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Guilds as śreṇi corporate form of organization in Ancient India, validated by Indus Script inscriptions

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https://tinyurl.com/y5bdkgaq

śreṇi capital form of organization is an important factor in the creation of the wealth of a nation, Ancient India. This factor, together with land, labour and capital explain how Ancient India became a Super Economic Power during the Tin-Bronze Revolution which started ca. 4th millennium and continued upto 0 CE when Ancient India accounted for 33% of Global GDP (Pace Angus Maddison):


Listen to Prof. Vaidanathan on release functions of his book: Caste as social capital.



Buy his book, he says, 'buy the back, I don't say, 'read the book'. It is the task of the 3-men on a boat to summarize and detail the skullduggery of the British caste census-es (or, is it censii?) indicated in the book. More important, he details how the guild supports guild members in cases of failed business ventures. There is of course, sreni dharma detailed in my essay in the Handbook of Hindu Economics and Business by Hrishikesh K.Vinod (ed.)

Harari (cf. Sapiens, 2011) provides a false assumed narrative about Caste System without presenting evidence for his thesis.

The best counter to such narratives is to document the Economic History of Bharatam. Start with Indus Script evidence on how the foundations were laid for Bharat as Super Economic Power of the Tin-Bronze Revolution.


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 sugest three potential candidates, Prof. R. Vaidyanathan, Dr. Pingali Gopal, Prof.Balagangadhara to write an Economic History of Ancient India with reference to 'caste' organization. The team can consult with  CM of Maharashtra and enquire from him on the history and historical traditions of his family nameफडनीस also called  फडनिविशी or सी phaḍaniviśī or sī; फडनिवीस Commonly 
फड- निशी फडनीस. This will be a valid survey to counter bogus accounts of the caste system of Ancient Bharat in accounts such as those of Yuval Noah Harari (2011).


One village officer signified is paṭel m. ʻvillage headman ʼ. This is NOT a caste. This is a professional title, just as karNI is a title of a scribe, accountant.. 

The fillets worn by the priest are Sindhi paṭo m. ʻ band of cloth ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ bandage, fillet ʼ rebus: phada 'manufactory'फड   phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room PLUS कटक a string, a link of a chain (Skt.) rebus: कटक 'caravan or capital'. Together read rebus as:  कटक 'caravan or capital' of a phaḍa 'manufactory'.  Synonym: फडनिशी or सी   phaḍaniśī or sī f The office or business of फडनीस, phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस.Alternatively, together read as phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &38;c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain) or  pāṭel˚ṭīl m. ʻ village headman'.Inline image
 
कटक a string, a link of a chain (Skt.) is seen on Mari procession flagstaff together with khonDA 'holcus sorghum' hieroglyph; rebus: kunda 'fine gold' PLUS singhin 'spiny horned' rebus: singi 'ornament gold':
Inline imageकटक a ring serving for a bridle-bit
.

paṭṭakila
 m. ʻ tenant of royal land ʼ Vet. -- . [*paṭṭakinpaṭṭa -- 1Pk. paṭṭaïl(l)a -- m. ʻ village headman ʼ; G. paṭel m. ʻ hereditary headman ʼ (whence paṭlāṇi f. ʻ his wife ʼ); OM. pāṭaïlu, M. pāṭel˚ṭīl m. ʻ village headman ʼ.(CDIAL 7703)

paṭṭa2 m. ʻ cloth, woven silk ʼ Kāv., ʻ bandage, fillet turban, diadem ʼ MBh. [Prob. like paṭa -- and *phēṭṭa -- 1 from non -- Aryan source, of which *patta -- in Gy. and *patra -- in Sh. may represent aryanization of paṭṭa -- . Not < páttra -- nor, with P. Tedesco Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld 222, < *pr̥ṣṭa<-> ʻ woven ʼ, while an assumed borrowing from IA. in Bur. ph*llto -- čiṅ ʻ puttees ʼ is too flimsy a basis for *palta -- (~ Eng. fold, &c.) as the source NTS xiii 93]Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ woven silk, fine cloth, cotton cloth, turban ʼ, ˚ṭaka -- ʻ made of a strip of cloth ʼ, n. ʻ bandage, girdle ʼ, ˚ṭikā -- f.; NiDoc. paṭa ʻ roll of silk ʼ Lüders Textilien 24; Pk. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ cloth, clothes, turban ʼ; Paš. paṭā ʻ strip of skin ʼ, ar. weg. paṭīˊ ʻ belt ʼ; Kal.rumb. pāˊṭi ʻ scarf ʼ; Phal. paṭṭaṛa ʻ bark ʼ; K. paṭh, dat. ˚ṭas m. ʻ long strip of cloth from loom ʼ, poṭu m. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ, pôṭu m. ʻ silk, silk cloth ʼ (← Ind.?); S. paṭū m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭū̃ m. ʻ a kind of woollen cloth ʼ, paṭo m. ʻ band of cloth ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ bandage, fillet ʼ; L. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, awāṇ. paṭṭī f. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ; P. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ coarse woollen cloth, bandage ʼ; WPah.bhal. peṭṭu m. sg. and pl. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ; Ku. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ; N. pāṭ ʻ flax, hemp ʼ; A. B. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ (B. also ʻ jute ʼ); Or. pāṭa ʻ silk, jute ʼ, paṭā ʻ red silk cloth, sheet, scarf ʼ, (Bastar) pāṭā ʻ loincloth ʼ; Bhoj. paṭuā ʻ jute ʼ; OAw. pāṭa m. ʻ silk cloth ʼ; H. paṭ m. ʻ cloth, turban ʼ, paṭṭū m. ʻ coarse woollen cloth ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, paṭkā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; G. pāṭ m. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, ˚ṭɔ m. ʻ bandage ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ tape ʼ; Ko. pāṭṭo ʻ strap ʼ; Si. paṭa ʻ silk, fine cloth ʼ, paṭiya ʻ ribbon, girdle, cloth screen round a tent ʼ. -- Gy. rum. pato ʻ clothing ʼ, gr. patavo ʻ napkin ʼ, wel. patavō ʻ sock ʼ, germ. phār ʻ silk, taffeta ʼ; Sh.koh. gur. pāc̣ṷ m. ʻ cloth ʼ, koh. poc̣e ʻ clothes ʼ.

kīˊlati ʻ fastens ʼ Dhātup., kīlita -- ʻ staked, impaled, fastened ʼ Kāv. 2. *kīllati. 3. *khīlati. 4. *khīllati. [kīla -- 1]
1. Pk. kīlia -- ʻ pegged ʼ, kīlaṇa -- n. ʻ fastening to or with a post ʼ; P. kīlaṇā ʻ to fasten with nails ʼ; WPah. cam. kīlṇā ʻ to nail ʼ; Or. kīḷibā ʻ to bolt, bar ʼ, kīlaṇī ʻ bolt ʼ; H. kīlnā ʻ to pin, fasten ʼ.2. P. killaṇā ʻ to nail ʼ.3. S. khīra f. ʻ loosely sewing two plain edges together ʼ; N. khilnu ʻ to stitch together ʼ; B. khilāna ʻ to fasten with a pin ʼ; M. khiḷṇẽ ʻ to nail down ʼ.4. Pk. khillēi ʻ stops, blocks ʼ; G. khilvũ˚lavvũ ʻ to sew ʼ.(CDIAL 3204)

Thus, the fillet worn is a bandage tied together, paTTakIla or paṭel  or paṭṭaïl(l)a (Prakrtam)


Let me add to पाटील, कुळकरणी  and the 12 balutedar and 12 alutedar of a village from the evidence of Indus Script which signifies foreman of a guild of blacksmiths and lapidaries working with fine gold, ornament gold. Inline imageSIgn 342 signifies rim of jar, i.e. kaNDA karaṇika read rebus: kaNDA 'equipment' PLUS करणी  in कुळकरणी rebus: कारणी or कारणीक kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &38;c.(Marathi) karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1] Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman ʼ.(CDIAL 2836) कर्णिक 'steersman' (Skt.). This was the situation in the 4th millennioum BCE when Meluhha seafaring merchants had established a metals trade empire from Bharat. There are thousands of such indicators of the work of artisans and merchants who made Bharat the economic superpower of the Tin-Bronze revolution.

Inline imageInline imageHieroglyph of Indus script compared with a palm-squirrel photo. Example seal from Nindowari damb which shows the hieroglyph as the signature hieroglyph read from r. to l.
Inline image

A functionary called foreman of a blacksmith guild is identifiedd by the hieroglyph: 'khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄''squirrel' rebus:  śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, ˚nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]
Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., ˚iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ˚ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., ˚ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh˚ṭhīśeṭ˚ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi˚ ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?).

The spiny-horned young bull signifies a lapidary working with gemstones and fine gold, ornament gold. He is called kunda singi 'fine gold (24 ct.), ornament gold (22 ct).' signified by khonda 'young bull' and singhin 'spiny-horned'.

This pattern of the working class continued from 4th m. BCE without a break all over Bharat where Meluhha was the lingua franca. This is also called mleccha in the Great Epic representing almost 90% of the population of the MBh. times.

Brief note on jāti and śreṇi in the Rāṣṭram राष्ट्रं

A brief start with the metaphors of the Devi Suktam RV 10.125 which adores त्वष्टृ carpenter , maker of carriages (= त्/अष्टृAV. xii , 3 , 33; Vasu; Rudra and a prayer rendered to devatā ātmā by वागाम्भृणी; thesoliloquy is rendered by Devi Vāk. 

नारू nārū m A common term for village-personages otherwise named अलुतेदार or अलुते.
अलुता or त्या  alutā or tyā m (A formation alliteratively from बलुत्या in extension of the application of that word.) A common term for certain Village officers secondary to the बलुते. Thus बारा अलुते आणि बारा बलुते of whom see the full list under बलुतेदार.
बलुतेदार or बलुता  balutēdāra or balutā or त्या m (बलुतें &38;c.) A public servant of a village entitled to बलुतें. There are twelve distinct from the regular Governmentofficers पाटील, कुळकरणी &38;c.; viz. सुतार, लोहार, महार, मांग (These four constitute पहिली or थोरली कास or वळ the first division. Of three of them each is entitled to चार पाचुंदे, twenty bundles of Holcus or the thrashed corn, and the महार to आठ पाचुंदे); कुंभार, चाम्हार, परीट, न्हावी constitute दुसरी or मधली कास or वळ, and are entitled, each, to तीन पाचुंदे; भट, मुलाणा, गुरव, कोळी form तिसरी or धाकटी कास or वळ, and have, each, दोन पाचुंदे. Likewise there are twelve अलुते or supernumerary public claimants, viz. तेली, तांबोळी, साळी, माळी, जंगम, कळवांत, डवऱ्या, ठाकर, घडशी, तराळ, सोनार, चौगुला. Of these the allowance of corn is not settled. The learner must be prepared to meet with other enumerations of the बलुतेदार (e. g. पाटील, कुळ- करणी, चौधरी, पोतदार, देशपांड्या, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, सुतार, कुंभार, वेसकर, जोशी; also सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, कुंभार as constituting the first-class and claiming the largest division of बलुतें; next न्हावी, परीट, कोळी, गुरव as constituting the middle class and claiming a subdivision of बलुतें; lastly, भट, मुलाणा, सोनार, मांग; and, in the Konkan̤, yet another list); and with other accounts of the assignments of corn; for this and many similar matters, originally determined diversely, have undergone the usual influence of time, place, and ignorance. Of the बलुतेदार in the Indápúr pergunnah the list and description stands thus:--First class, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, महार; Second, परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग; Third, सोनार, मुलाणा, गुरव, जोशी, कोळी, रामोशी; in all fourteen, but in no one village are the whole fourteen to be found or traced. In the Panḍharpúr districts the order is:--पहिली or थोरली वळ (1st class); महार, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, दुसरी or मधली वळ (2nd class); परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग, तिसरी or धाकटी वळ (3rd class); कुळकरणी, जोशी, गुरव, पोतदार; twelve बलुते and of अलुते there are eighteen. According to Grant Duff, the बलतेदार are सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, मांग, कुंभार, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, जोशी, भाट, मुलाणा; and the अलुते are सोनार, जंगम, शिंपी, कोळी, तराळ or वेसकर, माळी, डवऱ्यागोसावी, घडशी, रामोशी, तेली, तांबोळी, गोंधळी. In many villages of Northern Dakhan̤ the महार receives the बलुतें of the first, second, and third classes; and, consequently, besides the महार, there are but nine बलुतेदार. The following are the only अलुतेदार or नारू now to be found;--सोनार, मांग, शिंपी, भट गोंधळी, कोर- गू, कोतवाल, तराळ, but of the अलुतेदार &38; बलुते- दार there is much confused intermixture, the अलुतेदार of one district being the बलुतेदार of another, and vice versâ. (The word कास used above, in पहिली कास, मध्यम कास, तिसरी कास requires explanation. It means Udder; and, as the बलुतेदार are, in the phraseology of endearment or fondling, termed वासरें (calves), their allotments or divisions are figured by successive bodies of calves drawing at the कास or under of the गांव under the figure of a गाय or cow.)

Pleasenote, that this is NOT a pyramid, nor are the 18 people 'castes'. They are simply, guilds, śreṇi in the Rāṣṭram राष्ट्रं.

Further research work has to unravel the fraud of caste census started in 1871. See: Memorandum on the Census of British India of 1871-72





"Memorandum on the Census of British India of 1871-72

FOCUS

The Memorandum on the Census of British India of 1871-72 was written by Henry Waterfield, a civil servant of that era. Waterfield worked for 44 years with the India Office, that is, the British government department that supervised the administration of the provinces directly under British governance.
The Memorandum – which is an introduction to the Census – says that it was the first attempt to gather data related to “whole of India” – British India and the “native feudatory states.” But the information from the native or princely states was only “fairly accurate” and the numbers were “mostly estimates,” so the Census limited itself to what was then British India.
Not all the provinces were represented in the Census and the information was gathered at different times, often using different methods. Some of the reports from the provinces were collected six years prior to 1871."

Viewpoint

‘So called caste’: S. N. Balagangadhara, the Ghent School andthe Politics of grievance**
** A very different version of this paper was presented at the British Association of South Asian Studies Conference in Nottingham in 2017. I would like to thank my co-panellist, Shalini Sharma, discussant, Ed Anderson, the two anonymous reviewers and John Zavos for their insights and suggestions.
View all notes

Pages 336-349 | Published online: 16 Jul 2018
This article is concerned with the small but coherent lobby of political scholarship that has emerged from a lineage of research supervision which centres on the charisma and ideas of S. N. Balagangadhara, a philosopher from the Centre for the Comparative Science of Cultures (Vergelijkende Cultuurwetenschap) at the University of Ghent. In particular, it examines the deployment of his ideas in a spate of recent scholarly and social media declarations that reject the existence of caste and, by extension, caste discrimination. This scholarship – characterised by circular reasoning, self-referencing and a poverty of rigour – has established a modest, if contentious and poorly reviewed, presence in academic spheres of dissemination. The ‘Ghent School’ describes a group of scholars who rely conspicuously on Balagangadhara’s concept of ‘colonial consciousness’, a crude derivative of Said’s thesis of Orientalism. The Ghent School maintain that all extant scholarship on Hinduism, secularism and caste represents an endurance of colonial distortions that act to defame India as a nation. This politics of affront finds considerable traction in diasporic contexts but has little, if any, resonance when mapped against the far more complex politics of caste in India.



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