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Economic and cultural roots of Hindu civilization -- Rgveda, Sarasvati River, Indus Script inscriptions

-- Indus Script wealth-accounting, Sarasvati river basin archaeology of over 2000 archaeological sites (80% of the sites of Hindu civilization) & R̥gveda evidence for Sarasvati River -- resources for ancient Indian Economic history

This monograph presents 1) textual evidence from R̥gveda related to Sarasvati River and the people of the civilization who lived on Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins; and 2) results of decipherment of over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions as wealth-accounting ledgers of metalwork of Tin-Bronze Age Revolution.

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Detail of a victory parade, from the Ishtar temple, Mari, Syria. 2400 BCE Louvre Museum. 
khonda 'holcus sorghum' khonda 'young bull' rebus: kond 'kiln', kundar, 'turner' kundana 'fine gold' PLUS karba 'stalk of millet' (holcus sorghum) rebus: karba 'iron'. The proclamation is that the gold workers have started working with iron.

Establishing Rakhigarhi as the capital of the civilization linking maritime riverine waterways of Ancient India

Śatapatha Brāhmaprovides a detailed account of the movement of people (Videgha Māthava, Gotama Rahugaṇa) from River Sarasvati to River  Sadānīra. The location of this river is central to the history of Pre-Mauryan era Bhāratam Janam (RV 3.53.12). Sadānīra is Karatoya a tributary of Ganga and Brahmaputra. This evidence posits a hypothesis that tin (and iron) for the Tin-Bronze revolution was brought in through Rakhigarhi which linked the Yamuna-Ganga-Brahmaputra riverine waterway with the riverine Maritime waterway of River Sarasvati.


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Map of Meluhha and Southwest Asia (inset Bahrain) (After Fig. 1 Eric Olijdam, 2008, A possible Central Asian origin for the seal-impressed jar from the Temple Tower' at Failaka), in:Eric Olijdam & RH Spoor, eds, Intercultural relations between South and Southwest Asia, Studiesin Commemoration of ECL During Caspers (1934-1996), BAR Intrnational Series 1826 (2008): 268-287). 


Water-divide (close to Rakhigarhi) caused by Aravalli mountain ranges jutting into Śimla, south of the Himalayas explains eastward flow of Yamuna and westward flow of Sutlej and Sarasvati Rivers

Tectonic events, after 3rd millennium BCE, resulted in eastward shift of Yamuna River (close to Rakhigarhi) and westward shift of 90-degrees and migration of Sutlej River (Ropar); both Yamuna and Sutlej were tributaries of Sarasvati River, during the mature period (3rd m. BCE) of the civilization evidenced by Indus Script inscriptions from archaeological sites on the Sarasvati River basin. Decipherment of Indus Script inscriptions discovered at Rakhigarhi is presented in 

I am thankful to Prof. Vasant Shivram Shinde, VC, Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Inst. (Deened-to-be University), Pune for the map showing Palae-Yamuna close to Rakhigarhi in relation to the Saravati River Basin (also called Ghaggar Basin).

The importance of this map has to be realised in reference to Rakhigarhi as the largest archaeological settlement of Sarasvati Civilization with an extent of nearly 500 hectares. 

The size of Rakhigarhi settlement and its proximity to Palaeo-Yamuna and Sarasvati River Systems makes it not only the capital of the Ghaggar basin but the capital of all five regions of Sarasvati Civilization divided into 1. Ghaggar Basin (Rakhigarhi); 2. Western Punjab (Harappa); 3. Cholistan (Ganweriwala); 4. Balochistan (Mohenjo-daro); 5. Gujarat (Dholavira).

Palaeo-Yamuna flows eastwards while Chautang and Drishadvati (tributaries of Sarasvati River System) flow westwards. The directional shift of Palaeo-Yamuna eastwards is caused by the water-divide of the Aravalli ranges jutting into the Siwalik ranges, right upto Simla, constituting the water-divide.

Geomorphological studies have to be conducted to delineate the chronological sequences of eastward shift of Yamuna River after it emerges out of the Yamuna tear in the Siwalik ranges.

The prodimity of Palaeo-Yamuna to the cluster of sites of Rakhigarhi, Farmana, Girawad, Mitathal (dated ca. 7th millennium BCE) makes Rakhigarhi the node for linking Yamuna-Ganga-Brahmaputra River Basins with the Sarasvati River (Ghaggar) Basin) rendering the Sarasvati Civilization a Metals Age Civilization working not only with copper and zinc but also with tin and iron ores (magnetite, haematite, laterite ferrite ores). Karatoya River celebrated in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa has been identified by Amara in Amara kośa, as Sadānīrā River mentioned in R̥gveda. The contact areas of Sarasvati Civilization extend into Ancient Far East for tin resouces -- of the largest tin belt of the globe in the Himalayan river basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween -- transported through riverine waterways and in maritime trade across the Indian Ocean.


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A report on excavations at Farmana 2007-2008 by Vasant Shinde, Toshiki Osada, Akinori Uesugi, and Manmohan Kumar, Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Kyoto, Japan, 2008

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Palaeo-channels of Yamuna river intersecting Sarasvati River. (After Fig. 6 Distribution of Harappan sites in relation to palaeochannels in parts of Haryana plains (modified from Bhadra et al., 2009). Note the concentration of archaeological sites along the resistivity transects. (L. Khan, R. Sinha, 2019, Discovering ‘buried’ channels of the Palaeo-Yamuna river in NW India using geophysical evidence: implications for major drainage reorganization and linkage to the Harappan Civilization, in: Journal of Applied Geophysics 167 (2019) 128-139)

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This study by L.Khan and R. Sinha (2019) points to a palaeo-channel of Sutlej River joining Ghaggar close to the Siwalik ranges. To the east of this palaeo-channel flow is a Palaeo-channels of Yamuna marked as Y1 and Y2 on the map. It is notable that these Yamuna Palaeo-channels Y1 and Y2 are to the west of the present-day channel of Yamuna river flowing into New Delhi. Rakhigarhi is shown as Site 1 on the maps. Thus, there are clear indications that Rakhigarhi was located on the right-bank of Yamuna river and the left-bank of River Sarasvati (called Ghaggar). It appears that the Palaeo-channels of Yamuna River joined Drishadvati (Sarasvati-Ghaggar River channel) north of Rakhigarhi, close to Siwalik ranges (Yamunanagar). The dates of these channels close to Rakhigarhi have to be further investigated to determine if Rakhigarhi could have been a riverine port linking the Ancient Maritime waterways of Yamuna and Sarasvati Rivers of ca. 4th-3rd millennium BCE

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Sarasvati River, ca. 3000 BCE (After Fig. of Mature Harappan sites by Michel Danino) https://iitgn.academia.edu/MichelDanino/Sarasvati-River Rakhigarhi is shown on the right bank of an unnamed palaeo-channel which could be the flow of River Yamuna before it migrated eastwards to join Ganga. 

The map of Michel Danino shows a palaeo-channel of River Sutlej joining River Sarasvati west of Anupgarh (site 4MSR of Binjor, a R̥gveda site attested archaeologically with an octagonal pillar as described in the sacred texts). At thi site, the width of the palaeo-channel of River Sarasvati is over 10 kms. with  forking channel of River Sarasvati flowing southwards towards Jaisalmer, as shown on the Landsat image.

The map of Michel Danino does not locate Shatrana and does not indicate the 90-degree massive westward deflection of River Sutlej which was flowing southwards as a tributary of River Sarasvati (joining at Shatrana and creating a 20 km. wide channel of River Sarasvati at the site)

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NOTE: Virtually no archaeological sites on the Sutlej course (present-day) west of Ropar, but there is a series of sites south of Ropar proving the flow of Vedic River Sutlej into Vedic River Sarasvati to join the latter at Shatrana (width of paleochannel here is 20 kms.) Indus Script seals have also been discovered at Ropar. This esablishes that the westward 90-degree turn at Ropar of present-day Sutlej River AFTER the mature period of Sarasvati Civilization.


Courtesy: Maps of Sarasvati River and settlements by KS Valdiya. The settlements of Hulas and Alamgirpur are shown on the left bank of Yamuna river.

Based on the map of Michel Danino and the two maps of KS Valdiya, it is clear that more researches are needed to explain 1) how the a palaeo-channel of the Pirate River Yamuna was a tributary of the River Sarasvati joining west of Kalibangan and 2) how the two migratory palaeo-channels of River Sutlej joining River Sarasvati at Shatrana and west of Anupgarh, have to be chronologically attested.

One pointer to the chronology of eastward and westward migrations respecively of palaeo-channels of Yamuna and Sutlej is that Rakhigarhi and Kaliban have produced archaeological evidence of cylinder seals. This points to the reasonable inference that these sites had used River Sarasvati navigable channels for maritime trade with Ancient Near East (Mesopotamia) across the Rann of Kutch, Persian Gulf and Tigris-Euphrates rivers.


Definition of term 'hypertext': In this monograph, hypertext is defined as combination of sections of text and associated graphic material. Sections of text can be 'symbols' PLUS typographic ligatures or diacritical marks. Associated graphic material may be compositions of hieroglyphs, e.g. young bull PLUS horn to signify a horned young bull.

अहम् राष्ट्री संगमनी वसूनाम् I am the mover of nation's wealth: देवता आत्मा, ऋषिका वाक्आम्भृणी (RV 10.125) This soliloquy of R̥gveda is a metaphor for Sarasvati as a navigable waterway. Artisans and seafaring merchants traded the products documented in the wealth-accounting ledgers with people of settlements of neighbouring contact areas.

On the Sarasvati river basin which is a navigable waterway, and also on settlement signs of Dilmun, Makan of the Persian Gulf, Meluhha artisans produced the wealth of a nation. 

This extraordinary economic activity of the Tin=Bronze revolution is documented in over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions. 

Three categories of most frequently displayed hypertexts of Indus Script inscriptions are described below:

Hypertext Category 1: Most frequently displayed Indus Script hieroglyph (which is a hypertext) signifies pure gold, gold for ornaments
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Unicorn read in Meluhha cyphertext as खोंड khōṇḍsingin 'young bull, horned'. In plain text, the rebus reading is: kundaa 'fine gold', singi 'gold for ornaments'

Component hieroglyphs highlighted on the composite animal

1. singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'village headman' singi 'gold for ornaments';

2. ko
iyum 'neck ring' rebus: ko 'workshop';

3. khara 'onager (face)' rebus: khār 'blacksmith'; kāruvu 'artisan' (Telugu)

4. Body of the animal: खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) rebus: kō̃da कोँद 'kiln, furnace for smelting'; kunda 'a treasure of Kubera' Rebus:  Ta. kuntaam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).5. Pannier: khōṇḍ'sack, pannierkhōṇḍī 'pannier sack' खोंडी (Marathi) Rebus: kunda 'nidhi'; kō̃da कोँद 'kiln, furnace for smelting'  This is a semantic determinative of the body of the animal.

Thus, the body of the young bull PLUS face/head of onager is read together: khara 'onager' rebus:  खोंड khōṇḍa 'young bull' rebus: kō̃da कोँद 'kiln, furnace for smelting'PLUS khār खार् 'blacksmith'. The expression read together rebus is: kundakara, 'turner, lapidary'.

Composite hypertext, cyphertext of the composite animal: khōṇḍa khara singi  'young bull, onager, one-horn (horned) rebus plain text: 

ṇḍa kunda khār singi Rebus 1: 'कोंड [ṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste'; Rebus 2:  kō̃da कोँद 'kiln, furnace', fine-gold smith gold for ornaments'. 

Hypertext Category 2: Most frequently displayed standard device signifies gold mint treasure of smelter


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"This unicorn seal was also discovered during the late 1927-31 excavations at Mohenjo-daro. One theory holds that the bull actually has two horns, but that these have been stylized to one because of the complexity of depicting three dimensions. However the manufacturing and design process behind seals was so sophisticated that the depiction of three dimensions might not necessarily have been a problem." -- Omar Khan https://www.harappa.com/seal/11.html Slide 46 https://slideplayer.com/slide/15162906/

The device is a composition with component hieroglyphs. The four component hieroglyphs are: 1.lathe; 2. portable furnace; 3. dotted circles; 4. gimlet (of lathe)

Component 1. Lathe: kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1] N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻ smoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdākõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdibākū̃d° ʻ to turn ʼ ( Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi.kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m. (CDIAL 3295). kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1] A. kundār, B. kũdār°ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297). Rebus: kunda 'nidhi'; kō̃da कोँद
 'kiln, furnace for smelting' Ta. kuntaam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).

Component 2. Portable furnace: kammatamu 'portable gold furnace' rebus: kammaa 'mint, coiner coinage'.The bottom portion, the portable furnace is: కమటము (p. 246) kamaamu kamaamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి. " కమటము కట్లెసంచి 
యొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్హంస. ii. కమ్మటము kammaamu Same as కమటముకమ్మటీడు kammaīu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste.  Rebus:  Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaa id.; kammai a coiner. (DEDR 1236)

Component 3: Dotted circles on the bottom register, i.e. portable furnace:

Dotted circle is composed of dot PLUS circle.

Dot: Hieroglyph signifies strand: dhāˊtu ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f(CDIAL 6773) Rebus:. धाव (p. 250) dhāva m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it.  dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- (CDIAL 6773)

Circle: Hieroglyph 'roundness': वृत्त [p= 1009,2] mfn. turned , set in motion (as a wheel) RV.; a circle; vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t11. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊkwaḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192?(CDIAL 12069) வட்டம்போர் vaṭṭam-pōr, n. < வட்டு +. Dice-play; சூதுபோர். (தொல். எழுத். 418, இளம்பூ.)வட்டச்சொச்சவியாபாரம் vaṭṭa-c-cocca-viyāpāram, n. < id. + சொச்சம் +. Money-changer's trade; நாணயமாற்று முதலிய தொழில். Pond. வட்டமணியம் vaṭṭa-maṇiyam, n. < வட் டம் +. The office of revenue collection in a division; வட்டத்து ஊர்களில் வரிவசூலிக்கும் வேலை. (R. T.) వట్ట (p. 1123) vaṭṭa vaṭṭa. [Tel.] n. The bar that turns the centre post of a sugar mill. చెరుకుగానుగ రోటినడిమిరోకలికివేయు అడ్డమాను. వట్టకాయలు or వట్టలు vaṭṭa-kāyalu. n. plu. The testicles. వృషణములు, బీజములు. వట్టలుకొట్టు to castrate. lit: to strike the (bullock's) stones, (which are crushed with a mallet, not cut out.) వట్ర (p. 1123) vaṭra or వట్రన vaṭra. [from Skt. వర్తులము.] n. Roundness. నర్తులము, గుండ్రన. వట్ర. వట్రని or వట్రముగానుండే adj. Round. గుండ్రని.

Thus, dot PLUS circle hieroglyphs together read in cyphertext dhā, dāya 'dot'
 PLUS: vaṭṭa 'circle'. Together, the rebus reading to yield plain text is: धवड dhavaḍa m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of ironधावड  dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. धावडी dhāvaḍī 'relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. (Reference to 'iron' as a category signifier is a reference to metalwork involving smelter, smithy, forge and lathe-work).

Thus, the dotted circle hypertext signifies  धावड  dhāvaḍa 'smelter'. 

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 Even in the artifacts in the round, the gimlet of the lathe as a sharp pointed drill is signified. 

Component 4.Gimlet: In the Soma Yaga tradition, the reading is: hieroglyph: भ्रम a whirling flame RV.; a potter's wheel (सांख्यकारिका); a spring , fountain , watercoursea gimlet or auger (Monier-Williams) बरमा or म्हा   baramā or mhā m ( H) A kind of auger, gimlet, or drill worked with a string. 2 The hole or eye of a rocket.(Marathi) Ta. purai tubular hollow, tube, pipe, windpipe. Tu. perevuni to be bored, perforated; perepini to bore, perforate; burma, burmu a gimlet; berpuri a borer (DEDR 4297) rebus (metathesis): भर्म 'gold'.

Thus, together, the standard device signifies  भर्म bharma kammaa kunda 'gold mint treasure' (of) धावड  dhāvaḍa 'smelter'.

Hypertext Category 3: Most frequently used Indus Script expression in hypertext signifies wealth-accounting ledger of blacksmith, supercargo 

The most frequently used Indus Script hypertext expression in Indus Script corpora consists of three unique hieroglyph: 1. 
khār 'backbone'; 2. karṇaka, 'rim-of-jar' 3. kharaḍā, 'currycomb'. 


This triplet of hieroglyphs in Indus Script hypertext signifies wealth-accounting ledger of blacksmith's metalwork products: 

1. khār  खार् 'blacksmith', 
2. karaṇī, scribe/supercargo (a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale), [Note: kul-- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ(Marathi)]
3. (scribed in) karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger of khār  खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

खरडा  kharaḍā m (खरडणें) Scrapings (as from a culinary utensil). 2 Bruised or coarsely broken peppercorns &c.: a mass of bruised मेथ्या &c. 3 also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; a foul, blotted, interlined piece of writing. 4 also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book. (Marathi) See: karuma sharpness of sword (Tamil)(DEDR 1265) karumā'blaksmith' (Tamil);karmāra 'blacksmith' (R̥gveda)
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Yadav, Nisha, 2013, Sensitivity of Indus Script to type of object, SCRIPTA, Vol. 5 (Sept. 2013), pp. 67-1


Thus, the Indus Script hypertext Image may be NSFW.
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 in the centre of the venn diagram the hypertext with three signs, hieroglyphs, Sign 176, Sign 342 and Sign 48 signifies rebus rendering of the Meluhha expression khār karaṇī karaḍā: 1. blacksmith, 2. supercargo (a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.), 3. wealth-accounting ledger.

I suggest that the hypertexts of Indus Script Cipher are written down documents of the traditions of Soma Yāga processing Soma in fire altars or yajña kuṇḍa-s. The following sections demonstrate that Soma is 1. हनसं  and 2. amśu.

The Vedic texts provide resources to identify Soma and its significance as wealth-yielding product in the lives of the people on the Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins from ca. 8th millennium BCE (as attested by continuous settlements of Bhirrana, Kunal and Mehrgarh).

The monograph posits that Soma is  1. हनसं  'iron,gold'; and 2. amśu cognate ancu (Tocharian) 'iron'. (RV 10.125 venerates Tvaṣṭā, artisans who produce wealth,working in guilds. RV 10.125 explains that हनसं is भर्मन् bharman 'support, maintenance, nourishment'. This is signified as a lathe part of the standard device on Indus Script: hieroglyph: भ्रम a whirling flame RV.; a potter's wheel (सांख्यकारिका); a spring , fountain , watercoursea gimlet or auger (Monier-Williams) rebus (metathesis): भर्म 'gold'.

Pragmatics of the expression in Devī Sūktam (RV 10.125): अहं सोममाहनसं

In this extraordinary prayer, ऋषिका वाक्आम्भृणी claims: 

अहं रुद्रेभिर्वसुभिश्र्चराम्यहमादित्यैरुत विश्र्वदेवैः 

अहं मित्रावरुणोभा बिभर्म्यहमिन्द्राग्नी अहमश्र्विनोभा   
अहं सोममाहनसं बिभर्म्यहं त्वष्टारमुत पूषणं भगम् 
अहं दधामि द्रविणं हविष्मते सुप्राव्ये यजमानाय सुन्वते   

भर्मन् n. support , maintenance , nourishment , care RV. (cf. अरिष्ट- , गर्भ- , जातू-भ्°); भर्म gold; a partic. coin.

In addiion to describing herself as Rudra,Vasu, she says: अहं सोममाहनसं

What does आहनसं mean? It signifies striking, beating. The pragmatics and semantics explain the Pashto expressions in the context of ironwork by a blacksmith: آهن āhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهن ګران āhan-garānآهن ربا āhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهن رباوي āhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنه.   اوسپنه aos-panaʿh, s.f. (3rd) Iron. Also used as an adjective to qualify another noun, signifying, Iron-like, hard. Pl. يْ eyاوسپنخړيَ aos-panḵẖaṟṟaey, s.m. (1st) The dross of iron left after melting. Pl. يِ ī. It is significant that two words/expressions آهن āhan and  اوسپنه aos-panaʿh, are explained semantically as 'Iron.'. thus, the explanation of the expression अहं सोममाहनसं may be explained as 'I am Soma, I am beaten, struck iron' (comparable to the work of a Pl. آهن ګر āhan gar blacksmith, smith who works with آهن āhan, 'Iron'. Is Soma iron? Scholiast explains the expression in the context of the metaphor of 'the foe-destroying Soma' while Griffith translates the expression as 'highswelling- Soma' (RV 10.125.2). In RV 5.42.13, the word आहन् is explained by Wilson as: "giving form (to the rivers)", while Griffith translates it as "made for us (this All)."

RV X.10.6, X.10.8 What, wanton!, wanton (Griffith) wanton, destructress (Wilson) wanton = sexually unrestrained. It appears that these semantics may have to be reviewed in the contet of the Pashto expressions. It appears that the worआहन् simply means 'strike, beat' (as iron on an anvil in a smith or forge). This is comparable to the wealth produced by the smith, iron worker, آهن ګر āhan gar (Pashto). The Pashto expression is also cognate with अशन् m. (connected with √ अश्) ([only /अश्ना (instr.) and /अश्नस् , perhaps better derived from /अश्मन् q.v. , cf.Whitney's Gr. 425 e]) , stone , rock RV. x , 68 , 8; a stone for slinging , missile stone RV. ii , 30 , 4 and iv , 28 , 5. अशनि f. (rarely m. R. Pa1n2. Sch.) the thunderbolt , a flash of lightning RV. &c; the tip of a missile RV. x , 87 , 4; a hail-stone, Kaus3.;
 m. pl. N. of a warrior tribe , (g. पर्श्व्-ादि , q.v.). This word is signified by a similar sounding word (homonym), the hieroglyph: श्येन m. a hawk , falcon , eagle , any bird of prey (esp. the eagle that brings down सोम to man) RV. &c. śyēná m. ʻ hawk, falcon, eagle ʼ RV. Pa. sēna -- , ˚aka -- m. ʻ hawk ʼ, Pk. sēṇa -- m.; WPah.bhad. śeṇ ʻ kite ʼ; A. xen ʻ falcon, hawk ʼ, Or. seṇā, H. sensẽ m., M. śen m., śenī f. (< MIA. *senna -- ); Si. sen ʻ falcon, eagle, kite ʼ(CDIAL 12674)  aśáni f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ RV., ˚nī -- f. ŚBr. [Cf. áśan -- m. ʻ sling -- stone ʼ RV.]Pa. asanī -- f. ʻ thunderbolt, lightning ʼ, asana -- n. ʻ stone ʼ; Pk. asaṇi -- m.f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ; Ash. ašĩˊ ʻ hail ʼ, Wg. ašē˜ˊ, Pr. īšĩ, Bashg. "azhir", Dm. ašin, Paš. ášen, Shum. äˊšin, Gaw. išín, Bshk. ašun, Savi išin, Phal. ã̄šun, L. (Jukes) ahin, awāṇ. &circmacrepsilon; (both with n, not ), P. āhiṇ, f., āhaṇaihaṇm.f., WPah. bhad. ã̄ṇ, bhal. ´tildemacrepsilon; f., N. asino, pl. ˚nā; Si. senaheṇa ʻ thunderbolt ʼ Geiger GS 34, but the expected form would be *ā̤n; -- Sh. aĩyĕˊr f. ʻ hail ʼ (X ?). -- For ʻ stone ʼ > ʻ hailstone ʼ cf. upala -- and A. xil s.v. śilāˊ -- .Addenda: aśáni -- : Sh. aĩyĕˊr (Lor. aĩyār → Bur. *lhyer ʻ hail ʼ BurLg iii 17) poss. < *aśari -- from heteroclite n/r stem (cf. áśman -- : aśmará -- ʻ made of stone ʼ).(CDIAL 910) vajrāśani m. ʻ Indra's thunderbolt ʼ R. [vájra -- , aśáni -- ] Aw. bajāsani m. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ prob. ← Sk.(CDIAL 11207) These concordances are suggested because vajrāśani, aśán, 
āśan > आहन् This yields the expression آهن ګر āhan gar, (lit.) 'thunderbolt (weapon) maker smith'. ahan-gār अहन्-गार् (= ) m. a blacksmith (H. xii, 16 (Kashmiri) āhan आहन् interj. of respect (Gr.Gr. 101) and adv. of assent, employed in the following compounds:--āhanō आहनो । आमिति adv. yes, used when addressing a male of equal or lower rank; it is an expression of doubtful assent. āhanū आहनू । आमि/?/ adv. yes, addressed to a junior male of rank equal to the speaker.(Kashmiri) The -gar, gār suffix in the expressions is cognate  khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.).(Kashmiri)

Thus, when ऋषिका वाक्आम्भृणी claims to be soma, अहं सोममाहनसं, the expression should be pragmatically, semantically interpreted as struck or beaten Soma comparable to struck or beaten iron wealth for sustenance, nourishment (bharman) with a pun on the word bharma 'gold'.भ्रम a whirling flame RV.; a potter's wheel (सांख्यकारिका); a spring , fountain , watercoursea gimlet or auger (Monier-Williams)

It is remarkable that a synonym of Soma, amśu is cognate ancu ' iron' (Tocharian)

That Soma is amśu is cognate ancu ' iron' (Tocharian); हनसं 'iron' is consistent with the arguments presented in

 


Soma is NOT a drink. Soma is EATEN by devā. That Soma is NOT a drink is emphatically stated in Chandogya Upanishad: ea somo rājā tad devānām annam tam devā bhakayanti:"That soma is king; this is the devas' food. The devas eat it." [Chāndogya.Upaniad (Ch.Up.]

One thinks, when they have brayed the plant, that he hath drunk the Somas' juice; Of him whom Brahmans truly know as Soma no one ever tastes." (RV 10.85.3) Trans 2: He who has drunk thinks that the herb which men crush is the Soma; (but) that which the Bra_hman.as know to be Soma,, of that no one partakes. {i.e., no one partakes of it unless he has sacrificed; if the Soma be taken as the moon, 'no one' will mean 'no one but the gods'].

Soma is a sacred metaphor.

आहन् āhan आहन् 2 P. 1 To strike, hit, beat; आहत āhata आहत p. p. 1 Struck, beaten (as a drum &c.) आहत्य   āhatya आहत्य ind. Having struck or beaten; striking, hitting. -वचनम्, -वादः An explicit or energetic explanation.आहननम्   āhananam आहननम् 1 Striking at, beating. -2 A stick. (for beating a drum). Av.2.133.1.आहननीय   āhananīya आहननीय a. Making oneself known by beating a drum. आहनस् āhanas आहनस् a. [आ-हन्-असुन्] 1 To be beaten or pressed out (as Soma). -2 Unchaste, wanton, profligate; य आहना दुहितुर्वक्षणासु Rv.5.42.13.

सोम m. (fr. √3. सु) juice , extract , (esp.) the juice of the सोम plant , (also) the सोम plant itself (said to be the climbing plant Sarcostema Viminalis or 
Asclepias Acida , the stalks [अंशु] of which were pressed between stones [अद्रि] by the priests , then sprinkled with water , and purified in a strainer [पवित्र] ; whence the acid juice trinkled into jars [कलश] or larger vessels [द्रोण] ; after which it was mixed with clarified butter , flour &c , made to ferment , and then offered in libations to the gods [in this respect corresponding with the ritual of the Iranian Avesta] or was drunk by the Brahmans , by both of whom its exhilarating effect was supposed to be prized ; it was collected by moonlight on certain mountains [in RV. x , 34 , 1, the mountain मूज-वत् is mentioned] ; it is sometimes described as having been brought from the sky by a falcon [श्येन] and guarded by the गन्धर्वs ; it is personified as one of the most important of Vedic gods , to whose praise all the 114 hymns of the 9th book of the RV. besides 6 in other books and the whole SV. are dedicated ; in post-Vedic mythology and even in a few of the latest hymns of the RV. [although not in the whole of the 9th book] as well as sometimes in the AV. and in the Br. सोम is identified with the moon [as the receptacle of the other beverage of the gods called अमृत , or as the lord of plants cf. इन्दु , ओषधि-पति] and with the god of the moon , as well as with विष्णु , शिव , यम , and कुबेर ; he is called राजन् , and appears among the 8 वसुs and the 8 लोक-पालs [ Mn. v , 96] , and is the reputed author of RV. x , 124 , 1 , 5-9 (Monier-Williams)




Binjor. Sarasvati River basinBinjor Fire-altar with octagonal pillar
The structure of the octagonal yupa signifying Vajapeya Soma Yāga includes an  octagonal  चिालाः caṣāla signified by the hour-glass-shaped Vajra

Commemorative stone yupa, Isapur – from Vogel, 1910-11, plate  23; drawing based on Vedic texts – from Madeleine Biardeau, 1988,  108, fig. 1; cf. 1989, fig. 2); C. Miniature wooden yupa and caSAla  from Vaidika Samsodana Mandala Museum of Vedic sacrificial  utensils – from Dharmadhikari 1989, 70) (After Fig. 5 in Alf  Hiltebeitel, 1988, The Cult of Draupadi, Vol. 2, Univ. of Chicago  Press, p.22)
Isapur Yupa inscription (102 CE, dated in year 24 in Kushana king  Vasishka's reign) indicates performance of a sattra (yajña) of  dvadasarAtra, 'twelve nights'. (Vogel, JP, The sacrificial posts of  Isapur, Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1910-  11: 40-8).The Isapur yupa is comparable to the ring and vajra atop

The monograph is presented in the following Sections: 

Section A. Ancient Economic History of Hindu Rāṣṭram on Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins

Section B. Indicators of Maritime trade by seafaring Meluhha merchants
-- Copper from Khetri mines, tin from the Tin Belt of the globe, Mekong delta
-- Source of tin from the Tin belt of the globe, the Himalayan river Mekong delta

Section C. Hypothesis of an eastern source for tin; epic tale of Enmerkar and Lord of Aratta

Section D. Rakhigarhi on the Ancient Maritime Tin Route through linked navigable Himalayan waterways from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East

Section E. Indus Script hieroglyphs on Karen Bronze Drum of Ancient Far East

Section F. Advances in metallurgy during the Tin-Bronze Revolution from 5th m BCE

Section G. Indus Script decipherment
    --   Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk is a Rosetta Stone for Indus Script,  displays animals (as tributes); these animals are documented as Meluhha wealth-categories on Indus Script inscriptions   
    --  Evidence of Meluhha Indus Script animals on Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk (858-824 BCE) and displayed by Assyrian King Ashur-bel-kala (1074-1056 BCE)
      
    Section H. Ivory tags with Egyptian hieroglyphs have been found in Abydos compare with miniature metalwork wealth-accounting tablets of Harappa
    
    Section I. Domestication of farming, cotton and silk, 7th, 6th m BCE

Section J. Makkan and meluhha in early Mesopotamian sources --IJ Gelb

Section K. Literary evidence about Sarasvati river in the Veda, Epics and ancient texts

Over 1500 monographs on decipherment of Indus Script Inscriptions have been posted at https://independent.academia.edu/SriniKalyanaraman

Indian Lexicon with over 8000 semantic clusters of Meluhha words and expressions, gleaned from over 25 languages of Ancient India, is posted at https://www.academia.edu/37229973/Indian_Lexicon_--Comparative_dictionary_of_over_8000_semantic_clusters_in_25_ancient_Bharatiya_languages

-- India generated 60% of World GDP in 1 CE

-- Hindu Rāṣṭram on Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins

-- water management in Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins
Gabar band on River Hab; Dholavira water-reservoir 73.4m long, 29.3m wide, and 10m deep (one of 16 reservoirs)



-- domestication of cotton (5th m BCE), silk (3rd m BCE), rice, cereals (7th m BCE), wood products

-- contribution of metalworkers (gold, copper, tin, zinc, iron), lapidaries' work with gems and jewels, alloying & cire perdue casting metallurgical technologies, shared wealth of śreṇi guilds of artisans, and trade by seafaring Meluhha merchants

Section A. Ancient Economic History of Hindu Rāṣṭram on Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins

Ancient India was the Super Power from 8th millennium BCE, contributing upto 60% of Global GDP till 1 CE, and upto 27 % of Global GDP in 1700 CE. See the bar chart of Angus Maddison's presentation on Economic History of the World. 

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angus.gif

Multi-disciplinary knowledge systems on Ancient Indian History posit this economic reality of the civilizational glory of Ancient India in 1 Common Era.

Indus Script evidence elucidates on how ancient India became a Super Power contributing significantly to the Tin-Bronze Revolution contributing to increase in global GDP from 5th millennium BCE. 

Over 8000 inscriptions of the Indus Script are wealth-accounting ledgers of metal-work and lapidary-work involving gems and jewels.

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Harappa Workers' Circular Platforms (Did the artisans work with indigo vats to colour textiles?)

Chanhudaro, Sheffield of Ancient India.  

Discovered in chalcolithic levels of Mehergarh  Metallurgical technology, 
cire perdue bronze castings 5th m. BCE.

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Image result for jewellery mohenjodaro
Gold fillets, ornaments of gold, silver,copper, bronze,ivory or shells, carnelian, agate perforated beads of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization.

Section B. Indicators of Maritime trade by seafaring Meluhha merchants

Copper from Khetri mines, tin from the Tin Belt of the globe, Mekong delta

Positing an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East, based on Archaeometallurgical provenance study of tin-bronze artifacts of Mesopotamia https://tinyurl.com/yyeyfkxu

Abstract from Iranica Antiqua, 2009:

Copper from Gujarat used in Mesopotmia, 3rd millennium BCE, evidenced by lead isotope analyses of tin-bronze objects; report by Begemann F. et al.   

2.   Author(s): BEGEMANN, F. , SCHMITT-STRECKER, S. 
Journal: 
Iranica Antiqua
Volume: 44    Date: 2009   
Pages: 1-45
DOI: 10.2143/IA.44.0.2034374 



A lead isotope study »On the Early copper of Mesopotamia« reports on copper-base artefacts ranging in age from the 4th millennium BC (Uruk period) to the Akkadian at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Arguments are presented that, in the (tin)bronzes, the lead associated with the tin used for alloying did not contribute to the total in any detectable way. Hence, the lead isotopy traces the copper and cannot address the problem of the provenance of tin. The data suggest as possible source region of the copper a variety of ore occurrences in Anatolia, Iran, Oman, Palestine and, rather unexpectedly (by us), from India. During the earliest period the isotopic signature of ores from Central and North Anatolia is dominant; during the next millennium this region loses its importance and is hardly present any more at all. Instead, southeast Anatolia, central Iran, Oman, Feinan-Timna in the rift valley between Dead Sea and Red Sea, and sources in the Caucasus are now potential suppliers of the copper. Generally, an unambiguous assignment of an artefact to any of the ores is not possible because the isotopic fingerprints of ore occurrences are not unique. In our suite of samples bronze objects become important during ED III (middle of the 3rd millennium BC) but they never make up more than 50 % of the total. They are distinguished in their lead isotopy by very high 206Pb-normalized abundance ratios. As source of such copper we suggest Gujarat/Southern Rajasthan which, on general grounds, has been proposed before to have been the most important supplier of copper in Ancient India. We propose this Indian copper to have been arsenic-poor and to be the urudu-luh-ha variety which is one of the two sorts of purified copper mentioned in contemporaneous written texts from Mesopotamia to have been in circulation there concurrently.


This archaeometallurgical provenance study links Khetri copper mines --through Dholavira/Lothal and Persian Gulf -- with Mesopotamia. It is possible that tin from Ancient Far East (the tin-belt of the globe) was also routed through Meluhha merchants. 


Source of tin from the Tin belt of the globe, the Himalayan river Mekong delta

Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel 27:12, says, "Tarshish was your (Tyre) merchant because of your many luxury goods. They gave you silver, iron, tin, and lead for your goods." "The ships of Tarshish were carriers of your (Tyre's) merchandise. You were filled and very glorious in the midst of the seas. (Ezekiel 27:25)"The mountains of Wales, just north of Cornwall have been a source of all the minerals and metals listed above in Ezekiel 27:12.

It is likely that Tarshish was NOT the source of tin-bronzes of Ancient Near East of 4th and 3rd millennia BCE because one cuneiform text specifically refers to Meluhha as the source of tin. The oldest direct evidence of pure tin is a tin ingot from the 1300 BCE Uluburun 
shipwreck off the coast of Turkey which carried over 300 copper bars weighing 10 tons, and approximately 40 tin bars weighing 1 ton  Another evidence comes from the three tin ingots of ca. 1200 BCE from Haifa shipwreck.

Mesopotamian EDI cuneiform texts from Ur distinguish between copper (urudu/eru) and tin=bronze (zabar/siparru). ED II/III texts from Fara (Limet 1960) mention metallic tin (AN.NA/annakum). Texts from Palace G at Ebla refer to the mixing of various ratios of 'washed' copper (a-gar(-gar)/abaru) and tin to produce bronze (Waetzoldt and Bachmann 1984; Archi 1993). The recipes are also found in the late 19th century BCE texs from Mari (Muhly 1985:282). Typical copper-tin ratios are from 6:1 to 10:1.

Two collections of cuneiform texts from Kultepe and from Mari dating to 19th and early 18th centuries BCE have references to tin trade. "These texts document a trade in which tin was moving exclusively from east to west. Arriving in Mesopotamia from the east, metallic tin was transhipped up the Euphrates to Mari, or overland to Assur. From Assur the tin (in addition to Babylonian textiles) was transported via donkey caravan to various Assyrian trading colonies such as Kanesh/Kultepe in Anatolia, where it was traded for silver and gold (Larsen 1976, 1987). From Mari, the tin was traded further west to sides in Syria and Palestine (Dossin 1970; Malamat 1971), and perhaps as far as Crete (Malamat 1971:38; Muhly 1985:282)." (p.179)

Section C. Hypothesis of an eastern source for tin; epic tale of Enmerkar and Lord of Aratta

"One text from the reign of Gudea of Lagash mentions that, in addition to lapis lazuli and carnelian, tin was  also traded to Mesopotamia from the land of Meluhha. The relevant passage (Cylinder B, column XIV, lines 10-13) states that 'Gudea, the Governor of Lagash, bestowed as gifts copper, tin, blocks of lapis lazuli, [a precious metal] and bright carnelian from Meluhha. (Wilson 1996; see also Muhly 1973: 306-307). This is the only specific cuneiform reference to the trade of tin from Meluhha...'A pre-Sargonic text from Lagash published by B. Foster (1997) and described as 'a Sumerian merchant's account of the Dilmun trade' mentions obtaining from Dilmun 27.5 minas (ca. 14 kg) of an-na zabar. This phrase can be literally translated as 'tin bronze', and Foster suggested the possible reading 'tin (in/for?) bronze'...The fact that the isotopic characteristics of the Aegean tin-bronzes are so similar to those from the Gulf analyzed in this study adds further weight to the hypothesis of an eastern source for these early alloys...The possibility of tin coming from these eastern sources is supported by the occurrence of many tin deposits in modern-day Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, although evidence for tin extraction is currently limited to the central Asian sites of Karnab and Mushiston, and goes only as far back as the second millennium BCE...Yener has argued cogently against a 'on-source-for-all' model of the third millennium tin trade, and does not regard the proposed tin mining and processing in the Taurus Mountains as inconsistent with the importation of large amounts of tin into Anatolia. Taurus in production is thought to have co-existed with large-scale exchange of foreign metal in the third millennium, before the eventual 'devastation' of Anatolian tin mining operations by the availability of 'purer, already packaged, readily-available tin' from the Old Assyrian trade (Yener 2000:75)...IN particular, for regions such as Baluchistan, the Indus Valley, and the Gulf, which show significant third millennium tin-bronze use, the exclusive use of tin or tin-bronze from Afghanistan and central Asia seems highly likely. Textual sources are scarce, but highlight the trade through the Gulf linking Mesopotamia with Meluhha, Magan and Dilmun as the most common source of tin in the latter third millennium BCE, after an earlier overland Iranian tin-lapis-carnelian trade hinted at by the epic tale of Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta. " (pp.180-181)

Muhly, JD, 1973, Copper and tin. Transactions, The Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 43: 155-535. 

Muhly, J.D. (1985), "Sources of tin and the beginnings of bronze metallurgy", Journal of American Archaeology, 89 (2), pp. 275–291

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“Almost all the third millennium BCE cuneiform texts from southern Mesopotamia which mention specific toponyms as copper sources speak of copper from either Magan or Dilmun (T. F. Potts 1994:Table 4.1). Meluhha, the third polity of the Lower Sea, is mentioned only rarely as a copper supplier, and then for amounts of only a few kilograms (Leemans 1960:161). The common association of Meluhha with the supply of carnelian, lapis lazuli, gold, precious woods, and especially ivory, suggests that the toponym is to be
related to the region between the Makran coast and  Gujarat, encompassing sites of the Indus civilization (Heimpel 1993).” (p.15)
“Mesopotamia, as has often been stated, lacked resources. Its lack of metal ores required this world, at times, independent city-states and, at other times, empire, to look to distant lands in order to procure its metal/ores. Mesopotamian technology, however, was not a form of administrative or scribal concern. When it came to metal technology written texts offer limited information and are all but silent on the training, organization, and recruitment of metal smiths. Similarly, the texts are vague, or more typically silent, as to the geographical provenience from whence they obtained their metal/ore, its quantity, quality, price, or techniques of fabrication. It is left to the archaeologist and the recovered metal artifacts, workshops, associated tools, and mines, to address these questions...Decades ago VG Childe placed metallurgy on the top of his list of important crafts. He maintained that the development of early civilizations was a consequence of the invention of metallurgy (Childe 1930). Bronze-working, he believed, encouraged the manufacture of tools, which in turn led to more productive agriculture, and the growth of cities. Seventy-five years ago, Childe (1930:39) could point out that ‘Other documents from Mesopotamia, also written in the wedge-like characters called cuneiform, refer to the importation of copper from the mountainous region east of the Tigris and of metal and stones from Magan (probably Oman on the Persian Gulf)”…(Lloyd Weeks) introduces us to a new corpus of metal artifacts from the United Arab Emirates. Surprisingly, a significant percentage of these metals, recovered from the site of Tell Abraq, are tin-bronzes…his volume offers an up-to-date review of the enduring ‘tin-problem’ within the context of the greater Near East. Again, Childe (1928: 157) confronted the problem: ‘The Sumerians drew supplies of copper from Oman, from the Iranian Plateau, and even from Anatolia, but the source of their tin remains unknown’…(Lloyd Weeks) states ‘…the absolute source of the metal (tin-bronze) is likely to have been far to the north and east of Afghanistan or central Asia’. The central Asian source has been given reality by the recent discovery in Uzbekistan and Tadzhikistan of Bronze Age settlements and mines involved in tin production (Parzinger and Boroffka 2003).” (From CC Lamberg-Karlovsky’s Foreword in: Weeks, Lloyd R., 2003, Early metallurgy of the Persian Gulf –Technology, trade and the bronze age world, Brill Academic Publishers, Boston, pp. vii-viii).

See full text: https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B4BAzCi4O_l4aWVMWVFHY25oMGs/edit?usp=sharing Early metallurgy of the Persian Gulf
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Map showing the location of known tin deposits exploited during ancient times
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করতোয়া নদী is Sadānīra of Brahmaputra river mentioned in ancient texts, suggesting Brahmaputra as a navigable waterway linking with Sarasvati River across Rakhigarhi

Amara Kośa asserts Sadānīra to be synonym of Karatoya River. See: सदानीरा स्त्री सदा नीरं पेयमस्याः । करतोयानद्याम् अमरः । “अथादौ कर्कटे देवी त्र्यहं गङ्गा रजस्वला । सर्वा रक्तवहा नद्यः करतोयाम्बुवाहिनी” स्मृत्युक्तेः 

तन्नदीजलस्य सदापेयत्वात् तस्यास्तथात्वम् । Source: https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्

Karatoya Mahatmya refers to the sacredness of this river. Rivers Kosi and Mahananda joined the Karatoya and "formed a sort of ethnic boundary between people living south of it and the Kochs and Kiratas living north of the river." (Majumdar, Dr. R.C., History of Ancient Bengal, First published 1971, Reprint 2005, p. 4, Tulshi Prakashani, Kolkata.) 
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Śatapatha Brāhmaprovides a detailed account of the movement of people (Videgha Māthava, Gotama Rahugaṇa) from River Sarasvati to River  Sadānīra. The location of this river is central to the history of Pre-Mauryan era Bhāratam Janam (RV 3.53.12). The region of these people has been identified in this monograph and relates to the ironwork of the Bronze Age Sarasvati Civilization. It is possible that both Brahmautra and Ganga river systems were waterways which provided for maritime transport of tin ore from the Himalayan riverbasins (Irrawaddy, Salween, Mekong) which contain the richest and largest tin belt of the globe (as the rivers ground down graniterocks to create the cassiterite -- tin ore -- deposit accumulations as placer deposits). Sources of tin were critical to unleash the Tin-Bronze Industrial Revolution of ca. 4th millennium BCE.

Importance of Rakhigarhi on the water-divide linking Ganga-Yamuna-Brahmaputra waterways with Sarasvati River system
The addition of tin to copper to create bronze alloy was a revolution. The tin-bronze replaed arsenical bronze (copper + arsenic) which was a natural source and in short supply.

This Tin-Bronze Revolution is matched by the revolution of a writing system called Indus Script to document ancient India's contributions to metalwork.

Section D. Rakhigarhi on the Ancient Maritime Tin Route through linked navigable Himalayan waterways from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East

I suggest proclamation and constitution of two multi-disciplinary project teams involving archaeology, history, language studies, geochemistry, and geology for researches on: 1. Largest tin belt of the globe in AFE and role of seafaring merchants and artisans of India during the Tin-Bronze Revolution; 2. significance of Rakhigarhi as the link between Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East through navigable Himalayan riverine waterways and maritime trade through Indian Ocean Rim.


I suggest that the remarkable work done by Deccan College Archaeology team in the excavations of Rakhigarhi should be expanded further by making the Deccan College a nodel networking agency for the following research missions for two multi-disciplinary projects involving 
archaeology, history, language studies, geochemistry, and geology:

1. To establish the sources of Tin ores for the Tin-Bronze revolution in Ancient Far East and the role played by ancient Indian seafaring merchants and artisans in reaching the tin ore resource into all parts of Eurasia; and 


2. To establish the significance of Himalayan riverwaterys (Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween, Brahmaputra (karatoya), Ganga, Yamuna, Sarasvati, Sindhu) and links to the Indian Ocean Maritime routes (through Persian Gulf and Malacca straits) to enhance the importance of an Ancient Maritime Tin Route which linked Hanoi (Vietnam) and Haifa (Israel) through ancient India.


There is a distinct indication that the Ancient Maritime Tin Route mediated by Ancient India pre-dated the Silk road by two millennia, authenticated by Indus Script evidence on tin ingots of Haifa and on Dong Son/Karen Bronze drums of AFE.

The location of Rakhigarhi as the capital pattaa (riverine port) of Sarasvati Civilization is central to these missions, because Rakhigarhi is location on the ridge of the Aravalli range which constitues the water-divide between 1. west-flowing rivers of Sarasvati (Drishadvati, Chautan), Ghaggar and Sindhu and 2. east-flowing rivers of Yamuna-Ganga-Brahmaputra proximate to other Himalayan river systems of Mekong, Irrawaddy and Salween in Ancient Far East (AFE). These riverine waterways make Rakhigarhi the nodal site which managed resources of tin ores from AFE; copper/zinc ores of Khetri mineral-belt; iron ore resources of Ganga-Brahmaputra basins and progressed archaeometallurgical advances to proclaim a true Metals Age, complementing the domestication of rice, cereals, cotton cultivation and sericulture to make ancient India the richest nation on the globe contributing to 33% of Global GDP by 1 Common Era (pace Angus Madsison)..

These two missions call for a networking of multidisciplinary teams to unravel the ancient knowledge systems related to navigation along waterways and the Indian Ocean and metallurgical innovations in alloying and metal casting (cire perdue etc.) techniques.

Evaluating this Herodotus text to determine the sources of tin in Athens, James D. Muhly notes: "...it is nonetheless unlikely that we shall ever have exact knowledge about the sources of the tin being used to supply Minoan Crete or Mycenaean Greece...Of greater relevance is the revival of the concept of metallogenic provinces and the formation of metallic belts --copper belts, lead-zinc belts and tin-tungsten belts -- extending over wide areas, as part of the on-going research on plate tectonics and theories of continental drift. What this means for the archaeologist is that mineral deposition is unlikely to have taken place in random, isolated deposits and that theories positing the existence of such deposits are to be regarded with great skepticism. Most important of all is the absolute geological principle that tin is to be found only in association with granite rock. The concentration of tin varies within any single granite formation and among different formations, depending upon local conditions and geological heritage, but without granite there is no possibility of tin ever having been present. Therefore, large areas of the world are automatically ruled out as possible sources of tin. The island of Cyprus is one of these areas; since there is no granite there, it never could have contained deposits of tin...Tin is commonly present in association with pegmatites of quartz and feldspar. Like gold, the tin is found within veins of quartz running through the granite rock. The difference is that while gold occurs as a native metal, tin appears in the form of an oxide (SnO2) known as cassiterite. This cassiterite, again like gold, was frequently exposed and freed from its host through weathering and degradation of the quartz and granite. This degradation was often the result of action by water, the cassiterite (and gold) thus taking the form of small lumps or nuggets present in the stream bed. Although carried along by the force of the current, the cassiterite (and gold), having a specific gravity because of its density, tends to sink and concentrate in the bed of the streams. In general, concentration increases with proximity to the original deposit of the tin...This stream or alluvial tin was thus to be found in the form of small black nuggets of cassiterite known as tin-stone. Recovery involved the panning of the gravel in the stream bed, separating out the cassiterite from the worthless sand and gravel. The process was similar to that which must have also been used to recover gold, and what was done in antiquity was probably not that different from the techniques -- and even the equipment -- used by the Forty-Niners in the great Gold Rush in California and Alaska during the mid-nineteenth century. While gold was recovered as a native metal, the tin was to be found in the form of an oxide that had to be smelted together with charcoal in order to free the oxygen and reduce the oxide to metallic tin...Words for tin...are known in Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Egyptian and Ugaritic, although not in Mycenaean Greek...Sumerian AN.NA, Akkadian annaku mean tin and all Assyriologists are in agreement on this point...Mesopotamian texts...describe the addition of AN.NA/annaku to URUDU/eru in order to produce ZABAR/siparruor, in other words, of tin to copper in order to make bronze...twenty-sixth century BCE...Tin appears in the Royal Cemetery, as at Ebla, together with gold and lapis lazuli. All three materials are to be found in Afghanistan, and it is quite possible that they did all come to Mesopotamia (and to northern Syria) via an orland route across Iran...There is as yet, no hard evidence that Sumerian tin came from Afghanistan, but such a source has long been suggested on the basis of textual and archaeological evidence-- a sugestion that up to now could only be regarded as but an interesting hypothesis because of the lack of geological evidence for the existence of tin deposits in Afghanistan...east-west movement of tin is documented in the numerous Old Assyrian texts from Kultepe, the ancient karum Kanish. Again from unspecified sources to the east, the tin was brought to Assur and from there shipped overland by donkey caravan to various Assyrian merchant colonies in Anatolia...(Afghanistan's) deposits of gold and lapis lazuli, both materials highly prized by the Sumerians during the third millennium BCE, may have led ancient prospectors to tin, which was also then exported to Sumer. It is even possible that, via Mari and Ugarit, Afghan tin was carried to Middle Minoan Crete, the land of Kaptaru..." (Muhly, James D., Sources of tin and the beginnings of bronze metallurgy, in: American Journal of Archaeology, 89 (1985), pp. 277-283, 290).


·  Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud made a convincing case in May 1982 for identifying the sources of tin in the Near East. Their search extended upto Afghanistan and 'the land of Meluhha'.

" In the later 4th and early 3rd millennia, greater tin values occur-5.3% in a pin from Susa B; and 5% in an axe from Mundigak III, in Afghanistan; but these are still exceptional in a period char­acterized by the use of arsenical copper. It is only around 2700 B.C., during Early Dynastic III in Mesopotamia, that both the number of bronze artifacts and their general tin content increase significantly. Eight metal artifacts of forty-eight in the celebrated “vase a la cachette” of Susa D are bronzes; four of them—three vases and one axe—have over 7% tin. The analyses of objects from the Royal Cemetery at Ur present an even clearer picture: of twenty-four artifacts in the Iraq Museum subjected to analysis, eight containing significant quantities of tin and five with over 8% tin can be considered true bronzes in the tradi­tional sense...We know that the tin came from the east, but from where? Mentions in ancient texts are rare, and only one of them, dating to the time of Gudea of Lagash (2150-2111 B.C.], speaks of the tin of Meluhha. Meluhha is one of the lands east of Meso­potamia, along with Dilmun (Bahrain) and Makkan (the peninsula of Oman). Its loca­tion is still controversial, but most scholars tend to place it in Afghanistan or Pakistan. The lists of goods imported to Mesopotamia from Meluhha point to the Indus Valley and the Harappan civilization, but it is not always easy to make a distinction between those which originated in Meluhha and those which passed through Meluhha...A long-distance trade in tin is of course hypothetical...If we now turn to the “land of Meluhha,” or at least to the vast area of which parts have been identified with Meluhha, the use of tin is attested already in the late 4th or early 3rd millennium at Mundigak III in southern Afghanistan. Tin appears only in small quanities in artifacts from Shahr-i Sokhta in eastern Iran and at Tepe Yahya in southern Iran (among the sites from which artifacts were studied). In the Indus Valley, the copper-tin alloy is known at Mohenjo-Daro...Among the products attributed to Meluhha, lapis lazuli and carnelian are found in sites and tombs of the 3rd millennium. We can sug­gest with reasonable certainty that the tin used in Oman was in transit through Meluhha and that the most likely source was western Afghanistan...The collective indications are that western Afghanistan was the zone able to provide the tin used in Southwest Asia in the 4th and 3rd millennia. The occurrence of tin with copper ores and the signs of earl; exploitation make it obligatory for us to consider the problem of tin in direct con­nection with the metallurgy of copper in this region. Since our original research design was to define copper sources, the information on tin deposits was looked upon only as a complement. In order to elucidate the questions raised by our findings, a project aimed specifically at tin—its sources and metallurgy—should be organized." (Expedition, Volume 25 Issue 1 October 1982).
http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/early-tin-in-the-near-east/  Early Tin in the Near East -- A Reassessment in the Light of New Evidence from Western Afghanistan By: Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud 

The largest tin belt of the globe is Southeast Asia. Tin-bronze revolution of ca. 5th millennium BCE can be explained by postulating a Tin Route which linked Hanoi to Haifa, more magnificent than and rivaling the later-day Silk Road. This Tin Route of yore was traversed by Bharatam Janam.

Source: http://pubs.usgs.gov/bul/1301/report.pdf Stanniferous ores are the key to tin-bronze revolution of 5th millennium BCE, creating the Tin Route more magnificent and stunning than the later-day Silk Road. 

"Bronze is an alloy consisting primarily of copper, commonly with about 12% tin and often with the addition of other metals (such as aluminium,
manganesenickel or zinc) and sometimes non-metals or metalloids such as arsenicphosphorus or silicon. These additions produce a range of alloys that may be harder than copper alone, or have other useful properties, such as stiffness, ductility or machinability. The archeological period where bronze was the hardest metal in widespread use is known as the Bronze Age. In the ancient Near East this began with the rise of Sumer in the 4th millennium BC, with India and China starting to use bronze around the same time; everywhere it gradually spread across regions." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bronze

"The Bronze Age is a time period characterized by the use of bronzeproto-writing, and other early features of urban civilization. The Bronze Age is the second principal period of the three-age Stone-Bronze-Iron system, as proposed in modern times by Christian Jürgensen Thomsen, for classifying and studying ancient societies. An ancient civilization is defined to be in the Bronze Age either by smelting its own copperand alloying with tinarsenic, or other metals, or by trading for bronze from production areas elsewhere. Copper-tin ores are rare, as reflected in the fact that there were no tin bronzes in western Asia before trading in bronze began in the third millennium BCE. Worldwide, the Bronze Age generally followed the Neolithic period, with the Copper ageserving as a transition. Although the Iron Age generally followed the Bronze Age, in some areas, the Iron Age intruded directly on the Neolithic from outside the region...Bronze was independently discovered in the Maykop culture of the North Caucasus as early as the mid-4th millennium BC, which makes them the producers of the oldest known bronze. However, the Maykop culture only had arsenical bronze. Other regions developed bronze and its associated technology at different periods." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bronze_Age

"The land between the Euphrates and Tigris is sedimentary and therefore devoid of metals...Some semi-precious stones came from an even greater distance, cornelian from the Indian subcontinent, and lapis lazuli from Central Asia...The regions furthest to the East about which the ancient Mesopotamians had some knowledge appear to be the Indus valley (Meluhha) and Turkmenistan (Shimashki). The legendary country Aratta figures in several Sumerian epics as the distant adversary of Uruk. One can find references to the alleged trade between Uruk and Aratta in the secondary literature...Of great importance are the remains of the cargo discovered in two Late Bronze Age shipwrecks off the South coast of Turkey. The wreck near Cape Gelidonya (late 13th c. BCE) is thought to have come from Phoenicia. Its cargo consisted mainly of copper, tin, and bronze: copper in the shape of 34 oxhides (averaging 25 kg each)) and a number of bun ingots (averaging 3 kg each), tin ingots, and scrap bronze tools. Beter preserved is the shipwreck of Uluburun (late 14th c.) with a cargo of an estimated 20 tons of weight, including 354 copper oxhide ingots (1bout 10 tons), 121 copper bun ingots (about 1 ton), 110 tin ingot fragmens (about 1 ton), and 175 glass ingots (about 300 kg.)...The copper used in Syria and Mesopotamia came from different sources according to the textual evidence. One route led via the southern city of Ur, which possessed a harbour giving access to the Persian Gulf and beyond. The copper obtained from Tilmun from ca. 21st-18th c. BCE came from Oman, where impressive remains of ancient copper workings have been identified dating to this period...Tin is alloyed with copper to obtain bronze. It is first attested in a pin from Tepe Gawra Level VIII (ca. 3000 BCE), with a content of 5.6% tin. At the time of  the royal tombs of Ur (Early Dynastic IIIa. ca. 2700 BCE), bronze appears to be the most commonly used...Weeks contrasted the very limited presence of tin-bronzes in third millennium context in sites of the Iranian Plateau to the significant use of tin-bronze in Baluchistan, the Indus Valley, the Persian Gulf and south-western Iran during the same period. Since the use of tin will have been greatest along the trade route by which it was transported, he convincingly argues that this tin came via the Indian peninsula from one or more Central Asian sources. This is the famous trade with distant Meluhha, which started in the third millennium with the growing importance of the Indus civilisation, and lasted until its decline in about 1900 BCE. The supply of tin by sea route is suggested in a passage in one of the texts of Gudea (Cyl. B xiv 13): 'Along with copper, tin, slabs of lapis lazuli, shining metal (and) spotless Meluhha cornelian' (RIME 3/1,96). After the collapse of Meluhha, tin apparently was traded by an overland route cross Iran. It probably was via this overland route that the tin reached Susa in western Iran from where it was distributed westwards as is documented for the Old Babylonian period. One important route in Mesopotamia ran East of he Tigris to Assur in the North, from where Assyrian traders transported large quantities of tin to Anatolia (documented for the 19th-18th c.). The fact that they exported tin to Anatolia corroborates the view that workable deposits did not exist there...The latest reference to this city (Assur) as a source of tin is contained in an Old Babylonian letter found at the Middle Euphrates site of Haradum, which dates to the reign of Ammi-shaduqa (1683-1626 BCE). The passage reads: 'I entrusted 1 talent 20 minas of tin (= 40kg) to Hushunu, the Ahlami soldier, a guard of the kārum of Haradu, (in) Assur and I had him carry it to Haradum'...King Zimrilim's merchants were allowed to purchase tin and lapis lazuli in Susa. Zimrilim used the tin as diplomatic gifts to rulers in Ugarit, Hazor and other places in the Levant. The gifts made by Zimrilim and earlier by his predecessor Yasmah-Addu (to the king of Apishal) seem to be the only attested cases of tin moving to West Syria by way of Mari...The Uluburn shipwreck discovered off the Turkish coast had a cargo of almost 1,000 kg of tin and (Cypriot) copper, and apparently was heading for a western destination when it sank...tin figures among the tribute, which Neo-Assyrian kings received in North Syria and in the region around Diyarbakir. For example, king Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 BCE) received tribute from Patina (near modern Antakya), which included 600 kg of silver, 30 kg of gold, 3000 kg of iron, and 3000 kg of tin (RI-MA 2, 217 f.)...end of the Neo-Assyrian period (reign of Sin-shar-ishkun, ending 612 BCE), where tin (bdl) is mentioned as payment for a horse or a gift to the god hadad of Gozan. Less than a century later, Transeuphratene was the area where Babylonian merchants from Neo-Babylonian Uruk obtained tin for the Eanna temple according to several texts...Old Assyrian trade (20th-18th c. BCE)...linked the city of Assur with Central Anatolia...(trade) profited from the development of an institutional and legal framework to acommodate trade from about 2000 BCE onwards, in which groups of merchants from a particular town forged long-term relationships with other towns and their rulers through the kārum-system (kārum 'quay, harbour, commercial district). Non-Assyrian caravans brought tons of tin, cornelian and iron to Assur, where local merchants purchased these goods. By means of donkey caravans the goods were shipped to Anatolia and sold there for silver and gold. Kanesh was the main hub of a network of some twenty Assyrian commercial settlements in or close to economically important cities or regions in Anatolia. To facilitate this trade, Assur concluded treaties with local rulers that permitted it to establish trade colonies in existing cities of economic or logistical importance. A string of settlements also existed on the main caravan route from Assur to Anatolia in northern Iraq and Syria...The amount of tin and textiles sent by individual merchants to Anatolia differed considerably. A simple donkey load consisted of some 65 kg of tin, plus some textiles. One particular letter (Kt ck 443) announces the coming to Anatolia of a large convoy consisting of 21 donkeys, carrying 300 kg of tin and 400 assorted textiles. This represented significant load. The shipwreck of Uluburn, however, had a cargo of an estimated 10 tons of copper and 1 ton of tin. The ton of tin equals some 15 donkey-loads. Small as such an amount may seem, it is almost the total estimated yield of one of the mines discovered in Tajikistan. The shipment of textiles and tin to Anatolia was an Assyrian monopoly. There were no traders from Babylon active in Kanesh, but we know that merchants from North Syria (Ebla, Hashshum) were also involved in trade with Anatolia...Obviously, not only Mesopotamian merchants went abroad. Foreign merchants also travelled to Mesopotamia to sell goods. A royal inscription of the Old Akkadian King Sargon (2300) contains a unique hint at the extent of long-distance trade, when he claims that he 'moored the ships of Meluhha, Magan, and Tilmun at the quay of Agade' (RIME 2, 28). The tin and textiles that Assyrian merchants exported to Anatolia reached Assur by means of caravans from Babylonia, and, presumably, Susa...The coastal kingdom of Ugarit was a centre from where copper, tin, alum or lapis lazuli could be sent on to Carchemish and Hatti...Two letters addressed to the king of Ugarit by Tagubli, his representative with the court of Carchemish, deal with the sending of genuine lapis lazuli as a gift to the Hittite king. Urtenu appears as a manager of the palace storage facilities and stables, able to issue horses and donkeys, as well as copper, tin, alum, blue-purple wool, and textiles."

(Jan Gerrit Dercksen, Mineral resources and demand in the Ancient Near East, in: La Natura Nel Vicino Oriente Antico, Atti del Convegno internationale, Milano, 2009, Edizioni Ares, pp. 43-75)

o    See: Tin isotope fingerprints of ore deposits and ancient bronze October 2017. The Aravalli Range, is one of the oldest fold mountain rangein the world; it is an eroded stub of ancient mountains, is the oldest range of fold mountains in India.(Roy, A. B. (1990). "Abstract. The sources and origin of tin, and the dispersion of bronze technology in the 3rd and 2nd millennium BC, are the central research topics of our multi-disciplinary research project, funded by an Advanced Grant of the European Research Council (ERC). It has the general goal to establish the tin isotopic composition of tin ores and tin-bearing artefacts, and considers the infl uence of anthropogenic processes on the isotope ratios. We discuss the tin isotopic composition of cassiterite from two major tin provinces in Europe: from Cornwall and Devon (Southern England), and from the Erzgebirge (Germany and Czech Republic). The samples from both tin provinces show a very large variation of isotopic compositions with δ124/120Sn-values ranging overall from -0.28 to 0.85‰. Although there is large overlap, on average, cassiterite from the Erzgebirge (δ124/120Sn = 0.09‰) is isotopically lighter than that of southwest England (δ124/120Sn = 0.18‰). This is due to a higher proportion of heavy isotope compositions in the samples from Cornwall and Devon. In addition, we compare the ore data with preliminary tin isotopic systematics in Early Bronze Age metal artefacts from the Únětice Culture in Central Germany and from several ancient settlements in Mesopotamia belonging to the Early Dynastic III and the Akkadian Periods. Bronze artefacts of the Únětice Culture containing more than 3 wt.% tin have rather constant isotopic compositions (δ124/120Sn = 0.2 to 0.31 ‰), despite having highly variable trace element concentrations and tin contents. This suggests the intentional addition of an isotopically homogeneous tin raw material (metal or cassiterite) to the copper ore or melt. In contrast, the tin isotopic composition of artefacts from Mesopotamia (>3 wt. % Sn) show a much larger δ124/120Sn variation from -0.2 to +0.4‰. This is even observed in single settlements such as Ur. Since there is no sizeable tin mineralization in the vicinity, this implies that the tin demand of the ancient metallurgist was covered by trading tin from different ore "
o     
o    Evolution of the Precambrian crust of the Aravalli Range. Developments in Precambrian Geology, 8, 327-347.) The range rose in a Precambrian event called the Aravalli-Delhi Orogen... In ancient times, Aravalli were extremely high but since have worn down almost completely by millions of years of weathering, where as the Himalayas being young fold mountains are still continuously rising. 
Pre-Cambrian, sometimes abbreviated pЄ, or Cryptozoic spans from the formation of Earth about 4.6 billion years ago (Ga) to the beginning of the Cambrian Period, about 541 million years ago (Ma). https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Precambrian
Aravalli range is the principal water divide between the Indus-Sarasvati basins in the north-west and Ganga-Yamuna-Brahmaputra basins in the east, covering extensive areas of the plains of north India.
The Aravalli Range is a range of mountains running approximately 692 km (430 mi) in a southwest direction, starting in North India from Delhi and passing through southern Haryana, through to Western India across the states of Rajasthan and ending in Gujarathttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aravalli_Range


Section E. Indus Script hieroglyphs on Karen Bronze Drum of Ancient Far East
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Salavo bronze drums. Hieroglyphs: frog, peacock, elephant, palm tree.

tALa 'palm' rebus: dhALa 'large ingot'.

maraka 'peacock' (Santali. Mu.) Rebus: मारक loha 'a kind of calcining metal' (Samskritam)

Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h ‘ingot’.  Muha. The quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace. (Santali) karibha 'trunk of elaphant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron'. Hieroglyph: arka 'sun' Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper, gold, moltencast'. miṇḍāl ‘markhor’ 

(Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) 

 Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)



maṇḍa (Sanskrit) OMarw. ako m. ʻ frog ʼ, ṁḍakī f. ʻ small frog ʼ, 
G. me_akme°m., me_kīme° f.; M. mẽūk -- mukh n. ʻ frog -- like face ʼ. 1. Pa. maṇḍūka -- m., °kī -- f. ʻ frog ʼ, Pk. maṁḍū˘ka -- , °ūa -- , °uga -- m., (CDIAL 9746) Rebus: mẽht, me ‘iron’ 
(Mu.Ho.)

kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS. [← Drav. T. Burrow TPS 1945, 87; onomat. Mayrhofer EWA i 137. Drav. influence certain in o of M. and Si.: Tam. Kan. Mal. kokku ʻ crane ʼ, Tu. korṅgu, Tel. koṅga, Kuvi koṅgi, Kui kohko] Pa. kaṅka -- m. ʻ heron ʼ, Pk. kaṁka -- m., S. kaṅgu m. ʻ crane, heron ʼ (→ Bal. kang); B. kã̄k ʻ heron ʼ, Or. kāṅka; G. kã̄kṛũ n. ʻ a partic. ravenous bird ʼ; -- with o from Drav.: M. kõkā m. ʻ heron ʼ; Si. kokā, pl. kokku ʻ various kinds of crane or heron ʼ, kekī ʻ female crane ʼ, kēki ʻ a species of crane, the paddy bird ʼ (ē?).(CDIAL 2595) Ta. kokku common crane, Grus cinerea; stork, paddy bird; kuruku heron, stork, crane, bird, gallinaceous fowl, aṉṟil bird. Ma. kokku, kokkan, kocca, kuriyan paddy bird, heron; kuru heron. To.košk heron. 
Ka. kokku, kokkare crane; kukku heron, crane. Tu. korṅgu crane, stork. Te. koṅga, kokkera, kokkarāyi crane; pegguru, begguru (< peru-kuru) adjutant crane. Kol. (Kin.) koŋga crane.  Pa.kokkal (pl. kokkacil) id. Ga. (S) kokkāle 
(pl. kokkāsil) heron; (S.2) koŋalin (pl. koŋasil), (S.3) kokalin crane. Go. (L.) koruku id. (Voc. 921); (Mu.) kokoḍal heron, duck (Voc. 870); (Ma. Ko.) koŋga crane (Voc. 874). Kui kohko paddy bird. Kuwi (S.) kongi  (Ṭ.) kokoṛa crane. Br. xāxūr 
demoiselle crane. / Cf. Skt. kaṅka- heron; Turner, CDIAL, no. 2595.(DEDR 2125) కొంగ (p. 0313) [ koṅga ] konga. [Tel.] n. A bird of the heron or stork kind. బకము (Telugu) Rebus: kang 'brazier' (Kashmiri)


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Ox-hide type copper and tin ingots carried on boats. Shown on three sided molded tablet. One side shows a flat bottomed boat with a central hut that has leafy fronds and two birds on the deck and a large double rudder. Discovered in Mohenjo-daro in 1931.




The rollout of Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language). Apparently, the Meluhhan is the person carrying the antelope on his arms. mr̤eka, melh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu,mleccha 'copper'. The accompanying woman carries: ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'. Thus, the two merchants trade in copper and tin.


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Sources:The ingots are in the Haifa Museum. 
1. Madden R., Wheeler, I. and Muhly JD, 1977, Tin in the ancient near east: old questions and new finds, Expedition 19, pp. 45-47

2. Michal Artzy, 1983, Arethusa of the Tin ingot, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 250 (Spring, 1983), pp. 51-55.

Hieroglyph: ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali) raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m.ʻpewter, tinʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅ, rāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ. (CDIAL 10562) 

Hieroglyph: dāṭu = cross (Telugu) Rebus: dhatu = mineral ore (Santali) Rebus: dhāṭnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (Hindi)(CDIAL 6771).

Hieroglyph: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali)
Source: Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010), pp.47-74 — The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz) 

Section F. Advances in metallurgy during the Tin-Bronze Revolution from 5th m BCE

Meluhha Harappans evolved some new techniques in metallurgy and produced copper, bronze, lead, and tin.
Various sculptures, seals, bronze vessels pottery, gold jewellery, and anatomically detailed figurines in terracotta, bronze, and steatite have been found at excavation sites.(McIntosh, Jane (2008). The Ancient Indus Valley: New Perspectives. ABC-CLIO. p. 248.
A number of gold, terracotta and stone figurines of girls in dancing poses reveal the presence of some dance form. These terracotta figurines included cows, bears, monkeys, and dogs. Many crafts including, "shell working, ceramics, and agate and glazed steatite bead making" were practised and the pieces were used in the making of necklaces, bangles, and other ornaments from all phases of Harappan culture. Some of these crafts are still practised in the subcontinent today.(Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark (1997). "Trade and Technology of the Indus Valley: New Insights from Harappa, Pakistan". World Archaeology. 29 (2: "High–Definition Archaeology: Threads Through the Past"): 262–280). Terracotta female figurines were found (c. 2800–2600 BCE) which had red colour applied to the "manga" (line of partition of the hair).(Lal, B.B. (2002). The Sarasvati flows on, p.82)

touchstone bearing gold streaks was found in Banawali, which was probably used for testing the purity of gold (such a technique is still used in some parts of India). (Bisht, R.S. (1982). "Excavations at Banawali: 1974–77". In Possehl Gregory L. (ed.). Harappan Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective. New Delhi: Oxford and IBH Publishing Co. pp. 113–124.)

During the Early Harappan period (about 3200–2600 BCE), similarities in pottery, seals, figurines, ornaments, etc. document intensive caravan trade with Central Asia and the Iranian plateau.(Parpola, Asko (19 May 2005). "Study of the Indus Script" (PDF); 50th ICES Tokyo Session, pp.2-3). 

There was an extensive maritime trade network operating between the Harappan and Mesopotamian civilisations as early as the middle Harappan Phase, with much commerce being handled by "middlemen merchants from Dilmun" (modern Bahrain and Failaka located in the Persian Gulf). (Neyland, R.S. (1992). "The seagoing vessels on Dilmun seals". In Keith, D.H.; Carrell T.L. (eds.). Underwater archaeology proceedings of the Society for Historical Archaeology Conference at Kingston, Jamaica 1992. Tucson, AZ: Society for Historical Archaeology. pp. 68–74.)

"It is generally assumed that most trade between the Indus Valley (ancient Meluhha?) and western neighbors proceeded up the Persian Gulf rather than overland. Although there is no incontrovertible proof that this was indeed the case, the distribution of Indus-type artifacts on the Oman peninsula, on Bahrain and in southern Mesopotamia makes it plausible that a series of maritime stages linked the Indus Valley and the Gulf region."(Daniel T. Potts (2009), Maritime Trade: Pre-Islamic Period iranicaonline.orgIn the 1980s, important archaeological discoveries were made at Ras al-Jinz (Oman), demonstrating maritime Indus Valley connections with the Arabian Peninsula(Maurizio Tosi, "Black Boats of Magan. Some Thoughts on Bronze Age Water Transport in Oman and beyond from the Impressed Bitumen Slabs of Ra's al-Junayz", in A. Parpola (ed), South Asian Archaeology 1993, Helsinki, 1995, pp. 745–761 (in collaboration with Serge Cleuziou).
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(During-Caspers, GS Elisabeth; Reade, Julian E. (2008). The Indus-Mesopotamia relationship reconsidered. Archaeopress. pp. 12–14).

The areas of origination of the raw materials for the objects found in the royal cemeteries of Ur. http://tinyurl.com/y29xfrx4 




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Aratta


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Dilmun


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Meluḫḫa


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Ḫaḫḫum


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'Su-land'


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(H)arallu


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(Mar)daman


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Keban


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Marhashi


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Elam


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Azerbaijan


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Miyana-Zanjan Region


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Kerman


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Taurus Mountains


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Mt. Bikni


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Mt. Dapara


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Badakhshan


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Elburz Moutains


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Central Plateau


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Bushire


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Indus Valley

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According to ECL DUring Caspers, “the Indus Valley 'unicorn' is a watered-down version, often recopied, of the commonly portrayed one-horned bovine of the late Protoliterate c-d and Early Dynastic times in Mesopotamia…”(E. C. L. During Caspers, “The Indus Valley 'Unicorn' A Near Eastern Connection?” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. 34:2, 1991, p. 312—350.)

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The Standard of Ur. Frame: wood; mosaic: shell, red limestone, lapis lazuli and bitumen, Sumerian artwork, ca. 2600-2400 BCE. From tomb 779 Ur.
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Gold Cup. Mesopotamian artwork, ca. 2600-2400 BCE. From the “Queen's tomb” (that of Puabi) in the Royal Cemetery at Ur, Southern Iraq.
Silver vessels found in the tomb of queen Puabi in Ur
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The expression "Country of Me-lu-ha" (Me-luh-ha Ki) on Akkadian inscriptions. ("The Indus Civilization and Dilmun, the Sumerian Paradise Land". www.penn.museum.)
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Sculpture of a Mesopotamian boat, 2700-2600 BCE.

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Carved chlorite vessel with opposing animals. Northern Afghanistan, c. 2700-2500 BCE; Height: 6.5 cm. LACMA

[quote] During the period of the Early Dynastic III royal cemetery (ca. 2600 BC), Ur was importing elite goods from geographically distant places. These objects include precious metals such as gold and silver, and semi-precious stones, namely lapis lazuli and carnelian. These objects are all the more impressive considering the distance from which they traveled to reach Mesopotamia and Ur specifically.
Mesopotamia is very well suited to agricultural production for both plants and animals but is lacking in metals, minerals and stones. These materials were traded by both land and water, although bulk transportation is only possible by water as it is cheaper and faster. River transportation greatly aided Mesopotamian crafts from very early in the fourth millennium. The Euphrates provided access to Syria and Anatolia as well as the Gulf, and many trading posts were set up along the river...Most of the gold known from archaeological contexts in ancient Mesopotamia is concentrated at the royal cemetery at Ur (and later in the Neo-Assyrian graves at Nimrod). Textual evidence indicates that gold was reserved for prestige and religious functions. It was gathered in royal treasuries, temples and used for adornment of elite peoples as well as funerary offerings (such as the graves at Ur). Gold is used for personal ornaments, weapons and tools, sheet-metal cylinder seals, vessels such as fluted bowls, goblets and imitation cockle shells, and as additions to sculpture. The textual evidence for the sources of gold used in Mesopotamia is irregular. The Sumerian texts name Aratta as a source while the Gudea records mention both the mountain of Ḫaḫḫum, near Samsat in modern Turkey, and Meluḫḫa. Other texts refer to a perhaps mythical place known as (Ḫ)arallu, supposedly located in the hinterland of Iran, as a source of gold. Other possible sources are named by Shu-Sin, such as 'Su-land', most likely in western Iran, and (Mar)daman in south-eastern Turkey. Texts referring to Dilmun mention that gold is traveling to Ur up the Gulf, perhaps originating in Meluḫḫa... The 'Silver Mountains' mentioned in association with the campaigns of Sargon of Akkad are identified as the mines found at Keban on the Upper Euphrates. Other, more generic, silver-producing areas are Aratta, Dilmun, Elam, Marḫashi (also known as Barhashi or Parahshum) and Meluḫḫa...Lapis Lazuli is the best known and well-documented gemstone at Ur and in Mesopotamia in general. In the royal cemetery lapis lazuli is found as jewelry, plaques and amulets, and as inlays in gaming boards, musical instruments, and ostrich-egg vessels as well as parts of larger sculptural groups such as the "Ram in a Thicket" and as the beard of a bull attached to a lyre. Some of the larger objects include a spouted cup, a dagger-hilt, and a whetstone... There is no textual evidence which provides a clear reference to the source of Sumerian lapis lazuli although documents list Aratta, Dilmun, and Meluḫḫa in Iran. These also name mountains such as Mt. Dapara, Mt. Bikni (modern Kuh-i Alvand in western Iran) and Bahtar Mountain or Sogdia. It is almost universally acknowledged that the lapis lazuli from Mesopotamia originated in the upper reaches of the Kokcha River in the Badakhshandistrict of modern Afghanistan.This was certainly exploited at the time of the Royal Cemetery (ca. 2600 BC) with evidence of manufacture in the 3rd millennium at Shortugai (I) on the Oxus River...The stone was possibly first taken to Meluḫḫa and then traded (along with carnelian) by ship up the Gulf. There is no textual reference to a land route but several probably existed through the Zagros Mountains...Carnelian is a variety of microcrystalline quartz that is particularly suited for fine beads and seals. This semi-precious stone is second only to lapis lazuli in terms of popularity in Mesopotamia and Ur specifically. Carnelian was most likely imported as both a raw material and as manufactured beads... Charles Leonard Woolley, the excavator at Ur, attributes the carnelian found there to the Gulf area. The Indus Valley, however, has famously been exploited for its carnelian and it is likely that some of the material originated here as well.[5] Carnelian is also mentioned in many Sumerian texts including those to do with trade with Dilmun. In the Gudea inscriptions carnelian is reportedly from Meluḫḫa... In the 3rd millennium BCE, chlorite stone artifacts were very popular, and traded widely. These included disc beads and ornaments, as well as stone vases. These carved dark stone vessels have been found everywhere in ancient Mesopotamia. They rarely exceed 25 cm in height, and may have been filled with precious oils. They often carry human and animal motifs inlaid with semi-precious stones.
"Elaborate stone vessels carved with repeating designs, both geometric and naturalistic, in an easily recognizable “intercultural style”,were made primarily of chlorite; a number were produced at the important site of Tepe Yahyasoutheast of Kerman (Iran) in the middle and late 3rd millennium b.c.e. Some of these vessels were painted natural color (dark green) and inlaid with pastes and shell, and some have even been found with cuneiform inscriptions referring to rulers and known Sumerian deities. More than 500 vessels and vessel fragments carved in this style have been recovered from sites ranging from Uzbekistan and the Indus Valley (e.g., Mohenjo-daro) in the east to Susa and all the major Sumerian sites in Mesopotamia, including Mari, in the west and to the Persian Gulf, particularly Tarut and the Failaka Islands, in the south."[unquote] (Limet, H. (1960). Le Travail du metal au pays de Sumer au temps de la IIIe dynastie d'Ur. Paris; Pettinato, G. (1972) "Il commerlio con l'estero della Mesopotamia...all luce delle fonti letterarie e lessicale sumeriche". Mesopotamia 7. 43-166; Wyart, J. et al. (1981). "Lapis Lazuli from Sar-e-Sang, Badakhshan, Afghanistan", Gems and Gemology. 184-190; Arkell, A.J. (1936). "Cambay and the Bead Trade". Antiquity 10. 292-305; loc.cit.

"Sesame oil was probably imported from the Indus River region into Sumer: the Sumerian word for this oil is illu (Akkadianellu). One theory is that the word is of proto-Dravidianorigin: in Dravidian languages of South Indiael or ellu stands for sesame. An alternative, proposed by Michael Witzel, is that it derived from a "para-Munda" language spoken in the Indus Valley Civilization. ..There is extensive presence of Harappan seals and cubical weight measures in Mesopotamian urban sites. Specific items of high volume trade are timber and specialty wood such as ebony, for which large ships were used. Luxury items also appear, such as lapis lazuli mined at a Harappan colony at Shortugai (modern Badakhshan in northern Afghanistan), which was transported to Lothal, a port city in Gujarat in western India, and shipped from there to Oman, Bahrain and Sumer.In the 1980s, important archaeological discoveries have been made at Ras al-Jinz (Oman), located at the easternmost point of the Arabian Peninsula, demonstrating maritime Indus Valley connections with Oman, and the Middle East in general...There is sufficient archaeological evidence for the trade between Mesopotamia and the Indian subcontinent. Impressions of clay seals from the Indus Valley city of Harappa were evidently used to seal bundles of merchandise, as clay seal impressions with cord or sack marks on the reverse side testify. A number of these Indian seals have been found at Ur and other Mesopotamian sites...The Persian-Gulf style of circular stamped rather than rolled seals, also known from Dilmun, that appear at Lothal in Gujarat, India, and Failaka Island (Kuwait), as well as in Mesopotamia, are convincing corroboration of the long-distance sea trade network, which G.L. Possehl has called a "Middle Asian Interaction Sphere"...What the commerce consisted of is less sure: timber and precious woods, ivorylapis lazuligold, and luxury goods such as carnelian and glazed stone beads, pearls from the Persian Gulf, and shell and bone inlays, were among the goods sent to Mesopotamia in exchange for silvertin, woolen textiles, perhaps oil and grains and other foods. Copper ingots, certainly, bitumen, which occurred naturally in Mesopotamia, may have been exchanged for cotton textiles and chickens, major products of the Indus region that are not native to Mesopotamia—all these have been instanced.(McIntosh, Jane (2008). The Ancient Indus Valley: New Perspectives., p. 354; Maurizio Tosi: Die Indus-Zivilisation jenseits des indischen Subkontinents, in: Vergessene Städte am Indus, Mainz am Rhein 1987, pp. 132-133; Possehl, G.L. (2007), “The Middle Asian Interaction Sphere”, Expedition 49/1; loc.cit. 

Section G. Indus Script decipherment

Epigraphia Indus Script is presented in 3 volumes with indicated Meluhha rebus readings for the inscriptions.


Pragmatics is the branch of linguistics dealing with language in use and the contexts in which it is used, including such matters as deixis, the taking of turns in conversation, text organization, presupposition, and implicature. 

Animals displayed as hieroglyphs on Indus Script inscriptions are in the context of documenting wealth categories read rebus in Meluhha.

Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk is a Rosetta Stone for Indus Script,  displays animals (as tributes); these animals are documented as Meluhha wealth-categories on Indus Script inscriptions

For example, the Obelisk displays elephant as tribute from Musri to Shalamaneser III. Elephant is an Indus Script hieroglyph karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron', a Meluhha metal wealth category.

The tributes shown as specific animals, on four sides of row 3 of the obelisk are hieroglyphs of Indus Script read rebus as metalwealth or lapidary (gems, jewels) wealth categories.

Musri is an area of Kurds many of whom practice Hindu traditions even today. 

The locality Musri refers to a region in Kurdistan. The tradition of Yazidi, kurds (from the region of Musri) is a continuum of Hindu traditional practices of women wearing sindhu, red vermilion tilak on their foreheads following the tradition shown on terracotta toys from Nausharo,Mehrgarh with red sindhur at the parting of their hair.

Terracotta toys from Nausharo (c. 3rd m. BCE), depicting red sindhur (vermilion) at the maang, 'parting of the hair', a traditional signifier that the person is a married woman.




Yazidi women (Kurds) wearing tilak on their foreheads.

Evidence of Meluhha Indus Script animals on Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk (858-824 BCE) and displayed by Assyrian King Ashur-bel-kala (1074-1056 BCE)

Ashur-bel-kala, king of Assyria 1074-1056 BCE is a predecessor of Shalamaneser III 858–824 BCE.  He (Ashur-bel-kala) was the son of Tukultī-apil-Ešarra I, succeeded his brother Ašarēd-apil-Ekur who had briefly preceded him, and he ruled for 18 years...He had also displayed the rare animals to the people of his land. (Shigeo Yamada (2000); RIMA 2, A.0.89.7, iv 29f. The passage reads: nise matisu usebri ‘He = Ashur-bel-kala) displayed (the animals) to the public of his land.). The Construction of the Assyrian Empire: A Historical Study of the Inscriptions of Shalmanesar III Relating to His Campaigns in the West. Brill. p. 253)...These he added to his collection of rare animals which he bred and dispatched merchants to acquire more, such as “a large female ape and a crocodile (and) a ‘river man’, beasts of the Great Sea” and the dromedaries he displayed in herds.(Tomoo Ishida (1982). Studies in the period of David and Solomon and other essays. Eisenbrauns. p. 219)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashur-bel-kala

Thus, the rare or exotic animals exposed to the people of Assyria are the animals shown on Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk PLUS crocodile, 'river man', beasts of the Great Sea displayed by Ashur-bel-kala. These animals -- crocodile, 'river man' (i.e. fish anthropomorph), Sea beasts (fish, fish-fin symbols on Indus Script) are also Indus Script hieroglyphs.In Meluhha rebus rendering, crocodile signifies: kāru a wild crocodile rebus:
khār'blacksmith'.


The 'river man' may signify an anthropomorph fish. ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'.ayaskara 'metalsmith' -- anthropomorth fish PLUS fish-fin khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ rebus: kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. కమ్మటము (p. 0247) [ kammaṭamu ] Same as కమటముకమ్మటీడు
kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste. He wears a bracelet with a safflower hieroglyph. करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower  Rebus: करड [ karaḍa ] 'hard alloy'.


The Obelisk displays on four sides of Row 3 of the Obelisk, four sets of animals on four sides. The associated cuneiform inscription describes the animals as tributes from Musri for Shalamaneser III. 

The land of Musri is in Kurdistan with perhaps Meluhha settlements. This conjecture is premised on the ground that there are people in Kurdistan called Yazidis who practice Hindu traditions even today and whose ancestors were perhaps Meluhha speakers.

The animals displayed are categories of wealth (metalwork, gems, jewels) on Indus Script incriptions.




The processions of animals displayed on each of the four sides of Row 3 of the Black Obelisk of Shalamaneser III are the tributes the King of Assyria receives. 



The animals shown such as water buffalo, unicorn, antelope, monkeys, elephant are Indus Script hieroglyphs which occur as pictorial motifs on Indus Script inscriptions. In Indus Script Cipher, these hieroglyphs of animals are read rebus in Meluhha and constitute wealth categories.

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Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III in the British Museum, the White Obelisk of Ashurnasirpal I just behind
Material
black limestone
Size
c. 1.98 metres high, 45 cm wide
Writing
Assyrian
Created
858–824 BCE
Discovered
Nimrud, Iraq
Present location
Registration
ME 118885

In particular, the third row from the top of the Black Obelisk relates to four narratives presented on four sculptural friezes related to exotic or rare tributes from Musri (according to the cuneiform inscription). 

The four narratives on sculptural friezes of the Black Obelisk are as followson Side A,B,C,D:




karibha 'camels' rebus: karba, 'iron'


ranga 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter'


sakea is a composite animal hypertext in Indus Script: khara 'onager' PLUS khoṇḍa 'young bull' PLUS meha 'crumpled (horn)' rebus: 
kār kunda 'blackmith, turner, goldsmith'کار کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto) medhā 'yajna, dhanam' med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) The composite animal is deciphered as  kār kunda singin PLUS singi 'horn' rebus: singi 'gold for use in ornaments' (by) 'blacksmith, turner, goldsmith.'
Hieroglyph: shrang श्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn Rebus: shrang श्रंग्  the head man or leading person in a village or the like.(Kashmiri)



susu is antelope: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin'


karibha, ibha, 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'


bazitu/uqupu is monkey/ape: kuhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuhāru, कुठारु an armourer



रत्नी  ratnī 'female monkey dressed as woman' Indus Script hieroglyphs rebus kuṭhāru 'monkey' rebus: 'armourer' Rebus: ratna 'gifts'; रत्निन् 'possessing or receiving gifts'.



Semantics and pragmatics:



Water-buffalo: Hieroglyph:  rã̄go 'water-buffalo' rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ  *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) ranga 'alloy of copper, zinc, tin'.
River ox: Hieroglyph, short-horned bull: baradbalad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin). 

Elephant, camel: Hieroglyphs: karibha, ibha 'elephant' karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., ʻ young elephant ʼ BhP. 2. kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. [Poss. a non -- aryan kar -- ʻ elephant ʼ also in karḗṇu -- , karin -- EWA i 165] 1. Pk. karabha -- m., ˚bhī -- f., karaha -- m. ʻ camel ʼ, S. karahu˚ho m., P. H. karhā m., Marw. karhau JRAS 1937, 116, OG. karahu m., OM. karahā m.; Si. karaba ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ.2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ, Pk. kalabha -- m., ˚bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛo ʻ young calf ʼ; Or. kālhuṛi ʻ young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si. kalam̆bayā ʻ young elephant ʼ Rebus: karba, ib 'iron'Addenda: karabhá -- : OMarw. karaha ʻ camel ʼ.

Monkeys: hieroglyphs:  kuhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuhāru, कुठारु an armourer.


This is the figure of रत्नी  ratnī a monkey dressed as woman Rebus: रत्निन् 'possessing or receiving gifts'; m. pl. N. of certain persons in whose dwelling the रत्न-हविस् (q.v.) is offered by a king (viz. the ब्राह्मण , राजन्य , महिषी , 

परिवृक्ती , सेना-नी , सूत , ग्राम-णी , क्षत्तृ , संग्रहीतृ , भाग-दुघ , and अक्षावापTBr. S3Br. °नि-त्व n. TBr. ) (RV).रत्न n. ( √1. रा) a gift , present , goods , wealth , riches RV. AV. 

S3Br.; a jewel , gem , treasure , precious stone (the nine jewel are pearl , ruby , topaz , diamond , emerald , lapis lazuli , coral , sapphire , गोमेद ; hence रत्न is a N. for the number 9 ; but accord. to some 14) Mn. MBh. &c; रत्न--हविस् n. a partic. oblation in the राजसूय (having reference to persons who may be reckoned among a king's most valuable treasures) Ka1tyS3r. (cf. रत्न्/इन्).


Thus, the tributes received by Shalamaneser III are iron implements, metal armour, lapidary metalwork wealth from Meluhha. The unicorn signifies Hieroglyph: khoṇḍa 'young bull'  Rebus: kunda 'treasure of Kubera', kundaa 'fine gold' PLUS singi 'horn' rebus: singi 'gold for use in ornaments' (by) kār kunda 'blackmith, turner, goldsmith'کار کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto)

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The रत्नी  ratnī 'female monkey dressed as a woman' is held on a leash of a chain. 



Hieroglyph: chain: śr̥ṅkhala m.n. ʻ chain ʼ MārkP., ˚lā -- f. VarBr̥S., śr̥ṅkhalaka -- m. ʻ chain ʼ MW., ʻ chained camel ʼ Pāṇ. [Similar ending in mḗkhalā -- ]Pa. saṅkhalā -- , ˚likā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ; Pk. saṁkala -- m.n., ˚lā -- , ˚lī -- , ˚liā -- , saṁkhalā -- , siṁkh˚siṁkalā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ, siṁkhala -- n. ʻ anklet ʼ; Sh. šăṅāli̯ f., (Lor.) š*lṅālišiṅ˚ ʻ chain ʼ (lw .with š -- < śr̥ -- ), K. hö̃kal f.; S. saṅgharu m. ʻ bell round animal's neck ʼ, ˚ra f. ʻ chain, necklace ʼ, saṅghāra f. ʻ chain, string of beads ʼ, saṅghirī f. ʻ necklace with double row of beads ʼ; L. saṅglī f. ʻ flock of bustard ʼ, awāṇ. saṅgul ʻ chain ʼ; P. saṅgal m. ʻ chain ʼ, ludh. suṅgal m.; WPah.bhal. śaṅgul m. ʻ chain with which a soothsayer strikes himself ʼ, śaṅgli f. ʻ chain ʼ, śiṅkhal f. ʻ railing round a cow -- stall ʼ, (Joshi) śã̄gaḷ ʻ door -- chain ʼ, jaun. śã̄galśã̄gaḍ ʻ chain ʼ; Ku. sã̄glo ʻ doorchain ʼ, gng. śāṅaw ʻ chain ʼ; N. sāṅlo ʻ chain ʼ, ˚li ʻ small do. ʼ, A. xikali, OB. siṅkala, B. sikalsiklichikalchikli, (Chittagong) hĩol ODBL 454, Or. sāṅk(h)uḷā˚ḷisāṅkoḷisikaḷā̆˚ḷisikuḷā˚ḷi; Bi. sīkaṛ ʻ chains for pulling harrow ʼ, Mth. sī˜kaṛ; Bhoj. sī˜karsĩkarī ʻ chain ʼ, OH. sāṁkaḍasīkaḍa m., H. sã̄kalsã̄kar˚krīsaṅkal, ˚klī,sikalsīkar˚krī f.; OG. sāṁkalu n., G. sã̄kaḷ˚kḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, sã̄kḷũ n. ʻ wristlet ʼ; M. sã̄k(h)aḷsāk(h)aḷsã̄k(h)ḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, Ko. sāṁkaḷ;Si. säkilla, hä˚ä˚ (st. ˚ili -- ) ʻelephant chainʼ. śr̥ṅkhalayati. 

Addenda: śr̥ṅkhala -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) śáṅgəḷ f. (obl. -- i) ʻ chain ʼ, J. śã̄gaḷ f., Garh. sã̄gaḷ. śr̥ṅkhalayati ʻ enchains ʼ Daś. [śr̥ṅkhala -- ]Ku.gng. śāṅaī ʻ intertwining of legs in wrestling ʼ (< śr̥ṅkhalita -- ); Or. sāṅkuḷibā ʻ to enchain ʼ.(CDIAL 12580, 12581) வீரசங்கிலி vīra-caṅkilin. < vīra +. 1. Gold chain worn as an armlet, as a sign of heroism; வீரத்திற்கு அறிகுறியாகக் கையிலணியும் பொன்னணி. வீரசங்கிலி கேயூரம்(பிரபுலிங். பிர. 9). 2. A woman's necklace; மகளிர் கழுத்தணி வகை. (சிலப். 6, 99, உரை.)vīra-c-caṅkili வீரச்சங்கிலி vīra-c-caṅkilin. < வீரம்1 +. See வீரசங்கிலி. (சிலப். 6, 99, அரும்.) *இலாடம்1 ilāṭam, n. < lāṭa. Name of a country, prob. modern Gujarat; பரதகண்டத்தில் ஒரு தேசம். *இலாடம்2 ilāṭam, n. < radha. Name of a country, a portion of modern Bengal; வங்காள தேசப் பகுதி. (Insc.) லாடம்2 lāṭamn. < Rāḍha. A country.   rāḍhā f. ʻ district in West Bengal ʼ Kathās., ˚ḍha -- m. ʻ belonging to this district ʼ lex. [MIA. < rāṣṭrá -- ??] Pk. rāḍhā -- f. ʻ name of a district ʼ, B. rāṛ(h), Or. rāṛha, H. rāṛh m.rāḍhīya ʻ belonging to Rāḍhā ʼ Prab.com. [rāḍhā -- ]N. rāṛi ʻ blanket ʼ; B. rāṛi ʻ belonging to Rāṛh ʼ; Or. rāṛhi ʻ native of West Bengal, a class of fisherman ʼ; H. rāṛhī ʻ coming from Rāṛh ʼ.(CDIAL 10698, 10690) *இலாடசங்கிலி ilāṭa-caṅkilin. < lāṭa +. Puzzle chain carried as an aid to concentration of mind by itinerant Lāṭa mendicants; கழற்று தற்குரிய ஒருவகைப் பின்னற்சங்கிலி.



Rebus: gold chain ornament inset with diamonds, land measure: சங்கிலி1 caṅkili, n. < šṛṅkhalaā. [M. caṅ-kala.] 1. Chain, link; தொடர். சங்கிலிபோலீர்ப்புண்டு (சேதுபு. அகத். 12). 2. Land-measuring chain, Gunter's chain 22 yards long; அளவுச் சங்கிலி. (C. G.) 3. A superficial measure of dry land=3.64 acres; ஓர் நிலவளவு. (G. Tn. D. I, 239). 4. A chain-ornament of gold, inset with diamonds; வயிரச்சங்கிலி என்னும் அணி. சங்கிலி நுண்டொடர் (சிலப். 6, 99).  saṅghāra f. ʻ chain, string of beads ʼ, saṅghirī f. ʻ necklace with double row of beads ʼ(S.)(CDIAL 12580)



Rebus: collection of materials: sangaha, sangraha, 'catalogue, list'. saṁgraha m. ʻ collection ʼ Mn., ʻ holding together ʼ MBh. [√grah] Pa. saṅgaha -- m. ʻ collection ʼ, Pk. saṁgaha -- m.; Bi. sã̄gah ʻ building materials ʼ; Mth. sã̄gah ʻ the plough and all its appurtenances ʼ, Bhoj. har -- sã̄ga; H. sãgahā ʻ collection of materials (e.g. for building) ʼ; <-> Si. san̆gaha ʻ compilation ʼ ← Pa. *saṁgrahati ʻ collects ʼ see sáṁgr̥hṇāti.(CDIAL 12852).  



Rebus: lathe: Rebus: Vajra Sanghāta 'binding together': Mixture of 8 lead, 2 bell-metal, 1 iron rust constitute adamantine glue. (Allograph) Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati)



Thus the hieroglyph chain signifies rebus: sãghāṛɔ, sã̄gah signify lathe and collection of (lapidary) materials.

Section H. Ivory tags with Egyptian hieroglyphs have been found in Abydos compare with miniature metalwork wealth-accounting tablets of Harappa

Hieroglyphs displayed on such tags seem to signify products and places from which the materials were obtained. This suggests that Indus Script Cipher is also signification of wealth-categories as a logo-semantic, logo-pragmetic writing system and NOT a syllabic script.

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These tags are comparable-- in size and form -- to the miniature tablets of Indus Script from Harappa.
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Harappa 1995-7: MoundE, HARP Trench 11: steatite seal and incised steatite tablets (After Fig. 4. Harappa 1995-1997: Mounds E and ET; Trench 11: steatite seal H96-2796/6874-01 and incised steatite tablets (22) with the same inscriptions). "The last 2 signs of this seal are the same as those on one side of the 22 tablets (taking three strokes as a single sign)...Each tablet is three-sided with the inscription on each side comprising a single more complex sign accompanied by three or four simple strokes." The tablets are "incised with script that was to be read directly from the tablet." (Note by J. Mark Kenoyer & Richard H. meadow on Inscribed objects from Harappa excavations: 1986-2007 in: Asko Parpola, BM ande and Petteri Koskikallio eds., 2010, CISI, Vol.3: New material, untraced objects, and collections outside India and Pakistan, Part 1: Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, Helsinki, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, (pp.xliv to lviii), p. xliv http://www.harappa.com/indus/Kenoyer-Meadow-2010-HARP.pdf
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Ivory tags of Abydos are of size range from about 1 to 9 cm in breadth and 1,5 - 3 mm in thickness.

A tag from the pre-dynastic period (after O’Connor, D. 2009. Abydos: Egypt’s First Pharaohs and the Cult of Osiris. London: Thames & Hudson. p.145). 
Archeologist G. Dreyer reads these two hieroglyphs, the elephant 3b and the triple mountain peaks dw, thus spelling the name of Abydos.  O'Connor suggests that this may represents the name of a town, which may not be Abydos.  Neither seems to address the third element, a schematic tree.  (The circle upper left is a hole). This comment is excerpted from Diwiyana's blogpost: http://indusscriptmore.blogspot.com/2012/03/indus-syntax.html "In 1988 Dreyer and his colleague Werner Kaiser excavated in Abydos (Umm el-Qaab) on the cemetery "U" the burial site of the king (U-j), which is dated to the Naquada period IIIa2, known as king Scorpion I. Currently, this is the earliest known large royal tomb of old Egypt. The most important finds were about 400 large wine jars being inscribed resp. having tags showing phonetically readable characters of a script, the first of its kind in Egypt. They identify the person laid into the grave, as the inscription says "plantation of (king) Scorpion." Script also name his successor, a king Double Falcon I. The scientific importance lies in the fact of finding Egyptian hieroglyphs which predate cuneiform script. The mentioned hierogylphs are on small wooden tags applied to the jars probably marking their origin and "are fully developed", as Dreyer stated. In 1998 Dreyer found another writing on small ivory labels, he concluded that these support the challenge to the prevailing view that the first people to write were the Sumerians of Mesopotamia (modern-day Iraq) sometime before 3000 BCE" http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/235724.stm

There is a possibility that the tags with the elephant hieroglyph may signify Indus Script hypertexts read rebus in Meluhha. If this possibiity is validated archaeologically by the presence of Indus Script writers in Abydos, the readings may signify that the products described relate to metalwork of the Bronze Age.

karba, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron

pōlaḍu'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel' Alternative: karandava 'aquatic bird' rebus: karada 'hard alloy'

ḍāng 'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'. Alternative: shrang श्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a mountain; the head man or leading person in a village or the like.(Kashmiri) sriṅg-ín horned (V., C.); m. (C.) horned animal; mountain (Skt.) Rebus: Singī & singi (f.) [cp. Sk. śṛngī] 1. gold Vin i.38; S ii.234; J i.84.(Pali) singi 'gold for use in ornaments' (Skt.) 
Hieroglyph: shrang श्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn Rebus: shrang श्रंग्  the head man or leading person in a village or the like.(Kashmiri)

kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'

The earliest evidence of cotton use in the Indian subcontinent has been found at the site of Mehrgarh and Rakhigarhi where cotton threads have been found preserved in copper beads; these finds have been dated to the Neolithic (5th millennium BCE).Cotton cultivation in the region is dated to the Indus Valley Civilization, which covered parts of modern eastern Pakistan and northwestern India between 3300 and 1300 BCE.(Jane McIntosh (2008) "The Ancient Indus Valley", Cotton has been cultivated in the subcontinent since the fifth millinium BCE. Based on archaeological evidence, preserved cotton fabric has been found in Harappa, Chanbu-daro in Pakistan Rakhigiri and Lothal in India. p.333; Moulherat, C.; Tengberg, M.; Haquet, J. R. M. F.; Mille, B. ̂T. (2002). "First Evidence of Cotton at Neolithic Mehrgarh, Pakistan: Analysis of Mineralized Fibres from a Copper Bead". Journal of Archaeological Science. 29 (12): 1393–1401; Stein, Burton (1998). A History of India. Blackwell Publishing.)

Section I. Domestication of farming, cotton and silk, 7th, 6th m BCE


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(Moulherat, C., Tengberg, M., Haquet, J.-F. & Mille, B. 2002. "First Evidence of Cotton at Neolithic Mehrgarh, Pakistan: Analysis of Mineralized Fibres from a Copper Bead', Journal of Archaeological Science, 29 : 1393-1401.) https://tinyurl.com/y269dv8k


Silk has a long history in India. It is known as Resham in eastern and north India, and Pattu in southern parts of India. Recent archaeological discoveries in Harappa and Chanhu-daro suggest that sericulture, employing wild silk threads from native silkwormspecies, existed in South Asia during the time of the Indus Valley Civilization (now in Pakistan) dating between 2450 BCE and 2000 BCE, while "hard and fast evidence" for silk production in China dates back to around 2570 BCE. Shelagh Vainker, a silk expert at the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, who sees evidence for silk production in China "significantly earlier" than 2500–2000 BCE, suggests, "people of the Indus civilization either harvested silkworm cocoons or traded with people who did, and that they knew a considerable amount about silk."(Ball, Philip (17 February 2009). "Rethinking silk's origins". Nature457 (7232): 945; Good, I.L.; Kenoyer, J.M.; Meadow, R.H. (2009). "New evidence for early silk in the Indus civilization" (PDF)Archaeometry50 (3): 457. )
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Ancient Textiles of the Indus Valley Region
Fiber pseudomorphs preserved by copper salts on the interior of the coiled copper necklace that have been analyzed and determined to be silk from the wild silk moth, Antheraea mylitta, commonly called "Tussar" silk today. (JM Kenoyer, 2004, Ancient Textiles of the Indus Valley Region, in Tana Bana: The woven soul of Pakistan, edited by Noorjehan Bilgrami, pp. 18-31. Koel Publications, Karachi.)

Research by J. Bates et al. (2016) confirms that Indus populations were the earliest people to use complex multi-cropping strategies across both seasons, growing foods during summer (rice, millets and beans) and winter (wheat, barley and pulses), which required different watering regimes. Bates et al. (2016) also found evidence for an entirely separate domestication process of rice in ancient South Asia, based around the wild species Oryza nivara. This led to the local development of a mix of "wetland" and "dryland" agriculture of local Oryza sativa indica rice agriculture, before the truly "wetland" rice Oryza sativa japonica arrived around 2000 BCE.(Bates, Jennifer (21 November 2016). "Rice farming in India much older than thought, used as 'summer crop' by Indus civilisation"; Bates, J. (1986). "Approaching rice domestication in South Asia: New evidence from Indus settlements in northern India". Journal of Archaeological Science78(22): 193–201). Jarrige notes that the people of Mehrgarh used domesticated wheats and barley, while Shaffer and Liechtenstein note that the major cultivated cereal crop was naked six-row barley, a crop derived from two-row barley. Gangal agrees that "Neolithic domesticated crops in Mehrgarh include more than 90% barley," noting that "there is good evidence for the local domestication of barley." Yet, Gangal also notes that the crop also included "a small amount of wheat," which "are suggested to be of Near-Eastern origin, as the modern distribution of wild varieties of wheat is limited to Northern Levant and Southern Turkey.(Jarrige, J.-F. (1986). "Excavations at Mehrgarh-Nausharo". Pakistan Archaeology10 (22): 63–131; Gangal, Kavita; Sarson, Graeme R.; Shukurov, Anvar (2014). "The Near-Eastern roots of the Neolithic in South Asia"PLOS ONE9 (5):)


Section J. Makkan and meluhha in early Mesopotamian sources --IJ Gelb

I. J. Gelb
Revue d'Assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale
Vol. 64, No. 1 (1970), pp. 1-8 (8 pages)
https://www.jstor.org/stable/23294921

Makkan and Meluhha in early Mesopotamian sources (IJ Gelb, 1970)

Section K. Literary evidence about Sarasvati river in the Veda, Epics and ancient texts

See: Metaphors of Rāṣṭrī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125, signify tribute to guilds of pāñcāla, pañca jātā, 'five artisans', seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civilization 
https://tinyurl.com/yadqjo2d

-- R̥bhu-s are founders of yajña, are metaphors of material facets of Sarasvati Civilization.
-- praṇo devī sarasvatī, triṣadasthā, 'three-sourced' saptadhātuh, 'seven ores' pañca jātā, 'five artisans' vardhayantī, 'prosperer'.

I submit that Rāṣṭrī or Dev
ī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125 is a tribute to the five guilds of artisans of Sarasvati Civiliization.

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The divinities venerated in the Rāṣṭrī Suktam (RV 10.125), specifically identified are

Section 1. आदित्य, वरुण, मित्र, अश्विनी-कुमार
Section 2. आ-हनस्, त्वष्टृ, पूषन्, भग
Section 3. वसु, रुद्र, ऋभु

In this manvantara, O King, the Adityas, the Vasus, the Rudras, the Visvedevas, the Maruts, the two Asvini-kumara brothers and the Rbhus are the demigods. Their head king [Indra] is Purandara. (Srimad Bhagavatam 8.13.4)

Old Lithuanian ašva and Sanskrit ashva mean "horse". Ašvieniai are represented as pulling a carriage of Saulė (the Sun) through the sky] Ašvieniai, depicted as žirgeliai or little horses, are common motifs on Lithuanian rooftops,placed for protection of the house.Similar motifs can also be found on beehives, harnesses, bed frames, and other household objects. Ašvieniai are related to Lithuanian Ūsinis and Latvian Ūsiņš (cf. Vedic Ushas), gods of horses.
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Ašvieniai, commonly called the little horses, on the rooftop of a house in 
Nida

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Image result for Trundholm Chariot
The Sun Chariot was found by first-time ploughing on Trundholm Mose, south of Højby, in September 1902. The find dates back to the old Bronze Age, about 1400 B.C. The Sun Chariot, which is made of bronze, consists of a gold coated disc of the sun, drawn by a horse, both placed on a small six-wheeled chariot. Probably a miniature version of a larger cult chariot. The original Sun Chariot is on display at the National Museu in Copenhagen and is considered to be one of the most famous Danish national treasures.

https://www.webcitation.org/5tso8HIGS?url=http://blacktaj.homestead.com/files/documents/The_Sumerians_and_Gemini.pdf
Hamacher, Duane W. "The Sumerians and Gemini: Sumerian Astronomical Interpretations as Origins of the Divine Horse Twins and Solar Chariots in Indo-European Mythology (Unpublished manuscript)"


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Nasatya (elder ashvin) was God of Health and Darsa (younger ashvin) was God of Medicines The twins Ashwini kummaras sons of the sun god Surya. Vedic gods that represent the brightness of sunrise and sunset

The invocation of these divinities is documented in  Rāṣṭrī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125. Hence, the Rāṣṭrī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125 constitutes the centrl theme, the essence, purport and function of the R̥gveda, The divinities are manifestations of skill, artisans, seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civilization...

The Ashvins are mentioned 376 times in the Rigveda, with 57 hymns specifically dedicated to them: 1.3, 1.22, 1.34, 1.46-47, 1.112, 1.116-120 (c.f. Vishpala), 1.157-158, 1.180-184, 2.20, 3.58, 4.43-45, 5.73-78, 6.62-63, 7.67-74, 8.5, 8.8-10, 8.22, 8.26, 8.35, 8.57, 8.73, 8.85-87, 10.24, 10.39-41, 10.143. The Nasatya twins are invoked in a treaty between Suppiluliuma and Shattiwaza, kings of the Hittites and the Mitannirespectively.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A%C5%A1vieniai


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-E5xPEsP1A4 (3:29) A rendering of RV 10.125, "Devī Suktam"
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Sāyaṇa/Wilson translation RV 10.125 

10.125.01 I proceed with the Rudras, with the Vasus, with the ādityas, and with the Viśvedevā; I support both Mitra and Varuṇa, Agni and Indra, and the two Aśvins.[Deity Pramātmā: the word, or first of creatures].
10.125.02 I support the foe-destroying Soma, Tvaṣṭā, Pūṣan and Bhaga; I bestow wealth upon the institutor of the rite offering the oblation, deserving of careful protection, pouring forth the libation.
10.125.03 I am the sovereign queen, the collectress of treasures, cognizant (of the Supreme Being), the chief of objects of worship; as such the gods have put me in many places, abiding in manifold conditions, entering into numerous (forms. 
10.125.04 He who eats food (eats) through me; he who sees, who breathes, who hears what is spoken, does so through me; those who are ignorant of me perish; hear you who have hearing, I tell that which is deserving of belief. 
10.125.05 I verily of myself declare this which is approved of by both gods and men; whomsoever I will, I render formidable, I make him a Brahmā, a r̥ṣi, or a sage. [A Brahman: Brahmā, the creator].
10.125.06 I bend the bow of Rudra, to slay the destructive enemy of the Brāhmaṇa-s, I wage war with (hostile) men. I pervade heaven and earth.
10.125.07 I bring forth the paternal (heaven) upon the brow of this (Supreme Being), my birthplace is in the midst of the waters; from thence I spread through all beings, and touch this heaven with my body. 
10.125.08 I breathe forth like the wind giving form to all created worlds; beyond the heaven, beyond this earth (am I), so vast am I in greatness.

Griffith translation RV 10.125

1. I TRAVEL with the Rudras and the Vasus, with the Adityas and AllGods- I wander.
I hold aloft both Varuna and Mitra, Indra and Agni, and the Pair of Asvins.
2 I cherish and sustain highswelling- Soma, and Tvastar I support, Pusan, and Bhaga.
I load with wealth the zealous sdcrificer who pours the juice and offers his oblation
3 I am the Queen, the gathererup- of treasures, most thoughtful, first of those who merit worship.
Thus Gods have stablished me in many places with many homes to enter and abide in.
4 Through me alone all eat the food that feeds them, each man who sees, brewhes, hears the word
outspoken
They know it not, but yet they dwell beside me. Hear, one and all, the truth as I declare it.
5 1, verily, myself announce and utter the word that Gods and men alike shall welcome.
I make the man I love exceeding mighty, make him a sage, a Rsi, and a Brahman.
6 I bend the bow for Rudra that his arrow may strike and slay the hater of devotion.
I rouse and order battle for the people, and I have penetrated Earth and Heaven.
7 On the worlds' summit I bring forth the Father: my home is in the waters, in the ocean.
Thence I extend over all existing creatures, and touch even yonder heaven with my forehead.
8 I breathe a strong breath like the wind and tempest, the while I hold together all existence.
Beyond this wide earth and beyond the heavens I have become so mighty in my grandeur.

आ-हनस्, त्वष्टृ, पूषन्, भग

-हनस् obscene , lascivious , profligate RV. v , 42 , 13 ; x , 10 , 6. 8; mfn. to be beaten or pressed out (as सोम) (Monier-Williams) आहन्   āhan आहन् 2 P. 1 To strike, hit, beat; कुट्टिममाजघान K. 1; परस्य शिर आहन्ति Sk; Ś.7.17; दुर्जयान् करिणः ... आहन्यात् Kām.19.6; said to be Ātm. when the object is some limb of one's own body; आहते शिरः; but cf. आजघ्ने विषमविलोचनस्य वक्षः Ki.17.63; so आहध्वं मा रघूत्तमम्; Bk.8.15,5.12 (see Sk. on P.I.3.28 also). -2 To strike, ring, beat (as a bell, drum &c.) तुमुलकलनिनादं तूर्यमाजध्नुरन्ये Bk.1.27,17.7; Me.68; R.17.11. -3 To kill, slaughter. आहत āhata आहत p. p. 1 Struck, beaten (as a drum &c.); हदये दिग्धशरैरिवाहतः Ku.4.25,3; R.4.23,12.77. -2 Trodden; पादाहतं यदुत्थाय मूर्धानमधिरोहति Śi.2.46; गजदन्ता- हता वृक्षाः Rām. -3 Injured, killed. -4 Dispelled, des- troyed, removed. -5 Multiplied (in Math.) सूर्याब्धि- संख्यया द्वित्रिसागरैरयुताहतैः Sūrya Ś.; एकैकमब्देषु नवाहतेषु Bṛi. S.8.22. -5 Known, understood. -6 Rolled (as dice). -7 Uttered falsely. -तः A drum. -तम् 1 A new cloth or garment. -2 An old garment. -3 A nonsensical or meaningless speech, an assertion of impossibility; e. g. एष वन्ध्यासुतो याति Śubhāṣ. -Comp. -लक्षण a. = आहितलक्षण q. v. under आधा.आहतिः   āhatiḥ आहतिः f. 1 Killing. -2 A blow, hit, striking. -3 Coming (आगति). -4 Multiplication; अंशाहतिच्छेदवधेन भक्ता Līlā.आहत्य   āhatya आहत्य ind. Having struck or beaten; striking, hitting. -वचनम्, -वादः An explicit or energetic explanation.आहननम्   āhananam आहननम् 1 Striking at, beating. -2 A stick. (for beating a drum). Av.2.133.1.आहननीय   āhananīya आहननीय a. Making oneself known by beating a drum. आहनस्   āhanas आहनस् a. [आ-हन्-असुन्] 1 To be beaten or pressed out (as Soma). -2 Unchaste, wanton, profligate; य आहना दुहितुर्वक्षणासु Rv.5.42.13.(Apte)

RV 10.10. 
6 Who knows that earliest day whereof thou speakest? Who hatb beheld it? Who can here declare it?Image may be NSFW.
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Great is the Law of Varuna and Mitra. What, wanton! wilt thou say to men to tempt them?

RV 10.10.8 They stand not still, they never close their eyelids, those sentinels of Gods who wander round us.
Not mego- quickly, wanton, with another, and hasten like a chariot wheel to meet him.

RV 5.42.13 My newest song, thought that now springs within me, I offer to the Great, the Sure Protector,
Who made for us this All, in fond love laying each varied form within his Daughters' bosom.

-हनस् mfn. to be beaten or pressed out (as सोम); to be skimmed (as milk) RV. The expression अहं सोममाहनसं is significant in providing a lead to the nature of the product, soma. A remarkable expression yields the early avocation of the soma presser. The expression is: ahan-gār अहन्-गार् (= ) m. a blacksmith (H. xii, 16) (Kashmiri) P آهن āhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهن ګران āhan-garānآهن ربا āhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهن رباوي āhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنهپنه aos-panaʿh, s.f. (3rd) Iron. Also used as an adjective to qualify another noun, signifying, Iron-like, hard. Pl. يْ eyاوسپنخړيَ aos-panḵẖaṟṟaey, s.m. (1st) The dross of iron left after melting. Pl. يِ ī.(Pashto) The Pashto expression aos-pana is cognate of R̥gveda word ayas 'alloy metal' aya 'iron' (Gujarati) अयस् steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]); n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10; gold. The word āhan <अशन् m. (connected with √ अश्) ([only /अश्ना (instr.) and /अश्नस् , perhaps better derived from /अश्मन् q.v. , cf. Whitney's Gr. 425 e]) , stone , rock RV. x , 68 , 8; a stone for slinging , missile stone RV. ii , 30 , 4 and iv , 28 , 5; ( NBD. ) the firmament RV. i , 164 , i ; 173 , 2 ; x , 27 , 15 [in the first two of these three passages the form /अश्नस् has before been taken as nom. sg. m.fr. 1. अश्न q.v.]; अश्न m. (cf. /अशन्) , a stone RV. viii , 2 , 2. The early association of stone with a thunderbolt yields the term अशनी f. = अश्/अनि , the thunderbolt S3Br. xi (voc.R. iii , 35 , 40.

त्वष्टृ m. a carpenter , maker of carriages (= त्/अष्टृ) AV. xii , 3 , 33; " creator of living beings " , the heavenly builder , N. of a god (called सु-क्/ऋत् , -पाण्/ , -ग्/अभस्ति , -ज्/अनिमन् , स्व्-/अपस् , अप्/असाम् अप्/अस्तम , विश्व्/-रूप &c RV. ; maker of divine implements , esp. of इन्द्र's thunderbolt and teacher of the ऋभुs i , iv-vi , x Hariv. 12146 f. R. ii , 91 , 12 ; former of the bodies of men and animals , hence called " firstborn " and invoked for the sake of offspring , esp. in the आप्री hymns RV. AV. &c MBh. iv , 1178 Hariv. 587 ff. Ragh. vi , 32 ; associated with the similar deities धातृ , सवितृ , प्रजा-पति , पूषन् , and surrounded by divine females [ग्न्/आस् , जन्/अयस् , देव्/आनाम् प्/अत्नीस् ; cf. त्व्/अष्टा-व्/अरूत्री] recipients of his generative energy RV. S3Br. i Ka1tyS3r. iii ; supposed author of RV. x , 184 with the epithet गर्भ-पति RAnukr. ; father of सरण्यू [सु-रेणु Hariv. ; स्व-रेणु L. ] whose double twin-children by विवस्वत् [or वायु ? RV. viii , 26 , 21 f.] are यमयमी and the अश्विन्s x , 17 , 1 f. Nir. xii , 10 Br2ih. Hariv. 545 ff. VP. ; also father of त्रि-शिरस् or विश्वरूप ib. ; overpowered by इन्द्र who recovers the सोम [ RV. iii f. ] concealed by him because इन्द्र had killed his son विश्व-रूप TS. ii S3Br. i , v , xii ; regent of the नक्षत्र चित्रा TBr.S3a1n3khGr2. S3a1ntik. VarBr2S. iic , 4 ; of the 5th cycle of Jupiter viii , 23 ; of an eclipse iii , 6 ; त्वष्टुर् आतिथ्य N. of a सामन् A1rshBr. ); a form of the sun MBh. iii , 146 Hariv. 13143 BhP. iii , 6 , 15;name of an आदित्य MBh. i Hariv. BhP. vi , 6 , 37 VP. i , 15 , 130 ; ii , 10 , 16; name of a रुद्र , i , 15 , 122.

पूषन् m. (the  not lengthened in the strong cases , but acc. °षाणम् , in Ma1rkP. ) N. of a Vedic deity (originally connected with the sun , and therefore the surveyor of all things , and the conductor on journeys and on the way to the next world , often associated with सोम or the Moon as protector of the universe ; he is , moreover , regarded as the keeper of flocks and herds and bringer of prosperity ; in the ब्राह्मणs he is represented as having lost his teeth and feeding on a kind of gruel , whence he is called करम्भा*द् ; in later times he is one of the 12 आदित्यs and regent of the नक्षत्र रेवती or पौष्ण ;du. " पूषन् 
and अर्यमन् " VP. Sch.)

भग m. (ifc. f( and ). g. बह्व्-ादि) " dispenser " , gracious lord , patron (applied to gods , esp. to सवितृ) RV. AV.; N. of an आदित्य (bestowing wealth and presiding over love and marriage , brother of the Dawn , regent of the नक्षत्र उत्तर-फल्गुनी ; यास्क enumerates him among the divinities of the highest sphere ; according to a later legend his eyes were destroyed by रुद्र) ib. &c; the नक्षत्र उत्तर-फल्गुनी MBh. vi , 81; mn. = यत्न , प्रयत्न , कीर्ति , यशस् , वैराग्य , इच्छा , ज्ञान , मुक्ति , मोक्ष , 
धर्म , श्री L. [cf. Zd. bagha = Old Pers. baga ; Slav. bogu8 , bogatu8 ; Lith.bago4tas , na-ba4gas.]


वसु, रुद्र, ऋभु

वसु  a symbolical N. of the number " eight " VarBr2S.; N. of the gods (as the " good or bright ones " , esp. of the आदित्यs , मरुत्s , अश्विन्s , इन्द्र , उषस् , रुद्र , वायु , विष्णु , शिव , and कुबेर) RV. AV. MBh. R.; of a partic. class of gods (whose number is usually eight , and whose chief is इन्द्र , later अग्नि and विष्णु ; they form one of the nine गणs or classes enumerated under गण-देवता q.v. ; the eight वसुs were originally personifications , like other Vedic deities , of natural phenomena , and are usually mentioned with the other गणs common in the वेद , viz. the eleven रुद्रs and the twelve आदित्यs , constituting with them and with द्यौस् , " Heaven " , and पृथिवी , " Earth " [or , according to some , with इन्द्र and प्रजा-पति , or , according to others , with the two अश्विन्s] , the thirty-three gods to which reference is frequently made ; the names of the वसुs , according to the विष्णु-पुराण , are , 1. आप [connected with अप् , " water "] ; 2. ध्रुव , " the Pole-star " ; 3. सोम , " the Moon " ; 4. धव or धर ; 5. अनिल , " Wind " ; 6. अनल or पावक , " Fire " ; 7. प्रत्यूष , " the Dawn " ; 8. प्रभास , " Light " ; but their names are variously given ; अहन् , " Day " , being sometimes substituted for 1 ; in their relationship to Fire and Light they appear to belong to Vedic rather than Puranic mythology) RV. &c. The hieroglyph, homonymous (similar sounding word) which signifies the thunderbolt is: श्येन m. a hawk , falcon , eagle , any bird of prey (esp. the eagle that brings down सोम to man) RV. &c; firewood laid in the shape of an eagle S3ulbas.; श्यैन mfn. coming from a hawk &c (» श्येन).

रुद्र m. N. of the number " eleven " (from the 11 रुद्रs) VarBr2S.; m. " Roarer or Howler " , N. of the god of tempests and father and ruler of the रुद्रs and मरुत्s (in the वेद he is closely connected with इन्द्र and still more with अग्नि , the god of fire , which , as a destroying agent , rages and crackles like the roaring storm , and also with काल or Time the all-consumer , with whom he is afterwards identified ; though generally represented as a destroying deity , whose terrible shafts bring death or disease on men and cattle , he has also the epithet शिव , " benevolent " or " auspicious " , and is even supposed to possess healing powers from his chasing away vapours and purifying the atmosphere ; in the later mythology the word शिव , which does not occur as a name in the वेद , was employed , first as an euphemistic epithet and then as a real name for रुद्र , who lost his special connection with storms and developed into a form of the disintegrating and reintegrating principle ; while a new class of beings , described as eleven [or thirty-three] in number , though still called रुद्रs , took the place of the original रुद्रs or मरुत्s: in VP. i , 7, रुद्र is said to have sprung from ब्रह्मा's forehead , and to have afterwards separated himself into a figure half male and half female , the former portion separating again into the 11 रुद्रs , hence these later रुद्रs are sometimes regarded as inferior manifestations of शिव , and most of their names , which are variously given in the different पुराणs , are also names of शिव ; those of the Va1yuP. are अजैकपाद् , अहिर्-बुध्न्य , हर , निरृत , ईश्वर , भुवन , अङ्गारक , अर्ध-केतु , मृत्यु , सर्प , कपालिन् ; accord. to others the रुद्रs are represented as children of कश्यप and सुरभि or of ब्रह्मा and सुरभि or of भूतand सु-रूपा ; accord. to VP. i , 8, रुद्र is one of the 8 forms of शिव ; elsewhere he is reckoned among the दिक्-पालs as regent of the north-east quarter) RV. &c (cf.RTL. 75 &c )

ऋभु R̥bhu mfn. ( √रभ्) , clever , skilful , inventive , prudent (said of इन्द्र , अग्नि , and the आदित्यs RV. ; also of property or wealth RV. iv , 37 , 5 ; viii , 93 , 34 ; of an arrow AV. i , 2 , 3)

I submit that त्वष्टृवसुरुद्रऋभु are metaphors in Chandas in the context of wealth of a nation. Hence, the use of the central phrase: Rāṣṭram personified, deified as fem. Rāṣṭrī in R̥gveda 10.125 with the expression rendered in a soliloquy: 

अहं राष्ट्री संगमनी वसूनां चिकितुषी प्रथमा यज्ञियानाम्  तां मा देवा व्यदधुः पुरुत्रा भूरिस्थात्रां भूर्यावेशयन्तीम्   

This राष्ट्री, 'nation' divinity of the Suktam makes an offering to Devatā ātmā. 

Devatā ātmā invoked in these mantra-s of R̥gveda 10.125 are an invocation of principle of life and sensation. In my view, this is a tribute to life activities of people engaged in producing, acquiring wealth for the nation to be shared as a commonwealth with all the peoples. 


Since Indus Script Hypertexts in over 8000 inscriptions are wealth accounting ledgers, metalworking catalogues, I suggest that the narrative of these inscriptions constitute the quintessence of the Rāṣṭrī suktam (RV 10.125) which categorically states that I am the Rāṣṭram, the collectress, mover of wealth. 

In the context of life activities, the devatā of the Suktam is ātmā, 'life principle and sensation' which is epitomised in the activities of artisans and seafaring Meluhha merchants engaged in creating the wealth of a Nation, Rāṣṭram. 

Descriptors which are perceptions in awe of the might of a river

Sarasvati, the Mother of Floods

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7.36: 1. LET the prayer issue from the seat of Order, for Surya with his beams hath loosed the cattle. With lofty ridges earth is far extended, and Agnis' flame hath lit the spacious surface.
2 O Asuras, O Varuna and Mitra, this hymn to you, like food, anew I offer. One of you is a strong unerring Leader, and Mitra, speaking, stirreth men to labour.
3 The movements of the gliding wind come hither: like cows, the springs are filled to overflowing. Born in the station even of lofty heaven the Bull hath loudly bellowed in this region.
4 May I bring hither with my song, O Indra, wise Aryaman who yokes thy dear Bay Horses, Voracious, with thy noble car, O Hero, him who defeats the wrath of the malicious.
5 In their own place of sacrifice adorers worship to gain long life and win his friendship.He hath poured food on men when they have praised him; be this, the dearest reverence, paid to Rudra.
6 Coming together, glorious, loudly roaring - SarasvatiMother of Floods, the seventh-With copious milk, with fair streams, strongly flowing, full swelling with the volume of theirwater;
7. And may the mighty Maruts, too, rejoicing, aid our devotion and protect our offspring.Let not swiftmoving- Aksara neglect us: they have increased our own appropriate riches,
8 Bring ye the great Aramati before you, and Pusan as the Hero of the synod,Bhaga who looks upon this hymn with favour, and, as our strength, the bountiful Purandbi.
9 May this our song of praise reach you, O Maruts, and Visnu guardian of the future infant.May they vouchsafe the singer strength for offspring. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.
( In the original, the plurals are juxtaposed with the singular sarasvatī saptathī sindhu-mātā. The notion of ‘seven mother rivers’ implicit in ‘the seventh mother river’ makes the transition possible.) See  Aklujkar section §3.7 for “Mother of Floods, the seventh.” 

sarasvatī the seventh (RV 7.36.6), naditama (RV 2.41.16), sindhumātā, mother of rivers (RV 7.36.6), seven mighty rivers that seek he sea (RV 1.71.7), swells with rivers (RV 6.52.6), two sapta sindhavah (RV 8.54.4), associates named dr̥ṣadvati, āpayā (RV 3.23.4), with kings on her banks (RV 8.21.18), in the mountains (RV 7.95.2), samudra, gatherer of the waters (RV 7.95.2), surpasses all other rivers in majesty and might (RV 7.95.2), fierce (RV 6.62.7), swifter than other streams (RV 6.61.13), its tempestuous roar (RV 6.61.8), bursts ridges with strong waves (RV 6.61.2), three-fold source for its spring (RV 6.61.12), prosperer of five peoples (RV 6.61.12),  seven rivers joining in number (RV 6.61.12), sapta svasa, 'seven-sistered' (RV 6.61.10).

பஞ்சகம்மாளர் pañca-kammāḷar, n. < pañcan +. The five castes of artisans, viz., taṭṭāṉ, kaṉṉāṉ, ciṟpaṉ, taccaṉ, kollaṉ; தட்டான், கன்னான், சிற்பன், தச்சன் கொல்லன் என்ற ஐவகைப் பட்ட கம்மாளர். (சங். அக.)  பஞ்சகம்மியர் pañca-kammiyar, n. < id. +. The five castes of artisans; பஞ்சகம்மாளர். (சிற்பரத். முகவுரை, பக். 10.)




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5.46.1-4: 1. WELL knowing I have bound me, horselike, to the pole: I carry that which bears as on and gives us help. I seek for no release, no turning back therefrom. May he who knows the way, the Leader, guide me straight.
2 O AgniIndraVaruna, and Mitra, give, O ye Gods, and Marut host, and Visnu. May both NasatyasRudra, heavenly MatronsPusanSarasvatiBhaga, accept us.
Indra and AgniMitraVarunaAditi, the WatersMountainsMarutsSky, and Earth and Heaven, Visnu I call, Pusan, and Brahmanaspati, and BhagaSamsaSavitar that they may help.
4 May Visnu also and Vata who injures none, and Soma granter of possessions give us joy; And may the Rbhus and the AsvinsTvastar and Vibhvan remember us so that we may have wealth.

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6.61:1. To Vadhryasva when. be worshipped her with gifts she gave fierce Divodasa, canceller of debts.
Consumer of the churlish niggard, one and all, thine, O Sarasvati, are these effectual boons. 

2 She with her might, like one who digs for lotusstems-, hath burst with her strong waves the ridges of the hills. Let us invite with songs and holy hymns for help Sarasvati who slayeth the Paravatas.
3 Thou castest down, Sarasvati, those who scorned the Gods, the brood of every Brsaya skilled in
magic arts.Thou hast discovered rivers for the tribes of men, and, rich in wealth! made poison flow away from them.
4 May the divine Sarasvati, rich in her wealth, protect us well, Furthering all our thoughts with might
5 Whoso, divine Sarasvati, invokes thee where the prize is set, Like Indra when he smites the foe.
6 Aid us, divine Sarasvad, thou who art strong in wealth and power Like Pusan, give us opulence.
7 Yea, this divine Sarasvati, terrible with her golden path, Foeslayer-, claims our eulogy.
8 Whose limitless unbroken flood, swiftmoving- with a rapid rush, Comes onward with tempestuous roar.
9 She hath spread us beyond all foes, beyond her Sisters, Holy One, As Surya spreadeth out the days.
10 Yea, she most dear amid dear stream, Seven sistered-, graciously inclined, Sarasvati hath earned our praise.
11 Guard us from hate Sarasvati, she who hath filled the realms of earth, And that wide tract, the firmament!
12 Seven sistered-, sprung from threefold source, the Five Tribes' prosperer, she must be Invoked in every deed of might.
13 Marked out by majesty among the Mighty Ones, in glory swifter than the other rapid Streams,
Created vast for victory like a chariot, Sarasvati must be extolled by every sage.
14 Guide us, Sarasvati, to glorious treasure: refuse us not thy milk, nor spurn us from thee.
Gladly accept our friendship and obedience: let us not go from thee to distant countries.

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10.64.1-17: 1. WHAT God, of those who hear, is he whose wellpraised- name we may record in this our sacrifice;and how?Who will be gracious? Who of many give us bliss? Who out of all the Host will come to lend us aid?
2 The will and thoughts within my breast exert their power: they yearn with love, and fly to all the regions round.None other comforter is found save only these: my longings and my hopes are fixt upon the Gods.
3 To Narasamsa and to Pusan I sing forth, unconcealable Agni kindied by the Gods. To Sun and Moon, two Moons, to Yama in the heaven, to TritaVata, Dawn, Night, and the AtvinsTwain.
4 How is the Sage extolled whom the loud singers praise? What voice, what hymn is used to laud Brhaspati? May AjaEkapad- with Rkvans swift to hear, and Ahi of the Deep listen unto our call.
Aditi, to the birth of Daksa and the vow thou summonest the Kings Mitra and Varuna. With course unchecked, with many chariots Aryaman comes with the seven priests to tribes of varied sort.
6 May all those vigorous Coursers listen to our cry, hearers of invocation, speeding on their way; Winners of thousands where the priestly meed is won, who gather of themselves great wealth in every race.
7 Bring ye Purandbi, bring Vayu who yokes his steeds, for friendship bring ye Pusan with your songs of praise: They with one mind, one thought attend the sacrifice, urged by the favouring aid of Savitar theGod.
8 The thriceseven- wandering Rivers, yea, the mighty floods, the forest trees, the mountains, Agni to our aid,KrsanuTisya, archers to our gatheringplace-, and Rudra strong amid the Rudras we invoke. 
9 Let the great Streams come hither with their mighty help, SindhuSarasvati, and Sarayu with waves. Ye Goddess Floods, ye Mothers, animating all, promise us water rich in fatness and in balm.
10 And let Brhaddiva, the Mother, hear our call, and Tvastar, Father, with the Goddesses and Dames
RbhuksanVajaBhaga, and Rathaspati, and the sweet speech of him who labours guard us well!
11 Pleasant to look on as a dwelling rich in food is the blest favour of the MarutsRudrasSons. May we be famed among the folk for wealth in kine. and ever come to you, ye Gods, with sacred food.
12 The thought which ye, O MarutsIndra and ye Gods have given to me, and ye, Mitra and Varuna, Cause this to grow and swell like a milchcow with milk. Will ye not bear away my songs upon your car?
13 O Maruts, do ye never, never recollect and call again to mind this our relationship? When next we meet together at the central point, even there shall Aditi confirm our brotherhood.
14 The Mothers, Heaven and Earth, those mighty Goddesses, worthy of sacrifice, ecune with the race of Gods. These Two with their support uphold both Gods and men, and with the Fathers pour the copious genial stream.
15 This invocation wins all good that we desire Brhaspati, highlypraised- Aramati, are here, Even where the stone that presses meath rings loudly out, and where the sages make their voices heard with hymns.
16 Thus hath the sage, skilled in loud singers' duties, desiring riches, yearning after treasure, Gaya, the priestly singer, with his praises and hymns contented the Celestial people.
17 Thus hath the thoughtful sage the son of Plati, praised you, O Aditi and all AdityasMen are made rich by those who are Immortal: the Heavenly Folk have been extolled by Gaya.



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10.65.1-15: 1. MAY AgniIndraMitraVaruna consent, AryamanVayuPusan, and SarasvatiAdityasMarutsVisnuSoma, lofty SkyRudra and Aditi, and Brahmanaspati.
Indra and Agni, Herolords- when Vrtra fell, dwelling together, speeding emulously on, And Soma blent with oil, putting his greatness forth, have with their power filled full the mighty firmament.
3 Skilled in the Law I lift the hymn of praise to these, Lawstrengtheners-, unassailed, and great in majesty.
These in their wondrous bounty send the watery sea: may they as kindly Friends send gifts to make us great.
4 They with their might have stayed Heaven, Earth, and Prthivi, the Lord of Light, the firmament, the- lustrous spheres. Even as fleetfoot- steeds who make their masters glad, the princely Gods are praised, most bountiful to man.
5 Bring gifts to Mitra and to Varuna who, Lords of all, in spirit never fail the worshipper, Whose statute shines on high through everlasting Law, whose places of sure refuge are the heavens and earth.
6 The cow who yielding milk goes her appointed way hither to us as leader of holy rites, Speaking aloud to Varuna and the worshipper, shall with oblation serve Vivasvan and the Gods. 
7 The Gods whose tongue is Agni dwell in heaven, and sit, aiders of Law, reflecting, in the seat of Law.
They propped up heaven and then brought waters with their might, got sacrifice and in a body made
it fair.
8 Born in the oldest time, the Parents dwelling round are sharers of one mansion in the home of Law.
Bound by their common vow DyausPrthivi stream forth the moisture rich in oil to Varuna the Steer.
ParjanyaVata, mighty, senders of the rain, Indra and VayuVarunaMitraAryaman: We call on AditiAdityas, and the Gods, those who are on the earth, in waters, and in heaven.
10 Tvastar and Vāyu, those who count as Rbhus, both celestial Hotar priests-, and Dawn for happiness,
Winners of wealth, we call, and wise Brhaspati, destroyer of our foes, and Soma Indras' Friend.
11 They generated prayer, the cow, the horse, the plants, the forest trees, the earth, the waters, and the hills. These very bounteous Gods made the Sun mount to heaven, and spread the righteous laws of Aryasover the land.
12 O Asvins, ye delivered Bhujyu from distress, ye animated Syava, Vadhrmatis' son. To Vimada ye brought his consort Kamadyu, and gave his lost Visnapu back to Visvaka
13 Thunder, the lightnings' daughter, AjaEkapad-, heavens' bearer, Sindhu, and the waters of the sea:
Hear all the Gods my words, Sarasvati give ear together with Purandhi and with Holy Thoughts.
14 With Holy Thoughts and with Purandhi may all Gods, knowing the Law immortal, Manus' Holy Ones,
Boongivers-, favourers, finders of light, and Heaven, with gracious love accept my songs, my prayer, my hymn. 
15 Immortal Gods have I, Vasistha, lauded, Gods set on high above all other beings.
May they this day grant us wide space and freedom: ye Gods, preserve us evermore with blessings.
I, therefore, submit that RV 10.125 Rāṣṭrī suktam is the R̥gveda textual metaphor Chandas equivalent of the Indus Script Hypertexts rendered in Meluhha speech forms (Indian sprachbund, speech union).



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7.048.01 R.bhu, (Vibhu), and Va_ja, leaders of rites, possessors of opulence, be exhilarated by our effused (libation); may your active and powerful (horses) bring to our presence your chariot, beneficial to mankind. [r.bhuks.an.o va_jah, the use of the plural implies that the three brothers are intended].
7.048.02 Mighty with the R.bhus, opulent with the Vibhus, may we overcome by strength, the strength (of our foes); may Va_ja defend us in battle; with Indra, our ally, may we destroy the enemy. [R.bhus: r.bhur r.bhubhih vibhvo vibhubhih: r.bhu and uru = great; vibhu vibhvah = rich or powerful].
7.048.03 They verily, (Indra and R.bhus), overcome multitudes by their prowess; they overcome all enemies in the missile conflict; may Indra, Vibhvan, R.bhuks.in and Va_ja, the subduers of foes, annihilate by their wrath the strength of the enemy. [Missile: uparata_ti: upara = upala, a stone; upalaih pa_s.a_n.asadr.s'air a_yudhai ta_yate yuddham, war that is waged with weapons like stones, is uparatati].
7.048.04 Grant us, deities, this day opulence; may you all, may you all, well-pleased alike, be (ready) for our protection; may the exalted (R.bhus) bestow upon us food; and do you (all) ever cherish us with blessings. [R.bhus: vasavah = Vasus; pras'asyah, an epithet of R.bhavah].


Vṛṣākapi (वृषाकपि):—One of the Eleven Rudras (ekādaśa-rudra), according to the Agni-purāṇa. The Agni Purāṇa is a religious text containing details on Viṣṇu’s different incarnations (avatar), but also deals with various cultural subjects such as Cosmology, Grammar and Astrology.  Vṛṣākapi (वृषाकपि).—A Rudra, and a son of Bhūta and Sarūpā: Fought with Jambha in the Devāsura war.

Viṣṇu Purāa 1.5 being devoted to it, was the wife of Prabhasa, the eighth of the Vasus, and bore to him the patriarch Viswakarma, the author of a thousand arts, the mechanist of the gods, the fabricator of all ornaments, the chief of artists, the constructor of the self moving chariots of the deities, and by whose skill men obtain subsistence. AjaikapadAhirvradhna, and the wise Rudra Twashtri, were born; and the self born son of Twashtri was also the celebrated Viswarupa. There are eleven well known Rudras, lords of the three worlds, or HaraBahurupaTryambakaAparajitaVrishakapiSambhuKaparddiRaivataMrigavyadhaSarva, and Kapali 17; but there are a hundred appellations of the immeasurably mighty Rudras 18.

AtharvavedaAV 20.126

[2012601] Men have abstained from pouring juice; nor counted Indra as a God.
Where at the votary s store my friend Vrishakapi hath drunk his fill.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012602] Thou, Indra, heedless passest by the ill Vrishakapi hath wrought; Yet nowhere else thou findest place wherein to drink the Soma juice.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012603] What hath he done to injure thee, this tawny beast Vrishakapi, With whom thou art so angry now? What is the votary s food ful store? Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012604] Soon may the hound who hunts the boar seize him and bite him in the ear, O Indra, that Vrishakapi whom thou protectest as a friend.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012605] Kapi hath marred the beauteous things, all deftly wrought, that were my joy.
In pieces will I rend his head; the sinner s portion shall be woe.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012606] No dame hath ampler charms than I, or greater wealth of love s delights.
None with more ardour offers all her beauty to her lord s embrace.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012607] Mother whose love is quickly won,I say what verily will be, My breast, O mother, and my head and both my hips seem quivering Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012608] Dame with the lovely hands and arms, with broad hair plaits and ample hips, Why, O thou hero s wife, art thou angry with our Vrishakapi? Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012609] This noxious creature looks on me as one bereft of hero s love. [p. 361] Yet heroes for my sons have I, the Maruts friend and Indra s Queen Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012610] From olden time the matron goes to feast and general sacrifice.
Mother of heroes, Indra s Queen, the rite s ordainer is extolled.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012611] So have I heard Indrani called most fortunate among these dames, For never shall her Consort die in future time through length of days.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012612] Never, Indrani have I joyed without my friend Vrishakapi, Whose welcome offering here, made pure with water, goeth to the Gods.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012613] Wealthy Vrishakapayi, blest with sons and consorts of thy sons, Indra will eat thy bulls, thy dear oblation that effecteth much.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012614] Fifteen in number, then, for me a score of bullocks they prepare.
And I devour the fat thereof: they fill my belly full with food.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012615] Like as a bull with pointed horn, loud bellowing amid the herds, Sweet to thine heart, O Indra, is the brew which she who tends thee pours.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012616] Indrani speaks.
Non ille fortis (ad Venerem) est cujus mentula laxe inter femora dependet; fortis vero estille cujus, quum sederit, membrum pilosum se extendit.
Super omnia est Indra.
[2012617] Indra speaks.
Non fortis est ille cujus, quum sederit, membrum pilosum se extendit: fortis vero est ille cujus mentula laxe inter femora dependet.
Super omnia est Indra.
[2012618] O Indra, this Vrishakapi hath found a slain wild animal, Dresser, and new made pan, and knife, and wagon with a load of wood.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012619] Distinguishing the Dasa and the Arya, viewing all, I go.
I look upon the wise, and drink the simple votary s Soma juice.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012620] The desert plains and steep descents, how many leagues in length they spread! Go to the nearest houses, go unto thine home, Vrishakapi.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012621] Turn thee again Vrishakapi; we twain will bring thee happiness.
Thou goest homeward on thy way along this path which leads to sleep.
Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012622] When, Indra and Vrishakapi, ye travelled upward to your home, Where was that noisome beast, to whom went it, the beast that troubles man? Supreme is Indra over all.
[2012623] Daughter of ManuParsu bare a score of children at a birth. [p. 362] Her portion verily was bliss although her burthen caused her grief.
[p. 363]
The legend of vr̥ṣākapi The legend appears in R̥gVeda X.86 which is not an easy hymn to understand. Tilak (1893) gives a long verse by verse discussion of this hymn and concludes that the import of the legend can be understood by taking vr̥ṣākapi to represent the sun at vernal equinox when the dog star started the equinoctial year. Again Tilak interpreted this to mean vernal equinox occurring at Orion. However, it is our opinion that this legend also refers to the same event namely the equinoctical year with the Dog star and is illustrated by the figure 8.
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1.020.01 This hymn, the bestower of riches, has been addressed by the sages, with their own mouths, to the (class of) divinities having birth (lit. to the divine or brilliant birth; e.g. R.bhus--R.bhu, Vibhu and Va_ja were pious men, who through penance became divinities). [deva_ya janmane: lit. to the divine or brilliant birth; janmane: ja_yama_na_ya, being born, or having birth; deva_ya: deva-san:gha_ya, a class of divinities, R.bhus who achieved deification: manus.ya_h santastapasa_ devatvam pra_pta_h. R.bhus were three sons of Sudhanvan, a descendant of An:giras. Through their good work (svapas = su-apas), they became divine, exercised superhuman powers and became entitled to receive praise and adoration. They dwell in the solar sphere, identified with the rays of the sun].
1.020.02 They who created mentally for Indra the horses that are harnessed (carved) at his words, have partaken of the sacrifice performed with holy acts. (s'ami_bhih = ceremonies; i.e. they have pervaded, appropriated or accepted the sacrifice peformed with tongs, ladles, and utensils; an intimation of the mechanical skills of R.bhu). [grahacamasa_dinis'pa_danaru_paih karmabhir, yajn~am, asmadi_yam a_s'ata (vya_ptavantah): they have pervaded (or accepted) our sacrifice, performed with those acts which are executed by means of tongs, ladles, and other (utensils used in oblations). R.bhus invented these implements, and attest to their mechanical skills].
1.020.03 They constructed for the Na_satya_s, a universally-moving and easy car, and a cow yielding milk. (taks.an = ataks.an, lit. they (R.bhus) chipped or fabricated, mechanically, the appendages of Indra and As'vin). [They carved (tataks.uh) Indar's horse; they did it mentally (ma_nasa)].
1.020.04 The R.bhus, uttering unfailing prayers, endowed with rectitude, and succeeding (in all pious acts; vis.t.i_ = vya_ptiyuktah, i.e. encountering no opposition in all acts), made their (aged) parents young. [satya-mantra_h = repeating true prayers, i.e. prayers certain to achieve the objects prayed for; akrata: fr. kr., to make generally].
1.020.05 R.bhus, the exhilarating juices are offered to you, along with Indra, attended by the Maruts and along with the brilliang A_dityas. [Libations offered at the third daily, or evening sacrifice, are presented to Indra, along with the A_dityas, together with R.bhu, Vibhu and Va_ja, with Br.haspati and the Vis'vedeva_s (A_s'vala_yana S'rauta Su_tra, 5.3)].
1.020.06 The R.bhus have divided unto four the new ladle, the work of the divine Tvas.t.a_ (i.e. devasambandhih taks.ana.vya_pa_rah = divinity whose duty in relations to gods is carpentry; cf. tvas.t.a_ tvas.t.uh s'is.ya_h R.bhavah = R.bhus are the disciples of Tvas.t.a_; four ladles are an apparent reference to an innovation in the objects of libation for sharing). [Tvas.t.a_ is the artisan of the gods; he is a divinity whose duty is carpentry, with relation to the gods].
1.020.07 May they, moved by our praises, give to the offere of the libation many precious things, and perfect the thrice seven sacrifices [i.e. seven sacrifices in each of three classes: agnya_dheyam (clarified butter), pa_kayajn~a (dressed viands), agnis.t.oma (soma)]. [Trira_ sa_pta_ni: trih may be applied to precious things to sa_pta_ni, seven sacrifices].
1.020.08 Offerers (of sacrifices), they held (a moral existence); by their pious acts they obtained a share of sacrifices with the gods. [a_dha_rayanta = they held or enjoyed (pra_n.a_n, i.e. vital airs, life)] [marta_sah santo amr.tatvam anas'uh: beyong mortals, they obtained immprtality (RV. 1.110.4); saudhanvana_ yajn~iyam bha_gam a_nas'a: by the son of Sudhanvan was a sacrificial portion acquired (RV. 1.60.1); r.bhavo vai deves.u tapasa_ somapi_tham abhyajayan: r.bhus won by devotion the drinking of Soma among the gods (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 3.30)].
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1.110.01 R.bhus, the rite formerly celebrated by me is again repeated, and the melodious hymn is recited in your praise; in this ceremony, the Soma is sufficient for all the gods; drink of it to your utmost content when offered on the fire.
1.110.02 When, R.bhus, you who are amongst my ancestors, yet immature (in wisdom), but desirous of enjoying (the Soma libations), retired to the forest to perform (penance), then, sons of Sudhanvan, throught he plenitude of your completed (devotions), you came to the (sacrificial) hall of the worshipper Savita_. [r.bhurvibhva_ va_ja iti sudhanvana a_n:girasasya trayah putra_h babhu_vuh (Nirukta 11.16): Sudhanvan, father of the R.bhus, was a descendant of An:giras; so is Kutsa; pra_n~cah = pu_rva ka_li_na, of a former period; Kutsa is a kinsman of R.bhus of a former period].
1.110.03 Then Savita_ bestowed upon you immortality, when you came to him, who is not to be concealed, and representd (your desire) to partake of the libations; and that ladle for the sacrificial viands which the Asura had formed single, you made fourfold. [Who is not to be concealed: In the previous hymn, Savita_ (fr. su, to offer oblations) perhaps refers to the presenter of oblations; in this hymn, the sun is alluded to].
1.110.04 Associated with the priests, and quickly performing the holy rites, they, being yet mortals, acquired immortality and the son of Sudhanvan, the R.bhus, brilliant as the sun, became connected with the ceremonies (appropriated to the different season) of the year.
1.110.05 Lauded by the bystanders, the R.bhus, with a sharp weapon, meted out the single sacrificial ladle, like a field (measured by a rod), soliciting the best (libations) and desiring (to participate of) sacrificial food amongs thte gods.
6 To the leaders (of the sacrifice), dwelling in the firmament, we present, as with a ladle, the appointed clarified butter, and praise with knowledge those R.bhus, who, having equalled the velocityof the protector (of the universe, the sun), ascended to the region of heaven, through (the offerings) of (sacrificial) food. [nr.bhyah = yajn~asya netr.bhyah; r.bhavo hi yajn~asya neta_rah: 'the r.bhus are the leaders of the sacrifice'; because of this position, they obtained immortality; the term is perhaps connected with antariks.asya, to the chief of the firmament; r.bhus also identified with the solar rays (a_dityaras'mayo api r.bhava ucyanti: the r.bhus are, indeed, said to be the rays of the sun].
1.110.07 The most excellent R.bhu is in strength our defender; R.bhu, through gifts of food and of wealth, is our asylum; may he bestow them upon us, Gods, through your protection; may we, upon a favourable occasion, overcome the hosts of those who offer no libations.
1.110.08 R.bhus, you covered the cow with a hide, and reunited themother with the calf; sons of Sudhanvan, leaders (of sacrifice), through your good works you rendered your aged parents young. [Legend: a r.s.i, whose cow had died, leaving a calf prayed to the r.bhus for assistance, on which, they formed a living cow, and covered it with the skin of the dead one, from which the calf imagined it to be its own mother].
1.110.09 Indra, associated with the R.bhus, supply us, in the distribution of viands, with food, and consent to bestow upon us wonderful riches; and may Mitra, Varun.a, Aditi--ocean, earth, and heaven, preserve them fo rus. [alternative: va_jebhir no va_jasa_tau aviddhi = protect us in battle with your horses].



1.161.01 Is this our senior or our junior who has come (to us); has he come upon a message (from the gods); what is it we should say? Agni,brother, we revile not the ladle which is of exalted race; verily we assert the dignity of the wooden (implement). [The legend: the three R.bhus were engaged in a sacrifice and about to drink the Soma; the gods sent Agni to see what they were doing. Agni noticed that they resembled each other; Agni assumed a like form. The hymn refers to this form, calling him brother, and questionign his comparative age. The next hymn states the purpose of Agni's visit is to order the conversion of one spoon or ladle, camasa, used for drinking Soma, or for libations, into four spoons].
1.161.02 Make fourfold the single ladle; so the gods command you; and for that purpose have I come, sons of Sudhanvan; if you accomplish this, you will be entitled to sacrifices along with the gods.
1.161.03 Then said they, in answer to Agni, the messenger (of the gods). Whatever is to be done, whether a horse is to be made, or a car is to be made, or a cow is to be made, or the two (old parents) are to be made young, having done all these (acts), Brother Agni, we are then ready to do (what you desire) to be done. [cf. su_ktas 20, 110 and 111 which relate the marvels of the R.bhus].
1.161.04 So doing R.bhus, you inquired: where, indeed, is he who came to us as a messenger? When Tvas.t.a_ observed the one ladle become four, he was immediately lost amongst the women. [gna_su antarnya_naje; the verb is explained: nyakto abhu_t; the combination of ni and anj is perhaps the converse of vyan~j, to be manifest, i.e. to be concealed, indistinct, or invisible. gna_ = stri_ (mena gna_ iti stri_n.a_m--Nirukta 3.21); str.yam a_tma_nam amanyata = he, Tvas.t.a_, fancied himself; woman, that is, he felt humbled, as feeble as a female].
1.161.05 When Tvas.t.a_ said: let us slay those who have profaned the ladle, (designed) for the drinking of the gods; then they made use of other names for one another as the libation was poured out; and the maiden (mother) propitiated them by different appellations. [Then they made us of other names: a legend accounts for the origin of the names of the chief officiating priests; to evade the indignation of Tvas.t.a_, the R.bhus assumed the titles: adhvaryu, hota_ and udgata_;an individual engaged in priestly functions at a sacrifice is to be always addressed by these titles, and never by his own name; propitiated them by different appellations: anyair ena_n kanya_ na_mabhih sparat: kanya_ = svotpa_dayitri_ ma_ta_, a mother self-engendering].
1.161.06 Indra has caparisoned his horses; the As'vins have harnessed their car; Br.haspati has accepted the omniform (cow); therefore, R.bhu, Vibhva and Va_ja, go the gods, doers of good deeds, enjoy your sacrificial portion.
1.161.07 Sons of Sudhanvan, from a hideless (cow) you have formed a living one; by your marvellous acts you have made your aged parents young; from one horse you have fabricated another; harness now your chariot, and repair unto the gods.
1.161.08 They, (the gods), have said, sons of Sudhanvan, drink of this water, (the Soma); or drink that which has been filtered through the mun~ja grass; or, if you be pleased with neither of these, be exhilarated (by that which is drunk) at the third (daily) sacrifice. [R.bhus may be participants of the libations offered at dawn or at noon; the right of the R.bhus to share in the third, or evening sacrifice is always acknowledged].
1.161.09 Waters are the most excellent said one (of them). Agni is that most excellent, said another; the third declared to many the Earth (to be the most excellent), and thus speaking true things the R.bhus divided the ladle. [The earth: vardhayanti_m = a line of clouds or the earth: vadhah arkah (Nirukta 2.20.7)].
1.161.10 One pours the red water (the blood) upon the ground; one cuts the flesh, divided into fragments by the chopper; and a third seperates the excrement from the other parts; in what manner may the parents (of the sacrifice) render assistance to their sons? [The R.bhus are identified with the priests employed in the sacrifice of a victim; the parents of the sacrifice: the parents pitr.s, = the institutor of the ceremony and his wife].
1.161.11 R.bhus, leaders (of the rains), you have caused the grass to grow upon the high places; you have caused the waters to flow over the low places; for (the promotion of) good works; as you have reposed for a while in the dwelling of the unapprehensible (Sun), so desist not today from (the discharge of) this (your function). [R.bhus are identified in this and following hymns with the rays of the sun, as the instruments of the rain and the causes of fertility; a_dityaras'mayo api r.bhava ucyante: (Nirukta 11.16); unapprehensible Sun: agohyasya gr.he: agohya = a name of the sun (Nirukta); who is not to be hidden, aguhani_ya;or, agrahan.i_ya, not to be apprehended, literally or metaphorically; so desist not: idam na_nugacchatha; anusr.tya na gacchatha, having come forth, go not away without doing this,idam, your office of sending down rain for as long a period as you repose in the solar orb; a truism is explained in Nirukta: ya_vat tatra bhavatha na ta_vadiha bhavatha, as long as you are there, you are not here].
1.161.12 As you glide along enveloping the regions (in clouds); where, then, are the parents (of the world)? curse him who arrests your arm; reply sternly to him who speaks disrespectfully (to you). [The parents of the world: the sun and the moon, the protectors of the world, which, during the rains, are hidden by the clouds; who speaks disrespectfully:  yah pra_bravi_t pra tasma_ abravi_tana: pra prefixed to bru_ = either to speak harshly or kindly, to censure or to praise].
1.161.13 R.bhus, reposing in the solar orb, you inquire: who awakens us, unapprehensive (Sun), to this office (of sending rain). The Sun replies: the awakener is the wind; and the year (being ended), you again today light up this (world). [The awakener is the wind: s'va_nam bodhayita_ram = the awakener is the dog; but, s'va_nam = antarks.e svasantam va_yum, the reposer in the firmament, the wind; sam.vatsare idam adya_ vyakhyata, you have made this world today luminous, after the year has expired; i.e. the rainy season has passed, the rays of the sun and moon are again visible].
1.161.14 Sons of Strength, the Maruts, desirous of your coming, advance from the sky; Agni comes (to meet you) from the earth; the wind traverses the firmament; and Varun.a comes with undulating waters.


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4.033.01 I send my prayer as a messenger to the r.bhus; I solicit (of them) the cow, the yielder of the white milk, for the dilution (of the Soma libation); for they, as swift as the wind, the doers of good works, were borne quickly across the firmament by rapid steeds. [WSere borne quickly: as applicable to the deified mortals, the allusion is to their being transported to the sphere of the gods; if the reference is to the rays of the sun, it implies merely their dispersal through the sky].
4.033.02 When the r.bhus, by honouring their parents with renovated (youth), and by other works, had achieved enough, they thereupon proceeded to the society of the gods, and, considerate, they bring nourishment to the devout (worshipper).
4.033.03 May they who rendered their decrepid and dropsy parents, when, like two dry posts, again perpetually young, Va_ja, Vibhavan, and R.bhu associated with Indra, drinkers of the Soma juice, protect our sacrifice.
4.033.04 Inasmuch as for a year the R.bhus preserved the (dead) cow, inasmuch as for a year they invested it with flesh, inasmuch as for a year they continued its beauty they obtained by their acts of immortality.
4.033.05 The eldest said, let us make two ladles; the younger said, let us make three: Tvas.t.a_, R.bhus, has applauded your proposal.
4.033.06 The men, (the R.bhus), spoke the truth, for such (ladles) they made, and thereupon the R.bhus partook of that libation; Tvas.t.a_, beholding the four ladles, brilliant as day, was content.
4.033.07 When the R.bhus, reposing for twelve days, remained in the hospitality of the uncealable (sun) they rendered the fields fertile, they led forth the rivers, plants sprung upon the waste, and waters (spread over) the low (places).
4.033.08 May those R.bhus who constructed the firm-abiding wheel-conducting car; who formed the all-impelling multiform cow; they who are the bestowers of food, the doers of great deeds, and dexterous of hand, fabricate our riches.
4.033.09 The gods were pleased by their works, illustrious in act and in thought; Va_ja was the artificer of the gods, R.bhuks.in of Indra, Vibhavan of Varun.a.
4.033.10 May those R.bhus who gratified the horses (of Indra) by pious praise, who constructed for Indra his two docile steeds, bestow upon us satiety of riches, and wealth (of cattle), like those who devise prosperity for a friend.
4.033.11 The gods verily have given you the beverage at the (third sacrifice of the) day, and its exhilarqation, not through regard, but (as the gift of one) wearied out (by penance); R.bhus, who are so (eminent), grant us, verily, wealth at this third (diurnal) sacrifice. [Wearied out by penance: r.te s'ra_ntasya sakhya_ya = na sakhitva_ya bhavanti deva_h, the gods are not through friendship, s'ra_nta_t tapo yukta_t r.te except one wearied by penance; ete s'ra_nta ato saduh, they, wearied out, therefore gave].



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4.037.01 Divine Va_jas, R.bhus, come to our sacrifice by the path travelled by the gods, inasmuch as you, gracious (R.bhus), have maintained sacrifice among the people, (the progeny) of Manu, for (the sake of) securing the prosperous course of days. [R.bhus: the text has r.bhuks.ah, nom. sing. of r.bhuks.in, a name of Indra; here, it is equated with r.bhavah, pl. nom. of r.bhu; in the following verses r.bhuks.a_n.ah is used, the nom. or voc. pl. of r.bhuks.in].
4.037.02 May these sacrifices be (acceptable) to you in heart and mind; may today the sufficient (juices) mixed with butter to you; the full libations are prepared for you; may they, when drunk, animate you for glorious deeds.
4.037.03 As the offering suited to the gods at the third (daily) sacrifice supports, you, Va_jas, R.bhuks.ans; as the praise (then recited supports you); therefore, like Manu, I offer you the Soma juice, along with the very radiant (deities) among the people assembled at the solemnity. [I offer you: juhve manus.vat uparasu viks.u yus.me saca_ br.had dives.u somam: upara = those who are pleased or sport near the worship of the gods, devayajana sami_pe ramantah; ta_su viks.u-praja_su = in or among such people; br.haddives.u is an epithet of deves.u implied].
4.037.04 Va_jins, you are borne by stout horses mounted on a brilliant car, have jaws of metal and are possessed of treasures; sons of Indra, grandsons of strength, this last sacrifice is for your exhilaration. [Possessed of treasures: va_jinah = possessors either of horses or food; ayahs'ipra_ = as hard or strong as metal, ayovat sa_rabhu_ta s'ipra_h; sunis.ka_h = having good nis.kas, a certain weight of gold; sons of Indra, grandsons of strength: the text has singular nouns, son of Indra, son or grandson of strength; this is followed by vah-vos, you in the plural; last sacrifice: ityagriyam = agre bhavam, the first, the preceding; explained as tr.ti_yam savanam].
4.037.05 We invoke you, R.bhuks.ans, for splendid wealth, mutually co-operating, most invigorating in war, affecting the senses, ever munificent, and comprehending horses. [Splendid wealth: the epithets apply to rayim, wealth: r.bhu yujam, va_jintamam, indrasvantam, sada_sa_tamam as'vinam].
4.037.06 May the man whom you, R.bhus and Indra, favour, be ever liberal by his acts, and possessed of a horse at the sacrifice. [A horse at the sacrifice: medhasa_ta_ so arvata_, perhaps a horse fit for the as'vamedha is implied].
4.037.07 Va_jas, R.bhuks.an.s, direct us in the way to sacrifice; for you, who are intelligent, being glorified (by us), are able to traverse all the quarters (of space).
4.037.08 Va_jas, R.bhuks.an.s, Indra, Na_satyas, command that ample wealth with horses be sent to men for their enrichment.
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8.093.01 You rise, O sun, on (the sacrifice of Indra) the showerer (of blessings), the bountiful giver, famed for his wealth, the benefactor of men. [Indra is one of the twelve A_dityas].
8.093.02 Who cleft the ninety-nine cities by the strength of his arm, and, slayeer of Vr.tra, smote Ahi. [Ninety-nine cities: RV. 2.19.6; ahi = the cloud].
8.093.03 May Indra, our auspicious friend, milk for us, like a richly-streaming (cow), wealth of horses, kine and barley.
8.093.04 Whatsoever, O Sun, slayr of Vr.tra, you have risen upon today-- it is all, Indra, under your power.
8.093.05 When, swelling in your might, lord of the good, you think, 'I shall not die', that thought of yours is indeed true. [Lord of the good: lord of the naks.atras].
8.093.06 You go at once, Indra, to all those Soma-libations which are effused afar or effused near.
8.093.07 We invigorate that (great) Indra for the slaying of mighty Vr.tra, may he be a bounteous showerer (of wealth).
8.093.08 Indra was created for giving; he, the most mighty was set over the exhilarating Soma; he, the glorious one the lord of praise, is worthy of the Soma. [made = bale; Indra was created: by Praja_pati at the time of creation].
8.093.09 The mighty (Indra), unassailed by his foes, hastens to confer wealth on his worshippers-- rendered keen by their praises as a weapon, full of strength and invincible. [r.s.vah = ugrah].
8.093.10 Indra, worthy of our praise, do you, hymned by us, make our path plain even in the midst of difficulties, (hear us), Maghavan, if you love us.
8.093.11 You whose command and rightful empire neither god nor irresistible hero can harm. [Rightful empire: svara_jya = svargasva_mitva].
8.093.12 Yes, deity of the handsome jaw, the two goddesses, heaven and earth, both worship your resistless consuming might.
8.093.13 It is you that keep this bright milk in the black, red, and spotted cows.
8.093.14 When all the gods fled in various directions from the splendour of the demon Ahi, and when fear of the deer seized them.
8.093.15 Then was my Indra the repeller; then did the smiter of Vr.tra put forth his might, he who has no existent enemies, the invincible.
8.093.16 (Priests), I bring to you men, for great wealth, that renowned and mighty one who utterly destroyed Vr.tra. [a_s'us.e = a_s'is.e; cars.an.i_na_m: renowned and mighty among men].
8.093.17 O you bearing many names and praised by many, when you are present at our various Soma-libations, may we be endowed with a kine-desiring mind. [May we be endowed: maywe obtain kine; gavyaya_ = with a desire for milk; come with this mind, with this desire for milk, whenyou are present at our Soma-offerings].
8.093.18 May the slayer of Vr.tra, to whom many libations are offered, know our desires-- may S'akra hear our praises. [bodhinmana_ = bodhanmana_h].
8.093.19 Showerer (of blessings), with what coming of yours do you gladden us, with what coming bring you (wealth) to your worshippers?
8.093.20 At whose hymn-accompanied libations does the showerer, the lord of the Niyuts, the slayer of Vr.tra, rejoice to drink the Soma?
8.093.21 Rejoicing (in our oblations), bring us wealth a thousandfold; remember that you are the giver to your votary.
8.093.22 These Soma-libations with their wives proceed (to Indra) longing to be drunk; the stale Soma, pleasing to the taste, goes to the waters. [Ya_ska, Nirukta 5.18: patni_vantah = with their wives or protectresses: an allusion to the two kinds of water, the vasati_varyah and the ekadhana_h, used in the Soma offerings (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 2.20). At the time of the avabhr.tha, or concluding ceremonies of purification, the r.ji_s.a or stale Soma is thrown into the waters. nicumpunan.ah = ni_cama_nena pr.n.a_ti].
8.093.23 The sacrificing priests, invigorating (Indra) by their offerings at the sacrifice, have by their might dismissed him to the avabhr.tha.
8.093.24 May those two golden-maned steeds together exulting bring him to our wholesome offering.
8.093.25 Resplendent (Agni), these Soma-libations are effused for you, the clipped grass is spread; bring Indra here for his worshippers.
8.093.26 May he give strength and his brilliant heaven and precious things to you his worshipper, and to his praising priests; worship Indra.
8.093.27 I prepare, S'atakratu, your strong (Soma) and all your praises; be gracious, Indra, to your hymners.
8.093.28 Bring us what is most auspicious, S'atakratu, (bring us) food and strength, if you have favour to us, Indra.
8.093.29 Bring us all blessings, S'atakratu, if you have favour to us, Indra.
8.093.30 Bearing the effused libation, we invoke you, mightiest slayer of Vr.tra, if you have favour to us, Indra.
8.093.31 Come with your steeds to our effused libation, lord of the Soma-- come with your steds to our effused libation.
8.093.32 Indra, S'atakratu, mightiest slayer of Vr.tra, you whose power is known in a two-fold way, come with your steeds to our effused libation. [Whose power is known in a two-fold way: i.e., you are known in your terrible form as the slayer of Vr.tra, etc., and in your merciful form as the protector of the world].
8.093.33 Slayer of Vr.tra, you are the drinker of these Soma juices, come with your steeds to our effused libation.
8.093.34 May Indra bring to us the bounteous R.bhu R.bhuks.an.a to partake of our sacrificial viands; may he, the mighty, bring the mighty (Va_ja). [R.bhuks.an.a: was the eldest and Va_ja the youngest of three brothers. The R.bhus have a share in the evening libation between Praja_pati and Savita_ (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 3.30); the r.ca is addressed to the R.bhus in the evening libation on the ninth day of the dva_das'a_ha ceremony (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 5.21)].
The legend of R̥bhu-s

R̥bhu-s occur in eleven suktas in R̥gVeda, I. 20, I. 110, I.161, I. 164, IV. 33- IV.-37.

R̥bhu
-s are three in number, R̥bhuvibhvan and vaj and are the sons of Sudhanvan. They learnt many crafts under Tvaṣṭr̥, and constructed rathas and other equipment for the devas. By their hard work the devas were pleased and they were granted immortality. saudhanvanā R̥bhava¨sūraacakṣasah¨ samvatsare samapr̥cyanta dhītibhih¨ RV (I. 110.4) The R̥bhu-s, children of Sudhanvan, bright as suns, were in a year's course made associate with prayers ('connected with the ceremonies appropriated to the different seasons of the year'-Wilson) The R̥bhus represent the three seasons of the year (lunar year of 354 days) at the end of which they take rest for 12 days in the house of aghohya (the unconcealable, the sun) before they start their work again in the New Year. They are
awakened from their sleep and vasta gives the information that they were awakened by the hound. 
suṣupvāmsa  r̥bhavaastadāpr̥cchat āgohya ka idam no abūbudhat
śvānam bastobodhayitāram abravīt samvatsara idamadyā vyākhyata (RV 1.161.13) 
R̥bhus, reposing in the solar orb, you inquire, 'who  wakens us, unconcealable sun to this office of sending rain?'. Sun replies 'the awakener is the Dog and in the year you again today light up this world'. This legend can be taken as referring to the time of commencement of the year with vernal equinox. The śvāna obviously refers to the Dog star. Tilak(1893) regards this as referring to the equinox in mr̥gaśiras (identified by him with the constellation Orion, which according to him also includes the Dog-star). He supported his interpretation with a large number of quotations from R̥gveda and other Vedic texts. The date corresponding to the occurrence of vernal equinox at the Orion can be simulated assuming that the Orion is represented by its brightest star, α-Ori, also known as Betelguese. The vernal equinox occurring at α-Ori is shown in Figure 7.

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Figure 7. Vernal Equinox at α-Ori. 5000 BCE. Note the passing of zero hour line of the coordinate Right Ascension (RA) through Betelguese.

Tilak(1893) in his book The Orion first proposed the date of 4500 BCE, and then later on proposed the date of 5000 BCE. However, Sengupta interprets the R̥bhu legend as referring to the heliacal rising of Canis Major after the summer solstice. But this is not the correct interpretation either, as the beginning of the New Year was most likely at the vernal equinox. 

The legend refers to the vernal equinox, with the Dog star (Sirius) at the vernal equinox and is illustrated in Figure 8.
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Figure 8. Vernal Equinox at Canis Major. 7100 BCE 

The existence of Indian sprachbund is evidenced by the concordant lexemes used for bronze-age repertoire of bronze-age artisans. These lexemes are compiled in an Indian Lexicon.[https://www.academia.edu/37229973/Indian_Lexicon_--Comparative_dictionary_of_over_8000_semantic_clusters_in_25_ancient_Bharatiya_languages] This is a resource base for further studies in the formation and evolution of most of the Indian languages. Identifiable substrata glosses include over 4000 etyma of Dravidian Etymological Dictionary and over 1000 words of Munda with concordant semantic clusters of Indo-Aryan. That the substrata glosses cover three major language families –Dravidian, Munda and Indo-Aryan -- is a surprising discovery. There are over 1240 semantic clusters included in the Indian Lexicon  from over 25 languages which makes the work very large, including cognate entries of CDIAL (Indo-Aryan etyma), together with thousands of lexemes of Santali, Mundarica and other languages of the Austro-Asiatic linguistic group, and, maybe, Language X. . Most of the lexical archive relate to the bronze-age cultural context and possible entries are relatable rebus to Indian hieroglyphs. Many are found to be attested as substratum lexemes only in a few languages such as Nahali, Kashmiri, Kannada or Telugu or lexical entries of Hemacandra’s deśī nāmamālā (Prākṛt); thus, many present-day Indian languages are rendered as dialects of an Indus language or proto-Indic lingua franca or gloss. The identification of a particular Indian language as the Indus language has presented some problems because of the received wisdom about grouping of language families in Indo-European linguistic analyses. Some claims of decipherment have assumed the language to be Tamil, of Dravidian language family; some have assumed the language to be Sanskrit, of Indo-Aryan language family. A resolution to these problems comes from a surprising source: Manu.
Mleccha, Indus language of Indian linguistic area (sprachbund). Indian linguistic area map, including mleccha and vedic (After F. Southworth, 2005; VEDIC AND MLECCHA added.) A language family, mleccha (?language X), is attested in the ancient literature of India. This is the lingua franca, the spoken version of the language of the civilization of about 5000 years ago, distinct from the grammatically correct  version called Sanskrit  represented in the vedic texts and other ancient  literature. Ancient texts of India are replete with insights into formation and evolution of languages. Some examples are: Bharata’s Natya Shastra, Patanjali’s Mahabhashya, Hemacandra’s Deśīnāmamālā, Nighanṭus, Panini’s Aṣṭādhyayi, Tolkappiyam–Tamil grammar. The evidence which comes from Manu, dated to ca. 500 BCE. Manu (10.45) underscores the linguistic area: ārya vācas mleccha vācas te sarve dasyuvah smṛtāh  [trans. “both ārya speakers and mleccha speakers (that is, both speakers of literary dialect and colloquial or vernacular dialect) are all remembered as dasyu”]. Dasyu is a general reference to people. Dasyu is cognate with dasa, which in Khotanese language means ‘man’. It is also cognate with daha, a word which occurs in Persepolis inscription of Xerxes, a possible reference to people of Dahistan, a region east of Caspian sea. Strabo wrote :"Most of the scythians, beginning from the Caspian sea, are called Dahae Scythae, and those situated more towards the east Massagetae and Sacae." (Strabo, 11.8.1). Close to Caspian Sea is the site of Altyn-tepe which was an interaction area with Meluhha and where three Indus seals with inscriptions were found, including a silver seal showing a composite animal which can be called a signature glyph of Indus writing..
The identification of mleccha as the language of the Indus script writing system is consistent  with the following theses which postulate an Indian linguistic area, that is an area of ancient  times when various language-speakers interacted and absorbed language features from one  another and made them their own: Emeneau, 1956; Kuiper, 1948; Masica, 1971; Przyludski, 1929; Southworth, 2005.
Semantic clusters in Indian Lexicon (1242 English words and Botanical species Latin)
Economic Court: Flora and Products from Flora
Birds
Insects
Fauna
Animate phenomena: birth, body, sensory perceptions and actions
Visual phenomen, forms and shapes
Numeration and Mensuration
Economic Court: Natural phenomena, Earth formations, Products of earth (excluding flora clustered in a distinct category)
Building, infrastructure
Work, skills, products of labour and workers (fire-worker, potter/ smith/ lapidary, weaver, farmer, soldier)
Weapons and tools
Language fields
Kinship
Social formations



Pinnow’s map of Austro-AsiaticLanguage speakers correlates with bronze age sites.http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/faculty/stampe/aa.html           See http://kalyan97.googlepages.com/mleccha1.pdf  The areal map of Austric (Austro-Asiatic languages) showing regions marked by Pinnow correlates with the bronze age settlements in Bharatam or what came to be known during the British colonial regime as ‘Greater India’. The bronze age sites extend from Mehrgarh-Harappa (Meluhha) on the west to Kayatha-Navdatoli (Nahali) close to River Narmada to Koldihwa- Khairdih-Chirand on Ganga river basin to Mahisadal – Pandu Rajar Dhibi in Jharia mines close to Mundari area and into the east extending into Burma, Indonesia, Malaysia, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Nicobar islands. A settlement of Inamgaon is shown on the banks of River Godavari.
Bronze Age sites of eastern India and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2.Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6.Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa;8. Mohenjo-daro; 9.Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11.Navdatoli; 12.Inamgaon; 13. Non PaWai; 14. Nong Nor;15. Ban Na Di andBan Chiang; 16. NonNok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia,  Cambridge University Press].
Evidence related to proto-Indian or proto-Indic or Indus language
A proto-Indic language is attested in ancient Indian texts. For example, Manusmṛti refers to two languages, both of dasyu (daha): ārya vācas, mleccha vācas. mukhabāhū rupajjānām yā loke jātayo bahih mlecchavācas’cāryav ācas te sarve dasyuvah smṛtāh Trans. ‘All those people in this world who are excluded from those born from the mouth, the arms, the thighs and the feet (of Brahma) are called Dasyus, whether they speak the language of the mleccha-s or that of the ārya-s.’ (Manu 10.45)] This distinction between lingua franca and literary version of the language, is elaborated by Patañjali as a reference to 1) grammatically correct literary language and 2) ungrammatical, colloquial speech (deśī).
Ancient text of Panini also refers to two languages in śikṣā: Sanskrit and Prākṛt. Prof Avinash Sathayeprovides a textual reference on the earliest occurrence of the word, ‘Sanskrit’ :
triṣaṣṭiścatuh ṣaṣṭirvā varṇāh ṣambhumate matāh |
prākṛite samskṛte cāpi svayam proktā svayambhuvā || (pāṇini’s śikṣā)
Trans. There are considered to be 63 or 64 varṇā-s in the school (mata) of shambhu. In Prakrit and Sanskrit by swayambhu (manu, Brahma), himself, these varṇā-s were stated.
This demonstrates that pāṇini knew both samskṛta and prākṛita as established languages. (Personal communication, 27 June 2010 with Prof. Shrinivas Tilak.)
Chapter 17 of Bharatamuni’s Nāṭyaśāstra  is a beautiful discourse about Sanskrit and Prakrit and the usage of lingua franca by actors/narrators in dramatic performances. Besides, Raja Shekhara, Kalidasa, Shudraka have also used the word Sanskrit for the literary language. (Personal communication from Prof. TP Verma, 7 May 2010). Nāṭyaśāstra  XVII.29-30: dvividhā jātibhāṣāca prayoge samudāhṛtā mlecchaśabdopacārā ca bhāratam varṣam  aśritā  ‘The jātibhāṣā (common language), prescribed for use (on the stage) has various forms. It contains words of mleccha origin and is spoken in Bhāratavarṣa only…’ Vātstyāyana refers to mlecchita vikalpa (cipher writing of mleccha) Vātstyāyana’s Kamasutra lists (out of 64 arts) three arts related to language:
·         deśa bhāṣā jñānam (knowledge of dialects)
·         mlecchita vikalpa (cryptography used by mleccha) [cf. mleccha-mukha ‘copper’ (Skt.); the suffix –mukha is a reflex of mũh ‘ingot’ (Mu.)
·         akṣara muṣṭika kathanam (messaging through wrist-finger gestures)
Thus, semantically, mlecchita vikalpa as a writing system relates to cryptography (perhaps, hieroglyphic writing) and to the work of artisans (smiths). I suggest that this is a reference to Indian hieroglyphs.
It is not a mere coincidence that early writing attested during historical periods was on metal punch-marked coins, copper plates, two-feet long copper bolt used on an Aśokan pillar at Rampurva, Sohoura copper plate, two pure tingots found in a shipwreck in Haifa, and even on the Delhi iron pillar clearly pointing to the smiths as those artisans who had the competence to use a writing system. In reference to Rampurva copper-bolt: “Here then these signs occur upon an object which must have been made by craftsmen working for Asoka or one of his predessors.” (F.R. Allchin, 1959, Upon the contextual significance of certain groups of ancient signs, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London.) The Indus script inscriptions using hieroglyphs on two pure tin-ingots found in Haifa were reviewed. (Kalyanaraman, S., 2010, The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” - Decoding Indus script as repertoire of the mints/smithy/mine-workers of Meluhha. Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies. Number 11. pp. 47–74).
Mahābhārata also attests to mleccha used in a conversation with Vidura. Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa refers to mleccha as language (with pronunciation variants) and also provides an example of such mleccha pronunciation by asuras.  A Pali text, Uttarādhyayana Sūtra 10.16 notes:  ladhdhaṇa vimānusattaṇṇamāriattam puṇrāvi dullaham bahave dasyū milakkhuyā; trans. ‘though one be born as a man, it is rare chance to be an ārya, for many are the dasyu and milakkhu’. Milakkhu and dasyu constitute the majority, they are the many. Dasyu are milakkhu (mleccha speakers). Dasyu are also ārya vācas (Manu 10.45), that is, speakers of Sanskrit. Both ārya vācas and mleccha vācas are dasyu [cognate dahyu, daŋ́ha, daha(Khotanese)], people, in general. दाशः 1 A fisherman; इयं  सज्जा नौश्चेति दाशाः प्राञ्जलयो$ब्रुवन् Rām.7.46.32; Ms.8.48,49;1.34. दासः ‘a fisherman’ (Apte. Lexicon) Such people are referred to in Rgveda by Viśvāmitra as ‘Bhāratam janam.’ Mahābhārata alludes to ‘thousands of mlecchas’, a numerical superiority equaled by their valour and courage in battle which enhances the invincibility of Pandava (MBh. 7.69.30; 95.36).
Excerpt from Encyclopaedia Iranica article on cognate dahyu country (often with reference to the people inhabiting it): DAHYU (OIr. dahyu-), attested in Avestan dax́iiu-daŋ́hu- “country” (often with reference to the people inhabiting it; cf. AirWb., cot. 706; Hoffmann, pp. 599­-600 n. 14; idem and Narten, pp. 54-55) and in Old Persian dahyu- “country, province” (pl. “nations”; Gershevitch, p. 160). The term is likely to be con­nected with Old Indian dásyu “enemy” (of the Ary­ans), which acquired the meaning of “demon, enemy of the gods” (Mayrhofer, Dictionary II, pp. 28-29). Because of the Indo-Iranian parallel, the word may be traced back to the root das-, from which a term denot­ing a large collectivity of men and women could have been derived. Such traces can be found in Iranian languages: for instance, in the ethnonym Dahae (q.v., i) “men” (cf. Av. ethnic name [fem. adj.] dāhī, from dåŋ́ha-AirWb., col. 744; Gk. Dáai, etc.), in Old Persian dahā “the Daha people” (Brandenstein and Mayrhofer, pp. 113-14), and in Khotanese daha “man, male” (Bailey, Dictionary, p. 155).
In Avestan the term did not have the same technical meaning as in Old Persian. Avestan dax́iiu-dańhu- ­refers to the largest unit in the vertical social organiza­tion. See, for example, Avestan xᵛaētu- (in the Gathas) “next of kin group” and nmāna-“house,” correspond­ing to Old Persian taumā- “family”; Avestan vīs- ­“village,” corresponding to Avestan vərəzə̄na- “clan”; Avestan zantu- “district”; and Avestandax́iiu-dańhu­- (Benveniste, 1932; idem, 1938, pp. 6, 13; Thieme, pp. 79ff.; Frye, p. 52; Boyce, Zoroastrianism I, p. 13; Schwartz, p. 649; Gnoli, pp. 15ff.). The connection dax́iiudańhu- and arya- “Aryans” is very common to indicate the Aryan lands and peoples, in some in­stances in the plural: airiiå daŋ́hāuuō,airiianąm dax́iiunąmairiiābiiō daŋ́hubiiō. In Yašt 13.125 and 13.127 five countries (dax́iiu-) are mentioned, though their identification is unknown or uncertain; in the same Yašt (13.143-44) the countries of other peoples are added to those of the Aryans: tūiriiasairimasāinudāha.
In Achaemenid inscriptions Old Persian dahyu- means “satrapy” (on the problems relative to the different lists of dahyāva [pl.], cf. Leuze; Junge; Walser, pp. 27ff.; Herzfeld, pp. 228-29; Herrenschmidt, pp. 53ff.; Calmeyer, 1982, pp. 105ff.; idem, 1983, pp. 141ff.) and “district” (e.g., Nisāya in Media; DB 1.58; Kent, Old Persian, p. 118). The technical connotation of Old Persian dahyu is certain and is confirmed—despite some doubts expressed by George Cameron but re­futed by Ilya Gershevitch—by the loanword da-a-ya­u-iš in Elamite. On the basis of the hypothetical reconstruction of twelve “districts” and twenty-nine “satrapies,” it has been suggested that the formal identification of the Old Persian numeral 41 with the ideogram DH, sometimes used for dahyu (Kent, Old Persian, pp. 18-19), can be explained by the fact that there were exactly forty-one dahyāva when the sign DHwas created (Mancini).
From the meaning of Old Persian dahyu as “limited territory” come Middle Persian and Pahlavi deh “coun­try, land, village,” written with the ideogram MTA (Frahang ī Pahlawīg 2.3, p. 117; cf. Syr. mātā), and Manichean Middle Persian dyh(MacKenzie, p. 26). At times the Avestan use is reflected in Pahlavi deh, but already in Middle Persian the meaning “village” is well documented; it appears again in Persian deh.
That Pali uses the term ‘milakkhu’ is significant (cf. Uttarādhyayana Sūtra 10.16) and reinforces the concordance between ‘mleccha’ and ‘milakkhu’ (a pronunciation variant) and links the language with ‘meluhha’ as a reference to a language in Mesopotamian texts and in the cylinder seal of Shu-ilishu. [Possehl, Gregory, 2006, Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal, Expedition, Vol.  48, No. 1http://www.penn.museum/documents/publications/expedition/PDFs/48-1/What%20in%20the%20World.pdf] This seal shows a sea-faring Meluhha merchant who needed a translator to translate meluhha speech into Akkadian. The translator’s name was Shu-ilishu as recorded in cuneiform script on the seal. This evidence rules out Akkadian as the Indus or Meluhha language and justifies the search for the proto-Indian speech from the region of the Sarasvati river basin which accounts for 80% (about 2000) archaeological sites of the civilization, including sites which have yielded inscribed objects such as Lothal, Dwaraka, Kanmer, Dholavira, Surkotada, Kalibangan, Farmana, Bhirrana, Kunal, Banawali, Chandigarh, Rupar, Rakhigarhi. The language-speakers in this basin are likely to have retained cultural memories of Indus language which can be gleaned from the semantic clusters of glosses of the ancient versions of their current lingua franca available in comparative lexicons and nighanṭu-s.
Evidence from Valmiki Rāmāyaṇa
Slokas 5.30.16 to 21 in the 29th sarga of Sundara Kandam, provide an episode of Hanuman introspecting on the language in which he should speak to Sita. This evidence refers to two dialects: Sanskrit andmānuṣam vākyam (lit. jāti bhāṣā). In this narrative mānuṣam vākyam (spoken dialect) is distinguished from Sanskrit of a Brahmin (or, grammatically correct and well-prouncedd Sanskrit used in yajña-s).
1. “antaramtvaha māsādya rākṣasīnam iha sthitah”
2. “śanairāśvāsaiṣyāmi santāpa bahulām imām”
(Staying here itself and getting hold of an opportunity even in the midst of the female-demons (when they are in attentive), I shall slowly console Sita who is very much in distress. )
3. “aham hi atitanuścaiva vānara śca viśeṣata”
4. “vācam ca udāhariṣyāmi mānuṣīm iha samskṛtām”
(However, I am very small in stature, particularly as a monkey and can speak now Sanskrit, the human language too.)
5. “yadi vācam pradāsyami dwijātiriva samskṛtām”
6. “rāvaṇam manyamānā mām sītā bhītā bhavi ṣyati”
7. vānarasya viśeṣena kathamsyādabibhāṣaṇam
(If I use Sanskrit language like a llsde, Sita will get frightened, thinking that Rāva ṇ a has come disguised as a monkey. Especially, how can a monkey speak it?)
8. “avaśyameva vaktavyam mānuṣam vākyam arthavat”
9.  “mayā śāntvayitum śakyā”
10. “nānyathā  iyam aninditā”
(Certainly, meaningful words of a human being are to be spoken by me. Otherwise, the virtuous Sita cannot be consoled.)
11. “sā iyam ālokya me rūpam jānakī bhāṣitam tathā ||
rakṣobhih trāsitaa pūrvam bhuūah trūsam gamiṣyati |”
(Looking at my figure and the language, Seetha who was already frightened previously by the demons, will get frightened again.) [Translation based onhttp://www.valmikiramayan.net/sundara/sarga30/sundara_30_frame.htm See: Narayana Iyengar, 1938, Vanmeegarum Thamizhum; http://tashindu.blogspot.com/2006_12_01_archive.html In this work, Narayana Iyengar cites that the commentator interpret mānuṣam vākyam  as the language spoken in Kosala.]
Evidence from Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa for mleccha vācas
An extraordinary narrative account from Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa is cited in full to provide the context of the yagna in which vaak (speech personified as woman) is referred to the importance of grammatical speech in yagna performance and this grammatical, intelligible speech is distinguished from mlecccha, unintelligible speech.  The example of the usage of phrase ‘he ‘lavo is explained by Sayana as a pronunciation variant of: ‘he ‘rayo. i.e. ‘ho, the spiteful (enemies)!’ This grammatically correct phrase, the Asuras were unable to pronounce correctly, notes Sayana. The ŚB text and translation are cited in full because of the early evidence provided of the mleccha speech (exemplifying what is referred to Indian language studies as ‘ralayo rabhedhah’; the transformed use of ‘la’ where the syllable ‘ra’ was intended. This is the clearest evidence of a proto-Indian language which had dialectical variants in the usage by asuras and devas (i.e. those who do not perform yagna and those who perform yagna using vaak, speech.) This is comparable to mleccha vācas and ārya vācas differentiation by Manu. The text of ŚB 3.2.1.22-28 and translation are as follows:
yoṣā vā iyaṃ vāgyadenaṃ na yuvitehaiva mā tiṣṭhantamabhyehīti brūhi tām tu na āgatām pratiprabrūtāditi sā hainaṃ tadeva tiṣṭhantamabhyeyāya tasmādu strī pumāṃsaṃ saṃskṛte tiṣṭhantamabhyaiti tāṃ haibhya āgatām pratiprovāceyaṃ vā āgāditi tāṃ devāḥ |
asurebhyo ‘ntarāyaṃstāṃ svīkṛtyāgnāveva parigṛhya sarvahutamajuhavurāhutirhi devānāṃ sa yāmevāmūmanuṣṭubhājuhavustadevaināṃ taddevāḥ svyakurvata te ‘surā āttavacaso he ‘lavo he ‘lava iti vadantaḥ parābabhūvuḥ  atraitāmapi vācamūduḥ |
upajijñāsyāṃ sa mlecastasmānna brāhmaṇo mlecedasuryā haiṣā vā natevaiṣa dviṣatāṃ sapatnānāmādatte vācaṃ te ‘syāttavacasaḥ parābhavanti ya evametadveda o ‘yaṃ yajño vācamabhidadhyau |
mithunyenayā syāmiti tāṃ saṃbabhūva indro ha vā īkṣāṃ cakre |
mahadvā ito ‘bhvaṃ janiṣyate yajñasya ca mithunādvācaśca yanmā tannābhibhavediti sa indra eva garbho bhūtvaitanmithunam praviveśa sa ha saṃvatsare jāyamāna īkṣāṃ cakre |
 mahāvīryā vā iyaṃ yoniryā māmadīdharata yadvai meto mahadevābhvaṃ nānuprajāyeta yanmā tannābhibhavediti tām pratiparāmṛśyaveṣṭyācinat |
tāṃ yajñasya śīrṣanpratyadadhādyajño hi kṛṣṇaḥ sa yaḥ sa yajñastatkṛṣṇājinaṃ yo sā yoniḥ sā kṛṣṇaviṣāṇātha yadenāmindra āveṣṭyācinattasmādāveṣṭiteva sa yathaivāta indro ‘jāyata garbhobhūtvaitasmānmithunādevamevaiṣo ‘to jāyate garbho bhūtvaitasmānmithunāt tāṃ vā uttānāmiva badhnāti |
Translation: 22.The gods reflected, ‘That Vaak being a woman, we must take care lest she should allure him. – Say to her, “Come hither to make me where I stand!” and report to us her having come.’ She then went up to where he was standing. Hence a woman goes to a man who stays in a well-trimmed (house). He reported to them her having come, saying,  ‘She has indeed come.’ 23. The gods then cut her off from the Asuras; and having gained possession of her and enveloped her completely in fire, they offered her up as a holocaust, it being an offering of the gods. (78) And in that they offered her with an anushtubh verse, thereby they made her their own; and the Asuras being deprived of speech, were undone, crying, ‘He ‘lavah! He ‘lavah!’ (79) 24. Such was the unintelligible speech which they then uttered, -- and he (who speaks thus) is a Mlekkha (barbarian). Hence let no Brahman speak barbarous language, since such is the speech of the Asuras. Thus alone he deprives his spiteful enemies of speech; and whosoever knows this, his enemies, being deprived of speech, are undone. 25. That Yajna (sacrifice) lusted after Vaak (speech [80]), thinking, ‘May I pair with her!’ He united with her. 26. Indra then thought within himself, ‘Surely a great monster will spring from this union of Yagna and Vaak: [I must take care] lest it should get the better of me.’ Indra himself then became an embryo and entered into that union. 27. Now when he was born after a year’s time, he thought within himself, ‘Verily of great vigour is this womb which has contained me: [I must take care] that no great monster shall be born from it after me, lest it should get the better of me!’ 28. Having seized and pressed it tightly, he tore it off and put it on the head of Yagna (sacrifice [81]); for the black (antelope) is the sacrifice: the black deer skin is the same as that sacrifice, and the black deer’s horn is the same as that womb.  And because it was by pressing it tightly together that Indra tore out (the womb), therefore it (the horn) is bound tightly (to the end of the garment); and as Indra, having become an embryo, sprang from that union, so is he (the sacrifice), after becoming an embryo, born from that union (of the skin and the horn). (ŚB 3.2.1.23-25). (fn 78) According to Sayana, ‘he ‘lavo’ stands for ‘he ‘rayo’ (i.e. ho, the spiteful (enemies)!’ which the Asuras were unable to pronounce correctly. The Kaanva text, however, reads te hātavāko ‘su  hailo haila ity etām ha vācam vadantah parābabhūvuh (? i.e. he p. 32 ilaa, ‘ho, speech’.) A third version of this passage seems to be referred to in the Mahā  bhāṣya (Kielh.), p.2. (p.38). (fn 79) Compare the corresponding legend about Yagna and Dakṣiṇā  (priests’ fee), (Taitt. S. VI.1.3.6. (p.38) (fn 79) ‘Yagnasya sīrṣan’; one would expect ‘kṛṣṇa(sāra)sya sīrṣan.’ The Taitt.S. reads ‘tām mṛgeṣu ny adadhāt.’ (p.38) (fn81) In the Kanva text ‘atah (therewith)’ refers to the head of the sacrifice, -- sa yak khirasta upasprisaty ato vā enām etad agre pravisan pravisaty ato vā agre gāyamāno gāyate tasmāk khirasta upasprisati. (p.39)(cf. śatapatha Brāhmaṇa vol. 2 of 5, tr. By Julius Eggeling, 1885, in SBE Part 12; fn 78-81).
Mesopotamian texts refer to a language called meluhha (which required an Akkadian translator); this meluhha is cognate with mleccha. Seafaring meluhhan merchants used the script in trade transactions; artisans created metal artifacts, lapidary artificats of terracotta, ivory for trade. Glosses of the proto-Indic or Indus language are used to read rebus the Indus script inscriptions. The glyphs of the script include both pictorial motifs and signs and both categories of glyphs are read rebus. As a first step in delineating the Indus language, an Indian lexicon provides a resource, compiled semantically cluster over 1240 groups of glosses from ancient Indian languages as a proto-Indic substrate dictionary. Seehttp://www.scribd.com/doc/2232617/lexicon linked at http://sites.google.com/site/kalyan97/indus-writing
“The word meluh.h.a  is of special interest.  It occurs as a verb in a different form (mlecha-) in Vedic only in ŚB 3.2.1, an eastern text of N. Bihar where it indicates ‘to speak in barbarian fashion’. But it has a form closer to Meluh.h.a in Middle Indian (MIA): Pali, the church language of S. Buddhism which originated as a western N. Indian dialect (roughly, between Mathura, Gujarat and the Vindhya) has milakkha, milakkhu. Other forms, closer to ŚB mleccha are found in MIA *mliccha > Sindhi milis, Panjabi milech, malech, Kashmiri bri.c.hun ‘weep, lament’ (< *mrech-, with the common r/l interchange of IA), W. Pahari mel+c.h ‘dirty’. It seems that, just as in other cases mentioned above, the original local form *m(e)luh. (i.e. m(e)lukh in IA pronunciation, cf. E. Iranian bAxdhI  ‘Bactria’ > AV *bahli-ka, balhi-ka) was preserved only in the South (Gujarat? >Pali), while the North (Panjab, Kashmir, even ŚB and Bengal) has *mlecch. The sound shift from-h.h.-/-kh- > -cch- is unexplained; it may have been modeled on similar correspondences in MIA   (Skt. Akṣi ‘eye’ _ MIA akkhi, acchi; ks.Etra ‘_eld’ _ MIA khetta, chetta, etc.) The meaning of Mleccha must have evolved from ‘self-designation’ > ‘name of foreigners’, cf. those of the Franks > Arab farinjI ‘foreigner.’ Its introduction into Vedic must have begun in Meluh.h.a, in Baluchistan-Sindh, and have been transmitted for a long time in a non-literary level of IA as a nickname, before surfacing in E. North India in Middle/Late Vedic as Mleccha. (Pali milāca is influenced by a `tribal’ name, Piśā ca, as is Sindhi milindu, milidu by Pulinda; the word has been further `abbreviated’ by avoiding the difficult cluster ml- : Prākṛt mecha, miccha, Kashmiri m ĩ c(h), Bengali mech (a Tib.-Burm tribe) and perhaps Pashai mece if not < *mēcca `defective’ (Turner, CDIAL 10389. | Parpola 1994: 174 has attempted a Dravidian explanation. He understands Meluh.h. a (var. Melah.h.a) as Drav. *Mēlakam [mēlaxam] `high country’ (= Baluchistan) (=Ta-milakam) and points to Neo-Assyr. Baluh.h.u `galbanum’, sinda `wood from Sindh’. He traces mlech, milakkha back to *mleks. , which is seen as agreeing, with central Drav. Metathesis with *mlēxa = mēlaxa-m. Kuiper 1991:24 indicates not infrequent elision of (Dravid.) —a- when taken over into Skt. | Shafer 1954 has a Tib-Burm. Etymology *mltse; Southworth 1990: 223 reconstructs Pdrav. 2 *muzi/mizi `say, speak, utter’, DEDR 4989, tamil `Tamil’ < `own speech’.)” [Witzel, Michael, 1999, Substrate Languages in Old Indo-Aryan (Rgvedic, Middle and Late Vedic, Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies (EJVS) 5-1 (1999) pp.1-67.http://www.ejvs.laurasianacademy.com/ejvs0501/ejvs0501article.pdf]
Note: Coining a term, “Para-Munda”, denoting a hypothetical language related but not ancestral to modern Munda languages, the author goes on to identify it as “Harappan”, the language of the Harappan civilization. The author later recounts this and posits that Harappan were illiterate  and takes the glyphs of the script to be symbols without any basis in any underlying language.[cf. Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat, and Michael Witzel, 2005, The Collapse of the Indus-Script Thesis: The Myth of a Literate Harappan Civilization,   EJVS 11-2  Dec. 13, 2005.]
ṛgveda (ṛca 3.53.12) uses the term, ‘bhāratam janam’, which can be interpreted as ‘bhārata folk’. The ṛṣi of the sūkta is viśvāmitra gāthina. India was called Bhāratavarṣa after the king Bhārata. (Vāyu 33, 51-2; Bd. 2,14,60-2; lin:ga 1,47,20,24; Viṣṇu 2,1,28,32).
Ya ime rodasī ubhe aham indram atuṣṭavam
viśvāmitrasya rakṣati brahmedam bhāratam janam
3.053.12 I have made Indra glorified by these two, heaven and earth, and this prayer of viśvāmitra protects the people of Bhārata. [Made Indra glorified: indram atuṣṭavam — the verb is the third preterite of the casual, I have caused to be praised; it may mean: I praise Indra, abiding between heaven and earth, i.e. in the firmament].
The evidence is remarkable that almost every single glyph or glyptic element of the Indus script can be read rebus using the repertoire of artisans (lapidaries working with precious shell, ivory, stones and terracotta, mine-workers, metal-smiths working with a variety of minerals, furnaces and other tools) who created the inscribed objects and used many of them to authenticate their trade transactions. Many of the inscribed objects are seen to be calling cards of the professional artisans, listing their professional skills and repertoire.
The identification of glosses from the present-day languages of India on Sarasvati river basin is justified by the continuation of culture evidenced by many artifacts evidencing civilization continuum from the Vedic  Sarasvati River basin, since language and culture are intertwined, continuing legacies:
Huntington notes [http://huntingtonarchive.osu.edu/Makara%20Site/makara]: “There is a continuity of composite creatures demonstrable in Indic culture since Kot Diji ca. 4000 BCE.”
It is unlikely that Akkadian was a possible underlying language because a cuneiform cylinder seal with an Akkadian inscription, showing a seafaring Meluhhan merchant (carrying an antelope) required an interpreter, Shu-ilishu, confirming that the Meluhhan’s language was not Akkadian. There is substantial agreement among scholars pointing to the Indian civilization area as a linguistic area.
I suggest that Meluhha mentioned in Mesopotamian texts of 3rd-2nd millennium BCE is a language of this linguistic area. That meluhha and mleccha are cognate and that mleccha is attested as a mleccha vācas (mleccha speech) distinguished from arya vācas (arya speech) indicates that the linguistic area had a colloquial, ungrammatical mleccha speech – lingua franca and a grammatically correct arya speech – literary language. The substrate glosses of the Indian lexicon are thus reasonably assumed to be the glosses of mleccha vācas, the speech of the artisans who produced the artifacts and the inscribed objects with the writing system. This assumption is further reinforced by the fact that about 80% of archaeological sites of the civilization are found on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati leading some scholars to rename the Indus Valley civilization as Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization.
In this context, the following monumental work by Sylvan Levi, Jules Bloch and Jean Przyluski published in the 1920’s continues to be relevant, even today, despite some advances in studies related to formation of Indian languages and the archaeological perspectives of and evidences from the civilization.
Przyluski notes the principal forms of the words signifying ‘man’ and ‘woman’ in the Munda languages:
Man: hor, hōrol, harr, hõr, haṛa, hoṛ, koro
Woman: kūṛĩ, ērā, koṛi, kol
Comparing ‘son’ and ‘daughter’ in Santali:
Son = kora hapan; daughter = kuri hapan
 “…a root kur, kor is differentiated in the Munda languages for signifying: man, woman, girl and boy. That in some cases this root has taken a relatively abstract sense is proved by Santali koḍa, koṛa, which signify ‘one’ as in the expression ‘koḍa ke koḍa’ ‘each single one’. Thus one can easily understand that the same root has served the purpose of designating the individual not as an indivisible unity but as a numerical whole…Thus we can explain the analogy between the root kur, kor ‘man’ the number 20 in Munda kūṛī kūṛĩ ,  koḍī and the number 10 in Austro-Asiatic family ko, se-kūr, skall, gal.” (ibid., pp. 28-30).
Homonym: कोल [ kōla ] n An income, or goods and chattels, or produce of fields &c. seized and sequestered (in payment of a debt). V धरून ठेवसोड. 2 f The hole dug at the game of विटीदांडू, at marbles &c. कोलणें [ kōlaṇēṃ ] v c To strike the विटी in the hole कोली with the bat or दांडू. (In the game of विटीदांडू) 2 To cast off from one’s self upon another (a work). Ex. पैका मागावयास लागलों म्हणजे बाप लेंकावर कोलतो लेंक बापावरकोलतो. 3 To cast aside, reject, disallow, flout, scout. कोलून मारणें To kick up the heels of; to trip up: also to turn over (from one side to the other). किरकोळी [ kirakōḷī ] f (किरकोळ) A heap of miscellaneous articles.
An old Munda word, kol means ‘man’. S. K. Chatterjee called the Munda family of languages as Kol, as the word, according to him, is (in the Sanskrit-Prākṛt form Kolia) an early Aryan modification of an old Munda word meaning ‘man’.  [Chatterjee, SK, The study of kol, Calcutta Review, 1923, p. 455.] Przyluski accepts this explanation. [Przyluski, Non-aryan loans in Indo-Aryan, in: Bagchi, PC, Pre-aryan and pre-dravidian, pp.28-29 http://www.scribd.com/doc/33670494/prearyanandpredr035083mbp]
Note: This area can be called speakers of ‘mleccha, meluhha’ or mleccha vācas according to Manusmṛti (lingua franca of the artisans). Manusmṛti distinguishes two spoken language-groups: mleccha vācas and arya vaacas (that is, spoken dialect distinguished from grammatically correct glosses).
 “A Sprachbund…in German, plural “Sprachbünde” IPA, from the German word for “language union”, also known as a linguistic area, convergence area, or diffusion area, is a group of languages that have become similar in some way because of geographical proximity and language contact. They may be genetically unrelated, or only distantly related. Where genetic affiliations are unclear, thesprachbund characteristics might give a false appearance of relatedness…In a classic 1956 paper titled “India as a Linguistic Area”, Murray Emeneau [Emeneau, Murray. 1956. India as a Lingusitic Area. "Langauge" 32: 3-16. http://en.academic.ru/dic.nsf/enwiki/113093] laid the groundwork for the general acceptance of the concept of a Sprachbund. In the paper, Emeneau observed that the subcontinent’s Dravidian  and Indo-Aryan languages shared a number of features that were not inherited from a common source, but were areal features, the result of diffusion during sustained contact.”  Common features of a group of languages in a Sprachbund are called ‘areal features’. In linguistics, an areal feature is any typological feature shared by languages within the same geographical area. An example refers to retroflex consonants in the Burushaski {Berger, H. Die Burushaski-Sprache von Hunza und Nagar. Vols. I-III. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 1988 ] [Tikkanen (2005)]}, Nuristani [G.Morgenstierne, Irano-Dardica. Wiesbaden 1973], Dravidian,  Munda and Indo-Aryan language families of the Indian subcontinent. The Munda Languages. Edited by Gregory D. S. Anderson. London and New York: Routledge (Routledge Language Family Series), 2008.
Notes on Indian linguistic area: pre-aryan,pre-Munda and pre-dravidian in India
It will be a hasty claim to make that Old Tamil or Proto-Munda or Santali or Prakṛt or Pali or any other specific language of the Indian linguistic area, by itself (to the exclusion of other languages in contact), explains the language of the Indus civilization. In this context, the work by Sylvan Levi, Jules Bloch and Jean Przyluski published in the 1920’s (cited elsewhere) continues to be relevant, even today, despite some advances in studies related to formation of Indian languages and the archaeological perspectives of and evidences from the civilization.
Some glyphs of the script are yet to be decoded. Tentative readings of such glyphs yet to be validated by the cipher code key of Indus script are detailed (including decipherment of inscriptions from scores of small sites) at http://sites.google.com/site/kalyan97/induswriting If the glyphs are unambiguously identified and read in archaeological context and the context of other glyphs of the inscription itself, it will be possible to decipher them. For this purpose, some graphemes (which have homonyms and can be read rebus) are provided from the Indian Lexicon of the Indian linguistic area.
Graphemes:
kola ‘tiger’ (Telugu); ‘jackal’ (Konkani); kul id. (Santali)
kol ‘the name of a bird, the Indian cuckoo’ (Santali)
kolo ‘a large jungle climber, dioscorea doemonum (Santali)
kulai ‘a hare’ (Santali)
Grapheme: Ta. kōl stick, staff, branch, arrow. Ma. kōl staff, rod, stick, arrow. Ko. kl stick, story of funeral car. To. kws̱ stick.Ka. kōl, kōlu stick, staff, arrow. Koḍ. Klï stick. Tu. kōlů, kōlustick, staff. Te. kōla id., arrow; long, oblong; kōlana elongatedness, elongation; kōlani elongated. Kol. (SR.) kolā, (Kin.) kōlastick. Nk. (Ch.) kōl pestle. Pa. kōl shaft of arrow.Go. (A.) kōla id.; kōlā (Tr.) a thin twig or stick, esp. for kindling a fire, (W. Ph.) stick, rod, a blade of grass, straw; (G. Mu. Ma. Ko.) kōla handle of plough, sickle, knife, etc. ( Voc.988); (ASu.) kōlā stick, arrow, slate-pencil; (LuS.) kola the handle of an implement.Konḍa kōl big wooden pestle. Pe. kōlpestle. Manḍ. kūl id. Kui kōḍu (pl. kōṭka) id. Kuwi (F.)kōlū (pl. kōlka), (S. Su.) kōlu (pl. kōlka) id. Cf. 2240 Ta.kōlam (Tu. Te. Go.). / Cf. OMar. (Master) kōla stick. (DEDR 2237).कोलदंडा or कोलदांडा [ kōladaṇḍā or kōladāṇḍā ] m A stick or bar fastened to the neck of a surly dog. (Marathi)
kola [ kōla ] f. The bandicoot rat, mus malibaricos (Rajasthani)
Skanda Purana refers to kol as a mleccha community. (Hindu śabdasagara).
kolhe, ‘the koles, are an aboriginal tribe of iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali) kōla m. name of a degraded tribe  Hariv. Pk. Kōla — m.; B. kol  name of a Muṇḍā tribe (CDIAL 3532). A Bengali lexeme confirms this: কোল1 [ kōla1 ] an aboriginal tribe of India; a member of this tribe. (Bengali) That in an early form of Indian linguistic area, kol means ‘man’ gets substantiated by a Nahali and Assamese glosses: kola ‘woman’. See also: Wpah. Khaś.kuṛi, cur. kuḷī, cam. kǒḷā ʻ boy ʼ,Sant. Muṇḍari koṛa ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛi ʻ girl ʼ, Ho koa, kui, Kūrkū kōn, kōnjē). Prob. separate from RV. kŕ̊tā -- ʻ girl ʼ H. W. Bailey TPS 1955, 65; K. kūrü f. ʻ young girl ʼ, kash. kōṛī, ram. kuṛhī; L. kuṛā m. ʻ bridegroom ʼ,kuṛī f. ʻ girl, virgin, bride ʼ, awāṇ. kuṛī f. ʻ woman ʼ; P. kuṛī f. ʻ girl, daughter ʼ, (CDIAL 3295). कारकोळी orळ्या [ kārakōḷī or ḷyā ] a Relating to the country कारकोळ--a tribe of Bráhmans (Marathi).
Mleccha and Bharatiya languages
Mleccha was substratum language of bharatiyo (casters of metal) many of whom lived in dvīpa (land between two rivers –Sindhu and Sarasvati -- or islands on Gulf of Kutch, Gulf of Khambat, Makran coast and along the Persian Gulf region of Meluhha).
Mleccha were  bharatiya (Indians) of Indian linguistic area
According to Matsya Purāṇa (10.7), King Veṇa was the ancestor of the mleccha; according to Mahābhārata (MB. 12.59, 101-3), King Veṇa was a progenitor of the Niṣāda dwelling in the Vindhya mountains. Nirukta 3.8 includes Niṣāda among the five peoples mentioned in the ṛgveda 10.53.4, citing Aupamanyava; the five peoples are: brāhmaṇa, kṣatriya, vaiśya, śūdra and Niṣāda. Niṣāda gotra is mentioned in the gaṇapāṭha of Pāṇini (Aṣṭādhyāyī 4.1.100). Niṣāda were mleccha. It should be noted that Pāṇini associated yavana with the Kāmboja (Pāṇini, Gaṇapāṭha, 178 on 2.1.72).
Mullaippāṭṭu (59-66) (composed by kāvirippūmpāṭṭinattuppon vāṇigaṇār mahanārṇ.appūḍanār) are part of Pattuppāṭṭu, ten Tamil verses of Sangam literature; these refer to a chief of Tamil warriors whose battle-field tent was built by Yavana and guarded by mleccha who spoke only through gestures. (JV Chelliah, 1946, Pattuppāṭṭu; ten Tamil idylls, translated into English verse, South India Saiva Siddhanta Works Publishing Society, p. 91).
Mahābhārata notes that the Pāṇḍava army was protected by mleccha, among other people (Kāmboja ,śaka, Khasa, Salwa, Matsya, Kuru, Mleccha, Pulinda, Draviḍa, Andhra and Kāñci) (MBh. V.158.20). Sūta laments the misfortune of the Kaurava-s: ‘When the Nārāyaṇa-s have been killed, as also the Gopāla-s, those troops that were invincible in battle, and many thousands of mleccha-s, what can it be but Destiny?’ (MBh. IX.2.36: Nārāyaṇā hatāyatra Gopālā yuddhadurmahāh mlecchāśca bahusāhasrāh kim anyad bhāgadheyatah?)
Nahali, Meluhhan, Language ‘X’ 
On the banks of River Narmada are found speakers of Nahali, the so-called language isolate with words from Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda – which together constitute the indic language substratum of a linguistic area, ca. 3300 BCE on the banks of Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu – a region referred to as Meluhha in Mesopotamian cuneiform records; hence the language of the inscribed objects can rightly be called Meluhhan or Mleccha, a language which Vidura and Yudhiṣṭhira knew (as stated in the Great Epic, Mahābhārata).
Elsewhere in the Great Epic we read how Sahadeva, the youngest of the Pāṇḍava brothers, continued his march of conquest till he reached several islands in the sea (no doubt with the help of ships) and subjugated the Mleccha inhabitants thereof. Brahmāṇḍa 2.74.11, Brahma 13.152, Harivaṁśa 1841, Matsya 48.9, Vāyu 99.11, cf. also Viṣṇu 4.17.5, Bhāgavata 9.23.15, see Kirfel 1927: 522: pracetasah putraśatam rājānah sarva eva te // mleccharāṣṭrādhipāh sarve udīcīm diśam āśritāh which means, of course, not that these ‘100’ kings conquered the ‘northern countries’ way beyond the Hindukuṣ or Himalayas, but that all these 100 kings, sons of pracetās (a descendant of a ‘druhyu’), kings of mleccha kingdoms, are ‘adjacent’ (āśrita) to the ‘northern direction,’ — which since the Vedas and Pāṇini has signified Greater gandhāra. (Kirfel, W. Das Purāṇa Pañcalakṣaṇa.1927.Bonn : K. Schroeder.) This can be construed as a reference to a migration of the sons of Pracetas towards the northern direction to become kings of the mleccha states. The son of Yayati’s third son, Druhyu, was Babhru, whose son and grandsons were Setu, Arabdha, Gandhara, Dharma, Dhṛta, Durmada and Praceta. It is notable that Pracetas is related to Dharma and Dhṛta, who are the principal characters of the Great Epic, the Mahābhārata. It should be noted that a group of people frequently mentioned in the Great Epic are the mleccha, an apparent designation of a group within the country, with Bhāratam janam (Bhārata people). This is substantiated by the fact that Bhagadatta, the king of Pragjyotiṣa is referred to as mleccha and he is also said to have ruled over two yavana kings (2.13).

Melakkha, island-dwellers, lapidaries
According to the great epic, Mlecchas lived on islands: “sa sarvān mleccha nṛpatin sāgara dvīpa vāsinah, aram āhāryàm àsa ratnāni vividhāni ca, andana aguru vastrāṇi maṇi muktam anuttamam, kāñcanam rajatam vajram vidrumam ca mahādhanam: (Bhima) arranged for all the mleccha kings, who dwell on the ocean islands, to bring varieties of gems, sandalwood, aloe, garments, and incomparable jewels and pearls, gold, silver, diamonds, and extremely valuable coral… great wealth.” (MBh. 2.27.25-27). The reference to gems, pearls and corals evokes the semi-precious and precious stones, such as carnelian and agate, of Gujarat traded with Mesopotamian civilization. According to Sumerian records from the Agade Period (Sargon, 2373-2247 BC), Sumerian merchants traded with people from (at least) three named foreign places: Dilmun (now identified as the island of Bahrain in the Persian Gulf); Magan (a port on the coastline between the head of the Persian Gulf and the mouth of the Sindhu river); and Meluhha. Mentions of trade with Meluhha become frequent in Ur III period (2168-2062 BCE) and Larsa dynasty (2062- 1770 BCE). To the end of the Sarasvati Civilization period, the trade declines dramatically attesting to Meluhha being the Sarasvati Civilization. By Ur III Period, Meluhhan workers residing in Sumeria had Sumerian names, leading to a comment: ‘…three hundred years after the earliest textually documented contact between Meluhha and Mesopotamia, the references to a distinctly foreign commercial people have been replaced by an ethnic component of Ur III society’ This is an economic presence of Meluhhan traders maintaining their own village for a considerable span of time.(Parpola, Simo, Asko Parpola, and Robert H. Brunswig, Jr., 1977, “TheMeluhha Village — Evidence of Acculturation of Harappan Traders in Late Third Millenium Mesopotamia?”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Volume 20, Part II.)
The epic also refers to the pāṇḍava Sahadeva’s conquest of several islands in the sea with mleccha inhabitants.
A reference also to the salty marshes of Rann of Kutch in Gujarat (and also, perhaps, the Makran coast, south of Karachi), may also be surmised, where settlements and fortifications such as Amri Nal, Allahdino, Dholavira (Kotda) Sur-kota-da, and Kanmer have been excavated – close to the Sarasvati River Basin as the River traversed towards the Arabian ocean. Kathāsaritsāgara (tr. CH Tawney, 1880, Calcutta; rep. New Delhi, 1991), I, p. 151 associates mleccha with Sind. Mleccha  kings paid tributes of sandalwood, aloe, cloth, gems, pearls, blankets, gold, silver and valuable corals.
Nakula conquered western parts of Bhāratavarṣa teeming with mleccha (MBh.V.49.26: yah pratīcīm diśam cakre vaśe mlecchagaṇāyutām sa tatra nakulo yoddhā citrayodhī vyavasthitah). Bṛhatsamhitā  XIV.21 refers to lawless mleccha  who inhabited the west: nirmaryādā mlecchā ye paścimadiksthit āsteca. A Buddhist chronicle, āryaManjuśrī Mūlakalpa  [ed. Ganapati Śāstri, II, p. 274] associates pratyanta (contiguous)with mlecchadeśa in western Bhāratavarṣa: paścimām diśīm āsṛtya rājāno mriyate tadā ye ‘pi pratyantavāsinyo mlecchataskarajīvinah. (trans. ‘Then (under a certain astrological combination) the kings who go to the west die; also inhabitants of pratyanta live like the mlecchas and taskara.’)
This metaphor defines the region fit for yajna. This metaphor also explains the movements of mleccha, such as kamboja-yavana, pārada-pallava along the Indian Ocean Rim as sea-faring merchants from Meluhha. This parallels the hindu-bauddha continuum exemplified by the Mathura lion capital withśrivatsa and Angkor Wat (Nagara vātika) as the largest Viṣṇu mandiram in the world, together with celebration of Bauddham in many parts of central, eastern and southeastern Asian continent. Mleccha were at no stage described in any text as people belonging to one ethnic, religious or linguistic group. This self-imposed restriction evidenced by all writers of the early Indian cultural tradition – Veda, Bauddha, Jaina alike – is of fundamental significance in understanding that mleccha constituted the core of the people on the banks of Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu and were the principal architects, artisans, workers, and people, in general, of the Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization throughout its stages of evolution through phases in modes of production – pastoral, agricultural, industrial – and interactions with neighbors, trading in surplus food products and artefacts generated and sharing cultural attributes/characteristics.
Various terms are used to describe mleccha  social groups and communities: pratyantadeś’a (ArthaśāstraVII.10.16), paccantimā janapada (Vinaya Piṭaka V.13.12, vol. I, p. 197), aṭavi, aṭavika (DC Sircar,Selected Inscriptions, vol. I, ‘Thirteenth Rock Edict Shābhāzgaṛhī, text line 7, p.37; ‘Khoh Copper Plate Inscription of Saimkshobha’, text line 8; Arthaśāstra VII.10.16; VII.4.43: mlecchaṭavi who were considered a threat to the state; Arthaśāstra IX.2.18-20 mentions aṭavibala, troops from forests as one of six types of troops at the disposal of a ruler). Some mleccha lived in border areas and forests, e.g.pratyanta nṛpatibhir (frontier kings: JF Fleet, CII, vol. II, ‘Allahabad Posthumous Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, text line 22, p. 116) cf. Arthaśāstra– a 4th century BCE text — I.12.21; VII.14.27; XIV.1.2; mleccha jāti are: bheda,kirāta, śabara, pulindaAmarakośa II.10.20, a fifth century CE text).
In many Persian inscriptions Yauna, Gandhāra and Saka occur together. [For e.g., DC Sircar, Selected Inscriptions, no.2  ‘Persepolis Inscription on Dārayavahuṣ (Darius c. 522-486 BCE),’ lines 12-13, 18, p.7; no. 5, ‘Perseplis Inscription of Khshayārshā (Xerxes c. 486-465)’, lines 23, 25-6, p. 12]. Thus, yavanamay be a reference to people settled in the northwest Bhāratavarṣa (India).
There are references to Mleccha (that is, śaka, Yavana, Kamboja, Pahlava) in Bāla Kānḍa of the Valmiki Rāmāyaṇa (1.54.21-23; 1.55.2-3). Taih asit samvrita bhūmih śakaih-Yavana miśritaih || 1.54-21 || taih taih Yavana-Kamboja barbarah ca akulii kritaah || 1-54-23 || tasya humkaarato jātah Kamboja ravi sannibhah | udhasah tu atha sanjatah Pahlavah śastra panayah || 1-55-2|| yoni deśāt ca Yavanah śakri deśāt śakah tathā | roma kupeṣ u Mlecchah ca Haritah sa Kiratakah || 1-55-3 ||.Kāmboja Yavanān caivaśakān paṭṭaṇāni ca | Anvīkṣya Varadān caiva Himavantam vicinvatha || 12 || — (Rāmāyaṇa 4.43.12)
The Yavanas here refer to the Bactrian Yavanas (in western Oxus country), and the Sakas here refer to the Sakas of Sogdiana/Jaxartes and beyond. The Vardas are the same as Paradas (Hindu Polity, 1978, p 124, Dr K. P. Jayswal; Goegraphical Data in Early Purana, 1972, p 165, 55 fn, Dr M. R.Singh). The Paradas were located on river Sailoda in Sinkiang (MBh II.51.12; II.52.13; VI.87.7 etc) and probably as far as upper reaches of river Oxus and Jaxartes (Op cit, p 159-60, Dr M. R.Singh).
Vanaparva of Mahābhārata notes: “…...Mlechha (barbaric) kings of the śaka-s, Yavanas, Kambojas, Bahlikas etc shall rule the earth (i.e India) un-rightously in Kaliyuga…” viparīte tadā loke purvarūpān kṣayasya tat || 34 || bahavo mechchha r\ājānah pṛthivyām manujādhipa | mithyanuśāsinah pāpa mṛṣavadaparāṇah || 35 || āndrah śakah Pulindaśca Yavanaśca narādhipāh | Kamboja Bahlikahśudrastathābhīra narottama || 36|| MBH 3/188/34-36). Anushasanaparava of Mahābhārata affirms that Mathura, was under the joint military control of the Yavanas and the Kambojas (12/102/5). Tathā Yavana Kambojā Mathurām abhitaś ca ye ete niyuddhakuśalā dākshiinātyāsicarminah. Mahābhārata speaks of the Yavanas, Kambojas, Darunas etc as the fierce mleccha from Uttarapatha : uttaraścāpare mlechchha jana bharatasattama. || 63 || Yavanashcha sa Kamboja Daruna mlechchha jatayah. | — (MBH 6.11.63-64) They are referred to as papakritah (sinful): uttara pathajanmanah kirtayishyami tanapi. | Yauna Kamboja Gandharah Kirata barbaraih saha. || 43 || ete pāpakṛtāstatra caranti prṛthivīmimām. | śvakakabalagridhraṇān sadharmaṇo narādhipa. || 44 || — (MBh 12/207/43-44) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Invasion_of_India_by_Scythian_Tribes#Establishment_of_Mlechcha_Kingdoms_in_Northern_India 
Yavana are descendants of Turvaśu, one of the four sons of Yayāti. The sons were to rule over people such as Yavana, Bhoja and Yādava (MBh. 1.80.23-4; Matsya Purāṇa 34.29-30). Yavana, descendants of Turvaśu are noted as meat-eaters, sinful and hence, anārya. [MBh. trans. PC Roy, vol. I, p. 179] These people were brought over the sea safely by Indra (RV 6.20.12). In the Mahābhārata, sons of Anu are noted as mleccha. ṛgveda notes that Yadu and Turvaśa are dāsa (RV 10.62.10):
sanema te vasā navya indra pra pūrava stavanta enā yajnaih
sapta yat purah śarma śāradīr dadruiśa dhan dāsīh purukutsāya śikṣan
tvam vrdha indraprvyarja bhūr varivasyann uśane kāvyāya
parā navavāstvam anudeyam mahe pitre dadātha svam napātam
tvam dhunir indra dhunimtrṇor āpah sīrā na sravantīh
pra yat samudram ati śūra parśi pāraya turvaśam yadum svasti
RV 6.020.10 (Favoured) by your proection, Indra, we solicit new (wealth); by this adoration men glorify you at sacrifices, for that you have shattered with your bolt the seven cities of śarat, killing the opponents (of sacred rites), killing the opponents (of sacred rites), and giving (their spoils) to Purukutsa. [Men: puravah = manuṣyah; śarat = name of an asura].
RV 6.020.11 Desirous of opulence, you, Indra, have been an ancient benefactor of Us’anas, the son of Kavi; having slain Navavāstva, you have given back his own grandson, who was (fit) to be restored o the grandfather.
RV 6.020.12 You, Indra, who make (your enemies) tremble, have caused the waters, detained by Dhuni, to flow like rushing rivers; so, hero, when, having crossed the ocean, you have reached the shore, you have brought over in safety Turvas’a and Yadu. [samudram atipraparṣi = samudram atikramya pratirṇo bhavasi = when you are crossed, having traversed the ocean, you have brought across Turvaśa and Yadu, both standing on the future shore, samudrapāretiṣṭhantau apārayah].
Nandana, another commentator of Mānava Dharma śāstra. X.45, defines āryavāc as samskṛtavāc. Thus, according to Medhātithi, neither habitation nor mleccha  speech is the ground for regarding groups as Dasyus, but it is because of their particular names Barbara etc., that they are so regarded. These people were brought over the sea safely by Indra, as noted by this ṛca. This ṛca also notes that Yadu and Turvaśa (are) dāsa; and that Turvaśu is a son of Yayāti. The sons of Yayāti were to rule over people such as Yavana, Bhoja and Yādava. Turvaśu and Yadu crossed the oceans to come into Bhāratavarṣa. In this ṛca., ‘samudra’ can be interpreted only as an ocean. The ocean crossed by Indra, may be not too far from Sindhu. Sindhu is a ‘natural ocean frontier’ in ṛgveda. Given the activities of the Meluhha along the Makran Coast (300 km. south of Mehergarh, in the neighbourhood of Karachi), Gulf of Kutch and Gulf of Khambat, (evidence? Turbinella pyrum —śankha-bangle found in a woman’s grave in Mehergarh, dated to c. 6500 BCE, yes 7th millennium BCE; the type of shell found nowhere else in the world excepting the coastline of Sindhu sāgara upto to the Gulf of Mannar).
The ocean referred to may be the ocean in the Gulf of Kutch and was situated with a number of dvīpas. In places north of Lamgham district, i.e. north bank of river Kabul, near Peshawar were regions known as Mi-li-ku, the frontier of the mleccha  lands. [S. Beal, 1973, The Life of Hiuen Tsiang, New Delhi, p 57; cf. NL Dey, Geographical Dictionary of India, p. 113 for an identification of Lamgham (Lampakā) 20 miles north-west of Jalalabad.] Harivamśa 85.18-19 locates the mleccha  in the Himalayan region and mleccha are listed with yavana, śaka, darada, pārada, tuṣāra, khand pahlava in north and north-west Bhāratavarṣa: sa viv ṛddho yad ā rāj ā yavan ānām mah ābalāh tata enam nṛpā mlecch āh sams’rity ānuyayaus tad ā śakās tuṣār ā daradāh pāradās tan:gaṇāh khasśāh pahlavāh śataśaścānye mlecch ā haimavat ās tathā. Matsya Purāṇa 144.51-58 provides a list. Pracetā had a hundred sons all of whom ruled in mleccha  regions in the north. [Matsya Purāṇa 148.8-9; Bhāgavata Purāṇa IX.23.16.] Bhīṣma Parvan of Mahābhārata notes that mleccha jāti people lived in Yavana, Kāmboa, Dāruṇā regions and are listed together with several other peoples of the northern and north-western parts of Bhāratavarṣa (MBh. VI.10.63-66: uttarāścāpare mlecchā janā bharatasattama yavanāśca śaka,  kāmbojā dārun.ā mlecchajātayah). In Rāmāyaṇa IV.42.10, Sugrīva is asked to search for Sītā in the northern lands of mleccha, pulinda, sūrasena, praṣalā, bhārata, kuru, madraka, kamboja and yavana before proceeding to Himavat: tatra mlecchān pulindāmśūrasen āmś tathaiva ca prasthalān bharatāmścaiva kurūmsśca saha madraih. Mlecchas came from the valley adjoining the Himalaya. [Rājatarangiṇī , VII. 2762-64.]
When Sagara, son of Bāhu, was prevented from destroying śaka, Yavana, Kāmboa, Pārada and Pāhlava after he recovered his kingdom, Vasiṣṭha, the family priest of Sagara, absolved these people of their duties but Sagara commanded the Yavana to shave the upper half of their heads, the Pārada to wear long hair and Pahlava to let their beards grow. Sagara also absolved them of their duty to offer yajna to agni and to study the Veda. [Vāyu Purāṇa 88.122. 136- 43; Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa 3.48.43-49; 63.119-34.] This is how these Yavana, Pārada and Pahlava also became mleccha. [Viṣṇu Purāṇa 4.3.38-41.] The implication is that prior to Sagara’s command, these kṣatriya communities did respect Vasiṣṭha as their priest, studied the Veda and performed yajna. [Harivamśa 10.41-45.] Śaka who were designated as kings of mleccha jāti by Bhaṭṭa Utpala (10th century) in his commentary on Bṛhatsamhitā, were defeated by Candragupta II. That the mleccha  were also adored as ṛṣi is clear from the verse of Bṛhatsamhitā 2.15:mlecchā hi yavanās teṣu samyak  śāstram kadam sthitam ṛṣivat te ‘pi pūjyante kim punar daivavid dvijāh(The yavana are mleccha, among them this science is duly established; therefore, even they (although mleccha) are honoured as ṛṣi; how much more (praise is due to an) astrologer who is a brāhmaṇa’).Bṛhatsamhitā 14.21 confirms that the yavana, śaka and pahlava lived on the west. Similarly, Konow notes that Sai-wang (Saka King) mentioned in Chinese accounts should be interpreted as Saka Muruṇḍa and the territory he occupied as Kāpiśa. [Sten Konow, CII, vol. II, pp. xx ff; Sten Konow, EI, no. 20 'Taxila Inscription of the Year 136', vol. XIV, pp. 291-2.] Śaka migrated to Bhāratavarṣa through Arachosia via the Bolan Pass into the lower Sindhu, a region called Indo_Scythia by Greek geographers and calledśaka-dvīpa in Bhāratiya texts. [EJ Rapson, ed., 1922,Cambridge History of India , vol. I, Ancient India, Cambridge, p. 564.] Another view expressed by Thomas is that the migration was through Sindh and the valley of the Sindhu River. [FW Thomas, 'Sakastana', JRAS, 1906, p. 216.] Kalhaṇa notes that Jalauka, a son of Aśoka took possession of Kāśmīra, advanced as far as Kanauj, after crushing a horse of mleccha. [Rājatarangiṇī, 1.107-8.] Greek invasions occurred later, during the reign of Puṣyamitra śunga (c. 185-150 BCE). The regions inhabited by the ‘milakkha’  could be the Vindhyan region. The term, ‘mleccha‘ of which ‘milakkha’ is a variant, could as well have denoted the indigenous people (Nahali?) or of Bhāratavarṣa who had lived on the Sarasvati River basin and who moved towards other parts of Bhāratavarṣa after the gradual desiccation of the river, over a millennium, between c. 2500 and 1500 BCE. Medhātithi, commenting on the verse of Manu, defines a language as mleccha : asad avidyamān\ārthās ādhu śabdatayā vāk mleccha ucyate yathā śabarāṇām kirātānām anyeyām va antyānām:  Medhātithi on Mānava Dharmaśāstra X.45 – ‘Language is called mleccha  because it consists of words that have no meaning or have the wrong meaning or are wrong in form. To this class belong the languages of such low-born tribes as the śabara-s, Kirāta and so forth…’… He further proceeds to explain that āryavāc is refined speech and the language of the inhabitants of āryāvarta, but only of those who belong to the four varṇa-s. The others are called Dasyus.: ibid. – āryavāca  āryāvartam vāsinas te cāturvarṇy ādanyajātīyatvena prasiddhas tadā dasyava ucyante ‘Arya (refined) language is the language of the inhabitants of āryāvarta. Those persons being other than the four varṇa-s are called Dasyus.’
In Dhammapada’s commentary on Petuvathu, Dwaraka is associated with Kamboja as its Capital or its important city.[ The Buddhist Concepts of Spirits, p 81, Dr B. C. Law.] See evidence below:
Yasa asthaya gachham Kambojam dhanharika/ ayam kamdado yakkho iyam yakham nayamasai// iyam yakkham gahetvan sadhuken pasham ya/ yanam aaropyatvaan khippam gaccham Davarkān iti “ [Buddhist Text Khudak Nikaya (P.T.S)]
Mleccha who came to the Rājasūya also included those from forest and frontier areas (MBh. III. 48.19:sāgarān ūpagāmścaiva ye ca paṭṭaṇavāsinah simhal ān barbarān mlecchān ye ca jān:galavāsinah). Bhīmasena proceeded east towards Lohitya (Brahmaputra) and had conquered several mleccha people who bestowed on him wealth of various kinds (MBh. II.27.23-24: suhmānāmādhipam caiva ye ca sāgaravāsinah sarvān mlecchagaṇāmścaiva vijigye bharatarṣabhah evam bahu vidhān deśān vijitya pavanātmajah vasu tebhya upādya lauhityam agad balī. [NL Dey, Geographical Dictionary, p. 115.]
Celebrations at the Kalinga capital of Duryodhana were attended by preceptors and mleccha kings from the south and east of Bhārata (MBh. XII.4.8: ete cānye ca bahavo dakṣinām diśām āśritah mlecchā āryāśca rāj ānah prācyodicyāśca bhārata).
Bhāgadatta, the great warrior of Prāgjyotiṣa accompanied by mleccha people inhabiting marshy regions of the sea- coast (sāgarānūpavāsibhih), attends the Rājasūya of Yudhiṣṭhira (MBh. II.31.9-10:prāgjyotiṣaśca nṛpatir bhagadatto mahāyaśāh saha sarvais tathā mlecchaih sāgarānūpavāsibhih). This is perhaps a reference ot the marshy coastline of Bengal. Amarakośa II, Bhūmivarga – 6: pratyanto mlecchade śah syāt; Sarvānanda in his commentary, ṭīkāsarvasva, elaborates that mleccha deśa denotes regions without proper conduct such as Kāmarūpa: bhāratavarṣasyāntadeśah śiṣṭācārā rahitah kāmarūpādih mlecchadeśāh [Nāmalingānuśāsana, with commentary ṭīkāsarvasva, of Sarvānanda (ed. Ganapati śāstri)]; he also cites Manu that where four varṇa-s are not established that region is mlecchadeśa.  A contemporary of Harṣavardhana was Bhāskaravarman of Kāmarūpa; this king was supplanted by another dynasty founded by śālastambha who was known as a mleccha  overlord. [SK Chatterji, 1950, Kirāta-jana-kṛti --The Indo-Mongoloids: Their contributions to the and culture of India, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XVI, pp.143-253.] 
Meluhha, Mleccha  areas: Sarasvati River Basin and Coastal Regions  of Gujarat, Baluchistan
Meluhha  referred to in Sumerian and old Akkadian texts refers to an area in Sarasvati Civilization; Asko and Simo Parpola add: ‘…probably, including NW India with Gujarat as well as eastern Baluchistan’.[ WF Leemans, Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, 1960; 'Trade Relations on Babylonia', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. III, 1960, p.30 ff. 'Old Babylonian Letters and Economic History', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. XI, 1968, pp. 215-26; J. Hansam, 'A Periplus of Magan and Meluhha', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 36, pt. III, 1973, pp. 554-83. Asko and Simo Parpola, 'On the Relationship of the Sumerian Toponym Meluhha and Sanskrit Mleccha', Studia Orientalia,vol. 46, 1975, pp. 205-38.]
Imports from Meluhha into Mesopotamia included the following commodities which were found in north-western and western Bhāratavarṣa: copper, silver, gold, carnelian, ivory, uśu wood (ebony), and another wood which is translated as ‘sea wood’ – perhaps mangrove wood on the coasts of Sind ad Baluchistan. [J. Hansman, 'A Periplus of Magan and Meluhha', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 36, pt. III, 1973, pp. 560.] The Ur texts specifically refer to ‘seafaring country of Meluhha‘’ and hence, Leemans’ thesis that Meluhha was the west coast (modern state of Gujarat) of Bhārata. The Lothal dockyard had fallen into disuse by c.1800 BCE, a date when the trade between Mesopotamia and Meluhha also ended. [WF Leemans, 'Old Babylonian Letters and Economic History', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. XI, 1968, pp. 215-26. P. Aalto, 1971, 'Marginal Notes on the Meluhha Problem,' Professor KA Nilakanta Sastri Felicitation Volume, Madras, pp. 222-23.] In Leemans’ view, Gujarat was the last bulwark of the (Indus or Sarasvati) Civilization. Records refer to Meluhhan ships docking at Sumer. There were Meluhhans in various Sumerian cities; there was also a Meluhhan town or district at one city. The Sumerian records indicate a large volume of trade; according to a Sumerian tablet, one shipment from Meluhha  contained 5,900 kg of copper (13,000 lbs, or 6 ½ tons)! The bulk of this trade was done through Dilmun, not directly with Meluhha. In our view, the formative stages of the Civilization also had their locus in the coastal areas – in particular, the Gulf of Khambat, Gulf of Kutch and Makran coast, as evidenced by the wide shell-bangle, dated to c. 6500 BCE, made of turbinella pyrum or śankha, found in Mehergarh, 300 miles north of the Makran coast.
Tanana mleccha
A Jaina text, Avasyaka Churani  notes that ivory trade was managed by mleccha, who also traveled from Uttaravaha to Dakshinapatha.[ Jain, 1984, Life in Ancient India as Described in the Jain Canon and Commentaries (6th century BC - 17th century AD, p. 150.] Guttila Jataka (ca.4th cent.) makes reference to itinerant ivory workers/traders journeying from Varanasi to Ujjain. [Cowell, 1973, Jatakas Book II, p. 172 ff.] The phrase, tanana mleccha may be related to: (i) tah’nai, ‘engraver’ mleccha; or (ii) tana, ‘of (mleccha) lineage’. 1. See Kuwi. Tah’nai ‘to engrave’ in DEDR and Bsh. Then, thon, ‘small axe’ in CDIAL: DEDR 3146 *Go.* (Tr.) tarcana , (Mu.) tarc- to scrape; (Ma.) tarsk- id., plane; (D.) task-, (Mu.) tarsk-/tarisk- to level, scrape (*Voc.*1670).

Sea-faring merchants/artisans of Meluhha

Akkadian. Cylinder seal Impression. Inscription records that it belongs to ‘S’u-ilis’u, Meluhha interpreter’, i.e., translator of the Meluhhan language (EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI) The Meluhhan being introduced carries an goat on his arm. Musee du Louvre. Ao 22 310, Collection De Clercq 3rd millennium BCE. The Meluhhan is accompanied by a lady carrying a kamaṇḍalu.
Since he needed an interpreter, it is reasonably inferred that Meluhhan did not speak Akkadian.
Antelope carried by the Meluhhan is a hieroglyph: mlekh ‘goat’ (Br.); mr̤eka (Te.); mēṭam (Ta.); meṣam (Skt.) Thus, the goat conveys the message that the carrier is a Meluhha speaker. A phonetic determinant.mrr̤eka, mlekh ‘goat’; Rebus: melukkha Br. mēḻẖ ‘goat’. Te. mr̤eka (DEDR 5087)  meluh.h.a

Bronze saw of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization

“While Prof. Thomson maintained that a Munda influence has probably been at play in fixing the principle regulating the inflexion of nouns in Indo-Aryan vernaculars, such influence appeared to be unimportant to Prof. Sten Konow… Prof. Przyluski in his papers, translated here, have tried to explain a certain number of words of the Sanskrit vocabulary as fairly ancient loans from the Austro-Asiatic family of languages. He has in this opened up a new line of enquiry. Prof. Jules Bloch in his article on Sanskrit and Dravidian, also translated in this volume, has the position of those who stand exclusively for Dravidian influence and has proved that the question of the Munda substratum in Indo-Aryan cannot be overlooked…In 1923, Prof. Levi, in a fundamental article on Pre-Aryen et Pre-Dravidian dans Vinde tried to show that some geographical names of ancient India like Kosala-Tosala, Anga-Vanga, Kalinga-Trilinga, Utkala-Mekala and Pulinda-Kulinda, ethnic names which go by pairs, can be explained by the morphological system of the Austro-Asiatic languages. Names like Accha-Vaccha, Takkola-Kakkola belong to the same category. He concluded his long study with the following observation, “ We must know whether the legends, the religion and the philosophical thought of India do not owe anything to this past. India has been too exclusively  examined from the Indo-European standpoint. It ought to be remembered that India is a great maritime country… the movement which carried the Indian colonization towards the Far East… was far from inaugurating a new route…Adventurers, traffickers and missionaries profited by the technical progress of navigation and followed under better conditions of comfort and efficiency, the way traced from time immemorial, by the mariners of another race, whom Aryan or Aryanised India despised as savages.” In 1926, Przyluski tried to explain the name of an ancient people of the Punjab, the Udumbara, in a similar way and affiliate it to the Austro-Asiatic group. (cf. Journal Asiatique, 1926, 1, pp. 1-25, Un ancien peuple du Pendjab — les Udumbaras: only a portion of this article containing linguistic discussions has been translated in the Appendix of this book.) In another article, the same scholar discussed some names of Indian towns in the geography of Ptolemy and tried to explain them by Austro-Asiatic forms…Dr. J. H. Hutton, in an interesting lecture on the Stone Age Cult of Assam delivered in the Indian Museum at Calcutta in 1928, while dealing with some prehistoric monoliths of Dimapur, near Manipur, says that “ the method of erection of these monoliths is very important, as it throws some light on the erection of prehistoric monoliths in other parts of the world. Assam and Madagascar are the only remaining parts of the world where the practice of erecting rough stones still continues….The origin of this stone cult is uncertain, but it appears that it is to be mainly imputed to the Mon-Khmer intrusion from the east In his opinion the erection of these monoliths takes the form of the lingam and yoni. He thinks that the Tantrik form of worship, so prevalent in Assam, is probably due to “ the incorporation into Hinduism of a fertility cult which preceded it as .the religion of the country. The dolmens possibly suggest distribution from South India, but if so, the probable course was across the Bay of Bengal and then back again westward from further Asia. Possibly the origin was from Indonesia whence apparently the use of supari (areca nut) spread to India as well as the Pacific.” (From the Introduction by PC Bagchi and SK Chatterjee, 1 May 1929).
Kuiper notes: “ …a very considerable amount (say some 40%) of the New Indo-Aryan vocabulary is borrowed from Munda, either via Sanskrit (and Prākṛt), or via Prākṛt alone, or directly from Munda; wide-branched and seemingly native, word-families of South Dravidian are of Proto-Munda origin; in Vedic and later Sanskrit, the words adopted have often been Aryanized, resp. Sanskritized. “In view of the intensive interrelations between Dravidian, Munda and Aryan dating from pre-Vedic times even individual etymological questions will often have to be approached from a Pan-Indic point of view if their study is to be fruitful. It is hoped that this work may be helpful to arrive at this all-embracing view of the Indian languages, which is the final goal of these studies.” F.B.J. Kuiper, 1948, Proto-Munda Words in Sanskrit, Amsterdam, Verhandeling der Koninklijke Nederlandsche Akademie Van Wetenschappen, Afd.Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks Deel Li, No. 3, 1948, p.9http://www.scribd.com/doc/12238039/mundalexemesinSanskrit
Emeneau notes: “In fact, promising as it has seemed to assume Dravidian membership for the Harappa  language, it is not the only possibility. Professor W. Norman Brown has pointed out (The United States and India and Pakistan, 131-132, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1953) that Northwest India, i.e. the Indus Valley and adjoining parts of India, has during most of its history had Near Eastern elements in its political and cultural make-up at least as prominently as it had true Indian elements of the Gangetic and Southern types. [M.B.Emeneau, India as a Linguistic Area [Lang. 32, 1956, 3-16; LICS, 196, 642-51; repr. In Collected papers: Dravidian Linguistics Ethnology and Folktales, Annamalai Nagar, Annamalai University, 1967, pp. 171-186.] The passage is so important that it is quoted in full: ‘More ominous yet was another consideration. Partition now would reproduce an ancient, recurring, and sinister incompatibility between Northwest and the rest of the subcontinent, which, but for a few brief periods of uneasy cohabitation, had kept them politically apart or hostile and had rendered the subcontinent defensively weak. When an intrusive people came through the passes and established itself there, it was at first spiritually closer to the relatives it had left behind than to any group already in India. Not until it had been separated from those relatives for a fairly long period and had succeeded in pushing eastward would I loosen the external ties. In period after period this seems to have been true. In the third millennium B.C. the Harappa culture in the Indus Valley was partly similar to contemporary western Asian civilizations and partly to later historic Indian culture of the Ganges Valley. In the latter part of the next millennium the earliest Aryans, living in the Punjab and composing the hymns of the Rig Veda, were apparently more like their linguistic and religious kinsmen, the Iranians, than like their eastern Indian contemporaries. In the middle of the next millennium the Persian Achaemenians for two centuries held the Northwest as satrapies. After Alexander had invaded India (327/6-325 B.C.) and Hellenism had arise, the Northwest too was Hellenized, and once more was partly Indian and partly western. And after Islam entered India, the Northwest again was associated with Persia, Bokhara, Central Asia, rather than with India, and considered itself Islamic first and Indian second. The periods during which the Punjab has been culturally assimilated to the rest of northern India are ew if any at all. Periods of political assimilation are almost as few; perhaps a part of the fourth and third centuries B.C. under the Mauryas; possibly a brief period under the Indo-Greek king menander in the second century B.C.; another brief period under the Muslim kingdom of Delhi in the last quarter of the twelfth century A.D.; a long one under the great Mughals in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries A.D.; a century under the British, 1849-1947.’
“Though this refers to cultural and political factors, it is a warning that we must not leap to linguistic conclusions hastily. The early, but probably centuries-long condition in which Sanskrit, a close ally of languages of Iran, was restricted to the northwest (though it was not the only language there) and the rest of India was not Sanskritic in speech, may well have been mirrored earlier by a period when some other language invader from the Near East-a relative of Sumerian or of Elamitic or what not-was spoken and written in the Indus Valley-perhaps that of invaders and conquerors-while the indigenous population spoke another language-perhaps one of the Dravidian stock, or perhaps one of the Munda stock, which is now represented only by a handful of languages in the backwoods of Central India.
“On leaving this highly speculative question, we can move on to an examination of the Sanskrit records, and we find in them linguistic evidence of contacts between the Sanskrit-speaking invaders and the other linguistic groups within India…the early days of Indo-European scholarship were without benefit of the spectacular archaeological discoveries that were later to be made in the Mediterranean area, Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley… This assumption (that IE languages were urbanized bearers of a high civilization) led in the long run to another block-the methodological tendency of the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century to attempt to find Indo-European etymologies for the greatest possible portion of the vocabularies of the Indo-European languages, even though the object could only be achieved by flights of phonological and semantic fancy… very few scholars attempted to identify borrowings from Dravidian into Sanskrit…The Sanskrit etymological dictionary of Uhlenbrck (1898-1899) and the Indo-European etymological dictionary of Walde and Pokorny (1930-1932) completely ignore the work of Gundert (1869), Kittel (1872, 1894), and Caldwell (1856,1875)… It is clear that not all of Burrow’s suggested borrowings will stand the test even of his own principles…’India’ and ‘Indian’ will be used in what follows for the subcontinent, ignoring the political division into the Republic of India and Pakistan, and, when necessary, including Ceylong also… the northern boundary of Dravidian is and has been for a long time retreating south before the expansion of Indo-Aryan… We know in fact from the study of the non-Indo-European element in the Sanskrit lexicon that at the time of the earliest Sanskrit records, the R.gveda, when Sanskrit speakers were localized no further east than the Panjab, there were already a few Dravidian words current in Sanskrit. This involves a localization of Dravidian speech in this area no lather than three millennia ago. It also of course means much bilingualism and gradual abandonment of Dravidian speech in favor of IndoAryan over a long period and a great area-a process for which we have only the most llsd of evidence in detail. Similar relationships must have existed between Indo-Aryan and Munda and between Dravidian and Munda, but it is still almost impossible to be sure of either of these in detail… The Dravidian languages all have many Indo-Aryan items, borrowed at all periods from Sanskrit, Middle Indo-Aryan and Modern Indo-Aryan. The Munda languages likewise have much Indo-Aryan material, chiefly, so far as we know now, borrowed rom Modern Indo-Aryan, thogh this of course llsdes items that are Sanskrit in form, since Modern Indo-Aryan borrows from Sanskrit very considerably. That Indo-Aryan has borrowed from Dravidian has also become clear. T. Burrow, The Sanskrit Language, 379-88 (1955), gives a sampling and a statement of the chronology involved. It is noteworthy that this influence was spent by the end of the pre-Christian era, a precious indication for the linguistic history of North India: Dravidian speech must have practically ceased to exist in the Ganges valley by this period… Most of the languages of India, of no matter which major family, have a set of retroflex, cerebral, or domal consonants in contrast with dentals. The retroflexes include stops and nasal certainly, also in some languages sibilants, lateral, tremulant, and even others. Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Munda and even the far northern Burushaski, form a practically solid bloc characterized by this phonological feature… Even our earliest Sanskrit records already show phonemes of this class, which are, on the whole, unknown elsewhere in the Indo-European field, and which are certainly not Proto-Indo-European. In Sanskrit many of the occurrences of retroflexes are conditioned; others are explained historically as reflexes of certain Indo-European consonants and consonant clusters. But, in fact, in Dravidian it is a matter of the utmost certainty that retroflexes in contrast with dentals are Proto-Dravidian in origin, not the result of conditioning circumstances… it is clear already that echo-words are a pan-Indic trait and that Indo-Aryan probably received it from non-Indo-Aryan (for it is not Indo-European)… The use of classifiers can be added to those other linguistic traits previously discussed, which establish India as one linguistic area (‘an area which includes languages belonging to more than one family but showing traits in common which are found not to belong to the other members of (at least) one of the families’) for historical study. The evidence is at least as clear-cut as in any part of the world… Some of the features presented here are, it seems to me, as ‘profound’ as we could wish to find… Certainly the end result of the borrowings is that the languages of the two families, Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, seem in many respects more akin to one another than Indo-Aryan does to the other Indo-European languages. (We must not, however, neglect Bloch’s final remark and his reasons therefor: ‘Ainsi donc, si profondes qu’aient ete les influences locales, lls n’ont pas conduit l’aryen de l;inde… a se differencier fortement des autres langues indo-europeennes.’)” M.B.Emeneau, Linguistic Prehistory of India PAPS98 (1954). 282-92; Tamil Culture 5 (1956). 30-55; repr. In Collected papers: Dravidian Linguistics Ethnology and Folktales, Annamalai Nagar, Annamalai University, 1967, pp. 155-171.
The profundity of these observations by Emeneau and Bloch will be tested through clusters of lexemes of an Indian Lexicon, which relate to the archaeological finds of the civilization.
Tamil and all other Dravidian languages have been influenced by Sanskrit language and literature. Swaminatha Iyer [Swaminatha Iyer, 1975, Dravidian Theories, Madras, Madras Law Journal Office] posits a genetic relationship between Tamil and Sanskrit. He cites GU Pope to aver that several Indo-European languages are linguistically farther away from Sanskrit than Dravidian. He cites examples of Tamil and Sanskrit forms of some glosses: hair: mayir, s’mas’ru; mouth: vāya, vā c; ear: s śevi, śrava; hear: kēḷkeṇ (Tulu), karṇa; walk: śel, car; mother: āyi, yāy (Paiśāci).  Evaluating this work, Edwin Bryant and Laurie Patton note: “It is still more simple and sound to assume that the words which need a date of contact of the fourth millennium BCE on linguistic grounds as loan words in Dravidian might be words originally inherited in Dravidian from the Proto-speech which was the common ancestor of both Dravidian and Indo-Aryan…It will be simpler to explain the situation if both Indo-Aryan and Dravidian are traced to a common language family. In vocables they show significant agreement. In phonology and morphology the linguistic structures agree significantly. It requires a thorough comparative study of the two language families to conduct a fuller study. “ Bryant, Edwin and Laurie L. Patton, 2005, The Indo-Aryan controversy: evidence and inference in Indian history, Routledge, p.197.
The influence of Vedic culture is profoundly evidenced in early sangam texts. K. V. Sarma, 1983, “Spread of Vedic Culture in Ancient. South India” in The Adyar Library Bulletin1983, 43:1.
Proto-Munda continuity and Language X
Sources of OIA agricultural vocabulary based on Masica (1979)
Percentage
•          IE/Iir                40%
•          Drav               13%
•          Munda           11%
•          Other               2%
•          Unknown             34%
•          Total                   100%
Hence, a Language X is postulated; Language ‘X’ to explain a large number of agriculture-related words with no IE cognates: Colin Masica, 1991, Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge Univ. Press
Since there is cultural continuity in India from the days of Sarasvati civilization, it is possible to reconstruct Language X by identifying isoglosses in the linguistic area.
Contributions of the following language/archaeology scholars have followed up on these insights of Sylvan Levi, Jules Bloch and Jean Przyluski published over 90 years ago: Emeneau,  MB, Kuiper, FBJ, Masica, CP, Southworth F.  [Emeneau, MB, 1956, India as a linguistic area, in: Language, 32.3-16           •Kuiper, FBJ, 1967, The genesis of a linguistic area, Indo-Iranian Journal 10: 81-102           •Masica, Colin P., 1976, Defining a linguistic area, South Asia, Chicago, University of Chicago Press •Franklin Southworth, 2005, Linguistic Archaeology of South Asia, Routledge Curzon]
Resemblances between two or more languages (whether typological or in vocabulary) can be due to genetic relation (descent from a common ancestor language), or due to borrowing at some time in the past between languages that were not necessarily genetically related. When little or no direct documentation of ancestor languages is available, determining whether a similarity is genetic or areal can be difficult.
Further researches
In addition to studies in the evolution of and historical contacts among Indian languages, further researches are also needed in an archaeological context. Karl Menninger cites a remarkable instance. In the Indian tradition, finger signals were used to  settle the price for a trade transaction.  Finger gestures were a numeric cipher!
A pearl merchant of South India settling price for a pearl using finger gestures under a handkerchief. Cited in Karl Menninger, 1969, Number words and number symbols: a cultural history of numbers, MIT Press, p.212. http://tinyurl.com/26ze95s
Further work on the nature of the contacts between Indian artisans and their trade associates, say, in Meluhhan settlements in the Persian Gulf region, may unravel the the nature of long-distance contacts. Could it be that the Indus language and  writing were Indus Artisans’ cryptographic messaging system for specifications of artifacts made in and exported from Meluhha?
Mainstream linguistics has no way to determine a range of dates for this sprachbund (language union). I submit that the language union relates to the bronze age inventions and trade which is complemented by and necessitated the invention of writing. In my view, the script records the archaeometallurgy transactions using lexes of Indian sprachbund. The tradition continues in ancient Indian mints which produced the early punch-marked coins. The tradition is also evidenced on the Rampurva copper bolt hieroglyphs, Sohgaura copper plate inscription and Sanchi s'rivatsa hieroglyph.

Aratta:is referred to in ancient Indian texts together with Kapisa (Gandhara) or Kamboja and Bahlika (Bactria (from Βακτριανή, the Hellenized version of Bactrian βαχλο, Bakhlo)

North-Gujarat was known as Anarta, the Kathiawar peninsula, the middle region was "Saurastra", and the south was "Lata" (Historical and Cultural Chronology of Gujarat edited by Manjulal Ranchholdlal Majmudar, Page xvii).

Vanayujan Parvatiyan Kamboja Aratta.Bahlikan (Mahabharata 7.36.36) A variant reading in Ramayana (Aratta.Kapisham.Balhim 4.44.23) replaces Kamboja with Kapisa, a region extending from Kabul valley to Kandahar (Gandhara). Pāṇini refers to the city of Kapiśi, a city of the Kapisa kingdom, modern Bagram. Thus, the location of Aratta and Bahlika are in a geographical location contiguos to Gandhara.

I suggest that Aratta is a region which is proximate to Meluhha, if Meluhha is identified with the present-day Baluchistan. Meluhha interaction extended to Susa through Tepe Yahya and Jiroft which might have been referred to as Marhashi.


Enmerkar  sends an envoy along with his specific threats to destroy Aratta if Aratta does not pay him the tributes, highlighting that Enmerkar was reared on the soil of Aratta. The king of Aratta replies that submission to Uruk is out of the question, because Inanna herself had chosen him to his office.  The envoy responds that Inanna has been installed as queen at E-ana and has even promised Enmerkar to make Aratta bow to Uruk. Enmerkar actually sends the barley to Aratta as demanded by the king of Aratta, along with the herald and makes another demand to send even more precious stones.

What more information is needed to locate Aratta? Aratta was a region which could supply precious stones.

Gujarat was well known as the repository of the carnelian precious stones. It was also a trade entrepot handling lapis lazuli acquired from Gandhara (Afghanistan).



"The lord of Aratta, in a fit of pride, refuses and instead asks Enmerkar to deliver to him these precious stones himself. Upon hearing this, Enmerkar spends ten years preparing an ornate sceptre, then sends it to Aratta with his messenger. This frightens the lord of Aratta, who now sees that Inanna has indeed forsaken him, but he instead proposes to arrange a one-on-one combat between two champions of the two cities, to determine the outcome of the still-diplomatic conflict with Enmerkar. The king of Uruk responds by accepting this challenge, while increasing his demands for the people of Aratta to make a significant offering for the E-ana and the abzu, or face destruction and dispersal. To relieve the herald who, beleaguered, can no longer remember all the messages with which he is charged, Enmerkar then resorts to an invention: writing on tablets. The herald again traverses the "seven mountains" to Aratta, with the tablets, and when the king of Aratta tries to read the message, Ishkur, the storm-god, causes a great rain to produce wild wheat and chickpeas that are then brought to the king. Seeing this, the king declares that Inanna has not forsaken the primacy of Aratta after all, and summons his champion." http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enmerkar_and_the_Lord_of_Aratta
Puabi's 25 pieces of jewellery constituting the diadem and other ornaments from the Royal Cemetery of Ur in Mesopotamia discovered by Leonard Woolley. 

Polished beads found in the tomb of Queen Puabi

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Puabi or Shab'ad "The Sumerian princess" : Jewelry and headdress of gold and imported precious stones such as carnelian and lapis lazuli from India and Afghanistan. From the Royal Cemetery of Ur. Early Dynastic, ca. 2400 BC. The National Museum of Iraq - Baghdad.

The headdress of gold, lapis lazuli, and carnelian includes a frontlet with beads and pendant gold rings, two wreaths of poplar leaves, a wreath of willow leaves and inlaid rosettes, and a string of lapis lazuli beads, discovered on Queen Puabi’s body in her tomb at the Royal Cemetery of Ur, ca 2550 BCE. The rosette is safflower hieroglyph read rebus in Meluhha:  करडी [karaḍī] f (See करडई) 'safflower' (Prakrit) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā]  ' Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c.' (Marathi) [Note: अकीक [akīka] m ( A) A cornelian (Marathi). वैडूर्य [vaiḍūrya] n (Properly वैदूर्य S) A turquois or lapis lazuli.] The hieroglyph safflower was chosen because it also denoted the fire-god करडी [karaḍī] (Remo)

Carnelian beads of Puabi could not have come from Afghanistan.


Sumerian words with a pre-Sumerian origin

See: 

In addition, to this narrative by KramerThe word sanga 'priest' (Sumerian): is cognate saṁghapati m. ʻ chief of a brotherhood ʼ Śatr. G. saṅghvī m. ʻ leader of a body of pilgrims' (CDIAL 12857)


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