Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/zpuvs2v
In the context of Bogazkoy Indus script seal (signifying use of 3 dhAtu to make sena, 'vajra, thunderbolt metal weapon'), it is amusing to recall a speculative account of movements of what the Allchins call 'Indo-Aryan barbarians' in the middle of the 2nd millennium BCE.
The speculative model-building indulged in by the Allchins should be cut out.
In the framework of decipherment of Indus Script Corpora of 7000 inscriptions as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork, Baudhāyana-Śrautasūtra evidence of movements of Vedic people and archaeo-metallurgical evidences, a simple narrative of Bharatam Janam is that India was a sprachbund (a language union, linguistic area) and Mleccha (Meluhha) speakers migrated out of Sarasvati_Sindhu river valleys into Ancient Near East.
This narrative explains the presene of Indus Script (Meluhha) seal in Bogazkoy, dated ca. 1400 BCE. A remarkable coincidence is that the Bogazkoy treaty is dated to the fourteenth century BCE.
Baudhāyana-Śrautasūtra Chapter XVIII.44 contains an important reference attesting to the migrations of two groups of people away from Kurukshetra region (Sarasvati River basin).
"Translation of BSS XIII.44: Ayu migrated eastwards. His (people) are the Kuru-Pancalas and the Kasi-Videhas. This is the Ayava (migration). Amavasu migrated westwards. His (people) are the Ghandhari, Parsu and Aratta. This is the Amavasu (migration).
"According to the correct translation, there was no movement of the Aryan people from anywhere in the north-west. On the other hand, the evidence indicates that it was from an intermediary point that some of the Aryan tribes went eastwards and other westwards.
This would be clear from the map that follows, noted BB Lal (2009).
Bogazkoy Indus Script seal, sēṇa 'eagle' rebus: sena ʻvajra, thunderboltʼ PLUS dhAtu 'strands of rope' Rebus'mineral, metal, ore'
1.032.01 I declare the former valorous deeds of Indra, which the thunderer has achieved; he clove the cloud; he cast the waters down (to earth); he broke (a way) for the torrents of the mountain. [Vr.tra, also called Ahi, is alluded to as condensed accumulation of vapour figuratively shut up or obstructed by a cloud; Indra, with his thunderbolt or atmospheric prowess divides up the augmented mass yielding a vent for the rain to descend on the earth and moisten the fields].
1.032.02 He clove the cloud, seeking refuge on the mountain; Tvas.t.a) sharpened his far-whirling bolt; the flowing waters quickly hastened to the ocean, like cows (hastening) to their calves.
Twisted rope: dhAtu 'strands of rope' Rebus: dhAtu 'mineral, metal, ore' Alternative: मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10312).L. meṛh f. ʻrope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floorʼ(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: meḍ'iron'. mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)
dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal).Rebus 1: dul ‘to cast in a mould’; dul mẽṛhẽt, dul meṛeḍ, 'cast iron'; koṭe meṛeḍ ‘forged iron’ (Santali)
Hieroglyph: धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c ; cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu *strand of ropeʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) tántu m. ʻ thread, warp ʼ RV. [√tan ] Pa. tantu -- m. ʻ thread, cord ʼ, Pk. taṁtu -- m.; Kho. (Lor.) ton ʻ warp ʼ < *tand (whence tandeni ʻ thread between wings of spinning wheel ʼ); S. tandu f. ʻ gold or silver thread ʼ; L. tand (pl. °dũ) f. ʻ yarn, thread being spun, string of the tongue ʼ; P. tand m. ʻ thread ʼ, tanduā, °dūā m. ʻ string of the tongue, frenum of glans penis ʼ; A. tã̄t ʻ warp in the loom, cloth being woven ʼ; B. tã̄t ʻ cord ʼ; M. tã̄tū m. ʻ thread ʼ; Si. tatu, °ta ʻ string of a lute ʼ; -- with -- o, -- ā to retain orig. gender: S. tando m. ʻ cord, twine, strand of rope ʼ; N. tã̄do ʻ bowstring ʼ; H. tã̄tā m. ʻ series, line ʼ; G. tã̄tɔ m. ʻ thread ʼ; -- OG. tāṁtaṇaü m. ʻ thread ʼ < *tāṁtaḍaü, G.tã̄tṇɔ m.(CDIAL 5661)
Rebus: M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam).
Rebus: M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam).
Print of a seal: Two-headed eagle, a twisted cord below. From Bogazköy . 18th c.B.C. (Museum Ankara).
See: http://bharatkalyan97.
[quote]In a treaty between the Hittites and the Mitanni between Suppiluliuma and
Shattiwaza, c. 1380 BC), the deities Mitra, Varuna, Indra, andNasatya (Ashvins) are invoked. Kikkuli's horse training text (circa 1400 BC) includes technical terms such as aika (Vedic Sanskrit eka, one), tera (tri, three), panza (pañca, five), satta (sapta, seven), na (nava, nine), vartana (vartana, round). The numeral aika "one" is of particular importance because it places the superstrate in the vicinity of Indo-Aryan proper (Vedic Sanskrit eka, with regular contraction of /ai/ to [eː]) as opposed to Indo-Iranian or early Iranian (which has *aiva; compare Vedic eva "only") in general...For the pronunciation of the sounds transcribed from cuneiform as š and z, seeProto-Semitic language#Fricatives.
Names of people
| Transcription of cuneiform | Interpretation | Vedicequivalent | Comments |
|---|---|---|---|
| bi-ir-ya-ma-aš-da | Priyamazdha | Priyamedha | "whose wisdom is dear"; /azd(ʰ)/ to [eːd(ʰ)] is a regular development in Vedic and its descendants (Indo-Aryan in the narrow sense) |
| bi-ir-ya-aš-šu-wa, bi-ir-da-aš-šu-wa | Priya-aśva ~ Prītāśva | Prītāśva | "whose horse is dear" |
| ar-ta-aš-šu-ma-ra | Artasmara | Artasmara | "who thinks of Arta/Ṛta" |
| ar-ta-ta-a-ma | Artadhāma(n?) | Artadhāman | "his abode is Ṛta" |
| tu-uš-rat-ta, tu-iš-e-rat-ta, tu-uš-e-rat-ta | Tvaiša(?)ratha | Tveṣáratha | "whose chariot is vehement" |
| in-tar-ú-da, en-dar-ú-ta | Indrauta | Indrota | "helped by Indra"; /au/ to [oː] is a regular development in Vedic; ú specifically indicates [u] as opposed to [o] |
Names of gods
From treaties of Mitanni.
| Transcription of cuneiform | Interpretation | Vedicequivalent | Comments |
|---|---|---|---|
| a-ru-na, ú-ru-wa-na | Varuna | Varuṇa | |
| mi-it-ra | Mitra | Mitra | |
| in-tar, in-da-ra | Indra | Indra | |
| na-ša-ti-ya-an-na | Nasatya-nna | Nāsatya | Hurrian grammatical ending -nna |
| a-ak-ni-iš | Āgnis | Agni | only attested in Hittite, which retains nominative -/s/ and lengthens stressed syllables |
Horse training
From Kikkuli.
| Transcription of cuneiform | Interpretation | Vedicequivalent | Comments |
|---|---|---|---|
| a-aš-šu-uš-ša-an-ni | āśv-san-ni? | aśva-sana- | "master horse trainer" (Kikkuli himself) |
| -aš-šu-wa | -aśva | aśva | "horse"; in personal names |
| a-i-ka- | aika- | eka | "1" |
| ti-e-ra- | tera- ? | tri | "3" |
| pa-an-za- | pańća- ? | pañca | "5"; Vedic c is not an affricate,[citation needed] but apparently its Mitanni equivalent was |
| ša-at-ta | satta | sapta | "7"; /pt/ to /tː/ is either an innovation in Mitanni or a misinterpretation by a scribe who had Hurrian šinti "7" in mind |
| na-a-[w]a- | nāva- | nava | "9" |
| wa-ar-ta-an-na | vartanna? | vartana | round, turn |
[unquote]
“To the east of the Caspian it appears hat the Indo-Aryans moved south into the Iranian plateau around 2000 BCE, and we find the first evidence of their language at this time. The Kassite rulers of Babylon at the opening of the sixteenth century bore what were probably Indo-Aryan names, as did the Mitannian rulers of the succeeding cnturies. A treaty of the Hittite king Subiluliuma and the Mitannian Mattiwaza of c. 1380 mentions the Aryan gods Mitra, Indra and Varuna, all familiar from the Rigveda itself, and among the Bogazkoy tablts is a treatise of horse training by Kikkui of Mitanni using chariot racing ters in virtually pure Sanskrit. As far as is known, during the first half of the second illennium the Iranian speaking tribes were still located further north, in the southern parts of Central Asia, in Sogdia and Bactria, while the Indo-Aryans fanned out across Iran, and also eastwards into India proper. It is believed that after some centuries the Iranians too advanced southwards into Iran, around the fourteenth century BCE, probably thereby displacing some of the earlier Indo-Aryans who in turn moved on to the east. Thus we would expect there to hve been at least two main periods of Indo-Aryan migration into north-western India and Pakistan, the first or early period dating from around 2000 BCE, and the second some six centuries later. We have now reached the point where we may consider the evidence from the Indian subcontinent in more detail, and we may begin by discussing the linguistic evidence. The Indo-Aryan languages of India have been divided into two major groups by Grierson and subsequent scholars. The first, which has been called 'non-Sanskritic' or 'pre-Vedic' (also known as Dardic), comprises a small cluster of languages spoken in the mountains of the north-west, in Gilgit, Chitral, Kafiristan and Laghman. It has been argued that these languages, which are not directly related to the Sanskritic languages, represent a separate and perhaps somewhat earlier movement of Indo-Aryans southwards from Central Asia directly into the mountains, in the Pamirs and eastern extremities of the Hindu Kush. The second group has been called 'Sanskritic' or 'Vedic', and its speakers are supposed to have moved southwards further west, through the passes of the Hindu Kush and Kopet Dagh ranges, into Iran and Afghanistan. It was this second group which spread out, some westwars towards Mesopotamia, and some turned eastwards entering the Indus plains, probably by a variety of routes. What is not clear and perhap can never become cear from the very limited evidence avaiable, is whether any members of the first 'pre-Vedic' group also entered India and Pakistan by these wester routes, or whether any of the earlier settlers who entered the north-western valleys ever moved on into the plains of India and Pakistan proper.A further interesting theory was advanced in the last century by Hoernle, arguing that certain differences within the modern Indo-Aryan languages of India proper might be explained by reference to two main waves of immigrants: an earlier [represented by an 'outer band' of languages – Bengali, Oriya, Marathi, Sindhi and Kashmiri] and a later represented by a central group of langguages, comprising mainly Hindi, Rajasthani and Panjabi. This theory has not been universally accepted, but some scholars have believed that the languages of the outer band might represent elements surviving from an earlier, possibly even 'pre-Vedic', wave, while those of the central group might represent a later, 'Vedic' wave. Another, perhaps more plausible, theory would make the outer band languages an earlier was of the Vedic group itself. The linguistic models we have outlines are based upon the modern Indo-Aryan languages and their ditributions, and they necessariy provide very slender evidene upon which to base theories relating to the first arrival of Indo-Aryan speaking peoples, nearly four millennia ago. It must also be recognized that the models offer very little, if any, hope of establishing absolute chronologies of any kind. We mentioned above the Mitannian and Hurrian evidence for the presence of Indo-Aryan speaking peoples, including experts in the management of chariots, on the western borders of Iran in the middle of the second millennium. No such positive evidence is yet known from India and it can only be expected to come from the discovry of texts or inscriptions. Furthermore, the chronological position of the Rigveda and other Vedic and late Vedic texts is necessarily extremely vague. All this makes our aim of relating linguistic and archaeological evidence problematic, and we must allow for several possible hypotheses, none of whih at the present can be firmly established or rejected. Another difficulty which we now encounter is that while it may be reasonably simple to identify archaelogical cultures with the movements of Indo-Iranian speaking people in the sparsely populated steppes, it is quite a different matter to make such identifications when these same peoples moved down into southern Centra Asia, Iran or India, where there were already substantial populations of agriculturistswith long established settlements and craft and cultural traditions. If we are to recognize the arrival or presence of the Indo-Aryan barbarians, it is probable that it will be in the form of evidence of cultural contacts between the two communities, rathern than the sudden or total extinction of one by the other. It seems likey that the Aryans would have brought with them not only their 'secret weapon'– the horse-and fire-cults, and perhaps such distinctive traits as their burials. However, they would largely have taken over the crafts and settlement sites of the existing populations, whom in general they came to dominate. We must also expect different types of culture contact in different situtions: among the small population units of the Himalayan valleys there would have been many fewer specialized crafts for the immigrants to exploit, while in the comparatively more sophisticated, richer and more populous plains there must have been rather mre.”(Bridget Allchin, Raymond Allchin, 1982, The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan, Cambridge Univ. Press, p. 301)
The so-called 'fire-cult' is relatable to the evidence of Binjor yajna kunda with an octagonal yupa in the Vedic tradition. See:
Octagonal, अष्टाश्रि yūpo bhavati (Satapatha Brahmana) for सोमः संस्था,Vajapeya soma yajna evidenced in Binjor (ca. 2500 BCE)
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
January 5, 2016