponents expressed skepticism about the result on the grounds that committee members were state employees subject to transfer or discipline.
Mr. Vadra's Sky Light Hospitality did other deals in New Delhi and the nearby states of Haryana and Rajasthan. In 2008-09, it paid $5.3 million for a 50% interest in a hotel being built by DLF in New Delhi, a hotel valued at $33 million in 2012, according to a DLF calculation that year.
Another company controlled by Mr. Vadra, Sky Light Realty, acquired a penthouse apartment—estimated by brokers to now be worth $5 million—in a complex DLF built in Gurgaon called the Aralias.
That same Vadra company reported in its government filings for fiscal 2009 and 2010 that it bought seven apartments in a luxury complex built by DLF for $870,000.
They were worth close to $6 million at the time, real-estate brokers said. India Against Corruption, a grass-roots movement that has spawned an anticorruption political party called the Aam Admi Party, alleged that the transactions amounted to a ploy for DLF to give the Gandhi family property and money to curry favor. Congress party officials have repeatedly denied the allegation. Rahul Gandhi didn't respond to requests for comment, and a person in his office said he was too busy campaigning to respond.
DLF said Mr. Vadra's group actually paid much more than $870,000—it said the actual price was about $166 a square foot, which would add up to about $7 million. Today, the seven apartments are worth more than $16 million, real-estate brokers said.
Asked for comment, DLF cited a response it made to the anticorruption group, which said in part: "The business relationship of DLF with Mr. Robert Vadra or his companies has been in his capacity as an individual entrepreneur, on a completely transparent and at an arm's length basis. Our business relationship has been conducted to the highest standards of ethics and transparency."
Mr. Vadra's land purchases in Rajasthan state—some of which brokers say were done through the man in the black SUV—began in 2009, at a time when Congress controlled the state's government. Both the state and India's federal governments had just begun discussing policies to promote solar energy, which requires large tracts of land for solar-panel arrays, a senior official involved in developing the Rajasthan policy said.
From 2009 to 2012, Mr. Vadra's companies bought about 2,000 acres in Rajasthan for about $1 million, according to a Journal review of land-office records compiled by the Kolayat land office in Rajasthan state. Much of this property was in the state's northwestern corridor, long regarded by energy experts as a good place for solar-power arrays because of its ample sunshine and relatively cheap land.
In one purchase registered in the land-office books, Mr. Vadra bought 94 acres for $70,000 in January of 2010.
A week later, the federal government unveiled plans to offer extensive tax incentives for solar-power investment. The state followed with more incentives the next year.
"Once our area became a solar-power center, we discovered Mr. Vadra had bought up all of our land cheaply from the farmers," said Arjun Ram Meghwal, a member of parliament from the rival BJP.
As solar firms moved in, the land's value jumped. A property sale by Mr. Vadra's Sky Light Hospitality in January 2012 included most of the 94-acre plot bought in 2010. The sale priced it at 10 times the per-acre purchase price, the Kolayat land office summary of his transactions shows.
In all, Mr. Vadra has sold more than 700 Rajasthan acres, about a third of his holdings in the state, for $2.7 million, according to the summary. That is nearly three times his purchase price for his entire Rajasthan holding, of which his firms still own about 1,200 acres. Their value is more than $4 million, according to a local land official and local brokers.
Land records show Mr. Vadra was represented locally by Mahesh Nagar, who has also represented the Congress party's Mr. Gandhi on at least one occasion.
Mr. Nagar, who is the brother of a Congress party politician, said he didn't personally know either Mr. Vadra or Mr. Gandhi. Interviewed in his office decorated with pictures of Mr. Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, Mr. Nagar said he had been approached by a "facilitator" who gave him authority letters to get lands registered for Messrs. Vadra and Gandhi.
It was Mr. Nagar, said real-estate brokers and a local land official, who handed out money for land sellers from inside a black SUV when Mr. Vadra began acquiring property in Rajasthan. Brokers took turns entering the vehicle, receiving payment for property sellers from Mr. Nagar, and signing documents that local land officials registered within hours, brokers and the land official said.
Mr. Nagar agreed he handled land purchases and sales for Mr. Vadra for several years but said he didn't recall using a black SUV, doing deals in cash or getting documents registered faster than the general public.
Locals say they will never forget those exciting times. "How much land he bought, you can't imagine," said Lalit Ramavat, a local land dealer. "We didn't imagine in our dreams that our land would become so valuable." Mr. Ramavat said he considers Mr. Vadra's interest in his area's land a boon for "farmers who were very poor and needed money."
Word of Mr. Vadra's land deals in Rajasthan has been circulating in the local media for about two years. After the opposition BJP won control of the state government from Congress in December, it ordered an investigation to determine how much land Mr. Vadra had bought and whether he had violated any local land laws, such as a limit on how much land one person or entity can own.
The new BJP administration directed the land office in Kolayat to pull together records of all transactions in the area involving Mr. Vadra. State officials are reviewing them, said a member of the chief minister's cabinet.
Addressing his representation of Mr. Vadra in land deals, Mr. Nagar said, "Who is not dealing in property and land buying?"
He added: "People are targeting Vadra only because he is the son-in-law of Congress chief Sonia Gandhi."
—Saptarishi Dutta contributed to this article.
Write to Geeta Anand at geeta.anand@wsj.com and Rajesh Roy at rajesh.roy@wsj.com

http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304512504579495611787698756?mg=reno64-wsj&url=http%3A%2F%2Fonline.wsj.com%2Farticle%2FSB10001424052702304512504579495611787698756.html

India's Electronic Voting Machines proven insecure -- MR Nagaraja

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SOS e-Voice For Justice 
Apr 17 (21 hours ago)
S.O.S   e - Voice For Justice - e-news weekly
Spreading the light of humanitfreedom
Editor: Nagaraja.M.R.. Vol.09..Issue.16........19/04/2014

India's Electronic Voting Machines Proven Insecure
In a collaborative study, a team of Indian and international experts have revealed that the electronic voting machines used in Indian elections are vulnerable to fraud. Even brief access to the machines, known in India as EVMs, could allow criminals to alter election results.
These research findings are at odds with claims made by the Election Commission of India, the country's highest election authority, which has maintained that weaknesses found in other electronic voting systems around the world do not apply to India's EVMs. Less than a year ago, it stated: "Today, the Commission once again completely reaffirms its faith in the infallibility of the EVMs. These are fully tamper-proof, as ever." [1] As recently as two days ago, the Chief Election Commissioner described electronic voting machines as "perfect" and claimed that "till today, no individual could prove that the EVMs used by the EC can be tampered with." [2]
Almost the entire population of India votes on electronic voting machines. There are around 1.4 million of the machines in use, all of the controversial "Direct Recording Electronic" (DRE) variety. Such machines record the votes only to internal memory and provide no paper records for later inspection or recount. With DREs, absolute trust is placed in the hardware and software of the voting machines. Paperless electronic voting systems have been criticized globally and more and more countries and US states are abandoning such systems altogether.
In a video released today, the researchers show two demonstration attacks against a real Indian EVM. One attack involves replacing a small part of the machine with a look-alike component that can be silently instructed to steal a percentage of the votes in favor of a chosen candidate. These instructions can be sent wirelessly from a mobile phone. Another attack uses a pocket-sized device to change the votes stored in the EVM between the election and the public counting session (which in India can be weeks later).
This study was performed by researchers at NetIndia, (P)Ltd., in Hyderabad, the University of Michigan in the United States, and at a non-profit in the Netherlands that specializes in electronic voting related issues.
The researchers were also surprised to find that the vote-counting software in the EVMs is programmed into so-called "mask programmed microcontrollers," which do not allow the software to be read out and verified. Because these chips are made in the US and Japan, this has led to a situation in which nobody in India knows for sure what software is in these machines or whether it counts votes accurately.
Hari Prasad is a computer engineer and managing director of NetIndia, a Hyderabad-based technology firm. Prasad organized the study and says the findings are the culmination of a seven month investigation. "Everywhere I looked there were more security problems. I am glad that with the presentation of this work, the debate over whether India's EVMs are secure is over. We need to look forward now. India deserves a transparent election process, which these machines simply cannot deliver."
Rop Gonggrijp, a security researcher from the Netherlands, also took part in the study. Says Gonggrijp: "Never mind what election officials say, this research once again shows that the longstanding scientific consensus holds true—DRE voting machines are fundamentally vulnerable. Such machines have already been abandoned in Ireland, the Netherlands, Germany, Florida and many other places. India should follow suit."
Gonggrijp continues: "In order to have any transparency in elections, you need to have votes on paper. Computers can be programmed to count votes honestly, but since nobody can watch them, they might just as easily be programmed to count dishonestly. How is the voter supposed to tell the difference?"
Professor J. Alex Halderman of the University of Michigan helped develop the new attacks along with his students. "Almost every component of this system could be attacked to manipulate election results," says Dr. Halderman. "This proves, once again, that the paperless class of voting systems has intrinsic security problems. It is hard to envision systems like this being used responsibly in elections."
The newly released video and technical report can be found at http://IndiaEVM.org.

India's EVMs are Vulnerable to Fraud

Hari K. Prasad, J. Alex HaldermanRop Gonggrijp

Questions & Answers

Q: Who are you?
A: We are scientists and technologists. Some of us have studied other voting systems in Europe and the US and have discovered serious flaws. In some cases these discoveries have led to the use of such systems being discontinued.
Q: Why did you study India's EVMs?
A: The Election Commission of India has spoken of India's EVMs as "infallible" and "perfect", yet similar electronic voting machines used around the world have been shown to suffer from serious security problems. India's machines had never been subjected to credible independent research.
Q: How did you get the EVM you studied?
A: It was provided by a source who has asked to remain anonymous.
Q: What have you found?
A: We found that an attacker with brief access to EVMs can tamper with votes and potentially change election outcomes. We demonstrate two attacks that involve physically tampering with the EVMs’ hardware. First, we show how dishonest election insiders or other criminals could alter election results by replacing parts of the machines with malicious look-alike parts. Such attacks could be accomplished without the involvement of any local poll officials. Second, we show how attackers could use portable hardware devices to change the vote records stored in the machines. This attack could be carried out by local election officials without being detected by the national authorities or the EVM manufacturers. Safeguards against these attacks are either absent or woefully inadequate. For the full details, please read our technical paper.
Q. Did you demonstrate attacks on a real EVM?
A: Yes. The EVM we worked with is a real EVM that has been used in recent national elections.
Q: How could you manipulate the internal memory to change the vote records? These EVMs are sealed.
A: The seals quite literally consist of stickers, string, and red wax. Tampering with them would not present a challenge to an attacker. Our video has an excerpt from an official training film showing some of the seals being applied. Have a look and see if you feel you could manipulate these seals yourself.
Q: How could a dishonest EVM know which candidate to favour?
A: Our dishonest display board attack adds a Bluetooth radio, so criminals could wirelessly signal which candidate to favour. Our memory manipulation attacks happen between election and counting, when everything an attacker needs to know is already public. In our paper we explain more complicated attacks that use the total number of candidates in a constituency as a signaling mechanism. These don't need radio signals and could already be hidden in the software of the EVMs today.
Q: But I watched the election officials perform a mock poll, and that was fine.
A: It would be easy to program a dishonest EVM or EVM component so that the manipulation is only performed after voting has been going on for a long time, or if the total number of votes is in the hundreds. That way, simple mock polls will show the proper results, but all the final election results will be manipulated.
Q: Your video shows a mobile phone signaling to the EVM, but mobile phones are not allowed at polls and counting.
A: We are merely proving that we can send the signal wirelessly. Attacks could use many other forms of radio signaling, such as opener that sends the signal. Wireless devices are extremely easy to conceal and could be secretly carried into polling places in countless ways.
Q: How can the EVMs be as insecure as you claim while the Election Commission of India says they are "infallible" and "perfect"?
A: Until now, the EVMs have not been subjected to rigorous, independent, public scrutiny. Claims that the EVMs are "perfect" and "infallible" are not based on verifiable arguments. If the Election Commission disagrees with our claims, we look forward to a proper scientific debate based on credible, published evidence.
Q: The Election Commission has hired scientists too. How do we know you are right and the Election Commission is wrong?
A: The Election Commission's two expert committee reports were rather minimal and were performed by scientists with no apparent electronic voting security credentials. These studies were conducted without access to the machines' source code and relied on presentations and site visits with the manufacturers. In contrast, we performed our own experiments with a real machine and demonstrate working attacks.
Q: Haven't you just made our secure EVMs insecure by publishing this?
A: No. The fact that the election authorities have not allowed public scrutiny of the security of EVMs doesn't make them secure. There are more than 1.4 million EVMs in India, and criminal attackers would likely have less difficulty getting access to a machine than we did. Unlike actual criminals, we are working to inform the public about the security problems we found.
Q: Can the problems with EVMs be fixed?
A: Not easily. The entire class of voting systems to which these EVMs belong has inherent problems that stem from a lack of transparency. They force voters to trust software and hardware without proper means of verification.
Q: Surely there must be something we can do to enhance security?
A: The Election Commission likes to speak of "checks and balances", with various procedures believed to make fraud harder. Drastically improving procedures might make some kinds of fraud more difficult, but cannot eliminate the risks we describe. For EVMs to be used, the people of India would need to continue to place trust in an election technology that they cannot observe.
Q: Can you help me investigate suspected fraud in the recent election in xxxx ?
A: Regrettably, probably not. If our research shows something, it is that for the concerned citizen there is very likely to be nothing to observe, study and/or investigate (either before, during or after the election) that would allow anyone to tell the difference between an honest and a dishonest election. That means you are left either trusting or not trusting your election, with no hard facts to guide you. We know that this is not a satisfactory answer, which is exactly why this type of voting machine should be abolished.
Q: Why shouldn't India be at the forefront of technology?
A: We are technologists with a deep passion for things technical, but we also see the limitations of technology. These electronic voting machines have replaced decidedly imperfect but observable paper ballots with insecure and completely non-auditable technology.
Germany and the Netherlands are modern democracies. They both used electronic voting machines of the same basic type as used in India. In the Netherlands, almost 100% of voters used these machines, but when it was discovered that these machines had severe security problems and that there was inadequate transparency, the machines were abolished and paper ballots were reintroduced. Technological advance is not just about adopting the latest new inventions. Innovation also lies in the ability to take a second look and examine whether what seemed like a good idea ten years ago is still a good idea today.
Q. Where can I find more information about the EVM debate in India?
A. An Indian citizens' group called VeTA maintains a web site advocating election transparency. Our research is independent from VeTA, but we find their site to be generally informative about the e-voting debate in India. It can be found at IndianEVM.com.

EVM  Security Problems[edit]

An international conference on the Indian EVMs and its tamperability of the said machines was held under the Chairmanship of Dr. Subramanian Swamy, President of the Janata Party and former Union Cabinet Minister for Law, Commerce and Justice at Chennai on 13 February 2010. This conference received good response and the conclusion was that the Election Commission of India was shirking its responsibility on the transparency in the working of the EVMs.[13]
In April 2010, an independent security analysis[1] was released by a research team led by Hari PrasadRop Gonggrijp, and J. Alex Halderman. The study included video demonstrations[2] of two attacks that the researchers carried out on a real EVM, as well as descriptions of several other potential vulnerabilities.
  • Easily Hackable:" US Lab says that, this EVM is very easy to hack.
  • Before voting: One demonstration attack was based on replacing the part inside the control unit that actually displays the candidates' vote totals. The study showed how a substitute, "dishonest" part could output fraudulent election results. This component can be programmed to steal a percentage of the votes in favour of a chosen candidate.
  • After voting: The second demonstration attack used a small clip-on device to manipulate the vote storage memory inside the machine. Votes stored in the EVM between the election and the public counting session can be changed by using a specially made pocket-sized device. When you open the machine, you find micro-controllers, under which are electrically enabled programs, with 'read-only' memory. It is used only for storage. However, you can read and write memory from an external interface. The researchers developed a small clip with a chip on the top to read votes inside the memory and manipulate the data by swapping the vote from one candidate to another.[4]
In order to mitigate these threats, the researchers suggest moving to a voting system that provides greater transparency, such as paper ballots, precinct count optical scan, or avoter verified paper audit trail, since, in any of these systems, sceptical voters could, in principle, observe the physical counting process to gain confidence that the outcome is fair.
But Election Commission of India points out that for such tampering of the EVMs, one needs physical access to EVMs, and pretty high tech skills are required. Given that EVMs are stored under strict security which can be monitored by candidates or their agents all the time, its impossible to gain physical access to the machines. Plus, to impact the results of an election, hundreds to thousands of machines will be needed to tamper with, which is almost impossible given the hi-tech and time consuming nature of the tampering process.[15][16]

EVM  Court cases[edit]

On 25 July 2011, responding to a PIL (Writ Petition (Civil) No. 312 of 2011), Supreme Court of India asked EC to consider request to modify EVMs and respond within 3 months. The petitioner Rajendra Satyanarayan Gilda had alleged that EC has failed to take any decision despite his repeated representation. The petitioner suggested that the EVMs should be modified to give a slip printed with the symbol of the party in whose favour the voter cast his ballot.[6][17][18][19]
On 17 January 2012, Delhi High Court in its ruling on Dr. Subramanian Swamy's Writ Petition (Writ Petition (Civil) No. 11879 of 2009) challenging the use of EVMs in the present form said that EVMs are not "tamper-proof". Further, it said that it is "difficult" to issue any directions to the EC in this regard. However, the court added that the EC should itself hold wider consultations with the executive, political parties and other stake holders on the matter.[5][5]
Dr Swamy appealed against Delhi High Court's refusal to order a VVPAT system in Supreme Court. On 27 September 2012, Election Commission's advocate Ashok Desai submitted to a Supreme Court bench of Justice P Sathasivam and Justice Ranjan Gogoi that field trial for VVPAT system is in progress and that a status report will be submitted by early January 2013. Desai said that on pressing of each vote, a paper receipt will be printed, which will be visible to the voters inside a glass but cannot be taken out of the machine. To this, Dr Swamy replied that the new system was acceptable to him. The Supreme Court posted the matter for further hearing to 22 January 2013.[20][21]
Another similar writ petition filed by the Asom Gana Parishad is still pending before the Gauhati High Court.[22]


How can someone tamper with an electronic voting machine?


The November 2006 elections that decided the make-up of the U.S. Congress and state and local governments faced more uncertainty than any election to date. Instead of "Democrat or Republican," the more pressing ques­tion became "accurate count or complete debacle?" More than 60 million Americans cast their votes on electronic voting machines for the first time in 2006. Some feared human and machine error, both of which have occurred in almost all electronic voting since the machines were introduced in limited scope in 2002. Others feared a darker foe, and it's not just conspiracy theorists: For the past three or four years, computer scientists have been tampering with voting machines to prove it can be done. And they say it's actually pretty easy.
With electronic voting, the entire setup is electronic, not just the actual casting of the vote. The general process of electronic voting on the most common touchscreen models goes something like this:
  1. The voter checks in with election personnel, who enter the voter's name into a computer database to make sure he or she has not already voted.
  2. The voter is given a "smart card" -- basically a credit-card-type device with a microchip in it -- that activates the electronic voting machine.
  3. The voter casts his or her vote by touching a name on the screen.
  4. If the model includes printout capabilities (which is required by more than half of U.S. states), the voter receives a printout that verifies his or her choices before leaving the booth. If the printout is correct, the voter inserts it into voting machine before leaving the booth to complete the voting process. (If it's incorrect, different models have different remedies, but it's safe to say it starts to get messy at that point). In non-print-out models, the voter leaves the booth after cast his or her vote on the touchscreen.
  5. Once the polling place has closed, an election official inserts a supervisor's smart card into the voting machine and enters a password to access the tally of all votes on that machine. Election officials either transmit the tallies electronically, via a network connection, to a central location for the county, or else carry the memory card by hand to the central location.

2014 LS polls -- gigantic EVM rigging fraud by Sonia Congress. Demand post-poll audit of EVMs by CAG -- V. Sundaram, IAS (R)

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2014 LOK SABHA POLLS - GIGANTIC EVM RIGGING FRAUD BY SONIA CONGRESS

By V. SUNDARAM IAS (r.) April 18, 2014


When Sonia Gandhi made the “supreme sacrifice” of giving up the post of Prime Minister in favour of Dr Manmohan Singh in May 2009, I was the first freelance journalist to write that she has rigged the electoral process through her slavish invertebrate minion Navin Chawla, who was then the Chief Election Commissioner of India. Within a fortnight, more authentic facts relating to the rigging of 2009 Lok Sabha polls in more than 100 Parliamentary Constituencies came to public light.

When Sonia Gandhi unseated Sitaram Kesari, the floundering and fumbling grand old man in the Congress Party, in 1998, I had written that she would take the Congress Party on the path of transcendental destruction. In 2005 June, I wrote that Gopalakrishna Gokhle, the political mentor of Mahatma Gandhi, created the SERVANTS OF INDIA SOCIETY (SOIS) in 1905 and his sole aim in creating this public body was to spiritualize India’s public life. I declared that exactly 100 years later, Sonia Gandhi had converted the Congress Party into the SERVANTS OF SONIA SOCIETY (SOSS) whose only political aim was to criminalizeIndia’s public life. In every scam like the Common Wealth Games Scam, the 2G Spectrum Scam, the Coalgate Scam, theAgustaWestland Helicopter Scam, the prima donna role behind the scenes was played by Sonia Gandhi and her Political Advisor Ahmed Patel, a great friend of Mafia Don Dawood Ibhahim.

So much by way of background information on the propensity of Sonia Gandhi for indulging in malafide acts and deeds of gargantuan public fraud.

Now let me turn to what happened at a polling booth in Shamrao Kalmadi School in Pune on 17TH April 2014. On that day, early morning voters were bewildered when an electronic voting machine (EVM) REPORTEDLY "TRANSFERRED" ALL VOTES TO THE CONGRESS AS PLANNED BY SONIA GANDHI AND HER UNSCRUPULOUS MINIONS IN HIGH PLACES. VOTERS FOUND THAT WHICHEVER BUTTON WAS PRESSED ON THE EVM, ONLY THE CONGRESS LIGHT BLINKED.

Bimba Nagarmath, a resident of Erandwane in Pune has complained to the Polling officer at booth 263 located at the Shamrao Kalmadi High School. The voting had already begun by then at 7:15 a.m. and 28 voters had cast their vote before her. Some of the alert voters brought this to the notice of the election officials who stopped the voting immediately. I call this machine meant for rigging the elections as the Sonia Gandhi cum Navin Chawla Voting Machine (SGNCCVM). THIS MACHINE HAS BEEN DESIGNED ONLY TO VOTE FOR SONIA CONGRESS AND NO OTHER PARTY!

The EVM was subsequently replaced and the voting resumed.

According to a DNA Report dated 9th April 2014 filed by Rishi Majumder, some Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) in the Maharashtra’s Gondhia-Bhandara Lok Sabha constituency were found to be not registering the votes in favour of the parties for whom they were being cast. In one instance they were registering the votes in favour of National Congress Party (NCP).

Taking note of this dangerous and criminal defect in the EVMs, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) filed a writ petition in the Nagpur High Court to demand either the installation of Voter Verified Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) systems in the EVMs in the constituency, or the postponement of the election date. The VVPAT system allows voters to verify that their vote has been cast correctly on the EVMs. PRAFUL PATEL IS THE NCP CANDIDATE FROM THIS CONSTITUENCY.

The AAP candidate for Gondhia-Bhandara Parliamentary Constituency is Prashant Mishra.

On the night of April 6th 2014 (Sunday), a mock-polling of EVMs in the Gondhia-Bhandara Constituency was held in front of party volunteers. During that process, an AAP volunteer reportedly stumbled upon a voting machine (number E056131), where votes cast in favour of the BSP (button number 3) were going to the NCP (button number 2). Soon thereafter, on 7th April 2014, the AAP lodged a complaint with the District Collector’s Office at Bhandara and Prashant Mishra (AAP) went to Gondhia to inspect the machine himself, in the presence of the Gondhia District Collector Amit Saini, the EC observer Sumeet Singh, and the SDO and the Tehsildar of the area.

The EC report that was given to the AAP at 8.30 pm on April 7 said there were 20 faulty EVMs in all. Prashant Mishra and other AAP volunteers demanded to see these machines.

In my view, the immediate political aim of Sonia Gandhi, an international political criminal who has been summoned by a Court of Law in USA recently in connection with the 1984 Genocide of Sikhs in Delhi, is to cleverly rig the electoral process now in progress by an unscrupulous methodology of selective rigging in states where the Congress Party is ruling. I understand that each EVM can record a maximum number of 3,840 votes. But on an average, the experience shows that only about 1,500 are cast. In other words, if selective rigging is done through the process of deployment/ installation of 30 Sonia Gandhi cum Navin Chawla Voting Machines (SGNCCVM), the definite victory of a Congress candidate by a margin of more than 45,000 votes can be ensured in the selected Parliamentary Constituencies. In the 2009 Lok Sabha Polls, Sonia Gandhi and her special Election Commissioner-in-waiting had installed SGNCCVMs in about 100 Parliamentary Constituencies which enabled the Sonia Congress party to form a minority UPA Government for 5 years starting from May 2009.

This is why Rahul Gandhi, the greatest leader India has produced since the Age of Indus Valley Civilization, told in the interview with TIMES NOW Editor-in-Chief Arnab Goswami, “We will win”. Now all of us can see what he has arranged for!

Against this background, all the Political Parties forming part of NDA should present a petition immediately to the President of India and the Chief Justice of India bringing out these facts and requesting both of them to direct the Election Commission of India to hold back the declaration of results of the Lok Sabha Polls till the completion of the post-poll audit of the EVMs is conducted by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (C&AG).


I am of the view that in the larger interests of preservation of Indian democracy, the next government should order an immediate inquiry into the reprehensible and criminal conduct of those public servants who connived and co-operated with the Sonia Congress party in the planned subversion of the due process of free and fair Lok Sabha Elections in 2014.
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