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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    Executive summary Itihāsa of Soma pavamāna with particular reference to use of oṇi'gold dust' from anthills

    Ṛgveda Ṛcas discussed in the following monographs indicate that oṇi 'gold dust' from anthills is used in Soma, wealth-creation process

    Cuneiform texts attest that gold dust was exported from Meluhha to Ancient Near East during 3rd millennium BCE.

    Monique Cardell reports on the views of Prof. M. Romain Garnier, Prof. of Sanskrit at the University of Limoges:[quote] “According to Mayrhofer, (EWAia III: 132-3), the Vedic pipIla m. ‘ant’ (source of the derived secondary skr. pipIlaka ‘big black ant’) is a non-Indo-European term that resembles the Tibetan p’yi ‘marmot’.In his first dictionary, the KEWA (II: 284-5), in the province of Aix, he likens this word, which is a borrowed word, to affirmed zoonyms in languages spoken in the Far East and Siberia: the Chukchi pipykyl-g ‘mouse’ and Koriak pipika ‘mouse’. There is no trace of this word in Old Persian, but the language is so poorly documented that it hardly matters; we can imagine an ancient adjective for a color signifying ‘reddish-brown’ or ‘brown’ and its having been used as a denomination for ants, marmots,and mice.” … Indeed, because the word pipIlika has never been employed to mean flakes of gold in any other text other than book 2 of the Mahābhārata, it is therefore a hapax legomenon. (hapax, is a word used only once in either a text or a whole language). However, pipIlika is used twice in the same verse, and the other time it has a different meaning. Remember, pipIlika when used to mean gold is a neutral noun, whereas when it means ‘ant’ pipIlika is either a masculine or feminine noun…Robert H,. Stacy,..believes that pipIlikas were men from a Mongolian tribe. (Robert H. Stacy, India in Russian Literature, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1985, p.2: ‘it appears that both the word and the story arose from a confusion of the Mongolian words for a tribe and for ‘ant’…Johannes Adrianus Bernadus van Buitenen…translates the following way: ‘they brought the gold called PipIlika, which is granted as a boon by the pipIlika ants…’…The guests from abroad brought to Yudhisthira ‘as tribute of pipilika gold dust…we can establish that in the same verse (or ‘sloka’) 02048004a of Book 2, Sabha Parva, The Book  of the Assembly Hall, of the Mahābhārata, according to the edition designated ( -- register for free to read text), the first pipIlika represents flakes of gold, and the second, pipIlikaih represents an animal that, by burrowing, unearths flakes of gold; its names is a foreign word, pipilika, a hapax in Sanskrit literature, which everystood was a type of rodent of the sandy and auriferous deserts of the Himalayan region.[unquote]

    The Ṛgveda term for the 'gold dust' or 'gold flakes' would be 'slabs' made of anthills containing pipilika. Such slabs were called oṇi which were used as 'Soma press-slabs' and hence, the dual, oṇyoh in a Ṛgveda Ṛca. The use of the dual indicates that oṇi was of two types: 1. stone and 2. anthill gold dust (slab) to press the Soma pyrite ores.

    RV 9.65.11 I send thee forth to battle from the press, O Pavamana, Strong,
    Sustainer, looker on the light.
    9.065.11 You, the supporter of heaven and earth, O purified (Soma), the beholder of heaven, the powerful one, I send forth to battle. [Or, I urge you to grant us food].

    Griffith: RV 9.101. 14 The Friend hath wrapped him in his robe, as in his parents arms, a son.
    He went, as lover to a dame, to take his station suitorlike-.
    RV9.101.14 (Soma) the kinsman (of the gods) is enveloped in the investing filter like a child in the arms of its protecting parents; he hastens like a gallant to a mistress, like a bridegroom (to the bride) to sit upon his station (the pitcher). 

    That the word oṇi in Rgveda is a synonym of pipIlika is confirmed by the following textual evidence from 
    Hemachandra Deśināmamālā, p. 18 glossary:

    पिपीलिक n. a kind of gold supposed to be collected by ants MBh. ii , 1860.; m. an ant AdbhBr. MBh. &c (Monier-Williams) पिपीलिकः pipīlikḥपिपीलिकः An ant . -कम् A kind of gold (said to be collected by ants); तद् वै पिपीलिकं नाम उद्धृतं यत् पिपीलकैः । जातरूपं द्रोणमेयमहार्षुः पुञ्जशो नृपाः ॥ Mb.2.52.4. -Comp. -पुटम् an ant-hill. (Apte)

    तद् वै पिपीलिकं नाम उद्धृतं यत् पिपीलकैः । जातरूपं द्रोणमेयमहार्षुः पुञ्जशो नृपाः ॥ Mb.2.52.4

    The corrrect translation of this sloka, based on the views of Robert H. Stacy of the Mahābhārata text would be: presents included...pipIlikam 'flakes of gold' were dug out by pipIlakaih 'by people of a Mongolian tribe called pipīlaka'.

    What the cuneiform texts refer to as 'gold dust' should refer to pipIlika gold. The word oṇi which means 'anthill' (according to Hemacandra) should be explained in the context of Ṛgveda descriptions of use of oṇi'slabs' to press Soma 'pyrite ores' to obtain purfied gold dust or potable gold. The seafaring merchants from Meluhha were also called mleccha, workers in copper (and metals). Their speech form in Indian sprachbund involved many mispronunciations and ungrammatical expressions. Thse expressions have been identified in the Indus Script Corpora read rebus as hieroglyphs/hypertexts of metalwork catalogues.

    Ṛgveda tradition of Soma Samsthā Yāga of processing Soma, continued into the third millennium BCE Indus Script inscriptions related to metalwork. The Indus Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts are also attested along the Persia Gulf (Magan, Dilmun) and into Ancient Near East (including on three pure tin ingots in a shipwreck in Haifa, Israel).

    Meluhha (and through Magan) was a source of gold dust for Mesopotamia in 3rd millennium BCE. Worterbuch (St. Petersburg Dictionary), Hemacandra’s Abhidāna Cintāmaṇi  (IV.105), lexicons of Monier Williams and Apte give ‘copper’ as one of the meanings of the cognate lexeme mlecchaम्लेच्छ [p= 837,3] n. copper L.; one who mispronounces Samskrtam, Chandas words. म्लेच्छः mlēcchḥ -च्छम् 1 Copper; -आस्यम्, -मुखम् copper. -वाच् a. speaking a barbarous or foreign language; म्लेच्छवाचश्चार्यवाचः सर्वे ते दस्यवः स्मृताः Ms.1.45.; म्लेच्छनम् mlēcchanam म्लेच्छनम् 1 Speaking indistinctly or confusedly. -2 Speaking in a barbarous tongue.; म्लेच्छित mlēcchita म्लेच्छित p. p. Spoken indistinctly or barbarously. -तम् 1 A foreign tongue. -2 An ungrammatical word or speech.म्लेच्छितकम् mlēcchitakam म्लेच्छितकम् Foreign or barbarous speech..(Monier-Williams; Apte)

    Gudea (ca. 2200 BCE) under the Lagash dynasty brought usu wood and gold dust and carnelian from Meluhha. Ibbi-Sin (2029-2006 BCE) under the third dynasty of Ur “imported from Meluhha copper, wood used for making chairs and dagger sheaths, mesu wood, and the multi-coloured birds of ivory.”

    Shulgi’s twenty-sixth year (2068 BCE) economic text reports receipt of gold dust at Ur from a lugal-Ma-gan (ki) (Ur Excavation Texts III 299). (loc.cit. DT Potts, 1992:

    MS in Neo Sumerian and Old Babylonian on clay, Sumer, 2100-1800 BC, 1 tablet, 14,8x14,0x3,3 cm (originally ca. 16x14x3 cm), 3+3 columns, 103 lines in cuneiform script.

    Commentary: The text was copied from a Sargonic royal inscription on a statue in the Ur III or early Old Babylonian period. Magan was at Oman and at the Iranian side of the Gulf. Meluhha or Melukham was the Indus Valley civilisation (ca. 2500-1800 BC). This is one of fairly few references to the Indus civilisation on tablets. The 3 best known references are: 1. Sargon of Akkad (2334-2279 BC) referring to ships from Meluhha, Magan and Dilmun; 2. Naram-Sin (2254-2218 BC) referring to rebels to his rule, listing the rebellious kings, including '(..)ibra, man of Melukha'; and 3. Gudea of Lagash (2144-2124 BC) referring to Meluhhans that came from their country and sold gold dust, carnelian, etc. There are further references in literary texts. After ca. 1760 BC Melukha is not mentioned any more. For Indus MSS in The Schoyen Collection, see MS 2645 (actually linking the Old Acadian and Indus civilisations), MSS 4602, 4617, 4619, 5059, 5061, 5062 and 5065.
    Exhibited: Tigris 25th anniversary exhibition. The Kon-Tiki Museum, Oslo, 30.1. - 15.9.2003.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    February 16, 2017


    pipī'likā [ pipIlikA ] f. the common small red ant or a female ant AV. etc.

    pipī'likā-parisarpaṇa [ pipIlikAparisarpaNa ] n. the running about of ants Suśr.

    pipī'likā-madhya [ pipIlikAmadhya ] mfn. N. of a kind of fast ( beginning on the day of full moon with 15 mouthfuls, decreasing by one daily until the day of new moon, and after that increasing by one daily until the next day of full moon ) Kull. on Mn. xi, 256

    pipī'likā-vat [ pipIlikAvat ] ind. like ants TāṇḍBr. Sch.

    pipīlikôtkiraṇa [ pipIlikotkiraNa ] n. ( L. ),

    pipīlikôtkôdvāpa [ pipIlikotkodvApa ]m. ( ŚāṅkhSr. ) an ant- hill

    pipīlikôtsaraṇa [ pipIlikotsaraNa ]n. the creeping upwards of ants L.

    Source: Moti Chandra and Prmeshwari Lal Gupta, 1965, Jewellery moulds in ancient India in: Moti Chandra, ed., Prince of Wales Museum Bulletin, No. 8, 1962-1964, p.8 

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    It is hypothesised that the early roots of Maurya dynasties can be traced to 4th millennium BCE, contemporaneous with Sri Kṛṣṇa of Mahābhārata. The equation ōṇi (Ṛgveda) = pipīlikā (MBh.), 'ant/anthill, gold dust' is consistent with the evidence of Mahaparinibbana Sutta which states that the Moriyas (Mauryas) belonged to the Kshatriya community of Pippalivana. The reference to Pippalivana may be a reference to the Vedic pipīlikā, pipīlaka used as two stones for Soma pressing.

    It has been shown that oṇi [dual (stones or slabs as sieve) used in Soma press: Ṛgveda] = pipīlika (MBh.). The words are synonyms with semantics: 'gold, ant/anthill'.


    pipīlikā (f.) & pipillika [cp. Vedic pipīlikā, pipīlaka & pipīlika; BSk. pipīlaka AvŚ ii.130 (kunta˚). See also kipillikā] ant J iii.276 (BB kipillikā); Sdhp 23; as pipillikā at J i.202. (Pali)

    ओण् 1 P. (ओणति, ओणितुम्) To remove, take or drag along.ओणि ōṇi ओणि a. Removing. -णी (du.) 1 Heaven and earth. प्र ते सोतार ओण्यो रसं मदाय घृष्वये Rv.9.16.1. -2 Vessel used in the preparation of Soma. -3 Preserving power, protection. (Apte)

    اوينه aoe-nah, s.m. (6th) The white ant. Sing. and Pl. وینه o-enaʿh, s.m. (6th) A white ant. Sing. and Pl. Also اوینه, which see. میږي mej̱ẕaey, s.m. (1st) An ant in general. Pl. يِ ī. ښانګور میږي ś̱ẖāngawar-mej̱ẕaey (W.), The large long-legged black ant. سور میږي sor-mej̱ẕaey, The small red ant. اوینه aoey-nah, The white ant. Sing. and Pl. (Pashto)

    Mahavamsa records the House of Moriya (463–691 CE) in the chronicles of Sinhalese monarchy. Attempts have been made to trace the Maurya dynasty -- Candragupta Maurya, (321 – 297 BCE) from Moriya which predates this House of Moriya by a milennium.

    There has been a dispute about the identification of Candragupta Maurya to the period 321-297 BCE. There was an earlier Maurya 1200 years earlier also called Candragupta Maurya: "Chandragupta Maurya, the son of Mahapadma or Dhana Nanda by his Sudra wife 'Mura', came to the throne of his father in the year 1604 of the Yudhistira Saka, corresponding to 1534 B.C. Kota Venkatachalam contest the Greek account which link up Sandracottas, Sandrocyptus, Xandrames or Andramen with Nanda and thereafter making Candragupta a contemporary of Alexander.

    So, who were the Moriya? मौर्य [p= 837,1] m. patr. fr. मुर and metron. fr. मुरा VP. HParis3. (cf. g. कण्वा*दिpl. N. of a dynasty beginning with चन्द्र-गुप्त Pur.
    This lexical entry shows that Mura were contemporaneous with Ṛgveda kaNVa and others. मुर  m. N. of a दैत्य slain by कृष्ण MBh. Hariv. BhP. (cf. मुरु); मुरा f. said to be the N. of the wife of नन्द and mother of चन्द्रगुप्त VP.

    Thus, Mura is contemporaneous with Mahābhārata Kṛṣṇa, dated to 4th millennium BCE (pace Narahari Achar's dating of key Mahābhārata astronimical references precisely dating the historical events related to the war, pariyatra of Sri Balarama etc.)

    One school links Moriya to Pippalivana (Kurukshetra) and another to pipīlika (Kashmir)

    The possibility that pipīlika were a tribe of Mongols cannot be ruled out. See:

    Deliberations and disputes on the location of Pippalavana and roots of Maurya

    The Buddhist text, the Mahavamsa, calls Chandragupta a member of a division of the (Kshatriya) clan called the Moriya.The Mahaparinibbana Sutta states that the Moriyas (Mauryas) belonged to the Kshatriya community of Pippalivana i.e. possibly Pipli on the outskirts of Kurukshetra

    Chandragupta belonged to the Moriyas, a kshatriya (warrior) clan of the small, ancient republic of Pippalivana (located between Rummindei, in the Nepalese Tarai, and Kasia in the Gorakhpur district of Uttar Pradesh).

    Connection between Chandragupta Maurya and the Moriya Ksatriya clan of Eastern India… [quote] Referring to the Buddhist tradition that Mauryan rulers of Magadha originally belonged to Pippalivana, Dr Seth remarks that this may be a correct historical tradition, but in Pali texts, this Pippalivana has been wrongly identified with Nyagrodha Forest which was the site of Char Coal Stupa (said to be associated with the Moriya clan of Eastern India), and the identification of Charcoal Stupa seem to be the result of the attempts of the Buddhist chroniclers to give king Asokas a highly distinguished lineage. Dr Seth observes that Fa-hien (399 – 411 AD) does not mention the name of Pippalivana (i.e the site of Char Coal Stupa). Further, in the Tibetan Chronicle Dulva the site of Charcoal Stupa is called the town of Nvagrodha or Baniya Forest (Asiatic Researches, Bengal xx). Chinese pilgraim, Hiuen Tsang who visited India (630- 644) had also visited this site but he also does not mention the site as Pippalivana but instead, speaks of site of Char Coal Stupa as Nvgarodha trees. It is very interesting that only Ceylonese and the Burmese chronicles, which are based on the Ceylonese chronicles, call the site of Char Coal Stupa as Pippalivano. Dr Seth says that since Hiuen Tsang had actually visited the site of Charcoal Stupa, we must accept his testimony in preference to distant chroniclers of Ceylon or those of Burma which followed the Ceylonese chronicles (Op. cit., 1937, p 160, Dr Seth). In this connection it is also added that General Alexander Cunnigham, author of famous "Ancient Geography of India" had also earlier rejected the identification of the site of Char Coal Stupa with the Pippalivana on similar grounds as Dr Seth has put elicited above (See: The Ancient Geography of India, Vol I, The Buddhist Period.., p 429, Col Alexander Cunningham): See Link:[6] . Other scholars also have rejected the identification of Char Coal Stupa site with Pippalivana of the Ceylonese chroniclers (Ref: Studies in Indian History and Civilization, 1962, p 85, Buddha Prakash - India). Dr H. C. Raychaudhury had identified the Nyagrodhavanna with the Pippalivana but Dr Buddha Praksh has criticized this identification and has also asked for evidence if the site of the tope ever abounded in peepul trees (The Indian Review, 1937,, p 85, Dr Buddha Prakash).

    Thus there is a force in Dr Seth’s arguments.

    In the above context, Dr Seth has brought out a interesting point here. The landscape extending to its north-east (the Daradistan territory) was anciently known for its Pipilika or Ant-gold (See Mahabharata 2.49.4). But since Swat, Kunar and Indus were also the ancient sources of Alluvial gold and the term Pipilika is believed by some scholars to refer to the size of the alluvial grains (in actuality, it also referred to river gold) and the scholars like Pickard think that this was perhaps the true origin of the name Pipilika (Ref: Science and Civilization in China, 1954, p 339, Joseph Needdam, Ling Wang). It is believed that Pipilka may also have been the local name of the regions lying between Indus and Hindukush due to the abundant availability of Pipilka gold. The Pippalivan of the Ceylonese texts is probably a corruption of this very name local parlance. It is also notable that the fifth century Sanskrit play of Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa refers to the Pipilka gold of the Kambojas (Ref: The Purana, Vol VI, No 1, Jan 1964, Kamboja Janapada by Dr V. S. Aggarwal) who were the ancient inhabitants of this very region.

    Dr Seth observes: "As regards Pippalivana, we have already noted that it was wrongly identified by Buddhist chronicles of Ceylon with the site of Char Coal Stupa. It is likely that the region between Hindukush and Indus was known as Pippalivana. In the upper reaches of Indus and Swat lie Daradistan from which Pipilika (Ant gold or as Pickard believes, the Alluvail gold grains) was obtained and is still obtained. The fact that very large amount of gold was obtained from this area is testified by the heavy tribute it paid in gold to Persian empire during Achaemenid rule" (Op cit. 1937, p 164, Dr H. C. Seth).

    In an attempt to attribute to Chandragupta and his descendants an illustrious lineage and to link them finally to the noble clan of the Sakyas, the distant Ceylonese Chroniclers appear to have transformed this Pipilika to Pippalivana and connected it erroneously to the site of Char coal Stupa of the Moriya clan of Eastern India.[unquote]

    முறம் muṟam , n. [K. mora, M. muram.] 1. Winnow; தானிய முதலியவை புடைக்க உதவுங் கருவி. முறஞ்செவியானை (புறநா. 339). 2. The 16th nakṣatra See விசா கம். (சிலப். 3, 123, உரை.) (பிங்.) Ta. muṟam winnow; muṟṟil, muccil toy winnowMa. muṟam winnow to sift grain. Ko. morm winnow. To. muṟn (obl. muṟt-) id. Ka. moṟa, maṟa id.; muccal small winnowing fan used by children as a toy. Koḍ. mora winnowing basket. Te. morīṭe small winnowing basket; (B.) muccili small winnowing fan used by children as a toy.  (DEDR 5005)

    The semantics ōṇi 'sieve, strainer' and mora 'winnowing basket' are intriguing.

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    Rural Raga

    By Jayanthi Somasundaram  |   Published: 11th February 2017 10:00 PM  |  
    Since the outreach initiative began in 2013, every week Jayashri or her students have been visiting Manjakkudi village, near Kumbakonam, to teach classical music to more than 250 sons and daughters of farmers, lorry drivers, domestic workers and many more.
    Indian classical music is being taken out of air-conditioned halls to the country’s backwaters, because vocalists and musicians have discovered a new rasika—one that lends an ear and shows keen interest in this traditional art form
    As she sings ‘Enakku vendum varangalai’, written by Tamil poet Bharathiyar, 10-year-old Vaishnavi Krishnamoorthy seems to become oblivious to the world around her. Her language is precise, her rhythm intact and there is soul in her voice. Seated in her one-room house in Manjakkudi village, near Kumbakonam, Tamil Nadu, her audience comprises her parents and elder sister. Her father works in the fields for a daily wage, her mother stays at home, her sister is in Class VII and Vaishnavi has just earned herself a scholarship for her good academic record.
    “Nobody in my family can sing. I can. I also perform in the school events,” beams the Class V student at Swami Dayananda Matric Higher Secondary School in the village. “Bombay Jayashri ma’am taught me this song. But when she sings ‘Ramachandraya’, I forget myself,” she says and quickly adds that of all the ragas, she likes Kalyani the most. Vaishnavi, who has been learning Carnatic music for the past two years, is excited to speak about her Friday music class conducted by Hitham Trust at her school. There are 250 other students from over 120 neighbouring villages who have signed up for these classes.
    “Considering the fact that these children do not have any background in Carnatic music, they have surprised us with their grasping power. In these parts of the world, coming to school itself is still an ordeal. Yet, they make it every week with the same level of enthusiasm,” says Bombay Jayashri Ramnath, Oscar nominee and the founder of Hitham Trust. Since this outreach initiative began in 2013, every week Jayashri or her students have been visiting Manjakkudi to teach classical music to sons and daughters of farmers, lorry drivers, domestic workers and many more. The whole idea was conceptualised during a casual interaction with the students in Manjakkudi. “We first announced a two-day music appreciation course, and to our surprise 60 students signed up,” says Jayashri.
    There is no shortage of venues to perform classical music in urban India. In fact, there are comfortably designed halls with pushback chairs and great acoustic, which are eager to host these performances. Yet musicians such as Jayashri, Dr L Subramaniam, Warsi Brothers, Shashank Subramanyam and several others are setting aside time from their busy schedules, to travel to rural pockets to sing, teach and inspire a lifelong connection to the classical arts. They travel where no road exists, simply for the joy of teaching and performing to eager listeners at village squares, government schools and temple courtyards. From places of worship, Indian classical music shifted to the royal courts; then finally in the metros it made way into halls, auditorium and parks. Technically, it cannot be called a shift, but artists seem to enjoy performing for audiences in rural India, sometimes under the open skies.

    “In rural areas, the mind is not distracted. In cities, children have many things to do, and learning music is a tick in the box. In villages, the children look forward to our visit and give us their undivided attention. Because of this they pick up the lessons really fast. It is a rewarding experience for all of us,” says Swetha Sriram, one of the students of Jayashri who takes classes at Manjakkudi. For the last three years, Swetha, Chaitra Sairam, Abinaya Shenbagaraj, Vijayashri Vittal and Chitra Poornima Sathish have been taking turns to get on the Uzhavan Express from Chennai to Kumbakonam week after week. “We’ve not missed one Friday. In fact, we look forward to our visit and come back to the city refreshed,” explains Chaitra.
    Indian classical music has the power to connect and leave a lasting impression on the listener, believes sitarist Vidur Mahajan, based at Talegaon in Pune. Under his project ‘Taking raga music to rural India’, Vidur has completed 85 concerts in eight districts of Maharashtra, reaching out to over 43,000 schoolchildren and 12,000 villagers. “There is a tendency to categorise Indian classical music to a particular genre of people. Over the years, music has been mystified, and this project is a small attempt to demystify it, and share its beauty with more people.” While in his farmhouse in Mangrul village in 2013, Vidur was invited to perform at the local temple festival one evening. “They just knew that I was a musician and they had never heard of a sitar. I entered the temple area to find it filled with 1,000 people from Mangrul and neighbouring villages. I performed, and there was intense silence, cheer and amusement—all at the same time,” recalls Vidur who decided that night to perform in villages.
    In Chennai, musician N Vijay Siva explains that only the fine arts can effortlessly weave the finer elements in the brain to make a better human being. “For this to happen, we need to open the art forms to everyone.” Through his ‘Build A Rasika’ project, Vijay and his team have been reaching out to schoolchildren in villages around Chennai, Madurai, Trichy, Tanjavur in Tamil Nadu through a one-hour concert interspersed with commentary. “Initially, the students would view this art form as something ‘scary’ and one that is not meant for them. They hardly responded or interacted with us. But we soon found ways to cut this ice,” says the vocalist who has so far reached out to over 150 schools since 1994.

    Swetha recollects that for the first batch of students at Manjakkudi in 2014, everything was completely new. “As much as it took a while for the children to warm up, it also took time for us to understand them and create a programme for them”. With a syllabus designed by Jayashri and compiled by Vidyalakshmi Sunderaraj for three batches, the classes attempt for children to learn more than just music. As part of the programme, Hitham Trust invites several musicians, including Delhi Sairam who conducts regular rhythm classes.
    Vidur, on the other hand, has created a structured format for his performances in village squares and government schools. “I use storytelling as a way to connect with the audience; there is a lot of question and answer, and then I perform. At the end of the performance, children want to get an autograph on their school notebooks, and touch and feel the sitar. I let them strike a chord,” he says. He adds that he does not expect the children to understand the technicalities of the raga, but he just hopes that they listen to it and embrace.
    “In our education system we teach reading, writing and arithmetic. The fourth aspect—heritage—is being neglected,” says Dr Kiran Seth, Delhi-based founder of SPIC MACAY (Society for the Promotion of Indian Classical Music And Culture Amongst Youth). He adds that when children are exposed to the sounds and visuals, they find an innate power in them which will be reflected in the things they do. “We have just trained 300 playschool teachers in Davanagere, Karnataka, on the effective mechanism that they could use to ensure children grasp what they hear. This is the effort of four years of research. At this age, catching their attention for an hour is difficult. By the time you finish a session, the children have a completely new look in their eyes,” Seth says.
    Dr Kiran Seth
    Founder, SPIC MACAY, Delhi (Photo | Shekhar Yadav)
    Accomplished artistes such as Vidwan Lalgudi Jayaraman, Prof T N Krishnan, Vidwan T V Sankaranarayanan, Pt Hariprasad Chaurasia, Pt Shivkumar Sharma, Pt Rajan and Sajan Mishra, and many more have travelled to the smaller places to perform as part of SPIC MACAY events. “The artistes perform in the corridor of a local school or in its courtyard, with young eager eyes keenly observing them,” says the 68-year-old Seth.
    Sumithra Vasudev
    Vocalist, Tamil Nadu
    (Photo | Sunish P Surendran)
    Vocalist Sumithra Vasudev, 35, performed recently for SPIC MACAY for 200 tribal children in Koraput, Odisha. “The performance was for one-and-a-half hours. We presented ragas such as Shanmukhapriya and Kambhoji, and compositions with alapana, niraval and kalpana svara. Varnam, tillana and mangalam were also presented,” she explains. Once the concert started, she remembers, it was evident they were eager to know what this music was and were open to allow themselves to appreciate it. Sumithra went on to stay in Koraput and teach a group of eight children as part of the workshop. “At the end of four days, they presented a gitam and a divyanama kirtana! The children were keen to sing, correct their mistakes and importantly practice the songs till they got it right,” she reveals.
    Dr. Seth reflects on the era of the Raj when the arts were encouraged and the zamindars, who were the wealthy people, realised the importance of it. “From the temples and village squares, over time it came into sabhas. When it became popular, the quality came down. From a personal experience, music and dance became entertainment,” he opines. He points out that the children in rural India are far less exposed to classical performances. “Children in the metros are distracted and the schools take the performing arts for granted. This wave has not yet swamped rural India and hence, we feel the importance of the work being done there”.
    Bindhu Malini Narayanaswamy, 35, who sings songs of the weaver poet Kabir, explains that during her first year with the acclaimed Rajasthan Kabir Yatra in Bikaner, she didn’t know what to expect. “We were blown by what we received. We received lot of love, joy and celebration,” says the Bengaluru-based Carnatic and Hindustani classical vocalist. Through the first Yatra in 2012 held at an open public ground, villagers got an opportunity to listen to and interact with over 13 artistes and 200 yatris from across India and abroad. “We sang many of Pt Kumar Gandharv’s Kabir compositions such as ‘Nirbhay Nirgun’, ‘Naiharwa’ and ‘Kaun Thagwa and Maya’. The villagers were far more open to something new that they were not used to and watched us with a strange wonder,” reveals the vocalist.
    Bindhu Malini Narayanaswamy
    Carnatic and Hindustani classical singer, Bengaluru
    At the second edition of the Rajasthan Kabir Yatra in November 2016, “the district police came forward to support it and use the community network created by Lokayan for outreach in specific and a tool of social change in general. They suggested locations which saw communal flare-ups recently. The response was outstanding,” explains festival director Gopal Singh Chouhan, 34.

    Seth hails the contribution of the performers. “They travel to rural India, despite all the hardships they have to face. From the organisation’s point of view, we have to carry everything from a generator set to water, to ensure the one-hour experience for the students is elevating,” he says.  
    Vidur agrees, and says he first found the speakers used for political campaigns in the villages. “I carried all my equipment in a minivan. After a few shows with the village -owned speakers, I invested in my own,” explains the artist who is now documenting his project and hopes to complete 100 concerts by the first quarter of 2017.

    For the Kabir Yatra team, the challenge was to choose the right village. “We travelled to almost 200 villages on a bike before selecting only six. The journey was so overwhelming. Villagers were ready to feed 300-odd people and take care of all logistics. I think this is the power of community we have forgotten to praise,” Chouhan says.  

     The girls at Hitham Trust say the challenge was to match up to the children’s enthusiasm each week. “We have to keep innovating to make the classes interesting for the children,” explains Swetha. The trust is now working with another group of students in Thillaisthanam village of Thanjavur district. Dr Rama Kaushalya, retired principal of Government Music College, Thiruvaiyaru, who provides support to the children there, roped in Jayashri and team to teach Carnatic music once a week via Skype.
    Photo | M K Ashok Kumar
    “We can see that they are clearly excited. They dress well and come into class early. Though we meet them once a week via Skype, Dr Kaushalya works with them throughout the week and they practice the songs that we have taught them, the team echoes.

    “Children develop not only musical skills but singing also helps with language development, small and large motor skills, that helps in increased coordination,” explains Farahanaaz Sohrab Dastur, Honary Director – Education Programmes, Mumbai-based Mehli Mehta Musi Foundation.
    Through the foundation’s outreach programme, over 920 non-fee paying students from low-income families studying in government schools are taught. “There are a few challenges we face. The first is the student’s irregularity in class; the next is convincing the parents and teachers of the benefits of music training.”

    Seth says that there are accomplished musicians such as T V Sankaranarayanan performing today, but when you take a closer look at the audience, you find very few young people in it. “We need much more of government and private support to change the current scenario. The key lies in promoting these events and workshops in the schools and colleges.”
    The outcome of taking classical music to rural India may not yield tangible results. But it is abstract, subtle, inspiring and mystical. “Who is a rasika? Only when you have been able to touch the listener, do they become a rasika,” opines Seth. Evidently there are more rasika in rural India, who encourage musicians to catch a train or hop on a bus to reach a corner of India that is still undiluted and appreciates music at its simplest.

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    Dhanyosmi, Dr. Vipin Kumar ji, for this breath-taking image of Nandi in front of Omkareshwer Temple in Madhya Pradesh. This is one of the 12 jyotirlinga sthala.

    There are about 12 tirthasthana in Bharatam which show worship of monolithic images of Nandi, presented in this note. 

    The Omkareshwer Nandi is unusual and has a pillar (skambha of Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta AV X.7,8) in front of the bull's chest below the snout. The pillar is depicted with what could be interpreted as flames emanating from the top of the pillar. 
    श्री in श्रीसूक्तम् (on the central post of the skambha)

    (See comparable flaming Stupas or skambhas of Amaravati shown in the links:

    A female devotee performing namaskaram adorns the post of the skambha which is comparable to अष्टाश्रि yupa discovered in Binjor (4MSR) in a yajñakunda.

    See: Dr. Vipin Kumar's insights on the 8 corners of Yupa with links to the following sources - 
    Sukta 15.2 of Atharvaveda
    It is possible that the female worshipper shown on the pillar of Omkareshwer Nandi sculpture is a representation of श्री in श्रीसूक्तम्

    ओंकारेश्वर मन्दिर के परिक्रमा क्षेत्र में स्थित केदारेश्वर मन्दिर के प्रांगण में स्थित नन्दी का दृश्य
    Another instance of Nandi and Skambha at Kedareshwara in the periphery of Omkareshwer. The skambha is depicted ike three kalaśas. Is it a sculptor's representation of caṣāla 'godhuma' atop Yupa as yajña ketu, as mentioned in  Ṛgveda and Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa? Or, kalaśas signifying medhā 'dhanam', 'yajna' The latter possibiity is consistent with the signifier of Lakshmi on another Yupa Skambha on another Nandi sculpture shown above.

    The gopuram of the mandiram is like a conical pillar of light  enveloped with flames.
    Vinayaka in the garbhagrihaBrahma in the garbhagriha

    Bhasmārati at Ujjain, veneration at stupa mounds  (1:26:54)
    Bhasma Aarti Shri Mahakal Jyotirling Temple Ujjain with Shringar, Poojan, & Aarti Published on Jan 13, 2013. An entrancing puja tradition unparalleled in any civilization of any time. This puja performed for 1 hr. 25 mins. is a metaphor of the cosmic dance of Isvara, rendered through the creation of the hieroglyph-multiplex face of Mahākāla, celebrating the mirroring of the smelting processes. (6:45) "Bhasma aarti ujjain" - Mahakaleshwar Jyotirlinga in Ujjain A gallery of snapshots:

    Parvati in the garbhagrihsMahakala sivalinga being adorned with a face using bitumen, coloured clays, turmeric and bhang

    12 Biggest Monolithic Nandi Statues in Indi

    Nandi is the name for the bull and Vahana of the great god Lord Shiva and the gatekeeper of Shiva and Parvati. The Largest monolithic nandi statues in India are located in the temple of Lord Shiva some of the biggest Nandi statues are Brihadeeswara Temple nandi,Lepakshi Temple Nandi,Nandi at Chamundi Hills in south India and Kudroli Gokarnanatheshwara temple,Ramappa temple nandi,Vadakkunnathan Temple,Shanthaleswara Temple and Doddabasaveshvara temple.

    Mahanandiswara Swamy Temple, Andhra Pradesh

    The Mahanandiswara Swamy Temple of Kurnool is a village located east of the Nallamala Hills. Temple is famous for its fresh water pools, called Kalyani and home to Worlds biggest Nandi statue. The Mahanandi is 15 ft by 27ft in dimension. Within 15 km of Mahanandi, there are nine Nandi shrines known as Nava Nandis. Image source: bestyatraplaces.blogspot
    Lepakshi Temple, Andhra Pradesh
    The spectacular Nandi is one of the biggest monolithic Nandi in India, located almost a mile before the main temple and faces the shivalinga shielded by a huge serpent. Lepakshi Nandi is the main attractions in Lepakshi, the huge Nandi bull made of a single granite stone with 4.5m high and 8.23m long. Image source: panoramio

    Chamundi Hills, Karnataka

    Nandi Bull
    Chamundeshwari Temple nandi is situated halfway to the summit the vahana of Lord Shiva is 4.9m tall and 7.6m long and carved out of a single piece of black granite. The monolithic statue of Nandi at Chamundi Hills is a major tourist attraction of Mysore along with Mysore Palace and Karanji Lake.

    Brahadishwara Temple, Tamil Nadu

    The Big Temple or Brihadeeswarar Temple nandi is a big statue of sacred Nandi bull carved out of a single rock, at the entrance measuring about 16 feet long and 13 feet high. Nandi,Lord Shiva’s sacred bull mount is weighing about 20 tonnes made of a single stone.

    Bhanjanagar Temple, Odisha

    File:Nandi1 Beleswara, BNR.jpgBeleswara, Bhanjanagar, Ganjam
    The Bhanjanagar town contains several temples, mosques and churches but major attraction is seventh tallest Shiva statue of India and is situated at Baleswar hills besides the famous Bhanjanagar water reservoir and a 15 ft tall statue of Nandi bull facing lord Shiva.

    Gangaikonda Cholapuram Temple, Tamil Nadu

    Gangaikonda Cholapuram temple is located in Ariyalur district of Tamil Nadu,great temple of Siva at this place is next only to the Brihadisvara temple. The Gangaikondaan temple nandi is an architectural and engineering marvel, situated in the east facing the main shrine. Image source: thehindu

    Hoysaleswara Temple, Halebidu

    The most famous Hoysaleswara temple dedicated to Hindu god Shiva and well known for its sculptures of the god Ganesha. Nandi the bull or an attendant of Shiva also has similar beautiful stone carved sculptures. Image source: thinkingparticle

    Virupaksha Temple, Karnataka

    Image result for virupaksha nandi
    Virupaksha, Pattadakkal
    The Virupaksha Temple is part of the Group of Monuments at Hampi and the temple is dedicated to Lord Shiva. Nandi faces the Virupaksha Temple shrine of lord Shiva, situated to the east of the temple.

    Big Bull Temple, Karnataka

    Sri Big Bull Temple is located inside the Dodda Ganeshana Gudi complex Bangalore, Bull Temple is a famous shrine that is dedicated to Lord Shiva’s mount. Nandi statue of Big Bull Temple is one of the biggest Nandi idols in the world.

    Yaganti Maheswara Temple, Andhra Pradesh

    Sri Yaganti Uma Maheswara Temple or simply Yaganti temple is dedicated to Lord Shiva in Kurnool District of Andhra Pradesh and Nandi idol is known as the Growing Nandi. The Nandi idol in front of the temple is continuously increasing its size,As per Archaeological Survey of India the rock grows at the rate of 1 inch per 20 years.

    Nandi Temple Khajuraho, Madhya Pradesh

    Image result for khajuraho nandi
    Nandi Temple of Khajuraho is dedicated to Nandi, the bull which serves as the mount of Lord Shiva. The stone images of a seated Nandi facing God Shiva is located opposite to one of Shiva Temple called Vishvanath Temple.

    Rameshwaram Temple, Tamil Nadu

    Image result for rameshwaram nandi
    Ramanathaswamy Temple is believed to be the temple where Lord Rama prayed to Shiva before he went to Lanka. Temple has a colossal Nandi statue of 12 feet by 9 feet inside the complex. Other big bull or Nandi statues in India are located at Jhadeswar Baba Temple,Hanuman Vatika Nandi,Chatikona Temple nandi,Kedareshwara Temple Balligavi and Meenakshi Sundareswarar Temple. Few more tallest and largest statue of god Nandi are Brihat Nandi at Aimury Sree Mahadeva and kotilingeshwara Temple Nandi Statue.

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    Zealandia, the earth's hidden continent

    Source: GSA Today, Volume 27 Issue 3 (March/April 2017)

    Laurasia-Gondwana.svgZealandia is part of Gondwana identified by plate tectonic studies. 
    "Gondwana included most of the landmasses in today's Southern Hemisphere, including AntarcticaSouth AmericaAfricaMadagascar, and the Australian continent, as well as the Arabian Peninsula and the Indian subcontinent, which have now moved entirely into the Northern Hemisphere." See:


    Zealandia illustrates that the large and the obvious in natural science can be overlooked. Based on various lines of geological and geophysical evidence, particularly those accumulated in the last two decades, we argue that Zealandia is not a collection of partly submerged continental fragments but is a coherent 4.9 Mkm2 continent (Fig. 1). Currently used conventions and definitions of continental crust, continents, and microcontinents require no modification to accommodate Zealandia.
    Satellite gravity data sets, New Zealand’s UNCLOS program, and marine geological expeditions have been major influences in promoting the big picture view necessary to define and recognize Zealandia (Fig. 2). Zealandia is approximately the area of greater India and, like India, Australia, Antarctica, Africa, and South America, was a former part of the Gondwana supercontinent (Figs. 3 and 5). As well as being the seventh largest geological continent (Fig. 1), Zealandia is the youngest, thinnest, and most submerged (Fig. 4). The scientific value of classifying Zealandia as a continent is much more than just an extra name on a list. That a continent can be so submerged yet unfragmented makes it a useful and thought-provoking geodynamic end member in exploring the cohesion and breakup of continental crust.


    A 4.9 Mkm2 region of the southwest Pacific Ocean is made up of continental crust. The region has elevated bathymetry relative to surrounding oceanic crust, diverse and silica-rich rocks, and relatively thick and low-velocity crustal structure. Its isolation from Australia and large area support its definition as a continent—Zealandia. Zealandia was formerly part of Gondwana. Today it is 94% submerged, mainly as a result of widespread Late Cretaceous crustal thinning preceding supercontinent breakup and consequent isostatic balance. The identification of Zealandia as a geological continent, rather than a collection of continental islands, fragments, and slices, more correctly represents the geology of this part of Earth. Zealandia provides a fresh context in which to investigate processes of continental rifting, thinning, and breakup.
    Nick Mortimer1, Hamish J. Campbell2, Andy J. Tulloch1, Peter R. King2, Vaughan M. Stagpoole2, Ray A. Wood2, Mark S. Rattenbury2, Rupert Sutherland3, Chris J. Adams1, Julien Collot4, Maria Seton5
    1 GNS Science, Private Bag 1930, Dunedin 9054, New Zealand
    2 GNS Science, P.O. Box 30368, Lower Hutt 5040, New Zealand
    3 SGEES, Victoria University of Wellington, P.O. Box 600, Wellington 6140, New Zealand
    4 Service Géologique de Nouvelle Calédonie, B.P. 465, Nouméa 98845, New Caledonia
    5 School of Geosciences, University of Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia


    Earth’s surface is divided into two types of crust, continental and oceanic, and into 14 major tectonic plates (Fig. 1; Holmes, 1965; Bird, 2003). In combination, these divisions provide a powerful descriptive framework in which to understand and investigate Earth’s history and processes. In the past 50 years there has been great emphasis and progress in measuring and modeling aspects of plate tectonics at various scales (e.g., Kearey et al., 2009). Simultaneously, there have been advances in our understanding of continental rifting, continent-ocean boundaries (COBs), and the discovery of a number of micro­-continental fragments that were stranded in the ocean basins during supercontinent breakups (e.g., Buck, 1991; Lister et al., 1991; Gaina et al., 2003; Franke, 2013; Eagles et al., 2015). But what about the major continents (Fig. 1)? Continents are Earth’s largest surficial solid objects, and it seems unlikely that a new one could ever be proposed.
    Simplified map of Earth’s tectonic plates and continents, including Zealandia. Continental shelf areas shown in pale colors. Large igneous province (LIP) submarine plateaus shown by blue dashed lines: AP—Agulhas Plateau; KP—Kerguelen Plateau; OJP—Ontong Java Plateau; MP—Manihiki Plateau; HP—Hikurangi Plateau. Selected microcontinents and continental fragments shown by black dotted lines: Md—Madagascar; Mt—Mauritia; D—Gulden Draak; T—East Tasman; G—Gilbert; B—Bollons; O—South Orkney. Hammer equal area projection.
    The Glossary of Geology defines a continent as “one of the Earth’s major land masses, including both dry land and continental shelves” (Neuendorf et al., 2005). It is generally agreed that continents have all the following attributes: (1) high elevation relative to regions floored by oceanic crust; (2) a broad range of siliceous igneous, metamorphic, and sedimentary rocks; (3) thicker crust and lower seismic velocity structure than oceanic crustal regions; and (4) well-defined limits around a large enough area to be considered a continent rather than a microcontinent or continental fragment. The first three points are defining elements of continental crust and are explained in many geoscience textbooks and reviews (e.g., Holmes, 1965; Christensen and Mooney, 1995; Levander et al., 2005; Kearey et al., 2009; Condie, 2015). To our knowledge, the last point—how “major” a piece of continental crust has to be to be called a continent—is almost never discussed, Cogley (1984) being an exception. Perhaps this is because it is assumed that the names of the six geological continents—Eurasia, Africa, North America, South America, Antarctica, and Australia—suffice to describe all major regions of continental crust.
    The progressive accumulation of bathymetric, geological, and geophysical data since the nineteenth century has led many authors to apply the adjective continental to New Zealand and some of its nearby submarine plateaus and rises (e.g., Hector, 1895; Hayes, 1935; Thomson and Evison, 1962; Shor et al., 1971; Suggate et al., 1978). “New Zealand” was listed as a continent by Cogley (1984), but he noted that its continental limits were very sparsely mapped. The name Zealandia was first proposed by Luyendyk (1995) as a collective name for New Zealand, the Chatham Rise, Campbell Plateau, and Lord Howe Rise (Fig. 2). Implicit in Luyendyk’s paper was that this was a large region of continental crust, although this was only mentioned in passing and he did not characterize and define Zealandia as we do here.
    Spatial limits of Zealandia. Base map from Stagpoole (2002) based on data from Smith and Sandwell (1997). Continental basement samples from Suggate et al. (1978), Beggs et al. (1990), Tulloch et al. (1991, 2009), Gamble et al. (1993), McDougall et al. (1994), and Mortimer et al. (1997, 1998, 2006, 2008a, 2008b, 2015). NC—New Caledonia; WTP—West Torres Plateau; CT—Cato Trough; Cf—Chesterfield Islands; L—Lord Howe Island; N—Norfolk Island; K—Kermadec Islands; Ch—Chatham Islands; B—Bounty Islands; An—Antipodes Islands; Au—Auckland Islands; Ca—Campbell Island. Mercator projection.
    In this paper we summarize and reassess a variety of geoscience data sets and show that a substantial part of the southwest Pacific Ocean consists of a continuous expanse of continental crust. Further­more, the 4.9 Mkm2 area of continental crust is large and separate enough to be considered not just as a continental fragment or a microcontinent, but as an actual continent—Zealandia. This is not a sudden discovery but a gradual realization; as recently as 10 years ago we would not have had the accumulated data or confidence in interpretation to write this paper. Since it was first proposed by Luyendyk (1995), the use of the name Zealandia for a southwest Pacific continent has had moderate uptake (e.g., Mortimer et al., 2006; Grobys et al., 2008; Segev et al., 2012; Mortimer and Campbell, 2014; Graham, 2015). However, it is still not well known to the broad international science community. A correct accounting of Earth’s continents is important for multiple fields of natural science; the purpose of this paper is to formally put forth the scientific case for the continent of Zealandia (Figs. 1 and 2) and explain why its identification is important.

    Zealandia as a Continent

    New Zealand and New Caledonia are large, isolated islands in the southwest Pacific Ocean. They have never been regarded as part of the Australian continent, although the geographic term Australasia often is used for the collective land and islands of the southwest Pacific region. In the following sections, we summarize the four key attributes of continents and assess how Zealandia meets these criteria.


    Continents and their continental shelves vary in height but are always elevated relative to oceanic crust (Cogley, 1984). The elevation is a function of many features, fundamentally lithosphere density and thickness, as well as plate tectonics (e.g., Kearey et al., 2009). The existence of positive bathymetric features north and south of New Zealand has been known for more than a century (Farquhar, 1906). The accuracy and precision of seafloor mapping have improved greatly over the past decades (Brodie, 1964; Smith and Sandwell, 1997; Stagpoole, 2002) and a deliberately chosen color ramp on a satellite gravity-derived bathymetry map provides an excellent visualization of the extent of continental crust (Fig. 2). The approximate edge of Zealandia can be placed where the oceanic abyssal plains meet the base of the continental slope, at water depths between 2500 and 4000 m below sea level. The precise position of the foot of the continental slope around Zealandia was established during numerous surveys in support of New Zealand’s Law of the Sea submission (Wood et al., 2003; UNCLOS, 2008).
    Zealandia is everywhere substantially elevated above the surrounding oceanic crust. The main difference with other continents is that it has much wider and deeper continental shelves than is usually the case (Fig. 1). Zealandia has a modal elevation of ~−1100 m (Cogley, 1984) and is ~94% submerged below current sea level. The highest point of Zealandia is Aoraki–Mount Cook at 3724 m.


    By itself, relatively high elevation is not enough to establish that a piece of crust is continental. Oceanic large igneous provinces such as the Ontong Java Plateau (Fig. 1; Coffin and Eldholm, 1994) are elevated but not continental. Rocks of the modern oceanic crust typically comprise basalt and gabbro of Jurassic to Holocene age. In contrast, continents have diverse assemblages of Archean to Holocene igneous, metamorphic, and sedimentary rocks, such as granite, rhyolite, limestone, quartzite, greywacke, schist, and gneiss, arranged in orogenic belts and sedimentary basins.
    Essential geological ground truth for Zealandia is provided by the many island outcrop, drill core, xenolith, and seabed dredge samples of Paleozoic and Mesozoic greywacke, schist, granite, and other siliceous continental rocks that have been found within its limits (Fig. 2). Many of these have been obtained from expeditions in the past 20 years (see Fig. 2, caption). Orogenic belts, of which the Median Batholith and Haast Schist are parts, can be tracked through onland New Zealand and across Zealandia (Fig. 2). Thus, there is a predictable regional coherency and continuity to the offshore basement geology.
    Traditionally, continents have been subdivided into cratons, platforms, Phanerozoic orogenic belts, narrow rifts, and broad extensional provinces (Levander et al., 2005). Eurasia, Africa, North America, South America, Antarctica, and Australia all contain Precambrian cratons. The oldest known rocks in Zealandia are Middle Cambrian limestones of the Takaka Terrane and 490–505 Ma granites of the Jacquiery Suite (Mortimer et al., 2014). Precambrian cratonic rocks have not yet been discovered within Zealandia, but their existence has been postulated on the basis of Rodinian to Gondwanan age detrital zircon ratios (Adams and Griffin, 2012). Furthermore, some Zealandia mantle xenoliths give Re-Os ages as old as 2.7 Ga (Liu et al., 2015). Geologically, Zealandia comprises multiple Phanerozoic orogenic belts on which a broad extensional province and several narrow rift zones have been superimposed (Mortimer and Campbell, 2014).
    Atop its geological basement rocks, Zealandia has a drape of at least two dozen spatially separate Late Cretaceous to Holocene sedimentary basins. These typically contain 2–10-km-thick sequences of terrigenous and calcareous strata (Zealandia Megasequence of Mortimer et al., 2014) and include a widespread continental breakup unconformity of ca. 84 Ma age (Bache et al., 2014). The Zealandia Megasequence provides a Zealandia-wide stratigraphic record of continental rifting, and marine transgression events, similar to that seen in formerly conjugate east Australian basins (Blewett, 2012).

    Crustal Structure

    Continental crust varies considerably in thickness and physical properties. Christensen and Mooney (1995) give an average P wave velocity of 6.5 km−1 and mean density of 2830 kgm−3 with an average thickness of 46 km for orogens and 30 km for extended crust. In contrast, oceanic crust is typically 7 km thick, and, in its lower part typically has a P wave velocity of 7.5 km−1 (White et al., 1992).
    From geophysical work, we know that Zealandia has a continental crust velocity structure, Vp, generally <7.0 km−1, and a thickness typically ranging from 10 to 30 km throughout its entire extent to >40 km under parts of South Island (Shor et al., 1971; Klingelhoefer et al., 2007; Grobys et al., 2008; Eberhart-Phillips et al., 2010; Segev et al., 2012). Whereas most of Zealandia’s crust is thinner than the 30–46 km that is typical of most continents, the above studies show that it is everywhere thicker than the ~7-km-thick crust of the ocean basins. This result is visible in the global CRUST1.0 model of Laske et al. (2013) shown in Figure 3. Collectively, the crustal structure results show that the rock samples of Figure 2 are not from separate continental fragments or blocks now separated by oceanic crust, but are from a single continental mass.
    Present day map of CRUST1.0 crustal thickness (Laske et al., 2013) showing the dispersed Gondwana continents of Australia, Zealandia, East and West Antarctica, and South America. Note thin continental crust in vicinity of Mesozoic arc. M—Marion Plateau; R—Ross Sea; W—Weddell Sea; F—Falkland-Malvinas Plateau. LIP abbreviations: KP—Kerguelen Plateau; OJP—Ontong Java Plateau; MP—Manihiki Plateau; HP—Hikurangi Plateau. Thick coastlines in Antarctica are isostatically corrected ice-free coastlines (Jamieson et al., 2014). Orthographic projection.
    The thinnest crust within Zealandia is in the 2200-km-long and 200–300-km-wide New Caledonia Trough, where the water depth varies from 1500 to 3500 m (Fig. 2). This raises the question as to whether the trough is floored by oceanic crust or is a failed continental rift. Two wide-angle seismic profiles across the trough near New Caledonia (Klingelhoefer et al., 2007) both show ~2–5 km of sedimentary cover over 8.5 km of crustal basement that has a velocity of ~7 km−1 throughout much of its thickness. Klingelhoefer et al. (2007) noted these profiles as atypical of normal oceanic crust. Sutherland et al. (2010) and Hackney et al. (2012) interpreted the New Caledonia Trough as continental crust that was thinned in the Late Cretaceous and re-deepened in the Eocene due to lithosphere delamination.

    Limits and Area

    Where oceanic crust abuts continental crust, various kinds of continent-ocean boundaries (COBs) define natural edges to continents (Fig. 1; Eagles et al., 2015). Despite its large area, Greenland is uncontroversially and correctly regarded as part of North America (Figs. 1 and 4). This is because, despite oceanic crust intervening between southern Greenland and Labrador and Baffin Island, North American continental geology is continuous across Nares Strait between northernmost Greenland and Ellesmere Island (Pulvertaft and Dawes, 2011). Tectonic plate boundaries, with or without intervening oceanic crust, provide the basis for continent-continent boundaries between Africa and Eurasia, and North and South America (Fig. 1). Large area is an inherent part of the definition of a continent sensu stricto (Neuendorf et al., 2005). Cogley (1984) defined Central America (1.3 Mkm2), Arabia (4.6 Mkm2), and greater India (4.6 Mkm2) as modern-day continents. This schema has not been generally adopted, probably because Central America (the Chortis block) is a piece of displaced North America, and Arabia and India are transferring to, and are now contiguous with, Eurasia and have clearly defined COBs in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean (Fig. 1). The six commonly recognized geological continents (Africa, Eurasia, North America, South America, Antarctica, and Australia) are thus not only large but they are also spatially isolated by geologic and/or bathymetric features.
    Areas and submergence of all of Earth’s geological continents (red symbols) along with microcontinents (brown symbols) and intraoceanic large igneous provinces (LIPs, blue symbols) shown in Figures 1 and 2. Note x-axis is log scale. Data mainly after Cogley (1984) except Zealandia data from Mortimer and Campbell (2014); microcontinents after Gaina et al. (2003) and Torsvik et al. (2013). Emergent land area for Antarctica is the isostatically-corrected ice-free bedrock surface from Jamieson et al. (2014). New Guinea and Greenland are arbitrarily given the same submergence value as their parent continents. AP—Agulhas Plateau; KP—Kerguelen Plateau; OJP—Ontong Java Plateau; MP—Manihiki Plateau; HP—Hikurangi Plateau; N Am—North America; S Am—South America.
    At the other end of the size spectrum, a number of continental crust fragments in the world’s oceans are referred to as microcontinents. Examples include the Madagascar, East Tasman, Jan Mayen, Mauritia, and Gulden Draak microcontinents (Gaina et al., 2003; Torsvik et al., 2013; Whittaker et al., 2016). Discriminating between what is a continent and what is a microcontinent may be considered an arbitrary exercise. Nonetheless, maps like Figure 1 need labels. Therefore, following Cogley (1984) and the vagaries of general conventional usage, we propose that the name continent be applied to regions of continental crust that are >1 Mkm2 in area and are bounded by well-defined geologic limits. By this definition India, prior to its collision with Eurasia, would be termed a continent.
    The edges of Australia and Zealandia continental crust approach to within 25 km across the Cato Trough (Fig. 2). The Cato Trough is 3600 m deep and floored by oceanic crust (Gaina et al., 1998; Exon et al., 2006). The Australian and Zealandian COBs here coincide with, and have been created by, the Cato Fracture Zone along which there has been ~150 km of dextral strike slip movement, linking Paleogene spreading centers in the Tasman and Coral seas (Fig. 2; Gaina et al., 1998). This spatial and tectonic separation, along with intervening oceanic crust, means that the Zealandia continental crust is physically separate from that of Australia. If the Cato Trough did not exist, then the content of this paper would be describing the scientific advance that the Australian continent was 4.9 Mkm2 larger than previously thought.
    Being >1 Mkm2 in area, and bounded by well-defined geologic and geographic limits, Zealandia is, by our definition, large enough to be termed a continent. At 4.9 Mkm2, Zealandia is substantially bigger than any features termed microcontinents and continental fragments, ~12× the area of Mauritia and ~6× the area of Madagascar (Fig. 4). It is also substantially larger than the area of the largest intraoceanic large igneous province, the Ontong Java Plateau (1.9 Mkm2). Zealandia is about the same area as greater India (Figs. 1 and 4). Figure 4 makes a case for a natural twofold grouping of continents and microcontinents.

    Discussion and Implications


    Satellite gravity-derived bathymetry maps (e.g., Fig. 2) have been of immense use in visualizing Zealandia, clarifying its limits, focusing attention on intra-Zealandia structures, and planning research voyages. If the elevation of Earth’s solid surface had first been mapped in the same way as those of Mars and Venus (which lack the arbitrary datums of opaque liquid oceans), we contend that Zealandia would, much earlier, have been investigated and identified as one of Earth’s continents. Even relatively recently, some papers refer to the offshore ridges and plateaus of Zealandia as an amalgam of continental fragments and slivers (e.g., Gaina et al., 2003; Blewett, 2012; Higgins et al., 2015) with the explicit or implicit notion that oceanic crust intervenes between the continental fragments. The way in which Zealandia has been divided into blocks to make it amenable to rigid plate reconstructions and the way in which coastlines and outlines have been drafted as “floating” in the Pacific Ocean (e.g., Gaina et al., 1998, 2003; Lisker and Läufer, 2013; Higgins et al., 2015) has probably sustained this false impression of remote and discombobulated tectonic allochthony and poorly defined COBs. In contrast, we view Zealandia as a coherent, albeit thinned and stretched, continent with interconnected and throughgoing geological provinces (Figs. 2 and 5; Mortimer et al., 2006; Grobys et al., 2008; Tulloch et al., 2009; Adams and Griffin, 2012; Bache et al., 2014; Graham, 2015). Like parts of North America and Eurasia, Zealandia has undergone active deformation in a zone between two essentially rigid plates—in Zealandia’s case, the Pacific and Australian (Fig. 2).
    Zealandia as part of the former Gondwana supercontinent. Upper panel shows Mesozoic orogen convergent margin that was active until ca. 105 Ma. Lower panel shows pre-breakup intra­continental extension of Zealandia and West Antarctica from 105 to 85 Ma; seafloor spreading subsequently split Gondwana into its present-day constituent continents (Fig. 3). Orthographic projections with East Antarctica fixed. From Mortimer and Campbell (2014).
    Several elevated bathymetric features north of Zealandia are possible candidates for Zealandia prolongations or separate microcontinents (Fig. 2). These include the Three Kings, Lau-Colville, and Tonga-Kermadec ridges and Fiji, which are known Cenozoic volcanic arcs (Graham, 2015), and the Mellish Rise and Louisiade and West Torres plateaus. However, no continental basement rocks have yet been sampled from any of these features, so their continental nature remains unproven.

    Development and Submergence

    As shown in Figure 4, ~94% of the area of Zealandia currently is submerged. It is not unique in this regard: an ice-free, isostatically corrected West Antarctica would also largely be submerged (Figs. 3 and 4; Jamieson et al., 2014). Zealandia and West Antarctica were formerly adjacent to each other along the southeast Gondwana margin and, prior to thinning and breakup, the orogenic belts, Cordilleran batholiths, and normal continental crustal thickness of eastern Australia would have projected along strike into these areas (Figs. 3 and 5). Several continental metamorphic core complexes (Lister and Davis, 1989) of Late Cretaceous age have been identified in Zealandia and West Antarctica, but not in Australia or East Antarctica (Figs. 3 and 5; Kula et al., 2007). These have been explained by Lister et al. (1991) and Kula et al. (2007) in terms of an asymmetric continent-scale detachment fault model in which Zealandia and West Antarctica are highly extended, lower-plate passive continental margins, and Australia and East Antarctica are relatively unstretched upper plate margins. There is also abundant supporting sedimentary basin evidence that Zealandia experienced widespread Late Cretaceous (ca. 105–85 Ma) extension prior to Gondwana supercontinent breakup (e.g., Luyendyk, 1995; Klingelhoefer et al., 2007; Bache et al., 2014; Mortimer et al., 2014; Higgins et al., 2015). The situation of Zealandia’s Phanerozoic orogen overlying Precambrian mantle (Liu et al., 2015) possibly suggests major tectonic detachments along the Moho.
    Thermal relaxation and isostatic balance of the thinned continental crust of Zealandia and West Antarctica ultimately led to their submergence. Despite the pervasive thinning, the only part of Zealandia that might qualify as a hyper-extended zone (i.e., stretched by a factor of 3–4 with crustal thinning to 8 km or less; Doré and Lundin, 2015) is the New Caledonia Trough. Zealandia and West Antarctica seemingly record a mode of continental crust deformation in which extension, although substantial, is more distributed and less focused than in most examples of continental breakup. Zealandia has a widespread syn-rift Late Cretaceous volcanic record (Tulloch et al., 2009; Mortimer et al., 2014); thus, processes that operate at volcanic rifted margins (Menzies et al., 2002) may be applicable to the broad area of Zealandia.


    Zealandia once made up ~5% of the area of Gondwana. It contains the principal geological record of the Mesozoic convergent margin of southeast Gondwana (Mortimer et al., 2014) and, until the Late Cretaceous, lay Pacificward of half of West Antarctica and all of eastern Australia (Figs. 3 and 5). Thus, depictions of the Paleozoic-Mesozoic geology of Gondwana, eastern Australia, and West Antarctica are both incomplete and misleading if they omit Zealandia.
    The importance of Zealandia is not so much that there is now a case for a formerly little-known continent, but that, by virtue of its being thinned and submerged, but not shredded into microcontinents, it is a new and useful continental end member. Zealandia started to separate from Gondwana in the Late Cretaceous as an ~4000-km-long ribbon continent (Fig. 5) but has since undergone substantial intra­continental deformation, to end up in its present shape and position (Figs. 1–3). To date, Zealandia is little-mentioned and/or entirely overlooked in comparative studies of continental rifting and of COBs (e.g., Buck, 1991; Menzies et al., 2002; Franke, 2013). By including Zealandia in investigations, we can discover more about the rheology, cohesion, and extensional deformation of continental crust and lithosphere.
    Gondwana breakup along the paleo-Pacific margin resulted in continents with wide, thinned shelves, such as Zealandia and West Antarctica (Figs. 1 and 3). In contrast, breakup of Gondwana’s core resulted in continents with narrow shelves, such as Africa and its neighbors (Fig. 1). Various lithospheric versus mantle controls on styles of continental rifting and breakup are still debated (Ebinger and van Wijk, 2014; Whittaker et al., 2016). The broad spatial association of stretched continental crust with a pre-softened, Mesozoic, paleo-Pacific convergent margin from the Falkland Plateau, through West Antarctica and Zealandia to the Marion Plateau (Fig. 3), is possibly no coincidence (cf. Rey and Müller, 2010). Other proposed controls on the localization of Zealandia-Gondwana breakup include a mantle plume (Weaver et al., 1994), plate capture (Luyendyk, 1995), and/or impingement of an oceanic spreading ridge (Mortimer et al., 2006).
    Gaina et al. (2003) proposed that microcontinents are created by plume-controlled ridge jumps during the early stages of supercontinent breakup. The general cohesion of continental crust in extension is attested to by the contrast in size between Zealandia and its neighboring continental fragments of East Tasman, Gilbert, and Bollons seamounts (Figs. 2 and 4). Condie (2015) postulated that ancient and modern continent-continent collisions were a leading cause of continental elevation. The geological history of Zealandia would support this hypothesis: The Paleozoic and Mesozoic orogens of Zealandia are non-collisional (Mortimer et al., 2014), and there is only incipient collision between northern and southern Zealandia across the present-day Pacific-Australian plate boundary. Ironically, for a continent so thoroughly shaped by extensional processes and subsidence, it is the more widely recognized and better-studied convergence across the Cenozoic Pacific-Australian plate boundary that has resulted in any of Zealandia being above the sea.


    Zealandia illustrates that the large and the obvious in natural science can be overlooked. Based on various lines of geological and geophysical evidence, particularly those accumulated in the last two decades, we argue that Zealandia is not a collection of partly submerged continental fragments but is a coherent 4.9 Mkm2 continent (Fig. 1). Currently used conventions and definitions of continental crust, continents, and microcontinents require no modification to accommodate Zealandia.
    Satellite gravity data sets, New Zealand’s UNCLOS program, and marine geological expeditions have been major influences in promoting the big picture view necessary to define and recognize Zealandia (Fig. 2). Zealandia is approximately the area of greater India and, like India, Australia, Antarctica, Africa, and South America, was a former part of the Gondwana supercontinent (Figs. 3 and 5). As well as being the seventh largest geological continent (Fig. 1), Zealandia is the youngest, thinnest, and most submerged (Fig. 4). The scientific value of classifying Zealandia as a continent is much more than just an extra name on a list. That a continent can be so submerged yet unfragmented makes it a useful and thought-provoking geodynamic end member in exploring the cohesion and breakup of continental crust.


    We thank Belinda Smith Lyttle for GIS work and Patti Durance, Ron Hackney, and Brendan Murphy for comments. Formal reviews by Peter Cawood, Jerry Dickens, and an anonymous referee greatly improved the focus and content. This paper is based on work supported by New Zealand Government core funding grants to GNS Science.

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    65. Weaver, S.D., Storey, B.C., Pankhurst, R.J., Mukasa, S.B., DiVenere, V.J., and Bradshaw, J.D., 1994, Antarctica–New Zealand rifting and Marie Byrd Land lithospheric magmatism linked to ridge subduction and mantle plume activity: Geology, v. 22, no. 9, p. 811–814, doi: 10.1130/0091-7613(1994)022<0811:ANZRAM>2.3.CO;2
    66. White, R.S., McKenzie, D., and O’Nions, R.K., 1992, Oceanic crustal thickness from seismic measurements and rare earth element inversions: Journal of Geophysical Research, v. 97, p. 19,683–19,715, doi: 10.1029/92JB01749.
    67. Whittaker, J.M., Williams, S.E., Halpin, J.A., Wild, T.J., Stilwell, J.D., Jourdan, F., and Daczko, N.R., 2016, Eastern Indian Ocean microcontinent formation driven by plate motion changes: Earth and Planetary Science Letters, v. 454, p. 203–212, doi: 10.1016/j.epsl.2016.09.019.
    68. Wood, R.A., Stagpoole, V.M., Wright, I., Davy, B., and Barbes, P., 2003, New Zealand’s continental shelf and UNCLOS Article 76: Institute of Geological and Nuclear Sciences Information Series, v. 56, 56 p.

    0 0

    How to teach history, and how not toI agree with Kamlesh Kapur's metaphor: Portrait of a nation. History should be taught as a truthful pportrayal of the people of a nation. 

    How not to...History of the type written by Wendy Doniger should be rejected as an untruthful account; this has been demonstrated by Vishal Agarwal. See his review of Wendy's book. 

    How not to...Another historian in the genre of producing drain inspector's reports about India is Sheldon Pollock. Scholars have noted “his deep antipathy towards ideals and values cherished and practised in Indian civilization.” Pollock couches his drain analyses couched in 'academic' polemics calling Samskrtam 'God's language' and positing the cultural framework of the people of India in juxtaposition to this 'God's language'. This framework is mischievous and biased to demolish the values and ideals transmitted for generations through the Samskrtam language. Pollock attacks the very foundations of the culture of the people of India by denigrating the cultural mores documented in Samskrtam texts. Distortions of the Pollock-type have to be countered by historical scholarship which strives to present a four-fold levels analysis of weltanschauung of Bharatam Janam: Ādibhautika, Ādidaivika, Ādhyatmika and Turiya analytical framework delineating the values of dharma-dhamma. Such a presentation can be made by narrating the Itihāsa in Veda, Mahabharata and Ramayana, validated by history of science and technology, archaeological, epigraphical, sculptural, cultural facets of peoples' lives and textual data and wealth-creation and economic history of Bhāratam Janam which made their nation the richest nation on the globe in 1 CE (pace Angus Maddison).

    Sarasvati Research Center February 18, 2017

    by Navaratna Rajaram on 18 Feb 2017

    It is now a time worn cliché that the teaching of Indian history has been distorted. The real question is how to correct it. A committed teacher has taken an important step by showing how to go about doing it.

    Speaking before the Kerala History Association, Kochi on 18 Dec. 2005, Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, then President and among the most respected intellectuals in India observed: “The best historians present us with descriptions and analyses of the past that make unfamiliar times and places somehow comprehensible. In seeking to penetrate the veil of the past, we end up by studying how other individuals and societies dealt with the practical and existential problems at least related to our own.”

    After this sage observation, Dr. Kalam came specifically to Indian history and noted: “My observation is that in India many have written history of India [coming] both from the Indian historians recently and by those who had conquered us. So far, even 58 years after Independence, the dogmas, rituals, systems and norms of the historical past, imposed by the last millennium of invasion and conquest, still continue to condition our minds.” Most tellingly he emphasized:

    “We tend more to conform to the past [as described by our invaders and occupiers], rather than think in true freedom and create a future, free from the pain of the past. Now time has come, in the 21st century, we need new breed of historians who can make the past meet the present and create the future…”  

    More than a century before Dr. Kalam, Swami Vivekananda told a group of youngsters (1891): “Study Sanskrit, but along with it study Western sciences as well. Learn accuracy, my boys, study and labor so that the time will come when you can put our history on a scientific basis… The histories of our country written by English writers cannot but be weakening to our minds, for they talk only of our downfall. How can foreigners, who understand very little of our manners and customs, or our religion and philosophy, write faithful and unbiased histories of India?”  

    He then went on to observe: “Naturally many false notions and wrong inferences have found their way into them. Nevertheless they have shown us how to proceed making researches into our ancient history. Now it is for us to strike out an independent path of historical research for ourselves, to study the Vedas and Puranas and the ancient annals (Itihasas) of India, and from them make it your sadhana (disciplined endeavor) to write accurate, sympathetic and soul-inspiring history of India. It is for Indians to write Indian history.”

    Without resorting to polemics, Vivekananda exhorted his youthful audience to “…never cease to labor until you have revived the glorious past of India in the consciousness of the people. That will be the true national education, and with its advancement, a true national spirit will be awakened.” What he left unsaid was that such an approach would need them to develop new tools of historical research leading to new methodologies

    Historical method

    One scholar who appears to have taken this message to heart is Smt Kamlesh Kapur, an educator of great experience both in India and the US. She has put her knowledge, experience and the spirit invoked by Dr. Kalam and Swami Vivekananda into practice in producing the book Portraits of a Nation: History of Ancient India. In addition to giving the facts of history as can best be reconstructed the author provides details of methodology used and historiography. 

    A book along these lines should have been, and could have been, written fifty years ago, but was not. The reasons are several, but two need to be highlighted because they have persisted. First, there was the Nehruvian feudal establishment; and pandering to his tastes and prejudices became the route to recognition and career success. This meant that the views advanced in Jawaharlal Nehru’s amateurish and entirely Eurocentric Discovery of India became entrenched in history books as the ‘authorized’ view. To go with this, a whole generation of historians beginning with Romila Thapar and R.S. Sharma were trained by a single British professor, A.L. Basham of the School of Oriental Studies in London. Basham was more a religious scholar than a historian or archaeologist, but his legacy has persisted.

    It is unhealthy for any institution to be so in-bred in its research and faculty, with everyone trained to think the same way. A prime example is the Center for Historical Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. Until recently it was dominated by the Marxist historian (and Basham student) Romila Thapar and a clique around her. A singular feature of ‘scholars’ belonging to this clique is their ignorance of Indian languages, especially Sanskrit. This is true of Thapar also though it has not stopped her from writing extensively about Vedic India! As a result they are totally dependent on English translations made by colonial scholars. This has resulted in what Sri Aurobindo called their “lack of sturdy independence” and “excessive deference to European authority.”

    What this clique has produced is copycat scholarship, with status tied to how closely they follow their erstwhile European masters. This makes them oppose any revisions to Eurocentric models like the Aryan invasion theory and the Aryan-Dravidian myth. In fact, the strongest defenders today of these discredited notions are not Europeans anymore but their Indian followers. Harappans as Dravidians and victims of the Aryan invasion is propagated not by European scholars but Dravidian politicians like Karunanidhi. (One exception is Asko Parpola who was paid a generous reward by Karunanidhi for endorsing the DMK ideology built on the scientifically discredited Aryan-Dravidian divide.)

    This sheds light on another aspect of the post-Independence history establishment, especially of the JNU-AMU (Aligarh Muslim University) school, known more for political activism than any contributions to scholarship. Underlying their political posturing is the denial of everything good about India. Vedas and Sanskrit were brought by invading Aryans; Indian astronomy is of Greek origin; Muslim invaders including Babar never destroyed any Hindu temples - you get the drift.

    Much of this can be explained by the fact that this arrogance and posturing is a façade to cover up their deficiency in scholarship and inferiority complex. Being ignorant of both science and primary sources (in Sanskrit), they feel their best defense lies in denial and attack. This came to the fore when this writer and the late Natwar Jha in 2000 proposed a solution to the Harappan script puzzle by linking its language to Vedic Sanskrit and presenting readings of a large number of inscriptions.

    This of course demolishes the Aryan-Dravidian myth. The reaction of JNU-AMU clique was not any attempt at refutation, but a personal attack in the Communist magazine Frontline. Even here, Romila Thapar, lacking the self-confidence to deal with our work (based on Vedic Sanskrit), went to Hindu-baiter Michael Witzel of Harvard to mount the attack. (The recent attack on Subramanian Swamy and Rajiv Malhotra by Witzel and his colleague Diana Eck is not without precedent.)

    In pursuit of their goals, this clique has not hesitated to deny and even falsify evidence. A prime example that had tragic consequences was its denial and falsification of evidence for the existence of a prior temple and its destruction beneath the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. This was noted by the judge who severely criticized these scholars for their role. In its judgment on the long-standing Ram Janmabhoomi dispute, the Allahabad High Court flayed the role played by several witnesses including Thapar’s protégé Shireen Ratnagar.  She was forced to admit under oath that she had no field experience in archaeological excavations in India.

    Still their hostility bordering on hatred towards their ancestral land and culture is hard to comprehend. They owe everything to India; unlike Indian scientists and professionals, they would be nonentities in the West. Perhaps Shakespeare said it best when Julius Caesar was murdered by his erstwhile followers: “What private griefs these men have, alas, I know not.”

    Be that as it may, Kamlesh Kapur (Portraits of a Nation: History of Ancient India) suffers from no such deficiencies or ignorance of primary sources and science. She displays a refreshingly original approach to the sources. She observes that the Vedas, the Rig Veda in particular has been the most faithfully preserved text of the ancient world and hence has suffered least in terms of interpolations. We must treat the Vedic records - names, dynasties, astronomical statements, etc - as the most reliable and accord them the highest priority.

    This is a valuable insight: it means that statements that seemingly violate our beliefs (like Aryans as nomadic invaders) cannot be dismissed. If the Rig Veda describes a maritime society of rivers, oceans and ships as David Frawley pointed out more than 20 years ago, we cannot ignore it and insist that it was nomadic-pastoral. Also to be admired is the author’s bold multidisciplinary approach by looking at natural history, genetics, and archaeo-astronomy in addition to the usual sources like archaeology and literary records. In fact, some of this material appears for the first time in a textbook (as opposed to articles and research monographs by Oppenheimer, Cavalli-Sforza and this writer).

    In the process, the author succeeds in building a sound foundation in historiography not only for her book but for all future students of Indian history. A particular strength of the book is that its author is no ivory tower academic writing to impress peers, but an educationist who has worked with students and teachers for many years. She has seen the problems at ground level, and has produced a book that is at once up to date and pedagogically sound.

    To appreciate the value of Kamlesh Kapur’s work it helps to have some idea of the magnitude of the distortion, nay perversions, inflicted on generations of innocent young minds by self-serving academics in the name of history. It is a vast subject, but here is a brief summary. It is a case study in how not to teach history, or any subject for that matter.

    Historians or ‘distortians’

    While most educated Indians now have at least an idea that their history has been distorted, few know the lengths to which ‘scholars’ - European and Indian - have gone to preserve and perpetuate the Aryan myth. Given the Aryans’ importance to their worldview, it is extraordinary that after two hundred years of voluminous outpourings, these scholars are still unable to identify them. Originally they were claimed to be a race related to Europeans but science has discredited it.

    After the defeat of Nazi Germany, scholars avoid overtly racial arguments but the basic idea of an invasion by Europeans bringing civilization to India is retained even if they acknowledge that ancient Indian records know nothing of any such invasion. All we have are repeated assertions of their central dogma. As expressed by the late Murray Emeneau, a leading linguist:

    “At some time in the second millennium B.C., probably comparatively early in the millennium, a band or bands of speakers of an Indo-European language, later to be called Sanskrit, entered India over the northwest passes. This is our linguistic doctrine which has been held now for more than a century and a half. There seems to be no reason to distrust the arguments for it, in spite of the traditional Hindu ignorance of any such invasion.”

    This is typical of the field, with arguments closer to theology than to science. In short Emeneau and his ilk are telling us: “Evidence be damned, we know Aryans invaded India and brought the Vedas.” Aryans are needed because there can be no Aryan invasion without the Aryans. It is a case of the tail wagging the dog, but theology cannot exist without such ‘logic’. Scientists, however, had long ago dismissed the idea of the Aryan race. As far back as 1939, Sir Julian Huxley, one of the great biologists of the twentieth century had observed:

    “In England and America the phrase ‘Aryan race’ has quite ceased to be used by writers with scientific knowledge, though it appears occasionally in political and propagandist literature…. In Germany, the idea of the ‘Aryan race’ received no more scientific support than in England. Nevertheless, it found able and very persistent literary advocates who made it appear very flattering to local vanity. It therefore steadily spread, fostered by special conditions.”

    These ‘special conditions’ were the rise of Nazism in Germany and British imperial interests in India. Its perversion in Germany leading eventually to the Nazi horrors is well known. The fact that the British turned it into a political tool to make their rule acceptable to Indians is not generally known. A recent BBC report acknowledged as much (October 6, 2005):

    “It [Aryan invasion theory] gave a historical precedent to justify the role and status of the British Raj, who could argue that they were transforming India for the better in the same way that the Aryans had done thousands of years earlier.”

    That is to say, the British presented themselves as ‘new and improved Aryans’ that were in India only to complete the work left undone by their ancestors in the hoary past. This is how the British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin put it in the House of Commons in 1929:
     “Now, after ages, … the two branches of the great Aryan ancestry [Indians and the British] have again been brought together by Providence… By establishing British rule in India, God said to the British, “I have brought you and the Indians together after a long separation. …it is your duty to raise them to their own level as quickly as possible …brothers as you are…”

    Preposterous as it sounds today, it was a ploy to create Indian elite loyal to the British rulers by flattering them as long lost brothers, now being uplifted from their degraded state. The ploy was so successful that English educated Indians continue to cling to this fiction long after the British themselves admitted to the fraud. While the British can live without their creation, their followers in the Indian history establishment cannot do without it. Their identity no less than their politics is bound up with it.

    All this is a matter of record. Our historians don’t have to learn Sanskrit or study the Vedas to understand it. Yet they are curiously reluctant to expose such passages that bring their whole history into discredit. They loudly denounce the Nazi misuse of Aryan myth, but carefully avoid mentioning its British version. Worse, they continue to perpetuate it by resorting to various subterfuges.

    Thomas Trautman (Aryans and British India) makes no mention of these even while acknowledging the British effort to create an Indian identity through a concocted Aryan kinship. In India: Brief history of a civilization (2011), he falls back on the Aryan migration (or invasion) with Sanskrit as a foreign import. He resorts to spurious arguments like the ‘rare’ depiction of the Aryan horse in Harappan archaeology to preserve the Vedic-Aryan, Dravidian-Harappa divide. (Why? Did those horses speak Sanskrit?)

    When I presented some of this material at a workshop in the U.K., a member of the audience, not a historian, joked that these people who engaged in distortion on such a monumental scale should be called ‘distortians’ rather than historians. Historians in the audience did not find it funny.

    In the U.S., these ‘distortian’ scholars are in a state of near panic and running to wealthy Indians for money with cries of “Sanskrit in danger if you don’t fund us.” Our response should be: “Sanskrit thrived for thousands of years long before any of you Indologists appeared on the planet. Vyasa, Valmiki, Bhasa, Kalidasa nor any of the great figures in the Sanskrit pantheon needed to go to you distortians or your blighted departments.”

    Dependable Book on Indian History 14 July 2013
    By S. KUMAR Published on
    Format: Paperback
    This is the only dependable book on the history of Ancient India that I am aware of. The presentation is brilliant and accessible.
    There was hardly a dependable book on Indian History that presented authentic(as-it-is) history of India as almost all the books were written by persons who have been mentally colonized or conditioned with communist ideology or ignorant "scholars" who read books containing demeaning Indian history that were written with invationist-model. To better understand this one has to know the context in which major books and "new finding" came out on Indian history. The then British government set up and sponsored "academic" institutions to support them to rule over Indians and they could easily condition generations of people during 300+ years of dominance and power. Including this invationist-model of "history" in schools is like including Pakistan's account of Partition or Kargil in our school text books. In other countries (like USA), their history has been written by their own people who were patriots.
    If one surveys Indian Knowledge Systems / Traditional Sciences (like 6 schools of Philosophy, Sanskrit Literature/Grammar/Drama/Poetry, Arts, Architecture, Economics, Psychology, Sociology, Statecraft, Astronomy, Math, Health Sciences, Ecology, Trade, Farming, Indigenous Sports, importance for individual freedom, etc.) and the current history books, one can clearly see the disconnect in history text-books as they ignore the connection with the Indian Knowledge Systems.


    To get Vishal Agarwal's book, click on the following links:

    in INR

    I deem it a privilege to present a review of a work which should be titled: On a Drain Inspector's Report which itself is a dirty job. In using this metaphor, I take a cue from Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi who offered a devastating critique a comparable tract called Mother India'Drain Inspector's Report'.
    Vishal Agarwal ji has rendered a service par excellence to sanatana dharma which is a living guidepost for all Hindus, all people worlwide. 
    For generations to come, Hindus who hoist the flag of dharma, will be beholden to Vishal ji for his contributions in protection of dharma.
    S. Kalyanaraman 
    Sarasvati Research Center
    April 7, 2015

    A Review of Chapter 6 of the book ‘The Hindus, an Alternative History’ by Wendy Doniger (2009): Penguin Books

    Chapter Title: “Sacrifices in the Brahmanas”


    1.       Introduction – ....................................................................................……………………………………………………………………………………………………….

    2.       Some Comments on the Chapter 6 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….

    1. Introduction:

    A vast number of Brahmanas are lost, but the existing literature is fairly copious.[1]  Unfortunately, Doniger uses only a select few of the above texts,[2] and relies quite significantly on secondary works of non-specialists like Romila Thapar, Keay and Gavin Flood, who have themselves relied on piecemeal translations and other secondary or tertiary sources. This chapter of Doniger’s book is essentially a cut and paste of sections from her earlier books (‘Hindu Myths’, ‘Textual Sources for the Study of Hinduism,’ and ‘Jaiminiya Brahmana – Tales of Sex and Violence.” The only difference is that whereas her earlier books do not deal with the history of Hindus except tangentially, she has tied together these cut and paste sections pretentiously with ‘historical’ interpretations that are largely again cut and paste from other secondary works of Keay, Thapar and Mitter.

    Her own translations of the Brahmanas have also been criticized severely. To quote Michael Witzel, no friend of the Hindus:

    “(W.D. O'Flaherty, Tales of Sex and Violence. Folklore, Sacrifice, and Danger in the Jaiminiya Brahmana. U. of Chicago Press 1985)

    There are many points I would take issue with in this book (starting from the title and the time limit she gives to JB, 900 BC, without any justification, etc. etc., -- for the moment, see H. Bodewitz, in his introd. to vol. II of his JB translation).

    And of course, the translation, again is a *re*-translation, for all of O.'s selections had been translated by Hans Oertel  and Willem Caland into English/German long before; see her own bibliography. O. merely added a fashionable(?) Freudian coating.

    I select for commentary: "The rejuvenation of Cyavana"  (JB 3.120-29), O. p. 64 sqq.;

    The trouble again is that O. did  not follow up the secondary literature well, not even with the help of the students she mentions.

    * if, -- she would have noticed that the  19th century "western scorn for the brahmanas" has long been overcome, see K. Hoffmann, Aufsaetze zur Indo-Iranistik,vol. III, ed. S Glauch et al., Wiesbaden 1992, p. 709,  -- a 1959 piece, following up Oldenberg and St. Schayer -- and Hoffmann's school at Erlangen, among which my lamented friend, A.Benke, MA thesis Erlangen 1976, and M. Witzel:  On Magical Thought in the Veda. Leiden: Universitaire Pers, 1979 (where the literature is given; incidentally, all provided by the editor to B.K. Smith for his article in Indo-Iranian Journal: "The unity of ritual: The place of the domestic sacrifice in Vedic ritualism", IIJ 29,(1986) 79-96, and only partially used in his book "Reflections on resemblance, ritual, and religion." New York-Oxford 1989.-- which again lambasts our predecessors without making clear that their attitudes had long been overcome.)

    * And,  -- if the sec. lit. had been used  -- the translation would have turned out much better.

    In JB 3.120 sqq. (p. 64 sqq.) there are several cases where this would have helped:  p. 64 (JB 3.120): O's "the thrice returning departure" versus W. Rau, MSS 39, p. 159, 161 n. 1 tells us that this is part of the trekking procedure of the Vedic Indo-Aryans: Two days travel, one day rest (yoga-kSema). Thus: 3 times a period of double marching days (trih punahprayaaNam). -- NB. see already his book: Staat und Gesellschaft im alten Indien nach den Brahmana-Texten dargestellt, Wiesbaden  1957, again largely unread west of the Atlantic...).

    Further, the graama, which treks with wild west style wagons,  is not a "clan" as O. translates repeatedly but a group of people under a graamanii "trek leader": including brahmins, ksatriyas, vaisyas and others -- for example the dumb carpenter of O. p.107, JB 2.272).

    The old Cyavana (3.120, p. 65) is not "on his last legs" but a niSThaava, a "spitter" due to loss of front teeth, see again W. Rau, MSS 39, 160-161

    I also leave aside her predilection for street language colloquialisms "balls of cowshit, balls of shit" (or: the balls of Indra) or: hanta

    "hell!" (p. 65, 3.121), normal meaning: "let's do (something)" --  all cases where Vedic slang is not seen in the Sanskrit but the standard expressions, and I also leave aside the many gaps in the translations where words or whole sentences have been forgotten  (e.g.: p. 64 As he was left behind :vaastau;  p. 64 His sons have left him: nuunam; etc . etc. -- the last section, JB 3.125, only receives a short paraphrase, not a translation -- but O. does not tell us).

    I rather move to more serious grammatical business: O. does not know the function of the "future" imperative in -taad (Delbrueck, Altindische Syntax, 1888 (!) p. 263 sqq.  Thus in par. 123-124, where a serious of commands is given, they should be translated by: do this, AND THEN do that -- the normal meaning of -taad in the Veda.

    O. always calls the members of Zaaryaata's wagon train (graama) "Zaryaati", misunderstanding the 'first-year Sanskrit' Vrddhi formation  in the text which has zaaryaatya- .

    Difficult sentences, such as: saa yadiitiiyaayayaditi (p. 65, 3.121 end) are simply left out without telling us so.

    And p. 66  (JB 3.124) abibhede (MSS: abhibede/Talavakara Brahmana parallel: abhipede!!) is not (with Caland) "she could tell them apart" (from bhid???) but a typical JB mistake for *abhipede "she touched him by the arm, baahau)", see K. Hoffmann, MSS 23 (1968!), p., 41-43 = Aufsaetze p. 504-5.

    Simple question: if *that* much is wrong in just one story (and this is a small selection only!) -- what about the rest of this book and her other translations?

    Face it: It might have been better to have used the old translations and to have added her Freudian interpretation to them...

    In sum: The "translation" simply is UNREALIABLE.”[3]

    The chapter makes an interesting reading, but only from the perspective of literature. As a tool for understanding the history of Hindus, it is worthless. Or rather, as Hans Bakker said, it is like fast-food that has no substance although it pleases the tongue (or let us coin the phrase, ‘Quickie Indology’). The comments pointed in this chapter review are merely illustrative.

    The Brahmanas have a wealth of information related to cosmogony,[4] culture,[5] legal and political institutions[6] and rituals[7] that has been studied systematically by scholars. Unfortunately, Doniger’s bibliography shows that she has not used them.

    Doniger cherry picks statements from these texts, distorting them and quoting them out of context. And indeed, for anything that she quotes, a contradictory statement might be quoted from the same texts. Contrary to Doniger’s politically correct claim, the central theme of this chapter (as well as the others in the book) is certainly not animals, or women or low castes; the contributions made by them; or even the diversity of perspectives reflected in these texts. The reader can see only three over-arching principles: Tales of sex and violence, and of oppression.

    The chapter is written purely under an Aryan Invasion paradigm. In this paradigm, the Brahmanas are all dated roughly within the period 900 – 600 BCE. Doniger cuts and paste the history of this period from the works of other generalists (who in turn have given a very speculative account in an empirical vacuum, and relying largely on Marxist or colonial paradigms).

    The Brahmanas were succeeded by a very vast literature of the six Vedangas. These texts number literally in hundreds, and contain a mass of valuable information on the history, culture, society, politics, and religion etc. of the Vedic peoples. Scholars have demonstrated how even the seemingly technical works of ritual (Kalpasutras)[8] and grammar like those of Panini[9] have valuable information on the history of India. The Vedangas draw their inspiration and the basic material from the Vedas and the Brahmanas. Doniger practically ignores them in this and all other chapters of the book

    2. Some Comments on Chapter 6:


    Page #

    Para # on the page

    Statement in the book





    “1100 – 1000 Vedic texts mention the Doab (the area between the two rivers, the Ganges and the Yamuna.”

    This is an inaccurate remark. The region, and the rivers are mentioned from the oldest parts of the Rigveda. In fact, the Ganga is mentioned in the oldest layers of the Rigveda, and so is the Yamuna.[10]




    “…For the Brahmanas were composed during one of the most significant geographical and social shifts in the history of Hinduism, a period that has been called the second urbanization7….”

    Doniger works within the ‘Aryan Invasion happened around 1500 BCE’ paradigm and calculates all dates of scriptures from this premise. It ignores an earlier, archaeologically well attested migration of the Mature Harappan period populations into the Indo-Gangetic watershed during the late Harappan period, and thence further east in the later times. It stands to reason that if these Harappans spoke Dravidian or Munda languages, then why is it that the residents of the Ganga plains today speak IA languages? A more parsimonious explanation is that the IA speakers lapsed into a rural culture after the collapse of the Harappan culture, and it took them several centuries to develop cities again – this time in the Ganga plains. The continuity of the Harappan and the Vedic peoples who lived in the Ganga plains is suggested by evidence of many types (see reviews of chapters 3-4).




    “The Brahmanas must have been composed a few centuries after the founding of these cities [Kashi, Hastinapur, Kaushambi], for considerable time must have passed since the composition of the Rig Veda….”

    Again, this claim is made under Aryan invasionist paradigms. If the Brahmanas were composed several centuries after the founding of these cities, then they should have been mentioned repeatedly in the Brahmanas.

    Hastinapur is not mentioned in the Brahmanas at all.[11]Kaushambi is not mentioned directly, although a late book of the late Shatapatha Brahmana[12] mentions a person named Proti Kaushambeya, who may have been from Kaushambi   or just a descendant of Kushamba, a person mentioned in Tandya Brahmana 8.6.8 and also later in the Mahabharata. Kashi is mentioned several times, but then, it is mentioned as early as the Atharvaveda (Paippalada Samhita) 5.22.14. Doniger’s evidence is therefore inconclusive in dating the Brahmanas and follows a circular logic.[13]




    “During the first millennium BCE, the Vedic people settled down and built things to last….First they moved east from the Punjab to Magadha (Bihar) and the lower Ganges and later, in a backflow, west from the Ganges to Gujarat…”

    There is no evidence to prove that the Aryans moved in a backflow from the lower Ganga valley to Gujarat when they could have simply moved south along the Indus river valley and reached Gujarat via Kutch! In fact, that is what archaeology shows. Kutch has numerous early Harappan sites, but there are none in Saurashtra and Gujarat. Then, during the Mature Harappan period, we see numerous Harappan sites in Saurashtra. Historically too, people have moved frequently from Sindh into Gujarat and the languages of the two regions are more closely related than Gujarati with north Indian languages.




    “They [Vedic Aryans] moved partly in search of deposits of iron, which they developed from about 800 BCE (though a better quality was developed by about 60011); its use was predominant in the western Ganges plain in the first millennium BCE and spread from the Indo-Gangetic watershed to the confluence of the Ganges and Yamuna.12 In the Rig Veda, the word ayas means “bronze”; later the Atharva Veda distinguishes red   ayas (“bronze”) from the dark ayas (“iron”). First used for pins and other parts of horse harnesses, as well as for weapons, iron was not imported but was developed in India, primarily from rich lodes in what is now southern Bihar.13

    11 Thapar, Early India, 112

    12. Ibid., 89-90

    13Flood, An Introduction, 33; Keay, India, 41.

    This is another example of how Doniger uses her sources carelessly. Thapar does not say on page 112 of her book at all that a better quality of iron was developed around 600 BCE. Nor does she say that the Vedic Aryans moved in search of the deposits of iron. All she says is that use of iron for objects other than weapons does not seem widespread before 800 BCE. Also, it is entirely questionable that the word ‘ayas’ in the Rigveda means bronze or that even dark ayas (shyaman) means iron.

    The Vedic Index (Volume II, page 398), says that syaamaayasa (dark metal) in the Atharvaveda Samhita denotes iron ‘in all probability’, which clearly indicates that it was a conjecture made by the authors of the Index[14]. In a study on gold in Vedic texts, even Jan Gonda[15] treats the equation ‘syaamasa = iron’ with reservation, and in fact, suggests that the word could mean bronze. There is considerable literature on this subject but Doniger has relied on outdated generalist works[16]   and has presented a very simplistic picture. She seems to presume that the use of iron spread from the Indo-Gangetic watershed eastwards, but the archaeological evidence is just the opposite.[17]




    “The move down from the Punjab to the Ganges also sowed the seeds of a problem that was to have repercussions throughout the history of Hinduism: The Vedic people no longer had good grazing lands for their horses, and so it was no longer possible for every member of the tribe to keep a horse.”

    It is pure fantasy that every member of the Aryan tribe ever kept a horse! In fact, scholars from Edmund Leach to Romila Thapar have stated in their works that the horse was a prized and a relatively rare animal even in the Rigvedic period!

    Loose and historically amateurish statements like these abound in Doniger’s book. The Hindus continued to rule the Punjab till Mahmud Ghaznavi overthrew the rule of the Shahis in late 10th century, but they were still importing horses from further northwest. In any case, Punjab was under the rule of the Delhi Sultans and the Moghuls but they still had to import good horses. The reason is that Punjab did not have any significant good grazing lands.



    Doniger then narrates the story of the Brahmana charioteer Vrisha and King Triyaruna (as told in the Jaiminiya Brahmana, book III). A dispute between the Ikshavaku king and the charioteer is resolved in the king’s favor by the judges, who are his fellow Ikshavakus. Doniger extrapolates this single instance, and generalizes (on page 142, para 2): “The point of this story of Vrisha seems to be that royal power trumps priestly power in the courts, since the jury is stacked; the only way that the priest can avoid punishment is by using priestly power to erase the entire crime.”

    Once again, a very loose statement because the earliest Dharmasutras are all by Brahmanas, and the jury is not comprised merely of Kshatriyas! Ancient India had numerous institutions that enforced law even if the King were the upholder of the law.[18]Jaiminiya Brahmana 2.217 text says that only those of Bharadvaja Gotra can execute penalty in the court of law.[19]




    Quoting the Katha Upanishad 3.3-6, Doniger says, “In the Upanishads, we will soon see, the intellect/charioteer reins in the senses/horses that pull the chariot of the mind.”

    The Katha Upanishad does not talk about the ‘chariot of the mind.’ In fact, the reins are the mind, and the chariot represents the body (not the mind). Doniger gets even elementary facts about the Upanishads wrong.




    “A dog too played a part in keeping evil out of the [Ashwamedha] sacrifice, and the negative role of the dog is evidence that the lower castes were still essential to the ritual…..Another factor in the fall of the dog’s status may have been the progressive decline of the Vedic gods Indra, Yama, and Rudra, who were associated with dogs.”33

    33 Debroy, Sarama and her Children

    It is quite questionable if the dog can be equated to the lower castes as she has done throughout the book. Data from the Brahmanas indicates a different story. It is the sheep that is said to be like the Shudras (Jaiminiya Brahmana 1.69).

    But in any case, does that hypothesis make any sense? The logic that the dog declined in status because of the progressive decline in the status of Rudra, Indra and Yama is questionable. First, the only dog (or rather bitch) associated with Indra is Sarama. This Devata is more closely associated with his bay horses in the Rigveda, or with bulls etc. Second, Yama is a minor Deity in the Vedas. Only 3 of the 1028 hymns in the Rigveda are dedicated to Rudra,   although the Shatarudriya (called by other names like the Rudraprashna) is exalted in the Yajurvedic and Atharvavedic traditions (and also in the Shankhayana Rigvedic traditions of Naagara Brahmins). In general, Rudra is an ‘outsider’.

    Doniger has relied on the hypothesis of Debroy in associating the decline of the dog to the decline of the Vedic deities and caste system. Debroy notes that Rudra was replaced by Shiva and the dog is still hallowed in that tradition (especially in the streams associated with Bhairava) and also by the worshippers of Dattatreya, but dismisses the latter as being inconsequential as if the worship of Yama was widespread in Vedic India.[20]

    However, whereas Debroy gives a more nuanced and a multifaceted argument, Doniger does not. Debroy gives one specific argument that makes more sense – Dogs are more useful to pastoralists than to settled agriculturalists. The increasing sedentarization of populations in ancient India is a better explanation as to why the status of the dog declined gradually.




    After some discussion on the question of eating beef in ancient India, Doniger then cites a passage from the Shatapatha Brahmana: “On the other hand, one Brahmana passage forbids the eating of either of either cow or bull… concluding that anyone who did eat them would be reborn as something so strange that people would say, “He committed a sin, he expelled the embryo from his wife.” The text then adds, “However, Yajnavalkya said, ‘I do eat [the meat of both cow and bull], as long as it’s tasty.’”53

    53 Shatapatha Brahmana

    As Witzel (quoted above) noted, Doniger’s knowledge Sanskrit does not exceed that of a first year Sanskrit student. The passage, when seen in the context refers to the yajamāna avoiding milk and milk products, to which Yajnavalkya says, “But I will eat it (milk products) if it is nourishing.” The grammar and Koshas explain this passage in the same way, and so does Sayana.

    The word amsala does not mean ‘flesh of an animal’, but rather ‘nourising and strength bestowing’ (Ashtadhyayi 5.2.98). Likewise, Amarkosha 2.6.44 also explains it as nourishing fruit, milk products, sweets etc.[21]




    “The ancient Indians thus defined animals according to the manner in which they killed them, either in a hunt (mrigas) or in a sacrifice (pashus).”

    Again, this generalization is untenable. First, the division of animals is not into those that are slaughtered in a sacrifice versus those that are hunted, but rather into those that are domesticated (grāmya) verses those that are in the wilderness (āranya). In fact, they are referred to as ‘grāmya pashavah’ and āranyāh pashavah’.[22] In other words, the word ‘pashu’ is used not just for domesticated animals but also for wild animals. And there is a third category of animals that are neither of these – like the frog (Taittiriya Samhita

    Secondly, Doniger’s tendency to use sex and violence as overarching hermeneutical devices has no basis because the ‘grāmya vs. āranya’ divide is used in many other Vedic spheres – e.g. the melodies of the Samaveda. Now sure, it is absurd to say that the Samavedic melodies are sacrificed or hunted!

    And in fact, the Brahmanas clearly declare that the wild animals are not to be slaughtered (Tandya Brahmana 6.8.14), and contrary to Doniger’s focus on the ‘addiction’ to hunting, scholars have pointed out that the wild animals were released during Vedic sacrifices.[23] Hunting as a means to get food and sport is not very well articulated in the Brahmanas.




    “The sacrificial quality that goes from the man to the horse, bull, ram, and goat sets the pattern for the myth in the   Brihadaranyaka Upanishad (1.4.3-4) in which the father god rapes his daughter, who flees from him the form of a cow, a mare, a donkey, a goat, and a ewe, only to be caught and raped by him in the form of a bull, stallion, male donkey, goat and ram.”

    The rapes are a figment of Doniger’s perverse imagination, and there are numerous places in the book where she tends to imagine rapes. Let us reproduce the exact translation:[24]

    He [Purusha], verily, had no delight. Therefore he who is alone has no delight. He desired a second. He became as large as a woman and a man in close embrace. He caused that self to fall into two parts. From that arose husband and wife. Therefore, as Yajnavalkya used to say, this (body) is one half of oneself, like one of the two halves of split pea. Therefore this space is filled by a wife. He became united with her. From that human beings are produced.

    She thought, “How can he unite with me after having produced me from himself?” Well, let me hide myself. She became a cow, the other became a bull and was united with her and from that cows were born. The one became a mare, the other a stallion. The one became a she-ass, the other a he-ass and was united with her; and from that one-hoofed animals was born. The one became a she-goat, the pother a he-goat, the one became a ewe, the other became a ram and was united with her and from that goats and sheep were born. Thus indeed, he produced everything whatever exists in pairs, down to the ants.”

    I do not see any hint for a rape that Doniger imagines, and secondly, the text speaks not just of these five animals but every creature down to the ant. The point is that creation exists in pairs. And at worst, as Purusha did not just create his daughter, but himself split into two (husband and wife), he can only be assumed to have raped himself, if Doniger insists on imagining a rape.




    “An early Upanishad, shortly after the composition of the Brahmanas, spelled out the malevolent implications of the inclusion of humans as sacrificial victims: “Whoever among gods, sages, or men become enlightened became the very self of the gods, and the gods have no power to prevent him. But whosoever worships a divinity as other than himself is like a sacrificial animal (pashu] for the gods, and each person is of use to the gods just as many animals would be of use to a man. Therefore it is not pleasing to those [gods] that men should become enlightened.”69 Thus, human men and women are the gods’ sacrificial sheep.70

    69 Brihadaranyaka Upanishad 1.4.10, Shatapatha Brahmana; Doniger O’ Flaherty, Origins of Evil, 91

    70 Doniger O’ Flaherty, Origins of Evil, 171-73

    This is again a fantastic interpretation, contrary to the context of the Upanishad. What the passages in question imply is that Brahman is the source of all, including the gods. When a man finds this out and realizes that even the Devas are subordinate to and originate from Brahman, they stop making offerings to Brahman and instead devote themselves to Brahman alone.

    There is no hint of ‘humans sacrificing themselves to gods’, nor is there any description of ‘malevolent implication of the inclusion of humans as sacrificial victims.’ Doniger’s totally lose methodology (Freudian free association) enables her to make fantastic and untenable interpretations of everything, in total violation of the context.[25]

    One can read the preceding passage (Brihadaranyaka Upanishad 1.4.9), the earlier part of this same passage, and also the succeeding passage (1.4.11) to understand this point, which is totally contrary to what Doniger is making out to be by seeing animals only as sacrificial victims.




    “The need for a substitute for the consciousness-altering soma may have led to the development of other ways of creating unusual psychic states, such as yoga, breath control, fasting, and meditation.”

    This one sentence betrays Doniger’s view of Hindu spirituality – that is merely a psychic state. Yogis will never accept this view of Bhogis that the state they attain during meditation can ever be attained through the use of substances like Soma (that presumably Doniger things of as something similar to marijuana or heroin in its mode of effect). Even in Patanjali’s Yogasutra 4.1, where ‘aushadhi’ is said to lead to Samadhi, the result is said to be very different from the true Samadhi resulting from the eightfold path of Yoga. Doniger’s desiccated view of Hindu philosophies and spirituality leads her gross misinterpretations of chapters on the Upanishads (chapter 7) and Darshanas (chapter 18).

    Unfortunately, Doniger’s pseudo-history is also at variance with what other scholars of history say. The standard paradigm is that Yoga, meditation, pranayama (we wonder why Doniger separates these three aspects of one and the same practice – Yoga) arose from the Shramanic communities whereas the Vedic ceremonies were led by the Brahmanas. Furthermore, whereas these Indologists point to the northwestern origins of Soma, they argue that Yoga emerged from communities living further east, in the interior of India.

    Secondly, clay figurines depicting Yogic asanas have been unearthed in Harappan sites, and reputable Indologists like Iravatham Mahadevan have likened to the unicorn seals’ pedestal in front of the creature as a representation of the Soma filter. For more details, see the reviews of chapter 3-4.

    To conclude, Doniger’s comment is extremely naïve and takes a reductionist view of the spiritual philosophies and practices of Hinduism.



    Doniger narrates a tale from the Jaiminiya Brahmana in which the gods put evil, sleep, carelessness, anger, hunger, love of dice and desire for women in men, so that they are not able to reach heaven. Then, she concludes, “The gods here do not merely accidentally burden humans with evil that they themselves, the gods, cannot manage; they do it purposely, to prevent humans from going to heaven…..Why does this change take place at this moment? The hardening of the lines between states, the beginning of competition for wealth and power, the scrambling for the supremacy of the rich Ganges bottomland may have introduced into the myths a more cynical approach to the problem of dealing with evil. And the growth of both power and the abuse of power among the two upper classes may explain why the gods at this time came to be visualized less like morally neutral (if capricious and often destructive) forces of nature – the fire, soma, rain, and the rivers of the Veda – or brutal and sensually addicted but fair-minded human chieftains and more like wealthy and powerful kings and Brahmins, selfish, jealous, and vicious.”

    Oh, but there is a little problem, because the Jaiminiya Brahmana 1.97-98 is placed not in the Gangetic plains, but in the Chambal region![26] So there evaporates Doniger’s pseudo-history.

    And all that Doniger sees in the Brahmins and Kshatriyas are jealousy, viciousness and selfishness! It is as if they cannot lead virtuous lives. Her book is replete with these types of hate filled stereotypical statements against different sections of the Hindus.

    Contrary to Doniger’s assertion that Brahmanas and Kshatriyas are depicted as vicious, selfish and jealous, the texts themselves give a more positive picture. The Brahmanas for instance are required to be knowledgeably and studious, of pure conduct and descent, and cooperative with other priests.[27] Bad priests are criticized.[28]   The importance of faith and knowledge is emphasized.[29]Kings not only had privileges, but duties as well.[30] They were supposed to act respectfully, and not snatch someone’s sister, wife (or other women), wealth, or speak lies.[31] In fact, there is considerable material on ethical and spiritual values for all in the Brahmanas.[32]

    Copyright: Permission is granted to reproduce this PDF on other websites.

    REV A: March 20th, 2014.

    For any questions and corrections, please write to the reviewers Vishal Agarwal  

    [1] The Brahmana texts available today under the four Vedas are:

    ·         Rigveda: Aitareya, Shankhayana (along with the slightly differing Kaushitaki version)

    ·         Shukla Yajurveda: Shatapatha (in two versions: Kanva and Madhyandina)

    ·         Krishna Yajurveda: Taittiriya, and fragments of Katha Brahmana. Additionally, long Brahmana sections are embedded in the available Samhitas (Taittiriya, Maitrayaniya, Kathaka and Kapishthala). The Vadhula Anvakhyana is considered an additional Brahmana of the Taittiriya Shakha by some scholars.

    ·         Atharvaveda: Gopatha Brahmana

    ·         Samaveda: The Jaiminiya tradition has the Jaiminiya Brahmana, Upanishad Brahmana and Arsheya Brahmana. The Kauthuma-Ranayaniya tradition have 8 Brahmanas – the Tandya, Shadvimsha, Arsheya, Samhitopanishad, Samavidhana, Vamsha, Mantra Brahmana, Devatadhyaya.

    [2] For example, her leaving out of Chhandogya Mantra Brahmana belies her claim that her book is about women, because this Brahmana has a considerable grhya material related to women.

    [3] Available online at <checked on 20 March 2014>. Witzel wrote two other criticisms, one each for her translations of the Rigveda and Manusmriti. Amusingly, it appears that after this public criticism, Witzel has reconciled with Doniger, who wrote a superlative blurb on the back cover of Witzel’s latest book “The Origins of World Mythologies” (OUP: 2013)

    [4] Konrad Klaus (1986), Die Altindische Kosmologie – Nach den Brahmanas Dargestellt. Indica et Tibetica Verlag (Bonn)

    Umesh Chandra Pandey (1991-1992), The Cosmogonic Legends of the Brahmanas, Shivaniketanam (Gorakhpur, India)

    [5] Sunanda Tilak (1990), Cultural Gleanings from the Brahmana Literature, Yaska Publishers and Distributors (New Delhi)

    Jogiraj Basu (1969), India in the Age of Brahmanas, Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar (Calcutta)

    [6] Hari Pada Chakraborti (1981), Vedic India – Political and Legal Institutions in Vedic Literature, Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar (Calcutta)

    In this regard, the omission by Doniger of the numerous works of Wilhelm Rau, who has written extensively on the Brahmanas, is a real lacuna.

    [7] G U Thite (1975), Sacrifice in the Brahmana Texts, University of Poona (Pune). [Doniger has referenced a 19th century work by Sylvan Levi instead].

    [8] Ram Gopal (1983), India in the Age of Vedic Kalpasutras, Motilal Banarsidass (New Delhi)

    [9] Vasudeva Sharan Agrawal (1952), India as Known to Panini, University of Lucknow (Allahabad)

    [10] In this regard, see Shrikant Talageri (2000), The Rigveda a Historical Analysis, Aditya Prakashan (New Delhi) that discounts the general ‘Aryans went from the west to east’ dogma of some Indologists.

    [11] A town Asandivat is mentioned in the Aitareya and the Shatapatha Brahmanas, and is taken by some scholars to mean Hastinapura. However, the two towns are distinct, and Asandivat is a different town that is identified with modern Asandh close to the city of Karnal in Haryana. See: Devendra Handa, “Identification of Asandivat”, pages 278-281 in Vishveshvaranand Indological Journal, vol 3, part 2 (Sept 1965)

    [12] Shatapatha Brahmana

    [13] The Vedic Index can be checked regarding this information.

    [14] The Saunakiya Samhita mentions ‘dark’ to denote a dark metal at two places -9.5.4; 11.3.7. In his translation, although Whitney glosses ‘dark metal’ as ‘doubtlessly iron’ for the latter occurrence, nothing compels us to accept this meaning. It could very well mean bronze (knife). He does not comment on the identity of the dark metal at 9.5.4. although the context again refers to a knife made out of the same. It may be noted that bronze and copper knives and blades have been found in the Harappan sites.

    [15] Jan Gonda (1991), The Functions and Significance of Gold in the Veda, E. J. Brill (Leiden/New York)

    [16] For a more contemporary overview, refer: Deo Prakash Sharma (2012), Science and Metal Technology of Harappans, Kaveri Books (New Delhi)

    [17] Erdosy, George (1995), “The prelude to urbanization: ethnicity and the rise of late Vedic chiefdoms”,  In F.R. Allchin (ed.), The Archaeology of the Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States, pp. 75–98. Cambridge University Press (Cambridge); pages 83-84

    [18] See Chakraborti (1981), page 241onwards.

    [19] Tilak, p. 122

    [20] And in modern times, the worshippers of Sai Baba recall the association of two dogs with the saint.

    [21] For more details, refer to pages 212-214 of “A Review of Beef Eating in Ancient India” (1970) published by Gita Press (Gorakhpur)

    [22] Tilak, p. 63

    [23] Charles Malamoud, “Village and Forest in the Ideology of Brahmanic India”, pp. 74-91 in Cooking the World – Ritual and Thought in Ancient India (1996), translated by David White, Oxford University Press (New Delhi). Doniger has referenced this work elsewhere in her book.

    [24] S. Radhakrishnan (1953), The Principal Upanishads, Harper and Brothers Publishers (New York), p. 164-165

    [25] Refer, S. Radhakrishnan (1953), The Principal Upanishads, Harper and Brothers Publishers (New York), p. 168-169

    [26] Michael WitzelTracing the Vedic dialects in Dialectes dans les litteratures Indo-Aryennes ed. Pierre Caillat, Paris, 1989, 97–265

    [27] Thite, pp. 217-218

    [28] Thite, p. 220

    [29] Thite 319-322

    [30] Basu, p. 17 - 20

    [31] Taittiriya Brahmana

    [32] Tilak, pp. 156-173


    Comments on Chapter 13, “Bhakti in South India”
    General Comments: ‘Bhakti is Violence’

    Throughout the chapter, Doniger tries to prove the following four things -

    1.       Bhakti equates to violence and adherents of Bhakti indulged in frequent persecutions of the Jains and the Buddhists,

    2.       Bhakti did not really liberate women and low-castes,

    3.       The better aspects of Bhakti are due to influences from Buddhism, Jainism, Christianity and Islam.

    Doniger does not know any of the four major South Indian languages, and has relied completely on partial translations of Tamil sources by a handful of Western Scholars like A K Ramanujan (her colleague), John Carman and McGlasham. She has completely ignored even complete translations of the works of Nayanars and Alwars by Indian scholars. Her chapter is largely a cut and paste from second-hand generalist works of Romila Thapar, John Keay, Gavin Flood, Herman Kulke and Dietmar Rothermund and Partha Mitter. She has largely ignored the works of Alwars, because they do not easily fit her paradigm of Bhakti as sex and violence. These omissions result in a very slanted, desiccated and a negative treatment of south Indian Bhakti. Let us discuss some of the agendas in her chapter on South India Bhakti below.

    Bhakti was Violent, and Hindus persecuted Buddhists and Jains:

    At the very beginning of the chapter, Doniger says that though Bhakti empowered women and lower castes with its inclusive ideology, “yet the violence of passions that it generated also led to inter-religious hostility (p. 338).” She ends the chapter with the words, “The violent power of bhakti, which overcame even the god, transfigured the heart of religion in India ever after (p. 369).” It appears that for Doniger, Hinduism is a very violent religion, because in her book she makes statements like, “…the Vedic reverence for violence flowered in the slaughters that followed Partition,” (p. 627); and has described the Gita as a “dishonest book” in a newspaper interview because in her opinion, the scripture promotes war. She also concludes her book with the words, “…we must curb our optimism by recalling the violence embedded in many forms of bhakti, and by noting that it was in the name of bhakti to Ram that the militant Hindu nationalists tore down the Babri Mosque (p. 690).” Of course Doniger has nothing to say on the violence of Islamic ‘bhakti’ when in the aftermath of the destruction of single abandoned mosque, more than 450 temples were demolished or vandalized by Muslims in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, England and even in Canada, or on more than 50 temples demolished in Kashmir before the demolition of Babri Mosque. It is only the Hindus whose traditions and philosophies are violent, pornographic and oppressive. What a pity that Doniger has wasted five decades of her life hating her objects of study – the Hindus.

    To advance her thesis of violent Bhakti in this chapter, she focusses solely on Tamil Shaiva saints, and even therein, she focusses only on their biographies in the Periyapuranam (e.g. p. 361–362), referring to other works only tangentially. This narrow focus is methodologically flawed for several reasons. First, although the Nayanmars lived from 500 – 900 CE according to her (p. 338), the Periyapuranam was composed at least 250 years later according to internal testimony of the text.[1] Scholars have pointed out that Cekkilar, the author of Periyapuranam, has greatly exaggerated the violence mentioned in the earlier sources that he had used. And finally, the violence in the lives of Nayanmars is unique in the entire history of Hindu Bhakti with very few parallels in other Bhakti traditions within Tamil Nadu, and even those outside of Tamil Nadu.[2] Yet, Doniger uses these few instances to paint a pervasive picture of South Indian Bhakti as a violent ideology.

    While she dwells constantly on Hindu polemics against the Jains and the Buddhists (p. 362-363), she barely gives any example of how the latter depicted the Hindu Deities. Many Jain scriptures send Rama and Krishna to hell for instance. Is it Doniger’s case that these Jain narratives incited them to commit violence towards the Hindus? Hundreds of Hindu kings ruled different parts of India over thousands of years and it is almost a certainty that a handful of them would have persecuted people of religious persuasions different from theirs. This is in contrast to the Islamic rule, where guided by their religious teachings, most Muslim rulers discriminated against or persecuted the non-believers. Doniger offers the following ‘proof’ of Hindu persecution of the Buddhists, “In other parts of India, from time to time, Hindus, especially Shaivas, tool aggressive action against Buddhism. At least two Shaiva kings* are reported to have destroyed monasteries and killed monks. *Mikirakula (early sixth century) and Sasanka (early 7th century).” Now, it is questionable if these two examples should be sufficient to warrant a blanket conclusion as Doniger does. Secondly, are even these two examples appropriate? Mihirakula is remembered as a tyrant by no less than Kalhana, and he was a Huna invader. Shashanka has not been glorified in traditional Hindu records before he became a hero for some recent Bengali nationalists.[3] This stands in stark contrast to Ghori, Ghaznavi and Aurangzeb who are glorified in the Islamic tradition.

    Doniger of course does not even consider the possibility that the Shaivas were reacting to the preceding Kalabhra period when the Jains had persecuted Shaivites.[4] Nor is she aware of the opinion of some historians that the same Kalabhra Jains were perhaps responsible for the persecution of Buddhists in the Pandiyan territory.[5] Other than a passing reference, she does not mention Jaina epics like Nilakesi that reserve their worst invectives for Buddhist monks. All said and done however, even these polemics in the works of the three faiths, or their acts of religious persecution were miniscule in quantity or in their nature when compared to how the Abrahamics treated the ‘non-believers’. There is simply no Dharmic parallel to the widespread Jihads, Crusades or the European civil wars between Protestants and Catholics. The average American reader, for whom Doniger presumably wrote the book, will get the impression from her statements that the Hindus were as violent as the Abrahamics towards other religions. This is what she says repeatedly in her book to overturn the conventional and the correct view that Hindus are very tolerant as a religious community. Perhaps, in writing her book, she wanted to overcome her own white guilt, if I may be permitted to psychoanalyze her, just as she keeps doing to us Hindus.

    Then, she claims that, “Only in Bihar and Bengal, because of the patronage of the Pala dynasty and some lesser kings and chiefs, did Buddhist monasteries continue to flourish. Buddhism in eastern India was well on the way to be reabsorbed into Hinduism, the dominant religion, when Arabs invaded the Ganga Valley in the twelfth century (p. 364).” Her implication is that the Islamic invaders had no role in the destruction of Buddhism in India as is generally believed, and the disappearance of Buddhism in India was due to persecutions by the Hindus. This is a revisionist viewpoint, and ignores how Buddhism was extinguished by Islamic invaders in Central Asia, Sindh, Gilgit-Baltistan, Chitral, Swat and many other parts of the world. Buddhism continues to be a major force in Nepal, a predominantly Hindu country. Within India, it lasted the longest in Orissa and parts of Tamil Nadu, which were relatively free of Islamic rule. It was the Muslim invaders like Bakhtiyar Khilji who destroyed Buddhist universities like Vikramshila and Nalanda in Bihar and gave Buddhism a final death blow. Later, Doniger claims, “From time to time too, Shaivas tore down Shaiva temples, or Vaishnava temples, looting the temples and hauling the images home. In other words, as was the case later with the Turkish invasions, warfare had political and economic motives more than religious ones (p. 366).” So once again, she tries to absolve Islam of widespread iconoclasm in India during the Islamic rule or at least blunt it by equating it to a few random acts of Hindu iconoclasm. Islam has an avowed theology of Iconoclasm which Hinduism lacks, and we have covered this point in more detail in our review of chapter 16 of her book.

    According to her, the construction of temples itself was an act of violence (p. 348-349) and focusses excessively and tendentiously on the argument that there is ‘no free temple’. She gives the example of Brihadeeshvara temple and complains that the king used war booty for this purpose, and taxed villages (p. 347).[6] By this perverse logic, all toll-roads and bridges in the United States are an act of violence because people using them have to pay a toll. Citing the works of apologist scholars like Richard Davis, Doniger argues that the Cholas looted and desecrated other temples to build their own but acknowledges that this has little to do with religious persecution (p. 349). Given the prolific interfaith narratives in her book, she does not contrast how Hindu iconoclasm (similar burning down a library after retrieving all the books and then housing them in a new library) differs from Islamic and Christian versions (burning down a library together with the books). In Hinduism, the temple is merely a house for the Deity, and therefore even marauding kings, if they did desecrate temples, first took the images out of the site to install them elsewhere. Eight times in her book, Doniger equates these two iconoclasms despite their different natures, and despite the fact that the Hindu version was very restricted in space and time (compared to the Islamic variety), to paint Hinduism as violent (if not more) a religion as Islam and Christianity.

    Well, someone did destroy the Hindu temples. So Doniger makes a sinister attempt to shift the blame from Muslims to the Jains! Referring to the verses, “I [Bhakti] was born in Dravida [South India] and grew up in Karnataka. I lived here and there in Maharashtra; and became weak and old in Gujarat. There, during the terrible Kali Age, I was shattered by heretics. But after reaching Vrindavana I became young and beautiful again (pp. 367-368),” Doniger rightly points out that this passage is traditionally taken to describe the destruction of Hindu temples by Islamic invaders. But she counters this by saying that Gujarat was a “Jaina stronghold” (p. 368), that these ‘heretics’ “…may very well be Jains (p. 368).” She supports her argument by saying that the Bhagavata Mahatmya, in which these verses are found, is a north Indian text because it mentions Vrindavana. Her logic is unclear, and questionable because Mathura and other places associated with the childhood of Krishna are mentioned in the writings of Alwars who are from South India. And the Bhagavata Purana itself is associated with South India.[7] It appears that Doniger will clutch at any straws to absolve Islam of iconoclasm, even if it means a ‘displacement’ of guilt to the non-violent Jains. Therefore, I submit that Doniger’s writings are in fact verbal violence against the Hindus and Jains, or hatemonger with scholarly pretentions.

    Bhakti did not liberate Women:

    The focus of Doniger remains on the imaginary violent aspects of Bhakti, and she gives quite a perfunctory treatment to women Bhaktas. Just about a page and a half are devoted to women Nayanmars and Alwar Andal.

    Doniger laments that only one Alwar out of twelve, namely Andal, was a women (p. 353). How does this compare to the record of other religions? Doniger is a Jew, and her scripture, the Old Testament, has only 2 out of 39 books named after women. In the 27 books of the New Testament, not even one is named after a woman. In Islam, the entire Koran of 114 chapters was revealed to a male prophet. All the 10 Gurus of Sikhs were men. In Jainism, all the 24 Jain tirthankars were men. And what she does not note is that of the twelve Alwars, two are considered the most important and they are none other than Andal (a woman) and Nammalvar (a Shudra). Also, Doniger is perhaps unaware that to this day, Tamils sing the verses of Andal during the month of Margazhi every year in the memory of Andal. But after dismissing Andal in a few lines (p. 353), she does not give the reader any idea of her religious compositions that are an important part of Shri Vaishnava liturgy even today.

    Bhakti did not liberate lower castes:

    Doniger does mention that Nammalvar was of a low caste, but quickly adds that a later Brahmin hagiographer claimed that Nammalvar shunned his own low-caste family (p.360-361). However, she conveniently forgets to mention that he is regarded as the greatest of all the twelve Alvars, and that his Tiruvayamoli is considered as the Tamil Veda by the Shri Vaishnava community.[8] The Tiruvayamoli attracted a commentary by no less than the saintly Pillan, to fulfill one of the three life goals of Shri Ramanujacharya. Even today, in their temples, the priest places a crown with a pair of feet embossed on them on the head of a visiting devotee. The crown represents Nammalvar, who was the crown or the highest of Alwars, with the feet being the feet of Bhagavan Vishnu.

    While devoting considerable text to Kannappar and Nandanar (pages 357-360), she fails to mention that more than a quarter of the Nayanmars are Shudras or untouchables, and many of the remaining are Vaishyas.[9]

    Bhakti was inspired by other Religions:

    Although it is admirable to demonstrate how various traditions have intermingled with each other and have done mutual borrowings in India, Doniger’s examples all practically show how it is Hinduism that has borrowed from others and not the reverse. The reader is left with the impression that Hinduism is a cul-de-sac that passively absorbs foreign influences, without teaching much goodness to others. Coming to Bhakti, Doniger clearly exaggerates the influence of other religions. She makes very strained attempts to derive the non-violent elements of Bhakti from teachings or influences of other religions. In order to do so, she presents a very inadequate picture of Bhakti in the Vedic texts, and then pre-dates Abrahamic holy books by several centuries.[10] Several scholars have argued that elements of the nine-fold Bhakti can be traced in Rigvedic hymn themselves.[11]

    Doniger makes an ahistorical claim that St Thomas, one of the apostles, had visited India. This claim has political[12] and Christian fundamentalist[13] overtones and has no credible historical evidence to back it.[14] It is perhaps not surprising that Doniger should support this claim. What is surprising however is her statement that the Acts of Thomas may date from the first century C.E., when all credible Biblical scholars argue that it was written in Syriac in Edessa in the early 3rd century C.E.[15] In fact, even the canonical four gospels are often dated after the first century C.E. In recent times, a section of Indian Christians have been propagating this myth to claim India for Christ (because ‘one of the 12 Apostles himself visited India’) even though historical evidence suggests that these Christian communities are perhaps descendants of refugees from Syria who landed in the mid-fourth century C.E.[16] In the modern revisionist version (being propagated by Indian Marxist historians), St Thomas lies buried in the Mylapore Church close to Chennai, which is improbable given the myriad accounts of his place of death and numerous graves associated with him all over the old world.[17] For Doniger however, it serves the agenda for implying that Bhakti had something to do with Christian influences.

    Doniger argues that Hinduism added elements of Islam into its Bhakti ideology (p. 344). She says, “At the same time, there were many opportunities for positive interactions between Islam and bhakti in South India. For instance, the idea of “surrender” (prapatti), so important to the Shri Vaishnava tradition of South India, may have been influenced by Islam (the very name of which means “surrender”). More generally, the presence of people of another faith, raising awareness of previously unimagined religious possibilities, may have inspired the spread of these new, more ecstatic forms of Hinduism and predisposed conventional Hindus to accept the more radical teachings of the bhakti poets (p. 368).”

    This claim of Islamic influence in the shaping and acceptance of Bhakti is laughable, to put it mildly. Which aspect of Hindu Bhakti parallels Islamic ‘surrender’ – sakhya, vaatsalya, or maadhurya? Which Bhakti practice has a parallel in Islam – Paadasevanam? Kiirtanam? Archanam? Even if the depth and variety of Bhakti were to be found in Islam (which it is not), what is the evidence that Malabar Muslim traders had an influence on Shri Vaishnavas or on Shaivas? To cut the long story short, Ishvara-praanidhaana (surrender to Ishvara) is mentioned in the pre-Islamic Yogasutra as one of the three practices of Kriyaayoga (Sutra 2.1) and as one of the five Niyamas (Sutra 2.32). In Sutra 1.23, it is said to be one of the means of obtaining Samaadhi. And commenting on this Sutra, the pre-Islamic commentary of Vyasa defines the term as a ‘form of Bhakti’. The commentary on Sutra 2.1 and 2.32 defines it as surrendering one’s Karma and the fruit or result thereof to Ishvara, the Supreme Guru. Now let us examine the claim from the reverse side. Indian traders travelled to Middle East too. Will Doniger dare to suggest that their Hindu religious beliefs influenced Prophet Muhammad?

    Coming to Buddhism, Doniger argues that the practice of Darshana was partly inspired by Buddhist viewing of the relics in Stupas (p. 352). No proof is offered for this speculation. Writing in the 2nd century CE, Patanjali writes in his Mahabhashya that the Mauryas used to install images to induce gullible people to make monetary offerings to them. From the context, it appears that they were not likely Buddhist images of which the people took Darshana.

    Doniger also claims that the building to temples was partly a response to the Buddhist practice of constructing Stupas, and of the Buddhist and Jainas worshipping the statues of their enlightened teachers (p. 353). This is a claim repeated elsewhere by her in the book (chapter 9) too. As an example, she mentions the Jaina temple at Aihole with an inscription dated to 636 CE and refers to it as one of the earliest temples in India. One does not understand the purpose behind giving this isolated example, because older Gupta period temples are found in northern India and even in northern Pakistan, where a temple in Chakwal (at the Hindu pilgrim center of Katasraj) is dated to as early as late 5th cent. C.E.[18] Moreover, what is so unique about construction of places of worship that the Hindus must necessarily borrow it from others? All religions have their shrines and temples and by Doniger’s logic, these places of worship must have been constructed in ‘response’ to competition from other religions. As to the origins of Hindu temple architecture, an earlier critique of her book points out that, “….the Sathapatha Brahmana portion of the Shukla Yajur Veda, dating back to at least 1500 BCE, describes a special form of tabernacle, distinct from the Agni-shala of the household, for which a special fire-priest, the Agnidhra, was designated.  Through the kindling of the fire, the tabernacle became the dwelling place of the Vishvedevas (all the gods).  This is a prototype for later Hindu temples, where icons replaced the sacred fire as the focus of worship.  In other words, if one wants to be polemical, one can definitely argue that the genesis of formal temple construction vidhis – rules and methods – certainly pre-dates the advent of Buddhism.”[19]

    Doniger follows up on her thesis of foreign origins of Bhakti in other parts of the book as well. She does not describe how Ramananda and other saints carried the doctrine of Vaishnava Bhakti to northern India. And later, in chapter 20, she credits the Mughals as having supported the rise of Bhakti movements in northern India. And so, the organic link between and continuity between the South India Bhakti and the Pan-Indian Bhakti gets downplayed. To conclude, this chapter too, instead of appreciating the depth of the Bhakti philosophy and practices, portrays in the most negative terms. Doniger would never dare presenting other religions in such a hateful manner.

    Revision A: 03 May 2014

    [1] Anne Mous, “Love, Violence, and the Aesthetics of Disgust: Saivas and Jains in Medieval South India,” Journal of Indian Philosophy, vol. 32, pp. 113-172 (2004)

    [2] Ibid, p. 123

    [3] Mayurika Chakravorty, ‘Skeletons of History: Fact and Fiction in Rakhaldas Bandhopadhyaya’s Sasanka,” South Asia Research, vol. 24. No. 2, November 2004, pp. 171 - 183

    [4] M Arunachalam (1979), The Kalbhras in the Pandiya Country and their Impact on Life and Letters There, University of Madras: Madras, pp. 94 sqq.

    [5] Ibid, p. 95

    [6] Ironically, Doniger ignores the beautiful story of Alagi, the woman, who was apparently asked by the Chola king to play an important role in the inauguration of this temple.

    [7] K A Nilakantha Shastri (1966), History of South India, Oxford University Press (Madras), p. 342

    [8] Vasudha Narayanan and John Braisted Carman (1989), The Tamil Veda, University of Chicago Press (Chicago)

    [9] See <checked on 10 March 2014>

    [10] E.g. on page 339, she dates the Hebrew Old Testament containing the account of Solomon (not the king himself) to 1000 BCE when most Biblical scholars post-date the Old Testament books to several centuries later.

    [11] Jeanine Miller (1996), Does Bhakti Appear in the Rgveda, Bharatiya Vidya Bhawan (Mumbai)

    [12] Which is why Romila Thapar gives credence to the historical untenable theory in her Early India.

    [13] See Rajiv Malhotra (2011), Breaking India, Amaryllis (New Delhi), p. 129 sqq.

    [14] See Ishwar Sharan (2010), The Myth of Saint Thomas and the Mylapore Shiva Temple (3rd Edition), Voice of India (New Delhi). The book is available online at <checked on 25 March 2014>

    [15] Willis Barnstone ((1984), The Other Bible, Harper Collins Publishers (San Francisco)

    [16] Sita Ram Goel (1996), History of Hindu-Christian Encounters, Voice of India (New Delhi)

    See also: Michael Meister (2010), Temples on the Indus, Brill Academic Publishers (Leiden, Netherlands)

    [19] Aditi Banerjee (2009), “Oh, But you do get it wrong,” online at
    Vishal Agarwal's Chapter-wise Review of The Hindus: An Alternative History’ by Prof. Wendy Doniger
    “Aldous Huxley once said that an intellectual was someone who had found something more interesting than sex; in Indology, an intellectual need not make that choice at all.”
    Wendy Doniger in ‘When the Lingam is Just a Cigar, Psychoanalysis and Hindu Sexual Fantasies’.
    Wendy Doniger’s book “The Hindus, an Alternative History” (see the cover), published and distributed by Penguin has been a phenomenal sales success. Already (in February 2010), more than 600 libraries in North America have acquired a copy of the book, in less than one year since its publication. The Indian division of Penguin has brought out an Indian reprint as well. Doniger claims that her book is about Hindu women, low castes, dogs and horses. But these merely appear to be an excuse for her to indulge in bouts of lewd descriptions, imaginary rapes, violence, titillating sleaze, drugs, booze and the like – all of which is then superimposed on the Hindus and on their traditions. As usual, she kinks fairly straightforward narratives in Hindu scriptures to present her own pornographic versions.
    Medieval India is not her forte at all, and Doniger is often seen reproducing (and even amplifying) the errors already present in her secondary and tertiary sources. The book is more than 600 pages long, and the number of errors average more than 1 per page. There are errors of chronology, of historical dates and sequence of events, geography, verifiable historical facts, proper names, translations of Sanskrit texts and so on. These errors are compounded by strained and agenda driven interpretations that whitewash medieval atrocities on Indians, perpetuate colonial and racist stereotypes about Hindus, attribute many positive developments within the Hindu society to impulses from Christianity or Islam and grossly distort historical evidence.
    Some examples of derogatory statement & factual errors:
    i. Page 40 – “If the motto of Watergate was ‘Follow the money’, the motto of the history of Hinduism could well be ‘Follow the monkey’ or, more often ‘Follow the horse’.”
    Comment: Very derogatory and offensive. The motto of Hinduism is to follow the truth and unite with God.
    ii. Page 112 – The author alleges that in Rigveda 10.62, it is implied that a woman may find her own brother in her bed!
    Comment: The hymn has no such suggestion. It is offensive to suggest that the sacred text of Hindus has kinky sex in it.
    iii. Page 128 – The book likens the Vedic devotee worshipping different Vedic deities to a lying and a philandering boyfriend cheating on his girlfriend(s).
    Comment: This is offensive and ignores that fact that in the Rigveda, the gods are said to be all united, born of one another, and from the same source.
    iv. Pages 468-469 -“…The mosque, whose serene calligraphic and geometric contrasts with the perpetual motion of the figures depicted on the temple, makes a stand against the chaos of India, creating enforced vacuums that India cannot rush into with all its monkeys and peoples and colors and the smells of the bazaar…”
    Comment: It is simply unacceptable that a scholar can flippantly, pejoratively and derogatorily essentialize the Hindus as “monkeys and peoples, colors and smells.., and chaos” in most insulting manner with the aspersion thrown at the entire Hindu culture and community all over the world. Such generalization has no place in serious scholarly work.
    v. Page 571- It is alleged that in a hymn from Saint Kshetrayya’s poetry, ‘God rapes’ the women devotees.
    Comment: The hymn merely presents devotion using spiritual metaphors and the hymns of the Saint seen collectively depict it as a passionate love affair between the God and the devotees. No rape is implied in this hymn at all.
    vi. Page 450- It is claimed that Emperor Ala-ud-Din Khalji did not sack temples in Devagiri.
    Comment: His contemporary Amir Khusro clearly mentions that the Emperor sacked numerous temples and raised mosques instead.
    vii. Page 459 – King Ala-ud-din Husain of Bengal patronized Saint Chaitanya.
    Comment: Saint Chaitanya never met the king, and left his kingdom to avoid persecution, as did his disciples. The king had destroyed Hindu temples in Orissa.
    viii. Pages 537-538 – The Sikh teacher Guru Govind Singh was assassinated in 1708, while ‘attending Emperor Aurangzeb’.
    Comment:  Emperor Aurangzeb died in 1707.  Guru Gobind Singh was assassinated in 1708 during the reign of Aurangzeb’s successor, Emperor Bahadur Shah I. It is insulting to say that the Guru was ‘attending’ on the Emperor.
    In her book, Hindu Deities are presented as lustful, Hindu Saints are falsely alleged by the author to have indulged in sexual orgies, or to have ‘taken actions against Muslims’, Hindu worshippers are compared to cheating boyfriends, ‘intoxication’ is a ‘central theme of the Vedas’ and Hindu scriptures are presented as a litany of tales of faithful women forsaken by their ungrateful husbands. One wonders if these caricatures of Hinduism really reflect the author’s own life rather than the culture and traditions of Hindus. Doniger claims to ‘love’ Hindus or their culture in her book, but this claim appears quite bizarre, perverse and frightening.
    This chapter by chapter review below will give dozens of examples to illustrate the defects that abound in every section of her scandalous book. The list is of course not exhaustive and is not intended to be so. In her ‘Acknowledgments’ section, Doniger thanks some of her students for the help that they provided to her in writing some of the chapters. It does appear that they have failed their teacher. Or perhaps, she has failed them.

    Vishal Agarwal

    Vishal Agarwal is a scholar of Hindu shastras and a Hinduism teacher. A practitioner-student of Vishishtadvaita Vedanta, he has authored over dozen publications on childhood spirituality, ancient Indian history and archaeology, and historiography as research papers in peer reviewed journals, and chapters in American and Indian school textbooks. He has also written several articles in American Hindu community newspapers. He has served on the boards of several academic associations and Hindu community organizations. Recipient of several awards, he has been invited as a keynote speaker in dozens of conferences, churches, synagogues, high schools and temples. He lives in Minneapolis with his family.
    Chapter #


    Page # (in the book)







    Time and Space in India: 50 Million to 50,000 bce









    Sacrifice in the Brahmans: 800 to 500 bce















    Bhakti in South India: 100 bce to 900 ce

















    Caste, Class and Conversion Under the British Raj: 1600 to 1900 ce










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    February 2017
    Image result for chetan pandey singaporeChetan Pandey
    Image result for Pramod Kumar BuravalliPramod Kumar Buravalli

    1. Please give us your background and what motivated you to become a Manuscript-eBook Activist and an Open Access Advocate ?
    It all began with a Innate Love for Sanskrit I was born with. I was meant to serve Sanskrit. Even though I am a Technology Graduate from USA, I managed to do two Master's In Sanskrit via Long Distance without any Formal Training. The Idea that books and manuscripts were out of reach of people hurt me. There is a Huge Lacuna of Information especially Agama Shastra and Kashmir Shaivism - my most beloved fields of Study - that are so fundamental to understand Consciousness and what it means to be Human. I still remember how reading the Vigyan Bhairava at Age 17 influenced me so profoundly. I was lucky Sahitya Academi Library, New Delhi had a good Sanskrit Collection and found many remarkable books to read there. I wish to replicate Good Collections like these online, so that more people stumble upon Vigyan Bhairava not just in Sahitya Academy Library but over the Net.
    Besides, I am convinced, Abhinavagupta is India's greatest Writer-Mystic. But what is most painful, not a Single Critical Edition of His Works are available. By putting manuscripts online - not just Abhinava, we are crowd-sourcing Critical Editions and Democratizing Information.

    2. Why Digitize ? Is Internet safe and everlasting ? Isn't the Internet prone to attacks as well ? 
    Digitization and Digital Open-Availability is so critical to sustain Modern Scholarship and Research. A Whole generation of Scholarship is languishing when Govt of India and there Agencies and Libraries starve scholars by keeping them off-access to their Resources. In BHU, you cannot get more than 10 pages of any Manuscript that you want to work with. Most Govt Repositories will do their utmost to prevent you from any Access lest other Scholars follow in there trails and staff will actually have to put extra effort in Public Dealing.
    Case In Point: The JK Culture Academy (Srinagar) 's Online Catalog available at
    lists Utpal's Ishvar Pratyabhijna Vivritti ( Item 477 ) as one of the Texts in their possession.
    We all know that that this Lost Text is Possibly the Most Sought after Manuscript of the Country. Prof Torella has a Thesis that the 33 odd pages that survive of this Text and were first studied by KC Pandey in pre-Independence India and now in the National Archives, prove that Abhinava and Utpal are co-equal Giants. If this Text in JK Archives is indeed the Same Work - we have a Great Gift to Scholarship and the World of Mysticism.
    The Manuscript is digitized already but my attempts to get a Copy of it met a Solid Wall. The Official Reason, Mr. Arif, the Editor of the JK Culture Academy's Urdu Magazine who I was instructed to liase with gave is that the State does not have any Manuscript Policy and hence no one can be entertained.
    This attitude by the JK Culture Academy is indeed salutary as far as Reducing Officer Work Loads and preventing other people disturbing them in my Trail but this can deprive World Mysticism of some of its most Important Texts.
    To speak nothing of the fact that the Last Kashmirian Floods had destroyed a part of their Servers and they don't even have a Single backup or understand what a Backup is and nobody in either State Government or Center has questioned them about the Integrity of their Digital Archive.
    As a Manuscript Activist I have interacted with a Lot of Institutions, most of the Time they are as dismal as JK Culture Academy.
    National Manuscript Mission for example has not even backed-up there Data from CD-ROMs to Hard Drives, preventive steps which even a pre-teen is wired for and will move his movies from his DVDs to his pen drive!
    IGNCA in all these years of Digitization has done nothing to make their Offerings public. A Lame Reason is forwarded that they need permissions from Original Repositories. In 30 Odd years of their Original Digitization somebody couldn't get a State Repository - subservient to the Center - to sign a Document allowing Open Availability. Permissions are made such a big-deal of which is actually policy-paralysis and Bureaucratic Apathy disguised in Legal Excuses. The Actual Reality of this Permissions Excuse is far simpler. Take the Example of Shri Shailendra Kumar, IAS Officer , J&K handling Culture in 2014 who I had the great fortune to liase with. I spoke to him over phone from Singapore for mere 5 Minutes and explained my Project.He agreed on the Spot to allow us to carry Digital Work in Dogra Art Museum, Jammu. If the IGNCA and NMM call him up, he would have equally magnanimously had had the Procedures started to allow Open Availability. The Whole Thing is Very Simple but people are making it ridiculously Complex. And I am saying this for the Umpteenth Time, this attitude is Hurting Dissemination, Research and Scholarship. Every Manuscript out there belongs to only one Place the Net - and to every Reader who wants to read them.

    Internet is Prone to Attack but of-course there are always challenges and there are always good backup strategies.

    3. You have often talked about your efforts leading to the creation of the World's Largest Collection of Handwritten Manuscripts (5 Million for India alone !!). This is an outstanding and gargantuan task. How are you funded and how can you maintain the Portal ?
    If I were a millionaire, yes I would like do that. But Its not so gargantuan. There are Machines which automate Digitization wherein you dont have to even flip a Single Page. Google Books was using them. If each Page of Manuscript Digitization costs 1 Re and each Manuscript on an Average has say 200 pages , its still 100 Crore Rs, a small budget for Govt of India - which unfortunately is hardly doing anything in this Regard.

    I am not funded by anyone, I use my Own Hard Earned Money. British Library's Endangered Archives Program has accepted one Area of my Digitization Work in Kashmir. I hope to slash my monthly expenses to Half by that, only to use the slashed amount for increased Digitizations.

    4.  Narendra Modi is now considered the undisputed political and civilizational leader of India. Do you wish to make an appeal to him to suitably amend copyright laws so that all ancient manuscripts are made available for wider dissemination ?
    Especially the manuscripts owned by National Manuscript Mission (NMM), IGNCA and the Archives owned by Doordarshan, All India Radio, National Film Development Corporation etc ? 

    Yes, yes, yes. Shri Narendra Modi Sir is my Hero. He is the undisputed Political and Civilization Leader of India. I wish he overtakes Nehru in the Highest Duration of Holding PM-hood of India.

    I wish to make an appeal to him that our Civilizational Values and Cultural Ideas are bereft of Wings therefore dont travel and the Greatest Enemy so far has been the State.

    Recently at Hardayal Library, Chandni Chowk, at there Centenary Celebrations, there were some Rare and Old Books on display. I asked one of the Librarians there out of Courtesy if I could take pictures - I got a Stern No. The Next person I saw I asked them why do you not allow us to take pictures, but she said I could. This is how random the Govt Policies are.

    The National Policy for Manuscripts should be aggressively missionary.
    All Major Repositories under State Control should be ordered to digitize everything they have and put them online free of Cost. All Digital Work done as at NMM, IGNCA should be immediately laid out to the Public.
    Anywhere where any kind of Money is taken by the Government ex. Oriental Library Srinagar ( 25 Rs/Folio ) , the Govt is shooting itself in the foot. This is just an abominable practice of creating artifical barriers to the free flow of Gyana and any revenue made is a drop of the Ocean in the Coffers of the Govt and serves only one purpose - make Knowledge expensive, restricted. Who gets hurt ! Knowedge, Indian Culture and its Dissemination.

    I wish our Beloved Prime Minister will restrict Copyright Laws for Books to 30 years max since First Publication.
    When I can watch a popular movie such as 3 Idiots after a couple of Months of its Release on youtube for free, why should books have such an artificial Life-Line of 90 years after Death of Author. Why should an Author/Publisher be able to make a lifetime of Earnings through a Cash-Cow Model for such unnaturally and unreasonably Lengthy Periods.

    Allowing books to be released into the Public Domain Pool will - as far as the Wider Dissemination of Their Ideas are Concerned - make them available for republication at royalty free prices by Other Publishers and there Digital Open Access Presence by Samaritans like me in the Net add to the Quality of Scholarship and Depth and General Elevation of Knowledge Standards.

    I also urge PM Modi to put all archives of NMM, IGNCA, National Archives(Culture) Nehru Memorial, Delhi Doordarshan, AIR, National Film Cooperation, National Children Film Cooperation, National School of Drama and other Agencies put there Text-Audio-Video Archives online on a Channel like so the dissemination of Culture will be comprehensive, complete and costless to the End User.

    This includes archival material still in Microfilms, microfische, cassettes and other analog media into Digital Formats and then the WWW. At Nehru Memorial, last time seeing users working with microfilms of Old Newspapers and the mechanical stretch the film was being subjected to, it could have snapped the Film, I found that horrifying. Cos that could be the only surviving copy of that Antique Newspaper and a callous act could wipe it out from Human Memory.

    The Information Explosion will spawn countless Knowledge Studies, Rediscoveries, Greater Accuracies besides Cultural Dissemination all at a one time Cost but timeless preservation.
    5.  Have there been similar efforts of the kind and scale that you are talking about taken place anywhere else in the globe ?
    Google Books was the most Bold Initiative ever but they made a Lot of Publishers unhappy. The project got closed eventually but I wish Google restarts it again.
    I know China and Norway are doing this kind of Comprehensive Digitization. and Panjab Digital Library are working for Urdu and Punjab-focused Digitizations respectively in India. Other Major Projects on Global Scale can be seen here:

    Digital Library of India funded by Carnegie Mellon University was also a Major undertaking but unfortunately the shoddy scanning and Data Entry make a very miserable experience - they must have hired Data Entry Veterans from the people who do Voter Id Cards for Govt of India – an unfortunate choice.

    I wish Govt can partner with Samartians like Google and hand them the Major Repositories BORI, Asiatic Society etc and let them do the cutting edge Work and Open Access everything.

    6.  What keeps you going ? From what we have seen of your work, it is immensely invaluable to Indic Civilization but an equally thankless job !! 
    The Joy of seeing a Rare Book digitized and placed online - immortalized - keeps me going. It is not thankless because when I get the feedback of Scholars, I know its only the tip of the iceberg that I am getting to know and that at a very deep level cultural dissemination is happening.
    7. How can Pravasis (NRI's, PIO's, Indic Enthusiasts and History Buffs) invest and collaborate with you ?
    They can help me identify any repository where a significant Sanskrit Collection exists and the repository management is eager to have their Collection digitally preserved. They can help raise funds for the digitization. The Cost of digitization is bare minimal - less than 50 paisa/page.

    My Promise is missionary and IoT( Internet of Things ) – they will all be online at CC-0 No Rights Reserved In Public Domain Licenses and within 1-2 days of digitization – I don’t want the scholars waiting.
    Thank you for your time,

    Pramod Kumar Buravalli

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    Thesis: A unique sculptural tradition of Bhāratam Janam is expression of multiplexed metaphors. Examples of such metaphors are: śivalinga with ligatured 'face', sculptures with multiple heads or many arms. Such metaphors are traceable to Indus Script cipher of the Bronze Age era of Sarasvati Civilization from 4th millennium BCE. (The first potsherd with script is dated to ca. 3300 BCE from Harappa by Harappa Archaeological Research Project of Harvard Univ.) The tradition will also be demonstrated on a Jasper cylinder seal of 3rd millennium BCE of Ancient Near East.

    Some conclusions are presented as an Executive Summary:.

    Fusing bodies and heads in Bhãratiya sculptures is a cipher, a saṁjñā, 'signifier', a Meluhha rebus rendering of metalwork in Indus Script tradition

    The saṁjñā created by artisans of Sarasvati Civilization are a tribute to Tvaṣṭṛ त्वष्टृ 

    Indus Script hieroglyphs are hypertext compositions to signify metalwork.

    Sarasvati civilization had a unique artistic tradition of signifying hypertexts on sculptures and on Indus Script Corpora. 

    Makara exemplifies the sculptural tradition as an Indus Script cipher. See:
    Makara with fish-tails and emergence of a smith, ivory-carver, artificer. Plaque from Casket V. Begram. Site 2, Chamber 10. Ivory. Inv. no.: MG 1901. Makara, eagle panel. Begram. Site 2, Chamber 13. Ivory. Inv. nos.: MA 209, 210.Musee Guimet. Caudal fins (fish-tail) khambhaṛā'fish-fin' rebus: kammaa'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS ayo, aya'fish' rebus: aya'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'alloy metal' (Rgveda) rebus: kambāra'artificer, smith'.

    Some examples of hypertexts explain the cipher. For example, heads of an antelope or a one-horned bull are joined to the body of a bovine to create a hypertext and signify a cargo of metalwork.

    Seal. National Museum: 135

    The Meluhha word which explains 'joined animals' signified on the seal is: sãgaḍ f. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together (Marathi) Rebus: Marathi. sãgaḍ m.f. ʻfloat made of two canoes joined togetherʼ (LM 417 compares saggarai at Limurike in the Periplus, Tam. śaṅgaḍam, Tu. jaṅgala ʻ double -- canoe ʼ), Si. han̆guḷaan̆g° ʻdouble canoe, raftʼ.  [Other rebus reading alternatives are: sáṁgata'united, union'; sāṅga ʻcompany, companion'; saṁghātá'adamantine glue' as in expression vajra saṁghātá 
    sangara 'proclamation'; سنګر sangar, s.m. (2nd) A breastwork of stones, etc., erected to close a pass or road; lines, entrenchments. Pl. سنګرونه sangarūnah (Pashto)]. Allographs are: 1. Lathe: sãghāṛɔ m. ʻlathe' (Gujarati) sã̄gāḍī f. ʻlatheʼ (Marathi)(CDIAL 12859) 2. Fire-pan: san:ghāḍo, saghaḍī  (G.) = firepan; saghaḍī, śaghaḍi = a pot for holding fire (G.)[cula_ sagaḍi_ portable hearth (G.)] aguḍe = brazier (Tu.) Thus, the two allographs are: Meluhha speech variants of san:gaḍa, ‘lathe, portable furnace’.

    Allograph: The standard device depicted on m0296 is comparable to the 
    orthography on other seals, h098 and m1408. There are many variants used to show this sangad.a ‘lathe, portable furnace’.h098 Text 4256 Pict-122

    Rebus reading of the hypertext  on the National Museum Seal 135 signifies cargo of ayas 'alloy metal', kundana 'fine gold' and bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' 

    Thus, together, the message of the hypertext of the seal is: sãgaḍ, a 'doule-canoe' (for) 1. alloy metal, 2. fine gold and 3. alloy of copper, pewter, tin.

    Rebus readings of the hieroglyphs are: 

    ayo, aya 'fish'; rebus: ayas 'cast metal' (Rgveda); aya 'iron' (Gujarati) 

    PLUS barad, balad 'ox' rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'; 

    PLUS kõda'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'; kundana 'fine gold'. Alternative: కోడియ (p. 326) kōḍiya Same as కోడె.  కోడె (p. 326) kōḍe kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగు"రామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడు. Rebus: kōṭiya 'dhow seafaring vessel'.

    Dwaraka Indus Script seal nade of s'ankha turbinella pyrum . ca. 2500 BCE. On this seal, the 'fish' hieroglyph of National Museum seal 135 is replaced by the head of an 'antelope' as hieroglyph joined to the body of joined animals. Signifies: sãgaḍ, 'joined animals' rebus: sangara 
    'proclamation'; sãgaḍ, 'double-canoe' -- with cargo of tin (copper), fine gold, alloy of pewter, copper, tin --

    Hieroglyph components of the 'joined animal': barad, balad 'ox'rebus: bharat 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' PLUS mlekh' goat' rebus: milakkhu, meccha 'copper' (Alternative: ranku 'antelope'rebus: ranku 'tin') PLUS kõda'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'; kundana 'fine gold'. koDiya 'young bull' rebus: koTiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel'. kundar 'young bull' rebus: kundar 'turner'. 

    The synecdoche style of metonymy is best exemplified by other types of composite animal orthography used in Indus Script Corpora and also presented in round sculptural forms.
    Jaina pedestal dated year 49, from Kankali Tila 

    Hypertext is composed of the following hieroglyphs: 1. lotus; 2. fish-fin pair; 3. circle with spokes; 4. three women; 5. lion.

    Hieeroglyphs and rebus readings:

    1. tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper' 

    2. 'khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'nint, coiner, coinage' PLUS  ayo, aya 'fish' rebus aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal alloy' (Rgveda) dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'; thus, together: mint for alloy metal castings.

    3. vaṭa, vtta'circle' PLUS āra 'spokes' rebus: vahāra'quarter of town'. 

    4. kola 'woman' rebus:kol 'working in iron' PLUS kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' Thus, together, iron and brass smithy, iron forge.

    5. Hieroglyph: ārye'lion' rebus: āra 'brass'.

    The composite hypertext message of the pedestal is: Quarter of town with mint for brass, copper, iron, alloy metal castings.

    This message of a trading centre relates, perhaps to Besanagara. Besanagar is a trading center at a trade route intersection, the hieroglyph multiplex denoted collection of materials traded at the vahāra 'quarter of the town' -- denoted by the hieroglyph: circle with spokes: vaa, vtta 'circle' PLUS āra 'spokes'. 

    Just as the Dholavira sign board announced metalwork at Kotda of Gujarat, the pillars with capitals in Besanagara broadcast the competence of artificers in artistic working with metals as armourers, as brass-workers, lapidaries, metalsmiths, cire perdue metalcasters. 
    நகரவிடுதி nakara-viṭuti , n. < நகரம்¹ +. A lodging-place specially intended for Nāṭṭuk- kōṭṭai Cheṭṭies; நாட்டுக்கோட்டை நகரத்தார் வந்து தங்குவதற்காக ஏற்பட்ட கட்டடம். Nāṭ. Cheṭṭi.            

    Reconstruction of the Udayagiri hilltop pillar capital includin the nakshatra-cakra (See embedded monograph of Balasubramaniam et al, 2004

    An early evidence for the sculptural tradition continuum of hypertexting is seen in a face ligatured to a śivalinga in a Mathura Museum Bhuteśvar sculptural frieze atop a smelter structure accompanied by dwarfs: kharva 'dwarf' rebus: kharva 'a nidhi' karba 'iron'.; kuṭhi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'; mũh 'face' Rebus: mũhe 'ingot' mũh, muhã 'ingot', 'quantity of iron produced from a smelter' (Santali).

    Image result for ekamukha linga

    Relief with Ekamukha Linga. Mathura Museum. 1st Century CE Image result for ekamukha lingaImage result for ekamukha lingaOn the Bhuteśvar sculptural frieze, winged tigers are seen together with the dwarfs holding garlands. kambha 'wing' rebus:  kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.dāma 'garland' rebus: dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red stoneʼ kharva'dwarf' rebus: kharva'a nidhi'karba'iron'.kuṭhi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. kola 'tigeer' rebus: kol 'working in iron'kolhe 'smelter'.
    The Age of the Imperial Guptas Plate 24.png

    A face is fused to a śivalinga (undated. Found in Nagod state, Central India)

    The arguments of Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale are framed taking the example of a Mohenjo-daro seal m0300 with what they call 'symbolic hypertext' or, 'Harappan chimaera and its hypertextual components':

    The expression used is 'symbolic hypertexts' by Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale (2012).
    Image result for indus composite faces

    "An analysis and interpretation of the so-called Harappan chimaera, one of the most peculiar and elaborate iconographies of Indus Civilization. It is represented on many stamp seals of fired steatite and corresponding clay sealings, terracotta tablets in bas-relief, copper tablets and tokens. The Harappan chimaera was composed of body parts derived from different animals, as well as humans and other fantastic beings of the Indus imagination. A detailed documentation and description of all the objects bearing chimaeras makes it possible to recognize not only a basic set of regular combinations and some aspects of their possible changes in time, but also visual associations among selected parts of the chimaera's body that could be perceived and semantically intepreted at different levels. We believe that the sophisticated structure of these images fully deserves to be considered an early form of 'hypertext', following current definitions used in computer sciences. We conclude by relating the evidence and its cognitive background to other spheres of the early urban societies in the Indus basin.
    PDF icon Frenez Vidale 2012 - Harappan Chimaeras.pdf"

    Ligatured faces: some close-up images.

    Gonur / Gonor/ Gunar

    The Archaeological Site

    Aerial view of Gonur-Tepe's southern complex
    Aerial view of Gonur-Tepe's southern complex
    Photo credit: Various. Country Turkmenistan & Stantours
    Artist's reconstruction of the Gonur north complex
    Artist's reconstruction of the Gonur north complex.
    Note the successive protective walls with the outer-most surrounding
    what appear to be dwellings. We can expect that during an armed
    attack, citizens would have retreated behind the safety of the
    inner fortress walls. Artist unknown
    Reconstruction of the Gonur south fortifications at National Museum of Turkmenistan

    Reconstruction of the Gonur south fortifications at National Museum of Turkmenistan.
    Photo credit: Kerri-Jo Stewart at Flickr
    Excavated Gonur north complex
    Excavated Gonur north complex. Photo credit: Black Sands Film
    Excavations at Southern Gonur, by V. Sarianidi, 1993, British Institute of Persian Studies.
    Necklace with carnelian obsidian beads found in the necropolis at Gonur
    Necklace with carnelian obsidian beads found in the necropolis at Gonur.
    Carnelian is a hard reddish translucent semiprecious gemstone that is a variety of chalcedony, a form of banded quartz.
    Obsidian is a jet-black volcanic glass, chemically similar to granite and formed by the rapid cooling of molten lava.
    Photo credit: Anna Garner at Flickr. The beads are now part of Anna Garner's collection.

    South Turkmenistan Mugrab delta and oasis
    Murgab delta and oasis (circled) in the south of Turkmenistan
    The Murgab river spreads out and disappears into the Kara Kum desert to the north

    Image result for indus hypertextsAltyn-depe silver seal. Hypertext of ligatured animal with three heads.
    Two seals found at Altyn-depe (Excavation 9 and 7) found in the shrine and in the 'elite quarter': Two seals found at Altyn-depe (Excavation 9 and 7) found in the shrine and in the 'elite quarter'
    Altyn-depe (No. 32 on the map) Bronze age seals (items 1 to 3 and 7 to 9) and motifs on Eneolithic (between the late 4th and the late 3rd millennia BCE) painted pottery of southern Turkmenistan (items 4 to 6 and 10 to 12) (After Fig 26 in: Masson, VM, 1988, Altyn-Depe, UPenn Museum of Archaeology)
    Comparison of Altyn-depe statuettes and Early Harappan writing (After Fig. 24 in ibid.)
    Image result for gonur tepe
    Gonur Tepe.Indus Script. Seal, Seal impression. Decipherment:
    This is a unique hypertext composed of a crucible PLUS a sprig. This hypertext comosition compares with the hieroglyph-composition on Seal m0702: This has been deciphered as kolel 'temple, smithy' PLUS pasra smithy, forge': Kur. xolā tailMalt. qoli id.(DEDR 2135) The 'tail' atop the reed-structure banner glyph is a phonetic determinant for kole.l 'temple, smithy'. Alternative: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus:pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)
    Decipherment of inscription (Indus Script) on Gonur Tepe seal

    Pictorial motif, hieroglyph: karibha 'trunk of elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron' 

    Text o inscription: Hieroglyphs: ingot out of crucible: muh 'ingot' kuThAru 'crucible' rebus:kuThAru 'armourer' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus ingot for forge.  sal 'splinter'rebus: sal 'workshop' aDaren 'lid' rebus: aduru 'native metal' aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' khambhaṛā''fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Hieroglyph: kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ.rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coin, coiner' ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'Supercargo' karnaka 'engraver, scribe'.

    The sprig compares with the sprig inscribed on the exquisite terracotta image found at Altyn Tepe
    Votive figure from Altyn-Depe (the Golden Hill), Turkmenistan. Altyn-Depe is an ancient settlement of the Bronze Age (3,000 - 2,000 B.C.E.) on the territory of ancient Abiver. It's known locally as the "Turkmen Stonehenge". União Soviética.:
    Votive figure from Altyn-Depe (the Golden Hill), Turkmenistan. Altyn-Depe is an ancient settlement of the Bronze Age (3,000 - 2,000 B.C.E.) on the territory of ancient Abiver. It's known locally as the "Turkmen Stonehenge". União Soviética.

    I suggest that this figure has inscribed Indus Script hypertexts read rebus related to metal smelting of elements, aduru 'native metal' and metal implements work.

    Hieroglyph: kola 'woman' (Nahali) rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'

    Hieroglyph: Ka. (Hav.) aḍaru twig; (Bark.) aḍïrï small and thin branch of a tree; (Gowda) aḍəri small branches. Tu. aḍaru twig.(DEDR 67) Rebus: Ta. ayil iron. Ma. ayir, ayiram any ore. Ka. aduru native metal. Tu. ajirda karba very hard iron. (DEDR 192)

    An alternative interpretation is that the image inscribed signifies a culm of millet:

    Hieroglyph: karba 'culm of millet' Allograph: karibha 'trunk of elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron' Hieroglyph: ingot out of crucible: muh 'ingot' kuThAru 'crucible' rebus:kuThAru 'armourer' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus ingot for forge.  sal 'splinter'rebus: sal 'workshop' aDaren 'lid' rebus: aduru 'native metal' aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' khambhaṛā''fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Hieroglyph: kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ.rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coin, coiner' ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'Supercargo' karnaka 'engraver, scribe'.

    Two hair strands signify: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS Hieroglyph 

    strand (of hair): dhāˊtu  *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV.,ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)

    Rebus: dhāvḍī  'iron smelting': Shgh. ċīwċōwċū ʻ single hair ʼ ; Ash. dro ʻ woman's hair ʼ, Kt. drū, Wg.drūdrū̃; Pr. ui ʻ a hair ʼ; Kho. dro(hʻ hair ʼ, (Lor.) ʻ hair (of animal), body hair (human) ʼ Orm. dradrī IIFL i 392 (semant. cf. Psht. pal ʻ fringe of hair over forehead ʼ < *pata -- (CDIAL 6623) drava द्रव [p= 500,3] flowing , fluid , dropping , dripping , trickling or overflowing with (comp.) Ka1t2h. Mn.MBh. Ka1v. fused , liquefied , melted W. m. distilling , trickling , fluidity Bha1sha1p. dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(CDIAL 6773)

    Hieroglyph: *mēṇḍhī ʻ lock of hair, curl ʼ. [Cf. *mēṇḍha -- 1 s.v. *miḍḍa -- ]
    S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔmiḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.(CDIAL 10312) Ta. miṭai (-v-, -nt-) to weave as a mat, etc. Ma. miṭayuka to plait, braid, twist, wattle; miṭaccal plaiting, etc.; miṭappu tuft of hair; miṭalascreen or wicket, ōlas plaited together. Ka. meḍaṟu to plait as screens, etc. (Hav.) maḍe to knit, weave (as a basket); (Gowda) mEḍi plait. Ga.(S.3miṭṭe a female hair-style. Go. (Mu.) mihc- to plait (hair) (Voc. 2850).(DEDR 4853) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.)

    Three lines below the belly of the figure: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'

    Hieroglyph: kuṭhi  ‘vagina’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛi f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) kuhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuhi, kui (Or.; Sad. kohi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkui has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuhi = a factory; lil kuhi = an indigo factory (kohi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. kohī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuhī factory (A.); kohābrick-built house (B.); kuhī bank, granary (B.); koho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); kohīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; kohī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) ko = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 

    Hieroglyph: sprig: ḍāla 5546 ḍāla1 m. ʻ branch ʼ Śīl. 2. *ṭhāla -- . 3. *ḍāḍha -- . [Poss. same as *dāla -- 1 and dāra -- 1: √dal, √d&rcirclemacr;. But variation of form supports PMWS 64 ← Mu.]1. Pk. ḍāla -- n. ʻ branch ʼ; S. ḍ̠āru m. ʻ large branch ʼ, ḍ̠ārī f. ʻ branch ʼ; P. ḍāl m. ʻ branch ʼ, °lā m. ʻ large do. ʼ, °lī f. ʻ twig ʼ; WPah. bhal. ḍām. ʻ branch ʼ; Ku. ḍālo m. ʻ tree ʼ; N. ḍālo ʻ branch ʼ, A. B. ḍāl, Or. ḍāḷa; Mth. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, °ri ʻ twig ʼ; Aw. lakh. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, H. ḍāl°lām., G. ḍāḷi°ḷī f., °ḷũ n.2. A. ṭhāl ʻ branch ʼ, °li ʻ twig ʼ; H. ṭhāl°lā m. ʻ leafy branch (esp. one lopped off) ʼ.3. Bhoj. ḍāṛhī ʻ branch ʼ; M. ḍāhaḷ m. ʻ loppings of trees ʼ, ḍāhḷā m. ʻ leafy branch ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ twig ʼ, ḍhāḷā m. ʻ sprig ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ branch ʼ.*ḍāla -- 2 ʻ basket ʼ see *ḍalla -- 2.ḍālima -- see dāḍima -- .*ḍāva -- 1 ʻ box ʼ see *ḍabba -- .*ḍāva -- 2 ʻ left ʼ see *ḍavva -- .Addenda: ḍāla -- 1. 1. S.kcch. ḍār f. ʻ branch of a tree ʼ; WPah.kṭg. ḍāḷ m. ʻ tree ʼ, J. ḍā'l m.; kṭg. ḍaḷi f. ʻ branch, stalk ʼ, ḍaḷṭi f. ʻ shoot ʼ; A. ḍāl(phonet. d -- ) ʻ branch ʼ AFD 207.टाळा (p. 196) ṭāḷā ...2 Averting or preventing (of a trouble or an evil). 3 The roof of the mouth. 4 R (Usually टाहळा) A small leafy branch; a spray or sprig. टाळी (p. 196) ṭāḷī f R (Usually टाहळी) A small leafy branch, a sprig.ढगळा (p. 204) ḍhagaḷā m R A small leafy branch; a sprig or spray.   डगळा or डघळा (p. 201) ḍagaḷā or ḍaghaḷā m A tender and leafy branch: also a sprig or spray. डांगशी (p. 202) ḍāṅgaśī f C A small branch, a sprig, a spray. डांगळी (p. 202) ḍāṅgaḷī f A small branch, a sprig or spray.  डाहळा (p. 202) ḍāhaḷā लांख esp. the first. 2 (dim. डाहळी f A sprig or twig.) A leafy branch. Pr. धरायाला डाहळी न बसायाला सावली Used.

    Rebus: ḍhāla 'large ingot' (Gujarati)
    Image result for indus hypertextsMohenjo-daro seal m417 six heads from a core The one-hieroglyph 'sign' is: 'warrior': Glyph: ‘six’: bhaṭa'warrior', ‘six’. Rebus: bhaṭa‘furnace’. Semantics: ‘group of animals/quadrupeds’: paśu‘animal’ (RV), pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.) Rebus: pasra‘smithy’ (Santali) Rebus:  పసారము (p. 730) pasāramu or పసారు [Tel.] n. A shop. అంగడి. prasāra m. ʻ extension ʼ Suśr., ʻ trader's shop ʼ Nalac. [Cf. prasārayati ʻ spreads out for sale ʼ Mn. -- √sr̥]; B. pasār ʻ extent of practice in business, popularity ʼ, Or. pasāra; H. pasārā m. ʻ stretching out, expansion ʼ (→ P. pasārā m.; S. pasāro m. ʻ expansion, crowd ʼ), G. pasār°rɔ m., M. pasārā; -- K. pasôru m. ʻ petty shopkeeper ʼ; P. pahārā m. ʻ goldsmith's workshop ʼ; A. pohār ʻ small shop ʼ; -- ← Centre: S. pasāru m. ʻ spices ʼ; P. pasār -- haṭṭā m. ʻ druggist's shop ʼ; -- X paṇyaśālā -- : Ku. pansārī f. ʻ grocer's shop ʼ. (CDIAL 8835) prasārin ʻ spreading out ʼ PārGr̥. [prasāra -- ] Ku.gng. pasāri ʻ shopkeeper ʼ, A. pohāri; B. pasāri ʻ druggist, petty trader ʼ; Or. pasāri ʻ druggist, pedlar ʼ, f. °ruṇī, H. M. pasārī m. ʻ seller of spices ʼ (→ S. P. pasārī m.). -- X paṇyaśālā -- : N. pansāri ʻ grocer ʼ, H. pansārīpãs° m. ʻ seller of spices ʼ (→ P. pansārī m.).(CDIAL 8839) prasara m. ʻ advance, extension ʼ Kālid. [√sr̥Pk. pasara -- m. ʻ extension ʼ; Ku. pasar ʻ extension of family, lineage, family, household ʼ; N. pasal ʻ booth, shop ʼ; B. Or. pasarā ʻ tray of goods for sale ʼ; M. pasar m. ʻ extension ʼ(CDIAL 8824)

    Glyph (the only inscription on the Mohenjo-daro seal m417): ‘warrior’: bhaṭa Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’. 

    śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ.rebus:  seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master (Pali). This is a guild of six artificers/artisans, each specialising in a phase of metalwork.śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ.rebus:  seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master (Pali) sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'.

    Six animal heads:
    1. ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' Alternative:  mr̤eka ‘goat’. Rebus: milakkhu ‘copper’. Vikalpa 1: meluhha ‘mleccha’ ‘copper worker’. Vikalpa 2: meṛh ‘helper of merchant’.
    2. kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolimi 'smithy, forge'
    3. करडूं or करडें (p. 137) [ karaḍū or karaḍēṃ ] n A kid. कराडूं (p. 137) [ karāḍūṃ ] n (Commonly करडूं) A kid. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi. Molesworth). 
    4. barat, barad 'bull' rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'
    5. poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite'
    6. kõda'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'; kundana 'fine gold'.

    Sign 186 *śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720)*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus: śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726)
    Circular seal, of steatite, from Bahrein, found at Lothal.A Stamp seal and its impression from the Harappan site of Lothal north of Bombay, of the type also found in the contemporary cultures of southern Iraq and the Persian Gulf Area.

    ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'
    krammara '(head) turn back' rebus:kammara 'artisan' (karmAra: Samskrtam. Vedic) कर्मार [p= 259,3] a blacksmith &c RV. x , 72 , 2 AV. iii , 5 , 6 VS. Mn. iv , 215 &c; an artisan,mechanic, artificer' (Monier-Williams) kamar 'blacksmith'

    kolmo 'three' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge'
    dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAi 'mineral ore'
    gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'fire-altar;khaNDa 'implements'

    nAga 'serpent' Rebus: nAga 'lead'


    Image result for bull 3 heads temple Lepakshi
    Badami cave temple (2 images)
    Pattadakkal Mallikarjuna (Virupakshta) temple (2 images)
    Pillaiyarpatti temple

    Krishnapuram, Tirubhuvanam temple, Tamil Nadu (2 images)
    elephant and bull fighting optical illusion
    Mahesvar, Madhya Pradesh
    Image result for elephant bull templeJalakandesvara temple, Vellore Fort
    Jambukesvara (Jalakandesvara), Tiruvanaikkaval (Tiruchi)

    Kuntigudi temple complex Hucchappayyana matha  (2 frames)

    Travel Options in DarasuramRelated image
    Airavatesvara, Darasuram, Kumbakonam (2 images)
    Wood carving, Sri Lanka

    Kulli. Plate. Two tigers tied to a meshed post. Stars. Fish.
    Pl. XXII B. Terracotta cake with incised figures on obverse and reverse, Harappan. On one side is a human figure wearing a head-dress having two horns and a plant in the centre; on the other side is a tiger being tied and dragged by a person

    kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'

    arka 'sun' rebus: arka 'copper, gold' Alternative: mēḍha 'polar star' rebus: mẽṛhẽt 'iron'

    kANDa'water' rebus: khaNDa'implements' kanda 'fire-altar'

    Hieroglyph: G. Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)

    Hieroglyph: dāuṇi  'rope': தாவணி² tāvaṇi n. < dāmanī1. Long rope to tie cattle in a row; பலமாடுகளைக் கட்டும் தும்புகள்பிணைத்த கயிறு. (W.) 2. Cattle-fair; மாட்டுச்சந்தை. Loc. 3. Cattle-shed; மாட்டைக் கூட்டமாகக் கட்டுமிடம். (சங். அக.) தாவழக்கட்டு tāvaḻa-k-kaṭṭu n. < தாவடம்¹ +. Rope for tying the neck of cattle to the foreleg; கால்நடைகளின் கழுத்தையும் முன்காலையும் பிணிக்குங் கயிறு. (J.) தாவணி³ tāvaṇi n. < U. dāmanī. 1. A piece of cloth worn generally by girls over their petticoats; சிறுபெண்கள் சட்டைமேல் அணியும் மேலாடை. 2. Pieces from the shroud kept as relic of the deceased; பிரேதத்தின்மேல் இடுந் துணியிலிருந்து சுற்றத்தார் ஞாபகார்த்தமாகக் கொள் ளும் சிறுதுண்டு. Chr. 3. Saddle cloth; குதிரை யின் மேலாடை. Loc.dāˊman1 ʻ rope ʼ RV. 2. *dāmana -- , dāmanī -- f. ʻ long rope to which calves are tethered ʼ Hariv. 3. *dāmara -- .[*dāmara -- is der. fr. n/r n. stem. -- √2] 1. Pa. dāma -- , inst. °mēna n. ʻ rope, fetter, garland ʼ, Pk. dāma -- n.; Wg. dām ʻ rope, thread, bandage ʼ; Tir. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Paš.lauṛ. dām ʻ thick thread ʼ, gul. dūm ʻ net snare ʼ (IIFL iii 3, 54 ← Ind. or Pers.); Shum. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Sh.gil. (Lor.) dōmo ʻ twine, short bit of goat's hair cord ʼ, gur. dōm m. ʻ thread ʼ (→ Ḍ. dōṅ ʻ thread ʼ); K. gu -- dômu m. ʻ cow's tethering rope ʼ; P. dã̄udāvã̄ m. ʻ hobble for a horse ʼ; WPah.bhad. daũ n. ʻ rope to tie cattle ʼ, bhal. daõ m., jaun. dã̄w; A. dāmā ʻ peg to tie a buffalo -- calf to ʼ; B. dāmdāmā ʻ cord ʼ; Or. duã̄ ʻ tether ʼ, dāĩ ʻ long tether to which many beasts are tied ʼ; H. dām m.f. ʻ rope, string, fetter ʼ, dāmā m. ʻ id., garland ʼ; G. dām n. ʻ tether ʼ, M. dāvẽ n.; Si. dama ʻ chain, rope ʼ, (SigGr) dam ʻ garland ʼ. -- Ext. in Paš.dar. damaṭāˊ°ṭīˊ, nir. weg. damaṭék ʻ rope ʼ, Shum. ḍamaṭik, Woṭ. damṓṛ m., Sv. dåmoṛīˊ; -- with -- ll -- : N. dāmlo ʻ tether for cow ʼ, dã̄walidāũlidāmli ʻ bird -- trap of string ʼ, dã̄waldāmal ʻ coeval ʼ (< ʻ tied together ʼ?); M. dã̄vlī f. ʻ small tie -- rope ʼ.2. Pk. dāvaṇa -- n., dāmaṇī -- f. ʻ tethering rope ʼ; S. ḍ̠āvaṇuḍ̠āṇu m. ʻ forefeet shackles ʼ, ḍ̠āviṇīḍ̠āṇī f. ʻ guard to support nose -- ring ʼ; L. ḍã̄vaṇ m., ḍã̄vaṇīḍāuṇī (Ju. ḍ̠ -- ) f. ʻ hobble ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ strip at foot of bed, triple cord of silk worn by women on head ʼ, awāṇ. dāvuṇ ʻ picket rope ʼ; P. dāuṇdauṇ, ludh. daun f. m. ʻ string for bedstead, hobble for horse ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ gold ornament worn on woman's forehead ʼ; Ku. dauṇo m., °ṇī f. ʻ peg for tying cattle to ʼ, gng. dɔ̃ṛ ʻ place for keeping cattle, bedding for cattle ʼ; A. dan ʻ long cord on which a net or screen is stretched, thong ʼ, danā ʻ bridle ʼ; B. dāmni ʻ rope ʼ; Or. daaṇa ʻ string at the fringe of a casting net on which pebbles are strung ʼ,dāuṇi ʻ rope for tying bullocks together when threshing ʼ; H. dāwan m. ʻ girdle ʼ, dāwanī f. ʻ rope ʼ, dã̄wanī f. ʻ a woman's orna<->ment ʼ; G. dāmaṇḍā° n. ʻ tether, hobble ʼ, dāmṇũ n. ʻ thin rope, string ʼ, dāmṇī f. ʻ rope, woman's head -- ornament ʼ; M. dāvaṇ f. ʻ picket -- rope ʼ. -- Words denoting the act of driving animals to tread out corn are poss. nomina actionis from *dāmayati2. 3. L. ḍãvarāvaṇ, (Ju.) ḍ̠ã̄v° ʻ to hobble ʼ; A. dāmri ʻ long rope for tying several buffalo -- calves together ʼ, Or. daũ̈rādaürā ʻ rope ʼ; Bi.daũrī ʻ rope to which threshing bullocks are tied, the act of treading out the grain ʼ, Mth. dã̄mardaũraṛ ʻ rope to which the bullocks are tied ʼ; H. dã̄wrī f. ʻ id., rope, string ʼ, dãwrī f. ʻ the act of driving bullocks round to tread out the corn ʼ. -- X *dhāgga<-> q.v. *dāmayati2; *dāmakara -- , *dāmadhāra -- ; uddāma -- , prōddāma -- ; *antadāmanī -- , *galadāman -- , *galadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāman -- , *gōḍḍadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāmara -- .
    dāmán -- 2 m. (f.?) ʻ gift ʼ RV. [√1]. See dāˊtu -- . *dāmana -- ʻ rope ʼ see dāˊman -- 1.
    Addenda: dāˊman -- 1. 1. Brj. dã̄u m. ʻ tying ʼ. 3. *dāmara -- : Brj. dã̄wrī f. ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 6283)*dāmayati2 ʻ ties with a rope ʼ. [dāˊman -- 1] Bi. dã̄wab ʻ to drive bullocks trading out grain ʼ, H. dāwnādã̄nā; G. dāmvũ ʻ to tie with a cord ʼ. -- Nomina actionis from this verb rather than derived directly from dāˊman -- 1, dāmanī -- (but cf. Bi. daũrī < *dāmara<-> denoting both ʻ rope ʼ and nomen actionis): N. (Tarai)dāuni ʻ threshing ʼ, Bi. daunī ʻ treading out corn ʼ, Mth. dāuni; -- Ku. daĩ f. ʻ driving oxen or buffaloes to tread out grain ʼ, N. dāĩdã̄i, Bi.dawã̄hī, Mth. damāhī; H. dāẽ f. ʻ tying a number of bullocks together for treading corn, the treading out, the unthreshed corn. ʼ -- S. ḍ̠āiṇu ʻ to shackle the forelegs ʼ and P. dāuṇā ʻ to hobble horse oṛ ass ʼ rather < *dāyayati.(CDIAL 6285)

    Rebus: 'smelter': M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron-- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(CDIAL 6773)

    मेढ [ mēḍha ] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. Pr. हातीं लागली चेड आणि धर मांडवाची मेढ.Hieriglyph: meṛh rope tying to post, pillar: mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚ, mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. Pañ, mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), mihomiyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽhmẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. mehmehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur)mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīrmīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛhamehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī,meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.mēthika -- ; mēthiṣṭhá -- . mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí -- ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ] Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10317 to, 10319) Rebus: meD 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' (Slavic)

    Rebus: meD 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' 

    In a data mining research into attempts made by Indus Script writers to signify Tvaṣţā. I cite and embed scores of references in Vedic texts to this artificer divinity. The closest parallel in iconography is to Kernunno on the Pillar of Boatmen, on Gundestrup Cauldron and a Mohenjo-daro seal m0204, together with eight other hieroglyphs (inscriptions) signifying a person seated in penance.

    Are there any orthographic signifiers of triśiras, 'three-headed' persons or artifacts -- as a son of त्वाष्ट्र ?
    Material: terra cotta. Dimensions: 4.8 cm height, 5.4 cm width, 4.6 cm breadth. Harappa Museum, H87-348 Elephant trunk LUS winnowing fan: karibha 'elephant trunk' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib '''iron' PLUS kulA 'winnowing fan' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith'.

    "Slide 88. Three objects ( Three terra cotta objects that combine human and animal features. These objects may have been used to tell stories in puppet shows or in ritual performances. On the left is a seated animal figurine with female head. The manner of sitting suggests that this may be a feline, and a hole in the base indicates that it would have been raised on a stick as a standard or puppet. The head is identical to those seen on female figurines with a fan shaped headdress and two cup shaped side pieces. The choker with pendant beads is also common on female figurines. Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 7.1 cm height, 4.8 cm length, 3.5 cm width Harappa, 2384 Harappa Museum, HM 2082 Vats 1940: 300, pl. LXXVII, 67 In the center is miniature mask of horned deity with human face and bared teeth of a tiger. A large mustache or divided upper lip frames the canines, and a flaring beard adds to the effect of rage. The eyes are defined as raised lumps that may have originally been painted. Short feline ears contrast with two short horns similar to a bull rather than the curving water buffalo horns. Two holes on either side allow the mask to be attached to a puppet or worn as an amulet. 
    Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 5.24 height, 4.86 width Harappa Harappa Museum, H93-2093 Meadow and Kenoyer, 1994 On the right is feline figurine with male human face. The ears, eyes and mouth are filled with black pigment and traces of black are visible on the flaring beard that is now broken. The accentuated almond shaped eyes and wide mouth are characteristic of the bearded horned deity figurines found at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro (no. 122, 123). This figurine was found in a sump pit filled with discarded goblets, animal and female figurines and garbage. It dates to the final phase of the Harappan occupation, around 2000 B. C.
    Harappa, Lot 5063-1 Harappa Museum, H94-2311 Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 5.5 cm height, 12.4 cm length, 4.3 cm width 
    Two composite anthropomorphic / animal figurines from Harappa. Terracotta. Slide 72 In these figurines, the ligatured components are: seated quadruped felines (?) with feminine anthropomorphic faces. 

    A composite terracotta feline wearing necklace like a woman. kola 'tiger' kola 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'. Nahali (kol ‘woman’) and Santali (kul ‘tiger’; kol ‘smelter’). kola 'tiger' kola 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'. Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan 

    blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka.kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go.(SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge(DEDR 2133).

    Composite animal on Indus script is a composite hieroglyph composed of many glyphic elements. All glyphic elements are read rebus to complete the technical details of the bill of lading of artifacts created by artisans.

    Examples of compositions of composite animals with human face; many component parts of 'animal' body types used in the orthography are: body of a ram, horns of a bison, trunk of elephant, hindlegs of a tiger and an upraised serpent-like tail

    The composite animal (bovid) is re-configured by Huntington. Components of the composite hieroglyph on seal M-299. A ligaturing element is a human face which is a hieroglyph read rebus in mleccha (meluhha): mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) ; rebus:mũh metal ingot (Santali). Using such readings, it has been demonstrated that the entire corpora of Indus writing which now counts for over 5000 inscriptions + comparable hieroglyphs in contact areas of Dilmun where seals are deployed using the characeristic hieroglyphs of four dotted circles and three linear strokes.  

    Two composite anthropomorphic / animal figurines from Harappa kola 'woman' kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith'.

    Tiger, bovine, elephant, Nausharo NS h. 6.76 cm; w. 4.42; l. 6.97cm. kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' barada, balada 'bull' rebus: bharata 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'; karibha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron'

    Centre for Archaeological Research Indus Balochistan, Musée Guimet, Paris.

    Une tête d'éléphant en terre cuite de Nausharo (Pakistan)
    In: Arts asiatiques. Tome 47, 1992. pp. 132-136. Jarrige Catherine

    The elephant head ligatured with a buffalo at Nausharo is a curtain-raiser for the practice of ligaturing in Indian tradition for utsava bera 'idols carried on processions'. The phrase utsava bera denotes that processions of the type shown on Mesopotamian cylinder seals or Mohenjo-daro tablets are trade processions for bera 'bargaining, trade'. Thus, the processions with hieroglyphs may be part of trade-exchange fairs of ancient times. It is significant that the utsava bera of Ganesa is shown together with a rat or mouse -- as vāhanaibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'. mūṣa 'rat, mouse' Rebus: mūṣa 'crucible'.  Thus both rat/mouse and elephant face ligatured to a body, are Meluhha hieroglyphs related to metallurgical processes.

    Utsava bera pōḷā (zebu, bos indicus) may be seen in the processions during festival days of Utsava Nandi and veneration in temples on days of pradosham.
    బేరము [ bēramu ] bēramu. [Skt.] n. An image. ప్రతిమ. "పంకములోని హైమబేరము." పర. v.

    బేరము [ bēramu ] bēramu. [Tel.] n. Trade, dealing, a bargain, బేరముసారము or బేరసారము trade, &c. (సారము being a mere expletive.)బేరకాడు bēra-kāḍu. n. One who makes a bargain, a purchaser, buyer. కొనువాడు, బేరమాడువాడుబేరకత్తె bēra-katte. n. A woman who bargains or purchases. బేరమాడు or బేరముచేయు bēram-āḍu. v. n. To bargain. బేరముపోవు to go on a trading journey. బేరి bēri. n. A man of the Beri or merchant caste.

    उत्-सव b [p= 182,2] m. enterprise , beginning RV. i , 100 , 8 ; 102 , 1
    पोळा [ pōḷā ] m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. 

    पोळा [ pōḷā ] m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. The festival is held annually with processions of toys of animals drawn on toy carts, an evocation of the animals on carts shown in Daimabad. पोळ [ pōḷa ] The word pōḷa denotes: m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. That is bos indicus, zebu which is a hieroglyph on Indus Script Corpora to signify 'magnetite'. पोलाद [ pōlāda ] n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel. पोळ [ pōḷa ] 'magnetite ferrite ore' (Assur).

    Three-headed: elephant, buffalo, bottom jaw of a feline. NS Dept. of Archaeology, Karachi. EBK 7712

    Hieroglyph: karibha 'trunk of elephant' (Pali) ibha 'elephant' (Samskritam) Rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron'; rango 'buffalo bull' Rebus: ranga 'pewter, solder' kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'

    Hieroglyphs and rebus readings: mũh 'face' Rebus: mũhe 'ingot' kola 'woman' kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' Nahali (kol ‘woman’) and Santali (kul ‘tiger’; kol ‘kolhe, smelter’)

    Thre metaphor of a three-head
    ed signifier occurs in reference to त्वाष्ट्र , as author of RV. x , 8. Samskrtam lexis also attests to this metaphor for Kubera, divinity of wealth. त्वाष्ट्र also signifies copper. त्वष्टा tvaSTA is a priest for a yajna. Tvaṣtṛi has a son named  Triśiras, 'three-headed' and a daughter called संज्ञा, who was given in marriage to the sun. 

     The abiding memory of this divine form tvaṣṭṛ त्वष्टृ is celebrated as Cernunnos in the Celtic tradition of metalwork and chariotry. The decipherment of the Mohenjo-daro seal m0304 which signifies the hieroglyph of three-headed tvaṣṭṛ त्वष्टृ or Kubera -- as the creative power of wealth -- links the Gundestrup cauldron hieroglyphs to the celebration and veneration of metalcasting work by Purve yajnikas,  forefathers, ancestors; अभिजनाः पूर्वे बान्धवाः

    tvaṣṭiḥ त्वष्टिः f. Carpentry; Ms.1.48. tvaṣṭṛ त्वष्टृ m. [त्वक्ष्-तृच्] 1 A carpenter, builder, workman, त्वष्ट्रेव विहितं यन्त्रम् Mb.12.33.22. -2 Viśvakarman, the architect of the gods. [Tvaṣtṛi is the Vulcan of the Hindu mythology. He had a son named Triśiras and a daughter called संज्ञा, who was given in marriage to the sun. But she was unable to bear the severe light of her husband, and therefore Tvaṣtṛi mounted the sun upon his lathe, and carefully trimmed off a part of his bright disc; cf. आरोप्य चक्रभ्रमिमुष्णतेजास्त्वष्ट्रेव यत्नो- ल्लिखितो विभाति R.6.32. The part trimmed off is said to have been used by him in forming the discus of Viṣṇu, the Triśūla of Śiva, and some other weapons of the gods.] पर्वतं चापि जग्राह क्रुद्धस्त्वष्टा महाबलः Mb.1.227. 34. -3 Prajāpati (the creator); यां चकार स्वयं त्वष्टा रामस्य महिषीं प्रियाम् Mb.3.274.9. -4 Āditya, a form of the sun; निर्भिन्ने अक्षिणी त्वष्टा लोकपालो$विशद्विभोः Bhāg.3.6.15.  tvāṣṭra त्वाष्ट्र a. Belonging or coming from त्वष्टृ; त्वाष्ट्रं यद् दस्रावपिकक्ष्यं वाम् Rv.1.117.22. -ष्ट्रः Vṛitra; येनावृता इमे लोकास्तमसा त्वाष्ट्रमूर्तिना । स वै वृत्र इति प्रोक्तः पापः परमदारुणः ॥ Bhāg.6.9.18;11.12.5. -ष्ट्री 1 The asterism Chitra. -2 A small car. -ष्ट्रम् 1 Creative power; तपःसारमयं त्वाष्ट्रं वृत्रो येन विपाटितः Bhāg.8.11.35. -2 Copper.

    Image result for m0304 sealImage result for m0304 sealImage result for ganweriwala sealFrom Pillar of boatmen, Mohenjo-daro seals, ganweriwala tablet

    Is the artisan signifying a three-headed face to read: mũh 'face' Rebus: mũhe 'ingot' PLUS kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'? Or, the synonym: Triśiras, 'three-headed'?
    saṁjñāˊ f. ʻ agreement, understanding ʼ ŚBr., ʻ sign ʼ MBh. [√jñā]Pa. saññā -- f. ʻ sense, sign ʼ, Pk. saṁṇā -- f.; S. sañaṇu ʻ to point out ʼ; WPah.jaun. sān ʻ sign ʼ, Ku. sān f., N. sān; B. sān ʻ understanding, feeling, gesture ʼ; H. sān f. ʻ sign, token, trace ʼ; G. sān f. ʻ sense, understanding, sign, hint ʼ; M. sã̄j̈ f. ʻ rule to make an offering to the spirits out of the new corn before eating it, faithfulness of the ground to yield its usual crop ʼ, sã̄jẽ n. ʻ vow, promise ʼ; Si. sanaha° ʻ sign ʼ; -- P. H. sain f. ʻ sign, gesture ʼ (in mng. ʻ signature ʼ ← Eng. sign), G. sen f. are obscure.saṁjñā -- : WPah.J. sā'n f. ʻ symbol, sign ʼ; kṭg. sánku m. ʻ hint, wink, coquetry ʼ, H. sankī f. ʻ wink ʼ, sankārnā ʻ to hint, nod, wink ʼ Him.I 209.(CDIAL 12874) sañjñā

    संज्ञा 1 Consciousness, अकरुण पुनः संज्ञाव्याधिं विधाय किमीहसे Māl.9.42; रतिखेदसमुत्पन्ना निद्रा संज्ञाविपर्ययः Ku.6.44. संज्ञा लभ्, आपद् or प्रतिपद् 'to regain or recover one's con- sciousness, come to one's senses'. -2Knowledge, under- standing; नायका मम सैन्यस्य संज्ञार्थं तान् व्रवीमि ते Bg.1.7; Mb.12.153.63. -3 Intellect, mind; लोकतन्त्रं हि संज्ञाश्च सर्वमन्ने प्रतिष्ठितम् Mb.13.63.5. -4 A hint, sign, token, gesture; मुखापिंतैकाङ्गुलिसंज्ञयैव मा चापलायेति गणान् व्यनैषीत् Ku.3.41; उपलभ्य ततश्च धर्मसंज्ञाम् Bu. Ch.5.21; Bhāg. 6.7.17. -5 A name, designation, an appellation; oft. at the end of comp. in this sense; द्वन्द्वैर्विमुक्ताः सुखदुःखसंज्ञैः Bg.15.5. -6 (In gram.) Any name or noun having a special meaning, a proper name. -7 The technical name for an affix. -8 The Gāyatrī Mantra; see गायत्री. -9 A track, footstep. -1 Direction. -11 A technical term. -12 N. of the daughter of Viśvakarman and wife of the sun, and mother of Yama, Yamī, and the two Aśvins. [A legend relates that संज्ञा on one occa- sion wished to go to her father's house and asked her husband's permission, which was not granted. Resol- ved to carry out her purpose, she created, by means of her superhuman power, a woman exactly like herself --who was, as it were, her own shadow (and was therefore called Chhāyā), --and putting her in her own place, went away without the knowledge of the sun. Chhāya bore to the sun three children (see छाया), and lived quite happily with him, so that when Saṁjñā returned, he would not admit her. Thus re- pudiated and disappointed, she assumed the form of a mare and roamed over the earth. The sun, how- ever, in course of time, came to know the real state of things, and discovered that his wife had assumed the form of a mare. He accordingly assumed the form of a horse, and was united with his wife, who bore to him, two sons--the Aśvinīkumāras or Aśvins q. v.] -Comp. -अधिकारः a leading rule which gives a parti- cular name to the rules falling under it, and which exercises influence over them. -विपर्ययः loss of conscious- ness; रतिखेदसमुत्पन्ना निद्रा संज्ञाविपर्ययः Ku.6.44. -विषयः an epithet, an attribute. -सुतः an epithet of Saturn. -सूत्रम् any Sūtra which teaches the meaning of a technical term.
    triśiras त्रि--शिरस् [p= 460,3] mfn. three-headed (त्वाष्ट्र , author of RV. x , 8.) Ta1n2d2yaBr. xvii Br2ih. KaushUp. MBh. Ka1m.(ज्वर) BhP. x , 63 , 22 three-pointed MBh. xiii R. ivn. (with रक्षस्) id. R. i , 1 , 45 n. कुबेर L.(Samskrtam) The meaning 'jvara, 'fever' is explained in Bhagavatam: fever. त्रिशिरस्ते प्रसन्नो$स्मि व्येतु ते मज्ज्वराद्भयम् Bhāg.1.63.29.

    triśiras त्रि--शिरस् may be a metaphor of Rigvedic times to signify three high points or foreparts or principals, say, minerals or components (i.e. three firsts of a classs).  In the context of metalwork, it is appropriate to construct morphemes with  tri- prefix:
    त्रि num. a. [Uṇ.5.66] (declined in pl. only, nom. त्रयः m., तिस्त्रः f., त्रीणि n.) Three;-धा ind. in 3 parts, ways or places; triply, ˚त्वम् tripartition; Ch. Up. -धातुः an epithet of Gaṇeśa; -तुम् 1 the triple world. -2 the aggregate of the 3 minerals or humours.  -शीर्षः Śiva. -शीर्षकम्, -शूलम् a trident. ˚अङ्कः, ˚धारिन् m. an epithet of Śiva. Thus, if three 'heads' of animals, say, elephant, buffalo, tiger are ligatured to create a hypertext, the rebus words may constitute three minerals aggregating to produce an alloy.
    Image result for red jasper cylinder seal
    Red jasper H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm) cylinder Seal with four hieroglyphs and four kneeling persons (with six curls on their hair) holding flagposts, c. 2220-2159 B.C.E., Akkadian (Metropolitan Museum of Art) Cylinder Seal (with modern impression). The four hieroglyphs are: from l. to r. 1. crucible PLUS storage pot of ingots, 2. sun, 3. narrow-necked pot with overflowing water, 4. fish A hooded snake is on the edge of the composition. (The dark red color of jasper reinforces the semantics: eruvai 'dark red, copper' Hieroglyph: eruvai 'reed'; see four reedposts held. koThAri 'crucible' Rebus: koThAri 'treasurer, warehouse'. 

    See:  ḍhālā a tall banner (Kannada) ḍhālako 'ingot'(Gujarati) kamar 'moon' Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'  karmāˊra m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ (Rigveda)
    arka 'sun' Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper, gold, moltencast'
    lokANDa 'overflowing pot' Rebus: lokhaNDa 'metal implements, excellent implements'
    aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)
    baTa 'six' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS meDh 'curl' Rebus: meD 'iron' kulA 'hood of snake' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith' kolhe 'smelter'

    If the crescent shaped orthography of crucible shown next to a pot with ingots, also suggests a moon, the rebus reading is:  قمر amar A قمر amar, s.m. (9th) The moon. Sing. and Pl. See سپوږمي or سپوګمي (Pashto) Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'

    Thus, three heads of tigers (winged) on Sanchi stupa torana:
    kola, kōlu ‘jackal, tiger (Konkani.Telugu) rebus: kola_ burning charcoal (Lahnda.Punjabi.);kol, kolla a furnace (Tamil); kolla a blacksmith (Malayalam); kol metal (Tamil); kol 'working in iron'; kolhe 'smelter' (Santali); kolimi 'smithy-forge'(Telugu) kole.l 'smithy, temple'(Kota)

    kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
    dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal'

    eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka 'copper'. kambha'wing' rebus:  kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    Artistic style: Joined animal Hieroglyph: sangaḍi = joined animals (Marathi)
    Rebus: saMghAta 'caravan' also 'adamantine metallic glue' (vajra)

    Reconstructed as a seal imprssion using seal m0304 creating a pair of antelopes and a pair of hayricks below the platform (stool) base (After J. Huntington). Mohenjo-daro seal m0304

    Rebus readings of hieroglyphs on m0304 (both pictorial motifs + sign glyphs, in two lines) 

    Note: There are over 27 clearly identifiable, glyphic elements on the seal m0304 (both animal glyphs plus text sign glyphs). Each glyphic element (hieroglyph) is decoded, read rebus.

    A person is shown seated in 'penance'. 

    kamaḍha 'penance' (Pkt.) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) Thus, the over-arching message of the inscription composed of many hieroglyphs (of glyphic elements) thus is a description of the offerings of a 'mint or coiner (workshop with a golf furnace)'.

    Rebus readings of the horned head-dress:

    kuṇḍī = crooked buffalo horns (L.) Rebus: kuṇḍī = chief of village. kuṇḍi-a = village headman; leader of a village (Pkt.lex.) I.e. śreṇi jeṭṭha chief of metal-worker guild.
    kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = furnace (Santali) Vikalpa: clump between the two horns: kuṇḍa n. ʻ clump ʼ e.g. darbha-- kuṇḍa-- Pāṇ.(CDIAL 3236). kundār turner (A.)(CDIAL 3295). : kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Vikalpa: kūdī, kūṭī 'bunch of twigs' (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali)

    Rebus reading of glyphic elements of the 'bristled (tiger's mane) face':

    There are two glyphic elements denoted on the face. 

    mũh 'face'; rebus: metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen me~ṛhe~t mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali.lex.) 

    Shoggy hair; tiger’s mane. sodo bodo, sodro bodro adj. adv. rough, hairy, shoggy, hirsute, uneven; sodo [Persian.sodā, dealing] trade; traffic; merchandise; marketing; a bargain; the purchase or sale of goods; buying and selling; mercantile dealings (G.lex.) sodagor = a merchant, trader; sodāgor (P.B.) (Santali.lex.) The face is depicted with bristles of hair, representing a tiger’s mane. cūḍā, cūlā, cūliyā tiger’s mane (Pkt.)(CDIAL 4883).Rebus: cūḷai 'furnace, kiln, funeral pile' (Te.)(CDIAL 4879; DEDR 2709). Thus the composite glyphic composition: 'bristled (tiger's mane) face' is read rebus as: sodagor mũh cūḷa 'furnace (of) ingot merchant'.

    Reading the glyphic elements on the chest of the person and arms:

    kamarasāla = waist-zone, waist-band, belt (Te.) karmāraśāla = workshop of blacksmith (Skt.) kamar ‘blacksmith’ (Santali)

    sekeseke, sekseke covered, as the arms with ornaments; Rebus: sekra those who work in brass and bell metal; sekra sakom a kind of armlet of bell metal (Santali) Vikalpa: bāhula n. armour for the arms (Skt.) Rebus: బంగల bangala. [Tel.] n. An oven. కుంపటి. (Telugu) Vikalpa: cūri 'bangles' (H.) Rebus: cūḷai 'furnace, kiln, funeral pile' (Te.)(CDIAL 4879; DEDR 2709).

    Thus, together, the glyphic elements on the chest of the person and arms are read rebus: sekra karmāraśāla 'brass/bell-metal workshop of smith (with) furnace'.

    Glyphic compositions on the base on which the person is seated; hence, the rebus readings of glyphics: stool, pair of hayricks, pair of antelopes.

    Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ = a furnace, altar (Santali.lex.) kuntam 'haystack' (Te.)(DEDR 1236) Rebus: kuṇḍamu 'a pit for receiving and preserving consecrated fire' (Te.)

    A pair of hayricks, a pair of antelopes: kundavum = manger, a hayrick (G.) Rebus: kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) 

    Decoding a pair: dula दुल । युग्मम् m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rām. 966) (Kashmiri); dol ‘likeness, picture, form’ (Santali) Rebus: dul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali) dul meṛeḍ cast iron (Mundari. Santali)

    Antelope: miṇḍāl ‘markhor’ (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120); rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)

    Glyph: krammara ‘look back’ (Te.); Rebus: kamar ‘smith’ (Santali) Vikalpa 1: mlekh ‘antelope’(Br.); milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) Vikalpa 2: kala stag, buck (Ma.) Rebus: kallan mason (Ma.); kalla glass beads (Ma.); kalu stone (Kond.a); xal id., boulder (Br.)(DEDR 1298). Rebus: kallan ‘stone-bead-maker’.

    Thus, together, the glyphs on the base of the platform are decoded rebus:meḍ kamar dul meṛeḍ kũdār,'iron(metal)smith, casting (and) turner'. 

    Animal glyphs around the seated person: buffalo, boar (rhinoceros), elephant, tiger (jumping).

    sal ‘bos gaurus’; rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) Vikalpa 1: ran:gā ‘buffalo’; ran:ga ‘pewter or alloy of tin (ran:ku), lead (nāga) and antimony (añjana)’(Santali) Vikalpa 2: kaṭamā 'bison' (Ta.)(DEDR 1114) Rebus: kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍa-i-o = (Skt. sthapati, a mason) a bricklayer, mason (G.)]

    baḍhia = a castrated boar, a hog (Santali) baḍhi ‘a caste who work both in iron and wood’ (Santali) 

    ibha ‘elephant’ (Skt.); rebus: ib ‘iron’ (Santali) karibha ‘elephant’ (Skt.); rebus: karb ‘iron’ (Ka.)

    kolo, koleā 'jackal' (Kon.Santali); kola kukur 'white tiger' (A.); dāṭu ‘leap’ (Te.); rebus: kol pañcaloha 'five metals'(Ta.); kol 'furnace, forge' (Kuwi) dāṭu 'jump' (Te.). Rebus: dhātu ‘mineral’ (Skt.) Vikalpa: puṭi 'to jump'; puṭa 'calcining of metals'. Thus the glyph 'jumping tiger' read rebus: 'furnace for calcining of metals'.

    Thus, together, the set of animals surround the seated person are decoded rebus: ran:ga baḍhi karb kol dhātu puṭi '(worker in) pewter, iron & wood, iron(metal) forge/furnace for calcining metals.

    Decoding the text of the inscription
    Text 2420 on m0304

    Line 2 (bottom): 'body' glyph. mēd ‘body’ (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)

    Line 1 (top):

    'Body' glyph plus ligature of 'splinter' shown between the legs: mēd ‘body’ (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) sal ‘splinter’; Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) Thus, the ligatured glyph is read rebus as: meḍ sal 'iron (metal) workshop'.

    Sign 216 (Mahadevan). ḍato ‘claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs’; ḍaṭom, ḍiṭom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; ḍaṭkop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Vikalpa: erā ‘claws’; Rebus: era ‘copper’. Allograph: kamaṛkom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarmaṛā (Has.), kamaṛkom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.) kamat.ha = fig leaf, religiosa (Skt.)

    Sign 229. sannī, sannhī = pincers, smith’s vice (P.) śannī f. ʻ small room in a house to keep sheep in ‘ (WPah.) Bshk. šan, Phal.šān ‘roof’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 12326). seṇi (f.) [Class. Sk. śreṇi in meaning "guild"; Vedic= row] 1. a guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dāvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. ˚ -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni -- ). -- 2. a division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- ˚ J vi.81, 49; seṇimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. senā and seniya). (Pali)

    Sign 342. kaṇḍa kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali): karṇaka rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe, accountant’ (Te.); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Thus, the 'rim of jar' ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account)

    Sign 344. Ligatured glyph: 'rim of jar' ligature + splinter (infixed); 'rim of jar' ligature is read rebus: kaṇḍa karṇaka 'furnace scribe (account)'. 

    sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) *ஆலை³ ālai, n. < šālā. 1. Apartment, hall; சாலை. ஆலைசேர் வேள்வி (தேவா. 844. 7). 2. Elephant stable or stall; யானைக்கூடம். களிறு சேர்ந் தல்கிய வழுங்க லாலை (புறநா. 220, 3).ஆலைக்குழி ālai-k-kuḻi, n. < ஆலை¹ +. Receptacle for the juice underneath a sugar-cane press; கரும்பாலையிற் சாறேற்கும் அடிக்கலம்.*ஆலைத்தொட்டி ālai-t-toṭṭi, n. < id. +. Cauldron for boiling sugar-cane juice; கருப்பஞ் சாறு காய்ச்சும் சால்.ஆலைபாய்-தல் ālai-pāy-, v. intr. < id. +. 1. To work a sugar-cane mill; ஆலையாட்டுதல். ஆலைபாயோதை (சேதுபு. நாட்டு. 93). 2. To move, toss, as a ship; அலைவுறுதல். (R.) 3. To be undecided, vacillating; மனஞ் சுழலுதல். நெஞ்ச மாலைபாய்ந் துள்ள மழிகின்றேன் (அருட்பா,) Vikalpa: sal ‘splinter’; rebus: workshop (sal)’ ālai ‘workshop’ (Ta.) *ஆலை³ ālai, n. < šālā. 1. Apartment, hall; சாலை. ஆலைசேர் வேள்வி (தேவா. 844. 7). 2. Elephant stable or stall; யானைக்கூடம். களிறு சேர்ந் தல்கிய வழுங்க லாலை (புறநா. 220, 3).ஆலைக்குழி ālai-k-kuḻi, n. < ஆலை¹ +. Receptacle for the juice underneath a sugar-cane press; கரும்பாலையிற் சாறேற்கும் அடிக்கலம்.*ஆலைத்தொட்டி ālai-t-toṭṭi, n. < id. +. Cauldron for boiling sugar-cane juice; கருப்பஞ் சாறு காய்ச்சும் சால்.ஆலைபாய்-தல் ālai-pāy-, v. intr. < id. +. 1. To work a sugar-cane mill; ஆலையாட்டுதல். ஆலைபாயோதை (சேதுபு. நாட்டு. 93) Thus, together with the 'splinter' glyph, the entire ligature 'rim of jar + splinter/splice' is read rebus as: furnace scribe (account workshop). Sign 59. ayo, hako 'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) Sign 342. kaṇḍa karṇaka 'rim of jar'; rebus: 'furnace scribe (account)'. Thus the inscription reads rebus: iron, iron (metal) workshop, copper (mineral) guild, fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account workshop), metal furnace scribe (account) As the decoding of m0304 seal demonstrates, the Indus hieroglyphs are the professional repertoire of an artisan (miners'/metalworkers') guild detailing the stone/mineral/metal resources/furnaces/smelters of workshops (smithy/forge/turners' shops). Comparble to m0304 showing a seated person in penance, is a seal showing a scarfed person in penance:

    He also has scarf as a pigtail, is horned with two stars shown within the horn-curves.

    kamaḍha 'penance' (Pkt.) Rebus: kampaṭṭam ‘mint’ (Ta.) Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ = a furnace, altar (Santali.lex.)
    ḍato = claws of crab (Santali); dhātu = mineral (Skt.), dhatu id. (Santali) 
    kūdī, kūṭī bunch of twigs (Skt.lex.) kūdī (also written as kūṭī in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kauśika Sūtra (Bloomsfield's ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badarī, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177). Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelting furnace‘ (Santali) koṭe ‘forged (metal) (Santali)
    mēḍha The polar star. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)
    ḍabe, ḍabea ‘large horns, with a sweeping upward curve, applied to buffaloes’ (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali)

    Thus, the entire glyphic composition of the seated, horned person is decoded rebus: meḍ dhatu kampaṭṭa ḍab kuṭhi kaṇḍ iron, mineral, mint (copper casting, forging workshop)furnace.

    The text of the inscription shows two types of 'fish' glyphs: one fish + fish with scaled circumscribed by four short-strokes: aya 'fish' (Mu.); rebus: aya 'metal' (Skt.)
    gaṇḍa set of four (Santali) kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar’ cf. ayaskāṇḍa a quantity of iron, excellent iron (Pāṇ.gaṇ) The reading is consistent with the entire glyphic composition related to the mineral, mint forge.
    Indus script hieroglyphs: composite animal, smithy

    Composite animal on Indus script is a composite hieroglyph composed of many glyphic elements. All glyphic elements are read rebus to complete the technical details of the bill of lading of artifacts created by artisans.
    m1177 Mohenjo-daro seal.
    m1180 Mohenjo-daro seal. Human-faced markhor.
    m0301 Mohenjo-daro seal.
    m0302 Mohenjo-daro seal.
    m0303 Mohenjo-daro seal.
    m0299. Mohenjo-daro seal.
    m0300. Mohenjo-daro seal.
    m1179. Mohenjo-daro seal. Markhor or ram with human face in composite hieroglyph.
    h594. Harappa seal. Composite animal (with elephant trunk and rings (scarves) on shoulder visible).koṭiyum = a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal; koṭ = neck (G.) Vikalpa: kaḍum ‘neck-band, ring’; rebus: khāḍ ‘trench, firepit’ (G.) Vikalpa: khaḍḍā f. hole, mine, cave (CDIAL 3790). kanduka, kandaka ditch, trench (Tu.); kandakamu id. (Te.); kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings (Konda); kanda small trench for fireplace (Kui); kandri a pit (Malt)(DEDR 1214) khaḍḍa— ‘hole, pit’. [Cf. *gaḍḍa— and list s.v. kartá—1] Pk. khaḍḍā— f. ‘hole, mine, cave’, ḍaga— m. ‘one who digs a hole’, ḍōlaya— m. ‘hole’; Bshk. (Biddulph) "kād" (= khaḍ?) ‘valley’; K. khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’, khoḍu m. ‘vulva’; S. khaḍ̱a f. ‘pit’; L. khaḍḍ f. ‘pit, cavern, ravine’; P. khaḍḍ f. ‘pit, ravine’, ḍī f. ‘hole for a weaver's feet’ (→ Ku. khaḍḍ, N. khaḍ; H. khaḍ, khaḍḍā m. ‘pit, low ground, notch’; Or. khãḍi ‘edge of a deep pit’; M. khaḍḍā m. ‘rough hole, pit’); WPah. khaś. khaḍḍā ‘stream’; N. khāṛo ‘pit, bog’, khāṛi ‘creek’, khāṛal ‘hole (in ground or stone)’. — Altern. < *khāḍa—: Gy. gr. xar f. ‘hole’; Ku. khāṛ ‘pit’; B. khāṛī ‘creek, inlet’, khāṛal ‘pit, ditch’; H. khāṛī f. ‘creek, inlet’, khaṛ—har, al m. ‘hole’; Marw. khāṛo m. ‘hole’; M. khāḍ f. ‘hole, creek’, ḍā m. ‘hole’, ḍī f. ‘creek, inlet’. 3863 khā́tra— n. ‘hole’ HPariś., ‘pond, spade’ Uṇ. [√khan] Pk. khatta— n. ‘hole, manure’, aya— m. ‘one who digs in a field’; S. khāṭru m. ‘mine made by burglars’, ṭro m. ‘fissure, pit, gutter made by rain’; P. khāt m. ‘pit, manure’, khāttā m. ‘grain pit’, ludh. khattā m. (→ H. khattā m., khatiyā f.); N. khāt ‘heap (of stones, wood or corn)’; B. khāt, khātṛū ‘pit, pond’; Or. khāta ‘pit’, tā ‘artificial pond’; Bi. khātā ‘hole, gutter, grain pit, notch (on beam and yoke of plough)’, khattā ‘grain pit, boundary ditch’; Mth. khātā, khattā ‘hole, ditch’; H. khāt m. ‘ditch, well’, f. ‘manure’, khātā m. ‘grain pit’; G. khātar n. ‘housebreaking, house sweeping, manure’, khātriyũ n. ‘tool used in housebreaking’ (→ M. khātar f. ‘hole in a wall’, khātrā m. ‘hole, manure’, khātryā m. ‘housebreaker’); M. khā̆t n.m. ‘manure’ (deriv. khatāviṇẽ ‘to manure’, khāterẽ n. ‘muck pit’). — Un- expl. ṭ in L. khāṭvā̃ m. ‘excavated pond’, khāṭī f. ‘digging to clear or excavate a canal’ (~ S. khātī f. ‘id.’, but khāṭyāro m. ‘one employed to measure canal work’) and khaṭṭaṇ ‘to dig’. (CDIAL 3790) •gaḍa— 1 m. ‘ditch’ lex. [Cf. *gaḍḍa—1 and list s.v. kartá—1] Pk. gaḍa— n. ‘hole’; Paš. gaṛu ‘dike’; Kho. (Lor.) gōḷ ‘hole, small dry ravine’; A. garā ‘high bank’; B. gaṛ ‘ditch, hole in a husking machine’; Or. gaṛa ‘ditch, moat’; M. gaḷ f. ‘hole in the game of marbles’. 3981 *gaḍḍa— 1 ‘hole, pit’. [G. < *garda—? — Cf. *gaḍḍ—1 and list s.v. kartá—1] Pk. gaḍḍa— m. ‘hole’; WPah. bhal. cur. gaḍḍ f., paṅ. gaḍḍṛī, pāḍ. gaḍōṛ ‘river, stream’; N. gaṛ—tir ‘bank of a river’; A. gārā ‘deep hole’; B. gāṛ, ṛā ‘hollow, pit’; Or. gāṛa ‘hole, cave’, gāṛiā ‘pond’; Mth. gāṛi ‘piercing’; H. gāṛā m. ‘hole’; G. garāḍ, ḍɔ m. ‘pit, ditch’ (< *graḍḍa— < *garda—?); Si. gaḍaya ‘ditch’. — Cf. S. giḍ̱i f. ‘hole in the ground for fire during Muharram’. — X khānī̆—: K. gān m. ‘underground room’; S. (LM 323) gāṇ f. ‘mine, hole for keeping water’; L. gāṇ m. ‘small embanked field within a field to keep water in’; G. gāṇ f. ‘mine, cellar’; M. gāṇ f. ‘cavity containing water on a raised piece of land’ WPah.kṭg. gāṛ ‘hole (e.g. after a knot in wood)’. (CDIAL 3947) 3860 *khāḍa— ‘a hollow’. [Cf. *khaḍḍa— and list s.v. kartá—1] S. khāṛī f. ‘gulf, creek’; P. khāṛ ‘level country at the foot of a mountain’, ṛī f. ‘deep watercourse, creek’; Bi. khārī ‘creek, inlet’; G. khāṛi , ṛī f., ṛɔ m. ‘hole’. — Altern. < *khaḍḍa—: Gy. gr. xar f. ‘hole’; Ku. khāṛ ‘pit’; B. khāṛī ‘creek, inlet’, khāṛal ‘pit, ditch’; H. khāṛī ‘creek, inlet’, khaṛ—har, al m. ‘hole’; Marw. khāṛo m. ‘hole’; M. khāḍ f. ‘hole, creek’, ḍā m. ‘hole’, ḍī f. ‘creek, inlet’. The neck-bands hung above the shoulder of the composite animal may thus read rebus: trench or fire-pit (i.e. furnace) for the minerals/metals described by the glyphic elements connoting animals: elephant, ram (or zebu, bos indicus).

    m1186A Composite animal hieroglyph. Text of inscription (3 lines).
    The animal is a quadruped: pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.)Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali) Allograph: panǰā́r ‘ladder, stairs’(Bshk.)(CDIAL 7760) Thus the composite animal connotes a smithy. Details of the smithy are described orthographically by the glyphic elements of the composition.
    The glyphic of the hieroglyph: tail (serpent), face (human), horns (bos indicus, zebu or ram), trunk (elephant), front paw (tiger),
    moṇḍ the tail of a serpent (Santali) Rebus: Md. moḍenī ʻ massages, mixes ʼ. Kal.rumb. moṇḍ -- ʻ to thresh ʼ, urt. maṇḍ -- ʻ to soften ʼ (CDIAL 9890) Thus, the ligature of the serpent as a tail of the composite animal glyph is decoded as: polished metal (artifact). Vikalpa: xolā = tail (Kur.); qoli id. (Malt.)(DEDr 2135). Rebus: kol ‘pañcalōha’ (Ta.)கொல் kol, n. 1. Iron; இரும்பு. மின் வெள்ளி பொன் கொல்லெனச் சொல்லும் (தக்கயாகப். 550). 2. Metal; உலோகம். (நாமதீப. 318.) கொல்லன் kollaṉ, n. < T. golla. Custodian of treasure; கஜானாக்காரன். (P. T. L.) கொல்லிச்சி kollicci, n. Fem. of கொல்லன். Woman of the blacksmith caste; கொல்லச் சாதிப் பெண். (யாழ். அக.) The gloss kollicci is notable. It clearly evidences that kol was a blacksmith. kola ‘blacksmith’ (Ka.); Koḍ. kollë blacksmith (DEDR 2133). Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge (DEDR 2133) கொல்² kol Working in iron; கொற்றொழில். Blacksmith; கொல்லன். (Tamil) mũhe ‘face’ (Santali); Rebus: mũh '(copper) ingot' (Santali);mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) கோடு kōṭu : •நடுநிலை நீங்குகை. கோடிறீக் கூற் றம் (நாலடி, 5). 3. [K. kōḍu.] Tusk; யானை பன்றிகளின் தந்தம். மத்த யானையின் கோடும் (தேவா. 39, 1). 4. Horn; விலங்கின் கொம்பு. கோட்டிடை யாடினை கூத்து (திவ். இயற். திருவிருத். 21). Ko. kṛ (obl. kṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwṛ (obl. kwṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn (DEDR 2200)Rebus: koḍ = the place where artisans work (G.) kul 'tiger' (Santali); kōlu id. (Te.) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.)Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H.kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ, °lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā, °lā m. krōṣṭŕ̊ ʻ crying ʼ BhP., m. ʻ jackal ʼ RV. = krṓṣṭu -- m. Pāṇ. [√kruś] Pa. koṭṭhu -- , °uka -- and kotthu -- , °uka -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ, Pk. koṭṭhu -- m.; Si. koṭa ʻ jackal ʼ, koṭiya ʻ leopard ʼ GS 42 (CDIAL 3615). कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [ kōlhēṃ ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pañcaloha’ (Ta.) Allograph: kōla = woman (Nahali) [The ligature of a woman to a tiger is a phonetic determinant; the scribe clearly conveys that the gloss represented is kōla] karba 'iron' (Ka.)(DEDR 1278) as in ajirda karba 'iron' (Ka.) kari, karu 'black' (Ma.)(DEDR 1278) karbura 'gold' (Ka.) karbon 'black gold, iron' (Ka.) kabbiṇa 'iron' (Ka.) karum pon 'iron' (Ta.); kabin 'iron' (Ko.)(DEDR 1278) Ib 'iron' (Santali) [cf. Toda gloss below: ib ‘needle’.] Ta. Irumpu iron, instrument, weapon. a. irumpu,irimpu iron. Ko. ibid. To. Ib needle. Koḍ. Irïmbï iron. Te. Inumu id. Kol. (Kin.) inum (pl. inmul)iron, sword. Kui (Friend-Pereira) rumba vaḍi ironstone (for vaḍi, see 5285). (DEDR 486) Allograph: karibha -- m. ʻ Ficus religiosa (?) [Semantics of ficus religiosa may be relatable to homonyms used to denote both the sacred tree and rebus gloss: loa, ficus (Santali); loh ‘metal’ (Skt.)]
    miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120)bhēḍra -- , bhēṇḍa -- m. ʻ ram ʼ lex. [← Austro -- as. J. Przyluski BSL xxx 200: perh. Austro -- as. *mēḍra ~ bhēḍra collides with Aryan mḗḍhra -- 1 in mēṇḍhra -- m. ʻ penis ʼ BhP., ʻ ram ʼ lex. -- See also bhēḍa -- 1, mēṣá -- , ēḍa -- . -- The similarity between bhēḍa -- 1, bhēḍra -- , bhēṇḍa -- ʻ ram ʼ and *bhēḍa -- 2 ʻ defective ʼ is paralleled by that between mḗḍhra -- 1, mēṇḍha -- 1 ʻ ram ʼ and *mēṇḍa -- 1, *mēṇḍha -- 2 (s.v. *miḍḍa -- ) ʻ defective ʼ](CDIAL 9606) mēṣá m. ʻ ram ʼ, °ṣīˊ -- f. ʻ ewe ʼ RV. 2. mēha -- 2, miha- m. lex. [mēha -- 2 infl. by mḗhati ʻ emits semen ʼ as poss. mēḍhra -- 2 ʻ ram ʼ (~ mēṇḍha -- 2) by mḗḍhra -- 1 ʻ penis ʼ?]1. Pk. mēsa -- m. ʻ sheep ʼ, Ash. mišalá; Kt. məṣe/l ʻ ram ʼ; Pr. məṣé ʻ ram, oorial ʼ; Kal. meṣ, meṣalák ʻ ram ʼ, H. mes m.; -- X bhēḍra -- q.v.2. K. myã̄ -- pūtu m. ʻ the young of sheep or goats ʼ; WPah.bhal. me\i f. ʻ wild goat ʼ; H. meh m. ʻ ram ʼ.mēṣāsya -- ʻ sheep -- faced ʼ Suśr. [mēṣá -- , āsyà -- ](CDIAL 10334) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)mẽṛh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Mu.) Allograph: meḍ ‘body ' (Mu.)
    Hieroglphs on text of inscription read rebus:
    Smithy (temple), Copper (mineral) guild workshop, metal furnace (account) 
    Sign 216 (Mahadevan). ḍato ‘claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs’; ḍaṭom, ḍiṭom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; ḍaṭkop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Vikalpa: erā ‘claws’; Rebus: era ‘copper’. Allograph: kamaṛkom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarmaṛā (Has.), kamaṛkom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.) kamat.ha = fig leaf, religiosa (Skt.)
    Sign 342. kaṇḍa kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali): karṇaka rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe, accountant’ (Te.); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Thus, the 'rim of jar' ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account)
    Sign 229. sannī, sannhī = pincers, smith’s vice (P.) śannī f. ʻ small room in a house to keep sheep in ‘ (WPah.) Bshk. šan, Phal.šān ‘roof’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 12326). seṇi (f.) [Class. Sk. śreṇi in meaning "guild"; Vedic= row] 1. a guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dāvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. ˚ -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni -- ). -- 2. a division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- ˚ J vi.81, 49; seṇimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. senā and seniya). (Pali)
    'body' glyph. mēd ‘body’ (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)
    aya 'fish' (Mu.); rebus: aya 'iron' (G.); ayas 'metal' (Skt.)
    sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) *ஆலை³ ālai, n. < šālā.

    Varint of 'room' glyph with embedded rimless pot glyph (Sign 243 - Mahadevan corpus).
    'Room' glyph. Rebus: kole.l = smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.) kolme smithy' (Ka.) kol ‘working in iron, blacksmith (Ta.)(DEDR 2133) The ligature glyphic element within 'room' glyph (Variant Sign 243): baṭi 'broad-mouthed, rimless metal vessel'; rebus: baṭi 'smelting furnace'. Thus, the composite ligatured Sign 243 denotes: furnace smithy.
    Ritual basin decorated with goatfish figures 

    • Middle Elamite period Susa, Iran Limestone H. 62.8 cm; W. 92 cm Jacques de Morgan excavations, 1904-05 Sb 19
    लोहकारनालिका f. the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. (Kashmiri) pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattar 'guild'. ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal' . Alternative1: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin' Alternative 2: tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tagara 'tin'. kāṇḍa काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt kāḍ. Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. sippi 'mollusc' rebus: sippi 'artificer, sculptor, craftsperson'.
    The composite glyphic of goat-fish on the Susa ritual basin can be compared with the more comprehensive composition glyphic which is exemplified by the inscription on m0302.

    Mohenjodaro seal (m0302).
    The composite animal glyph is one example to show that rebus method has to be applied to every glyphic element in the writing system. 

    The glyphic elements of the composite animal shown together with the glyphs of fish, fish ligatured with lid, arrow (on Seal m0302) are:
    --ram or sheep (forelegs denote a bovine)
    --neck-band, ring
    --bos indicus (zebu)(the high horns denote a bos indicus)
    --elephant (the elephant's trunk ligatured to human face)
    --tiger (hind legs denote a tiger)
    --serpent (tail denotes a serpent)
    --human face
    All these glyphic elements are decoded rebus:
    meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120); 
    kaḍum ‘neck-band, ring’ 
    adar ḍangra ‘zebu’
    ibha ‘elephant’ (Skt.); rebus: ib ‘iron’ (Ko.)
    kolo ‘jackal’ (Kon.)
    moṇḍ the tail of a serpent (Santali) Rebus: Md. moḍenī ʻ massages, mixes ʼ. Kal.rumb. moṇḍ -- ʻ to thresh ʼ, urt. maṇḍ -- ʻ to soften ʼ (CDIAL 9890) Thus, the ligature of the serpent as a tail of the composite animal glyph is decoded as: polished metal (artifact).
    mũhe ‘face’ (Santali); mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali)
    கோடு kōṭu : •நடுநிலை நீங்குகை. கோடிறீக் கூற் றம் (நாலடி, 5). 3. [K. kōḍu.] Tusk; யானை பன்றிகளின் தந்தம். மத்த யானையின் கோடும் (தேவா. 39, 1). 4. Horn; விலங்கின் கொம்பு. கோட்டிடை யாடினை கூத்து (திவ். இயற். திருவிருத். 21). 
    Ta. kōṭu (in cpds. kōṭṭu-) horn, tusk, branch of tree, cluster, bunch, coil of hair, line, diagram, bank of stream or pool; kuvaṭu branch of a tree; kōṭṭāṉ, kōṭṭuvāṉ rock horned-owl (cf. 1657 Ta. kuṭiñai). Ko. kṛ (obl. kṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwṛ (obl. kwṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn (DEDR 2200)
    meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)
    khāḍ ‘trench, firepit’
    aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.) ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (H.)
    kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pancaloha’ (Ta.)
    mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)
    mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)
    koḍ = the place where artisans work (G.) 
    Orthographically, the glytic compositions add on the characteristic short tail as a hieroglyph (on both ligatured signs and on pictorial motifs)
    xolā = tail (Kur.); qoli id. (Malt.)(DEDr 2135). Rebus: kol ‘pañcalōha’ (Ta.)கொல் kol, n. 1. Iron; இரும்பு. மின் வெள்ளி பொன் கொல்லெனச் சொல்லும் (தக்கயாகப். 550). 2. Metal; உலோகம். (நாமதீப. 318.) கொல்லன் kollaṉ, n. < T. golla. Custodian of treasure; கஜானாக்காரன். (P. T. L.) கொல்லிச்சி kollicci, n. Fem. of கொல்லன். Woman of the blacksmith caste; கொல்லச் சாதிப் பெண். (யாழ். அக.) The gloss kollicci is notable. It clearly evidences that kol was a blacksmith. kola ‘blacksmith’ (Ka.); Koḍ. kollë blacksmith (DEDR 2133). Vikalpa: dumbaदुम्ब or (El.) duma दुम । पशुपुच्छः m. the tail of an animal. (Kashmiri) Rebus: ḍōmba ?Gypsy (CDIAL 5570). 

    The composite glyphic of goat-fish on the Susa ritual basin can be compared with the more comprehensive composition glyphic which is exemplified by the inscription on m0302.
    Susa ritual basin decorated with goatfish figures, molluscs.


    Mudhif and three reed banners. A cow and a stable of reeds with sculpted columns in the background. Fragment of another vase of alabaster (era of Djemet-Nasr) from Uruk, Mesopotamia. Limestone 16 X 22.5 cm. AO 8842, Louvre, Departement des Antiquites Orientales, Paris, France. Six circles decorated on the reed post are semantic determinants of Glyph: bhaṭa ‘six’. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace काँड् । काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt kāḍ. The rebus reading of the pair of reeds in Sumer standard is: khānḍa ‘tools,  pots  and  pans and metal-ware’.

    Quadrupeds exiting the mund (or mudhif) are pasaramu, pasalamu ‘an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped’ (Telugu) పసరము [ pasaramu ] or పసలము pasaramu. [Tel.] n. A beast, an animal. గోమహిషహాతి.

    Rebus: pasra = a smithy, place where a black-smith works, to work as a blacksmith; kamar pasra = a smithy; pasrao lagao akata se ban:? Has the blacksmith begun to work? pasraedae = the blacksmith is at his work (Santali.lex.) pasra meṛed, pasāra meṛed = syn. of koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.) పసారము [ pasāramu ] or పసారు pasārdmu. [Tel.] n. A shop. అంగడి. Allograph: pacar = a wedge driven ino a wooden pin, wedge etc. to tighten it (Santali.lex.) Allograph: pajhar 'eagle'.

    A Toda temple in Muthunadu Mund near Ooty, India. For example, on a cylinder seal from Uruk, a professional group of workers in a smithy are shown as a procession of young bull calves and other quadrupeds emerging out of the smithy. 

     Kur. xolā tailMalt. qoli id.(DEDR 2135) The 'tail' atop the reed-structure banner glyph is a phonetic determinant for kole.l 'temple, smithy'. Alternative: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus:pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)

    m0702 Text 2206 Glyph 39, a glyph which compares with the Sumerian mudhif or Toda munda structure.  
    [Kannada. kōḍu] Tusk; யானை பன்றிகளின் தந்தம்மத்த யானையின் கோடும் (தேவா. 39, 1). Rebus: खोट [khōṭa] A lump or solid bit (as of phlegm, gore, curds, inspissated milk); any concretion or clot. (Marathi) Rebus: L. khoṭf. ʻ alloy, impurity ʼ, °ṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā ʻ forged ʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻ base, alloy ʼ  M.khoṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, (CDIAL 3931) 
    kole.l = smithy (Ko.) Rebus: Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. (DEDR 2133).

    Reading 1: kole.l = smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.) Rebus 1: Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer.  Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. (DEDR 2133). Rebus 2: Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village.To. kwala·l Kota smithy (DEDR 2133).
    Reading 2: goṭ = the place where cattle are collected at mid-day (Santali); goṭh (Brj.)(CDIAL 4336). Goṣṭha (Skt.); cattle-shed (Or.) koḍ = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.) कोठी cattle-shed (Marathi) कोंडी[ kōṇḍī ] A pen or fold for cattle. गोठी [ gōṭhī ] f C (Dim. Of गोठा) A pen or fold for calves. (Marathi) Cattle Byres c.3200-3000 B.C. Late Uruk-Jemdet Nasr period. Magnesite. Cylinder seal. In the lower field of this seal appear three reed cattle byres. Each byre is surmounted by three reed pillars topped by rings, a motif that has been suggested as symbolizing a male god, perhaps Dumuzi. Within the huts calves or vessels appear alternately; from the sides come calves that drink out of a vessel between them. Above each pair of animals another small calf appears. A herd of enormous cattle moves in the upper field. Cattle and cattle byres in Southern Mesopotamia, c. 3500 BCE. Drawing of an impression from a Uruk period cylinder seal. (After Moorey, PRS, 1999, Ancient materials and industries: the archaeological evidence, Eisenbrauns.)

     Text 1330 (appears with zebu glyph). Shown as exiting the kole.l 'smithy' arekol 'blaksmiths' and kũderā 'lathe-workers'.

    The young bulls emerging from the smithy. kõdā  खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus 1: kọ̆nḍu or  konḍu ।  कुण्डम् m. a hole dug in the ground for receiving consecrated fire (Kashmiri)Rebus 2: A. kundār, B. kũdār, °ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297).

    खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. kole.l = smithy (Ko.) Rebus: Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. (DEDR 2133). 

    ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'.

    kuṭila ‘bent’; rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230) kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’ (Skt.)(CDIAL 3231). 

    kanka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karṇika 'accountant'. kul -- karṇī m. ʻvillage accountantʼ (Marathi); karṇikan id. (Tamil) கணக்கு kaṇakku, n. cf. gaṇaka. [M. kaṇakku] 1. Number, account, reckoning, calculation, computation (Tamil) 

    Rebus: ‘to engrave, write; lapidary’: <kana-lekhe>(P)  {??} ``??''.  |.  Cf. <kana->.  %16123.  #16013. <lekhe->(P),,<leke->(KM)  {VTC} ``to ^write''.  Cf. <kana-lekhe>.  *Kh.<likhae>, H.<lIkhAna>, O.<lekhIba>, B.<lekha>; Kh.<likha>(P), Mu.<lika>.  %20701.  #20541. (Munda etyma) Kashmiri:khanun खनुन् । खननम् conj. 1 (1 p.p. khonu for 1, see s.v.; f. khüñü  to dig (K.Pr. 155, 247; L. 459; Śiv. 59, 746, 994, 143, 1197, 1214, 1373, 1754; Rām. 343, 958, 1147, 1724; H. xii, 6); to engrave (Śiv. 414, 671, 176; Rām. 1583). khonu-motu खनुमतु; । खातः perf. part. (f. khüñümüʦü)  dug (e.g. a field, or a well); engraved. mŏhara-khonu म्वहर-खनु; or (Gr.M.) mŏhar-kan । मुद्राखननकारुः m. a seal-engraver, a lapidary (El. mohar-kand). -wöjü । *अङ्गुलिमुद्रा f. a signet-ring.
    DEDR 1170 Ta. kaṇṭam iron style for writing on palmyra leaves. Te. gaṇṭamu id.
    DEDR 1179 Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. గడమంచె gaḍa-manche. n. A wooden frame like a bench to keep things on. గంపలు మొదలగువాటిని ఉంచు మంచె.

    There three reed decorations atop the mudhif (or, Toda mund). kã̄ḍ 1 काँड् । काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt kāḍ. Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. 

    Sumerian mudhif facade, with uncut reed fonds and sheep entering, carved into a gypsum trough from Uruk, c. 3200 BCE. This trough was found at Uruk, the largest city so far known in southern Mesopotamia in the late prehistoric period (3300-3000 BC). The carving on the side shows a procession of sheep (a goat and a ram)

    CARVED GYPSUM TROUGH FROM URUK. Two lambs exit a reed structure. A bundle of reeds (Inanna’s symbol) can be seen projecting from the hut and at the edges of the scene.
     The British Museum. WA 120000, neg. 252077 Part of the right-hand scene is cast from the original fragment now in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
    Fig. 96f: Failaka no. 260 
    Double antelope joined at the belly; in the Levant, similar doubling occurs for a lion.

    Tell Abraq. Gold objects recovered.
     pr̥ṣṭhá n. ʻ back, hinder part ʼ Rigveda; puṭṭhā m. ʻ buttock of an animal ʼ (Punjabi)  Rebus: puṭhāpuṭṭhā m. ʻbuttock of an animal, leather cover of account bookʼ (Marathi) tagara 'antelope' Rebus: damgar 'merchant'. This may be an artistic rendering of a 'descendant' of a ancient (metals) merchant.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    February 19, 2017

    0 0

    The tradition of artificers dates back to Ṛgvedic times (8th millennium BCE). This tradition is evidenced among Ancient Germanic people who venerate Tuisto as the Father of the Germanic People. The word Tuisto derives from :Tvaṣṭr̥ >Tuisto, (Germanic)

    This tradition is evidenced among Ancient people of Sarasvati Civilization (4th millennium BCE) who documented the metalwork artificers’ work as dhokra/dokra on Indus Script. This evidence for the word dhokra‘cire Perdue (lost-wax) metal artificers’ derives from Tvaṣṭr̥tŏrka (tworka) > metath. dhokra, dokra (Meluhha, Indian sprachbund).

    It is posited that the tradition of Sarasvati civilization artificers who produced cire perdue bronze sculptures of 1. dancing girl; and 2. deepa-lakshmi continues in the tradition of dhokra kamar'cire perdue metalcasters' among Bhāratam Janam.

    See: with evidences of metalwork signified by multiple heads and limbs including superposition of faces on to other limbs. The same artistic tradition of Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk' continues in the art of dhokra kamar, 'cire perdue (lost-wax) metalcasters' even today, in an abiding, stunning metalwork cultural continuum.
    Image result for dhokra motherDhokra.Bell metal. Mother and child. 9.5 in.x3.5 in.
    Image result for mohenjodaro dancing girlsImage result for mohenjodaro dancing girls
    The evidence for the word dhokra/dokra is presented on the following seals/tablets of Indus Script Corpora using rebus Meluhha rendering of hieroglyphs signifying dhokra/dokra.

    Thesis: Cire perdue or lost-wax casting metallurgy spread from Meluhha into the Fertile Crescent (Nahal Mishmar)

    Dhokra kamar as a Meluhha hieroglyph: Dholavira, Mohenjo-daro seals Rebus: lost-wax casting

    On both the seals (Mohenjodaro and Dholavira), a decrept woman is signified with breasts hanging down to convey the semantics 'decrepit'. The decrepit woman on both seals is ligatured to the back of a bovine (buttock). On both the seals the woman is shown with her arm upraised signifying semantics of 'striking':P. ṭhokṇā ʻ to strike ʼ; Ku. ṭhokṇo ʻ to wield ʼ; N. ṭhoknu ʻ to knock ʼ; A. ṭhūkiba ʻ to strike ʼ, B. ṭhokāṭhukā, Or. ṭhukibā; H. ṭhoknā ʻ to knock, make firm ʼ; G. ṭhokvũ ʻ to strike ʼ, M. ṭhokṇẽ (CDIAL 5513) The rebus rendering is a phonetic determinant: dhokra/dokra'cire perdue, lost-wax metalcaster'.

    Plate II. Chlorite artifacts referred to as 'handbags' f-g (w 24 cm, thks 4.8 cm.); h (w 19.5 cm, h 19.4 cm, thks 4 cm); j (2 28 cm; h 24 cm, thks 3 cm); k (w 18.5, h 18.3, thks 3.2) Jiroft IV. Iconography of chlorite artifacts.

    An allograph to signify dhokra/dokra is a dhokra 'basket or wallet.' This hieroglyph is shown on a number of 'basket-shaped or wallet-shaped' stone sculptures from Bactria Margiana Archaeological Complex. Hieroglyph: N. dhokro ʻ large jute bag ʼ, B. dhokaṛ; Or. dhokaṛa ʻ cloth bag ʼ; Bi. dhŏkrā ʻ jute bag ʼ; Mth. dhokṛā ʻ bag, vessel, receptacle ʼ; H. dhukṛīf. ʻ small bag ʼ; G. dhokṛũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- ṭṭ -- : M. dhokṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ; -- with -- n -- : G. dhokṇũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- s -- : N. (Tarai) dhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in ʼ.2. L. dhohẽ (pl. dhūhī˜) m. ʻ large thatched shed ʼ.3. M. dhõgḍā m. ʻ coarse cloth ʼ, dhõgṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ.4. L. ḍhok f. ʻ hut in the fields ʼ; Ku. ḍhwākā m. pl. ʻ gates of a city or market ʼ; N. ḍhokā (pl. of *ḍhoko) ʻ door ʼ; -- OMarw. ḍhokaro m. ʻ basket ʼ; -- N.ḍhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in, large basket ʼ.(CDIAL 6880) Rebus: dhokra ‘cire perdue’ casting metalsmith. 

    The hieroglyph of dhokaṛa 'an old female with breasts hanging down' and ligatured to the ḍhōṅgā'buttock' of a bovine is also deployed on a Mohenjo-daro seal; rebus: dhokra.dokra'cire-perdue lost-wax metal casting artifice' PLUS dhangar'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'; thus, the hypertext signifies: cire-perdue metalcaster smith. On a Mohenjo0daro seal this is reinforced by two hieroglyphs: kola 'tiger' rebus: kol'working in iron'kolhe'smelter'. kuhi'tree' rebus: kuhi'smelter'. On a Dholavira seal, the reinforcing hieroglyphs are a pair of crocodiles: karā 'crocodile' rebus: khār'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) PLUS dula 'pair' rebus; dul'metal casting' Thus, together, metalcaster blacksmith.

    Mohenodaro seal. Pict-103 Horned (female with breasts hanging down?) person with a tail and bovine legs standing near a tree fisting a horned tiger rearing on its hindlegs.

    Dholavira molded terracotta tablet with Meluhha hieroglyphs written on two sides. Hieroglyphs: dhokaṛa ʻdecrepit, hanging down (of breasts)' (Oriya)(CDIAL 5567). 

    M. ḍhẽg n. ʻ groin ʼ, ḍhẽgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. M. dhõgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. (CDIAL 5585). Glyph: Br. kōnḍō on all fours, bent double. (DEDR 204a) Rebus: kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner’s lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Tiger has head turned backwards. క్రమ్మర krammara. adv. క్రమ్మరిల్లు or క్రమరబడు Same as క్రమ్మరు (Telugu). Rebus: krəm backʼ(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) karmāra ‘smith, artisan’ (Skt.) kamar ‘smith’ (Santali) 

    See: Near East evidence for meluhha language and bronze-age metalware spread of lost-wax casting in the Fertile Crescent. Smithy is the temple. Veneration of ancestors.

    ଦୋକର Dokara দোকর

    ଦେ. ଅ
    1 ଦୁଇ ଥର—1. Double; twice.

    2 ଦ୍ବିତୀଯଥର—2. For the second time.
    ଶିକ୍ଥ Ṡiktha
    ସଂ. ବି—(ଶିଚ ଧାତୁ=ସେବା କରିବା+କରଣ ଥ)
    1 ମହଣ; ମହୁଶିଠା—1. Wax; beeswax. Artificers who work with wax for metalwork are sithriya (Oriya) "West Bengal is the home to Dhokra Kamar tribes, who are the traditional metalsmiths. They follow a technique of metal casting known as Dhokra, named after the tribe. A look at these artefacts makes you believe that they have been made out of a single piece of wire wound around a piece of clay. But that is not the case. The object is cast in metal, using what is known as the lost- wax technique. The artefacts are ritual objects and their themes are mostly animals, jewellery, and icons of gods and goddesses. The Dhokras make many varieties of diyas (lamps) that are both single and multiple. Some of the lamps are mounted on elephant back.
    The lost-wax technique is not confined to India only. Evidence of this kind of casting of copper based alloys has been found in China, Egypt, Malaysia, Nigeria, and some areas of Central America too.
    Amongst the trinkets made by these artisans, payeri (anklets), hansuli (necklace), earrings and bangles are most abundant. Besides these, some of the knickknacks made by these artisans are the Buli (piggybank), and a ceremonial finial pot kalas, which is mounted on a wooden pole for festivals.
    The Dhokra Kamar tribes are part of the same family, which includes the Malhars of Jharkhand and Sithrias of Orissa (metal craftsmen)."

    Hieroglyph: ṭaṭuru टटुरु&below; । जीर्णः adj. (f. ṭaṭürü ), (of man or beast) wasted from old age, decrepit, stricken in years (cf. buḍa-ṭo, p. 85b, l. 3). (Kashmiri)

     त्वर्क in tŏrka-chān त्वर्क-छान् । कौटतक्षः m. a private carpenter, a village carpenter who works on his own account, a cabinet maker (H. vii, 17, 2); cf. chān 1. -chān-bāy -छान्-बाय् । स्वतन्त्रतक्षस्त्री f. his wife. -chönil - कौटतक्षता f. the occupation of a cabinet maker. tŏrka-chöñü कौटतक्षस्त्री f. a cabinet maker's wife. (Kashmiri)
    Dhokra- root in:  tarkhāṇ (Western Pahadi)  Tvaṣṭr̥ (Rigveda)

    ترکانړ tarkāṟṟṉ, s.m. (5th) A carpenter. Pl. ترکانړان tarkāṟṟṉān. (Panjābī).دروزګر darūz-gar, s.m. (5th) A carpenter, a joiner. Pl. دروزګران darūzgarān (corrup. of P درود گر).(Pashto) P. ṭhokā m. ʻ carpenter (CDIAL 5513)takṣa in cmpd. ʻ cutting ʼ, m. ʻ carpenter ʼ VarBr̥S., vṛkṣa -- takṣaka -- m. ʻ tree -- feller ʼ R. [√takṣ]Pa. tacchaka -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, taccha -- sūkara -- m. ʻ boar ʼ; Pk. takkha -- , °aya -- m. ʻ carpenter, artisan ʼ; Bshk. sum -- tac̣h ʻ hoe ʼ (< ʻ *earth -- scratcher ʼ), tec̣h ʻ adze ʼ (< *takṣī -- ?); Sh. tac̣i f. ʻ adze ʼ; -- Phal. tērc̣hi ʻ adze ʼ (with "intrusive" r). (CDIAL 5618) tákṣan (acc. tákṣaṇam RV., takṣāṇam Pāṇ.) m. ʻ carpenter ʼ. [√takṣ]Pk. takkhāṇa -- m., Paš. ar. tac̣an -- kṓr, weg. taṣāˊn, Kal. kaṭ -- tačon, Kho. (Lor.) tačon, Sh. thac̣&oarcacute;ṇ m., kaṭ -- th°, K. chān m., chöñü f., P. takhāṇ m., °ṇī f., H.takhān m.; Si. sasa ʻ carpenter, wheelwright ʼ < nom. tákṣā. -- With "intrusive" r: Kho. (Lor.) tračon ʻ carpenter ʼ, P. tarkhāṇ m. (→ H. tarkhān m.), WPah. jaun. tarkhāṇ. -- With unexpl. d -- or dh -- (X dāˊru -- ?): S. ḍrakhaṇu m. ʻ carpenter ʼ; L. drakhāṇ, (Ju.) darkhāṇ m. ʻ carpenter ʼ (darkhāṇ pakkhī m. ʻ woodpecker ʼ), mult. dhrikkhāṇ m., dhrikkhaṇī f., awāṇ. dhirkhāṇ m. (CDIAL 5621)

    taṭṭāṉ gold or silver smith; fem. taṭṭātti. Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 5490, *ṭhaṭṭh- to strike; no. 5493, *ṭhaṭṭhakāra- brassworker; √ taḍ, no. 5748, tāˊḍa- a blow; no. 5752, tāḍáyati strikes.(DEDR 3039)

    Ta. ṭoṅku crookedness. Ma. koṭuṅ-kai bent arm; Ka. kuḍu, kuḍa, kuḍi state of being crooked, bent, hooked, or tortuous; ḍoṅku to bend, be crooked; ḍoṅku, ḍoṅka state of being bent, curved, crooked; crookedness, a bend, a curve. Koḍ. koṭṭï katti billhook. Tu. guḍke a crooked man; ḍoṅků, ḍoṅku crookedness; crooked, curved, perverse; ḍoṅkelů crookedness; (B-K.) daṅgāvu to bend, incline. Kuwi (P.2ḍong- (-it-), (Isr.) ḍōṅg- (-it-)to be bent,  crooked; (P.2ḍok- (-h-), (Isr.) ḍōk- (-h-) to bend (elbow, wrist, finger); (Su. Isr.) ḍoveli, (F.) dō'velli (pl. dōvelka) sickle; (S.) doweli knife. Br. kōnḍō on all fours, bent double. Initial  of some forms is < *kḍ- (*kḍoṅg-, *kḍōk-; *kḍoveli < koḍavali); ? cf. also 2983 Kol. toŋge. / Cf. Mar. ḍõgā curved, bent.(DEDR 2054)

    ټوقړ ṯṯūḳaṟṟ ټوقړ ṯṯūḳaṟṟ, s.m. (5th) An old or decrepit man. Pl. ټوقړان ṯṯūḳaṟṟān. See ټاقړ

    ټوقړه ṯṯūḳaṟṟaʿh ټوقړه ṯṯūḳaṟṟaʿh, s.f. (3rd) An old woman. Pl. يْ ey.(Pashto) தொங்குகிழவன் toṅku-kiḻavaṉ , n. < id. +. Decrepit, old man; தொண்டு கிழவன். Loc.(Tamil)

    ढोंक (p. 205) ḍhōṅka n An old and decayed tree. 2 fig. An aged and infirm man or woman.*ḍōkka2 ʻ defective ʼ. 2. *dhōkka -- 2. [~ *ṭugga -- . See lists s.vv. *ḍagga -- and *ṭuṇṭa -- 2]

    1. Ku. ḍokroḍokhro ʻ old man ʼ; B. ḍokrā ʻ old, decrepit ʼ, Or. ḍokarā; H. ḍokrā ʻ decrepit ʼ; G. ḍokɔ m. ʻ penis ʼ, ḍokrɔ m. ʻ old man ʼ, M. ḍokrā m. -- Kho. (Lor.) duk ʻ hunched up, hump of camel ʼ; K. ḍọ̆ku ʻ humpbacked ʼ perh. < *ḍōkka -- 1.
    2. Or. dhokaṛa ʻ decrepit, hanging down (of breasts) ʼ. (CDIAL 5567) ḍŏsuru ड्वसुरु&below; । देहभुग्नता (sg. dat. ḍŏsaris ड्वसरिस्, ag. ḍŏsȧri ड्वस्&above;रि&below;), a bowed or bent condition of the body owing to old age, disease, or the like. -- aʦun -- अचुन् । भुग्नतापत्तिः m.inf. such a condition to enter; the body to begin to be bowed as one of the first symptoms of old age or disease.(Kashmiri)

    *ḍhōṅga1 ʻ projecting part of body ʼ. [Cf. *ḍhuṅga- ʻ lump ʼ]Ash. ḍoṅgḍoṅzã̄ -- ḍō̃ (< jāˊnu -- ) ʻ knee ʼ; Shum. ḍuãdotdot;lik ʻ knee ʼ, ḍuṅgurik ʻ elbow ʼ; Gaw. ḍuṅgɔ́ ʻ knee ʼ (→ Woṭ. ḍṓṅga ʻ lower leg ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 100), ḍuṅgī ʻ elbow ʼ; Sv. ḍuiṅgya ʻ elbow, ankle -- bone ʼ; H. ḍhõgā m. ʻ hip ʼ. -- Gy. pal. dṓni ʻ knee ʼ (NTS ii 255) X jāˊnu -- ? (CDIAL 5605)

    ढोंगा (p. 205) ḍhōṅgā m A buttock. (Marathi)

    ढोंक or ढोंकें (p. 205) ḍhōṅka or ḍhōṅkēṃ n The curved piece of wood fastened on the head of the roller of an oilmill.

    11. Ku. ḍã̄gḍã̄k ʻ stony land ʼ; B. ḍāṅ ʻ heap ʼ, ḍāṅgā ʻ hill, dry upland ʼ; H. ḍã̄g f. ʻ mountain -- ridge ʼ; M. ḍã̄g m.n.,