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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    Treat 1989-90 Ethnic Cleansing in Kashmir & Snatching of Hindu Properties at gun points also a Conspiracy & Govt should pass Ram Temple Law in Samsad immediately 

    -VHP Dr Pravin Togadia 
    Published on Oct 19, 2016
    Documentary of Ayodhya Ram Mandir - Babri Mazid
    अयोध्या: राम मंदिर-बाबरी मस्जिद

    अयोध्या भारत के उत्तर प्रदेश प्रान्त का एक अति प्राचीन धार्मिक नगर है। यह फैजाबाद जिला के अन्तर्गत आता है। यह सरयू नदी (घाघरा नदी) के दाएं तट पर बसा है। प्राचीन काल में इसे 'कौशल देश'कहा जाता था। अयोध्या हिन्दुओं का प्राचीन और सात पवित्र तीर्थस्थलों में एक है।
    वेद में अयोध्या को ईश्वर का नगर बताया गया है, "अष्टचक्रा नवद्वारा देवानां पूरयोध्या"[1] और इसकी संपन्नता की तुलना स्वर्ग से की गई है। रामायण के अनुसार अयोध्या की स्थापना मनु ने की थी। यह पुरी सरयू के तट पर बारह योजन (लगभग १४४ कि.मी) लम्बाई अाैर तीन योजन (लगभग ३६ कि.मी.) चौड़ाई में बसी थी । [2]कई शताब्दी तक यह नगर सूर्यवंशी राजाओं की राजधानी रहा। अयोध्या मूल रूप से मंदिरों का शहर है। यहां आज भी हिन्दू, बौद्ध, इस्लाम ऐवम जैन धर्म से जुड़े अवशेष देखे जा सकते हैं। जैन मत के अनुसार यहां आदिनाथ सहित पांच तीर्थंकरों का जन्म हुआ था।

    इसका महत्व इसके प्राचीन इतिहास में निहित है क्योंकि भारत के प्रसिद्ध एवं प्रतापी क्षत्रियों (सूर्यवंशी) की राजधानी यही नगर रहा है। उक्त क्षत्रियों में दाशरथी रामचंद्र अवतार के रूप में पूजे जाते हैं। पहले यह कोसल जनपद की राजधानी था। प्राचीन उल्लेखों के अनुसार तब इसका क्षेत्रफल 96 वर्ग मील था। यहाँ पर सातवीं शाताब्दी में चीनी यात्री हेनत्सांग आया था। उसके अनुसार यहाँ 20 बौद्ध मंदिर थे तथा 3000 भिक्षु रहते थे।

    == मुख्य आकर्षण ==इस प्राचीन नगर के अवशेष अब खंडहर के रूप में रह गए हैं जिसमें कहीं कहीं कुछ अच्छे मंदिर भी हैं। वर्तमान अयोघ्या के प्राचीन मंदिरों में सीतारसोई तथा हनुमानगढ़ी मुख्य हैं। कुछ मंदिर 18वीं तथा 19वीं शताब्दी में बने जिनमें कनकभवन, नागेश्वरनाथ तथा दर्शनसिंह मंदिर दर्शनीय हैं। कुछ जैन मंदिर भी हैं। यहाँ पर वर्ष में तीन मेले लगते हैं - मार्च-अप्रैल, जुलाई-अगस्त तथा अक्टूबर-नंवबर के महीनों में। इन अवसरों पर यहाँ लाखों यात्री आते हैं। अब यह एक तीर्थस्थान के रूप में ही रह गया है।
    Image result for ram mandir ayodhya
    New Delhi / Ahmedabad (Karnavati), April 19, 2017

    Reacting on the Hon. Supreme Court Bench Justice Nariman & Justice Ghosh's order to treat Babri Demolition as conspiracy, VHP International Working President Dr Pravin Togadia said, "The CBI under the Union Govt had gone to the Hon. Supreme Court challenging the acquittal of the leaders by the Hon. High Courts. We respect the Hon. Supreme Court & Hindus have strength enough to fight the case on its merit despite all odds. Now CBI under the Union Govt should challenge If demolishing of a structure that was built by a foreign invader by demolishing original Hindu structure in Ayodhya can be treated as conspiracy, then the Union Govt & J&K Govt both should approach the Hon. Supreme Court to treat the 1989-90 Kashmir ethnic cleansing by Kashmiri Muslims as the worst ever criminal conspiracy. Lakhs of Hindus' houses, lands & properties were snatched at gun points by mobs instigated by their leaders, thousands of Hindus were killed & lakhs were displaced who are still forced to live in temporary shelters away from their original places.

    Not only the 1989-90 attacks on Hindus in Kashmir, but also in various states where Hindus had to run away en mass due to terrorization & attacks by Muslims has to be treated as Conspiracy. Lakhs of Hindus' properties thus has been snatched by Muslims from Assam to Uttar Pradesh & from Gujarat to Keral. The Union Govt & the respective state Govts should now file the cases on those conspirators under criminal conspiracy sections of all possible laws if these Govts truly care for the law & for Hindus.

    AS for the Ayodhya case, snatching from Hindus & then demolishing Ram Temple to build Babri structure & then keep on justifying that action even now itself was the criminal conspiracy by Babar then & now by Muslims at the first place. Restoration of Hindu religious places back to Hindus after the Muslim rulers & then the British Rulers left was the responsibility of all the Govts last 70 yrs from 1947 to 2017, but for vote bank politics all kept on appeasing the minority & hurting the Hindus. Hindus will fight the said case legally & in all democratic ways, however, we demand that now the Union Govt should immediately pass the Law in Samsad for Ram Temple as well as ALL Hindu Religious places restoration to Hindus. 
    --
    Posted By VSK Tamilnadu to Vishwa Samvad Kendra - Tamilnadu at 4/20/2017 01:28:00 PM

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    https://www.facebook.com/srini.kalyanaraman/posts/10156147591724625

    Agrayana, 'beginning of year' morphs to 'orion', according to Balagangadhara Tilak (1893).  अग्र--यान [p= 6,2] n. stepping in front to defy the enemy; the first vehicle, Buddh.

    According to Tilak, the year began at (Vernal) Spring Equinox in the constellation of Orion in 4000 BCE. 

    Tilak argues that Indian astronomy calendar is NOT tropical (relating to the seasons) but is siderial (relating to the stars).

    The Veda is the oldest of the books that we now possess, and it is generally admitted "that for a study of man, or if you like, for a study of Aryan humanity, there is nothing in the world equal in importance with it." B. G. Tilak, The Orion

    The Rig Veda refers to the Orion Constellation as Mriga (The Deer).(Holay, P. V. "Vedic astronomers". Bulletin of the Astronomical Society of India26: 91–106). It is said that two bright stars in the front and two bright stars in the rear are The hunting dogs, the one comparatively less bright star in the middle and ahead of two front dogs is The hunter and three aligned bright stars are in the middle of all four hunting dogs is The Deer (The Mriga) and three little aligned but less brighter stars is The Baby Deer. The Mriga means Deer, locally known as Harnu in folk parlance. 
    Image result for orion

    [quote]Tilak begins his argument by demonstrating that the Vedic year was sidereal, referring to the stars, and not tropical, relating to the seasons, and that it began with the vernal equinox and not the winter solstice as some have suggested. The nakshatras, or Indian lunar mansions, were divided into the Deva Nakshatras, those above the celestial equator, and the Yama Nakshatras, those below the celestial equator. He places the vernal equinox in Krittikâ, the first asterism listed in Chapter Nine, at the time that the Taittirîya Sanhitâ was written sometime near 2350 BCE, building on the work of William D. Whitney. Tilak places the equinox in Mrigaçiras in Orion when the Vedas were written, based on the use of an alternate name, Âgrahâyana, meaning literally "commencing the year," and he places this alignment sometime near 4000 BCE, changing it in a later book to 4500 after having read the work of Hermann Jacobi. Tilak describes the positions of the solstices and equinoxes among the nakshatras during this period as follows: ... We have, roughly speaking, the winter solstice quite near the asterism of Uttarâ Bhâdrapadâ, the vernal equinox between the head and right shoulder of Orion or about 3° east of Mrigashiras, the summer solstice at a distance of within 2° east of Uttarâ Phalgunî, and the autumnal equinox about 5° east of the asterism of Mûla...The problem is that Mrigaçiras is called "the Antelope's Head," and Tilak questions how these three stars so closely packed could be seen to represent anything in particular, especially the head of an antelope. In accord with Richard Allen's statement that,The early Hindus called [the Belt of Orion] Isus Trikāndā, the three-jointed Arrow; but the later [Hindus] transferred to it the nakshatra title, Mrigaçiras, the latter meaning literally "antelope's head" according to Tilak, his solution is that the Antelope's Head, pierced by an arrow, is represented by all of the stars of Orion including α, which marked the junction with the next asterism, Ârdrá...Tilak goes on to identify the elements of the legend of Rudra and Prajâpati with the stars around Orion, quoting from Whitney: There is the whole story illustrated in the sky; the innocent and the lovely Rohinî (Aldebaran); the infamous Prajâpati (Orion) in full career after her, but laid sprawling by the three-jointed arrow (the belt of Orion), which shot from the hand of the near avenger (Sirius) is even now to be seen sticking in his body. and he finds the two Dogs guarding the gate or the bridge that leads to the underworld on the other side of the river of the galaxy, a clear reference to the vernal equinox where the sun rose into the northern hemisphere of the sky. Tilak also identifies this region with the location of the battle between Indra and Vritra. [unquote]
    Tilak's Representation of the Antelope in Orion (rotated 90°)

    [quote]Of late, there has been much debate as to whether there was an Aryan invasion of India in about 1500 BCE or whether Indian civilization, represented by Harappa and Mohenjo-daro and other cities on the Indus and the now extinct Sarasvati rivers, arose in India itself. As always, the confusion results from distortion of the timeline. Adopting Tilak's dating for the events described in the Rigveda, we see that the nomadic Aryans invaded India during the middle of the 5th millennium BC, finding an even more primitive civilization already there, perhaps the ancestors of the Dravidians, and then gradually advanced their own civilization, from which arose the Harappa culture around 3000 BCE.
    Dating the Precession based on De Santillana and Burgess
    Constellation Indian Asterism Junction Star2 Right Ascension3 Year
    (DeS)4
    Year(Bur)7 Cata-
    strophic
    Year
    Virgo 140005
    Citrâ α Virginis 0° 0' 12500 12671
    (Hasta) (δ Corvi) 9° 20' 11999
    Leo Uttara-Phalgunî β Leonis 23° 10' 108005 11002
    Pûrva-Phalgunî δ Leonis 33° 50' 10235
    95669
    Maghâ α Leonis 48° 50' 8800 9155
    Cancer 80005 838610
    (Âçleshâ) (ε Hydrae) 69° 30' 7667
    Pushya γ,δ Cancri 72° 50' 7000 74278 745011
    Gemini Punarvasu β Geminorum 86° 50' 65005 6419
    626712
    Orion Ârdrá α Orionis 114° 20' 45005,6 44396 437513
    Mrigaçiras λ Orionis 119° 0' 4000 4103 390714
    Taurus
    Rohinî α Tauri 132° 40' 3000 3118 294915
    235413
    Krittikâ η Tauri 144° 40' 2200 2254 2230
    Aries 18005 162813
    Bharanî  35 Arietis 161° 30' 1043 1036
    Açvinî1 β Arietis 172° 30' 251 BC 208 BC13
    Pisces AD 15 AD 516
    Revatî δ Piscium 180° 10' AD 289 AD 323
     1Sidharth (1999) has this nakshatra at the winter solstice ca 7300 BCE.
     2
    The junction stars are from Allen (1963). The relative positions of these asterisms are based on the right ascension of the asterisms on page 321 of the Burgess translation of the Sûrya Siddhânta (1978).
     3After Burgess. Precision is to the nearest 10 minutes of arc, or ±6 years.
     4
    These dates are from the illustration on the endpaper of the 1st edition of Hamlet's Mill (1969), not reproduced in the paperback edition (1983) but found in Godwin (1993).
     5These years mark the transition from one solar constellation to the next according to the chart in de Santillana (1969).
     6Alison Moroney has this at ca 4420, based on planetarium software, in her Pathway to Atlantis of 1998, which, unfortunately, I have been unable to find, as well as at her website. She also places the construction of the great pyramid near that year, when α Orionis (Betelguese) aligned with the south shaft of the King's Chamber. More on this below.
     7These are roughly based on the right ascension of the junction star from the Burgess (1978) translation of the Sûrya Siddhânta, assuming a date for Spica (α Virginis) of 12671 using Meeus (1983) and the ancient value of 25,920 years for the entire precession.
     8Sidharth (1999) has δ Cancri ca 7300.  9Bond Event 8.  10Bond Event 7.  11Erdalen Event. A tree-ring radiocarbon event occurred at 7553. 
     12
    8.2 Kiloyear Event.  13Tree ring minimum.  145.9 Kiloyear Event.  15Egyptian Deluge/Flood of Deucalion.  16Census in Judea. 
     [unquote]

    http://neros.lordbalto.com/ChapterTwenty-One.htm Source: Stephen E. Franklin, 2004-2017 Typhon, a chronology of the Holocene Period (an ongoing work) http://www.lordbalto.com/neros/default.htm


    Background data and definitions of astronomical terms

    The seasons of the year are directly connected to both the solstices and the equinoxes.

    Solstices

    The seasons occur because the Earth's axis of rotation is not perpendicular to its orbital plane (the “plane of the ecliptic”) but currently makes an angle of about 23.44° (called the "obliquity of the ecliptic"), and because the axis keeps its orientation with respect to an inertial frame of reference. As a consequence, for half the year the Northern Hemisphere is inclined toward the Sun while for the other half year the Southern Hemisphere has this distinction. 

    The two moments when the inclination of Earth's rotational axis has maximum effect are the solstices.

    The Solstice occurs twice each year (around June 21 and December 22) as the Sun reaches its most northerly or southerly excursion relative to the celestial equator on the celestial sphere.
    Two images showing the amount of reflected sunlight at southern and northern summer solstices, respectively (watts / m²).
    Illumination of Earth by Sun at the northern solstice.

    Illumination of Earth by Sun at the southern solstice.

    Equinoxes

    There are two equinoxes every year – in March and September – when the Sun shines directly on the equator and the length of night and day are nearly equal.

    March Equinox - Equal Day and Night, Nearly



    March equinox illustration
    On the equinox the Earth's axis is perpendicular to the Sun's rays. 
    Illumination of Earth by the Sun at the March equinox
    Diagram of the Earth's seasons as seen from the north. Far right: December solstice. In the half-year centered on the December solstice, the Sun rises south of east and sets south of west and the durations of day are shorter and durations of night are longer.


    Diagram of the Earth's seasons as seen from the south. Far left: June solstice. In the half-year centered on the June solstice, the Sun rises north of east and sets north of west, which means longer days with shorter nights for the northern hemisphere and shorter days with longer nights for the southern hemisphere.


    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Solstice

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    April 20, 2017

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    River Ganga- Facts and figures

    A collection of important facts and figures concerning our holy river- Ganga

     Famous quote on Ganges:
    "The Ganga, especially, is the river of India, beloved of her people, round which are intertwined her memories, her hopes and fears, her songs of triumph, her victories and her defeats. She has been a symbol of India's age-long culture and civilization, ever changing, ever flowing, and yet ever the same Ganga."
                                                                                                                                                                                    - Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

    Origin: Gangotri glacier, Uttarakhand. (western Himalayas)
     Gomukh
    GOMUKH: The head of the Gangotri Glacier, which gives rise to the main tributary of Ganges - "Bhagirathi"

    Gomukh glacier from a distance
    Gangotri Glacier from a distance

    Course Length: 2,510 km

    Basin Size: 1,086,000 km²

    Basin Map:
    Ganga Basin
       Image credit: National Institute of Hydrology, India

    Headwaters small
    Headwaters of Ganges River System, Larger View Here (Photo Credit: Wikimedia Foundation)

    Catchment Area: 1.09 million sq. km

    Countries: India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Tibet

    States in India:
    Uttar Pradesh (294,364 km²),
    Madhya Pradesh (198,962 km²),
    Bihar (143,961 km²), 
    Rajasthan (112,490 km²), 
    West Bengal (71,485 km²), 
    Haryana (34,341 km²), 
    Himachal Pradesh (4,317 km²) 
    Delhi (1,484 km²)
    Course:
    Course of ganges
    Course of the Ganges (Larger Image here)

    Statistics from World Resources Institute's Water Resources eAtlas

    Population density in the basin:
    Population density
    Source: World Resources Institute

    Average Population Density (1995)(people per sq.km): 401

    Water Supply per Person (1995)(cu.m/year): 1,700-4,000
    Landcover:

    landuse
     Source: World Resources Institute
    Percent Forest Cover: 4.2
    Percent Grassland, Savanna and Shrubland: 13.4
    Percent Wetlands: 17.7
    Percent Cropland: 72.4
    Percent Irrigated Cropland: 22.7
    Percent Dryland Area: 58.0
    Percent Urban and Industrial Area: 6.3
    Percent Loss of Original Forest Cover: 84.5

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    अरुन्धती तयाप्य एष वसिष्ठः पृष्ठतः कृतः (Vasishtha is at the back of his friend Arundhati) is a metaphorical Mahābhārata Skymap observation. (MBh. Book 6. Ch. 2 Verse 31 http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/mbs/mbs06002.htm)

    Vasishtha behind friend Arundhati is a metaphorical reference in the MBh. This cannot be deemed to be an astronomical reference of transit of Arundhati beyond the meridian ahead of Vasishtha (but may signify simply early heliacal rising of Arundhari (Alcor, a binary star of Mizar) ahead of the heliacal rising of Saptarishi including Vasishtha (Mizar) or even the heliacal rising of Krittikā (Pleiades)]. I submit that use of this MBh verse should be avoided, to determine the chronology of events described astronomically in the Great Epic. There are hundreds of other astronomical observations which can be used to validate traditional and epigraphical accounts (including Indus Script evidence presented herein).

    Pleiades called bahulā are attested in Indus Script Corpora. 
    I have already referred to the Pleiades as बहुल bahula (six or seven sisters) in Bharatiya tradition recognized in Indus Script Corpora to signify rebus: बगला bagalā m An Arab boat of a particular description (Marathi). A baghlah, bagala or baggala (Arabicبغلة‎‎) is a large deep-sea dhow, a traditional Arabic sailing vessel. Rebus 2: బంగల (p. 857) baṅgala bangala. [Tel.] n. An oven. కుంపటి. (Telugu)

    வாகுலை vākulai , n. < Vahulā. The six presiding  female deities of the Pleiades; அறு மீனாகிய கார்த்திகைப்பெண்கள். (யாழ். அக.)  बहुला f. pl.= कृत्तिकास् , the Pleiades Var. L. bahulā f. pl. ʻ the Pleiades ʼ VarBr̥S., °likā -- f. pl. lex. [bahulá -- ]
    Kal. bahul ʻ the Pleiades ʼ, Kho. ból, (Lor.) boulbolh, Sh. (Lor.) b*lle.(CDIAL 9195)


    Related image

    This seal shows only 6 star Pleiades, while other inscriptions show 7 star Pleiades.

    h097 Text 4251 h097 Pict-95: Seven robed figures (with stylized twigs on their head and pig-tails) standing in a row.



    Image result for pleiades indus script
    Seal m 1186 Mohenjo-daro (DK 6847)Excavation No. HR 4161, National Museum of India, New Delhi.


    See: http://tinyurl.com/l9m6u3k 



    अरुन्धती leaves behind bahula. बहुल Pleiades (cluster which includes A's friend वसिष्ठः)  

    This early heliacal rising of Arundhati observed by Krishna Dvaipāyana Veda Vyāsa (Black Ganga island-dweller) CANNOT override the astronomical observations made by Balagangadhara Tilak.

    Reasons why BG Tilak did NOT context Max Mueller's Aryan Invasion Theory

    Orion of antiquity in the Vedas (1893) Full text 237 pages
    https://www.scribd.com/document/345812124/Orion-of-Antiquity-in-the-Vedas-by-Tilak-1893

    Arctic Home in the Vedas (1903)Full text 470 pages 1925 edition
    http://vedic-nation.com/media/research_activities/9_arctic_home_in_the_vedas.pdf

    https://www.scribd.com/document/345812665/Arctic-Home-in-the-Vedas-BG-Tilak-1925

    Chronology of the post-glacial period


    • 10,000 to 8000 BC – The destruction of the original Arctic home by the last Ice Age and the commencement of the post-Glacial period.
    • 8000 to 5000 BC – The age of migration from the original home. The survivors of the Aryan race roamed over the northern parts of Europe and Asia in search of lands suitable for new settlements. Tilak calls it the Pre-Orion Period.
    • 5000 to 3000 BC. - The Orion period, when the vernal equinox was in Orion. Many Vedic hymns can be traced to the early part of this period and the bards of the race seem to have not yet forgotten the real importance of the traditions of the Arctic home inherited by them. It was at this time that first attempts to reform the calendar and the sacrificial system appear to have been systematically made.
    • 3000 to 1400 BC – The Krittika period, when the Vernal equinox was in Pleiades. The traditions about the original Arctic home had grown dim by this time and were often misunderstood, making the Vedic hymns less and less intelligible.
    • 1400 to 500 BC – The Pre-Buddhistic period, when the Sutras and the Philosophical systems made their appearance.

    1) Vedic References
    2) Avestic References
    • Particulars of Vendidad passages are given.
    • Particulars of Yashts passages are given.
    • Particulars of Yasna passages are given.
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Arctic_Home_in_the_Vedas

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2017/04/tilaks-views-on-chronology-in-orion.html  Tilak's views on chronology, in Orion: Context, March equinox, December equinox; Summer (June) solstice, Winter (December) solstice





    Agrayana, 'beginning of year' morphs to 'orion', according to Balagangadhara Tilak (1893).  अग्र--यान [p= 6,2] n. stepping in front to defy the enemy; the first vehicle, Buddh.

    According to Tilak, the year began at (Vernal) Spring Equinox in the constellation of Orion in 4000 BCE. 

    Tilak argues that Indian astronomy calendar is NOT tropical (relating to the seasons) but is siderial (relating to the stars).

    The Veda is the oldest of the books that we now possess, and it is generally admitted "that for a study of man, or if you like, for a study of Aryan humanity, there is nothing in the world equal in importance with it." B. G. Tilak, The Orion

    The Rig Veda refers to the Orion Constellation as Mriga (The Deer).(Holay, P. V. "Vedic astronomers". Bulletin of the Astronomical Society of India26: 91–106). It is said that two bright stars in the front and two bright stars in the rear are The hunting dogs, the one comparatively less bright star in the middle and ahead of two front dogs is The hunter and three aligned bright stars are in the middle of all four hunting dogs is The Deer (The Mriga) and three little aligned but less brighter stars is The Baby Deer. The Mriga means Deer, locally known as Harnu in folk parlance. 
    Image result for orion

    [quote]Tilak begins his argument by demonstrating that the Vedic year was sidereal, referring to the stars, and not tropical, relating to the seasons, and that it began with the vernal equinox and not the winter solstice as some have suggested. The nakshatras, or Indian lunar mansions, were divided into the Deva Nakshatras, those above the celestial equator, and the Yama Nakshatras, those below the celestial equator. He places the vernal equinox in Krittikâ, the first asterism listed in Chapter Nine, at the time that the Taittirîya Sanhitâ was written sometime near 2350 BCE, building on the work of William D. Whitney. Tilak places the equinox in Mrigaçiras in Orion when the Vedas were written, based on the use of an alternate name, Âgrahâyana, meaning literally "commencing the year," and he places this alignment sometime near 4000 BCE, changing it in a later book to 4500 after having read the work of Hermann Jacobi. Tilak describes the positions of the solstices and equinoxes among the nakshatras during this period as follows: ... We have, roughly speaking, the winter solstice quite near the asterism of Uttarâ Bhâdrapadâ, the vernal equinox between the head and right shoulder of Orion or about 3° east of Mrigashiras, the summer solstice at a distance of within 2° east of Uttarâ Phalgunî, and the autumnal equinox about 5° east of the asterism of Mûla...The problem is that Mrigaçiras is called "the Antelope's Head," and Tilak questions how these three stars so closely packed could be seen to represent anything in particular, especially the head of an antelope. In accord with Richard Allen's statement that,The early Hindus called [the Belt of Orion] Isus Trikāndā, the three-jointed Arrow; but the later [Hindus] transferred to it the nakshatra title, Mrigaçiras, the latter meaning literally "antelope's head" according to Tilak, his solution is that the Antelope's Head, pierced by an arrow, is represented by all of the stars of Orion including α, which marked the junction with the next asterism, Ârdrá...Tilak goes on to identify the elements of the legend of Rudra and Prajâpati with the stars around Orion, quoting from Whitney: There is the whole story illustrated in the sky; the innocent and the lovely Rohinî (Aldebaran); the infamous Prajâpati (Orion) in full career after her, but laid sprawling by the three-jointed arrow (the belt of Orion), which shot from the hand of the near avenger (Sirius) is even now to be seen sticking in his body. and he finds the two Dogs guarding the gate or the bridge that leads to the underworld on the other side of the river of the galaxy, a clear reference to the vernal equinox where the sun rose into the northern hemisphere of the sky. Tilak also identifies this region with the location of the battle between Indra and Vritra. [unquote]
    Tilak's Representation of the Antelope in Orion (rotated 90°)

    [quote]Of late, there has been much debate as to whether there was an Aryan invasion of India in about 1500 BCE or whether Indian civilization, represented by Harappa and Mohenjo-daro and other cities on the Indus and the now extinct Sarasvati rivers, arose in India itself. As always, the confusion results from distortion of the timeline. Adopting Tilak's dating for the events described in the Rigveda, we see that the nomadic Aryans invaded India during the middle of the 5th millennium BC, finding an even more primitive civilization already there, perhaps the ancestors of the Dravidians, and then gradually advanced their own civilization, from which arose the Harappa culture around 3000 BCE.
    Dating the Precession based on De Santillana and Burgess
    Constellation Indian Asterism Junction Star2 Right Ascension3 Year
    (DeS)4
    Year(Bur)7 Cata-
    strophic
    Year
    Virgo 140005
    Citrâ α Virginis 0° 0' 12500 12671
    (Hasta) (δ Corvi) 9° 20' 11999
    Leo Uttara-Phalgunî β Leonis 23° 10' 108005 11002
    Pûrva-Phalgunî δ Leonis 33° 50' 10235
    95669
    Maghâ α Leonis 48° 50' 8800 9155
    Cancer 80005 838610
    (Âçleshâ) (ε Hydrae) 69° 30' 7667
    Pushya γ,δ Cancri 72° 50' 7000 74278 745011
    Gemini Punarvasu β Geminorum 86° 50' 65005 6419
    626712
    Orion Ârdrá α Orionis 114° 20' 45005,6 44396 437513
    Mrigaçiras λ Orionis 119° 0' 4000 4103 390714
    Taurus
    Rohinî α Tauri 132° 40' 3000 3118 294915
    235413
    Krittikâ η Tauri 144° 40' 2200 2254 2230
    Aries 18005 162813
    Bharanî  35 Arietis 161° 30' 1043 1036
    Açvinî1 β Arietis 172° 30' 251 BC 208 BC13
    Pisces AD 15 AD 516
    Revatî δ Piscium 180° 10' AD 289 AD 323
     1Sidharth (1999) has this nakshatra at the winter solstice ca 7300 BCE.
     2
    The junction stars are from Allen (1963). The relative positions of these asterisms are based on the right ascension of the asterisms on page 321 of the Burgess translation of the Sûrya Siddhânta (1978).
     3After Burgess. Precision is to the nearest 10 minutes of arc, or ±6 years.
     4
    These dates are from the illustration on the endpaper of the 1st edition of Hamlet's Mill (1969), not reproduced in the paperback edition (1983) but found in Godwin (1993).
     5These years mark the transition from one solar constellation to the next according to the chart in de Santillana (1969).
     6Alison Moroney has this at ca 4420, based on planetarium software, in her Pathway to Atlantis of 1998, which, unfortunately, I have been unable to find, as well as at her website. She also places the construction of the great pyramid near that year, when α Orionis (Betelguese) aligned with the south shaft of the King's Chamber. More on this below.
     7These are roughly based on the right ascension of the junction star from the Burgess (1978) translation of the Sûrya Siddhânta, assuming a date for Spica (α Virginis) of 12671 using Meeus (1983) and the ancient value of 25,920 years for the entire precession.
     8Sidharth (1999) has δ Cancri ca 7300.  9Bond Event 8.  10Bond Event 7.  11Erdalen Event. A tree-ring radiocarbon event occurred at 7553. 
     12
    8.2 Kiloyear Event.  13Tree ring minimum.  145.9 Kiloyear Event.  15Egyptian Deluge/Flood of Deucalion.  16Census in Judea. 
     [unquote]

    http://neros.lordbalto.com/ChapterTwenty-One.htm Source: Stephen E. Franklin, 2004-2017 Typhon, a chronology of the Holocene Period (an ongoing work) http://www.lordbalto.com/neros/default.htm

    Background data and definitions of astronomical terms

    The seasons of the year are directly connected to both the solstices and the equinoxes.

    Solstices

    The seasons occur because the Earth's axis of rotation is not perpendicular to its orbital plane (the “plane of the ecliptic”) but currently makes an angle of about 23.44° (called the "obliquity of the ecliptic"), and because the axis keeps its orientation with respect to an inertial frame of reference. As a consequence, for half the year the Northern Hemisphere is inclined toward the Sun while for the other half year the Southern Hemisphere has this distinction. 

    The two moments when the inclination of Earth's rotational axis has maximum effect are the solstices.

    The Solstice occurs twice each year (around June 21 and December 22) as the Sun reaches its most northerly or southerly excursion relative to the celestial equator on the celestial sphere.
    Two images showing the amount of reflected sunlight at southern and northern summer solstices, respectively (watts / m²).
    Illumination of Earth by Sun at the northern solstice.

    Illumination of Earth by Sun at the southern solstice.

    Equinoxes

    There are two equinoxes every year – in March and September – when the Sun shines directly on the equator and the length of night and day are nearly equal.

    March Equinox - Equal Day and Night, Nearly



    March equinox illustration
    On the equinox the Earth's axis is perpendicular to the Sun's rays. 
    Illumination of Earth by the Sun at the March equinox
    Diagram of the Earth's seasons as seen from the north. Far right: December solstice. In the half-year centered on the December solstice, the Sun rises south of east and sets south of west and the durations of day are shorter and durations of night are longer.


    Diagram of the Earth's seasons as seen from the south. Far left: June solstice. In the half-year centered on the June solstice, the Sun rises north of east and sets north of west, which means longer days with shorter nights for the northern hemisphere and shorter days with longer nights for the southern hemisphere.




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    Image result for setu himachalam

    India has a better historical claim to Mt. Kailash & Lake Mansarover than China has to Arunachal where no Han Chinese set foot till 1962 war

    Inventing names won’t make Arunachal yours, India tells China

    By Express News Service  |   Published: 20th April 2017 07:59 PM  |  
    Last Updated: 20th April 2017 07:59 PM  |   |  
    Ministry Spokesperson Gopal Baglay | ANI
    NEW DELHI: Taking umbrage to China’s announcing of standardised names of places in Arunachal Pradesh, India on Thursday said that inventing names will not legalise Beijing’s illegal claims on the Indian state.
    This was said by the Ministry of External Affairs Spokesperson Gopal Baglay in the first official response of India on the issue.
    “Assigning invented names to the towns of your neighbor does not make illegal territorial claims legal.  Arunachal Pradesh is and will always be an integral part of India,” Baglay asserted. He also expressed hope that the boundary question between the two countries will be addressed in “honourable and mutual manner”.
    China’s Ministry of Civil Affairs had announced on April 14 that it had standardised in Chinese characters, Tibetan and Roman alphabet the names of six places in Arunachal Pradesh, China claims to be ‘South Tibet’. The move was seen at reaffirming China’s claim over Arunachal Pradesh. The official names of the six places using the Roman alphabet are Wo’gyainling, Mila Ri, Qoid ngarbo Ri, Mainquka, B mo La and Namkapub Ri.
    Chinese observers opined that China’s reaction has been in response to Tibetan Spiritual leader Dalai Lama’s visit to Arunachal Prades and that India does not have to do anything.
    “My opinion is India doesn’t have to do anything. There are Chinese names for other places in India too. Arunachal Pradesh is part of India and will continue to be so,” Lt Gen SL Narsimhan, who has served as Defence Attaché in Embassy of India in China and a China expert told the Express.
    Talking about India’s next course of action, he added: “Jumping at everything is not strategy. That is what China does. It shows China poorly and as an unsure power. India should not follow the same route.”
    China’s reaction seems to be in sync with their past record as they have deployed similar pressure tactics in South China Sea and East China Sea.

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    Why You Cannot Whitewash The Truth About The Tyranny And Bigotry Of Aurangzeb

    Dimple
    Citizen of the free world;believe in living and letting live, for, to each his own! Love expressing myself through words....

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    AJL probe report lists violations

    While the urban development department granted AJL permission to construct an 11-storey commercial building in 2003, building permissions were sought and received only in 2013.

    By: Express News Service | Mumbai | Published:February 10, 2016 2:10 am

    THE inquiry report into allegations of irregularities in allotment of a prime plot in Bandra to Associated Journals Ltd (AJL) was submitted to Maharashtra government Monday. Sources said the report pointed out violations at various levels, including repeated extensions granted to the company despite the latter not building anything on the land. Some violations in FSI were also pointed out, said sources.
    Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis had appointed senior IAS officer Gautam Chatterjee to look into allegations that repeated change in land use norms for the Bandra plot was allowed arbitrarily over a period spanning nearly three decades. The 3,478-square metre plot along Western Express Highway was originally allotted in 1983 to AJL, the company that once published the National Herald, the newspaper launched by Jawaharlal Nehru. The allotment was originally for a Nehru memorial, library and printing press.
    The report pointed out that rules allowed the state government to take back such land if the allottee did not begin to use it for the purpose allotted. Despite this, various Congress-led governments not only permitted AJL the time extensions but also allowed change in usage norms as a special case.
    While the urban development department granted AJL permission to construct an 11-storey commercial building in 2003, building permissions were sought and received only in 2013.

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    How Singapore is creating more land for itself
    A land-reclamation project in western Singapore that will be home to a sprawling shipping-container terminal. Sim Chi Yin/VII for the New York Times
    CrediSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    The island off the southern tip of Malaysia reveals the
    future of building in an epoch of dwindling territory

    By Samanth Subramanian April 20, 2017
    Jurong Island, a man-made smear of sand, lies just off the southern coast of Singapore. A quarter the size of Nantucket, it is thoroughly given over to the petrochemical industry, so crowded with spindly cracking towers and squat oil-storage tanks that the landscape is a blur of brand names — BASF, AkzoNobel, Exxon Mobil, Vopak. One of the island’s most distinctive features, though, remains hidden: the Jurong Rock Caverns, which hold 126 million gallons of crude oil. To get there, you ride an industrial elevator more than 325 feet into the earth, and that brings you to the operations tunnel, a curving space as lofty as a cathedral. It is so long that workers get around on bicycles. Safety goggles mist up with the heat and the humidity; the rock walls, wet from dripping water, look so soft they might have been scooped out of chocolate ice cream. This is as far as anyone — even the workers — can go. The caverns themselves are an additional 100 feet beneath the ocean: two sealed cylindrical vaults, extending away from Jurong. They opened for business in 2014. Next year, three new vaults will be ready. Then, if all goes according to plan, there will be six more.
    As a concept, underground reservoirs are not new. Sweden has been building them since the 1950s; a pair in the port of Gothenburg has a titanic capacity of 370 million gallons of oil. So the Jurong Rock Caverns are less an emblem of the marvels of technology than of the anxiety of a nation. Singapore is the 192nd-largest country in the world. Tinier than Tonga and just three-fifths the area of New York City, it has long fretted about its congenital puniness. “Bigger countries have the luxury of not having to think about this,” said David Tan, the assistant chief executive of a government agency called the Jurong Town Corporation, which built Jurong Island as well as the caverns. “We’ve always been acutely aware of our small size.”
    The caverns were designed to free up land above ground, Tan said. I remarked that the phrase “freeing up land” occurs like clockwork in conversations with Singapore’s planners. He laughed. Land is Singapore’s most cherished resource and its dearest ambition. Since it became an independent nation 52 years ago, Singapore has, through assiduous land reclamation, grown in size by almost a quarter: to 277 square miles from 224. By 2030, the government wants Singapore to measure nearly 300 square miles.
    But reclaiming land from the ocean has its limits, particularly in an age of a warming planet. Scientists warn that by 2100, sea levels may rise by as much as six feet, and furious storms will pound our coasts. All over the world, the governments of small islands are working to respond to these hazards. Kiribati, an island nation in the Central Pacific, has bought 6,000 acres of forested land in Fiji, more than a thousand miles away, hoping to resettle some of its 100,000 people if a crisis hits. The Maldives, similarly, has talked about buying land in Australia. People have begun to leave Tuvalu, in the South Pacific; the Marshall Islands; and Nauru, in Micronesia. Five of the lowest Solomon Islands have already vanished. In humanity’s battle to save itself from a harsher climate, these diminutive islands find themselves on the front lines.
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    Another view of the terminal project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    Most of these islands — in the Pacific or in Asia — are impoverished, reliant on larger nations for assistance and resources. Singapore is an exception. In countries ranked by per capita gross domestic product, it places fourth — far above Nauru, at 112, or Kiribati, at 212. Over the past half-century, building upon its function as one of the world’s great ports, Singapore has turned into a capital of finance and services. The country is so devotedly pro-business that it can feel like a corporation; its constitution includes several pages on how the government’s investments should be managed. Singapore doesn’t reveal how much money its two sovereign wealth funds administer, but a senior economist at the Macquarie Group estimated their value at just under a trillion dollars.
    Among the world’s smattering of small islands, then, Singapore, with a population of 5.6 million, is a special case: a country that’s also a city, a government that owns 90 percent of all real estate, a one-party state in all but name. But how it fends off the ocean will be of deep interest to many other populous and productive cities near the water: New York, Miami, Rio de Janeiro, Mumbai, Guangzhou, all miniature nations of a sort.
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    Caissons, or watertight retaining structures, that are part of the project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    Much of Singapore lies less than 50 feet above sea level. A third of the island sits around 16 feet above the water — low enough to give planners the jitters. Coastal roads are being raised; a new airport terminal is being built 18 feet above sea level. All the while, the island receives more and more rain each year. “If global temperatures continue to rise,” a government official said last year, “many parts of Singapore could eventually be submerged.”
    Continue reading the main story
    The Jurong Rock Caverns are just one answer to a pair of intriguing questions: What does a tremendously rich and ambitious country do when it is running out of land? And what can the rest of the world learn from these experiments?
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    Artificial sand made of crushed granite on a barge. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    In the Tolstoy short story “How Much Land Does a Man Need?” a peasant muses in frustration: “Our only trouble is that we haven’t land enough. If I had plenty of land, I shouldn’t fear the Devil himself.” Similar thoughts must have struck Lee Kuan Yew, who cast Singapore in his vision. Through his three decades as prime minister, Lee saw his country as locked in a struggle against its size. Singapore was a tiny nation, and dire fates awaited tiny nations that could not take care of themselves. “In a world where the big fish eat small fish and the small fish eat shrimps, Singapore must become a poisonous shrimp,” he once said.
    The island is still awash in his apprehensions. Bureaucrats assemble reports on topics like Maximizing Value From Land as a Scarce Resource. The government works from a Concept Plan, a land-use scheme that looks half a century into the future; the plan itself is reviewed every 10 years. On the first floor of a city museum in the Urban Redevelopment Authority building, a wall is engraved with letters that spell SMALL ISLAND. It’s not until the second floor that the second half of the message materializes: BIG PLANS.
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    The caissons will be joined together to form a retaining wall for one of the piers where ships will dockCreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    A 10-minute walk from the museum is Boat Quay, the site of the island’s very first land reclamation. In 1822, having just colonized Singapore, the British dismantled a hill and packed the material along the bank of the Singapore River. “Some two or three hundred laborers were paid one rupee per head per day to dig and carry the earth,” Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, who acted as an informal secretary to British officials at the time, wrote in his 1849 memoir. “Every afternoon, sacks of money were brought to pay the workmen.” Boat Quay’s old shop-houses — shops that doubled as their owners’ residences — have been converted into restaurants, bars and massage parlors. In the evenings, the tables heave with workers from the nearby financial district, much like Manhattan’s South Street Seaport and other ribbons of waterfront realty around the world. In the spirit of preservation, the buildings of Boat Quay have remained low, crouched close to the ground. One street away, however, Singapore’s skyscrapers begin in earnest. At the spot where the hill was broken down and carted off to build Boat Quay, there now stands One Raffles Place, clad in steel and glass, taller, in all probability, than its rock-and-mud forefather.
    Once I began looking for reclaimed land, I encountered it everywhere. The five towers of the Marina Bay Financial Center are built on reclaimed land; so is an assortment of parks, wharves and a coastal highway. Beach Road, in the island’s belly, at one time had a self-evident name; now it reads like a wry joke, given how much new land separates it from the ocean. Most of Singapore’s Changi Airport sits on earth where there was once only water. The artist Charles Lim Yi Yong grew up in a kampong, or village, near where work on the airport began in 1975, so his house looked out onto reclaimed land. “It was a wooded area, but if you walked there, the ground would be sand and not soil,” Lim said. “Then you went through this desert space. It felt like I was in ‘The Little Prince.’ ”
    ‘Bigger countries have the luxury of not having to think about this. We’ve always been acutely aware of our small size.’
    Before he turned to art, Lim, now 43, sailed in the 1996 Olympics on the Singapore team. He grew interested in the sea because he sailed, and he sailed because he came from a kampong on the coast. The kampong has long since disappeared, and the coast has changed beyond recognition. Lim’s major creation, “Sea State,” is an anthology of artifacts and installations: videos and charts, buoys and other nautical paraphernalia. Shown at the Venice Biennale two years ago, “Sea State” embodies Lim’s obsession with his country’s transactional relationship with the ocean. His art is a form of urban exploration, roving over, into and around Singapore, studying what few others see: outlying islets, sewage tunnels, buoys, lighthouses, sand barges. For Lim, most of these are easy to access. “I can just take a small sailboat and go. I look very innocuous when I’m out at sea.”
    Lim is able to narrate, practically by himself, a fine-grained history of the island’s reclamation projects. He pointed me to one of the videos in “Sea State,” which he has uploaded onto Vimeo. It stars an engineer who surveyed Singapore’s neighborhoods in the 1990s to determine where it would be best to haul away sand for reclamation. Close to the coast, he found more silt than sand, so he and his colleagues went farther out to sea, to “suck the sand into the barges and deliver the sand over to Singapore.” Once, having strayed into Indonesia’s territorial waters without a permit, they were arrested. “We weren’t criminals,” he said. “We were just doing our job.”
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    Assembling rebar to make a caisson’s interior frame. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    Several countries have tired of feeding Singapore’s endless appetite for sand; Indonesia, Malaysia and, most recently, Cambodia have halted exports altogether. These bans have affected some of Singapore’s reclamation schedules, David Tan said, although he insisted that the supply lines from Myanmar were “still robust.” In any case, Singapore is trying to shrink its reliance on sand imports. “We do a lot of tunneling work for the subway, so that material goes into reclamation,” he said. Most of the infill in the reclamations under a coming shipping-container terminal — planned to be the world’s largest — is rock and soil debris from construction projects.
    But the desire to reclaim never-ending shelves of land, farther and farther into the sea, will inevitably be outfoxed by physics. On a whiteboard, Tan drew me a diagram of the process: first, building a wall in the water, reaching all the way down into the seabed; next, draining the water behind the wall and replacing it with infill. As the ocean grows less shallow, it becomes harder and harder to build the wall, to stabilize the infill, to protect it all from collapse. “We’re already reclaiming in water that is 20 meters deep,” Tan said. “Maybe it would be viable to reclaim in 30 meters, if land prices go up. But 40 and 50 meters would be very difficult. It’s physically difficult and economically unviable.”
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    The infinity pool on the 57th floor of the Marina Bay Sands Hotel, which is in an area built on reclaimed land.CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    Lim had told me that Singapore holds a strategic sand reserve, for emergencies. It lies somewhere in the area called Bedok, he said. I spotted it one day as I rode past in a taxi. The site was strewn with No Trespassing signs installed by the Housing and Development Board, a government agency. Fenced off from the public, the giant trapezoidal dunes shone bone-white in the sun and caramel in the shade, as the sand waited to be summoned.
    The most miserable truth about this moment of the Anthropocene is the inevitability of it all; even if the whole world switched to solar power and turned vegetarian tomorrow, we cannot remove the carbon we’ve released into the atmosphere. To live within an altered climate will require deep pockets — a fact that punishes billions of poor people with negligible carbon footprints. When Kiribati bought its land in Fiji for $7 million, critics worried that the money was being squandered; the nation’s gross domestic product, after all, is only $211 million. By contrast, the first phase of a single Singapore government project — L2 NIC, which clumsily stands for Land and Liveability National Innovation Challenge — has $96 million to disburse to finance creative ideas. When countries face up to climate change, money can expand the imagination, swell the sense of the possible.
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    The Float at Marina Bay, where a children’s carnival had been set up on the soccer field, opposite the grandstand.CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    C.M. Wang, a professor of civil engineering at the National University of Singapore, served as a project reviewer for L2 NIC, sifting through proposals for how Singapore might create more space. Wang even has an idea of his own. Approached by Singapore’s ports authority six years ago, he developed and patented a way for coastal cities to create land in the sea. At least, this is the way his staple PowerPoint presentation describes his idea for Very Large Floating Structures, which can bob about on the ocean, hold a range of facilities and “free up land.” “Singapore is the largest bunkering base in the world,” Wang told me when I went to see him in his office at the university. “Ships sail from the Suez, where they refuel, and then the next refueling stop is Singapore.” To be the Texaco station of the high seas, the island needs to maintain vast farms of oil tanks, enough to store the 53.6 million tons of fuel sold to ships last year.
    “A logical move would be to store fuel in the sea, because fuel is lighter than water, so it should float,” Wang said. “What we need is a skin to go around it, a container.” He sketched a plan on a scrap of paper: two rectangular concrete decks laid out in parallel, holding oil tanks made of prestressed concrete partly submerged in the water. A ship could slide between the two decks, refuel and steam back out. Wang is working on making his design more economical, but he already has other ideas for floats. On his computer, he flicked through them: dormitories, a restaurant that resembles a crab, bridges, even miniature cities. Last October, to test a proposal from two government agencies, Singapore floated a hectare of solar panels in one of its reservoirs; it hopes, eventually, to build a four-gigawatt solar plant at sea.
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    Another view of the terminal project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    Wang urged me to visit the Float at Marina Bay, the world’s largest floating stage, a 107,000-square-foot slice of steel that clings to the lip of Singapore’s esplanade. The afternoon I went, a shroud of smog covered an already sunless sky, and the artificial grass on the Float’s soccer field seemed wan and uninviting. Life preservers were fastened to the railings around the field, lest a player tumble into the sea. I sat on a bench for a while, with my back to the skyscrapers, watching office workers limber up for a friendly game. They looked happy enough with this insertion of playtime into their day, but watching them rattle around on this unnatural parcel of green was, somehow, dispiriting.
    Still, unnaturalness may well be the world’s conceivable future; certainly it will be Singapore’s, as the country prepares to terraform itself in search of space. There will be more underground caverns, David Tan told me: a warren of research laboratories within the folds of Kent Ridge, right under the university; perhaps a warehousing facility beneath Jurong Bird Park. “Most of this space will be for industrial use,” he said. “People aren’t likely to live underground.” The island’s geology — a heart of granite in the west, compacted alluvium in the east — is such that most of it could be hollowed out. “Now, I’m not saying we should use it all,” he went on, in the tone of an eminently prudent man. Then he added, “But we can use two-thirds of it.”
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    The sand reserve in Bedok. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    Singapore also plans to reclaim its air. “Twelve percent of the island is occupied by roads,” Tan said. “What’s above roads? Nothing! If you put roads under buildings, you free up some land.” Sky bridges and midair concourses are already a part of some public-housing estates. As Wang told me: “In the future, you might see a little town or offices above the expressways. We might create space above our container ports.”
    Singapore already has high-rise factories: towers occupied by dozens of manufacturing units, all sharing amenities like cargo elevators, electricity and truck ramps. Since 2012, the government has funded vertical farms, shelves of aluminum planters that grow spinach, lettuce and Chinese cabbage. Singapore grows only 7 percent of its food, having decided long ago that its land has more profitable uses. In the 1980s, it began dispatching its pig farms to outlying Indonesian islands like Batam, which still supplies Singapore with pork. The government has invested $380 million in agricultural projects in Australia, and it is renting land in northeast China to build itself a farm that will measure double the area of the island of Singapore. The farm will take 15 years to complete and will cost $18 billion. Given enough ready money, thorny issues of territorial sovereignty swiftly dissolve.
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    The operations tunnel above the Jurong Rock Caverns. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    Whether many of these ventures will bear fruit is difficult to say. When you’re talking to a typically matter-of-fact city planner, each of these ideas seems to possess the heft of certainty. Collected together, though, this vision of Singapore — on the ground and under it, in the air and beneath the sea, a city and a country and a transnational entity all at once — feels fantastic. Then again, even Singapore as it is — born a slum-ridden speck with no oil, no hinterland and a volatile mix of ethnicities, raised with an authoritarian hand and transformed into one of the most prosperous, most politically meek nations on earth — even this Singapore tugs at the bounds of our credulity.
    Singapore has always held elections, but only one party — Lee Kuan Yew’s People’s Action Party — has ever ruled the island, and only three men have ever been prime minister. Opposition parties have never been permitted to be anything more than frail invertebrates, so the P.A.P. can do as it pleases. The environmental consequences of remodeling the coastline — an altered ecology, wetlands rubbed off the map — can be waved away. Residents can be moved so that projects can proceed. In Singapore’s quandary of where to put its people, the people themselves — the living as well as the dead — can seem like pieces on a checkerboard.
    ‘In the future, you might see a little town or offices above the expressways. We might create space above our container ports.’
    The Bukit Brown Municipal Cemetery lies as close to Singapore’s geographical midpoint as is possible without intruding into the grounds of the Singapore Island Country Club. No one has been buried here since 1973, but it still holds more than 200,000 human remains within its 400 acres, making it one of the largest Chinese graveyards outside China. Burials began on this site in the 1830s, and the interred include several Singaporean pioneers, men and women who settled and built the island. Someone told me that the man who introduced the governess Anna Leonowens to the king of Siam was buried in a Bukit Brown tomb, but the casual visitor will be hard-pressed to find it. The cemetery is so overgrown with weeds that it is one of Singapore’s few truly untended spaces. There is no signage, and most inscriptions are in Chinese. The tombs are dignified affairs, shaped like thrones, broad enough to hold full families. On some of the short plinths, in front of the headstone, people had placed lighted joss sticks that had long since burned down; only their stems remained, like the surviving bristles of an ancient toothbrush.
    One side of the path into the cemetery was lined with a green metal fence hiding construction work on a new expressway that will soon tear through the heart of Bukit Brown. “We can’t have that graveyard in the center of the island forever,” a former city planner told me. Singapore prefers columbaria, in which urns of cremated remains are stored in cavities on a wall. “All our graves are high-rise too!” he said with a laugh. A group of citizens is campaigning to save Bukit Brown, calling it a vital piece of the island’s heritage, but more than 4,000 graves have already been exhumed, and the ground that contained them has been leveled.
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    The skyline of downtown Singapore, with the Marina Bay Sands Hotel at center. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    In a restless polity, such single-mindedness would earn the ruling party a risky degree of unpopularity, but nothing seems to dent the P.A.P. It won an election in 2011, even though Singaporeans were angry over housing shortages and an overburdened public-transportation system. It won even more handily in 2015, after land prices rose by 30 percent three years in a row and after the government’s migration-led population target of 6.9 million by 2030 — necessary to fill out the work force, but also a strain on the island’s finite resources — kindled a public protest, a singular event in this country. But stopping the state from doing something it wants to do is, in Singapore, a task primed for defeat. An inert citizenry gives the government the freest of hands in confronting climate change, just as it does in every other sphere, far into the foreseeable future.
    One afternoon, Charles Lim and I drove to a marina near the southeastern corner of Singapore and rented a sailboat, a two-man Laser Bahia in which Lim did the work of both men. The haze from Indonesia’s forest fires muddied the day; the ocean looked as if it were evaporating in front of us. Not far beyond the marina, cargo ships and oil tankers waited patiently for their turn at port. To the east rose the tall, unblinking surveillance tower of Changi Naval Base. “I call it the Eye of Sauron,” Lim said.
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    The Supertree Grove in Singapore's Gardens by the Bay, which sit on 250 acres of reclaimed land. The Supertrees are vertical gardens that contain over 160,000 types of plants. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    The wind rose and fell in heavy gusts; Lim’s hair, tousled even indoors, grew still more animated. He pointed out a man-made hill eastward along the coast from the marina, where trucks and earthmovers milled about. This was the Changi East reclamation: more than a thousand hectares of land, designed to hold the new airport terminal and its three runways. In trying to edge closer, we must have wandered into sensitive waters. A loudspeaker screamed from the naval base, punctuated by three types of sirens: “You are entering a prohibited area! Please clear now!” Lim instructed me to pull at various ropes, and we tacked hurriedly out.
    A couple of hours after we cast off, we came upon Tekong Island, sitting in the strait between Singapore and Malaysia, owned by the former but nearer the latter. The two countries bickered over reclamation activities here in 2002; it took three years of negotiations before Singapore could proceed. The part of the island where Singapore’s army units train was a smoky smudge on the horizon. Our boat nuzzled against a rock wall that marked out reclamation work. The wall began on the northern coast of the island, ran eastward to sea and then looped back to a point on the southern coast. In outline, it resembled a porpoise’s nose.
    Continue reading the main story
    Photo
    An aerial view of a sand reserve. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times
    “That’s odd,” Lim said. “There’s no one here.” No trucks, no security guards, no bulldozers. “Maybe they’ve stopped work because of a shortage of sand.”
    Lim held the boat steady while I waded into the shallows for a better look, careful not to trespass on the island. The rocks underfoot were slick, and I barked my shin.
    “How does it look?” Lim called.
    A few feet from the outer wall was an inner one, and packed between the two was sand: lovely, pristine sand the color of milky Ovaltine. It was held firm and tight in its sleeve of rock, its surface so level that had I walked on it, I might have been the first visitor on undiscovered land. Trapped beyond the inner wall was a low pool of water, yet to be filled in. Around us, the ocean lay idle in the sun, ready to challenge Singapore’s ingenuity with its patient, adamant rise.
    Samanth Subramanian is a correspondent for The National and the author of “This Divided Island: Life, Death, and the Sri Lankan War.”

    Sim Chi Yin is a writer-turned-photographer from Singapore who has been based in China for 10 years. She is currently working on a global project on sand.

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    How Singapore is creating more land for itself

    A land-reclamation project in western Singapore that will be home to a sprawling shipping-container terminal. Sim Chi Yin/VII for the New York Times

    CrediSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times


    The island off the southern tip of Malaysia reveals the
    future of building in an epoch of dwindling territory

    Jurong Island, a man-made smear of sand, lies just off the southern coast of Singapore. A quarter the size of Nantucket, it is thoroughly given over to the petrochemical industry, so crowded with spindly cracking towers and squat oil-storage tanks that the landscape is a blur of brand names — BASF, AkzoNobel, Exxon Mobil, Vopak. One of the island’s most distinctive features, though, remains hidden: the Jurong Rock Caverns, which hold 126 million gallons of crude oil. To get there, you ride an industrial elevator more than 325 feet into the earth, and that brings you to the operations tunnel, a curving space as lofty as a cathedral. It is so long that workers get around on bicycles. Safety goggles mist up with the heat and the humidity; the rock walls, wet from dripping water, look so soft they might have been scooped out of chocolate ice cream. This is as far as anyone — even the workers — can go. The caverns themselves are an additional 100 feet beneath the ocean: two sealed cylindrical vaults, extending away from Jurong. They opened for business in 2014. Next year, three new vaults will be ready. Then, if all goes according to plan, there will be six more.


    As a concept, underground reservoirs are not new. Sweden has been building them since the 1950s; a pair in the port of Gothenburg has a titanic capacity of 370 million gallons of oil. So the Jurong Rock Caverns are less an emblem of the marvels of technology than of the anxiety of a nation. Singapore is the 192nd-largest country in the world. Tinier than Tonga and just three-fifths the area of New York City, it has long fretted about its congenital puniness. “Bigger countries have the luxury of not having to think about this,” said David Tan, the assistant chief executive of a government agency called the Jurong Town Corporation, which built Jurong Island as well as the caverns. “We’ve always been acutely aware of our small size.”


    The caverns were designed to free up land above ground, Tan said. I remarked that the phrase “freeing up land” occurs like clockwork in conversations with Singapore’s planners. He laughed. Land is Singapore’s most cherished resource and its dearest ambition. Since it became an independent nation 52 years ago, Singapore has, through assiduous land reclamation, grown in size by almost a quarter: to 277 square miles from 224. By 2030, the government wants Singapore to measure nearly 300 square miles.


    But reclaiming land from the ocean has its limits, particularly in an age of a warming planet. Scientists warn that by 2100, sea levels may rise by as much as six feet, and furious storms will pound our coasts. All over the world, the governments of small islands are working to respond to these hazards. Kiribati, an island nation in the Central Pacific, has bought 6,000 acres of forested land in Fiji, more than a thousand miles away, hoping to resettle some of its 100,000 people if a crisis hits. The Maldives, similarly, has talked about buying land in Australia. People have begun to leave Tuvalu, in the South Pacific; the Marshall Islands; and Nauru, in Micronesia. Five of the lowest Solomon Islands have already vanished. In humanity’s battle to save itself from a harsher climate, these diminutive islands find themselves on the front lines.


    Another view of the terminal project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times

    Most of these islands — in the Pacific or in Asia — are impoverished, reliant on larger nations for assistance and resources. Singapore is an exception. In countries ranked by per capita gross domestic product, it places fourth — far above Nauru, at 112, or Kiribati, at 212. Over the past half-century, building upon its function as one of the world’s great ports, Singapore has turned into a capital of finance and services. The country is so devotedly pro-business that it can feel like a corporation; its constitution includes several pages on how the government’s investments should be managed. Singapore doesn’t reveal how much money its two sovereign wealth funds administer, but a senior economist at the Macquarie Group estimated their value at just under a trillion dollars.

    Among the world’s smattering of small islands, then, Singapore, with a population of 5.6 million, is a special case: a country that’s also a city, a government that owns 90 percent of all real estate, a one-party state in all but name. But how it fends off the ocean will be of deep interest to many other populous and productive cities near the water: New York, Miami, Rio de Janeiro, Mumbai, Guangzhou, all miniature nations of a sort.

    Caissons, or watertight retaining structures, that are part of the project. CreditSim Chi Yin/VII, for The New York Times



    Much of Singapore lies less than 50 feet above sea level. A third of the island sits around 16 feet above the water — low enough to give planners the jitters. Coastal roads are being raised; a new airport terminal is being built 18 feet above sea level. All the while, the island receives more and more rain each year. “If global temperatures continue to rise,” a government official said last year, “many parts of Singapore could eventually be submerged.”


    Read on...

    https://www.scribd.com/document/345862612/How-Singapore-is-Creating-More-Land-for-Itself

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    my 2007 alert about Participatory notes -- After a decade we have not learn anything Sad--RT

    WHY PARTICIPATORY NOTES ARE DANGEROUS

    Participatory Notes are a slap on the face of every citizen who is an investor. To invest in shares one has to fill up umpteen forms and provide proof of residence, PAN number, and so on. But for PN investors, the system is totally silent, even on basic information. Why not have confidence in the India story and realise that we can get funds with addresses without offering such anonymity.
    The PN system is discriminatory and seems to favour ghost investors.
    Participatory Notes (PN) — a general name used for the investment by Foreign Institutional Investors (FIIs) through Offshore Derivative Instruments (ODIs) such as Participatory Notes, Equity-Linked Notes, Capped Return Notes and Participating Return Notes — have created a storm in the stock market, with SEBI coming out with a draft for discussion to regulate them, the RBI suggesting that they be phased out, and the Finance Minister assuring that the Government is not going to phase them out.
    First things first. Let us clearly understand the fundamental issues. The PNs are a slap on the face of every citizen who is an investor. For a person to invest even in one share, several KYC (know your customer) forms have to be filled up, and PAN numbers and proof of address, etc., provided. For the PN investor the system is totally silent on even elementary information. The FIIs issue PNs to funds/companies whose identity is not known to the Indian authorities.
    Hence, the PN system is blatantly discriminatory and seems to favour ghost investors. Any self-respecting market, if it discriminates at all, does so against outsiders. But we have done the unthinkable.
    We should recognise and internalise the fact that funds are in search of markets, and not the other way. Given the demographic shift in the developed markets (where pension funds have to locate markets to get returns for longer periods) and the lack of huge opportunities in long-term projects, it is natural that global funds are in search of markets.
    The PN route, through which a section of investors is participating in our markets, is a mystery wrapped in a puzzle, crammed inside a conundrum and delivered through a riddle. These are address-less funds that could be from dubious sources and the clamour for it is intriguing, if not outright suspicious.
    Current Scenario
    According to the SEBI Web site, the current position of these instruments is as follows: “Currently, 34 FIIs / Sub-accounts issue ODIs. This number was 14 in March 2004. The notional value of PNs outstanding, which was at Rs 31, 875 crore (20 per cent of Assets Under Custody of all FIIs/Sub-Accounts) in March 2004, increased to Rs 3,53,484 crore (51.6 per cent of AUC) by August 2007.
    The value of outstanding ODIs, with underlying as derivatives, currently stands at Rs 1,17,071 crores, which is approximately 30 per cent of total PNs outstanding. The notional value of outstanding PNs, excluding derivatives as underlying as a percentage of AUC is 34.5 per cent at the end of August 2007.” (SEBI – Paper for Discussion on ODIs).
    This implies that more than 50 per cent of the funds are flowing through this anonymous route which needs a re-think on this entire issue. This brings us to the question about who are the investors interested in Indian Papers.
    Who uses the PN route?
    The first category is the regular funds whose twin objectives are returns and more returns on a 21*7*365 basis. They are interested in India since the India story is very good and returns are attractive compared to developed markets. The second category is prodigal money returning. It is not a secret that a large number of politicians/bureaucrats/business-persons have accumulated wealth abroad. This has been accumulated by under-invoicing/over-invoicing, by corruption in contracts and gifts from abroad; and by not bringing in legitimate receipts.
    The third category is those foreign governments/entities who would like to acquire/control Indian entities by taking them over.
    The fourth category is the terror financiers who could find this route attractive and simple. The first category does not have any reason to use the “anonymous” route since the aim is to earn returns /repatriate and benefit out of interest rate and currency value arbitrage. They enter and exit as per these calculations and are not shy about the greed for maximum returns. They pay the taxes applicable and laugh all the way to the bank with bonus incentives.
    The only issue is that currently the stock market is the only route for investing while several other “unlisted” sectors, such as trade, transport, restaurants and other services are starved of funds. Maybe methods should be evolved to get these regular global funds to invest not just in the top ten shares of the stock market but in the needs of the large non-corporate or “ unlisted” segments of the economy, through NBFCs. That would ease the volatility in the market since currently large funds are chasing too few shares of the Sensex or Nifty.
    No more ‘safe havens’
    The second category will be enthusiastic in bringing the money back into India since the KYC (Know your Customer) norms in many so-called “safe” territories like Switzerland are becoming tougher — particularly after 9/11— and the India story is very interesting and the returns and growth prospects are very good. The Government can always think of an “Amnesty Scheme” for such “prodigal funds” in the form of “no questions asked” about the source. But, once the funds are brought in, then all the KYC norms must be followed, with minimum legal and tax hassles. After all, such amnesty schemes for the domestic black-money holders in the past have met with reasonable success. Otherwise, a Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) can be created which can be dollar-denominated to hold these funds at attractive rates and which are converted over a period of time to minimise the flow impact.
    Harmful for companies
    The third category spells danger for domestic companies since the unknown entity may be targeting the local company without its knowledge. With reasonable control they can pressure the current owners to settle with them or even try taking over.
    This becomes more ominous in the context of several sovereign funds, like that of China, using the private equity companies to manage their funds which are non-transparent.
    These PEs could use other vehicles to acquire on behalf of these sovereign funds and it may be possible that Chinese or West Asian sovereign funds may hold indirectly shares in Indian companies, particularly in software or oil or telecom, which are critical sectors.
    The fourth category is the one to be worried about. The terror financier will be happy on two counts, namely the anonymity provided by these instruments and the domestic regulations on gifting the shares.
    Also important is the issue of the sale of these PNs to entities that could be inter-connected to the original buyers.
    In other words, the original buyer and to whom he sells could belong to inter-connected terror entitities, in which case the global entity could have succeeded in transferring funds to India with ease and anonymity.
    It is not without basis that the National Security Advisor (NSA) has cautioned against terror-financing through the banking and stock market channels.
    That is a cause for concern. Why are we insisting on the anonymity of the investor and the sources? Why not have confidence in the India story and realise that we can get funds with addresses since we have arrived on the global arena?
    We should distinguish between clean global flows and dubious flows as a responsible country with a remarkable growth story.

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    Mallya laundered money to British cos and bank accounts, India tells UK

    TNN | Apr 22, 2017, 06.21 AM IST


    NEW DELHI: Indian investigators feel there is a strong chance of bringing Vijay Mallya back to India as documents shared by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) with the UK government claim the controversial tycoon laundered money from banks in India to "British companies" and "bank accounts" in the UK.
    The ED's findings on money laundering have been shared with the UK and are in addition to the CBI's exhaustive extradition "dossier" which states that Mallya is wanted in cases of criminal conspiracy and cheating. Mallya is accused of fraudulently obtaining loan and credit facilities from IDBI Bank and a consortium of banks which he failed to pay back and caused losses of thousands of crores, sources said.



    Officials said the particular aspect about Mallya routing illegal money into British companies and banks accounts in the UK is seen to significantly weigh against the liquor baron. According to top sources, most of the money was laundered before he fled to London on March 2 last year. Mallya had taken loans of Rs 900 crore from IDBI Bank and Rs 6,027 crore from a consortium of 17 banks led by State Bank of India and the total outstanding with interest is around Rs 9,000 crore.

    A major chunk of the loan money was diverted to shell companies and bank accounts in the UK, Cayman Islands (a British overseas territory), Mauritius and some other countries.

    While the extradition process against Mallya has been initiated in London, the UK connection to "money laundering" is expected to strengthen India's case as UK laws do not take the money laundering charge lightly, officials said. The ED's documents will be shared with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) during the trial. 


    "As per the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty between UK and India, assistance in investigation and obtaining evidence in such cases are agreed between both the countries," a source said.


    Mallya's extradition proceedings will be heard by senior district judge (chief magistrate) Emma Arbuthnot at 81 Marylebone Road, London on May 17 where the CPS will argue that Mallya should be extradited to India as there is sufficient evidence against him. A team of CBI and MHA officials will be present in court.


    The ED had first sought the UK's help in tracing Mallya in April last year when a non-bailable warrant was issued against him under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA).


    Mallya was arrested+ by Scotland Yard on April 17 in London but he was released on bail on the condition that he will have to surrender his revoked passport and not travel outside the UK.

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    Why the notion of ‘Hindu Nation’ alone is chosen for criticism?
    If the critics only imagined what a Hindu nation looks like, they might start propagating Hindu nations all over the globe.
    temple
    I sometimes wonder who influences whom: the Indian mainstream journalists influence the foreign correspondents or the other way round, as they always hold the same view. Or is there even a directive from the top of the media houses about who must be protected and who can be abused?
    Obviously, Hindus can be abused. I was shocked when I recently checked articles in major newspapers like the New York Times on the appointment of Yogi Adityanath as chief minister in Uttar Pradesh. Like in the run-up to the general elections in 2014, when a Modi victory loomed large, the media went berserk. The gist was: By appointing Yogi Adityanath, Prime Minister Modi has finally shown his true face of a Hindu fundamentalist who wants to make India a ‘Hindu nation’ where minorities have no place. The articles peddled untruths and drew unacceptable conclusions. The Swiss NZZ for example wrote that it is hardly possible for Prime Minister Modi’s government to call itself the representative of all Indians after appointing a figure like Yogi Adityanath.
    A Hindu nation is projected as the worst possible scenario by the wrongly called ‘liberal’ media. Yet, the same media don’t react when America or most other western countries are referred to as Christian nations. Nor do they get agitated about the numerous Muslim nations; not even about those which still have harsh blasphemy laws. Why are these ok, and a Hindu nation is not ok? They don’t explain; they just insinuate that minorities (read Muslims and Christians) will suffer in a Hindu nation.
    Maybe they came to this conclusion because minorities like Jews or Hindus suffer in certain Christian or Muslim nations though the media hardly pulls those countries up for it. However, even otherwise, this conclusion is wrong, as Hindus have a different mind-set. They are open towards other views, unlike ‘good’ Christians and Muslims who feel obligated to make everyone believe what they believe, if necessary by deceit or force.
    Hindus cannot be put into one single box. There are too many different ways to reach the goal of life. As it were, there are many minorities within Hinduism. But they all are based on the Vedic insight that everything, including our persons, is permeated by the same divine essence which is called by many names but is ultimately ONE. Our human consciousness (Atman) is one with the cosmic consciousness (Brahman) and to realize this, is the goal and fulfillment of life. “Satyam vada, Dharmam chara” the Veda exhorts – speak the truth and do what is right under the given circumstances. And find out who you really are: you are not a separate entity but in the depths of your being one with all.
    From this follows that ‘good’ Hindus are those rare human beings whose dharma makes them regard all others as brothers and sisters. Their dharma makes them further respect nature and not harm unnecessarily any living being.
    Hindus do not, unlike Christians and Muslims, divide humanity into those who are chosen by God and those who are eternally damned. Hindu children are not taught to look down on those who are not Hindus, unlike children of the dogmatic religions who are taught that their God does not love those others unless they join their ‘true’ religions.
    Hindus are also comparatively kinder to animals. The great bulk of vegetarians worldwide are Hindus.
    Hindus never fought crusades or jihads to establish their dharma in foreign lands. In fact, they didn’t need to, because they convinced most of Asia merely by solid arguments.  Yet, for the past thousand years Hindus were at the receiving end of jihads and conversion campaigns and millions of Hindus were killed in cold blood because they were Hindus.
    It has to be held in favour of Hindus that they held on to their tradition and did not succumb to the pressure and even violence brought on them to adopt blind belief that only one particular person has revealed the full truth. Instead, they continued trusting their sages who never asked for blind belief, but asked to verify their insights through experience.
    So why do media worldwide get so worked up about ‘Hindu fundamentalists’ and a possible ‘Hindu nation’. What is wrong with the fundamentals? There is nothing wrong with the fundamentals. But there is one major difference: For Hindus, the Divinity is in all and all is in the Divinity, whereas for Christians and Muslims the Divinity is separate from his creation watching us from somewhere.
    The concept of Divinity is also different. For Hindus the best description for the absolute truth is sat-chit-ananda (it is true, aware and blissful). The many personal gods help the devotee to realize the Absolute. Christians and Muslims perceive Divinity in its highest form as a personal, superhuman entity who is jealous of other gods. The first commandment in Christianity and a very important issue in Islam is the claim that nobody must worship other gods except the ‘one true god’, which both religions claim is only with them.
    In all likelihood the Hindu view comes closer to truth. When the first translations of Vedic texts appeared in the west, the greatest minds in Europe were greatly impressed by Indian thought. It did spread among scientists, too, who used it to push the frontiers of science further. It is no coincidence that modern science discovered that all is one energy after Vedanta became known in the west. It is also no coincidence that the Church lost much of its power in Europe when some of India’s wisdom filtered down to the masses
    Why then are the media worldwide so worried about a nation where the Hindu roots are fostered? Where Sanskrit is taught, which is the most perfect, dignified, powerful language on earth? Where yoga is practised in schools, which is an ideal means for all-round development and which, on a deeper level, helps to find fulfilment in life? Where Vedic philosophy is studied, which inspired the new scientific discoveries for example in nuclear physics? Where the amazing wisdom of Mahabharata and Ramayana becomes common knowledge, which is already taught in business seminars abroad? Where children chant “Loka samastha sukhino bhavantu” (let all be happy) instead of Humpey dumpey, which happens already in certain schools in the west?
    Yet as soon as Hindus make suggestions for India to keep its Hindu character or rather, to gain back its Hindu character, as even after Independence, the youth was encouraged to abandon it, there is an outcry by the media that “Hindu fundamentalists” want to make India a Hindu nation and exclude religious minorities. Ironically, ‘Hindu’ is a geographical term, with the same root as Indian – people who lived beyond the Sindu or between the Himalayas and the Indian Ocean.
    So why would Indians who rather recently converted to Islam or Christianity not be proud of the achievements of their ancestors? India was the cradle of civilization, a knowledge hub and the richest country on earth. It was known for its wisdom. Greeks, including Pythagoras, are said to have come to India for knowledge and today everybody knows his name, but not the name of the Indian mathematician (Baudhayana) who originally discovered the Pythagoras theorem. Surely Christians and Muslims cannot have any objection that students are taught this fact or the fact that the Rishis of the Rig Veda (10.22.14) knew many thousand years before Copernicus that the earth goes around the sun. Surely they also cannot have any objection that students chant “May all be happy” in Sanskrit, the language of their forefathers. If someone calls such teaching communal, it is malicious. If someone objects to this teaching, should not he be shouted at by the media instead of those who want to revive their ancient culture? Is not he the one who tries to divide society and not those who say “vasudhaiva kutumbakam” (all is one family) due to their philosophical outlook?
    Hindus are the exemplary role model for ‘how not to exclude others’? Where else have religious minorities flourished and grown like in India? Is not the relative harmony in this amazing diversity in India generally admired abroad? Media persons need only to look around in the world to realize this fact.
    Why then are Hindus of all people accused of excluding others?
    The reason may be this: neither the west nor Muslim countries want a strong India.  India was the cradle of civilisation and over most of the known history economically very powerful. They may fear that based on her ancient culture, India may rise again to the top. Is it the media’s job to put Hindus perpetually on the defensive by spreading this bogey of Hindu fundamentalism and prevent a better education policy which would give India an edge?
    “Imagine, India would become a Hindu nation!” the media shout infuriated. The problem, however, is that they don’t imagine it and don’t ask basic questions. If they only imagined what a Hindu nation looks like, they might start propagating Hindu nations all over the globe.
    One day, when people have become tired of blindly believing strange things, and when nobody is threatened any longer with dire consequences if he stops believing in those strange things, the world may be grateful to Bharat Mata that she has conceived and preserved over millennia those eternal, precious insights for the benefit of humanity.


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    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/kruoold

    https://www.facebook.com/srini.kalyanaraman/posts/10156156376334625

    Three characteristic hieroglyphs -- bos indicus (zebu), black drongo, and fish PLUS fish-fins' constitute a Hypertext expression to signify a mint working with cast iron and alloy metal. Three hieroglyph components of the expression are:

    1. पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ'steel'
    2 मेढा mēḍhā  A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl rebus:  med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) medhā 'dhana, yajna'. This is a semantic determinant of the hieroglyph पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळ pōḷa, 'magnetite, ferrite ore'
    3. ayo'fish' rebus: ayas'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā ʻfish-finʼ rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.)



    The hypertext expression is demonstrated in a number of examples from Sindhu-Sarasvati (Indus) Script Corpora in this monograph.

    पोळ pōḷa,'Zebu, bos indicus' of Sarasvati Script corpora is rebus:pōlāda'steel', pwlad (Russian), fuladh (Persian) folādī (Pashto) 
    pōḷa 'zebu' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore) pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: pōḷad 'steel' The semantics of bull (zebu) PLUS black drongo bird are the reason why the terracotta bird is shown with a bull's head as a phonetic determinative to signify 'steel/magnetite ferrite ore'.


    పోలడు (p. 820) pōlaḍu , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)  rebus: pōlaḍu 'steel' (Russian. Persian) PLUS

    wings/plumage



    Cylinder seal impression, Tell as-Sulema, Mesopotamia, level IV (Akkadian to Early Old Babylonian --1950–1530 BCE)(IM 87798); gypsum; length 2.6 cm., dia. 1.6 cm. Drawing by Lamia Al-Gailani Werr; cf. Collon 1987: 143, no. 609; Parpola, 1994, p. 181; bird over a unicorn; fish over a bison.al-Gailani Werr, 1983, p. 49 No. 7; Collon, 1987, Fig. 609. 

    Black drongo bird
    Black Drongo (Dicrurus macrocercus) IMG 7702 (1)..JPG
    A Black drongo in Rajasthan state, northern India

    పసి (p. 730) pasi pasi. [from Skt. పశువు.] n. Cattle. పశుసమూహము, గోగణము. The smell of cattle, పశ్వాదులమీదిగాలి, వాసన. పసిపట్టు pasi-paṭṭu. To scent or follow by the nose, as a dog does a fox. పసిగొను to trace out or smell out. వాసనపట్టు. మొసలి కుక్కను పసిపట్టి when the crocodile scented the dog. పసులు pasulu. n. plu. Cattle, గోవులు. పసిగాపు pasi-gāpu. n. A herdsman, గోపకుడు పసితిండి pasi-tinḍi. n. A tiger, పెద్దపులి. పసులపోలిగాడు pasula-pōli-gāḍu. n. The Black Drongo or King crow, Dicrurusater. (F.B.I.) ఏట్రింత. Also, the Adjutant. తోకపసులపోలిగాడు the Raquet-tailed Drongo shrike. Jerdon. No. 55. 56. 59. కొండ పనులపోలిగాడు the White bellied Drongo, Dicrurus coerulescens. వెంటికపనుల పోలిగాడు the Hair-crested Drongo, Chibia hottentotta. టెంకిపనుల పోలిగాడు the larger Racket-tailed Drongo, Dissemurus paradiseus (F.B.I.) పసులవాడు pasula-vāḍu. n. A herdsman, గొల్లవాడు. 

    "With short legs, they sit upright on thorny bushes, bare perches or electricity wires. They may also perch on grazing animals."(Whistler, Hugh (1949). Popular handbook of Indian birds (4th ed.). Gurney and Jackson, London. pp. 155–157.) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_drongo

    Hieroglyph: eagle పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)(Telugu) पोळ pōḷa 'zebu'& pōlaḍu 'black drongo' signify polad 'steel


     *skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]


    S. khambhu°bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640) rebus:  ಕಮ್ಮಟ kammaṭa 'mint' kambāṟa 'blacksmith'


    Jiroft artifact. Two zebu PLUS twisted cord mēḍhā 'twist' rebus: 'iron' PLUS पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' of Sarasvati Script corpora is rebus:pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian), PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, पोळ pōḷa, 'iron, ferrite, magnetite' metal casting.

    मेढा (p. 391) mēḍhā  A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl rebus:  med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) medhā 'dhana, yajna'.

    PLUS

    పోలడు (p. 820) pōlaḍu , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)  rebus: pōlaḍu 'steel' (Russian. Persian) PLUS

    wings/plumage

    PLUS

     *skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]

    S. khambhu°bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640) rebus: Central Asia seal. Bird (eagle) PLUS wings. ಕಮ್ಮಟ kammaṭa 'mint' kambāṟa 'blacksmith'
    m1431f

    m1431a

    m1431b

    m1431c

    m1431d
    Text 2805 Row of animals in file (a one-horned bull, an elephant and a rhinoceros from right); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at right. Pict-116: From R.—a person holding a vessel; a woman with a platter (?); a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a tree. [Or, two antelopes flanking a tree on a platform, with one antelope looking backwards?] Mohenjo-daro m1431 four-sided tablet. Row of animals in file (a one-horned bull, an elephant and a rhinoceros from right); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at right. Pict-116: From R.—a person holding a vessel; a woman with a platter (?); a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a tree. [Or, two antelopes flanking a tree on a platform, with one antelope looking backwards?]



    One side (m1431B) of a four-sided tablet shows a procession of a tiger, an elephant and a rhinoceros (with fishes (or perhaps, crocodile) on top?).
    kāru ‘crocodile’ (Telugu). Rebus: artisan (Marathi) Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri) 
    kola ‘tiger’ Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’. Heraka ‘spy’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’. khōṇḍa ‘leafless tree’ (Marathi). Rebus: kõdār’turner’ (Bengali) dhamkara 'leafless tree' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
    Looking back: krammara ‘look back’ Rebus: kamar ‘smith, artisan’.

    koḍe ‘young bull’ (Telugu) खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali)[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Te.)] baṭṭai quail (N.Santali) Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali)


    ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'. kaṇḍa 'arrow' Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. ayaskāṇḍa is a compounde word attested in Panini. The compound or glyphs of fish + arrow may denote metalware tools, pots and pans.kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloy of 5 metals - pancaloha'. ibha 'elephant' Rebus ibbo 'merchant'; ib ‘iron'.  Alternative: కరటి [ karaṭi ] karaṭi. [Skt.] n. An elephant. ఏనుగు (Telugu) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati) kāṇḍa  'rhimpceros'   Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.  The text on m0489 tablet: loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'. kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the display of the metalware catalog includes the technological competence to work with minerals, metals and alloys and produce tools, pots and pans. The persons involved are krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smiths, artisans'. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, working in pancaloha alloys'. పంచలోహము pancha-lōnamu. n. A mixed metal, composed of five ingredients, viz., copper, zinc, tin, lead, and iron (Telugu). Thus, when five svastika hieroglyphs are depicted, the depiction is of satthiya 'svastika' Rebus: satthiya 'zinc' and the totality of 5 alloying metals of copper, zinc, tin, lead and iron.



    Glyph: Animals in procession: खांडा [khāṇḍā] A flock (of sheep or goats) (Marathi) கண்டி¹ kaṇṭi  Flock, herd (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.

    Hieroglyph: heraka ‘spy’. Rebus: eraka, arka 'copper, gold'; eraka 'moltencast, metal infusion'; era ‘copper’. 

    āra 'spokes' Rebus: āra  'brass'. Hieroglyph: हेर [ hēra ] m (हेरक S through or H) A spy, scout, explorator, an emissary to gather intelligence. 2 f Spying out or spying, surveying narrowly, exploring. (Marathi) *hērati ʻ looks for or at ʼ. 2. hēraka -- , °rika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ lex., hairika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ Hcar., ʻ thief ʼ lex. [J. Bloch FestschrWackernagel 149 ← Drav., Kuiēra ʻ to spy ʼ, Malt. ére ʻ to see ʼ, DED 765]
    1. Pk. hēraï ʻ looks for or at ʼ (vihīraï ʻ watches for ʼ); K.ḍoḍ. hērūō ʻ was seen ʼ; WPah.bhad. bhal. he_rnū ʻ to look at ʼ (bhal. hirāṇū ʻ to show ʼ), pāḍ. hēraṇ, paṅ. hēṇā, cur. hērnā, Ku. herṇo, N. hernu, A. heriba, B. herā, Or. heribā (caus. herāibā), Mth. herab, OAw. heraï, H. hernā; G. hervũ ʻ to spy ʼ, M. herṇẽ. 2. Pk. hēria -- m. ʻ spy ʼ; Kal. (Leitner) "hériu"ʻ spy ʼ; G. herɔ m. ʻ spy ʼ, herũ n. ʻ spying ʼ. Addenda: *hērati: WPah.kṭg. (Wkc.) hèrnõ, kc. erno ʻ observe ʼ; Garh. hernu ʻ to look' (CDIAL 14165) Ko. er uk- (uky-) to play 'peeping tom'. Kui ēra (ēri-) to spy, scout; n. spying, scouting; pl action ērka (ērki-). ? Kuwi (S.) hēnai to scout; hēri kiyali to see; (Su. P.) hēnḍ- (hēṭ-) id. Kur. ērnā (īryas) to see, look, look at, look after, look for, wait for, examine, try; ērta'ānā to let see, show; ērānakhrnā to look at one another. Malt. ére to see, behold, observe; érye to peep, spy. Cf. 892 Kur. ēthrnā. / Cf. Skt. heraka- spy, Pkt. her- to look at or for, and many NIA verbs; Turner, CDIAL, no. 14165(DEDR 903)
    h1953A

    h1953B

    Image result for indus script bird bull
    https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/736x/b8/67/50/b867501368c6316a82a18bed4b1844e2.jpg
    Image result for indus script bird zebu bullfish
    https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/236x/3c/b7/f4/3cb7f4ae7e203a66aa49f90ce546ad38.jpg
    <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish’’. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish’’. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn’’. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn’’. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish’’. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+Gol-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish’’. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish’’. #15163.(Munda)

    अयो (in comp. for अयस्) अयस् n. iron , metal RV. an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10; gold Naigh.steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron; Goth. eisarn; Mod. Germ.  Eisen.])अयस्--काण्ड m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.)(Monier-Williams, p. 85)

    Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealNausharo. Pot.
    Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealA zebu bull tied to a post; a bird above. Large painted storage jar discovered in burned rooms at Nausharo, ca. 2600 to 2500 BCE. 
    Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealm1118
    Image result for indus script bird zebu bullfish
    Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealCylinder (white shell) seal impression; Ur, Mesopotamia (IM 8028); white shell. height 1.7 cm., dia. 0.9 cm.; cf. Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 7-8


    Below the rim of the storage pot, the contents are described in Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts: 1. Flowing water; 2. fish with fin; 3. aquatic bird tied to a rope Rebus readings of these hieroglyphs/hypertexts signify metal implements from the Meluhha mint.





    Clay storage pot discovered in Susa (Acropole mound), ca. 2500-2400 BCE (h. 20 ¼ in. or 51 cm). Musee du Louvre. Sb 2723 bis (vers 2450 avant J.C.)

    The hieroglyphs and Meluhha rebus readings on this pot from Meluhha are: 1. kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: khāṇḍā 'metal equipment'; 2. aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy'; khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaṭ a 'mint, coiner, coinage' 3.  करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa‘duck’ (Samskrtam) rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'; PLUS 4. meṛh 'rope tying to post, pillar’ rebus meḍ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic)

    Susa pot is a ‘Rosetta stone’ for Sarasvati Script


    Water (flow)

    Fish fish-fin

    aquatic bird on wave (indicating aquatic nature of the bird), tied to rope, water

    kāṇḍa 'water'   rebus: kāṇḍa 'implements

    The vase a la cachette, shown with its contents. Acropole mound, Susa.[20]

    It is a remarkable 'rosetta stone' because it validates the expression used by Panini: ayaskāṇḍa अयस्--काण्ड [p= 85,1] m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.). The early semantics of this expression is likely to be 'metal implements compared with the Santali expression to signify iron implements: meď 'copper' (Slovāk), mẽṛhẽt,khaṇḍa (Santali)  मृदु mṛdu,’soft iron’ (Samskrtam).

    Santali glosses.

    Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs painted on the jar are: fish, quail and streams of water; 

    aya 'fish' (Munda) rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda) khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint' Thus, together ayo kammaṭa, 'metals mint'

    baṭa 'quail' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.

    karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा karaḍā 'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c'. (Marathi) PLUS meRh 'tied rope' meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formeḍinto an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end;  mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)

    Thus, read together, the proclamation on the jar by the painted hieroglyphs is: baṭa meṛh karaḍā ayas kāṇḍa 'hard alloy iron metal implements out of the furnace (smithy)'.


    This is a jar closed with a ducted bowl. The treasure called "vase in hiding" was initially grouped in two containers with lids. The second ceramic vessel was covered with a copper lid. It no longer exists leaving only one. Both pottery contained a variety of small objects form a treasure six seals, which range from Proto-Elamite period (3100-2750 BCE) to the oldest, the most recent being dated to 2450 BCE (First Dynasty of Ur).


    Therefore it is possible to date these objects, this treasure. Everything included 29 vessels including 11 banded alabaster, mirror, tools and weapons made of copper and bronze, 5 pellets crucibles copper, 4 rings with three gold and a silver, a small figurine of a frog lapis lazuli, gold beads 9, 13 small stones and glazed shard.


    "In the third millenium Sumerian texts list copper among the raw materials reaching Uruk from Aratta and all three of the regions Magan, Meluhha and Dilmun are associated with copper, but the latter only as an emporium. Gudea refers obliquely to receiving copper from Dilmun: 'He (Gudea) conferred with the divine Ninzaga (= Enzak of Dilmun), who transported copper like grain deliveries to the temple builder Gudea...' (Cylinder A: XV, 11-18, Englund 1983, 88, n.6). Magan was certainly a land producing the metal, since it is occasionally referred to as the 'mountain of copper'. It may also have been the source of finished bronze objects." 


    "Susa... profound affinity between the Elamite people who migrated to Anshan and Susa and the Dilmunite people... Elam proper corresponded to the plateau of Fars with its capital at Anshan. We think, however that it probably extended further north into the Bakhtiari Mountains... likely that the chlorite and serpentine vases reached Susa by sea... From the victory proclamations of the kings of Akkad we also learn that the city of Anshan had been re-established, as the capital of a revitalised political ally: Elam itself... the import by Ur and Eshnunna of inscribed objects typical of the Harappan culture provides the first reliable chronological evidence. [C.J. Gadd, Seals of ancient style found at Ur, Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932; Henry Frankfort, Tell Asmar, Khafaje and Khorsabad, OIC, 16, 1933, p. 50, fig. 22). It is certainly possible that writing developed in India before this time, but we have no real proof. Now Susa had received evidence of this same civilisation, admittedly not all dating from the Akkadian period, but apparently spanning all the closing years of the third millennium (L. Delaporte, Musee du Louvre. Catalogues des Cylindres Orientaux..., vol. I, 1920pl. 25(15), S.29. P. Amiet, Glyptique susienne,MDAI, 43, 1972, vol. II, pl. 153, no. 1643)... B. Buchanan has published a tablet dating from the reign of Gungunum of Larsa, in the twentieth century BC, which carries the impression of such a stamp seal. (B.Buchanan, Studies in honor of Benno Landsberger, Chicago, 1965, p. 204, s.). The date so revealed has been wholly confirmed by the impression of a stamp seal from the group, fig. 85, found on a Susa tablet of the same period. (P. Amiet, Antiquites du Desert de Lut, RA, 68, 1974, p. 109, fig. 16. Maurice Lambert, RA, 70, 1976, p. 71-72). It is in fact, a receipt of the kind in use at the beginning of the Isin-Larsa period, and mentions a certain Milhi-El, son of Tem-Enzag, who, from the name of his god, must be a Dilmunite. In these circumstances we may wonder if this document had not been drawn up at Dilmun and sent to Susa after sealing with a local stamp seal. This seal is decorated with six tightly-packed, crouching animals, characterised by vague shapes, with legs under their bodies, huge heads and necks sometimes striped obliquely. The impression of another seal of similar type, fig. 86, depicts in the centre a throned figure who seems to dominate the animals, continuing a tradition of which examples are known at the end of the Ubaid period in Assyria... Fig. 87 to 89 are Dilmun-type seals found at Susa. The boss is semi-spherical and decorated with a band across the centre and four incised circles. [Pierre Amiet, Susa and the Dilmun Culture, pp. 262-268].

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    April 23, 2017

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    This monograph presents clusters of inscriptions from Indus Script Corpora which convey hypertexts 'mint (for) hard alloy ingots'. The hypertexts are signified by hieroglyph clusters: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo'vártikā 'quail, duck', karaḍa करड 'hard alloy' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel', vartaka'brass or steel'

    Three types of birds are unambiguous hieroglyphs in Indus Script Corpora:  1. quail or duck; 2. aquatic bird or crane; 3. black drongo. The third category, black drongo, is sometimes associated with 'fish' hieroglyph to convey a hypertext message through compound sign clusters, Sign 63, Sign 64. The function of split parenthesis in these signs is a hieroglyphic cipher to signify an ingot.  mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). kharva is a dwarf; kharva is a nidhi of Kubera. karba'iron' (Tulu). A little pointed at each end, the ingot is oval in shape and is split into two parenthesis as on Signs 63 and 64.

    I suggest that the Signs 63 and 64 are hypertexts with three hieroglyph components: 

    Component 1: Hieroglyph: split parenthesis rebus: mūhā 'ingot'; 

    Component 2. Hieroglyph: ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā ʻfish-finʼ rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.); 

    Component 3: Hieroglyph: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel'. 
    Bird 1: quail or duck
    vartaka = a duck (Skt.) batak = a duck (Gujarati)  vartikā quail (Rigveda) baṭṭai quail (Nepalese) vártikā f. ʻ quail ʼ RV. 2. vārtika -- m. lex. 3. var- takā -- f. lex. (eastern form ac. to Kātyāyana: S. Lévi JA 1912, 498), °ka -- m. Car., vārtāka -- m. lex. [Cf.vartīra -- m. Suśr., °tira -- lex., *vartakara -- ] 1. Ash. uwŕe/ ʻ partridge ʼ NTS ii 246 (connexion denied NTS v 340), Paš.snj. waṭīˊ; K. hāra -- wüṭü f. ʻ species of waterfowl ʼ (hāra -- < śāˊra -- ).
    2. Kho. barti ʻ quail, partridge ʼ BelvalkarVol 88.3. Pa. vaṭṭakā -- f., °ka -- in cmpds. ʻ quail ʼ, Pk. vaṭṭaya -- m., N. baṭṭāi (< vārtāka -- ?), A. batā -- sarāi, B. batuibaṭuyā; Si. vaṭuvā ʻ snipe, sandpiper ʼ (ext. of *vaṭu < vartakā -- ). -- With unexpl. bh -- : Or. bhāṭoi°ṭui ʻ the grey quail Cotarnix communis ʼ, (dial.) bhāroi°rui (< early MIA. *vāṭāka -- < vārtāka -- : cf. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car.).Addenda: vartikā -- [Dial. a ~ ā < IE. non -- apophonic o (cf. Gk. o)/rtuc and early EMIA. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car. < *vārtī -- ) (CDIAL 11361)

    Rebus: *varta2 ʻ circular object ʼ or more prob. ʻ something made of metal ʼ, cf. vartaka -- 2 n. ʻ bell -- metal, brass ʼ lex. and vartalōha -- . [√vr̥t?] Pk. vaṭṭa -- m.n., °aya -- m. ʻ cup ʼ; Ash. waṭāˊk ʻ cup, plate ʼ; K. waṭukh, dat. °ṭakas m. ʻ cup, bowl ʼ; S. vaṭo m. ʻ metal drinking cup ʼ; N. bāṭā, ʻ round copper or brass vessel ʼ; A. bāṭi ʻ cup ʼ; B. bāṭā ʻ box for betel ʼ; Or. baṭā ʻ metal pot for betel ʼ, bāṭi ʻ cup, saucer ʼ; Mth. baṭṭā ʻ large metal cup ʼ, bāṭī ʻ small do. ʼ, H. baṭṛī f.; G. M. vāṭī f. ʻ vessel ʼ.*aṅkavarta -- , *kajjalavarta -- , *kalaśavarta -- , *kṣāṇavartaka -- , *cūrṇavarta -- , parṇavartikā -- , *hiṅgulavarta -- .Addenda: *varta -- 2: Md. vař ʻ circle ʼ (vař -- han̆du ʻ full moon ʼ).(CDIAL 11347)

    वर्तक a [p= 925,2] n. a sort of brass or steel वर्तः (Usually at the end of comp.) Living, liveli- hood; as in कल्यवर्त q. v. -Comp. -जन्मन् m. a cloud. -तीक्ष्णम्, -लोहम् bell-metal, a kind of brass.

    Bird 2: aquatic bird or crane

    Grus Virgo or Numidian or Demoiselle Crane The Demoiselle Crane breeds in C Eurasia, from Black Sea to Mongolia and NE China. It winters in Indian Subcontinent and in Sub-Saharan Africa. http://www.oiseaux-birds.com/card-demoiselle-crane.html

    Image result for crane dongson bronze drum bharatkalyan97Image result for crane dongson bronze drum bharatkalyan97Hieroglyphs on Dongson bronze drum tympanums.

    करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Samskrtam)కారండవము (p. 274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ]  rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy' करडा karaḍā 'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c'. 

    khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaTa ‘mint, coiner, coinage’ gaṇḍa 'four' Rebus: khaṇḍa 'metal implements.  Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements mint 
    Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaṇḍa kammaṭa ‘metallic iron alloy implements, mint, coiner, coinage’.koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

    kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi)  kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi) 

    Bird 3: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel' 





    m0274Text 1342
    Text 1237
    Text 2141



    m1278 Text 2028
    m1127Text 2696
    h591Text 4228
    m0010Text1006


    Text 1207
    Text 2077
    Text 5471
    Image result for indus script bird bullText 1338

    kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore, to smelt iron’;koṭe ‘forged (metal)(Santali) kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuṭhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuṭhi, kuṭi (Or.; Sad. koṭhi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuṭire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkuṭi has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuṭhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuṭhi = a factory; lil kuṭhi = an indigo factory (koṭhi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuṭhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuṭhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuṭhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. koṭhī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuṭha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuṭhī factory (A.); koṭhā brick-built house (B.); kuṭhī bank, granary (B.); koṭho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); koṭhīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuṭhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koṭho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; koṭhī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) koḍ = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 


    kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛI f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) 

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    April 23, 2017


    0 0


    A vivid example of the wealth creation by Bronze Age Meluhha artisans and seafaring merchants, is provided by a unique hieroglyph string of three hieroglyphs on Indus Script Corpora inscriptions. 

    This is the most frequently used hypertext expression (with an occurrence on over 50 inscriptions) on Indus Script Corpora. This string is composed of three hieroglyphs: 1. currycomb; 2. rim of jar'; 3. backbone, spine to signify: 1. kharādī 'turner' 2. 

    kanka, karaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karaka ‘account scribe’; 

    kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) ; 3. kaṁḍa'implements'.

    Rebus reading of h1827A: khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) karNika, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kaṇḍa kanka 'smelting furnace account (scribe), karNI, supercargo'

    Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ(CDIAL 2670) is the Meluhha word for 'spine, backbone' given the semantics registered in the lexical repertoire of Bharatiya sprachbund. Hieroglyph: karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (Prakrit) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)Rebus signifies 'implements in general' as in the reduplicated expression:  கண்டானுமுண்டானும் kaṇṭāṉumuṇṭ- āṉumn. Redupl. of கண்டானும். Household utensils, great and small, useful and useless; வீட்டுத் தட்டுமுட்டுகள். கண்டானு முண்டானும் இத் தனை எதற்கு? Loc.


    The specification that the metal ingots were made of alloyed hard metal was signified by hieroglyphs which were shaped like a skeleton-backbone:

     Rebus-metonymy layered readings of these hieroglyphs are: 

    Hieroglyph: dōkkū skeleton (Kuwi) ḍogor peṛeka backbone (Go.)




    Text 4589 points to the possibility that two distinct glosses are associated with two distinct hieroglyphs . Orthographically, Sign 47 may signify a 'skeleton' while Sign 48 may signify a 'backbone' or rib cage.

    Backbone, rib cage

    Sign 48. kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērā ʻmetal workerʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) Spine, rib-cage: A comparable glyptic representation is on a seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.” (I. Mahadevan, 'Murukan' in the Indus Script, The Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies, March 1999). B.B. Lal, 1960. From Megalithic to the Harappa: Tracing back the graffiti on pottery. Ancient India, No.16, pp. 4-24. 

    Sign 47: OAw. pāṁjara ʻcage, skeleton ʼ Rebus: pasra 'smithy'.

    Sign 48: 
    Alternative 1: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērā ʻmetal workerʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) 

    Alternative 2: Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁ