A possibility, in the context of Dholavira find of a two-sided bronze age seal, which uses Meluhha hieroglyphs to denote dhokra kamar lost-wax metal casters, is that Araṭṭa mentioned in cuneiform texts (Sumer) may refer to Lāṭa (cognate with Rāṭa following the phonetic changes of r~~l).
A region in the Rann of Kutch, bordering Baluchistan, with a number of archaeological sites such a Surkotada, Kanmer may constitute Araṭṭa as Lāṭa. Such an identification is consistent with cuneiform texts mentioning the mountains to cross before Enmerkar could reach Lugalbanda.
The consecration (coronation) of Prince Vijaya, 543 BC – 505 BCE, born in Sinhpur or Sihor of Kathiawar, Gujarat (Detail from the Ajanta Mural of Cave No 17).
Āraṭṭa or Arāṭṭa may also link phonetically with Lāṭa mentioned in ancient Indian texts.
Rock Edicts of Ashoka found in Girnar, near Junagad in Saurashtra refer to: Yona-Kamboja-Gandharam Ristika Petenikanam ye va pi amne Aparata... Could the reference to Ristika here a recollection of Marhashi, Marhaši (Mar-ḫa-šiKI, Marhashi, Marhasi, Parhasi, Barhasi; in earlier sources Waraḫše) a 3rd millennium BCE polity situated east of Elam? An inscription attributed to Lugal-Anne-Mundu of Adab (albeit in much later copies) mentions it among the seven provinces of his empire, between the names of Elam and Gutium. This inscription also recorded that he confronted their governor (ensi), Migir-Enlil of Marhashi, who had led a coalition of 13 rebel chiefs against him. Some Meluhha glosses: . खालट [ khālaṭa ] a Lowish or low--a country or tract: low, depressed, dumpy--a thing. खालाट [ khālāṭa ] n खालाटी or ठी f (खालीं & ठाय) The low country; the country as it descends from the foot of the Sayhádri-range towards the coast. Opp. to वलाठी. Applied also, in the Konkan̤, to the land lying immediately along the coast, as वलाटी is to the land lying inwards and ascending towards the Gháṭs. 2 The name of the vowelmarks ु and ू; these occurring under the line of writing; as वेलाटी (from वलाटी or वर & ठाय) is the name of those occurring over it.
खालाटकर [ khālāṭakara ] c An inhabitant of खालाटी. वलाट [ valāṭa ] n वलाटी or ठी f (वर & ठाय Upper-country.) The land as it rises from the coast towards the foot of the Sayhádri range. Opp. to खालाटी The descending country. 2 Applied in the Konkan̤ to the inward or eastern portion of this land, as खालाटी is to that bordering upon the sea.
वलाटकर [ valāṭakara ] c An inhabitant of वलाटी. लाट [ lāṭa ] f A wave. 2 The cross piece of a बगाड (hook-swing); also of a machine for pounding lime, pohe &c. 3 The roller of an oilmill; also of a certain kind of sugarmill. 4 A beam or rail laid across and before the idol in an idol-house. 5 A roller for leveling ground. 6 The beam of a lime and pebble mill. 7 A large beam or piece of timber in general. लाट्या [ lāṭyā ] m C (लाटणें) A cylindrical roller or muller of a mortar. 2 Any mass (as of dough, earth &c.) so shaped. लाठ [ lāṭha ] f A contrivance (with three poles &c.) to draw water out of deep wells. लाठा [ lāṭhā ] m unc A rolling-pin.
लाड [ lāḍa ] m A caste or an individual of it. They sell betel-leaf, areca-nut, tobacco, bháng &c.
लाड [ lāḍa ] f (Commonly राड) The muck-pit in the festival of Shimgá. राट [ rāṭa ] m R (Usually रहाट) A waterwheel &c. राड [ rāḍa ] a Foul, turbid, muddy--water &c. रहाट [ rahāṭa ] m ( H) A machine (composed of two wheels connected by a beam) for drawing water. 2 The wheel of a machine or an engine in general; as of the above contrivance for drawing water, of a spinning machine, a rope-machine &c.: also, by synecdoche, such machine.
रहाटगाडगें [ rahāṭagāḍagēṃ ] n A wheel with wreaths or a wreath of pots around it, erected over the mouth of a well to draw up water; the Persian waterwheel. 2 fig. The wheel of fortune; constant alternations or vicissitudes; succession of ups and downs, of good and evil; an alternation or reciprocal succession in general. 3 fig. Dealing or business with; a rotation or course of giving and receiving, receiving and giving.
रहाटणें [ rahāṭaṇēṃ ] v i (रहाट) To be much practised or exercised in; to be conversant with. 2 (Poetry.) To behave.
रहाटपाळणा [ rahāṭapāḷaṇā ] m The fabric of swinging boxes erected at fairs &c.; a revolving swing or cradle in general.
रहाटवड [ rahāṭavaḍa ] f C The materials required for, or the articles and items composing, a रहाट or waterwheel.
रहाटवणी [ rahāṭavaṇī ] n C (रहाट & पाणी) Water drawn up by a waterwheel; as disting. from that of a stream &c.
रहाटागर [ rahāṭāgara ] m n (रहाट & आगर) A plantation irrigated by means of a waterwheel.
रहाटी [ rahāṭī ] f (Dim. of रहाट) A waterwheel worked with the feet. 2 fig. Course, custom, established usage respecting. 3 (Poetry.) Behaviour, demeanour. 4 unc (राई) A dense wood or grove.
रहाट्या [ rahāṭyā ] a (रहाट) Employed or fit to be employed in working a waterwheel--a man or beast. 2 In games of play. A person that plays on both sides. 3 Applied to a vacillating person who espouses sometimes the one side and sometimes the other, a trimmer, turncoat, timeserver. 4 fig. A conductor or manager. 5 One serving (at weddings &c.) without remuneration. 6 A person pressed as a guide, carrier of burdens &c. from village to village; a carrier on of the रहाट (wheel or course of business).
araghaṭṭa m. ʻ wheel for raising water ʼ Pañcat., °aka- m. lex. Pa. araghaṭṭa -- m., Pk. arahaṭṭa -- , rah° m.; K. arahaṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ Persian wheel ʼ; S. arṭu m. ʻ Persian wheel, spinning wheel ʼ; L. aruṭṭ, araṭ m. ʻ Persian wheel ʼ, mult. raṭṭ m. ʻ wheel of a well on which rope ladder and pots are hung ʼ; P. cuharhṭā m. ʻ a well with four Persian wheels ʼ; Ku. rahaṭ ʻ spindle ʼ; N. rohoṭe piṅ ʻ a wheel on which seats are slung and used at fairs ʼ; Or. araṭa ʻ spinning wheel ʼ, Bi. rahṭā; Mth. rahaṭ, rā° ʻ wheel at the top of a well ʼ; Aw. lakh. rãhaṭā ʻ spindle ʼ; H. arhaṭ, rahaṭ, rẽṭ m. ʻ Persian wheel ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ, rahṭā m. ʻ Persian wheel, spinning wheel ʼ; OG. arahaṭa m., G. rahẽṭ, re_ṭ, m. ʻ waterwheel ʼ, re_ṭiyɔ, °ṭuṛɔ m. ʻ spinning wheel ʼ; M. rahāṭ, rāṭ ʻ Persian wheel ʼ. -- Poss. X halá -- : S. halaṭru m. ʻ Persian wheel with bullocks and apparatus included ʼ, P. halhaṭ m. ʻ Persian wheel ʼ.S.kcch. araṭ m. ʻ spinning wheel ʼ. (CDIAL 596).
मराठा [ marāṭhā ] a (महाराष्ट्र S The great territory.) Relating to the Maráṭhá country. 2 Relating to the Maráṭhá people; but with some distinctiveness or speciality. Applied to the Kun̤bí it contradistinguishes him from the Bráhman and the high castes on the one hand, and from the Parwárí and all outcastes on the other. मराठा, as likewise the term राजा or राव, is arrogated to themselves by many who claim descent from the (extinct) Kshatriya or Military tribe, and who wear accordingly the जानवें or characteristic thread. Such, although they eat with the common Kun̤bi, esteem themselves higher and scruple at intermarriage.
gurjararāṣṭra ʻ kingdom of the Gurjaras ʼ. [gur- jará -- , rāṣṭrá -- ] B. gujrāṭ. 4211 *gurjaratrā ʻ country of the Gurjaras ʼ. [gurjará -- ]Pk. gujjarattā -- f., H. gujarāt m., G. gujrāt f. 4210 gurjará m. ʻ name of a people ʼ Pañcat.Pk. gujjara -- m.; K. gujoru, °juru m. ʻ pastoral wandering tribe ʼ (lw. with j); P. gujjar m. ʻ a caste of milkmen ʼ; H. gūjar m. ʻ inferior caste of Rajputs ʼ; OMarw. gujarī f. ʻ a Gūjar woman ʼ; OG. gūjaraḍī f. ʻ a woman of Gujarat ʼ, G. gujrī f.; M. guj̈ar m. ʻ an inhabitant of Gujarat ʼ, °rḍā m. (contemptuous), Ko. gujaru. (CDIAL 4213) mahārāṣṭra n. ʻ kingdom ʼ MW., m. ʻ name of a people ʼ MārkP., °ṭraka -- , °ṭrīya -- adj., °ṭrī -- f. ʻ their language ʼ. [mahā -- , rāṣṭrá -- ] Pk. marahaṭṭha -- m., inscr. mahāraṭhi; N. marāṭhi ʻ of or belonging to the Marāṭhās, the Marāṭhī language ʼ; H. marhaṭṭā m. ʻ a Marāṭhā ʼ; G. marāṭhɔ m., marāṭhī ʻ the language ʼ; M. marāṭhā m., marāṭhī adj., f. ʻ the language ʼ; Si. maharaṭa ʻ the land of the Marāṭhās ʼ. (CDIAL 9952)
rāḍhā f. ʻ district in West Bengal ʼ Kathās., °ḍha -- m. ʻ belonging to this district ʼ lex. [MIA. < rāṣṭrá -- ??] Pk. rāḍhā -- f. ʻ name of a district ʼ, B. rāṛ(h), Or. rāṛha, H. rāṛh m. rāḍhīya -- .rāḍhīya ʻ belonging to Rāḍhā ʼ Prab.com. [rāḍhā -- ] (CDIAL 10698, 10699)
Raṭṭha (nt.) [Vedic rāṣṭra] reign, kingdom, empire; country, realm Sn 46 (expld at Nd2 536 as "raṭṭhañ ca janapadañ ca koṭṭhāgārañ ca . . . nagarañ ca"), 287, 444, 619; J iv 389 (˚ŋ araṭṭhaŋ karoti); PvA 19 (˚ŋ kāreti to reign, govern). Pabbata˚ mountain -- kingdom SnA 26; Magadha˚ the kingdom of Magadha PvA 67. -- vāsin inhabitant of the realm, subject DhA iii.481 Raṭṭhaka (adj.) [Sk. rāṣṭraka] belonging to the kingdom, royal, sovereign J iv.91 (senāvāhana). Raṭṭhika [fr. raṭṭha, cp. Sk. rāṣṭrika] 1. one belonging to a kingdom, subject in general, inhabitant J ii.241 (brāhmaṇa gahapati -- r. -- do ārik'ādayo). -- 2. an official of the kingdom [op Sk. rāṣṭriya a pretender; also king's brother in -- law] A iii.76=300 (r. pettanika senāya senāpatika).(Pali)
súrāṣṭra ʻ having good dominion ʼ TS., m. ʻ a country in the west of India ʼ MBh. [su -- 2, rāṣṭrá -- ] (CDIAL 13504) Pk. suraṭṭha -- n. ʻ name of a country ʼ. saurāṣṭra ʻ coming from Surāṣṭra ʼ, m. pl. ʻ its people ʼ VarBr̥S., n. ʻ a partic. metre ʼ Col. [súrāṣṭra -- ] (CDIAL 13621 ) G. M. soraṭh m. ʻ a district in Kathiawar ʼ; -- Pk. sōraṭṭha -- n. ʻ a partic. metre ʼ; S. soraṭhi f. ʻ a partic. musical mode ʼ, P. soraṭh f.; N. soraṭh ʻ a Gurung song and dance"; H. soraṭh f. ʻ a partic. musical mode ʼ, G. M. soraṭh m. (M. also f.); -- P. H. sorṭhā m. ʻ a partic. metre ʼ, OMarw. soraṭho m. rāṣṭrá n. ʻ kingdom, country ʼ RV., ʻ people ʼ Mn. [√rāj2]Pa. Pk. raṭṭha -- n. ʻ kingdom, country ʼ; Ku. rāṭh ʻ faction, clan, separate division of a joint -- family group ʼ; Si. raṭa ʻ country, district ʼ, Md. ra ʼ (abl. rařuṅ). - rāṣṭrín ʻ possessing a kingdom ʼ ŚBr., rāṣṭrika -- m. ʻ governor ʼ Hariv. [rāṣṭrá -- ] Pa. raṭṭhika -- m. ʻ governor ʼ, Pk. raṭṭhiya -- m., OSi. raṭiya. -- L. P. rāṭh N. rāṛi ʻ blanket ʼ; B. rāṛi ʻ belonging to Rāṛh ʼ; Or. rāṛhi ʻ native of West Bengal, a class of fisherman ʼ; H. rāṛhī ʻ coming from Rāṛh ʼ.(CDIAL 10724, 10721)
From: Fleet, John F. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum: Inscriptions of the Early Guptas. Vol. III. Calcutta: Government of India, Central Publications Branch, 1888, 84-88, we have a discussion on Mandasor Inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman. This refers to the district of lāṭa http://www.sdstate.edu/projectsouthasia/upload/Mandasor-of-Kumara.pdf A Sun-temple was built at the city of Das'apura (Mandasor) under the rule of Bandhuvarman (436 CE) by a guild of silk-weavers who were immigrants from lāṭa vishaya which is described as adorned with shrines of gods (devakula), halls of temples (devasabha), viharas, prasada-mala and vimana-mala. Lāṭa is the ancient name of Southern or Central Gujarāt and ancient Konkan-- perhaps the region between the rivers Mahi and lower Tapti. or between rivers Mahi and Kim (Broach). Dipavamsa (p.54) refers to Simhapura (Sihapura) as the capital of Lāṭa. Ptolemy refers to Lārike [Rāṣṭrika, Lāṭika (Prakrit)]along the sea-coast, east of Indo-Sythia. Baroda copper plate inscription refers to the capital of Lāṭes'vara as Elapur. the legend of Vijaya and his followers may be in Singhapur (Simhapura or Singur), in the Lala Rattha (Lāṭa Rāṣṭra) (Mahavamsa VI.34). The Sanskrit phrase, Apara-Malava-Pashcimena Lata-desa is a reference to this region. Al Biruni refers (Al Biruni's India, p. 205) to it as Lardesh to the extreme hilly west of Bengal where Hooghly district and modern Singur is located. There is however an epic reference to one Sinhapura kingdom with little historical proof, located on the upper Indus which shared borders with Ursa, Abhisara, Bahlika, Darada and Kamboja. (Mahabharata: 2.27.18-22).
It was thought by some early historians that the Republican Gramaneyas of Sabhaparva of Mahabharata[18] may have been the ancestors of the Sinhalese.[19] The original home of the Gramaneyas seems to have been the Sinhapura of Gandhara/Kamboja, but the people shifted to lower Indus and then, after defeat by Pandava Nakula, to Saurashtra Peninsula, centuries prior to common era. There they seem to have founded a principality in Saurashtra Peninsula, centuries prior to common era which they named Sinhapura probably to commemorate their past connections with Sinhapura of Gandhara/Kamboja (According to Dr Hema Chandra Ray, K. M. De Silva et al. also, there is an evidence that the Kambojas who inhabited a region bordering upper Indus, had at one time established themselves in a country near Sindh. The authors have also furnished references to this Southward migration of the Kambojas to a country near Sind (See: History of Ceylon, 1959, p. 93, Hem Chandra Ray, K. M. De Silva, Simon Gregory Perera. Cunningham mentions 'Hingur' as an ancient place name located 40 miles East from the apex of Indus Delta (Ancient Geography of India, map facing p. 248, A Cunningham). The Delta of Indus is still known as Lar and the Sinhapura of Sinhalese traditions was also located somewhere in this region. Scholars say that 'Hingur' could well be a corrupted version of Sinhapura (Ancient Kamboja, People and the Country, 1981, p. 351, Dr J. L. Kamboj).] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prince_Vijaya
If finance minister P Chidambaram were in charge of preparing accounts of a corporate entity, his own officers would possibly have charged him with malicious manipulation and misrepresentation. High handedness, sleight of hand, deception, plain unfairness - anything goes, if only he can get that magic figure for fiscal deficit. The finance minister has made it clear time and again that he would not allow fiscal deficit to cross the budgetary limit of 4.8 per cent of the GDP, defining it as a red line that would not be crossed. Such a commitment to fiscal discipline would ordinarily merit commendation, but the manner Mr. Chidambaram is going about it can only create disgust and misgivings.
Now he is a man in hurry. Somewhere in the middle of February, the government would be presenting a Vote on Account, which will contain a rough estimate of the government revenue, expenditure and deficit for the current fiscal year. Investors, domestic and foreign, financial markets and credit rating agencies are keeping a close watch on the government’s finances. Overshooting the deficit limit would undermine the government’s and finance minister’s credibility, which they can ill afford with elections ahead.
As things stand today, there is little hope of respecting the red line. Three quarters of the financial year have gone, and the tax revenue is way below the budget estimates. At the end of December 2013, the gross tax revenue, before allocation to states, was Rs 7.7 lakh crore, about 62 per cent of the budgeted Rs 12.36 lakh crore. Amid slowing economy, total collection of indirect taxes - excise, customs and service tax - stood at aboutRs. 355,003 crore during the first nine months (April-December) of 2013-14 as against the target of Rs. 5.65 lakh crore for the whole year. The net direct tax collections after refunds were Rs. 4.15 lakh crore in April-December 2013 as against the budget estimate of Rs. 6.7 lakh crore for the whole year. In fact, by November 2013 the government had exhausted 94 per cent of the fiscal deficit limit it had set for the whole year.
Realising that it is impossible to meet the deficit target in the ordinary course of things, the government is looking for shortcuts. Squeezing cash rich public sector companies is one such option. Coal India owned 90 per cent by the government has announced an interim dividend of Rs. 29 per share or 290 per cent. The company will pay out a total of Rs. 18,317 crore; Rs. 16,489 crore of that will go to the government - which will also levy a dividend distribution tax of 17 per cent, meaning that its total revenue from the transaction is around Rs. 19,600 crore. CIL is sitting on cash reserves of Rs. 67,000 crore.
Now, the government as majority shareholder certainly has the prerogative to raise the dividend payout. But is the decision in the long term interests of the company? Coal, which literally powers the Indian economy, is in short supply. It has to be imported in large quantities at a huge cost, although the country is sitting on billions of tonnes of reserves. Coal shortage has impacted production of power and hit industrial growth. Coal India as India’s monopoly coal miner has responsibilities for the future. Its primary job is to increase production of coal and productivity by bringing new mines under operation and investing in more efficient technologies. Coal India has signed several fuel supply agreements and some environmental clearances have just come through. If it has to scale up its operations or alternatively, buy coal abroad to meet guarantees, it would need cash.
It is now likely that other cash-rich PSUs - the National Minerals Development Corporation, for example, which had cash reserves of Rs 22,500 crore as on 30 September - might be subject to the same pressures to disburse cash to the government.
Even more objectionable is the decision to sell 10 per cent equity stake of Indian Oil to ONGC and Oil India Limited. Since both ONGC and Oil India are government-owned, this merely means siphoning off their cash balances into the government’s coffers. This is in addition to the huge direct subsidies that ONGC and Oil India pay to Indian Oil for selling diesel, kerosene and cooking gas well below cost to consumers. This government-sanctioned cheating of investors in ONGC and Oil India constitutes corporate mis-governance of the highest order.
There is scant regard for the fact that cash resources and other assets of public sector enterprises are meant to fund their own growth and capital requirements, and not to bridge the budget deficit.
Finance ministry officials are reportedly asking companies to pay higher advance tax in March 2013 and claim refund later. The ministry plans to defer payment of oil subsidies worth Rs. 60,000 crore to the next fiscal year. There is also a move to withhold big income tax refunds payable to high net worth individuals and corporations. All this will serve the twin purpose: It will help the present government to show a lower fiscal deficit, whereas the next government will be burdened with the old baggage.
Still, Mr. Chidambaram shall not be able meet his fiscal target unless he cuts capital spending. There the finance ministry has ordered large spending cuts, amounting to as much as 30 per cent in some cases, for several ministries. The burden will be borne by ministries of rural development, power, water resources and HRD. In other words, the axe will fall on plan or development or capital expenditure, essential to fuel growth.
In short, additional expenditure is being rolled over to the next financial year, while tax and dividend income to accrue next year is being brought forward into this year’s books. Cash balances of public sector companies are siphoned off to the government’s coffer as revenues from disinvestment. Future growth is sacrificed for current expediency. Is this deficit control or deception?
There is a method in this madness. The UPA government is following the scorched earth policy to make life harder for the successor government. It has already introduced populist laws on food security and land acquisition, which no party can dare oppose in an election year. Then there is a series of executive actions with the same intentions. The rural development ministry is planning to hike NREGA wages even more than what was previously planned. It has also sought to increase pensions paid under the social welfare schemes, especially under the National Social Assistance Programme. These measures may not fetch too many extra votes for the ruling party, but will make life tough for the next government which will have to implement them. The sooner this government leaves the better for the country.
Sir, Excellent presentation of facts. The Defence Capital Expenditure has also been HIT !! Rs. 7970/= crore has been cut from the Capital Expenditure Budget. Result : The I.A.F. already down from a sanctioned strength of 44 squadrons is down to about 36 squadrons, will have to wait for the NEXT GOVT. to sign the Rafale Deal. In the interim, the MiG 21's are being phased out !! We are all aware of the former Army Chief Gen. V.K. Singh's letter to the 'I AM NOT RESPONSIBLE' - PM ! Status Quo Ante as far as the Army goes ! Navy's submarine strength is ALARMING, to say the very least. Bravo St. Antony. And now this 'sleight of hand' from P.C. Nothing surprising. Fully agree - THE EARLIER THIS UPA=2 is 'BOOTED OUT UNCEREMONIOUSLY, THE BETTER FOR THE NATION'. Regards
(Source: Milev, Rossen, 2014, Scriptura Mundi, Writings of the world, Vol. 1, Sofia, Balkan Media ISSN 0861-5047, pp. 159-193). See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/12/witzels-harappan-hoax-myth-of-expertise.htmlWitzel’s Harappan hoax: the myth of expertise on literacy Roots in Indus-Sarasvati civilization of 4th millennium BCE Ancient Indian scripts date back to ca. 3500 BCE. This early date is validated by the discovery of a potsherd with hieroglyphs at Harappa, an archaeological site of Indus-Sarasvati civilization which is referred to as Meluhha in cuneiform texts of Mesopotamia and Elam. (S. Kalyanaraman, 2012, Indian Hieroglyphs – Invention of writing, Herndon, Sarasvati Research Center http://tinyurl.com/c5ovj5q). The Indus writing system evidenced by Indus script corpora, is hieroglyphic and the underlying language is Meluhha (cognate Samskṛtam word: Mleccha). The hieroglyphs were used to inscribe -- on seals, tablets, copper plates and even on metallic tools – and read rebus, details of processing and trade of bronze-age metallurgical artifacts by artisan guilds. This is the picture from harappa.com of Slide 124. Inscribed Ravi sherd from Harappa, which has been dated in an archaeological context. Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view. “The origins of Indus writing can now be traced to the Ravi Phase (c. 3300-2800 BC) at Harappa. Some inscriptions were made on the bottom of the pottery before firing. Other inscriptions such as this one were made after firing. This inscription (c. 3300 BC) appears to be three plant symbols arranged to appear almost anthropomorphic. BBC titled the report 'Earliest writing' of May 4, 1999 citing this find, and quoting one of the excavators, Dr. Richard Meadow: ‘...these primitive inscriptions found on pottery may pre-date all other known writing.’" http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/334517.stm Read on...
The State Department’s Role in the Arrest and Mistreatment of Dr. Devyani Khobargade, Foreign Diplomat, and The Predictable Consequences to America
Narayanan Komerath
January 25, 2014
Starting in 2012, the family of Mr. Richard, an Indian worker in the US Embassy in New Delhi, appears to have been enticed into a scam on the promise of US Green Cards. His wife worked as a domestic assistant to Ms. Uzra Zeya at the US Embassy in India in 2002-2007[1]. His son worked as a chauffeur[2] for the Mozambique Embassy in Delhi. The daughter-in-law, Sangeeta Richard, applied as a live-in maid for the Indian Deputy Consul-General in New York, Dr. Devyani Khobragade.
Dr. Khobragade is married to an American university professor[3], and a mother of two kids, 6 and 3 years old. She is a living counter to many stereotypes. She was born in a so-called “Scheduled Caste” (aka “Dalit”) Indian family. Her father started as a manual laborer, but earned an education and retired at the top of the Indian Administrative Service. Perhaps both father and daughter were helped by India’s Affirmative Action laws – that was certainly intended by the voters who approved those laws. She graduated as a medical doctor. She then sought to repay her nation, working in India’s Foreign Service, devoted to empowering women. Before coming to the USA she was posted in Pakistan, hardly a luxury posting! She was a friend that the US should have treasured, and an example of everything in which we Americans believe. Clearly this made her a target for some people.
From all accounts, Ms. Richard who came to America as a domestic assistant2in November 2012, was (a) trusted with all freedom of movement and association, (b) treated as a family member, (c) paid what she was promised and (d) paid well beyond the prescription of US laws. In addition, she had complete employer-paid healthcare coverage, on par with the diplomat herself. As we all know, this is a huge expense, and many employers of people in hourly-paid jobs in America do not provide that. The kids treated her with great affection and trust2. In addition to her US pay, and her life of comfort in the diplomat’s home, she was also guaranteed an after-tax monthly saving[4] of 30,000 Indian Rupees (then estimated at $573) deposited directly in India. Even in the wealthy suburbs of America, many of us are not able to put away $573 a month after taxes and all expenses from a single income. Indian diplomats in the US, far from disregarding our laws, have followed them in letter and spirit trying their best to work with the State Department and local police. The hostility that elements of the Obama administration has used in targeting them, is out of all proportion to any perceived offences. It is clearly hostile propaganda, and its victims are all of us.
Most of us can agree that it is important to protect the civil rights of domestic workers. The law is clear on that too, and conscientious, thoughtful law enforcement should be supported and applauded. Cynically misusing law enforcement powers and access to public media on this pretext, and bringing our nation into disrepute, is quite a different thing.
A careful reading of the timeline and facts leaves little doubt that this was orchestrated from the start as a propaganda ploy, with no regard for the human costs. The high-profile ruckus was timed to resonate with the recent White House release of the Federal Strategic Action Plan[5] on Services for Victims of Human Trafficking. This appears to be pandering to the worst xenophobic and racist sentiments that politicians and their appointees solicit without any signs of introspection or parental guidance.
In March 2013 Uzra Zeya was appointed[6], acting Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, after serving as Executive Secretary to the State Department’s Accountability Review Board[7] probing the September 2012 Benghazi terrorist attack. In March/April 2013 Ms. Richard demanded to be allowed to work outside the Consulate on her “off days”, which is illegal for her visa status[8]. This should be compared to her later claim[9] that she had no “off-days” and was exhausted from over-work on her “on-days”. On June 21, 2013, the diplomat left her two kids in Ms. Richard’s care while she went on a 2-day trip. Ms. Richard chose this time to desert the kids and disappeared with money given for groceries and the diplomat’s cellphone. The disappearance was not discovered until the diplomat returned1 on June 23; a missing person complaint was eventually accepted by NYC police on June 25. An investigative report in the UK Daily Mail[10] details the clear, deliberate complicity of the State Department in ensuring that all efforts of the Indian diplomats to follow the law and cooperate with US authorities were ignored.
In mid-July extortionary demands were made, leading India to cancel Ms. Richard’s official passport and demand her return. In mid-September, responding to the State Department, the Indians pointed out that Ms. Richard was seeking to subvert both Indian and American laws. In mid November, an Indian court issued an arrest warrant[11] for Ms. Richard. On December 10, the US BDS officials in Delhi violated Indian laws by acquiring tax-free diplomatic tickets[12], and American law by issuing “trafficking” visas apparently ordered (illegally?) by Secretary Zeya’s office[13], to Ms. Richard’s husband and children, and brought them to America to add to our numbers of illegal aliens. Compare this to the months that the US Embassy takes to issue visas to professionals to attend conferences in the USA!
Two days later, the diplomat was arrested in a publicity stunt that would put the Keystone Kops to shame, as she dropped off her kids at school[14], based on charges filed by an agent of the BDS[15]. They then proceeding to have her manacled, stripped and “cavity-searched”– Orwellian-speak for custodial rape – and the fact publicized[16]. I ask the same question that outraged villagers asked in the 1970s movie “Ryan’s Daughter” set in 1940s Ireland[17]:“Whose idea was the stripping up?” This was much worse here, in 2013 America!
I have read the “indictment” that the US attorney’s office in New York appears to have railroaded through a Grand Jury[18]. With all due respect, it is asinine, describing the natural role of a live-in family member as “109 hours per week of work with no overtime pay” etc. Any school-teacher, policeman and I am sure lawmaker, works even longer hours than that, because we care about those entrusted to us, and think about it all the time! While looking after 2 school-age kids and keeping up an apartment are certainly full-time jobs, they are not slavery or abuse any more than “Alice” in the American Brady Bunch[19] TV show who looked after six children was a slave.
From the facts that I can ascertain[20], I assume that any reasonable US court will dismiss all charges against the Indian diplomat. The brutality inflicted on her offends us all as human beings and makes me ashamed as an American that it was done in the name of my country by employees paid with our taxes.
After pleas to reason fell on deaf ears and inflated heads, the Indian government, responding to widespread outrage, is now proceeding to figuratively strip and expose our government’s duplicity and stupidity in no uncertain terms:
They expelled the BDS official[21]. A Facebook search conducted by Indian kids revealed the shockingly offensive racist, bigoted and gratuitous public postings by the BDS official and his wife[22]. Note that India could easily have tossed them in jail to face non-bailable criminal charges for ticket and visa fraud, and offending religious sentiments. A senior US Congressman has aptly described[23] the couple’s actions as “offensive and moronic”, and pointed to the damage done to all the professionals in our Foreign Service.
India requested details on how the US Embassy pays and treats Indian employees. Not surprisingly, our Embassy is foot-dragging on that[24], but the prognosis is bleak as Indian employees and ex-employees come forward with the truth. We wait to hear of the salary and working hours of the elder Mr. Richard.
We now see that the American Embassy School, located on property provided to the US Embassy, has been deliberately[25] and systematically violating both visa[26] and tax laws for decades. Indian officials have cited this as “institutional fraud”[27] and I cannot fault that description. The State Department’s lame claim[28],[29] that the school is not run by the Embassy (with 2 Board members appointed by the Ambassador and many employees giving the tax ID of Embassy employees to deposit their pay) is further evidence of the lack of leadership.
More is to come, I am sure, and will not be pretty. We as citizens would appreciate the leadership of the US Congress in demanding common decency and accountability at the State Department and the White House. Even school teachers know better than to post racist rants on Facebook pages. Is the US Bureau of Diplomatic Security headed by someone who is unaware of basic Internet common sense? Has he not endangered all our diplomats? Who hired this man? Was it the recent Presidential appointee famous for having (literally) shot himself in the foot? Who employed the BDS official’s wife as an expert on international community relations, given her gross lack of sense? Are State Department appointments now done on nepotism? How did the Board of the American Embassy School, with two members directly appointed by the Ambassador, allow and even order its employees to blatantly dodge taxes and lie on visa forms, and give false ID numbers to deposit salaries? Should these people not be prosecuted under US racketeering and money-laundering laws?
It is clear from the above that the purported basis for the prosecution of the Indian diplomat, is a grotesque and malicious distortion of the law set out to protect domestic workers from exploitation and virtual slavery. The law is well-intentioned and commendable, but in the hands of the cynical, the arrogant and the zealously thoughtless, as only government can be, it is been turned into a disaster for domestic workers and the United States alike. New York set a minimum wage of $9.73, applicable alike to American fast-food workers who must pay to live 2 hours away and commute to Manhattan, and for live-in nannies who are treated like family members in a luxury household in downtown with all her living expenses paid. The State Department decided arbitrarily that no in-kind payments could be subtracted from the $9.75, which may be admirable to prevent extreme cases where all of a worker’s salary may be deducted, but which was certainly not the case here. The prosecutor here has pursued a completely senseless interpretation of that law, taking cynical advantage of a situation where a woman diplomat with a clear record of taking active interest in the plight of women workers, went out of her way to treat her own domestic assistant as a family member in every way. The Indian diplomat was targeted because this was a case of a woman living in a home with a woman boss and two small daughters: the nanny was clearly a member of the family with the full run of the household, and as such was naturally “on call” as much as a family member would be. By no fair standard was this person a victim of mistreatment or exploitation, it was the other way around.
Is the New York Federal Prosecutor too competence-challenged to see this, or did he deliberately ignore the obvious, in pursuing his bungling? Why did he ignore the fact that there were complaints on both sides, the one against the maid for dishonesty preceding the retaliatory complaint by the maid and her gang of coaches? In any event, we are left with a mess that makes the United States of America, far from being a protector of the weak, as a bunch of sadistic bullies run by cynically hate-filled entities, intent on destroying alliances between free democracies. This calls for an in-depth Congressional investigation and accounting.
A few long-term consequences may be predicted:
1. Yes, foreign diplomats will be “sensitized” to the need to follow the letter of American state law in employing domestic assistants, whether imported or local. This outcome could have been achieved through far less sensational or clumsy means.
2. Most diplomats will decide not to hire anyone of the sort. Their children will either stay back, or they will get grandparents to accompany them. The net loss is to the American tax base, and probably to the quality of upbringing that these children will experience, a loss blamed on America, creating resentment against America.
3. Many foreign missions will simply choose to replace the domestic assistant headcount with other designations covered by full diplomatic immunity. The population of undeclared and declared foreign secret agents, media experts and trade coordinators in America may thus be expected to rise, and with it, foreign influence.
4. The arrangement to deposit part of the US-earned wages directly to savings in the home country, will be abandoned, and the assistants left to fend for themselves in saving for their families.
5. Families all over the USA will recoil from the reports of this incident, and from any plans to hire domestic help if they can in any way avoid it. News reports already cite the extreme difficulty that many Americans have in finding enough hours at the wages that they can command, to make ends meet. This will be aggravated. Childcare quality will also suffer.
6. Any prospects of “live-in” domestic workers will be greatly reduced, since those benefits are not counted in hourly wages. Workers will be forced to commute long hours, and pay for their own quality of life. Childcare quality will suffer.
7. Governments all over the world will re-examine the operations of the US Embassy and Consulates in their countries, for tax evasion, visa fraud, giving out trafficking visas illegally, and various other nefarious activities. The credibility of the United States has been crippled by the revelations from the American Embassy School.
In 2011, American farmworkers, grocery store cashiers, park attendants etc earned around $1600 per month , averaging around $9.3 per hour, from which they had to pay all expenses and taxes. Employers will respond to extortionary “laws” on minimum wage for hourly employees by cutting back their hours to stay within their own fixed budgets, with negative results all round. Dictating both an hourly wage and a regular guaranteed number of hours per week for these workers is going to fail in most cases. Further, regarding any call on live-in workers beyond a fixed working day as overtime, when they have probably been idle most of the day, will only destroy prospects for live-in arrangements. What I do not see is the prospect of childcare/ domestic worker monthly income rising above that earned by these workers. Perhaps the market for childcare/cooking robots will rise rapidly, if those robots can be imported from China to help the Obama administration destroy yet another caring human service in the USA.
[8] Imran Ahmed Siddiqui, How India left gates open for ‘evacuation’. Devyani filed complaint on July 3 but officials waited and did little to plug loopholes.” The Telegraph, Kolkatta, December 20, 2013.http://www.telegraphindia.com/1131220/jsp/frontpage/story_17701442.jsp#.UuQD2_ZOnfQ “In mid-March 2013, Sangeeta asked Devyani whether she could work outside on her off-days, to which the diplomat told the nanny that her position as a domestic assistant on official passport with dependent visa did not entitle her to such work, according to the complaint.” ..”On June 18, Sangeeta went to Devyani’s office at the consulate-general of India for the first time and said that that she felt overburdened by work at home and would feel happy to stay and work outside her employer’s house from 7pm to 7am,” the complainant said.
[15] Zeenews.com, Dec. 26, 2013: Devyani Khobragade case: Screenshot shows US officials misread info“The last question on the page is regarding the monthly salary of the employer and the screenshot shows the answer was given as USD 4,500. Based on the same information, however, the 11-page complaint filed by the agent of the Bureau of Diplomatic Security alleges that Khobragade promised to pay USD 4,500 to her maid. “The Visa Application stated that Witness-1 was to be paid USD 4,500 per month in US dollars,” alleged Mark J Smith, Special Agent of the Bureau of Diplomatic Security.” http://zeenews.india.com/news/nation/devyani-khobragade-case-screenshot-shows-us-officials-misread-info_899626.html (Note: The State Department denied that there was any misreading)
[17] Wikipedia. “Ryan’s Daughter is a 1970 film directed by David Lean. The film, set in 1916, tells the story of a married Irish woman who has an affair with a British officer during World War I”. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ryan’s_Daughter
[19] Wikipedia, “The Brady Bunch is an American sitcom created by Sherwood Schwartz that originally aired from September 26, 1969 to March 8, 1974 on ABC. The series revolves around a large blended family which includes six children.”http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Brady_Bunch
Were Arvind Kejriwal to achieve his ambition of becoming Prime Minister, he would choke private industry in India as effectively as Jawaharlal Nehru did.
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everal of those who are members of the year-old Aam Aadmi Party were not born that sorry day in 1964 when Jawaharlal Nehru finally gave up clinging to life. As in the case of Atal Behari Vajpayee in 2003, had Jawaharlal Nehru demitted office in his prime in 1958, his reputation in history may have been a tad better. From that year, he began to lose focus and made a series of mistakes, including the dismissal of the world's first popularly-elected Communist government in Kerala in 1959, and the diplomatic and military disaster that culminated in the PLA's victories in 1962. Believing those around them who wail that they are indispensable and therefore in a sense indestructible, all too many leaders continue in office well beyond the period when their health or their common sense equips them for such a role. History, whether written by historians within the country or outside, has indeed been kind to Nehru, omitting the fact that he continued with the colonial system of law and administration in a context where these constructs impeded rather than encouraged progress. So total was his faith in what the British left behind that even a Girija Shankar Bajpai, who lobbied long and aggressively in Washington against Indian independence, was given the lead role in the determination of foreign policy. About the only "de-colonisation" which took place was the replacement of the Union Jack with the Tricolour, and brown folks inhabiting the stately official residences and offices which formerly were the preserve of white overlords.
Despite strenuous efforts by the British to choke Indian business to a pygmy status, in 1947, private business houses in India were more than the equal of those in Japan or even most countries in Europe. The House of Tata, the House of Birla, as well as several others saw independence as the gateway towards spreading across the globe, thereby giving jobs and prosperity to millions. However, this was not what Nehru had in mind. He chopped and pruned private Indian industry such that by the time he passed away, Japan, South Korea and even Thailand had a business sector that was far more vibrant and diversified than their Indian counterparts. Interestingly, after a few tentative steps at reform beginning in 1992 and continued since then, the Manmohan Singh government has steadily returned the economy and the country towards the Nehruvian period of the state having a smothering degree of control over private industry. The high interest rates, high taxation and high degree of regulation that has been the signature tune of Manmohan Singh and his principal economic sidekick Palaniappan Chidambaram have destroyed manufacturing in India and slowed down the growth of the services industry. Successive — and carefully chosen — governors of the Reserve Bank of India, including the present, have delighted the overseas competitors of Indian companies by the way in which they have boosted interest rates.
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Kejriwal and his party seek to revive the 1950s in India, despite the fact that a considerable degree of silt has been deposited in the banks of the Jamna since then.
The manner in which he has re-introduced the Licence Raj has given Manmohan Singh the distinction of being the first Nehruvian in India. However, that sobriquet is in danger of being snatched away from him, for a challenger has come up who has even more contempt for the Indian private sector than he has, and who regards the whip of control preferable to the use of non-coercive reason as being the best way to manage the people of India. This Nehruvian par excellence is Arvind Kejriwal. He and his party seek to revive the 1950s in India, despite the fact that a considerable degree of silt has been deposited in the banks of the Jamna (Yamuna) since then. Were Arvind Kejriwal to achieve his obvious ambition of becoming the Prime Minister of India (rather than a mere Chief Minister), he would choke private industry in India as effectively as Jawaharlal Nehru did.
The police in Delhi do not seem to like Kejriwal. In fact, the tenets he and his associates espouse would make the police even more powerful than they are in a country where colonial-era law and practices is still the norm. The more things change, the more they seem to remain the same.
Surveys are being conducted of 380 constituencies where it is expected that the BJP has a chance.
MADHAV NALAPAT New Delhi | 25th Jan 2014
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BJP Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi holds a bow and arrow as party President Rajnath Singh displays a mace during a rally at Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh on Thursday. PTI
Narendra Modi has begun consolidating his leadership within the BJP, decentralising operations to centres such as Mumbai, Hyderabad and Lucknow, where formerly all operations were controlled and monitored from Delhi. Surveys are being conducted of 380 constituencies where it is expected that the BJP has a chance of winning, and in each, names are being vetted who would add an extra boost to the campaign if nominated as the party candidate, rather than drag down the ticket. This is in the context of reports that several seats were lost in Delhi and Chhattisgarh because of poor choice of candidates, including some who "bought their nomination". The target is to secure 300 seats for the BJP alone, or in the "worst case" scenario, 240. Preliminary calculations indicate that any tally beyond 200 for the party will ensure either the BJP leads the government, or that any alternative government would collapse in a couple of years, leading to a fresh election that the BJP would sweep. However, rather than 2016 or Rahul Gandhi's reminder to his flock about 2019, the intention is to "win now, and win big". A BJP tally beyond 220 would "ensure that Prime Minister Modi has a strong hand to effect needed reforms", a key strategist claimed, adding that "any tally above 240 would put him in a position where he would smoothly be able to fulfil his promise of prosperity with security and stability" to the voter.
Aware that the BJP has become an enervated outfit, with cadre activity considerably reduced since Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee took a conscious decision in 2001 to move away from the saffron model towards a more Congress model of party development, Team Modi has been busy setting in place its own framework for the implementation of Vision 2014, which is the securing not just of 272 Lok Sabha seats, but 300. BJP strategists are aware that cadre disenchantment with the functioning of the Vajpayee government contributed to the party's defeat in 2004. BJP Prime Minister designate Narendra Modi is aware that a high tally is essential for him to have the credibility and depth of institutional support needed to achieve his plan of re-organisation of the working of government agencies.
While the BJP may still be enabled to lead the next government should its tally be as low as 180 seats, some of its senior leaders are talking of a "last mile" strategy where they, rather than Modi, would be projected as the PM designate "in order to get enough allies to secure a majority in the Lok Sabha". The downside is that such a government would in effect be a continuation of the past, and therefore a severe disappointment to those who voted for change by opting for Modi. "It would weaken the BJP. There is no option to Modi. Either he becomes PM or Leader of the Opposition", said a strategist.
A number cruncher revealed that a Modi-less BJP "would get less than 110 seats", while a BJP with Modi fully in command would "comfortably cross 240 and could reach 300", hence the significance of the projection of Modi as PM.
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The Congress Party is likely to cross double-digit wins only in Maharashtra, Kerala, Karnataka and Assam, according to number crunchers active in assessing the situation.
Indications are that a Modi-led government would be very different from the "politician-heavy" governments that have been in vogue since 1947. The names of technocrats and experts such as Deepak Parekh, General V.K. Singh and even scientist Anil Kakodkar are doing the rounds as possible entrants, although all of this remains speculation. What is clear is that a Modi-led government would "function under his leadership and in fulfilment of his promises to the electorate", rather than — as with the Manmohan Singh Council of Ministers — be a collection of "feudal lords, each jealously safeguarding their independence from the Prime Minister's Office".
The Congress Party is likely to cross double-digit wins only in Maharashtra, Kerala, Karnataka and Assam, according to number crunchers active in assessing the situation. "Modiji's twin strengths are clean government and strong growth." In his estimate, "If the Aam Aadmi Party gains 25 Lok Sabha seats, it means a loss to Congress of 50 seats and to the BJP of 30 seats." This could cost Modi either the PM-ship or the capacity to run the government with the freedom he needs to perform. Hence the effort to ensure that the AAP does not act the spoiler by poaching on the swelling vote banks being built up by the Modi for PM campaign, especially in Delhi, Bangalore and Mumbai, cities where they are hoping to win seats by persuading voters "that AAP is stronger on fighting corruption and the Congress Party" than Modi. "We have to see that the AAP tally is within single digits," a key strategist said, adding that "in the weeks ahead, it will be clear that to fight Communalism, Corruption and Congress, the best bet is Narendra Modi and not Kejriwal."
The leaders hand-picked by L.K. Advani to assist him in leading the party into the 21st century are without much of a base in their home states, a list which includes Arun Jaitley, Sushma Swaraj, Venkaiah Naidu, Yashwant Sinha, Ananth Kumar and Rajnath Singh. Those privy to the thinking of the "Delhi Group" within the BJP say that their own forecast is that "the BJP will get around 170-180 seats, which in their view means that one of them (with Jaitley and Rajnath being the frontrunners) can become the PM, in a context where they expect (or hope) that Modi will not be able to cobble together a majority if he is projected as the PM candidate". While Narendra Modi himself is silent on possible post-poll outcomes, a strategist claimed that in the event of a lower seat tally, "we will seek to persuade him to serve as Leader of the Opposition", in the expectation that "a hodge-podge government will rapidly lose public support" and pave the way for fresh elections "where there will be a big majority for Modi". They are unanimous that there is no point in the BJP being part of any government "unless the comprehensive growth and reform agenda of Narendra Modi can get implemented". For this, the calculation is that the BJP needs "240 seats, so that the centre of gravity is with the BJP".
Calculations made on the basis of ground-level research suggest that "in UP, 45 Lok Sabha seats are feasible, and 25 in Bihar", according to these strategists, who say that "this time around, there could be a clean sweep in MP and Gujarat, while in Rajasthan the only non-BJP seat will be that of the late Sis Ram Ola". They place the number of alliance seats in Maharashtra at 35, while the BJP is expected to get 17 seats in Karnataka. The expectation is that the alliance will get at least 7 seats in Haryana, as well as all except two seats in Punjab, and four in Delhi. Although outside analysts regard this as improbable, number-crunchers working towards a 300-seat verdict claim that the BJP will on its own win three seats in Orissa and two in Andhra Pradesh. They see "a clear preference for Narendra Modi" in the electorate this time, "similar to that for Indira Gandhi in 1971". A senior strategist dismissed the AAP as "promising circuses for the people while Modi promises bread".
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/aratta-as-lata.htmlAraṭṭa as Lāṭa The following notes provide further evidence and arguments to support the identification of Araṭṭa as Lāṭa (ancient Gujarat). The location of Araṭṭa has baffled many researchers who have located the region in a wide area ranging from Armenia (Ararat or Urartu mountain) to Afghanistan (as the source of lapis lazuli stone).
To make some progress in resolving the problem of locating Araṭṭa, some archaeological evidences are presented.
Chanhu-daro, Dholavira, Tin road
Evidence for Chanhu-daro as the Sheffield of ancient India and Dholavira as the port-town with trade links which could have extended through the Persian Gulf and through Mari to the Fertile Crescent (evidenced by the finds of cire perdue arsenic-bronze artifacts at Nahal Mishmar) and the Tin road through Assur and Kanish (Anatolia) (evidenced by over 20,000 merchants' letters found on cuneiform tablets), it is becoming clear that -- together with tin ore and the technique of lost-wax metal casting -- gold and precious stones came from Afghanistan and Gujarat (evidenced by the Queen Pu-abi tomb finds.
If Gandhara was Afghanistan, Araṭṭa also mentioned in Baudhāyana śrautasūtra was Gujarat (Rann of Kutch or northern part of Lāṭa).
Pu-abi had the title "nin" or "eresh", a Sumerian word which can denote a queen or a priestess.)
Puabi's 25 pieces of jewellery constituting the diadem and other ornaments from the Royal Cemetery of Ur in Mesopotamia discovered by Leonard Woolley.
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Polished beads found in the tomb of Queen Puabi
Puabi or Shab'ad "The Sumerian princess" : Jewelry and headdress of gold and imported precious stones such as carnelian and lapis lazuli from India and Afghanistan. From the Royal Cemetery of Ur. Early Dynastic, ca. 2400 BC. The National Museum of Iraq - Baghdad.
The headdress of gold, lapis lazuli, and carnelian includes a frontlet with beads and pendant gold rings, two wreaths of poplar leaves, a wreath of willow leaves and inlaid rosettes, and a string of lapis lazuli beads, discovered on Queen Puabi’s body in her tomb at the Royal Cemetery of Ur, ca 2550 BCE. The rosette is safflower hieroglyph read rebus in Meluhha: करडी [karaḍī] f (See करडई) 'safflower' (Prakrit) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] ' Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c.' (Marathi) [Note: अकीक [akīka] m ( A) A cornelian (Marathi). वैडूर्य [vaiḍūrya] n (Properly वैदूर्य S) A turquois or lapis lazuli.] The hieroglyph safflower was chosen because it also denoted the fire-god करडी [karaḍī] (Remo)
Carnelian beads of Puabi could not have come from Afghanistan.
The safflower hieroglyph shown on Tukulti-Ninurta altar is also found on flower ornament of jewellery :
Kunal, silver ornaments. Safflower-shaped hieroglyph is shown on the top left.
Enmerkar’s campaign to Aratta
Enmerkar was the ruler and builder of Uruk in Sumer, according to Sumerian king list. A legend is called Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta composed ca. 21st century BCE. The king of Aratta is unnamed. Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view. Places mentioned in the Enmerkar Epics Enmerkar sends an envoy along with his specific threats to destroy Aratta if Aratta does not pay him the tributes, highlighting that Enmerkar was reared on the soil of Aratta. The king of Aratta replies that submission to Uruk is out of the question, because Inanna herself had chosen him to his office. The envoy responds that Inanna has been installed as queen at E-ana and has even promised Enmerkar to make Aratta bow to Uruk. Enmerkar actually sends the barley to Aratta as demanded by the king of Aratta, along with the herald and makes another demand to send even more precious stones. What more information is needed to locate Aratta? Aratta was a region which could supply precious stones. Gujarat was well known as the repository of the carnelian precious stones. It was also a trade entrepot handling lapis lazuli acquired from Gandhara (Afghanistan). "The lord of Aratta, in a fit of pride, refuses and instead asks Enmerkar to deliver to him these precious stones himself. Upon hearing this, Enmerkar spends ten years preparing an ornate sceptre, then sends it to Aratta with his messenger. This frightens the lord of Aratta, who now sees that Inanna has indeed forsaken him, but he instead proposes to arrange a one-on-one combat between two champions of the two cities, to determine the outcome of the still-diplomatic conflict with Enmerkar. The king of Uruk responds by accepting this challenge, while increasing his demands for the people of Aratta to make a significant offering for the E-ana and the abzu, or face destruction and dispersal. To relieve the herald who, beleaguered, can no longer remember all the messages with which he is charged, Enmerkar then resorts to an invention: writing on tablets. The herald again traverses the "seven mountains" to Aratta, with the tablets, and when the king of Aratta tries to read the message, Ishkur, the storm-god, causes a great rain to produce wild wheat and chickpeas that are then brought to the king. Seeing this, the king declares that Inanna has not forsaken the primacy of Aratta after all, and summons his champion." http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enmerkar_and_the_Lord_of_Aratta
Arguing for locating Aratta in Iran, Samuel Noah Kramer notes:“A problem arises, however, in trying to locate Aratta in relation to Anshan. Is it to be sought north of Anshan in the direction of Lake Urmia and the Caspian Sea, or to the east in the direction of Bauchistan and India, or to the south in the direction of Laristan and the Persian Gulf? Once again, it is a Sumerian epic tale which may give us the answer. This poem, which may be entitled ‘Lugalbanda and Mount Hurum’, remained largely unintelligible until 1955, when a large six-column tablet from the Hilprecht Collection of the Friedrich-Schiller University in Jena became availale; it tells the following story. Enmerkar, the lord of Erech, has decided to journey to Aratta in order to make it a vassal state. Accompanied by a vast host of Erechites under the command of seven unnamed heroes and Lugalbanda, who, to quote the words of the poem, ‘was their eight’, he arrives at Mount Hurum. Then and there Lugalbanda falls ill. His brothers and friends do all they can to revive him, but to no avail. Taking for dead, they decide that they will leave his corpse on Mount Hurum, proceed on their journey to Aratta, and on their return from the campaign, pick up his body and carry it back to Erech. But Lugalbanda is not dead. Abandoned and forsaken, he prays to the gods of the sun, moon, ad the Venus star, and they restore his health. He wanders all over the highland steppe, ad there we must leave him for the present, since our available texts break off at this point. It is clear from this poem that Mount Hurum was situated between Erech and Aratta, and since it is not unreasonable to assume that Mount Hurum was the original home of the Hurrian people from the neighborhood of Lake Van, we may conclude that Aratta lay in the vicinity of Lake Urmia or perhaps even farther east.”(Kramer, Samual N., The Sumerians, p.275) http://people.ucls.uchicago.edu/~cjuriss/ModernWorld/Documents/Jurisson-UNIT-2-Kramer-The-Sumerians-Legacy.pdf
Ancient names of the region of Gujarat (which supplied carnelian stones)
Lāṭa or Lāḍa (cf. Biddhasālabhanjikā) was the ancient name of Gujarat and the northern Konkan (Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 302n.). The name is also mentioned in Vātsyāyana’s Kāmasūtra. Dhauli inscription calls it Lāthikā. Girnar inscription of Asoka calls it Rāsthikā (Risthika).
Lāḍa is cognate with Rāḍha of Bengal. (Mahavamsa). The link of Rāḍha with Lāḍa may also be seen in the narrative that Prince Sihabahu had left his maternal grand father's kingdom inVanga and founded Sihapura in Lata Rashtra.(Mahavamsa 6.34).
Lāṭa was also called Ollā.(Rajasekhara’s Viddhasalābhanjikā, Acts II and IV). Ollā is a phonetic variant of Ballabhi or Balabhi (now called Wallay or Walā).
The region south of Mahi or Narmada upto river Purva (or as far as Daman) was called Lāṭa and ‘it corresponded roughly with southern Gujarat’. (cf.Gauuda P., ch. 55; Dowson’s Classical Dictionary of Hindu mythology; Dr. Bhandarkar’s Hist. of the Dekkan, see XI, p 42).
According to Prof. Buhler, Lāṭa is central Gujarat, the district between Mahi and Kim rivers and its chief city was Broach. (cf. Additional notes. It-sing’s Records of the Buddhist religion by Takakusu, p. 217; Alberuni’s India, I, p. 205).
Copper plate inscription found at Baroda names Lāṭeyvara to be Elapur (v. II) also with the genealogy of the kings of Lāṭesvara (JASB, vol. VIII, 1839, p. 292).
Lāṭa has been identified with Central and Southern Gujarat in the Rewah stone inscription of Karna.
Lāṭarāṣṭra or Lāṭaviṣaya had the capital city of Sihapura according to Dipavamsa. Upon the death of Sihabahu of Sinhapura (Lala Rattha = Lata Rashtra = Latadesa = Gujarat), his son Summita became king of Lata. He married a Madra princess by whom he had three sons. (Mahavamsa, Trans Geiger, p 62.)
Śaktisangam Tantra locates Lāṭa to the west of Avanti and to the northwest of Vidarbha.
The appearance of the termsRathika,Ristika (Rashtrika) orLathika in conjunction with the termsKambhoja andGandhara in some Ashokan inscriptions of 2nd century BCE from Mansera and Shahbazgarhi in North Western Frontier Province (present day Pakistan), Girnar (Saurashtra) and Dhavali (Kalinga) and the use of the epithet "Ratta" in many later inscriptions has prompted a claim that the earliest Rashtrakutas (ca. 6tth-7th centuries) were descendants of theArattas, natives of the Punjab region from the time of Mahabharata, who later migrated south and set up kingdoms there. (Hultzsch in Reu 1933, p2). The term "Ratta" is implied inMaharatta ruling families from modern Maharashtra region. (Altekar, 1934, pp. 20-21).
“Uttarakāṇḍa of the Rāmāyaṇa, Ch. 100, verse10) refers to Vāhīka who were also known as Jarttikā (Jāt?) and Araṭṭa (Araṭṭa were the Arattai of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 41) and that their capital was Śākala (Sialkot). Another portion of the same passage suggests that in the Araṭṭa countries religion was in disrepute; it was thus an impure region, and the Aryans of mid-India were forbidden to go there. This is also reflected in the Vārttikā of Pāṇini by Kātyāyana who derives the word Vāhīka from ‘vahi’ or ‘bahi’ meaning ‘outside’, -- suggesting those who were outside the pale of Aryandom. According to Pāṇini and his scholiast Patañjali, Vāhīka was another name for the Punjab (IV, 2, 117; V, 3,114; Ind. Ant., I, 122).”(Law, Bimala Churn, 1943, Tribes in Ancient India, Poona, Meharchand Munshiram). This points to the possibility that Araṭṭa people of Baudhāyana śrautasūtra migrated further southwards from the Punjab, just as Uttaramādra migrated beyond the Himalayas.
Jean Przylusky notes that Bahlika (Balkh) was an Iranian settlement of the Madras who were known as Bahlika-Uttaramadras.(An Ancient People of Panjab, The Udumbras, Journal Asiatique, 1926, p 11).
Note: Jarttikā (Jāt?) and Araṭṭa as Vāhīka could relate to the eastern and south-western location of the people in present-day as Jāt in Rajasthan and as Araṭṭa (Gurjara) in Gujarat.
Indian sprachbund or linguistic argument for Araṭṭa as Lāṭa
In the course of a search for the cipher for Meluhha hieroglyphs (aka Indus script), it has been noted that Meluhha (Mleccha) was the lingua franca, the proto-Prakrit vernacular, as distinct from Sanskrit which was a literary version of speech.
There is a philological rule in Indian sprachbund: "ralayorabhedaH"
(This means that there is abheda meaning there is maitri 'friendship' between "ra" and "la") in pronunciation of words.
Mleccha (Meluhha) would frequently interchange r- and l- sounds as evidenced in the name of Lāṭa which could also be pronounced as Rāṭa, a derivation from rāṣṭra (Sanskrit).
The following are variants of the Sanskrit gloss: rāṣṭrá n. ʻ kingdom, country ʼ RV., ʻ people ʼ Mn. Pa. Pk. raṭṭha -- n. ʻ kingdom, country ʼ; Ku. rāṭh ʻ faction, clan, separate division of a joint -- family group ʼ; Si. raṭa ʻ country, district ʼ, Md. ra ʼ (abl. rařuṅ). -- See rāḍhā (CDIAL 10721). rāṣṭrakūṭa m. ʻ name of a people ʼ inscr. (orig. or by pop. etym. ʻhead of the kingdomʼ). S. rāṭhoṛu m. ʻ a caste of Rajputs, bold hardy man ʼ; H. rāṭhaur m. ʻ a tribe of Rajputs (a caste name) ʼ, G. rāṭhɔṛ m. -- Poss. hypochoristic in L. rāṭh m. ʻ title of Jats, Gujjars, and Ḍogras, cruel hardhearted man ʼ; P. rāṭh m. ʻ gentleman, noble -- hearted fellow ʼ rather than < rāṣṭrín (CDIAL 10722). 10724rāṣṭrín ʻ possessing a kingdom ʼ ŚBr., rāṣṭrika -- m. ʻ governor ʼ Hariv. Pa. raṭṭhika -- m. ʻ governor ʼ, Pk. raṭṭhiya -- m., OSi. raṭiya. -- L. P. rāṭh see rāṣṭrakūṭa (CDIAL 10724).
The Pali, Prakrit form raṭṭha is instructive and means a region ruled by a ruler. A region without such a ruler, say, a janapada could have been called a-raṭṭha orAraṭṭa.
It is not mere coincidence that the following etyma occur and could perhaps be related to the products produced in (like the bead necklace of Puabi in Ur): K. lar f. ʻ string of necklace ʼ; L. laṛī f. ʻ strand of cord ʼ, mult. laṛ m., P. laṛī f.; Ku. laṛ ʻ garland, string ʼ, laṛo ʻ cord ʼ, laṛi ʻ garland, string of beads ʼ; N. lari, lariyā ʻ skein of cotton removed after spinning ʼ; Mth. lar ʻ strand of rope ʼ; OAw. larī f. ʻ string of pearls ʼ, H. laṛ, laṛī f., OMarw. laṛa f., M. laḍ, laḍī f.(CDIAL 10921). lāḍ m. ʻ act of caressing ʼ, lāḍo m. ʻ bride- groom ʼ, lāḍī f. ʻ bride ʼ, lāḍak m. ʻ best man ʼ.(CDIAL 11012).
Considering thatLāṭa consistently refers to Gujarat region in many early epigraphs, it is reasonable to assume that some areas of the region which did not have a ruler and was a janapada (trans. republic) -- at some point of time as we traverse the mists of the past -- could have been called Araṭṭa. The horse argument for locating Araṭṭa Smt. Jayasree Saranathan has provided me the following guidance: I think Aratta lies to west of river Indus and is known for horse breeding. Please refer Mahabharata sources where Aratta horses were mentioned to have been used in wars. Aratta was also known for irreligious and matriarchal culture. A place with a combination of all these -breeding of war-horses, matriarchy and unchaste women - to be the location of Aratta which was ruled by Sindhu kings in Mahabharata times. I am even tempted to connect it to Susa. I am giving below the Mahabharata sources.
Mbh.6.86.4544
Disregarding those arrows, the impetuous Vrikodara, with heart filled with rage, slew in that battle all the steeds, born in Aratta, of the king of the Sindhus.
Mbh.6.91.4754
And smiling the while, several warriors on thy side, with a large number of steeds consisting of the best of the Kamvoja breed as also of those born in the country of the Rivers, and of those belonging to Aratta and Mahi and Sindhu, and of those of Vanayu also that were white in hue, and lastly those of hilly countries, surrounded the Pandava army
Mbh.7.23.1157
Mighty steeds of gigantic size, of the Aratta breed, bore the mighty-armed Vrihanta of red eyes mounted on his golden car, that prince, viz, who, rejecting the opinions of all the Bharatas, hath singly, from his reverence for Yudhishthira.
Mbh.7.191.10590
Kritavarman, O king, also fled away, borne by his swift steeds, and surrounded by the remnant of his Bhoja, Kalinga, Aratta, and Valhika troops.
Mbh.8.45.2428
In former days a chaste woman was abducted by robbers hailing from Aratta.
In ancient texts, there are references to both Araṭṭa horses and Saindhava horses. It should be noted that Rann of Kutch is on the mouth of Sindhu and Sarasvati rivers. Not far from Dholavira is a site called Surkotada. Surkotada site contains horse remains dated to ca. 2000 BCE, which is considered a significant observation with respect to Indus Valley Civilisation. Sándor Bökönyi (1997), on examining the bone samples found at Surkotada, opined that at least six samples probably belonged to true horse.During 1974, Archeological Survey of India undertook excavation in this site and J.P.Joshi and A.K.Sharma reported findings of horse bones at all levels (cira 2100-1700 BCE).
Sources: Bökönyi, Sándor (1997), "Horse remains from the prehistoric site of Surkotada, Kutch, late 3rd millennium B.C.", South Asian Studies13 (1): 297 Singh, Upinder (2008). A history of ancient and early medieval India: from the stone age to the 12th century: New Delhi: Pearson Education. p. 158. Jump up Cf. Meadow, R. H. and Patel, 1997. Jump upArcheological Survey of India. Indian Archeology 1974-75. Jump upEdwin Bryant, Edwin Fransic Bryant. The Quest for Origins of Vedic Culture:The Indo Aryan Migration Debate. Oxford University Press. 2001 Page 171.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Surkotada#Horse_remains MBh also locates Araṭṭas in the region where 5 rivers + Sindhu flow: There where forests ofPilusstand, and those five rivers flow, viz, theSatadru, theVipasa, the Iravati, theCandrabhaga, and theVitasaand which have theSindhufor their sixth, there in those regions removed from theHimavat, are the countries called by the name of theArattas. (Mbh.8.44.2385)
What the criminal politicians of India do not understand!
V Sundaram IAS
2014 January, 26
The most favourite Lollypop statement of All Indian Politicians of all COLOURS AND HUES is ‘LAW WILL TAKE ITS OWN COURSE’! Our Rashtrapathi will Proclaim It! Our Docile and Servile Prime Minister will Declare It! Our Law Minister will State It! Each Political Party has its own Notion and Definition of the Rule of LAW, Principle of Equality Before the LAW and the Overriding Majesty of LAW.
According to Arvind Kejriwal, Rule of LAW means conducting His Cabinet Meetings on the Streets of Chandni Chowk or a known Red Light Area near Delhi Gate in New Delhi! Arvind Kejriwal and his AAP will take particular care to see that such High Powered Meetings are not vitiated or Polluted by Women of Easy Virtue from Abroad and more particularly, from the Dark Continent of Africa! According to Arvind Kejriwal, Illegal and Unruly Protest beyond the Rule of LAW is not a departure from the LAW of the CONSTITUTION; it is absolutely essential to it.
According to Akhilesh Yadav, Rule of LAW can only mean Convening a Conference of Bollywood Stars in his Native Village! Particular care will be taken to ensure that Majority of Stars so invited from Bollywood belong only to the MINORITY COMMUNITY! Such a truly Secular Approach will be charged with a Fervent and Burning Islamic –- nay, TALLIBANISTIC --- PASSION for Boisterous and Unrestrained Ballroom Dancing!
Till about 6 months ago, the Machinating and Manipulating, the Mischievous and Malicious Mass Media – both Print and Electronic– were in the Full Pay of The Congress Party! For them Islamic Terrorism did not exist at all! For the Anti Hindu, Pro-Christian and Pro-Islamic Grisly Gangsters in the Media, Terrorism only meant Saffron Terrorism, assiduously planted by the Intelligence Bureau, CBI and such other Whole Time Congress Party Agencies and loudly broadcast by the Congress Party, Sonia Gandhi, Sushil Kumar Shinde, Manish Tiwari, Mani Shankar Aiyar, Kapil Sibal, Abhishek Singhvi and Rahul Gandhi!
Thus LAW means one thing for Mulayam Singh Yadhav, another for Mayawati and quite another for Nitish Kumar, not quite so for Karunanidhi and not at all for Mamta Banerjee or Arvind Kejriwal.
Only the Great English Poet W H Auden (1907-1973) showed a HOLISTIC understanding of all these RAMIFICATIONS of LAW in his famous Poem ‘LAW, LIKE LOVE’.
Here is the GREAT POEM of W H AUDEN:
LAW say the gardeners, is the SUN, Law is the one All gardeners obey To-morrow, yesterday, to-day.
LAW is the wisdom of the old, The impotent grandfathers feebly scold; The grandchildren put out a treble tongue, Law is the senses of the young.
LAW, says the priest with a priestly look, Expounding to an unpriestly people, Law is the words in my priestly book, Law is my pulpit and my steeple.
LAW, says the judge as he looks down his nose, Speaking clearly and most severely, Law is as I've told you before, Law is as you know I suppose, Law is but let me explain it once more, LAW is The LAW.
Yet LAW -abiding scholars write: Law is neither wrong nor right, Law is only crimes Punished by places and by times, Law is the clothes men wear Anytime, anywhere, Law is Good morning and Good night.
Others say, LAW is our Fate; Others say, Law is our State; Others say, others say Law is no more, Law has gone away.
And always the loud angry crowd, Very angry and very loud, Law is We, And always the soft idiot softly Me.
If we, dear, know we know no more Than they about the LAW, If I no more than you Know what we should and should not do Except that all agree Gladly or miserably That the Law is And that all know this If therefore thinking it absurd To identify Law with some other word, Unlike so many men I cannot say Law is again,
No more than they can we suppress The universal wish to guess Or slip out of our own position Into an unconcerned condition. Although I can at least confine Your vanity and mine To stating timidly A timid similarity, We shall boast anyway: Like LOVE I say.
Like LOVE we don't know where or why, Like LOVE we can't compel or fly, Like LOVE we often weep, Like LOVE we seldom keep.
CONCLUSION
The LAW our Corrupt POLITICIANS know and UNDERSTAND
Is ALL about BLACK MONEY and BENAMY PROPERTY
About UNACCOUNTED WEALTH
About INNUMERABLE WIVES of All Ages
And UNMARRIED MOTHERS
Created by THEM with NON COMMUNAL Gusto
With Secular VIGOUR
VIRILITY and PASSION
BUT Why the LEAVES Are on the TREES
And Why the WAVES disturb the SEAS
Why HONEY is the FOOD of BEES
Why HORSES have such tender KNEES
Why WINTERS come when RIVERS FREEZE
Why FAITH is more than what one SEES
And HOPE Survives the Worst DISEASE
And CHARITY is more than THESE,
THE CRIMINAL POLITICIANS OF INDIA
DO NOT UNDERSTAND!
POST SCRIPT
The LAW in INDIA is simply and Solely made for the Exploitation of those Gullible Millions who do not understand IT or of THOSE who, for Naked Need, cannot Obey IT. It is forbidden to kill; therefore all politicians who generally are murderers will be punished unless they kill in large numbers and to the Sound of Trumpets of the Mafia of Mass Media – both Print and Electronic.
A Kashmiri pandit (Hindu) devotee lights oil lamps during the annual Hindu festival at the Kheer Bhawani temple in Ganderbal. (Representational pic)
Chicago: In a shocking revelation, as many as 163 Indians, most of them brought to the US as teenagers from villages in northern India to be trained into Vedic Pandits by two institutions set up by Maharishi Mahesh Yogi of transcendental meditation fame, appear to have gone missing over the last 12 months.
Of the 1,050 young Indians brought to the Maharishi Vedic City and the Maharishi University of Management in Fairfield, Iowa, 163 - some of them just 19 years old - have gone missing in the last one year, Hi India, a Chicago-based weekly newspaper for the Indian community, reported in its latest issue.
Both the Vedic city and the university are owned by the late Maharishi Mahesh Yogi's family. According to the report, the management running these places did not even care to trace the missing people.
Even the Global Country of World Peace (GCWP), one of the many teaching centres set up by the India-born spiritual guru, does not know about the plight or flight of these Vedic scholars called 'world peace professionals'.
"They have jumped the fence for immigration purposes or for chasing their American Dream," the newspaper quoted the varsity bosses as saying.
The GCWP runs a Vedic Pandit programme claiming to "bring about peace on earth where there will be no war".
Under the project to recruit Maharishi Vedic Pandits, publicity literature is distributed in Indian villages, mostly in Hindi speaking areas, among people living under the poverty line.
Children are enrolled with the permission of their parents, who are promised that their wards would be given education up to 12th standard, after which they would be turned into Pandits or masters of the art of Hindu religious rites and services.
After some 10 to 15 years, the qualified Pandits are supposed to have a choice to either remain with the organisation and make a living, or leave the centre and work outside on their own.
Investigations by Hi India have found that the kids of the programme, enrolled at the tender age of five years, were rarely provided education beyond fifth standard. After investigation by the newspaper, it came to light that these Vedic Pandits were brought to the US from India and were kept in makeshift trailer homes to be guarded by round-the-clock guards.
When contacted, most officials of the Maharishi's Fairfield complex refused to comment. Only one of them suggested that these students might have "run away for immigration purposes".
According to one Pandit, before the visa application at the US embassy in India, a contract is prepared and signed by the organization and the concerned Pandit for rules, regulations and compensation. The Pandits are initially sent to the US for two years, and thereafter, either their visa is extended for six more months or they are sent back and recalled for two more years.
According to the report, a contract is drafted in English but the copy is neither given to Pandits nor is it translated or explained to the fifth-grader emigrants who do not even understand English. The contract states that they will be given $50 compensation while in the US and another $150 in India. This $150 is not given on a monthly basis to the families of the Pandits but, rather, is considered as bond money.
"If the Pandit 'behaves well', his so-called compensation for two years is given to him or his family on his return from the US. The contract is prepared in a way to obtain visa," the report said.
According to the newspaper, if the management of the Vedic City finds out that some Pandits are desperate to leave the US, a mock travel plan is chalked out and the Pandits are taken in a van to Chicago's O'Hare airport and dropped at the entry gate. After asking them to wait till the aircraft arrives while the van driver goes around and comes back in a short while.
According to one Pandit who was about to flee, "some of the strong-willed Pandits run away from the airport for better prospects and the rest of them are picked up by the driver and taken back to the Vedic City".
According to sources in the Indian consulate in Chicago, in a situation where an Indian passport holder is considered or presumed gone missing and his passport is left behind, it has to be returned immediately to the nearest Indian mission which has to also be informed about the circumstances in which the Indian citizen went missing.
The Chicago consulate, however, says the GCWP has never returned or deposited any passport and neither has it shared any missing person information. According the sheriff's department and police department of Fairfield, Iowa, no missing person report has ever been filed by the GCWP.
163 Indian pandits from Maharishi Vedic City go missing in US: Report
By PTI | 26 Jan, 2014, 10.18PM IST
Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.163 Indian pandits from Maharishi Vedic City go missing in US: Report
WASHINGTON: As many as 163 Vedic pandits, who were brought to the US from north Indianvillages, have disappeared from the Maharishi Vedic City in Iowa during the past year, according to a media report today.
In an investigative report, Chicago-based ethnic weekly newspaper Hi India alleged that the Vedic pandits brought to the US lived in pathetic conditions and were paid less than 75 cents an hour.
"They have jumped the fence for immigration purposes or for chasing their American Dream," the head of the university was quoted as saying by the newspaper.
There was no immediate reaction from the Maharishi Vedic City, where some 1,050 pandits are engaged in a transcendental meditation programme claiming to "bring about peace on earth where there will be no war".
The university did not respond to an email and voice mail from PTI.
The Global Country of World Peace - one of the many teaching centers set up by late Maharishi Mahesh Yogi - is not aware of the plight of these pandits, some of whom are as young as 19 years, the report said.
Quoting an unnamed pandit, the report gave details of the modus operandi of the institute and how the Indians are brought to the US.
On their arrival, the Indians are kept in makeshift trailers under round-the-clock surveillance. Before coming to the US, they are asked to sign a contract whereby they are promised a compensation of USD 50 while in the US and another USD 150 in India.
"If the Pandit 'behaves well', his so-called compensation for two years is given to him or his family on his return from the US. The contract is prepared in a way to obtain visa," Hi India reported.
It is only with great trepidation that I am committing the audacity of addressing a letter to you. I live in a crowded suburb of western Mumbai and am fully aware that I am not fit to live within a radius of 100 km of people like you. After all, I did not go the Doon School, nor did I study at St. Stephens or Cambridge, UK. I was not in the Indian Foreign Service for 26 years and cannot count Jawaharlal Nehru’s grandson among my friends.
In fact, I studied in a Gujarati medium school whose classrooms were part of a chawl inhabited by lower middle class families in a western suburb of Mumbai. My father whom I lost at the age of 9 was an accountant in a large shop. My mother worked in a cigarette factory to bring up her three children. I am an office assistant in a small firm. In short, I belong to what you call “People Like Them”, far removed from your circle of “People Like Us”.
According to you, Narendra Modi can distribute tea at the AICC session; he can never be Prime Minister. As a Congressman, you might have heard of someone called Lal Bahadur Shastri. Hailing from a poor family in a small village in UP, he used to swim the river everyday to reach his school. I read that as the Prime Minister of the country he died with some uncleared debt. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, who became our President, also saw poverty in his childhood. Both were misfits by your standards, no doubt. Possibly you might have advised Shastri to take up supplying milk to Congress workers in and around his village, and Radhakrishnan to take up teaching in some village school in Madras Presidency rather than teaching philosophy at Oxford, UK.
It is really unfortunate that unlike me, Narendra Modi does not understand his limits. He refuses to believe that if he sold tea in his younger days, he should have continued doing that and not ever dream of becoming Prime Minister. If he did not like that work, he could have been a vegetable vendor, newspaper boy, delivery man, roadside cobbler, street cleaner, domestic help or something like that. But Prime Minister? What an audacity!
Forgive him in your magnanimity, Mr. Aiyar. Narendra Modi did not study at Doon School or serve in the IFS. So he doesn’t know the protocol that members of only one family, that of your esteemed friend, deserve to become the Prime Minister of this country because they do not sell tea in their growing up years. They wallow in luxury and marry into families that are mysterious. And while they may not be brilliant students themselves, they have the ability to reduce Cambridge-educated men into a puppet PM or sycophantic courtier. It is so sad Mr. Modi just doesn’t get it.
What is sadder is that most people in the country do not seem to get it either. So, Mr. Aiyar, if you still drink the coffee that your forefathers drank at home, then smell it and take the first flight out to a country of your choice. Once he becomes Prime Minister, which seems likely, Mr. Modi may make tea too costly for the Congress party. If not him, some other “chai wallah” type of personality will take the post, but not the bloke who failed to make grade even as your party’s Prime Ministerial nominee. So, just get out. We have had enough of your snobbery, and your party’s corrupt and divisive ways and really enough of your friend’s family. Maybe they can sell coffee in Italy and try becoming the Premier there. Leave India to tea drinking and tea selling Indians.
Students sporting Tilak on their foreheads and amulet on their bodies were stopped by the Physical Instruction Teacher of a Government aided minority institution, Muhammadiya Higher Secondary School before they entered the school premises. This institution is situated at Sitharkottai of Ramanathapuram District. The sacred threads and amulets worn for protection in the necks and arms were cut and the sindoor tilak worn in the forehead was erased. Upon hearing this atrocity, the agitated parents complained to the Head Mistress Ms. Zarina Lotus, to which she had reportedly said that she was only implementing the diktat of the District Collector - so stated Shri. Ramesh (name changed) father of one of the children. The agitated parents headed by the District Head of Hindu Makkal Katchi, Shri Prabhakaran met the District Collector Shri K Nandakumar and reported the matter to him. The District Collector not only justified his act, but also challenged them to take the matter to the courts, so states the leader of Hindu Makkal Katchi.
In connection with this incident, we contacted the Head Mistress of the school Ms. Zarina Lotus over telephone on 21.01.14, Tuesday. During the course of this conversation, Ms. Zarina Lotus stated that she was only obeying the orders of the District Collector. Stating further she said that, while addressing a meeting of Head Masters of High Schools and Higher Secondary Schools, the Collector had stated that the teachers should advise the students not to sport sacred threads or apply tilak or sport any object that would represent their religion. Do you know the reason extended for the issuance of such a diktat by the District Collector Shri.K. Nandakumar?
"Since the students come to school sporting religious symbols, quarrels ensue and hence students have been sent to Reformation Schools. Policemen in Mufti who have been keeping watch had reportedly stated that the raison d'etre behind the occurrence of these quarrels are religious symbols and listed the schools where such incidents occurred", continued Ms. Zarina Lotus.
In connection with this, an e-mail was dispatched to Shri. K. Nanda Kumar on 22.01.2014,Wednesday and there has been no reply thus far. When attempts were made to get in touch with Shri. Dharman, the personal assistant of the District Collector, he stated that since he was busy, he may be contacted later - so saying he disconnected the line. When we tried to contact him again, he did not attend the call. The actions of the District Collector raises certain pertinent questions.
If there is no protection for the students sporting religious symbols, then, has Ramanathapuram become Afghanistan?
Speaking about religious symbols, even skull caps and purdah would come under the ambit. On the contrary, why did the District Collector not advise against the removal of them?
Sporting of religious symbols is a fundamental right. Who gave the District Collector the license to snatch this right?
Which are the schools where clashes occurred on the basis of sporting of religious symbols?
Who instigated these? And who were the students sent to the Reformation Schools?
What was the action taken to prevent their occurrence in the schools where such a situation is prevailing? And are there any teachers who are associated with these occurrences?
If we construe the action of the District Collector to be an admittance of the worst and precarious nature of situation prevalent in Ramanathapuram, then what action Shri. K. Nanda Kumar has taken against those indulging in religious extremism and those who instigate such acts?
Is he admitting to the fact that he would not be able to give protection to Hindus of Ramanathapuram District?
To stop clashes will Shri. K. Nanda Kumar order the snapping of mangal sutra of the Hindu women?
Is Ramanathapuram in such a dangerous condition, where the law of the Taliban which rules the roost in countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan is being implemented? The Government machinery which is duty bound to stop acts of terror is caving to Jihadi demands.
Ban on beating of drums in Amman Temples.
Changing of routes traditionally adopted by Temple processions.
Filing of a case against Hindus, who complained about the slaying of a cow by certain Moslems near a temple at a village called Azhagan kulam.
No action against those who broke the memorial pillar of Swami Vivekananda.
Punitive action was not taken against those who hoisted the national flag tied to slippers in the village of Pudhumadam.
Boards announcing ban on non Moslems entering the village and those banning playing of songs by vehicles on public roads have neither been prevented nor removed.
No action was taken against those fundamentalist Moslems, belonging to the area and other states who underwent arms training at Periyapatnam.
With these as background, when one views the severing of protection amulets/threads/dollar chains and erasing of Tilak on the foreheads of Hindu children of the government aided Muhammadiya Higher Secondary School at Sitharkottai, it only makes the fact evident that Ramanathapuram is fast turning into a mini Kashmir. The painful fact in this whole episode is that the District Administration responsible for the prevention of separatist acts is supportive of the very same separatist forces!
The governments, both at the Centre and the State have to wake up to the dangerous conditions prevailing in the district of Ramanathapuram and take steps on a war footing to save it from separatist and fundamentalist forces. Hindus worldwide should raise their voice against the injustice being meted out to the Hindus of the district of Ramanathapuram, Tamil Nadu.
Lapis lazuli stamp seal Bronze Age, about 2400-2000 BCE From the ancient Near East, Height: 3.100 cm Thickness: 2.500 cm Width: 4.000 cm ME 1992-10-7,1Room 52: Ancient Iran British Museum
This stamp seal is a good example of lapis lazuli used by a scribe of Meluhha hieroglyphs (Indus writing). This points to the trade in lapis lazuli by Meluhha artisans/merchants.
karaḍa 'double-drum' Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy'. Alternative: ḍhol ‘drum’ (Gujarati.Marathi)(CDIAL 5608) Rebus: large stone; dul ‘to cast in a mould’.
Mountain-range. -- ḍāngā= hill, dry upland (B.); ḍã̄g mountain-ridge (H.)(CDIAL 5476). Rebus 1: damgar, tamkāru ‘merchant’ (Akkadian).
"The Ninevite Gigamesh Epic, composed probably at the end of the second millennium BC, has Utnapishtim settled "at the mouth of the rivers", taken by all commentators to be identical with Dilmun." (W.F.Albright, The Mouth of the Rivers, AJSL, 35 (1919): 161-195). Amongst the earliest evidence of Harappan carnelian in Mesopotamiaare four 14-15-cm-long barrel-cylinder beads (Fig. XII. 7) from the Royal Cemetery at Ur (Tosi 1980:450).
The mouth of the rivers may relate to the Rann of Kutch/Saurashtra lying at the mouth of the Sindhu and Sarasvati rivers. In the Sumerian myth Enki and Ninhursag, which recounts a Golden Age, paradise is described: "The crow screams not, the dar-bird cries not dar, the lion kills not... the ferry-man says not 'it's midnight', the herald circles not round himself, the singer says not elulam, at the outside of the city no shout resounds." The cry of the sea-faring boatmen in Indian languages on the west-coast is: ēlēlo !
Lines 123-129; and interpolation UET VI/1:
"Let me admire its green cedars. The (peole of the) lands Magan and Dilmun, Let them come to see me, Enki! Let the mooring posts beplaced for the Dilmun boats! Let the magilum-boats of Meluhha transport of gold and silver for exchange...The land Tukris' shall transport gold from Harali, lapis lazuli and bright... to you. The land Meluhha shall bring cornelian, desirable and precious sissoo-wood from Magan, excellent mangroves, on big ships The land Marhashi will (bring) precious stones, dushia-stones, (to hang) on the breast. The land Magan will bring copper, strong, mighty, diorite-stone, na-buru-stones, shumin-stones to you. The land of the Sea shall bring ebony, the embellishment of (the throne) of kingship to you. The land of the tents shall bring wool... The city, its dwellin gplaces shall be pleasant dwelling places, Dilmun, its dwelling place shall be a pleasant dwelling place. Its barley shall be fine barley, Its dates shall be very big dates! Its harvest shall be threefold. Its trees shall be ...-trees."
Meluhha carried out bead production on a phenomenal scale resulting in the finds of millions of paste beads, thousands of agate, carnelian beads. The tomb at Tell Abraq had 600 beads including those made of lapis lauli, etched carnelian and agate, shell, paste and serpentine, almost all from Meluhha.
A number of scholars have pointed out the possibility that tin arrived with gold and lapis lazuli in Sumer through the same trade network, linking Afghanistan with the head of the Gulf, both by land and sea (Stech and Pigott 1986: 41-4)."( Moorey, PRS, 1994, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, Oxford, Clarendon Press pp. 298-299)."Late Uruk Sumerian engravers frequently employed the colummella of the Indian shank shell (turbinella pyrum) for their cylinder seals…If we have to believe to the cuneiform texts that insistently ascribe to Meluhha the lapis lazuli trade, Meluhhan traders would also have promoted the flowing, in a relatively short time, of incredible amounts of the blue stone at the courts of Ur…”(Vidale, M., pp.271-2).
This stamp seal was originally almost square, but because of damage one corner is missing. Originally two figures faced each other. The one on the left has largely disappeared. On the right is a man with his legs folded beneath him. It is suggested that at the top are rain clouds and rain or a fenced enclosure. Behind the man are a long-horned goat above a zebu. This last animal is related in style to similar creatures depicted on seals from the Indus Valley civilization, which was thriving at this time. There were close connections between the Indus Valley civilization and eastern Iran. One of the prized materials that was traded across the region was lapis lazuli, the blue stone from which this seal is made.
The Sar-i Sang mines in the region of Badakhshan in north-east Afghanistan were probably the source for all lapis lazuli used in the ancient Near East. From here it was carried across Iran, where several lapis working sites have been discovered, and on to Mesopotamia and Egypt. Another source for lapis lazuli exists in southern Pakistan (a region of the Indus Valley civilization) but it is unclear if they were mined at the time of this seal.
D. Collon, 'Lapis lazuli from the east: a stamp seal in the British Museum', Ancient Civilizations from Scy, 5/1 (1998), pp. 31-39
D. Collon,Ancient Near Eastern art(London, The British Museum Press, 1995) The seal with Indus script glyphs is decoded as bead-maker, (with) furnaces to cast copper and iron (see discussion on rebus readings of glyphs in the following paragraphs).
Southern Mesopotamia was divided between competing city-states during the period 2900-2300 BC. This so-called Early Dynastic period has three subdivisions based on archaeological finds made by the Oriental Institute of Chicago in the area of the Diyala, east of modern Baghdad. Early Dynastic I (around 2900-2800 BC) saw the emergence of large independent cities such as Uruk. The cities were controlled by a king and his family, who owned vast estates.
Early Dynastic II (around 2800-2600 BC) saw an increase in building and an improvement in the quality of artistic products like chlorite bowls, which also show connections with regions beyond Mesopotamia. The Early Dynastic II may be the period of rulers, like Gilgamesh, whose names survive in later legends.
The earliest writing is largely administrative, but by the beginning of Early Dynastic III (2600-2300 BC) inscribed clay tablets contain many literary texts, including poetic hymns. Some of the best evidence for this period comes from the Royal Graves at Ur and the Dynasty of Lagash.
Provenance unknown, Mesopotamia Early Dynastic III period, about 2500-2200 BCE Height: 29.300 cm Width: 13.400 cm (at base) ME 134300 Room 56: Mesopotamia
A votive offering
This gypsum statute was deposited in a temple to pray on behalf of the donor. It may have been set up in his lifetime or possibly as a memorial after his death. He wears a fleece skirt often referred to as a kaunakes.
The statue was made at a time when southern Mesopotamia was politically fragmented between city-states, competing for control of farmland, water and trade.
Where objects have not been excavated and their origin is unknown, it is often possible to date them by comparing them with dated examples. The style of votive figurines like this one can be shown to change through time. This one dates to a period known as Early Dynastic III.
Aragonite (shell) cylinder seal with a contest scene
From Mesopotamia Early Dynastic Period, about 2400-2350 BCE Length: 2.900 cm Diameter: 1.900 cm Acquired in 1877 ME 89078 Room 56: Mesopotamia
Two hero figures wrestle with a stag while two gods (distinguished by their horned head-dress) grapple with a human-headed bull and a bull. These gods wear an early style of head-dress with multiple horns either side of a small cone; for later versions of this head-dress, see the seal of Adda, also in the British Museum.
Early examples of contest scenes show ordinary men spearing or stabbing wild animals. However, during the second half of the third millennium BC, the designs became increasingly monumental in style. Ordinary men gave way to 'heroes' with elaborate hair styles, joined by bull-men (who may have their origin to the east of Mesopotamia in Iran). Analyses of seals found in graves have suggested that seals with combat scenes had male owners, while seals owned by women were carved with 'banquet scenes'.
The central inscription on this seal seems to make no sense, but might possibly be the name of the seal owner.
D. Collon, First impressions: cylinder se (London, The British Museum Press, 1987)
Dynasty of Lagash
Lagash was one of the most important kingdoms in southern Mesopotamia during the second half of the Early Dynastic Period, about 2500-2300 BC. The kings of this dynasty built many temples and went to war with neighbouring city-states. They recorded their achievements in Sumerian cuneiform on clay tablets and also on stone and metal objects deposited in the temples.
Inscriptions describe the ruler as the protector of the city in the name of the patron god (Ningirsu) for whom he cared by building and maintaining temples. Another crucial role of the ruler was as military leader. The best recorded conflict was between Lagash and the kingdom of Umma. The dispute over local farmland which went on for generations. The dynasty was eventually brought to an end by the ruler of Umma who conquered Lagash.
Much of what we know of the dynasty comes from excavations by the French at the site of Girsu (modern Tello), which was clearly a major city within the kingdom of Lagash. It has been possible to reconstruct the order of kings in this dynasty: Ur-Nanshe, Akurgal, Eanatum, Enanatum I, Entemena, Enanatum II, Enentarzi, Lugalanda, Uruinimgina.
Tello (ancient Girsu, Iraq)
All that remains of Tello (ancient Girsu) are mounds that cover an area of more than 100 hectares (247 acres). In antiquity the settlement was connected to al-Hiba (ancient Lagash), twenty-five kilometres to the south, by a branch of the Euphrates.
Tello was the first Sumerian site to be extensively excavated. The French vice-consul at Basra, Ernest de Sarzec, worked there from 1877-1900 and sent spectacular finds from the site to Paris. These included masterpieces of Sumerian art such as the beautifully carved statues of Gudea (now in the Musée du Louvre, Paris). Subsequent excavations were undertaken by the French: in 1903-9, 1929-31 and, the most important, directed by A. Parrot in 1931-33.
Many details of Tello's archaeology remain obscure, partly because of poor excavation standards and partly because the site has suffered badly from illicit excavations, which produced up to 40,000 cuneiform tablets. There is evidence for Ubaid (fifth millennium BC) occupation at the site but the main period of settlement was during the Early Dynastic period (2500-2300 BC). Ancient documents suggest that Girsu was then the capital city of the state of Lagash.
Third Dynasty of Ur (Ur III)
Following the collapse of the Agade empire, the centre of power in southern Mesopotamia shifted to the cities of Uruk and Ur. The governor of Ur, Ur-Nammu, established a dynasty which came to dominate the other cities of the region, and whose territory stretched east into Iran. Under his successor, Shulgi, the empire was consolidated and centralised.
Shulgi was named as a god in many ancient documents. This gave him great power and followed a tradition established by the earlier rulers of Agade. He was succeeded by Amar-Sin and Shu-Sin, under whom many of the communication and supply routes across the empire were disrupted by groups of pastoralists (Amorites). This situation reached crisis point under the next ruler, Ibbi-Sin. With reduced supplies the empire was unable to effectively confront an attack by the Elamites from the east; Ur was destroyed and Ibbi-Sin was taken into exile.
Ur-Nammu, king of Ur (2112-2095 BC)
Ur-Nammu, began his rise to power as governor of the city of Ur. He appears to have been appointed by Utuhegal, ruler of Uruk, who was attempting to establish domination of south Mesopotamia following the decline of the empire of Agade. Ur-Nammu became an independent king and founded a line of rulers known today as the Third Dynasty of Ur (Ur III). All southern Mesopotamia was conquered by the new ruler, and a major building programme was initiated with religious buildings, including the first true ziggurat towers, constructed in Ur, Uruk, Eridu, and Nippur. The best preserved of these structures is at Ur.
Almost all administrative texts of the Dynasty were written in Sumerian, which was the language of education and bureaucracy. Among the few personal details known about the Ur III kings is that Ur-Nammu was killed in battle, 'abandoned on the battlefield like a crushed vessel'. The empire was consolidated by his son Shulgi.
From Uruk, southern Iraq Third Dynasty of Ur, about 2100-2000 BCE Height: 27.300 cm ME 113896 Room 56: Mesopotamia
The king as a temple builder with a basket of earth to make bricks
This bronze figure represents Ur-Nammu, the ruler of Ur (about 2112-2095 BC). It was made for burial in the foundations of a temple of Uruk. It was one of the duties of a Mesopotamian king to care for the gods and restore or rebuild their temples. In the late third millennium BC, rulers in southern Mesopotamia depicted themselves carrying out this pious task. Ur-Nammu lifts up a large basket of earth for making bricks. The copper 'peg' acted as a record for posterity and to receive the god's blessing.
The cuneiform inscription around and over the king's body states that Ur-Nammu dedicated the figure to Inana (Ishtar), the patron deity of Uruk. It also records the restoration of her temple called Eanna 'the house of heaven'. Her name appears to mean 'the lady of heaven'. She was associated with the goddess Ishtar and the planet known to us as Venus.
Towards the end of the third millennium BC, southern Mesopotamia was united under the control of the city of Ur. Ur-Nammu founded the empire, which stretched into Iran. He was a prodigious builder. The most impressive monuments of his reign were ziggurats which he constructed at various cities. Although not unlike the stepped pyramids of Egypt in appearance, ziggurats were made of solid brickwork and did not have tombs inside.
J.E. Reade, Mesopotamia (London, The British Museum Press, 1991)
H.W.F. Saggs, Babylonians (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
E.D. Van Buren, Foundation offerings and figur (Berlin, H. Schoetz & Co., 1931)
Agade/ Akkadian Dynasty
The period succeeding the Early Dynastic in southern Mesopotamia is named after the city of Agade (or Akkad), whose rulers united the region, bringing the competing Sumerian cities under their control by conquest. The precise dates of the Agade dynasty are disputed by modern scholars, but it lasted about 150 years from about 2330 BC. The city of Agade itself has not so far been certainly located, but it was probably founded before the time of Sargon (about 2334-2279 BC), the dynasty's first king.
Sargon conquered southern Mesopotamia (Sumer) and led military expeditions to conquer further east and north. He was succeeded by two of his sons, Rimush and Manishtushu, who consolidated the dynasty's hold on much of Mesopotamia. The empire reached its greatest extent under Naram-Sin (about 2254-2218 BC), and there are references to campaigns against powerful states in the north, possibly including Ebla. Control was maintained under Naram-Sin's successor, Shar-kali-sharri (about 2217-2193 BC), though at the end of his reign there appears to have been a power struggle for the throne. A number of city rulers re-established their independence in southern Mesopotamia, and the territory ruled over by the last kings of Agade (Dudu and Shu-Turul) had shrunk back to the region directly around the city.
Agade
Ancient documents describe the city of Agade (also spelt Akkade) as the capital city of King Sargon (about 2334-2279 BC). The site of the ancient city has never been located, although descriptions indicate that it was in the upper part of the southern Mesopotamian plain. One suggestion is that it may have been at Ishan Mizyad, where there is a large unexplored mound. Later references suggest that it lay near the confluence of the Rivers Tigris and Diyala.
Sargon and his dynastic successors conquered much of Mesopotamia, and their capital city probably reflected their wealth and power. Royal inscriptions talk of the quays where boats from as far afield as Magan and Meluhha (possibly Oman and the Indus Valley) docked and unloaded their exotic goods. Agade's patron deity was Ishtar; ancient poems describe how the goddess abandoned her temple, causing the city to be destroyed by invaders. Agade certainly continued to exist as a town even after the collapse of the Akkadian empire around 2100 BC, and was inhabited into the early Hellenistic period (third century BC), though it never again played a prominent political role. However, from the twenty-first to the seventh century BC Sumerian and Babylonian kings continued to use the title 'King of Sumer and Akkad'.
From Sippar, southern Iraq End of the Early Bronze Age, about 2250-1900 BCE Length: 8.960 cm Width: 6.100 cm Height: 2.070 cm ME 91902 Room 54: Anatolia and Urartu
A 'portable trinket factory'
This mould could be used for casting female figurines, pins, pendants and amulets. It is a type widely used in the Near East over a long period of time. Although this example was found in southern Iraq, many of the images correspond to Anatolian styles. This suggests that the owner of the mould may have originated in the north.
The dowel-holes and the pour-channels indicate that this was a closed mould. The missing half must have had corresponding holes which would have permitted it to be dowelled tightly against this surface while the metal was poured in and allowed to solidify. Study of objects which were probably cast in similar moulds suggests that the metal used was lead.
Moulds such as this have been described by J.V. Canby as 'portable trinket factories', and were perhaps used by travelling smiths.
Old Babylonian Period, about 18th century BCE From Nineveh, northern Iraq Height: 7.300 cm Width: 5.500 cm Thickness: 1.600 cm ME 92666 Room 54: Anatolia and Urartu
A 'portable trinket factory'
This mould could be used for casting figures of a bearded god wearing a high hat and a goddess with an elaborate necklace. Both deities are wearing a flounced garment that is often depicted on cylinder seals (for example, the seal of Adda, also in The British Museum). The mould is a type widely used in the Near East over a long period of time. Although this example was found in northern Mesopotamia, aspects of the images relate to Anatolian styles. This suggests that the owner of the mould may have originated from further north.
The dowel-holes and the pour-channels indicate that this was a closed mould. The missing half must have had corresponding holes which would have permitted it to be dowelled tightly against this surface while the metal was poured in and allowed to solidify. Study of objects which were probably cast in similar moulds suggests that the metal used was lead.
Stone moulds such as this have been described as 'portable trinket factories', and were perhaps used by travelling smiths.
British Museum, A guide to the Babylonian and, 3rd ed. (London, British Museum, 1922)
Akkadian, about 2300-2200 BCE From Mesopotamia Height: 3.900 cm Diameter: 2.550 cm Acquired by E.A.W. Budge ME 89115 Room 56: Mesopotamia
Four of the principal Mesopotamian deities
This is one of the many high quality greenstone seals that were made when much of Mesopotamia was united under the military control of the kings of the city of Agade (Akkad). The cuneiform inscription identifies the owner of the seal as Adda, who is described as dubsar, or 'scribe'.
The figures can be identified as gods by their pointed hats with multiple horns. The figure with streams of water and fish flowing from his shoulders is Ea (Sumerian Enki), god of subterranean waters and of wisdom. Behind him stands Usimu, his two-faced vizier (chief minister).
At the centre of the scene is the sun-god, Shamash (Sumerian Utu), with rays rising from his shoulders. He is cutting his way through the mountains in order to rise at dawn.
To his left is a winged goddess, Ishtar (Sumerian Inanna). The weapons rising from her shoulders symbolise her warlike characteristics; she also holds a cluster of dates.
The god armed with a bow and quiver has not been identified with certainty, but may represent a hunting god like Nusku.
J.E. Reade, Mesopotamia (London, The British Museum Press, 1991)
D. Collon, First impressions: cylinder se (London, The British Museum Press, 1987)
D. Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asi-1 (London, 1982)
Duck/fowl karaṇḍa ‘duck’, ‘water-pot’ (Sanskrit) karaṛa‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)
Kingdom of Lagash, about 2150-2000 BCE Probably from southern Iraq Length: 19.500 inches Width: 12.000 inches Weight: 60555.000 g ME 104724 Room 56: Mesopotamia
The weight is inscribed in cuneiform with the name of Ur-Ningirsu, ruler of the city-state of Lagash as the successor to Gudea. Ur-Ningirsu ruled in a period following the decline of the empire of Agade (Akkad) and the rise of a new political power centred on the city of Ur.
Although all the administrators of city states in southern Mesopotamia used the cuneiform writing system, they used various methods of weighing and measuring. With the formation of the empires of Agade and Ur the cities were united under one king. Attempts were made to reorganize the administration and introduce standardization. This must have helped communication and control.
The weight of this stone is given as 2 talents. A talent was approximately 30 kilos and could be divided into 60minas. Stone was preferred for weights of different standards in the Bronze Age (about 3000-1000 BC). There was a gradual shift to metals in the first millennium BC (for example, two bronze weights in the form of a lion, also in The British Museum).
British Museum, A guide to the Babylonian and, 3rd ed. (London, British Museum, 1922)
Akkadian, about 2250 BCE From Mesopotamia Height: 4.100 cm Diameter: 2.770 cm (max.) ME 136842 Room 56: Mesopotamia
Belonging to the servant of a prince
This seal dates to a time when much of Mesopotamia was united under the control of the rulers of Agade (Akkad). The struggle between wild animals and heroes was a popular design on seals of this period. It is a standard Mesopotamian theme, representing the symbolic struggle between divine order and chaotic savagery.
The inscription records the name of the owner but it is not clear; it possibly reads Amushu or Idushu. He is described as the servant of Bin-kali-sharri, a prince. The seals of two of his other servants are also known. Bin-kali-sharri was one of the sons of Naram-Sin, king of Agade (Akkad) (reigned 2254-2218 BC).
Naram-Sin was the grandson of Sargon (reigned 2334-2279 BC), the founder of the Akkadian dynasty. The kings of the dynasty expanded their control beyond their city state of Agade through military conquest. A major building at Tell Brak in north-eastern Syria has been found with bricks stamped with the name of Naram-Sin, testifying to the extent of Akkadian control. Naram-Sin was succeeded by another son, Shar-kali-sharri (2217-2193 BC). After Shar-kali-sharri's reign a period of instability helped to bring the empire to an end.
D. Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asi-1 (London, 1982)
Kingdom of Lagash, about 2100-2000 BCE Possibly from Tello (ancient Girsu), southern Iraq Height: 14.280 cm Weight: 720.000 g ME 102613 Room 56: Mesopotamia
With an inscription of Gudea, ruler of Lagash
One of the duties of a Mesopotamian king was to care for the gods and restore or rebuild their temples. In the late third millennium BC, rulers in southern Mesopotamia often depicted themselves carrying out this pious task in the form of foundation pegs. Foundation pegs were buried in the foundation of buildings to magically protect them and preserve the builder's name for posterity. In this case, the peg is supported by a god (Mesopotamian gods are usually depicted wearing horned headdresses).
The peg has a very faint cuneiform inscription of Gudea, the ruler of the city-state of Lagash. Gudea ruled at a time when the cities of southern Mesopotamia, which had been united under the empire of Agade (Akkad), were reasserting their independence. There was competition among powerful, rival city-rulers for prominence. Of these, we know most about Gudea; he was a prolific builder and some of the longest Sumerian literary texts were written during his reign. Despite his wealth, however, Gudea's rule was limited to the area of his own city, which was soon absorbed into the new empire of Ur (called the Third Dynasty of Ur).
British Museum, A guide to the Babylonian and, 3rd ed. (London, British Museum, 1922)
E.D. Van Buren, Foundation offerings and figure (Berlin, H. Schoetz & Co., 1931)
Kingdom of Lagash, about 2130 BCE Probably from Zerghul, southern Iraq Height: 19.400 cm Length: 12.000 cm Weight: 2054.000 g ME 135993 Room 56: Mesopotamia
This copper figure of a bull in a reed marsh is a foundation peg. It was one of the duties of a Mesopotamian king to build or, more normally, refurbish the temples of the gods. This pious act would ensure that the deity would support his kingdom; ancient texts make it clear that if a god withdrew their patronage a city could be conquered by an enemy. As a record of this work, figurines were placed in the foundations of the temple building, intended both for the gods and posterity. Hidden in the foundations, they have escaped the attention of plunderers and are often found by archaeologists.
The inscription on the peg records the rebuilding of the temple of the goddess Nanshe in her city of Sirara (now Zerghul in southern Iraq) by Gudea, the ruler of the city-state of Lagash in south-east Sumer (dates debated, but somewhere about 2130 BC).
Nanshe belongs to the local pantheon of Lagash. She was regarded as a daughter of Enki, the god of wisdom and fresh water. She was especially associated with divination and the interpretation of dreams. Among her other responsibilities was checking the accuracy of weights and measures.
D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
Kingdom of Lagash, about 2100-2000 BCE Probably from Tello (ancient Girsu), southern Iraq Diameter: 23.500 cm Depth: 6.500 cm ME 96945 Room 56: Mesopotamia
This circular brick has a cuneiform inscription of Gudea, the ruler of the city-state of Lagash (dates debated, but about 2100-2000 BC). He ruled at a time when the cities of southern Mesopotamia, previously united under the empire of Agade (Akkad), were reasserting their independence. Rulers of the rival city-states competed for prominence. Gudea is one of the best known, since he was a prolific builder and some of the longest and earliest Sumerian literary texts were written during his reign.
The contents of the text is typical of building inscriptions. It starts with the name of Ningirsu, the patron god of Lagash. It goes on to record that Gudea, who is described as the ensi or 'governor' of Lagash, had built the god a temple complete with a portico made of cedar. Very often these building inscriptions were made using a stamp which was impressed into the bricks. Kings were keen to demonstrate their piety through building temples, and they often celebrate the importation from distant lands of rare materials for the construction and furnishing. The cedar Gudea refers to in this inscription may have originated in Lebanon.
Despite his wealth, however, Gudea's rule was limited to the area of his own city which was soon absorbed into the new empire of Ur (called the Third Dynasty of Ur).
British Museum, A guide to the Babylonian and, 3rd ed. (London, British Museum, 1922)
From Khafajeh, eastern Iraq Early Dynastic II period, about 2700-2500 BCE Height: 34.290 cm Diameter: 30.480 cm Length: 20.320 cm (slot in stem) Width: 1.900 cm (slot in stem) ME 123293 Room 56: Mesopotamia
Chariots and Banquets
The jar is decorated in red and black paint with chariot and banquet scenes and attendant musicians (one plays a bull-headed lyre, similar to the 'Queen's Lyre' from Ur) It is the earliest object so far known to combine these two recurring themes in Sumerian art.
It is a type of pottery known as 'Scarlet Ware', typical of sites along the River Diyala. The Diyala is a major tributary of the River Tigris and forms one of the most important trade routes linking southern Mesopotamia with the Iranian plateau.
The jar comes from Khafajeh, one of several sites in the region excavated by a team from the University of Chicago in the 1930s. It was purchased from a dealer in Baghdad, and was reputedly found by illicit diggers at Khafajeh before the Chicago excavations had begun. It is possible that the jar came from near a temple building which may have been dedicated to Sin, the moon god.
The discoveries the excavators made at Khafajeh allowed one of them, Henri Frankfort, to divide much of the third millennium BC into three periods - Early Dynastic I, II and III - based on the stylistic developments evident in cylinder seals, sculpture, architecture and ceramics. Scarlet Ware is typical of Early Dynastic I. This pot is a late example and, based on comparisons with designs on cylinder seals, it probably dates to Early Dynastic II.
P.P. Delougaz, Pottery from the Diyala region (University of Chicago, 1952)
D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
From Khafajeh, Iraq Early Dynastic period, about 2600-2400 BCEDiameter: 17.780 cm Height: 11.430 cm Purchased with the assistance of theNational Art Collections Fund ME 128887 Room 56: Mesopotamia
Links with ancient India?
This vessel was found in Mesopotamia on a major trade route though the mountains on to the Iranian plateau. It is made of a stone called chlorite or softstone. Tepe Yahya in Iran was a major production centre and one of the main sources of the stone.
Similarly carved chlorite vessels have been found on many Near Eastern sites of this period. In Mesopotamia they have been found in temples, in palaces and in graves. They have also been found at sites in the Gulf on the Island of Tarut and further south. The most frequent motifs are a type of building, but animals, particularly snakes, are also common.
The carving on this vessel is particularly fine. The design is probably linked to Iranian mythology. A man in a net skirt kneels on two humped-backed bulls, or zebus, standing back to back, and grasps streams watering vegetation and a palm tree; above are two undulating lines (rain clouds?), a crescent moon and a rosette sun. A similar figure with a rosette grasps two snakes and stands between two felines lying back to back. A lion and eagle attack a bull with a small animal below.
Some of these motifs are known from Iranian cylinder seals dating back to the beginning of the fourth millennium BC. The zebus are not native to Mesopotamia, and their presence here indicates a connection with the civilization which was developing at this time along the Indus Valley in Pakistan and north-west India.
D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
M. Roaf, Cultural atlas of Mesopotamia (New York, 1990)
From Mesopotamia Early Dynastic period, about 3000-2800 BCE Height: 6.500 cm Diameter: 1.700 cm Herzfeld Collection ME 128840
Room 56: Mesopotamia
At the end of the fourth millennium BC the complex themes of cylinder seals (such as are seen on a seal from Uruk in The British Museum) were replaced by more schematic designs. The most common design consisted of oval patterns which sometimes look like eyes or fish. These are found from Susa, in south-west Iran, to Egypt and at a large number of Syrian sites. It is likely that the spread of these patterns reflects the emergence of a long-distance trade-route.
By the early third millennium BC, when this seal was made, the trend towards stylization went even further, with tall, thin, patterned seals like this example. They were often made of talc (steatite) hardened by firing to form enstatite. They have been given various names: Piedmont (because of their geographical distribution along the foothills of the Zagros and southern Turkey), Ninevite 5 (because they were found in Level 5 of a deep sounding at Nineveh), and Early Dynastic I. The most reliably dated seals have been found in the Diyala region, an important tributary of the River Tigris which links lowland Mesopotamia with the plateau of Iran to the east. The closest parallels for the cross-shaped design on the seal come from Nineveh
D. Collon, First impressions: cylinder se (London, The British Museum Press, 1987)
D.J. Wiseman, Catalogue of the Western Asiat (London, 1962)
Proto-Elamite, about 3000-2700 BCE Height: 4.900 cm Diameter: 2.900 cm ME 116720 Room 52: Ancient Iran
This seal, of pale green volcanic tuff, is derived from earlier Uruk-style seals depicting animals, but belongs to a stylistic tradition found not in Mesopotamia but in south-western Iran. The heavy emphasis on the shoulders and haunches of the animals divides the bodies into three segments which are often patterned. Some seals of this type were impressed on tablets bearing the Proto-Elamite script which died out later in the third millennium. On many of these Proto-Elamite seals animals adopt human postures and these may have led to the appearance in Mesopotamia of such creatures as the bull-man and human-headed bulls.
At the end of the fourth millennium BC, the widespread Uruk culture of Mesopotamia disappeared. The site of Susa slipped out of the Mesopotamian cultural sphere. Instead it shared a ceramic tradition and a writing system with the site of Anshan (modern Tal-i Malyan), which lay about 500 kilometres (as the crow flies, and about 800 by road) to the south-east and later became the Elamite capital. Proto-Elamite remains have been found across a wide area of the Iranian plateau. However, between 2700-2500 BC the Proto-Elamite sites disappear, while the Mesopotamian cities begin to reassert their presence in the east through military action.
D. Collon, First impressions: cylinder se (London, The British Museum Press, 1987)
P.O. Harper, J. Aruz, and F. Tallon, The royal city of Susa(New York, Metropolitan Museum, 1992)
D.J. Wiseman, Catalogue of the Western Asiat (London, 1962)
From Uruk, southern Iraq About 3200-3100 BCE Height: 7.200 cm Diameter: 4.200 cm ME 116722Room 56: Mesopotamia
One of the tools of a Mesopotamian bureaucrat
At the time this seal was made, Uruk was one of the largest settlements in the world, estimated at around 250 hectares (about 620 acres). Such a large centre, with several thousand inhabitants, required sophisticated means of administration; this seal may have belonged to one of the most important officials. They were rolled across damp clay to seal vessels or doors with a mark of authority.
The figure depicted here is often referred to as a priest-king because he undertakes activities which could be described as religious and royal (although there was no clear division of these functions in the ancient world). The beard, net-like skirt and wide band around his head distinguish him from other representationsof humans. The poles with loops were probably actually made from reeds bound together and are the symbol of Inana, a goddess of fertility and the patron of Uruk.
Large seals of this period are generally unpierced and often have an animal carved as part of the seal or cast in metal and fixed on top. These contrast with contemporary smaller schematic seals which appear to show workers, perhaps connected with the production of textiles and pottery and rows of animals.
P. Amiet, La glyptique Mesopotamienne ar (Paris, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1980)
D.J. Wiseman, Catalogue of the Western Asiat (London, 1962)
From Mesopotamia, about 3400-3200 BCE Height: 14.200 cm ME 118361 Room 56: Mesopotamia
This stone vessel dates to the late fourth millennium BC, when large cities were developing in southern Mesopotamia. The largest known settlement was Uruk (modern Warka). In the centre of Uruk were monumental temple buildings where archaeologists have found beautiful objects with designs very similar to those depicted on this vase. Exotic sculptures may have had a ritual use within the temples or, considering the small scale of this example, left as votive objects as an act of piety.
Lines of animals are commonly found in sculpture and also on cylinder seals which developed at the same period as part of administration. Wild animals, and particularly lions, are often depicted attacking domesticated animals. This is a standard theme in Mesopotamian art, a symbolic representation of the struggle between chaotic savagery and divine order.
Like sheep, which appear on similar objects (for example a stone vase, also in The British Museum), cattle were clearly an important part of the economy. It was during the fourth millennium BC that the first evidence for milk products appears. The earliest actual representation of the milking of cows dates to the third millennium BCE.
From Mesopotamia Late Uruk period, about 3400-3200 BCE Height: 1.200 cm (approx.) ME 116705 Room 56: Mesopotamia
The animals of the first city-dwellers of Mesopotamia
This stone vessel was made in the late fourth millennium BC, when cities were developing in southern Mesopotamia. The largest known settlement was Uruk (modern Warka). In the centre of the city were monumental temple buildings where archaeologists have found beautiful objects with designs very similar to those depicted on this vase. Such exotic sculptures may have had a ritual use within the temples. The art work of this period very often emphasize domesticated animals. Similar scenes are depicted on cylinder seals which developed as part of administration of these major centres.
During this period a large number of settlements established in northern and western Mesopotamia shared the same culture as the south. Southerners may have been trading with local people for stones and metals not available on the southern alluvial plains.
It is likely that they also farmed the herds of Syrian sheep and cattle. The production of woollen textiles from vast numbers of sheep was probably a major part of southern Mesopotamia's economy. Many of the images on cylinders of this period appear to show pig-tailed figures engaged in weaving. Much later texts describe how weaving was the occupation of women, often working together in large numbers. https://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/s/stone_vase.aspx
From Mesopotamia Late Uruk / Early Jemdet Nasr period, about 3200-3000 BCE Height: 4.400 cm Diameter:
3 .900 cm ME 102416 Room 56: Mesopotamia
An extensive trade route between eastern Mesopotamia and Syria and Egypt
This seal shows animals and pots in front of a shrine or temple. It is perhaps a ritual scene. Monumental buildings dating to the late fourth millennium and decorated with niches and buttresses have been excavated in southern Mesopotamia, especially at Uruk, and are found at a number of sites further north along the River Euphrates. The poles with rings were probably the symbol of a god or goddess but which one is unknown.
The seal is typical of a style using filed lines and drill-holes, found in the Diyala, north-east of Baghdad, but also in Syria. Seals like this are evidence of a trade network between the two regions.
The earliest cylinder seals were rolled over hollow clay balls containing tokens; later they were impressed on clay tags and tablets marked with tally signs. A variety of early scenes carved on the seals show economic activities, food production, processions or ritual acts. These may reflect different 'departments' within the central authority.
D. Collon, First impressions: cylinder se (London, The British Museum Press, 1987)
D.J. Wiseman, Catalogue of the Western Asiat (London, 1962)
Terracotta plaque showing a bull-man holding a post
Old Babylonian, about 2000-1600 BCE From Mesopotamia Length: 12.800 cm Width: 7.000 cm ME 103225 Room 56: Mesopotamia
This plaque depicts a creature with the head and torso of a human but the horns, lower body and legs of a bull. Though similar figures are depicted earlier in Iran, they are first seen in Mesopotamian art around 2500 BC, most commonly on cylinder seals, and are associated with the sun-god Shamash. The bull-man was usually shown in profile, with a single visible horn projecting forward. However, here he is depicted in a less common form; his whole body above the waist, shown in frontal view, shows that he was intended to be double-horned. He may be supporting a divine emblem and thus acting as a protective deity.
Baked clay plaques like this were mass-produced using moulds in southern Mesopotamia from the second millennium BC. While many show informal scenes and reflect the private face of life, this example clearly has magical or religious significance.
British Museum, A guide to the Babylonian and, 3rd ed. (London, British Museum, 1922)
J. Black and A. Green, Gods, demons and symbols of -1(London, The British Museum Press, 1992)
Old Babylonian, around 1800 BCE From Mesopotamia Height: 8.900 cm Width: 7.200 cm Gift of Major Burn (1925) ME 116731 Middle East
This baked clay plaque appears to show a man and woman having sex, while the woman bends over to drink beer through a straw. Ancient documents of this period include examples of erotic poetry where strong connections are made between alcohol and sexual activity.
Baked clay plaques were mass-produced in southern Mesopotamia from the second millennium BC. They show informal scenes and reflect the private face of life. Though their exact purpose is not clear, they may have had magical or religious significance.
H.W.F. Saggs, The greatness that was Babylon (London, Sidgwick & Jackson, 1962)
J.E. Reade, Mesopotamia (London, The British Museum Press, 1991)
C. Johns, Erotica (London, The British Museum Press, 1997)
From Ur, southern Iraq About 2600-2400 BCE Height: 7.000 cm Length: 19.700 cm Width: 11.000 cm ME 121344 Room 56: Mesopotamia
From the 'Queen's Grave'
This gold bowl comes from the Queen's Grave in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. It was found in the main tomb, a rough stone chamber at one end of the pit. The chamber contained the body of a woman and her two female servants, surrounded by extraordinary rich material. A cuneiform inscription on a cylinder seal found close to her body identified the woman as Pu-Abi (formerly read as Shub-ad).
The bowl was found very close to Pu-abi. It is made from beaten gold with small tubes of gold attached to the sides by brazing (or hard-soldering). Through these lugs, two strands of gold wire, twisted to give a cable effect, have been threaded to form a handle. The excavator Leonard Woolley found a silver tube inside the bowl, which may have been a drinking straw. Depictions on contemporary cylinder seals, such as Pu-abi's own seal, show figures drinking through straws. Wine and beer were widely drunk in ancient Mesopotamia.
C.L. Woolley and P.R.S. Moorey, Ur of the Chaldees, revised edition (Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1982)
P.R.S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian materials (Oxford, 1994)
D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
C.L. Woolley and others, Ur Excavations, vol. II: The R(London, The British Museum Press, 1934).
Ur
Known today as Tell el-Muqayyar, the 'Mound of Pitch', the site was occupied from around 5000 BC to 300 BC. Although Ur is famous as the home of the Old Testament patriarch Abraham (Genesis 11:29-32), there is no actual proof that Tell el-Muqayyar was identical with 'Ur of the Chaldees'. In antiquity the city was known as Urim.
The main excavations at Ur were undertaken from 1922-34 by a joint expedition of The British Museum and the University Museum, Pennsylvania, led by Leonard Woolley. At the centre of the settlement were mud brick temples dating back to the fourth millennium BC. At the edge of the sacred area a cemetery grew up which included burials known today as the Royal Graves. An area of ordinary people's houses was excavated in which a number of street corners have small shrines. But the largest surviving religious buildings, dedicated to the moon god Nanna, also include one of the best preserved ziggurats, and were founded in the period 2100-1800 BC. For some of this time Ur was the capital of an empire stretching across southern Mesopotamia. Rulers of the later Kassite and Neo-Babylonian empires continued to build and rebuild at Ur. Changes in both the flow of the River Euphrates (now some ten miles to the east) and trade routes led to the eventual abandonment of the site.
The Royal Graves of Ur
Close to temple buildings at the centre of the city of Ur, a rubbish dump built up over centuries. Unable to use the area for building, the people of Ur started to bury their dead there. The cemetery was used between about 2600-2000 BC and hundreds of burials were made in pits. Many of these contained very rich materials.
In one area of the cemetery a group of sixteen graves was dated to the mid-third millennium. These large, shaft graves were distinct from the surrounding burials and consisted of a tomb, made of stone, rubble and bricks, built at the bottom of a pit. The layout of the tombs varied, some occupied the entire floor of the pit and had multiple chambers. The most complete tomb discovered belonged to a lady identified as Pu-abi from the name carved on a cylinder seal found with the burial.
The majority of graves had been robbed in antiquity but where evidence survived the main burial was surrounded by many human bodies. One grave had up to seventy-four such sacrificial victims. It is evident that elaborate ceremonies took place as the pits were filled in that included more human burials and offerings of food and objects. The excavator, Leonard Woolley thought the graves belonged to kings and queens. Another suggestion is that they belonged to the high priestesses of Ur.
References
C.L. Woolley and P.R.S. Moorey, Ur of the Chaldees, revised edition (Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1982)
D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
M. Roaf, Cultural atlas of Mesopotamia (New York, 1990)
From the temple of Ninhursag, Tell al-'Ubaid, southern Iraq About 2600-2400 BCE Length: 2.590 m Height: 1.070 m Excavated by H.R.H. Hall ME 114308 (1919.10-11.4874) Room 56: Mesopotamia
A rare metalwork survival
This relief was one of a group of objects found at the small site of Tell al-'Ubaid, close to the remains of the city of Ur. It was discovered at the base of a mud-brick platform on which had been built a temple dedicated to the goddess Ninhursag.
The frieze may have originally stood above the door of the temple, and if so, is the most striking element of what survives of the temple façade. The frieze was badly damaged when it was found. Only one stag's head was recovered intact and the head of the eagle had to be restored. This restoration, based on images of similar date, shows the lion-headed eagle Imdugud, the symbol of the god Ningirsu. The artist has allowed the lion head to break out of the confines of the framework, suggesting Imdugud's great power.
The relief is formed from sheets of copper alloy beaten into shape and fastened, with pins and twisted lengths of copper, to a wooden core coated with bitumen. The survival of such a large piece of metalwork from this period is exceptional. Though copper, probably from the regions of modern Oman and Iran, was the most widely-used metal at this time, most metal objects have either disintegrated or the metal was melted down and re-used.
H.W.F. Saggs, Babylonians (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
M. Roaf, Cultural atlas of Mesopotamia (New York, 1990)
H.R. Hall and C.L. Woolley, Ur Excavations, vol. I: Al-Uba(London, Oxford University Press, 1927)
From the Temple of Ninhursag, Tell al-'Ubaid, southern Iraq, around 2600 BCE Length: 69.850 cm Height: 22.220 cm Excavated by H.R.H. Hall ME 116741 Room 56: Mesopotamia
Decoration for the temple façade
This frieze was discovered at the small site of Tell al-'Ubaid, close to the remains of the city of Ur. It was found among a group of objects at the foot of a mud brick platform. The platform had originally supported a temple building dedicated to the goddess Ninhursag. The objects were found beside the platform-stairs, among debris which may have fallen from the temple on top.
Ninhursag was a mother goddess and her name means 'lady of the steppe land' where cows were put out to pasture. It is appropriate that her temple should have been decorated with bulls and cows.
The panel was found in good condition, with the borders preserved. It is formed from a wooden board, which had decayed, covered with strips of copper secured with copper nails. The area between the borders was covered with bitumen and the figures were pressed into it. The bulls are made in one piece of Tridacna shell with the legs and head carved separately. The background was filled with black shale cut to shape. All the pieces of inlay were in place when it was found, except the body of the last bull which had been forced away from its backing and lay in three pieces.
Several more or less complete sections of panel were found, along with numerous scattered figures and fragments from a second frieze which had ornamented the façade of the temple.
H.R. Hall and C.L. Woolley, Ur Excavations, vol. I: Al-Uba(London, Oxford University Press, 1927)
T.C. Mitchell, Sumerian art: illustrated by o (London, The British Museum Press, 1969)
Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Copper figure of a bull
From the Temple of Ninhursag, Tell al-'Ubaid, southern Iraq, around 2600 BCE Length: 60.960 cm Height: 60.960 cm Excavated by Leonard Woolley ME 116740 Room 56: Mesopotamia
Decoration for the temple façade
This bull was discovered in 1923 by Leonard Woolley at the small site of Tell al-'Ubaid, close to the remains of the city of Ur. The bull was found among a group of objects at the foot of a mud brick platform. The platform had originally supported a temple building dedicated to the goddess Ninhursag. The objects were found beside the platform-stairs. The bull had been squashed flat by the weight of the brickwork which had fallen from the temple above.
Ninhursag was a mother goddess and her name means 'lady of the steppe land' where cows were put out to pasture. It is appropriate that her temple should have been decorated with bulls and cows.
The body of the bull originally had a wooden core, now decayed, which was covered in a thin layer of bitumen. Over this was hammered thin sheet copper (probably from Iran or Oman) secured with copper nails.
Four bulls were found at the site but only two were in a good state of preservation (the second is now in the University of Phildelphia Museum). Because the copper was in such a fragile state, Leonard Woolley poured wax over the remains and covered it in bandages so that the metal was kept in place when lifted from the ground. Modern restorations include one horn, a section in the middle of the tail and part of the modelling of the hooves.
H.R. Hall and C.L. Woolley, Ur Excavations, vol. I: Al-Uba(London, Oxford University Press, 1927)
T.C. Mitchell, Sumerian art: illustrated by o (London, The British Museum Press, 1969)
This object was found in one of the largest graves in the Royal Cemetery at Ur, lying in the corner of a chamber above the right shoulder of a man. Its original function is not yet understood.
Leonard Woolley, the excavator at Ur, imagined that it was carried on a pole as a standard, hence its common name. Another theory suggests that it formed the soundbox of a musical instrument.
When found, the original wooden frame for the mosaic of shell, red limestone and lapis lazuli had decayed, and the two main panels had been crushed together by the weight of the soil. The bitumen acting as glue had disintegrated and the end panels were broken. As a result, the present restoration is only a best guess as to how it originally appeared.
The main panels are known as 'War' and 'Peace'. 'War' shows one of the earliest representations of a Sumerian army. Chariots, each pulled by four donkeys, trample enemies; infantry with cloaks carry spears; enemy soldiers are killed with axes, others are paraded naked and presented to the king who holds a spear.
The 'Peace' panel depicts animals, fish and other goods brought in procession to a banquet. Seated figures, wearing woollen fleeces or fringed skirts, drink to the accompaniment of a musician playing a lyre. Banquet scenes such as this are common on cylinder seals of the period, such as on the seal of the 'Queen' Pu-abi, also in the British Museum.
The city of Ur
Known today as Tell el-Muqayyar, the city of Ur was occupied from around 5,000 BC to 300 BC and was once the capital of an empire stretching across southern Mesopotamia. More about the city of Ur
Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Decoration detail
Queen's Lyre
From Ur, southern Iraq, about 2600-2400 BCE Height: 112.000 cm Excavated by C.L. Woolley ME 121198a Room 56: Mesopotamia
Music for the afterlife
Leonard Woolley discovered several lyres in the graves in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. This was one of two that he found in the grave of 'Queen' Pu-abi. Along with the lyre, which stood against the pit wall, were the bodies of ten women with fine jewellery, presumed to be sacrificial victims, and numerous stone and metal vessels. One woman lay right against the lyre and, according to Woolley, the bones of her hands were placed where the strings would have been.
The wooden parts of the lyre had decayed in the soil, but Woolley poured plaster of Paris into the depression left by the vanished wood and so preserved the decoration in place. The front panels are made of lapis lazuli, shell and red limestone originally set in bitumen. The gold mask of the bull decorating the front of the sounding box had been crushed and had to be restored. While the horns are modern, the beard, hair and eyes are original and made of lapis lazuli.
This musical instrument was originally reconstructed as part of a unique 'harp-lyre', together with a harp from the burial, now also in The British Museum. Later research showed that this was a mistake. A new reconstruction, based on excavation photographs, was made in 1971-72.
A similar bull-lyre is depicted on the Standard of Ur.
J. Rimmer, Ancient musical instruments of (London, The British Museum Press, 1969)
C.L. Woolley and others, Ur Excavations, vol. II: The R(London, The British Museum Press, 1934)
From Ur, southern Iraq about 2600-2400 BCE Height: 106.000 cm Length: 97.000 cm ME 121199 Room 56: Mesopotamia
This lyre was found in the 'Great Death-Pit', one of the graves in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. The burial in the Great Death-Pit was accompanied by seventy-four bodies - six men and sixty-eight women -laid down in rows on the floor of the pit. Three lyres were piled one on top of another. They were all made from wood which had decayed by the time they were excavated, but two of them, of which this is one, were entirely covered in sheet silver attached by small silver nails. The plaques down the front of the sounding box are made of shell. The silver cow's head decorating the front has inlaid eyes of shell and lapis lazuli. The edges of the sound box have a narrow border of shell and lapis lazuli inlay.
When found, the lyre lay in the soil. The metal was very brittle and the uprights were squashed flat. First it was photographed, and then covered in wax and waxed cloth to hold it together for lifting. The silver on the top and back edge of the sounding box had been destroyed. Some of the silver preserved the impression of matting on which it must have originally lain. Eleven silver tubes acted as the tuning pegs.
Such instruments were probably important parts of rituals at court and temple. There are representations of lyre players and their instruments on cylinder seals, and on the Standard of Ur being played alongside a possible singer.
J. Rimmer, Ancient musical instruments of (London, The British Museum Press, 1969)
C.L. Woolley and others, Ur Excavations, vol. II: The R(London, The British Museum Press, 1934)
From Ur, southern Iraq About 2600-2400 BCE Length: 4.400 cm Width: 4.400 cm ME 121529 Room 56: Mesopotamia
From the 'Queen's Grave'
This shell plaque comes from the grave of 'Queen' Pu-abi in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. It was found with a silver bull's head which was inlaid with shell and lapis lazuli. It was presumably part of the decoration of a lyre or harp. Shell, often combined with different coloured stones, was one of the most popular ways of decorating objects in Sumer. Wooden items such as fine musical instruments, and pieces of furniture, as well as pillars and wall panels were decorated in this way. Bitumen was used as a glue.
Animal scenes are silhouetted on the shell, with the background and details of engraving filled in with bitumen. The scenes are typical of this period, although rearing goats are a motif known from all periods of Mesopotamian art.
The shell probably came from the Gulf.
C.L. Woolley and others, Ur Excavations, vol. II: The R(London, The British Museum Press, 1934)
T.C. Mitchell, Sumerian art: illustrated by o (London, The British Museum Press, 1969)
Headdress and necklace of gold, lapis lazuli and cornelian
From Grave 800, the Royal Cemetery of Ur, southern Iraq Early Dynastic III, about 2600 BCE Excavated by C.L. Woolley ME 121481;ME 122351 Middle East
Dug outside the walls of the city, the so-called 'Royal Cemetery' at Ur was built over by the walls of Nebuchadnezzar's larger city about 2,000 years later. Some 1,840 burials were found, dating to between 2600 BC and 2000 BC. They ranged from simple inhumations, with the body rolled in a mat, to elaborate burials in domed tombs reached by descending ramps. Seventeen of these early burials Leonard Woolley, the exacavator, called 'Royal Graves' because of the rich grave-goods and the bodies of retainers, apparently sacrificed.
This jewellery comes from one of the richest tombs at Ur. It was the burial place of Pu-abi, her name recorded on a fine cylinder seal of lapis lazuli. She lay on a wooden bier, a gold cup near her hand, the upper part of her body entirely hidden by multi-coloured beads. She wore an elaborate headdress. Buried with her were the bodies of 25 attendants, laid out in rows, and oxen which had been harnessed to vehicles. An adjacent tomb with no principal occupant had 65 attendants. Even more bodies were found in the tomb known as the Great Death Pit, which was occupied by six servants, four women harpists and 64 other women, dressed in scarlet and adorned with gold, silver, lapis lazuli and cornelian. The attendants may have voluntarily taken poison and were buried while unconscious or dead.
Other Views: Reconstruction of the burial shaft, showing the queen's retinue and the ox drivers (A. Forestier, 1928)
C. Trümpler (ed.), Agatha Christie and archaeolog(London, The British Museum Press, 2001)
From Ur, southern Iraq About 2600-2400 BCE Length: 26.900 cm ME 122204 Room 56: Mesopotamia
The excavator Leonard Woolley discovered this pin in one of the graves in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. In this particular tomb the bodies of four men and a woman were found in a stone chamber at the bottom of a pit. The woman held a gold tumbler in her hand, and this gold pin was on her breast, though it had probably slipped from her shoulder where it had been attached to her dress. A cylinder seal made of gold was almost touching the head of the pin. They may originally have been attached.
The burial chamber of the tomb was a dome made of limestone rubble set in and thickly plastered with stiff green clay. Holes sloped inwards through the stonework. Woolley cleared them out and, by holding an electric torch to one, and looking through another, was able to see through to the floor of the burial chamber. Sticking up through a light dust were the rims of pottery and copper vessels and an occasional glimpse of gold.
C.L. Woolley and others, Ur Excavations, vol. II: The R(London, The British Museum Press, 1934)
From Ur, southern Iraq Around 2600 BCE Height: 4.900 cm Diameter: 2.600 cm Excavated by Sir Leonard Woolley ME 121544 Room 56: Mesopotamia
The seal of the 'Queen'
This cylinder seal was discovered in the 'Queen's Grave' in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. It is engraved with a banquet scene. It has been suggested that this indicates that the owner was female, while a man's seal would have been engraved with a combat scene. Indeed, the cuneiform inscription on this seal reads 'Pu-abi nin'. The Sumerian word 'nin' can be translated as either 'lady' or 'queen'. It is possible that Pu-abi (previously read as Shub-ad) may have been a high priestess in the service of the moon god, Nanna, patron of Ur.
The seal was found against the right arm of Pu-abi's body, together with two other seals and three gold pins, which were presumably used to secure her cloak. The cylinders were perhaps tied to the pins: the typical way of carrying seals.
The seal is made from lapis lazuli, which would have come from Afghanistan. This not only shows the extensive trade routes that existed at this time, but also how important Pu-abi was, owning an object made of such an exotic material.
D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
M. Roaf, Cultural atlas of Mesopotamia (New York, 1990)
C.L. Woolley and others, Ur Excavations, vol. II: The R(London, The British Museum Press, 1934)
D. Collon, First impressions: cylinder se (London, The British Museum Press, 1987)
From Ur, southern Iraq About 2600-2400 BCE Length: 21.000 inches (laid flat) ME 122302
Room 56: Mesopotamia
Discovered in the 'Great Death-Pit'
This collection of jewellery was discovered overlying a skull in the 'Great Death-Pit' in the cemetery at Ur. The skull, crushed flat by the weight of soil which was used to fill up the grave, was that of one of the serving ladies who appear to have been sacrificial victims accompanying the central burial. There was a total of seventy-four bodies - six men and sixty-eight women - laid in rows on the floor of the pit. Leonard Woolley, the excavator, suggested that bowls found beside many of the bodies may have contained poison, which they took as part of the burial ritual. An alternative is that they were killed.
The jewellery includes a gold hair ribbon, a wreath of gold pendants, a silver comb with inlaid flowers, gold ear-rings and necklaces of gold and lapis lazuli beads. Blue lapis lazuli was one of the most prestigious and valuable of stones. 'Lapis-like' was a standard way of describing unusual wealth in ancient documents and it was often associated with gods and heroes.
P.R.S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian materials (Oxford, 1994)
C.L. Woolley and others, Ur Excavations, vol. II: The R(London, The British Museum Press, 1934)
Reconstruction of the burial shaft, showing the queen's retinue and the ox drivers (1928)
The Royal Graves of Ur
Close to temple buildings at the centre of the city of Ur, a rubbish dump built up over centuries. Unable to use the area for building, the people of Ur started to bury their dead there. The cemetery was used between about 2600-2000 BC and hundreds of burials were made in pits. Many of these contained very rich materials.
In one area of the cemetery a group of sixteen graves was dated to the mid-third millennium. These large, shaft graves were distinct from the surrounding burials and consisted of a tomb, made of stone, rubble and bricks, built at the bottom of a pit. The layout of the tombs varied, some occupied the entire floor of the pit and had multiple chambers. The most complete tomb discovered belonged to a lady identified as Pu-abi from the name carved on a cylinder seal found with the burial.
The majority of graves had been robbed in antiquity but where evidence survived the main burial was surrounded by many human bodies. One grave had up to seventy-four such sacrificial victims. It is evident that elaborate ceremonies took place as the pits were filled in that included more human burials and offerings of food and objects. The excavator, Leonard Woolley thought the graves belonged to kings and queens. Another suggestion is that they belonged to the high priestesses of Ur.
Old Babylonian, about 19th century BCE From Mesopotamia Height: 2.450 cm Diameter: 1.450 cm Captain E.G. Spencer Churchill Collection ME 134757 Room 56: Mesopotamia
The design on this lapis lazuli seal is typical of the Old Babylonian period; the owner of the seal is shown being brought into the presence of a king by a goddess known as a lamma. The seated king wears the head-dress of a god. From the end of the third millennium BC until the time of this seal many of the rulers of south Mesopotamia were deified. At all other times it seems that Mesopotamian kings were considered to be appointed by the gods but were not themselves divine.
The inscription identifies the seal owner as Sin-ishmeanni, son of Sin-iddinam, and servant of Sumu-yamutbala. The latter was a ruler in northern Babylonia around 1850 BC.
The small person with bow legs is a common motif on seals of this period. He has variously been interpreted as a dancer in rituals or entertainments, or as a type of demon, perhaps a prankster or a protective spirit. The figure may be related to the Egyptian god Bes, who was worshipped in Syria and other areas of the ancient Near East.
D. Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asi-2 (London, 1986)
From Ur, southern Iraq about 2600 BCE Height: 4.300 cm Diameter: 2.200 cm Excavated by Sir Leonard Wolley ME 121545 Room 56: Mesopotamia
Discovered in the 'Queen's Grave'
This cylinder seal comes from the grave of 'Queen' Pu-abi, one of the richest in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. The seal is engraved with a banquet scene. These banquets may have been like later Greek symposia with important ritual and social meanings. The upper register depicts figures drinking, possibly beer, from a large jar through long straws. In the lower register more figures drink but this time from cups, perhaps wine poured from the spouted vessel held by one standing servant. There is food on a stand.
The seal was found against the right arm of the body of a woman who was lying on a bier in a tomb built of brick on stone foundations. A cuneiform inscription on a similar seal, found with this one, identifies her as 'The lady Pu-abi', the so-called 'Queen' of Ur. However, Pu-abi (the name used to be read Shub-ad) could have been a priestess. There were also pins, possibly for securing her cloak and the seals may have been tied to them. Many other rich objects were found in the burial pit leading to the tomb.
D.J. Wiseman, Catalogue of the Western Asiat (London, 1962)
C.L. Woolley and others, Ur Excavations, vol. II: The R(London, The British Museum Press, 1934)
Neo-Assyrian, 720-700 BCE From Mesopotamia Height: 4.300 cm Diameter: 1.800 cm Acquired by 1835 ME 89769 Room 55: Mesopotamia
The supreme Mesopotamian goddess
This very finely cut seal depicts Ishtar, Mesopotamian goddess of sexuality and warfare. She appears frequently on seals, relief carving, and in descriptions as a mighty warrior who protects the king by defeating his enemies. One Assyrian king, Ashurbanipal (reigned 669-631 BC), was even described as crying before the goddess like a child asking his mother for help. Her strength as a warrior is stressed here, as she is shown with weapons rising from her shoulders.
Ishtar appears to have been associated at an early period with the Sumerian goddess Inanna and both deities are depicted with symbols of fertility, such as the date palm, and of aggression, such as the lion. The iconography survived relatively unchanged for over a thousand years. Here, Ishtar's astral quality is also emphasized: above her crown is a representation of the planet Venus. The goddess could be worshipped as both male and female Ishtar, reflecting her dual role of sex and war as well as the evening and morning aspects of the planet.
In the first millennium BC more unusual stones were used to make seals: this one is made of green garnet, which may have come from northern Pakistan.
D. Collon, First impressions: cylinder se (London, The British Museum Press, 1987)
H. Frankfort, Cylinder seals (London, Macmillan, 1939)
Old Babylonian, 1800-1750 BCE From southern Iraq Height: 49.500 cm Width: 37.000 cm Thickness: 4.800 cm (max.) ME 2003-7-18,1 Room 56: Mesopotamia
A major acquisition for the British Museum's 250th anniversary
This large plaque is made of baked straw-tempered clay, modelled in high relief. The figure of the curvaceous naked woman was originally painted red. She wears the horned headdress characteristic of a Mesopotamian deity and holds a rod and ring of justice, symbols of her divinity. Her long multi-coloured wings hang downwards, indicating that she is a goddess of the Underworld. Her legs end in the talons of a bird of prey, similar to those of the two owls that flank her. The background was originally painted black, suggesting that she was associated with the night. She stands on the backs of two lions, and a scale pattern indicates mountains.
The figure could be an aspect of the goddess Ishtar, Mesopotamian goddess of sexual love and war, or Ishtar's sister and rival, the goddess Ereshkigal who ruled over the Underworld, or the demoness Lilitu, known in the Bible as Lilith. The plaque probably stood in a shrine.
The same goddess appears on small, crude, mould-made plaques from Babylonia from about 1850 to 1750 BC. Thermoluminescence tests confirm that the 'Queen of the Night' relief was made between 1765 and 45 BC.
The relief may have come to England as early as 1924, and was brought to the British Museum in 1933 for scientific testing. It has been known since its publication in 1936 in the Illustrated London News as the Burney Relief, after its owner at that time. Until 2003 it has been in private hands. The Director and Trustees of the British Museum decided to make this spectacular terracotta plaque the principal acquisition for the British Museum's 250th anniversary.
Other Views A) Image of the plaque 'restored' to how it would have looked before painting B) Reconstruction of original painting added C) The plaque now compared to the reconstruction
These images were created using Photoshop by Mark Timson of the British Museum's New Media Unit, with the guidance of Dominique Collon, curator in the Department of the Ancient Near East.
H. W. and A. F. Janson, History of Art, 6th edition (New York, 2001)
H. Frankfort, 'The Burney Relief', Archiv für Orientforschung (1937-39), pp. 128-35
H. Frankfort, The art and architecture of th (London, Pelican, 1970)
https://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/l/lapis_lazuli_stamp_seal.aspx Anshan as Fars and Aratta as Shahr-i-Sokhta "During the last thirty years, one of the outstanding problems in the field of the ancient history of Iran has been the search for the exact location of Anshan and Aratta, two important neighboring city sttes somewhere on the Iranian plateau. Both states are mentioned for the first time in the Sumerian texts usually thought to reflect the Early Dynastic II Period (the first half of the third millennium BCE). Anshan remained well known in later periods also as one of the main centers of the Elamite kingdom, while Aratta was a wealthy area to which the Early Dynastic rulers looked as a source for costly commodiies. The uncertainty as to the precise location of these two regions resulted in a series of controversies among scholars who have proposed to identify them with different areas within the present geographical borders of Iran. The state of Anshan, however, finally found its identity and exact location through the archaeological activities of Tall-i-Malyan led by William Sumner. It is noteworthy that before the evidence of the discoveries of Tall-i-Malyan was available, John Hansman was the only scholar who identified that site as Anshan...The discovery of exact location of Anshan as the modern province of Fars, however, proved that the identification of Aratta as Luristan by Kramer, as south or southeast of the Caspian by Herrmann, and as Hamaan-Nahavand-Kermanshah-Sanandaj by Cohen are all completely out of the question since it is known that the state of Aratta was adjacent to the state of Anshan. In contrast to other scholars, Hansman looked to the east. He included the province of Kerman in the ancient state of Anshan, and having brought the modern state of Sistan into the neighborhood of Anshan, proposed the possibility that Shahr-i-Sokhta could be identified with the city of Aratta." (Yousef Majidzadeh, The Land of Aratta, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 35, No. 2 (Apr., 1976), pp. 105-106); (W. Sumner, 'Excavations at Tall-i-Malyan 1971-72,' Iran 12 (1974): 155-175; Erica Reiner, 'Tall-i-Malyan, Epigraphic Finds 1971-72,' Iran 12 (1974): 176; idem, 'The location of Anshan', Revue d'Assyriologie 67 (1974): 57-62. J. Hansman, 'Elamites, Achaemenians and Anshan,' Iran 10 (1972): 101-25.) Yousef Majidzadeh continues the revisit to resolve the problem of locating Aratta based on 15 years (prior to 1976) of archaeological work in the province of Kerman and concludes that this province is the 'only region which can reasonably be regarded as the exact ocation of the state of Aratta. This is, furthermore, supported by the fact that Aratta was located on the roue for the transhipment of lapis lazuli from its sources. Thus, the lapis lazuli of Badakhshan could have been brought to Shahr-i-Sokhta, and there, after receiving some primary treatment, could be sent through Aratta to Uruk without any direct contact between Shahr-i-Sokhta and Mesoptamia. At the present time, the archaeological evidence is not sufficient to identify with certainty the residential city of the Lord of Aratta. The very rich deposit of the Shahdad cemetery may, however, lead us in the direction of the capital city of Aratta. The only problem lies in the fact that no other cemetery has, so far, been excavated in the entire Kerman region. Therefore, one cannot rule out the possibility that at the time of the Shahdad cemetery the inhabitants of Kerma were enjoying prosperity, and that all the cemeteries were being loaded with similar rich offerings. However, if in the light of future excavations the cemetery of Shahdad remains unique in its richness, then one must look for a settlement somewhere between Shahdad and the present capital city of Kerman, a site whose residents buried their dead in this cemetery. Notes: Compare the wealth of the Shahdad cemetery with that of the Shahr-i-Sokhta graveyard. Although the richest graves are in the latter and belong to phases 5-7 (Period II), which are approximately contemporary with the Shahdad cemetery, they appear much poorer. This in turn indicates once more that the richness and the prosperity of the people of Aratta described in the Sumerian Texts does not fit the situation at Shahr-i-Sokhta. For a detailed description of the Shahr-i-Sokhta graveyard see M. Piperno and M. Tosi, 'The graveyard of Shahr-i-Sokhta Iran', Archaeology 28 (1975): 186-197. The location of the capital city of Aratta in the vicinity of the Shahdad cemetery becomes more likely when one considers the geographical description of the region and its historical background given in n. 35 above.' (ibid., pp. 112-113); (G. Hermann, 'Lapis Lazuli', p. 36; CC Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, 'Shahr-i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya', p.50). Note 35 in Majidzadeh's article: Ali Hakemi, 'Etude rcheologiques de la lisiere du Desert de Lout,' Bastan Chenassi va Honar-e Iran, Revue d'archeologie et d'art Iraniens 2 (1969): 24-25 in French and 36-51 in Persian; idem, 'Shahdad' Iran 11 (1973): 201-3 and pl. 10; Mr. Hakemi has also published two successive reports in Honar va Mardom [Art and People]", a monthly publication of the Directorate General of Cultural Relations of the Iranian Ministry of Culture and Arts, no. 126 (April, 1973): 75-83 and no. 127 (May, 1973): 79-89. Since these articles are in Persian, a summary translation of the geographical description of the region and its historical background is given here. "The Dasht-i-Lut is separated from the Kerman region by a range of mountains which continues northwards to the regions of Ravar and Darband, and southwards into the area of Bam. Shahdad, a modern name for the ancient city of Khabiz, is located at the foot of Mount Joftan, the highest peak of which rises some 3,990 m. above sea level. The peaks of this mountain range are covered with snow until the middle of May. Thus a fairly large amount of water flows into the Shahdad plain all through the year. The permanent water of Shahdad is provided by the Derakhtangan river, which originates in the Hinnaman mountains; another river with less water originates in the high peaks of Joftan. "The remains of several ancient river beds in this region indicate that in prehistoric times the Shahdad plain enjoyed much more water than today. The present regin of Shahdad is entirely covered with citrus and date trees which are more dense in the southern and western than in the eastern and norther parts of the region. "A brief survey in the vicinity of the Shahdad cemetery has demonstrated extensive cultural remains upto 7 km. to the east of the cemetery. A huge flood during the twelfth or thirteenth century A.D. destroyed this large settlement. The remains of various settlements ranging in date from the prehistoric to the thirteenth century A.D. cover a total area of 64 sq. km. Some Sasanian and Seljuk architectural remains are still visible above ground." For detailed information see A. Hakemi, Honar va Mardom, no. 126 (April, 1973): 76-78. (ibid., pp. 109-110) The Land of Aratta by Yousef Majidzadeh, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 35, No. 2 (Apr., 1976), pp. 105-113
Majidzadeh Y.Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Paléorient Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view. Year 1982 Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view. Volume 8 Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Issue 8-1Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view. pp. 59-69
Subject: A racist book by Witzel, a Harvard Professor. Socially irresponsible publication of a grandiose, brash, ill-informed, problematic scholarship -- Tok Thompson. Witzel should be sacked from Harvard University -- Kalyanaraman. I have made additional comments (appended in Section 3) on Witzel's motivated attempts to debunk the Vedic tradition using a Vedic workshop as a forum in Kozhikode, India, in January 2014 and with mistranslations (Section 2). This workshop which he used as a venue to peddle his published book which has been honestly reviewed by Tok Thompson of University of Southern California (review appended -- Section 1), is enough cause for action against this person by the Harvard Corp. Witzel is certainly NOT advancing the cause of Harvard University exemplified by its logo. Harvard Corp. should take note of this and take immediate remedial action. I have to underscore the dangers posed by academics like Witzel and how Harvard Corp. should seriously consider expelling him from the Harvard University to protect the present and future generations of students who look upon Harvard as the exemplar of social responsibility to a worldwide scholar community. The minimum Harvard Corp. should do is to ensure that Witzel is stopped forthwith from any further dealings in a classroom of Harvard University -- to avoid further poisoning of impressionable, young minds of students. I request the President, Harvard Corp. to treat this as a documented chargesheet against Witzel and take appropriate action to save the reputation of Harvard University. S. Kalyanaraman Sarasvati Research Center January 27, 2014 Section 1
The Origins of the World's Mythologies
By E.J. Michael Witzel. 2013. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Reviewed by Tok Thompson, University of Southern California
[Review length: 1535 words • Review posted on December 5, 2013]
This is an astonishing book, but not for the reasons the author intended.
The Origin of the World's Mythology utilizes completely out of date and highly questionable scholarship to claim a grand scientific discovery which relies on the author's "theory" of ultimate mythological reconstruction, dating back all the way to reconstructed stories (i.e., made up by the author) told some 100,0000 years ago. The "theory" (I would say hypothesis) is implausible (in terms of data, scholarship, logic, internal plausibility, etc.), even more so than quasi-academic concepts, like Nostratic, which it relies on as proven fact.
The book's main claim is explicitly racist. I define "racist" here simply as any argument that seeks to categorize large groups of people utilizing a bio-cultural argument ("race"), and that further describes one such group as essentially better, more developed, less "deficient," than the other(s).
The book claims that there are two races in the world, revealed by both myth and biology: the dark-skinned "Gondwana" are characterized by "lacks" and "deficiencies" (e.g., xi, 5, 15, 20, 88, 100, 105, 131, 279, 280, 289, 290, 313, 321 315, 410, 430, 455) and are labeled "primitive" (28) at a "lower stage of development” (28, 29, 410), while the noble "Laurasian" myths are "our first novel," the only "true" creation stories, and the first "complex story" (e.g., 6, 54, 80, 105, 321, 372, 418, 421, 430), which the Gondwana never achieved.
Such a grand evolutionary pronouncement, published by Oxford University Press and penned by a Harvard Professor (of Sanskrit), demands attention and careful investigation of its claims. If the author is correct, then indeed the field of mythology, and folklore, will be entirely rewritten. Not only this, but the ideas of a separate, deficient "dark-skinned race" will be, for the first time, scientifically validated.
The theoretical justification of this work is derived from a sort of straw man contest between ethnologist Leo Frobenius (1873-1938), representing monogenesis and diffusion, and Freud's errant disciple Carl Jung (1875-1961), with his universal archetypes of the collective unconscious. This straw man argument is not an appropriate one: Jung's theories have long been derided in scholarship on mythology, and the data have been shown not to support his claims of universals (Dundes, 2005). Indeed, the resounding refutation of universals not only invalidates Jung's theories, but also stands in direct contradiction to many of the claims of this book.
His sole factual claim to his grand separation of the races seems to be his assertion that only the light-skinned Laurasians developed a "complete" myth. He makes several claims about what this myth "is," but these are contradictory, vague, and with many exceptions or permutations (variously: 53, 64, 76, 120, 183, 323). At some points he claims that the only actual differences between the two is that the Laurasian has the world end, and the Gondwana do not (e.g., 283). At other times, however, he claims that the Gondwana actually have no cosmogonic myths whatsoever. For example:
• "Gondwana mythologies generally are confined to the description of the emergence of humans and their culture in a preexisting world" (5).
• "The Laurasian stress on cosmogony, however, is entirely absent in Gondwana mythologies" (105).
• "In Gondwana mythologies the world is regarded as eternal" (20).
• Describing Gondwana mythology: "In the beginning: heaven and earth (and sea) already exist" (323, restated 361).
This particular claim is made even more remarkable in light of his own comment on page 474, where he himself discusses the common African myth of the world being created from a god's spittle and/or vomit.
In previous publications the author argued that the Gondwana had no flood myths as well. However, in this book the author relates recently encountering Alan Dundes' The Flood Myth, which disproved the assertion (see the author's discussion, page 284). Taking pains to explain this change, the author now claims the flood myth "is universal" (wrongly: see Dundes 2005) and not, as he previously decreed, "Laurasian." This late encounter with Dundes' scholarship is instructive: Dundes is generally regarded as one of the most important folklore theorists of the last century, yet aside from this one problematic citation of The Flood Myth, no notice is taken of him, not even his classic work on myth, Sacred Narrative. Nor are other seminal recent works in scientific myth scholarship cited, such as Schrempp and Hansen's Myth: A New Symposium, or even the earlier Sebeok's Myth: A Symposium. The sustained overlooking of the scholarship on mythology over the last fifty years or more is one of the larger foundational problems of this work.
For example, aside from a brief early mention (45, 46), the concept of polygenesis is never considered as a potential explanation, yet a mere acknowledgment that different people do sometimes create similar-sounding plots and motifs removes any necessity to view every similar motif or narrative as united in some grand historical scheme (see Thompson 2002). An instructive case in point might be the flood myths of the seismically active coastal regions of the Pacific Northwest, held to be caused by mountain dwarves dancing (a compelling explication of which can be found in McMillan and Hutchinson 2002)—there is absolutely no reason to assume this is derived from the same source as the very different biblical flood myth, simply because they both involve floods in flood-prone areas. Stripped of any emic understanding of the explanatory and rhetorical majesty of sacred stories, myth is reduced to a mere grab-bag of words and motifs.
I consider my own research specialties, and the many Dene and Inuit/Yupiq mythologies I have heard, and watched, and read. In the Dene, and the Inuit, one finds no apocalypse stories, no end of the world. This should, then, disqualify them completely from the Laurasian. Nor is there "Father Heaven/Mother Earth," or the time of "nobles," or a "slaying of the dragon," or a "drinking of soma," all of which are expected to be in his Laurasian story (at least as per page 53). But according to the author, all this is irrelevant, since they are simply Laurasians who haven't told it all, or haven’t been recorded telling it, or have forgotten parts, or there is some other reason. In other words, they are Laurasian because he says they are Laurasian. But when the same question is asked of the South African San, who also do not have all those elements, the answer is that they are Gondwana. The criteria are not applied equally, but rather only as the author sees fit in justifying his hypothesis.
In chapter 4, the author seeks to buttress support for his hypothesis by using reconstructions in linguistics and genetics. Genetically, he states that specific DNA haplogroups "seem to represent the Gondwana type of mythology" (233). His appeal to linguistics is at least marginally more appropriate, as language is a cultural, not biological, phenomenon. But here, too, he utilizes less-than-scientifically-accepted hypotheses, such as a "Dene-Caucausian" language family linking Basque and Navajo, and "Nostratic." The all-too-breezy use of non-academic claims can be seen in the following two quotes, located on the same page (193):
"Nostratic theory has not been accepted by most traditional linguists."
"Once we accept the reconstruction of Nostratic, we can establish the natural habitat, the material culture, and theWeltanschauung and mythology of the Nostratic populations."
To be clear: if linguists don’t think that languages could be reconstructed back more than 6,000 years, why does the author believe they can, and further, that entire stories can be reconstructed for over 100,000 years?
Finally, the startling claim that the book proves the existence of two races, going against all other scholarly data, would have profound implications for global society as a whole, yet these implications are never discussed by the author. Instead, in his conclusion he claims that the reason Abrahamic religions have made inroads into the global south in recent times is simply because Laurasian myth is "better" and "more complete" than any ever formulated by the Gondwana themselves (430), a remarkably naïve view of global political history.
To conclude: this book will no doubt prove exciting for the gullible and the racist, yet it is useless—and frustrating—for any serious scholar. This is a work which should never have reached book publication stage: a whole series of scholarly checks and balances—ranging from Harvard's venerable Folklore and Mythology Department, to the editors and reviewers at Oxford University Press—should have been in place to guide the scholarly inquiry, which would have prevented the socially irresponsible publication of such grandiose, brash, and explicitly racist claims based on ill-informed, highly problematic scholarship.
Works Cited
Dundes, Alan. 2005. “Folkloristics in the Twenty-First Century.” Journal of American Folklore 118:385-408.
-----, ed. 1984. Sacred Narrative: Readings in the Theory of Myth. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
McMillan, Alan D., and Ian Hutchinson. 2002. “When the Mountain Dwarfs Danced: Aboriginal Traditions of Paleoseismic Events along the Cascadia Subduction Zone of Western North America.” Ethnohistory 49:41-48.
Schrempp, Gregory, and William Hansen, eds. 2002. Myth: A New Symposium. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Sebeok, Thomas, ed. 1966. Myth: A Symposium. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Thompson, Tok. 2002. “The Thirteenth Number: Then, There/Here and Now.” Studia Mythologica Slavica 5:145-160.
How not to translate Vedic texts. Let us be wary of academic mistranslations.
Expanding the study of meanings (semantics), some tend to camouflage translations as a ‘cover’ for study of a civilization (kulturwissenschaft) based on texts.
This strategy results in taking the meanings of words or metaphors out of context and attribute ‘mythical’ overtones in ancient texts.
An honest scholar should just concede as Veda itself has done in a number of occasions: ‘I do not know’.
To gain adhikāra in studying a Vedic text, the scholar should first imbibe, adhyayana, the cultural traditions and treat the text as sacred.
There is no secrecy involved in the texts. If secrecy was the intent, the traditional transmittal of texts would not have been preserved with such intensity for thousands of years. Why not accept the possibility that the expressions were intended to transmit ‘insights’ as they occurred among the savants whose life mission itself was a journey into the cosmic wonder?
Some academics seem to translate itihāsa as myths. This is simply a motivated approach, motivated by the strategy to debunk tradition. There is no evidence in any ancient text to assume such a meaning for the genre of knowledge called itihāsa. I leave it to experts in historiography to evaluate the sources of history presented, if at all, in ancient Vedic texts. Deliberations engaged in prose texts are memory markers and aids to placing the performance of a sacred process in context. Many such discussions are evaluations of nuances in the the processes of performance of Yajña, as tradition enjoins. Repetitions in texts are perhaps mnemonic aids which reinforce the precise meanings intended for the use of specific words deployed to delineate the processes.
Chandogya Upanishad for example cites:
Eṣa somo rājā, tad devānām annam tam devā bhakṣyanti.
There is no need for a philologist to wax eloquent on the semantics of each word in this line. Clearly, the kavi is using a mix of metaphors referring to soma as king, as food and for divinities.
Who are the divinities? This core semantics itself has been a subject of deliberations right from the days of Yāska. Even Pāṇini does not dare to enter into the semantics of chandas and restricts himself to delineating the language features -- morphology, syntax, phonetics -- of derivative Sanskrit.
In my view, it will be an act of academic irresponsibility to bypass the traditional pundits and ignore the explanations offered by them.
Mysore palace has brought out a 36 volume excursus on the Rigveda. The text is in Kannada. For sincere scholars, who are interested in devoting themselves to the study of Vedic traditions and heritage, it will be apposite to start with these 36 volumes.
One should study these deliberations with care and try to understand the processes which were intended to sustain the sanctity of the Yajña. The gurukulas have to provide such educational opportunities for serious students, śiṣṭā.
The Vedic universe has many pillars:Ṛtam (cosmic order),Satyam (existential truth), Yajña (sacrifice), Dharma (social practice), Brahman (the sacred word, mantra). Firs step, pause and evaluate if the English pronunciation we have made of these pillars is correct. Many exegeses may be needed to expound on the true import of each of these pillars of Vedic knowledge, not excluding some exercises related to Indrajāla or viśvanīḍa.
We do not even know what Yajña signifies. Let us announce humility as we enter the domain of studying Vedic traditions and heritage.
Additional comments on Witzel's Vedic misrepresentations and racist anecdotes:
Here are some snippets from the work of the super fraud Witzel who has used secondary sources liberally though he finds fault with Arviddson for his use of such sources. What is good for the goose is not good for the gander. Witzel also excels in using ‘primary’ sources, for e.g. Rigveda, by engaging in bogus translations. His classic mistranslation of Baudhayana Srautasutra has been noted in the context of identifying Aratta.
We cannot avoid dealing with such rascals, because they dominate the mainstream academic discourse. Polemicists like Elst promoting Talageri’s work have not been able to edge-in with their contra views.
Flaunting maps showing haplogroups, arrogant display of philological snippets to prove migration of Vedic thought from the pygmies of Africa, adding mischievous footnotes suggesting absurd roots of Vedic tradition are the hallmark of the Witzel genius presented from the following excerpts:
(Notes to Pages 249-250). fn. 329. Where the stance is due to nationalist tendencies: any outside or 'foreign' influence on the formation of the 'eternal' (Sanaatana) Indian civilization is disallowed. Multilocal origin is also popular in some Chinese circles.
(Notes to Pages 282-287).fn. 25. In the Shi Ji there is a tale about the descent of the Emperor Gau Zu of the Han dynasty who appeared as a dragon. He was born from a human mother who had dreamed about a dragon. In Indian mythological history, many dynasties, from Kashmir to Cambodia, are descendants of unions of humans and Naaga (snakelike beings). I will deal with this motif in a future publication (The Naagas of Kashmir). The link between humans and snakes appears from later Vedic literature (Brahmanas) onward.
(Notes to Pages 287-290). fn. 34. Chicken are mentioned in the Avesta (kahrka), though not yet in Rgveda (c. 1000 BCE), and in post-Rgveda texts (krka-vaaku); both words look onamatopetic...For the ancient dispersion of chicken in North India and South China, see D. Fuller (in Petraglia and Allchin 2007: 400 sq.), who argues for domestication in Central China during the fifth millennium BCE.
(Notes to Pages 308-310). fn. 232...The shaman is claimed to be able to turn into a were-tiger...fn. 238. ..Though they speak a form of Dravidian now, their language seems to contain indications of a local substrate (Witzel 1999a). Note also that their neighbors, the Dravidian-speaking Kurumba, belong, together with Rajbanshi and Andamanese, to an old haplogroup of 60/26 kya (NRY D)...fn. 241. See W. Crooke, in Hastings 1922-28: 1-20, s.v. Dravidians (North India). The essay actually deals with many other pre-Hinu tribes and castes of North India as well and thus provides a useful impression of what local religion may have been beforee medieval Hinduism formed an overlay. By contrast, the following chapter by RW Frazer on Dravidians (South India) [in Hastings 1922-28: 221-28] dels almost exclusively with Hinduism and thus yields nothing for the current purpose.
(Notes to Pages 310-311). fn. 265. Note that many early written or orally fixed myths (as in early Vedic prose in the Yajurvea Samhitas) are of the same type; they have extremely short sentences that are in need of a lot of background informatio in order to understand them.
(Notes to Pages 311-313). fn.282 The Hottentots' mythology is mixed with that of the San; note that the Pygmies of the Congo Basin also have a High God. The Damara god Gamab is in heaven above the sky; he lives there with the souls of the dead who have reached him across a deep abyss; they are living under the shade of the heavenly tree and do not have children anymore (all of which reds like a description of Vedic eschatology!), but they also eat the bodies of dead persons; see Bastidde 1967: 252. The Herero nomads are influenced by Bantu mythology. Important for them is the firsst man (as with Nilotic or Zulu people), and they have a High God.
fn. 289 (to pages 313-316)...All of this actually reminds one verymuch of Rgveda mythology (see 5, n. 282)(p549)
...the workings of the Gondwana substrate that permeates much of later Vedic and Indian thought.This question has not even been engaged seriously, though Indologists have talked about vague 'aboriginal' influences for more than a century (see, however, Berger 1959). The establishment of Laurasian and Gondwana mythology offers us the chance to test this point step by step. (p.551)
“The successful reconstruction of the Indo-European parent language in the early 19th century resonated well with the search for ultimate origins prominent at the time, resulting in fantasy-laden histories. The non-Indo-European Finns and Hungarians, too, searched widely for their homeland, in Tibet. Such inventions of tradition may appear only to be of historical interest now, but people are still fascinated by their origins and ancestors, as the current enthusiasm for DNA testing in genealogy shows. The Aryan folly continues with current chauvinist fantasies that influence one billion Indians now. In their own Aryan myth (not treated by Arvidsson), Aryans are the indigenous “sons of the soil” of their “fatherland,” where they constitute “one country, one people, one culture.” We have heard all of that before.
It is only possible to give a few highlights of the history of Indo-European Aryan myths. The relationship between Sanskrit and the other Indo-European languages was first elaborated in a Calcutta speech by William Jones in 1786 and in Bopp's grammar of 1816 (2). During the Romantic period, the pan-European search for origins led to imagining an Indo-European homeland in India, as Sanskrit was seen as the oldest form of Indo-European. The second half of the 19th century was dominated by the Oxford Indologist Max Müller and his Romantic interpretation of Vedic and Indo-European materials as primitive nature mythology, reshaped by the “disease of language.” However, in the 1870s, when the strict neogrammarian school realized that Sanskrit was but a daughter of Indo-European, scholars started to look for another original Indo-European homeland.
Concurrently, during this period of European dominance, Darwinism and “race science” emerged and a new myth took form: a European or even Nordic Aryan race of noble warriors had conquered western and southern Eurasia. Some scholars, such as Müller and the linguist Hermann Hirt (neglected by Arvidsson), opposed any connection between language and race. Nonetheless, this new folly was combined with the nascent field of archaeology, fueling further fantasies about Indo-Europeans as Nordic agriculturalists, which resulted in the later Nazi “blood and soil” ideology. Mixing all of the above, amateur writers of the early 20th century such as Alfred Rosenberg laid the ground for Nazi ideology. Race studies and eugenics emerged as “sciences” in many countries. During the 12 years of Nazi reign in Germany, the heady Aryan brew had its most disastrous consequences in the extermination of “non-Aryans,” including the Indo-Aryan Roma (Gypsies).
After 1945, other, still-current, interpretations of Indo-European myths and archaeology took over. Again, nonlinguists made wrong use of the results of one science to build theories for another. The Indo-European mythologist Georges Dumézil, the scholar of religion Mircea Eliade, and the archaeologist Marija Gimbutas predominated in the postwar period. The latter still is somewhat influential in tracing Indo-European horsemen's invasions out of the Ukrainian and Russian steppes into a supposedly peaceful, matriarchic Old Europe. The three have recently been accused of fascist tendencies, and Arvidsson even speculates that the Lithuanian-born Gimbutas's stance was due to her anti-Russian feelings. This kind of analysis may be fashionable (Foucault, Derrida); however, Arvidsson makes an art form of it—as when he even detects “catholic” (P. W. Schmidt, W. Koppers) and “protestant” writers on Indo-European myth. Throughout the book, we find such linkages between contemporary socioreligious developments and the development of Aryan fantasies.
Arvidsson's sympathies clearly are with Bruce Lincoln, who has recently turned a critic of certain Proto-Indo-European hypotheses, maintaining that the ancestral mythology of circa 3000 BCE cannot be reconstructed. But, as with the ancestral mythologies belonging to other language families, our understanding of it can be put on much firmer ground through combined historical and comparative methods (as I hope to demonstrate in a forthcoming book).
Arvidsson does see one way out of origin myths of the Aryan kind, through the comparative study of history. But he overlooks the recent internal critique made by Indo-European linguists, such as Stefan Zimmer (3), who have clearly pronounced against using “linguistic paleontology.” Many others also distinguish between genuine linguistic discussion and gratuitous speculation that correlates linguistics with archaeology or, currently, with population genetics. Still, such methodological discussions do not deter some from creating ever new myths (e.g., the current Aryan one in India). Myth making and consumption seem to be permanent parts of the human search for origins. Arvidsson's way out of this conundrum is contravened as the writing of history gets increasingly hijacked by ideological, religious, and local nationalistic movements. What then?
Clearly, more serious historical and comparative scholarship is required. We also need the engagement of scholars willing to take public stands—whether in the battles over creationism or in the recent attempts by Hindu nationalists and fundamentalists (in both India and California) to rewrite Indian history in a mythological fashion (4). Aryan fantasies have indicated the inherent dangers most clearly, and here lies one of the enduring merits of Arvidsson's book: it indicates how we can actually learn from history.” (Review of Aryan Idols Indo-European Mythology as Ideology and Science by Stefan Arvidsson Translated from the Swedish (1) by Sonia Wichmann. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2006. )
Scan the 9 attachments to see how Witzels of the world conduct their Vedic workshop to Nambuthiri vedic heritage people from a five-star hotel in Kozhikode. -- the attachments are taken from this 'Out of Africa' genius work. Mere footnotes collecting anecdotes and maps does a Harvard academic make?
Anything goes if there is a sucker audience enjoying the perks of a 5-star hotel of Kozhikode...
Kerala cakkaipirataman always tastes good but with rascals mocking vedic heritage, even good food should turn sour.
On this map which indicates archaeological sites where Meluhha hieroglyphs were discovered, a travel along the Persian Gulf from Sumer through Elam-Makran will lead us to Araṭṭa (which was called Lāṭa, northern Gujarat or Rann of Kutch). Araṭṭa can be attested archaeologically as the region comprising a complex of sites shown on the map along the lower reaches of Indus-Sarasvati rivers, in Rann of Kutch and in the vicinity of the Rann: Tepe Yahya, Shahr-i Sokhta, Mundigak, Shahi-Tump, Lohamjo-daro, Nal, Mohenjo Daro, Jhukar, Mehrgarh, Pirak, Sibri, Nausharo, Mehi, Nindowari, Kot-Diji, Nara-waro-daro, amri, Chanhujo daro, Bala Kot, Allahdino, Gharo Bhiro, Desalpur, Pabumath, Dholavira (Kotda), Surkotada, Bet Dwarka, Khirsara (Netra).
This complex of sites constitutes Araṭṭa as Lāṭa. If a city has to be sought to identify Araṭṭa, it is likely to be a recent, splendid, archaeological discovery: Khirsara (Netra) located south-west of Dholavira (Kotda) and close to the Arabian Sea. The archaeologists who are in the process of excavating the site view it as the central industrial hub of the bronze age based on the array of finds of seals with Meluhha hieroglyphs, gold beads, precious-stone-beads, copper and shell artifacts. Anyway, it could be a toss-up between Dholavira (Kotda) and Khirsara (Netra) to pin-down the central hub of bronze age activity in Araṭṭa. If Dholavira (Kotd) circular stone structures and polished pillars, stone altars prove to be the location of a temple comparable to Ein Gedi near Nahal Mishmar, Dholavira can be identified within Araṭṭa as a temple city with a mercantile complex (karrum) becokoning seafaring merchants from Uruk-Anzan using Meluhha hieroglyphs on a monolithic signboard board.
Thus Khirsara can be posited as the industrial hub and Dholavira the marketing hub with a kole.l, 'smithy, temple' of bronze age Araṭṭa.
Khirsara, the Meluhha name can be explained within Indian sprachbund as a proto-Indo-Aryan gloss comparable to Araṭṭa ~~a-rāṣṭra:
kṣīrá n. ʻ milk, thickened milk ʼ RV. Pa. khīra -- n., Pk. khīra -- , chī° n.; Gy. as. kihr ʻ milk ʼ JGLS new ser. ii 328, pal. kir ʻ cheese, milk ʼ; Ḍ. c̣hīr m. ʻ milk ʼ (← Sh.?); Wg. c̣hīr ʻ sour milk ʼ; Dm. c̣hīr ʻ milk ʼ, Paš. lauṛ. c̣hīr, lagh. x̌īr, gul. xīr, shut. ṣīr, Shum. c̣hīr, Gaw. Kal. Kho. c̣hir; Bshk. c̣hīr ʻ milk, udder ʼ; Tor. c̣hī ʻ milk ʼ, Sv. c̣hir, Phal. c̣hīr, S. khīru m., L. khīr m.; A. gā -- khīr ʻ cow's milk ʼ; B. khir ʻ inspissated milk ʼ; Or. khira ʻ milk, juice from trees ʼ,khirā ʻ inspissated milk ʼ; G. khīrũ n. ʻ beestings ʼ; M. śīr phuṭṇẽ ʻ milk to be set flowing (in the breast) ʼ, śirẽ n. ʻ caudle for puerperal women of coconut milk etc., decoction of boiled lac or certain grains ʼ; Si. kira ʻ milk ʼS.kcch. khīr f. ʻ milk ʼ; Garh. khīr ʻ rice cooked in milk ʼ; A. khīrāiba ʻ to milk ʼ AFD 336; Md. kiru in mini -- kiru ʻ breast -- milk ʼ.(CDIAL 3696)
śará ʻ reed from which arrows are made ʼ RV.,S. saru m. ʻ S. sara ʼ, L. P. sar m. (P. sarī f. ʻ bar of iron, lash of whip ʼ); sariyā f. ʻ piece of reed or bamboo, gold or silver wire ʼ; G. sariyɔ m. ʻ bar, rod ʼ (CDIAL 12324)
śáras n. ʻ cream, skin on boiled milk ʼ VS., ʻ thin layer of ashes ʼ TBr., śara -- 2 m. ʻ upper part of cream or of slightly curdled milk ʼ ĀpŚr. K. har m. ʻ cream, scum on curdled milk or oil ʼ; A. xar ʻ cream ʼ, B. sar; Or. sara ʻ cream, thick milk ʼ; H. sar m. ʻ cream, curds ʼ; Si. saraya ʻ coagulum of curds or milk ʼ.(CDIAL 12332).
Khir-sara is cognate kṣīrá-śáras 'cream of milk' (A pun on the Sindhu sagara as khirsara is located close to the Arabian sea coast, in the Rann of Kutch) Rebus: खिरी[ khirī ] f ( H) A kind of steel (Marathi) + śará 'bar of iron, gold or silver wire.
The arguments for locatingAraṭṭaas Lāṭa can be summed up in an archaeological context and in the context of two important texts: 1) the Sumerian epic Enmerkar and the Lord of Araṭta which locates Anzan as being en route between Uruk and Araṭṭa; and 2) Baudhāyana śrautasūtrawhich identifies migrations (apparently from the central Sarasvati River basin near Kurukshetra) westwards to Gandhara, Parsu and Araṭṭa.
Gandhara and Parsu mentioned in this Sanskrit text are well recognized as Afghanistan and Pārs.
Pārs/Fārs(Parsa (Persian:استانپارسOstān-e Pārs/Fārspronounced [ˈfɒː(ɾ)s]), originally spelledPārsā (Persian:پارسا) is the Parsu mentioned in Baudhāyana śrautasūtra 18.44 as migrations of people from a central region:
Ayu went east, his is the Yamuna-Ganga region (Kuru-Pancala, Kasi-Videha).
Amavasu went west, his is Gandhara, Parsu and Araṭṭa.
Locating Anzan
Many scholars have equated the archaeological site of Tal-i Malyan with Anzan (Anshan(Persian:انشانAnšan) and located as a province of Pars (Persia) in the Zagros mountains, Anshan (Tal-I Malyan) is shown on the map.
Location of Anzan within Elam. Approximate bronze age extension of the Persian Gulf is shown.
That Anzan is a region in the vicinity of Susa -- along the Persian Gulf --may be seen from the following historical evidences. An extension of the region along the Persian Gulf leads to the Rann of Kutch which was Araṭṭa.
Khutelutush-InShushinak of Elam did not take the title sunkir'king' -- a term used by his predecessors, from ca. 15th century BCE, but called himself 'menir of Anzan and Susa'. Menir meant a ‘feudal lord’. (cf. Edwards, IES, ed., 1973, Cambridge Ancient History, Vols. 1, Part 2: Early history of the Middle East, Cambridge University Press, p. 500)
In Sumerian texts Susiana as a name for the region, was called Numma, "the Highlands," of which Elamtu or Elamu, "Elam," was the Semitic translation. Important parts of the region were Shushan or Susa and Anzan (Anshan, contracted Assan). In lexical tablets Anzan is equated with Elamtu. [See W. K. Loftus,Chaldaea and Susiana (1857); A. Billerbeck,Susa (1893); J. de Morgan,Memoires de la Delegation en Perse(9 vols., 1899-1906)].
On a stele with four registers dated c. 1340-1300 BCE, representing King Untash Napirisha, he is called 'King of Anzan and Susa'.
kāṇṭamகாண்டம் kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). <kanda> {N} ``large earthen water ^pot kept and filled at the house''. @1507. #14261.(Munda) Rebus: khāṇḍā‘metal tools, pots and pans’ (Marathi)
<lo->(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re<lo->(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) Hieroglyphs: lo ‘pot to overflow’kāṇḍa‘water’.
Rebus: लोखंड lokhaṇḍIron tools, vessels, or articles in general. lokhãḍ ‘overflowing pot’ Rebus: ʻtools, iron, ironwareʼ (Gujarati) Rebus: loh ‘copper’. kāṇḍa ‘flowing water’ Rebus: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’
This stele with four registers was commissioned by the Elamite king Untash-Napirisha for the city of Chogha Zanbil. It was later moved to Susa by one of his successors, probably Shutruk-Nahhunte I. The four registers depict the god Inshushinak acknowledging the monarch's power, two priestesses accompanying the king to the temple, minor deities - half-women, half-fish - holding streams of water, and two creatures - half-men, half-mouflons - who are guardians of the sacred tree.
King Untash-Napirisha dedicated this stele to the god Inshushinak in Al-Untash, now known as Chogha Zanbil, the new religious capital he had built 40 kilometers southeast of Susa.
In the upper register, the deity Inshushinak welcomes Untash-Napirisha. Between the two figures is carved a dedication in Elamite, naming Inshushinak god of the Susa plain.
The third register depicts a minor goddess with a fish's tail instead of legs. She is holding streams of water flowing from several vessels.
In the bottom register, two creatures - half-men, half-mouflons - flank a stylized tree that represents plant life. These figures are the equivalents of the Mesopotamian half-man, half-bull figures -- all are Meluhha hieroglyphs.
meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)
What are the regions Gandhara, Parsu and Araṭṭa mentioned in the Baudhāyana śrautasūtra?
With Anzan located in Pārs/Fārseast of Uruk and Susa, we can identify the region Parsu along the Persian Gulf, west of Tepe Yahya.
With the identification of Badakshan mines as the source of lapis lazuli stones, we can locate Gandhara region as Afghanistan
Since Araṭṭa is stated in the epic to be adjacent to Anzan, we can locate Araṭṭa in Baluchistan and adjacent northern Gujarat (source of carnelian stones).
Thus, the three regions mentioned in Baudhāyana śrautasūtracan thus be identified as: Afghanistan, Anzan (Pārs ) and Araṭṭa (vicinity of Rann of Kutch).
Delineation of Araṭṭa
Araṭṭa (vicinity of Rann of Kutch) has the archaeological sites of: Khirsara, Desalpur, Narapa, Juni Karan, Dholavira, Surkotada, Konda Badli, Surkotada, Kanmer, Shikarpur, Gola Dhoro (Bagasra).
This map shows the complex of sites such as Amri, Chanhu-daro, Gharo Bhiro, Allahdino, Shahi Tump, Tepe Yahya, sites of Rann of Kutch. Thie region spreading southwards -- along the lower reaches of Sindhu and Sarasvati rivers -- from Chanhu-daro can be posited as Araṭṭamentioned in the ancient Sanskrit text and in the text of Sumerian epic: Enmerkar and the Lord of Araṭṭa
“The artefacts that have been discovered here reinforced the “industrial” nature of the settlement. Among them is a gold hoard, in a small pot, of disc-shaped gold beads, micro gold beads and their tubular counterparts. As Jitendra Nath and this reporter stood on a trench that had been filled up, he pointed to the levelled earth below and said, “It was in this trench that your friend S. Nandakumar [a site supervisor] found the gold hoard.” It was a trench allotted to Nandakumar, and one of the labourers digging the trench came up with a pot that had 26 gold beads inside. “Gold beads are not found in big quantities in the Harappan sites,” Jitendra Nath said. Some disc-shaped gold beads were found at Lothal, a Harappan site in Gujarat.
There are a variety of beads made of shell and steatite and of semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, agate, carnelian, chert, chalcedony and jasper. About 25,000 steatite beads were found in one trench alone. Shell bangles, shell inlays, copper bangles and rings were also found in plenty. Among copper implements were chisels, knives, needles, points, fish hooks, arrow-heads and weights. There were also bone tools, bone points and beads made out of bones.
“We have found good evidence of bead-making here,” said Jitendra Nath. “We found a lot of drill-bits used for drilling holes in the beads…. We also found stone weights of various denominations. While the smallest weighs five grams, the heaviest is about five kilograms.”
The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) team found 11 seals, including circular seals. Some of them are carved with unicorn and bison images, and have the Harappan script engraved on them. While the unicorn seal is made of soapstone, the bison seal is made out of steatite. A rare discovery was that of two bar seals, both engraved with the Harappan script only and remarkably intact.
The trenches have yielded a vast amount of reserved slip ware, painted with exquisite designs; a variety of red ware; buff ware, or polished ware; chocolate-coloured slip ware; and grey ware.
Jitendra Nath, of ASI, said: “The kind of antiquities we are getting from this site indicates that Khirsara was a major industrial hub in western Kutch. It was located on a trade route from other parts of Gujarat to Sind in Pakistan, which is about 100 km away. Of course, the Harappans who lived here were basically traders, manufacturing industrial goods for export to distant lands and to other Harappan sites in the vicinity and farther away…
Khirsara is unique among Indus Valley settlements in having a general fortification wall around the settlement and also separate fortification walls around every complex inside the settlement. The citadel complex, the warehouse, the factory-cum-residential complex, and even the potters’ kiln have their own protective walls.
The massive, outer fortification wall still stands in many places, 4,600 years after it was built. It measures 310 metres by 210 metres and is built of partly dressed sandstone blocks set in mud mortar. The wall’s width is 3.4 metres but additional reinforcements in later phases have increased its width considerably. The bedrock below the wall was levelled with clay, sand, grit, lime and thoroughly rammed in to bear the load of the superstructure. Like fortification walls in other Harappan sites, this one also slopes upwards to give it strength and life…
In the second year (season) of excavation, the team unearthed the citadel and went on to locate the factory area where it found evidence of a lot of industrial activity, including shell-working. There was tell-tale evidence of bead-making. A variety of beads made of copper, shell and terracotta, and semi-precious stones were found in abundance. Copper objects, including needles, knives, fish hooks, arrowheads and weights were found. What is puzzling is that no copper figurines of animals, as found in other sites, were found here.
When the ASI team dug up a mound, it encountered evidence of a five-metre-deep structure, going back to 2600 BCE. This earliest structure was made of stones with mud bricks used in between.”
“We have found furnaces and atandoor. There is evidence of copper-working and ash. We have found huge quantities of steatite beads and some seals made of steatite. From all this evidence, we have identified it as a fortified factory site.”
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Copper fish-hook found in a trench, Khirsara.
Bar seal with Meluhha hieroglyphs discovered at Khirsara (one among 11 seals found; two are shown below):
Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.A bar seal with writing in Harappan script. Only one other bar seal figures in the total of 11 seals found so far in Khirsara. The entire metalware catalog of the inscription on the tablet reads:
meḍ 'iron'+ tagaram'tin'+ dul aduru 'cast native metal'.+ ayah, ayas 'metal' + aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace+ dhātu 'mineral'+ kolimi kanka 'smithy/forge account (scribe)'.
Thus, the smithy forge account is for iron, tin, cast native metal, unsmelted native metal, metal (alloy), mineral.
A bar seal with writing in Harappan script. Only one other bar seal figures in the total of 11 seals found so far in Khirsara.
Rebus readings of Indus writing (from r.): मेंढरी[ mēṇḍharī ]fA piece in architecture. मेंधला[mēndhalā]mIn architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a doubleचौकठ(door-frame) connecting the two. Called also मेंढरी&घोडा. It answers toछिलीthe name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi) meḍhi ‘pillar’. Rebus: meḍ'iron'.
aḍar ‘harrow’ Rebus: aduru = gaṇiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada) dula 'pair' Rebus: dul ‘casting’. Thus the composite glyph reds dul aduru 'cast native metal'.
ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.) Rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)
aḍar ‘harrow’ Rebus: aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada)
ḍato = claws of crab (Santali); dhātu = mineral (Skt.), dhatu id. (Santali)
kanka 'rim-of-jar' Rebus: furnace account (scribe); khanaka 'miner' (Skt.). kolom 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge' (Telugu) The ligature of three strokes with rim-of-jar hieroglyph thus reads: kolimi kanka 'smithy/forge account (scribe)'.
Here's a well researched article that is bound to ruffle a few feathers.
TRULY MISUNDERSTOOD NATION UNDERSTAND THE MUSKETEERS OF AAP.
Lot of tweets and buzz doing round about growing presence of Ford Foundation in India and Indian politics. Felt like doing some research on this. Trust me results have been shocking. It really raises questions – IS INDIA SAFE?
Then I realized that in the garb of charity, their mandate is to ensure WASHINGTON’S HEGEMONY (DOMINANCE) in international market.
It was established as a front of US’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The modus operandi is to fund people / professions that can influence decision making and policy making – authors, historians, journalists, social activists, media companies, publishers, etc.
Digging further on this, I got even more worried, when I saw their increasing interest and presence in Indian politics.
Here is the list of Indians/ NGOs who have been funded by or have proximity to Ford Foundation
· Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia’s NGO – Kabeer
· Mallika Sarabhai’s Darpana
· Yogendra Yadav was funded by ICSSR of Jawaharlal Nehru University, which in turn was funded by Ford Foundation
· Amartya Sen for its books – Ideas of Justice
· Teesta Setalvad and Javed’s Sabrang Communication, one who has been fighting against Modi all these years
And you would know, most of these guys are part of Aam Aadmi Party or are major supporters of AAP.
This poses a very serious question on why is Ford Foundation interested in Indian Politics.
Just to do further research on members of Aam Aadmi Party, I tried to find some details on other members like Aruna Roy, Medha Patkar, Prashant Bhushan and Gopal Rai…
And this was even a bigger SHOCKER to me…
Aruna Roy is the one who had sent a petition to President PRANAB MUKHERJEE for mercy towards Ajmal Kasab.. the one who killed so many innocents in Mumbai terror attack on 26th November 2008. She was also part of Sonia Gandhi’s National Advisory Council
Prashant Bhushan, who we all know for the rubbish referendum view on Kashmir, was also the preferred mediator of the Maoists a couple of years back. Now why would they want Prashant Bhushan?? Did they trust that Prashant Bhushan would show some soft corner towards them?
Medha Patkar – we all know her for being responsible for delay in Sardar Sarovar Dam. But something that I didn’t know earlier, I came to know when I read the link given below. It says that tribals in Chattisgarh had thrown her out of the village of Dantewada for her pro-naxal behavior.
There were some other articles, which suggested her proximity to Angana Chatterjee (who was suspected to be an ISI agent). But didn’t know the authenticity of the article, hence not attaching it.
Gopal Rai – Ex member of Sonia Gandhi’s NAC. Was president of All India Students Association (associated with CPI (M-L)), which is known for its pro Maoist stance..
If all this was not enough, One more article that I came across and that raised doubts on CIA’s interest in India is the one in Economic Times, that suggested that Government was giving work for Aadhar to a startup – MongoDB, which is funded by CIA’s venture fund. Links to the same are given below.
This really is giving me a sleepless nights. Just wondering, if we have so many anti nationals within the country, do we really see Pakistan and China as a bigger threat?
But then was wondering, why is media not exposing all this? But then somewhere the answer is in front of us – Manish Sisodia (ex journalist with Zee), Yogendra Yadav (ex Journalist CNN IBN), Shazia Ilmi (ex journalist) and the latest entrant Ashutosh (ex Managing Editor IBN7)… Are they not a party to it?
Also wondered why people like Meera Sanyal (ex chief RBS) and V Bala (ex Director Infosys) joining AAP. Then came to know that Meera Sanyal’s NGO Pradan (which operates in Naxal hit belt) is funded by Ford Foundation. Also, Narayan Murthy (Chairman of Infosys) is on the board of Ford Foundation. Probably there could be his compulsion to align with them given that 60% of Infosys'business comes from US.
We all believe corruption is an issue, but nothing can be bigger that National Security.
We all want corruption free India and Aam Admi Party raised some hopes. But these news articles, really make me worried that by extending our support to AAP, are we compromising on NATIONAL SECURITY?
If people who can compromise on national security for personal gains, will they ever give you corruption free governance?
Like Ford Foundation, is AAP only a front face of some bigger conspiracy?
This time, I was thinking of seriously giving a chance to AAP… but not ANYMORE…
Narendra Modi on Tuesday attacked the Congress-led UPA government over lack of a war memorial as he targeted the massive constituency in the armed forces, minutes after felicitating melody queen Lata Mangeshkar on the 51st anniversary of her memorable song ‘Aye Mere Watan Ke Logon’.
In his politically loaded speech, the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate referred to the beheading of an Indian soldier by Pakistan, cyber attacks by China and alleged lack of funding for acquisition of weaponry, to mount a scalding assault on the Centre.
“There is no country in the world where there is not a war memorial. India has fought several wars, thousands of our soldiers have been martyred but there is no memorial to honour their sacrifice.
“Should we not remember them? Should not there be a war memorial? I feel some good things have been left for me to do,” he said, apparently referring to surveys predicting a good BJP showing in the Lok Sabha polls.
As the crowd lustily cheered “Modi lao desh bachao (bring Modi, save the nation), the Gujarat Chief Minister said,”this is not the voice of Mumbai alone, this is the voice of the entire country, from Kashmir to Kanya Kumari, and it is said people’s voice is a message from God.” The BJP’s prime ministerial contender touched upon the highly emotive issue of beheading of a soldier by the Pakistanis. “A small country beheads our jawan and we fail to do anything. Bring the head of our soldier back to the Indian soil,” he said, adding more Indian soldiers had lost their lives in terrorist attacks than wars.
“A soldier who wants to take the enemy’s bullet on his chest suffers the most when he dies in his own cantonment instead of the battlefield,” he said.
Apparently referring to cyber attacks by China, he said, with the country having a big talent pool of Information communication technology perfessionals why could it not stop such intrusions.
He also flayed the government for massive import of armaments to meet the requirements of defence forces. “Today we have to make huge imports of armaments to replenish our weaponry. How would the bullets made in alien barracks fire?” he asked.
Calling for formulating effective programmes and policies for indigenous production of weaponry for armed forces, he said there was no reason why the country could not become self-reliant in defence production and even export arms over the next decade.
“Our ancestors exported swords when battles were fought with swords, why can’t we do so now? India cannot wait for it to be attacked to be self-reliant,” he said and underlined the need for introducing defence production research as part of curriculum at science institutes.
He lauded the erstwhile NDA government of Atal Behari Vajpayee for the Pokhran II nuclear bomb test and for introducing the practice of bringing back the bodies of martyred soldiers to their homes.
“There was a time when only the uniforms of soldiers used to reach their homes as sign of their martyrdom. Vajpayee introduced the practice of sending their bodies home. Today, in his death, the fallen soldier inspires patriotism as his community, village and the entire state assembles to pay him homage,” he said.
Earlier, Modi felicitated Lata Mangeshkar, on the 51st anniversary of the moving song ‘Aye mere watan ke logon’. The song she first sang in 1963 after the Sino-India war, had moved Jawaharlal Nehru to tears.
"Aye Mere Watan Ke Logo" (ऐ मेरे वतन के लोगों; "O! the people of my country!") is a Hindipatriotic song written by Kavi Pradeep and composed by C. Ramchandra commemorating Indian soldiers who died during the Sino-Indian War. Kavi Pradeep was reportedly moved to compose the song by accounts of casualties of the war.
The song was famously performed live on January 27, 1963 by Lata Mangeshkar at the National Stadium in the presence of Prime MinisterJawaharlal Nehru at the Ramlila Maidan in New Delhi on account of Republic Day (26 January) 1963, just two months after the end of the war.[1] A copy of the soundtrack spool was also later gifted to Nehru on the occasion. The song is said to have moved Nehru to tears.[2]
"Those who don't feel inspired by 'Aye mere watan ke logo' doesn't deserve to be called a Hindustani", said Nehru, who was visibly moved by the song. The song received rave appreciation from across the country.
In 2013, Lata Mangeshkar told a TV channel that initially she had declined to sing the song as she had not got enough time to rehearse the song. "It was Pradeepji, (Kavi Pradeep) the poet, who wrote the immortal lyrics, who came to me and asked me to sing the song. I declined, because there was no time to rehearse. You see, at that time I was working round-the-clock. To give special attention to one song seemed impossible. But Pradeepji insisted," Lata said, admitting that she was very nervous before the performance. Kavi Pradeep, the man who penned lyrics of the song, couldn't witness the event. "My regret is that Pradeepji had not been called for the Republic Day function where I sang the song. If he was there, he would have seen with his own eyes what impact 'Ae mere watan ke logo' had," Lata told. [3]
All of the artists and technicians involved with the song — including singers, musicians, music director, lyricist, recording studio, sound recordist — and later, lyricist Kavi Pradeep pledged the royalty of the song in perpetuity to the War Widows Fund.[4][dead link] In 2005, theBombay High Court asked the music company HMV to indicate a lump sum payable to the Army Welfare Fund from the song's royalty proceeds.[5]
Rahul Gandhi's historic interview with Arnab Goswami -- V. Sundaram IAS
2014 January 28
LIKE ALL OUR ANTI HINDU ENGLISH TV CHANNELS, I ALSO BELIEVE THAT EXAGGERATION IS THE SPICE OF LIFE.
Yesterday I was watching, hearing, absorbing and enjoying Rajiv Gandhi’s Historic Interview with Shri. Arnab Goswami on the Times Channel. It was a Soul Elevating, Soul Enchanting, Soul Emancipating, Soul Enfranchising, Heart Purifying, Heart Cleansing, Heart Thrilling, Mind Sharpening, Mind Boggling, and Mind Liberating Experience. Through the Unquenchable Fire of his Sheer Eloquence, Rahul Gandhi joined the Ranks of Immortal Orators like CICERO (106-43 BC), DEMOSTHENES (384-322BC), MARCUS ANTONIUS (Died 87 BC), WILLIAM PITT THE ELDER, Earl of Chatham (1708-1778), EDMUND BURKE (1729-1797), WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE (1809-1898), BENJAMIN DISRAELI (1804-1881), LORD CURZON (1859-1925), SIR WINSTON CHURCHILL (1874-1965), and RT.HONOURABLE V. S. SRINIVASA SASTRY (1869-1946).
Sri. Arnab Goswami, as a long standing Truly Secular (as opposed to Communal Saffron Hindu Terrorism!) found himself in a State of Raptures and Ecstasy when Rahul Gandhi told him,
“I have done a little media interaction, prior to this. I have done press conferences & spoken to the media. But mainly bulk of my focus has been on internal party work and that's where I have been concentrating, that is where most of my energy was going”.
I am giving below a few more flashes from the Rhetoric – nay, Fireworks – from the Islam Embracing, Christianity Coveting, Hindu Baiting and Hindu Hating Congress Armoury of Psunami SONIANA and Raging and Roaring RAHULIANA:
“I like difficult to tough issues, I like dealing with them.” (Righteous Rahuliana 1)
“See, if you look at the speech I gave at AICC a few days back. The issue is basically how the Prime Minister in this country is chosen. The way the Prime Minister is chosen in this country is through the MPs. Our system chooses MPs & MPs elect Prime Minister. I said pretty clearly in my speech in AICC, that if the Congress party so chooses & Congress party wants me to do anything for them, I am happy to do that. It's respect for the process. In fact announcing your PM prior to an election, announcing your PM without asking the members of Parliament, is not actually written in the constitution.” (Self-Righteous Rahuliana 2)
“The system everyday-everyday hurts people and I have felt the pain that the system can cause. I felt the pain with my father, I saw him every single day of his life, so the question of whether I am afraid of losing an election or whether I am afraid of Mr. Modi is not actually the point. I am here basically for one thing, I see tremendous energy in this country, I see more energy in this country than any other country, I see billions of youngsters and I see this energy is trapped” (Self Sacrificing Rahuliana 3)
To Shri. Arnab Goswami’s Question, “And what is your view of BJP's prime ministerial candidate?”,Rahul Gandhi gave the following Statesman-like answer: “The BJP has prime ministerial candidate, the BJP believes in concentration of power in the hands of one person, I fundamentally disagree with that, I believe in democracy, I believe in opening up the system. I believe in the RTI, I believe in giving power to our people. We have fundamentally different philosophies”. Then Shri. Arnab Goswami put the following Question: “The fact remains that Narendra Modi has been given a clean chit, in the Gulbarg massacre case by the SIT and the court Mr. Gandhi. My question to you is "can the Congress party sustain it's attack on Mr. Narendra Modi on this issue when he has been given the clean chit by the courts in the Gujarat riots?”
To this Question, the Permanent Prime Minister of India Rahul Gandhi (Quite Like the Permanent President of the Congress Party Sonia Gandhi!) gave the following Inspiring Answer :”The congress party and the BJP have two completely different philosophies, our attack on the BJP is based on the idea that this country needs to move forward”.
When I heard Rahul Gandhi for nearly one hour, I was reminded of what Sir Winston Churchill had said about a Stupid and Silly Speaker in the House of Commons in the first Quarter of the 20thCentury: “The Honourable Speaker did not know what he was going to say before he got up to speak; He did not know what he was Saying when he was Talking and he did not know what he had Said when he sat down.”
There was tremendous clarity about Rahul’s Confusion. I have no doubt that the Great French Essayist Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592) had Outstanding Global Leaders like Rahul Gandhi in view when he wrote as follows: “No Man is Exempt from Talking Nonsense. The misfortune is to do it SOLEMNLY” (in the Vote Bank Politics of India Today, we have to add SECULARLY, NON COMMUNALLY, BLAA BLAA!!).
After Hearing the Historic Performance of Rahul Gandhi (the Greatest Prime Minister in the History of the World in the Making), the following THOUGHTS /QUOTATIONS on FOOLS or what Subramanian Swamy calls a BUDDHU came to my mind:
“The Silliest Woman can manage a Clever Man; but it needs a Very Clever Woman to manage a Bloody Fool”- RUDYARD KIPLING, Plain Tales from the Hills (1888)
THE FOOL HAS ONE GREAT ADVANTAGE OVER A MAN OF SENSE – HE IS ALWAYS SATISFIED WITH HIMSELF – NAPOLEAN IN HIS MAXIMS (1804-1815)
A Prosperous Fool is a Grievous Burden” – AESCHYLUS, Fragments (525-456BC)
“Fine Clothes may Disguise, but Foolish Word will always Disclose a FOOL” AESOP, ‘The Ass in the Lion’s Skin,’ Fables (6th Century B.C.)
“Weep for the Dead, for he lacks the Light, and Weep for the Fool, for he lacks the Intelligence; Weep less bitterly for the Dead, for he has attained Rest; But the Life of the Fool is Worse than Death”. APOCRYPHA, Ecclesiasticus
A Wise Man may be duped as well as a Fool; but the Fool publishes the Triumph of the Deceiver”- Charles Calab Coleton, Lacon(1825)
“There is no need to Fasten a Bell to a Fool” DANISH PROVERB
“A Fool’s Head never Whitens”-ENGLISH PROVERB
“Talk Sense to a Fool
And he calls you Foolish”-EURIPIDES, The Bacchae (405BC)
“If the Fools do not Control the World, it isn’t because they are Not in the Majority”- EDGAR WATSON HOE, Country Town Sayings (1911)
“If Every Fool wore a Crown, we should all be KINGS” – WELSCH PROVERB
“Let us be thankful for the Fools. But for them, the rest of us could not Succeed”, Following the Equator (1897)
CONCLUSION: Sonia Gandhi, a Global Stateswoman cast in the Grand Mould of Catherine the Great of Russia or Queen Elizabeth I, had described Narendra Modi as “MAUTH KA SAUDAGAR” in 2007 and the ‘Communal and Non-Secular’ People of Gujarat taught a Lesson to the Supremely Secular Sonia Gandhi. The ‘No-less Communal and Non Secular’Teeming Millions of India will teach a Proper Lesson to ‘BHARAT KA MAUTH KA SAUDAGAR’ Rahul Gandhi in May 2014.
Sir Winston Churchill said “I HAD THE UNIQUE GOOD FORTUNE OF BEING PRESENT AT SOME OF THE MOST IMPORTANT DRESS REHEARSALS OF HISTORY IN THE 20TH CENTURY”. Likewise Arnab Goswami can also declare with truly Secular Gusto that “I have been very fortunate to be present at the most important Dress Rehearsal of Modern Indian History when I had the good fortune of interviewing Rahul Gandhi, one of the Greatest Men in the History of India, yesterday”. To very few TV Journalists, such a great opportunity has been given during the last 30 years! Arnab Goswami owes his Good Fortune to his Unmatched, Unsurpassed, Unswerving, Indomitable, and Irrespressible Commitment and Devotion to the Congress Party in General and the Nehru Gandhi Family in Particular!
RAHUL GANDHI ZINDABAD!!
POST SCRIPT:
I do not want to conceal my identity as a Devout and Practicing Hindu, as a Political Hindu, as a Social Hindu, as a Cultural Hindu, as a Religious Hindu and as a Spiritual Hindu! I am proud of the Hindu Heritage rooted in Sanatana Dharma of my Ancestors going back to the Dawn of History.
Ages ago, Bharat Varsha started on her unending quest and trackless centuries are filled with the glory and the grandeur of her innumerable successes and failures. This Eternal Bharat Varsha of our Dreams, of History and Geography, of our Minds and Hearts cannot change.
Let me end this Splendid SAGA of RAHULIANA with a Bracing Quotation from LOURD FLINCH:
“Oh India, will you not help us? Be Patient with us India, Remember we are your children you are old and learned and wise before we existed, your Vedic Children are turning our gaze to our motherland together, we can become the great regenerating and moralising force of this world”.
Why Rahul may be happier walking off into the sunset
First, he is nervous and not comfortable under the arclights. He couldn't hide his discomfiture in front of a TV camera as he fidgeted and avoided eye contact repeatedly. Second, he probably means well, but is unsure how to make sense of two contradictory forces in his life: his troubled inheritance and his underlying beliefs. One suspects that he is not a dynast by inclination; dynastic expectations have been thrust on him. Third, there's a sharp divergence between what he said and what he may really believe in - as was apparent from his uncertain and shifty body language. Fourth, for a politician, he showed no will to power. When asked direct questions, he pouted unconvincing philosophy.
It is obvious that Arnab Goswami's tough and direct questions forced him to fib - whether it was on Narendra Modi, or the comparisons between 2002 and 1984, or his unease with corruption in the Congress and other people's corruption.
This leads me to conclude that the only resolution of the dilemma facing him lies outside his party. And possibly outside politics too. He has to forsake his inheritance to be really effective as a person with some aims of making a difference to society. As a politician thrust into a position of power, he will probably be a disastrous ruler. You can't rule well if you do not believe power is important to achieving something. You can't do good if you feel guilty about the mere exercise of power.
Let's look at his various statements and see why the above conclusions are not far-fetched.
Rahul was distinctly uncomfortable with all the questions the anchor posed to him about Modi, or corruption or his own prime ministerial ambitions. He always avoided these questions by emphasising that these were not the questions that bothered him, but how to change the “system”. The word system, as my colleague points out, appeared over 70 times in the interview even though Goswami asked him nothing about the system. Rahul said: “The thing that I see is that the system in this country needs to change, I don't see anything else and I am blind to everything else. I am blind because I saw people I love destroyed by the system. I am blind because the system everyday is unfair to our people…”.
There are shades of Arvind Kejriwal in this - which tells us that Rahul is actually an unlikely Congress messiah. He does not see himself as the answer to the party's drive for power - even if some Congress sycophants do. His main criticism against Modi is also that he wants to concentrate power in his hands.
He said: “The BJP has a prime ministerial candidate, the BJP believes in concentration of power in the hands of one person. I fundamentally disagree with that, I believe in democracy, I believe in opening up the system.”
This, from someone born to power in a dynasty, is a bit thick - unless this view is an indirect expression of his own fundamental ambivalence towards the exercise of power. Some time ago, he said that his mother considered “power as poison”. The chances are these are his own views too. He may thus be using Modi's alleged obsession with power to give vent to his own feelings about power.
It is also likely that he is uncomfortable with his own party's corruption - though he said confusing things at the interview. On the Adarsh probe report, when Goswami asks him why nothing was done, Rahul tells him he has done something: “I have made it absolutely crystal clear right in front of the press what I think about this issue.” When Goswami reminds him that Ashok Chavan (former Maharashtra CM, who is at the centre of it all) still faces no action, Rahul retreats tamely and unconvincingly: “What all I'm saying is that anybody, regardless of who he is, if there is any corruption by any Congress person, we will take action.”
The same ambivalence was evident on Lalu Prasad as well. One may recall that it was Rahul Gandhi's “nonsense” remark that ended the ordinance to allow convicted politicians to continue in office - a decision that affected Lalu Prasad most, as his conviction in the fodder scam followed soon afterwards. But right now his party is in serious talks for an alliance with Lalu's party in Bihar - the same party he dumped in order to go it alone in 2009 and 2010.
Rahul's tame excuse was that it was not an alliance with Lalu, but his party. “We are making an alliance with a political party.”
Clearly, his heart and his head are in conflict on this issue of corruption. He might be happier having a cleaner party and no power - but heading a party means compromising with evil. Rahul probably dreads these compromises - but can't bring himself to say it like it is.
There is the same split evident on 2002 and 1984 too. To most observers, the two events are similar - with the BJP and the Congress in the dock for failing to prevent attacks on a community after traumatic events (the Godhra train fire and Indira Gandhi's assassination). But Rahul pretended not to see the similarity. It is the kind of wishful blindness that only someone deeply troubled by the comparison can enunciate. He said: “The difference between the 1984 riots and the riots in Gujarat was that in 1984 the government was trying to stop the riots. I remember, I was a child then, I remember the government was doing everything it could to stop the riots. In Gujarat the opposite was the case. The government in Gujarat was actually abetting and pushing the riots further. So there is a huge difference between the two things…”.
The inconsistencies in his views are obvious: if he was just a child then, he could not have had much of a first-hand view or memories on how the “government was going everything to stop the riots.” Everyone knows that it was a completely one-sided Congress party-led attack on Sikhs, unlike 2002, where Hindus were attacking Muslims and the subsequent communal rioting resulted in many deaths on both sides - but with Muslims losing thrice as many people as Hindus. In 2002, the attacks were less one-sided than in 1984.
And where did he get the idea that the Modi government was behind the killings? He replies: “I mean, it's not me...it's the large number of people who were there, large number of people who saw actively the government of Gujarat being involved in the riots.”
Nor was he entirely convincing in replying to the question of an apology for the 1984 riots. He made it plain that he had nothing to do with 1984: “First of all I wasn't involved in the riots at all. It wasn't that I was part of it.”
But that should make an apology easier - after all Manmohan Singh did it easily in 2005 even though he wasn't part of the rioting at all.
One possibility is that Rahul may not want to be seen as disloyal to the memory of his father, who was the principal political beneficiary of the 1984 riots. Rajiv Gandhi skillfully used the riots to win 404 seats for the Congress party by playing on Hindu fears of Sikh extremism. Rajiv never apologised for 1984 - and even made insensitive remarks (“when a big tree falls, the earth shakes”) about it.
Perhaps the truest thing Rahul spoke was on the dynasty itself, and it is worth quoting him at some length on this.
“The real issue is that I didn't choose to be born in this family, I didn't sign up and say that I like to be born in this family. It happened, so the choice in front of me is pretty simple: I can either turn around and say okay I will just walk away from this thing and leave it alone or I can say I can try and improve something. Pretty much every single thing I have done in my political career has been to bring in youngsters, has been to open up, has been to democratise.”
He said: “I am absolutely against the concept of dynasty, anybody who knows me knows that and understands that. But you are not going to wish away dynasty in a closed system; you have to open the system. Dynasty or children of politicians becoming powerful happens in the BJP, it happens in the DMK, it happens in the SP, it happens in the Congress party, it happens everywhere.”
This elaborate protestation is a tell-tale indication that Rahul is caught between the dynastic expectations of his family and party even while he himself is not too convinced about it. Which is why he even brings up the question of whether he can “walk away” from it all.
Rahul's statement that he did not “choose to be born in this family” is probably straight from the heart. He probably feels guilty about his inheritance. The dilemma cannot be solved by him staying in the Congress or playing a role he does not believe in.
If he is true to himself, he should indeed walk away from it all.
(Read the full transcript of the Times Now interview here)
It would have been comic but for the fact that the man who was such cause for national entertainment last night is, and will continue to be in all but designation, the head of India's largest political party. It thus has to be seen as a tragedy that we had to listen to such a man speak at such length to say so little of substance, all the while posturing hypocritically and callously about the actual facts that led to the mass murder of innocents.
When Arnab asked him: What is your view, would like to expound your views, your PM accuses Narendra Modi in his press conference of presiding over "the mass massacre of innocent citizens on the streets of Ahmedabad." Mr. Rahul Gandhi my question to you is this, do you agree with your PM when he says that? He answered: Well, I mean what the Prime Minister is saying is a fact, Gujarat happened, people died but the real issue as far I am concerned...
Gujarat happened, people died, but of course those are not the real issues as far as he is concerned. In the course of another answer he managed to tell us what he thought the real issue was:
Look. All I'm saying, all I'm saying is that there is a difference between the 1984 riots and the Gujarat riots. The simple difference is that in 1984 the government was not involved in the massacre of people. In Gujarat it was. The question is why do these kind of things take place. Why is it that the Gujarat riots took place? The Gujarat riots took place frankly because of the way our system is structured, because of the fact that people do not have a voice in the system. And what I want to do. And I have said it and I will say it again. What I want to do is question the fundamentals over here. What I want to do is ask a couple of questions. I want to ask why candidates that are chosen in every single party are chosen by a tiny number of people. I want to ask why women have to be scared to go out on the street. I want to ask these questions. These are fundamental questions.
At this point, I began to wonder, as, no doubt, so many others did, is this man for real?
He was lying about the facts. Policemen across ranks were indicted for the killings in Gujarat, as they were indicted for the killings in Delhi. Ministers of the BJP Gujarat government were named in 2002 as were ministers of the Congress Union government in 1984. Several Sangh politicians were rewarded for their role in the killings as were several Congress politicians.
He was saying what, under the circumstances, amounted to callous nonsense. The killings did not take place because the people do not have a voice in the system, they took place because the system did not have the courage to take on the voice of the mob, and in fact collaborated with it.
Given that no member of the Gandhi family ever had been so grilled in public it does verge on the unfair to suggest Arnab should have pushed further, but he should have.
When Rahul said - The difference between the 84 riots and the riots in Gujarat was that in 1984 the Government was trying to stop the riots. I remember, I was a child then, I remember the Government was doing everything it could to stop the riots - what exactly did he mean?
What did he think doing "everything" meant? Given that he invokes his father's legacy at every step what did he think of his father's statement about a great tree falling? Why was it that for him the legal process was a defence where the Congress was concerned, it wasn't where the BJP was concerned?
It betrays political stupidity to be unprepared for a question on why he thought Modi's government was complicit in the killings, but it says something worse about Rahul that he was willing to deny the reality of the 1984 killings.
It does not help his cause that his demeanor through the rest of the interview was in keeping with such prevarication. After squirming through an hour of further questioning, where he did nothing to improve the disaster the interview had already become within the first half an hour, he declared that Arnab had become mired in superficialities. He then informed us that "the real core issues in this election are, 1)Are we going to head towards a democracy, towards deepening our democracy and towards opening up the system or are we going to head towards concentration of power? 2) Are we going to head towards empowerment of women? Are we going to be a half strong nation? Be a half proud nation? Or are we going to actually empower women?''
Some of these are worthy questions, some of these are born out of an acute misunderstanding of our democracy and our Constitution, but really the core question goes well beyond these - Why should we trust Rahul to address any of these issues honestly when he was so evidently willing to lie over fundamental issues only to save his family and his party's reputation?
After referring to the contributions made by many scholars to Harappan civilization (1921-2013), RS Bisht makes a passing mention that it as also known as Indus-Sarasvati civilization. This is in Dr. YD Sharma Memorial Lectue delivered at Kokata on 31 August 2013 (Published in Puratattva 2013) which concludes after 18 pages: "Finally, comes up the most vexed problem of the identification of the people who built the Harappan civilization. In this case also diametrically opposite views are held by the scholars. Efforts have been made to identify with the Dravidians, the Proto-Elamites, the Mundas, the Aryans or even to a lost tribe. In this connection it is most pertinent to refer to the detailed anthropological studies carried out by a group of experts led by Hemphill, who hold that there are only two breaks in the anthropological records in the northwestern Indian subcontinent -- one occurs around 4500 BCE, in the beginning of the Chalcolithic era and the second around c. 800 BCE that falls in the Iron Age. The controversy will remain alive until and until the Harappan script is deciphered." (p.25) The anthropological argument mentioned by Bisht is in the following citation: Brian E. Hemphill, Alexander F. Christensen & S. I. Mustafakulov, “Trade or Travel: An Assessment of Interpopulational Dynamics among Bronze Age Indo-Iranian Populations,” South Asian Archaeology, 1995, ed. Raymond Allchin & Bridget Allchin (New Delhi: Oxford & IBH Publishing, 1997), vol. 2, pp. 855-871. Hemphill's observation was that there was no trace of “demographic disruption” in the North-West of the subcontinent between 4500 and 800 BCE. When this 'demographic' observation negated the possibility of any massive intrusion, of non-Harappans into India, why should there be a 'vexed' problem identifying Indians while evaluating the archaeological efforts of 92 years between 1992 to 2013? I wish Bisht had paused and deliberated on this identity problem a bit more to indicate pointers which could resolve the 'vexed' problem instead of merely using the non-decipherment of Indus writing as the crutch? Some hope that genetics will help resolve the problem of identity. Genetics may not help if one starts with the problematic assumption that the language and culture somehow follow the same set of evolutionary rules. Semantics of language are cultural indicators. Replacing anthropological construct of 'democratic disruption', one can postulate continuity of cultural practices and using cultural indicators to affirm that there was no 'cultural' disruption between 4500 BCE and 800 BCE. This may be one approach to resolve the 'vexed' Indian identity problem in Indian civilization studies. Indeed, it is commonsense to study culture for effective civilization studies not to have any vexatious theories about identity of people in the civilization continuum. One tool for studying culture is language but more important is the discipline of semantics -- as distinct from study of phonetics or syntax. Mere glossary won't help but the glosses have to be explained with 'meaning' as the meaning evolved over time in socio-cultural interactions. Semantics as the study of meaning postulates relation between signifiers, like words, phrases, signs, and symbols, and what they stand for, their denotation (translation of a sign to its literal meaning). Denotation should be contrasted with connotation, which translates a sign to meanings associated with it. Let us take some examples signifiers. Signifier 1 The cultural practice of wearing characteristic marking sindhur (red vermilion mark) on the forehead or parting of the hair is a signifier of an Indian woman. We have to terracotta figurines of Nausharo which show such signifiers.
Nausharo: female figurines. Wearing sindhur at the parting of the hair. Hair painted black, ornaments golden and sindhur red. Period 1B, 2800 – 2600 BCE. 11.6 x 30.9 cm.[After Fig. 2.19, Kenoyer, 1998].
Don't these two figurines provide a signifier which identifies Indians, say between 4500 BCE to 800 BCE on the assumption that this practice of wearing sindhur (red vermilion) continues even into the present times?
Signifier 2
The cultural practice of venerating linga, a polished pillar-like stone is a signifier of Indians from 4500 BCE to the present day.
Two decorated bases and a lingam, Mohenjodaro. Lingam, grey sandstone in situ, Harappa, Trench Ai, Mound F, Pl. X (c) (After Vats). "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I Terracotta sivalinga, Kalibangan. Signifier 3 A tre-foil is a signifier of some 'importance', something or someone venerated (say, an ancestor) The trefoil signifiers appears in the civilization in the following examples: Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view.Image may be NSFW. Clik here to view. Statue, Uruk (W.16017), c. 3000 B.C.; bull with trefoil inlays; shell mass with inlays of lapis lazuli; 5.3 cm. long; Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; Parpola, 1994, p. 213. Steatite statue fragment; Mohenjodaro (Sd 767); trefoil-decorated bull; traces of red pigment remain inside the trefoils. After Ardeleanu-Jansen 1989: 196, fig. 1; Parpola, 1994, p. 213. Trefoils painted on steatite beads, Harappa (After Vats, Pl. CXXXIII, Fig.2) Trefoil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Mackay 1938: I, 411; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994, p. 218. Statue (DK 1909), Mohenjodaro; four views; white steatite, with remnants of red paint inside the trefoils of the robe; height 17 cm.; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Marshall 1931a:pl.98; Parpola, 1994, p. 212. What word in spoken language, was used to denote this signifier? Would it be not be a reasonable and useful exercise to trace such signifiers in the Indian sprachbund, on the assumption that the present-day words (from one or more languages of the Indians) contain such signifiers with the same denotation which was in vogue in the early days of the civilization?
History is all around us. Civilization continuum is a living reality. Why should we still treat it as a 'vexed' problem when we can look for signifiers in the archaeological record or even i the anthropological record, to identify Indians in the Indian civilization? One wonders why the identity problem is looked upon as an intractable problem. The problem can be resolved, if only we look for signifiers -- like the three examples cited above -- which are already available instead of hoping for some new or high-tech genetic markers which may create more problems than they can really resolve. What gloss connoted a trefoil in Indian sprachbund? I find a word in Malayalam which may provide the word as a signifier which matches with trefoil as a 'symbol'. These examples may provide signifiers of cloth, of someone of importance, or young animal as may be seen from these artifacts displaying the trefoil. These artifacts evoke the following glosses from Indian sprachbund with literal meanings of 'trefoil' signifiers: Glosses (words and semantics): पोतृ pōtṛ" Purifier " , Name of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman (Rigveda) போற்றி pōṟṟi , < id.n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; புகழ்மொழி. (W.) 2.Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; கோயிற் பூசைசெய்யும் மலையாளநாட்டுப் பிராமணன். (W.) 3. See போத்தி, 1.--int. Exclamation of praise; துதிச்சொல்வகை. பொய்தீர் காட்சிப் புரையோய் போற்றி (சிலப். 13, 92). potṛ. pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√pū] Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ
pṓta, pōtalaka, pōtalikāyoung animal, heifer; pōāla -- m. ʻ child, bull ʼ potṛā m. ʻ baby clothes ʼpotrẽ n. ʻ rag for smearing cowdung ʼ. pōta ʻ covering (?) ʼ RV., ʻ rough hempen cloth ʼ AV pusta --2 n. ʻ working in clay ʼ (prob. ← Drav., Tam. pūcu &c. Pkt. potta -- , °taga -- , °tia -- n. ʻ cotton cloth ʼ செம்பொத்தி cem-potti, n. prob. id. +. A kind of cloth. Te.poṭṭi, poṭṭiya scorpion; Tu. poṭṭè tender ear of corn; Pa. poṭ grain in embryonic stage. Ta. poṭṭu chaff Ta. poṭṭu drop, spot, round mark worn on forehead. Ma. poṭṭu, poṟṟu a circular mark on the forehead, mostly red. Ka. boṭṭu, baṭṭu drop, mark on the forehead. Koḍ. boṭṭï round mark worn on the forehead. Tu. boṭṭa a spot, mark, a drop; (B-K.) buṭṭe a dot. Te. boṭṭu a drop, the sectarian mark worn on the forehead. Kol. (SR.) boṭla drop. Pa. boṭ id. Ga. (P.)boṭu drop, spot. Konḍa boṭu drop of water, mark on forehead. Kuwi (F.) būttū, (Isr.) buṭu tattoo. Rebus readings: pōta ʻ boat ʼ H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ; Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, puti, pũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ Discussion While it may be debated if a 'temple priest' of the civilization was called pōṟṟi as the gloss is used today in Malayalam, or pōtṛas the gloss is used today in the performance of a vedic yajña, there seems to be a substantial semantic evidence to relate to the other characteristics of the artifacts deploying the trefoil symbol: cloth, young animal. Both symbols -- cloth and young animal -- have pottu as word signifiers. If pōṟṟi or pottu is the word signifier, there is a rebus reading possible: pot'boat' or pot 'bead' or pote 'long straight bar of jewelry'. We seem to be looking at trefoil as a hieroglyph read rebus. 1. Shown pota'cloth' worn as a shawl by the important person, the trefoil hieroglyph can be read rebus as the homonymous word: pōtṛ 'temple priest'. 2. Shown on pota'young animal or heifer', or on beads, the trefoil hieroglyph can be read either as pot'boat' or pote'long straight bar of jewelry or bead'. These three examples of signifiers have thus provided a framework for resolving the 'vexed' problem of identity. A conclusion is drawn by rebus readings of hieroglyphs deployed on about 7000 inscribed objects, over an extensive area along the Persian Gulf and along the Tin Road into the Fertile Crescent. The conclusion is that Meluhha was the spoken idiom the people who denotated these Meluhha hieroglyphs and their rebus readings, almost all in the context of lapidary or smithy or forge. A corollary conclusion is that the Meluhhans were from the Indian sprachbund. The substantive road traveled is the cultural continuum of Indian civilization. Hence, we do not have to find alternative excuses of substitutes such as Harappan or Indus civilization. If locus has to be a signifier the civilization can be called Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization without any hesitation because the civilization lives on not only on these river basins but has left traces which can be found even today in many parts of Eurasia --signifiers such as Tocharian ancu 'iron' or Vedic amśu 'soma'; Kota language kole.l as signifier word for 'smithy' as well as 'temple'. Would it be ok to venture a suggestion that the problem of identity calls for special efforts on the part of archaeologists to attempt to use the vernacular words to signify artifacts such as pots and pans discovered in the digs, instead of using ONLY English words as signifiers. Go vernacular, is the lesson to resolve the 'vexed' problem. S. Kalyanaraman Sarasvati Research Center January 28, 2014
From growth to frying pan Target: consumer inflation
OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT January 29, 2014
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RBI governor Raghuram Rajan explains in Mumbai the central bank’s policy stance. “We are neither hawks, nor doves. We are actually owls,” Rajan told the post-policy news conference at the RBI headquarters. (Reuters picture)
Mumbai, Jan. 28: RBI governor Raghuram Rajan has stunned the market and confounded the pundits again by raising interest rates by 25 basis points — and then gone on to rubbish the historical debate over the conduct of monetary policy as a trade-off between inflation and growth.
“The so-called trade-off between inflation and growth is a false trade-off in the long run,” said Rajan, who has often passionately argued that inflation-targeting should form the basis for the conduct of monetary policy.
The repo rate — the rate at which the RBI lends overnight funds to banks — was raised to 8 per cent from 7.75 per cent earlier.
This is Rajan’s third rate hike since he assumed office on September 4 last year — and it’s the fourth time that he has wrong-footed the market.
The bad news was that the RBI was prepared to sacrifice growth as it strove to yank down inflation. The central bank forecast that GDP growth this year would tumble below 5 per cent. Last year, GDP growth had plunged to 5 per cent, which was the slowest since 2003.
Many had expected Rajan to stand pat on interest rates once again as he had done during the mid-quarter review last month, especially after retail inflation had tumbled below double digits in December.
But Rajan pulled the rate trigger because core consumer inflation, which strips out food and fuel components from the matrix, had remained persistently high at 8 per cent in December 2013. High core inflation is largely indicative of the rising cost of services and wage pressures, he added.
The macroeconomic and monetary development review, a document that was released for the first time along with the monetary policy rather than the day before, said that average consumer price index (CPI-combined) inflation was 9.9 per cent in the first nine months of this financial year.
Consumer inflation is projected to dip to 9 per cent by the end of March.
“Although headline inflation (which includes food and fuel) has fallen significantly with the substantial fall in vegetable prices, CPI inflation, excluding food and fuel, has remained flat and WPI inflation excluding food and fuel has risen. Given these data, the increase in the policy rate undertaken today is consistent with the guidance given in the mid-quarter review in December,” Rajan said.
However, he said there might not be an immediate need to raise rates again if inflation cooled according to the baseline projection and even raised the prospect of reversing the trajectory of interest rates.
“If inflation eases at a pace that is faster than we currently anticipate, and that reduction is expected to be sustained, the Reserve Bank will have room to become more accommodative,” he added.
The RBI governor described inflation as a “tax that is grossly inequitable, falling hardest on the very poor”. It erodes household budgets and constricts the purchasing power of consumers.
“It is only by bringing down inflation to a low and stable level that monetary policy can contribute to reviving consumption and investment in a sustainable way,” he added.
Rajan is readying to throw away the old playbook on monetary policy, which has cast the RBI governor as a tightrope artist, deftly balancing the compulsions of reining in inflation and spurring economic growth.
On Tuesday, Rajan sang the virtues of adopting the “glide path” that deputy governor Urjit Patel had recommended while outlining the framework for the conduct of monetary policy in a report submitted last week.
The suggested glide path — which casts Rajan in the role of a pilot trying to steer a wobbly plane safely down to the tarmac — has signposted inflation targets at below 8 per cent by January 2015, below 6 per cent by January 2016, before levelling out at 4 per cent.
Rajan said he had decided to raise the repo rate by 25 basis points because of the upside risk to the central forecast of 8 per cent inflation over a 12-month horizon if the policy stance remained unchanged.
“Urjit had a fantastic description. We are neither hawks nor doves. We are owls (vigilant when the others are resting). The broader point is, don’t try and put us into buckets. We are doing what is necessary for the economy,” he said while justifying the RBI’s latest action.
He added that the Urjit Patel report, which has recommended CPI inflation as a nominal anchor for the conduct of monetary policy, was being carefully examined.
Bankers, however, said they were not planning to raise their lending rates in response to the repo rate hike.
A paradigm change from the eurocentric approaches to civilization studies. This approach should result in the promotion of multi-disciplinary studies into the roots of and civilizational continuum in Indian and later Eurasian cultures. Kalyanaraman Published on Nov 30, 2013 Dr. N S Rajaram talks about how Aryan Debate no longer exists now. He says, "It's not a debate anymore". Sharing latest research on Genetics and Human migration -- he claims that Aryan Invasion never happened in India. He shares that Africa is the original homeland of Human (homo sapient) from where humans have migrated across the world. This new Genetic research shows that how first few migrations from Africa brought Humans in India where it give rise to great Indic civilization.