Here are the things you need to know about the fallout from the dossier, published yesterday by BuzzFeed News, alleging that Donald J. Trump has deep ties to the Russian government.
·The dossier, which is believed to have been written by a member of the British intelligence community, contains unverified allegations that Russian operatives have been “cultivating, supporting and assisting” Trump for years and have compromising information about him, and that Trump advisers met with high-level Russian officials in the months before the election. After CNN reported that President Obama and President-elect Trump were briefed on a two-page summary, BuzzFeed published the entire 35-page document, along with a warning that its contents were unverified.
·Trump responded to the allegations with outrage. On Twitter he scolded intelligence officials for allowing the dossier to leak and asked: “Are we living in Nazi Germany?” Over 13 hours, he tweeted seven times, denying the claims and calling their publication “FAKE NEWS.” Trump is supposed to conduct his first press conference in 167 days at 11 a.m. today.
·Multiple Russian officials denied the country’s involvement with Trump or his advisers. A Kremlin spokesman called the dossier “pulp fiction” while the former director of the FSB, Russia’s security service, told the Interfax news service that the Obama administration “has pulled all efforts to compromise the winner of the presidential race.”
·One of the key players, Trump Organization attorney Michael Cohen, denied any involvement with Russian officials. The dossier claims Cohen traveled to Prague and secretly met with Russian officials in August. Cohen has since said he never visited Prague, and told The Atlantic that the dossier is “totally fake, totally inaccurate.” The Washingtonian reported that officials at the University of Southern California confirmed that Cohen visited the Los Angeles campus on Aug. 23–29 — though the dossier does not specify the day on which Cohen is alleged to have visited Prague. CNN’s Jake Tapper reported that it was a different Michael Cohen who visited Prague. Meanwhile, the metadata on Cohen’s Twitter account indicates that he was in the U.S. for the majority of August. The longest period where his tweets are dark are two consecutive days, Aug. 15 and 16.
·At least one top Democrat has called for an investigation of the allegation. Sen. Dick Durbin said that dossier merits a congressional inquiry or a special commission, with the power to issue subpoenas, led by “people of integrity like General Colin Powell or Justice Sandra Day O’Connor.” Durbin said in a statement that he reviewed both classified and unclassified intelligence reports last week, before the publication of the dossier. It was not immediately clear whether the allegations would surface during today’s confirmation hearing of Sen. Jeff Sessions, who is being considered for attorney general.
·Trump supporters started a misinformation campaign about the dossier, circulating images on 4chan and Reddit that include passages not contained in the original document. They claim the entire dossier is made up and that it was sent to a Republican strategist, Rick Wilson, last year. Wilson denied being the source of the leak. He has been involved in a long-running battle with Internet trolls after he called Trump supporters “childless single men who masturbate to anime” last January.
·Some journalists criticized BuzzFeed News’ decision to publish the dossier. Kelly McBride, an ethicist at the nonprofit Poynter Institute for Media Studies, wrote that the “act of publishing the dossier in its entirety isn’t journalism” and said BuzzFeed News could have done more to fully vet the document and explain to readers the steps it took to verify the claims. Trump linked to a story on lifezette.com, which is edited by Laura Ingraham, a conservative radio host and Trump supporter, calling the publication of the dossier a “shocking breakdown of journalistic ethics.” Richard Tofel, the president of the nonprofit investigative site ProPublica, defended the decision and wrote on Twitter that “citizens should have evidence to consider for themselves.”
Anthony Cormier is an investigative reporter/editor for BuzzFeed News and is based in New York. While working for the Tampa Bay Times, Cormier won the 2016 Pulitzer Prize for Investigative Reporting.
Donald Trump at the media conference in Manhattan. (Reuters)
New York, Jan. 11: Memos with unsubstantiated contents so explosive that several mainstream newspapers refused to publish them in full have touched off a brawl between President-elect Donald Trump and a reporter at his first formal media conference since the November 8 election victory. The memos contain unproven claims that Russian officials tried to obtain influence over Trump by preparing to blackmail him with sex tapes and bribe him with business deals. Some are referring to the scandal as "Watersportsgate" because of a lurid claim in the memos that were drawn up by a retired British spy initially for Trump's Republican rivals and later for Democratic clients. The chiefs of America's intelligence agencies last week presented President Barack Obama with a two-page summary of the memos. CNN first reported that the summary had been attached to the intelligence report but the network did not include the specific allegations, saying that its journalists could not independently verify them. Since neither the intelligence agencies nor news organisations have been able to substantiate the claims, several newspapers such as The New York Times decided to briefly summarise the claims and not publish the document. But BuzzFeed, the social news and entertainment site, made the controversial decision to publish the memos in full, despite the fact that its reporters had not confirmed or disproved the claims. Tonight at his media conference, Trump angrily accused CNN of being "fake news" as he repeatedly refused to take a question from Jim Acosta, the network's reporter. In a testy exchange, Acosta repeatedly asked for a question in order to respond to the President-elect's accusations against the network. Trump said: "I am not going to give you a question. You are fake news." Trump also lashed out at BuzzFeed News, calling the news organisation a "failing pile of garbage" and saying that "I think they are going to suffer the consequences". CNN, the news division of Time Warner Inc, said after the media conference that its decision to publish "carefully sourced reporting" on the unverified intelligence documents was "vastly different than BuzzFeed's decision to publish unsubstantiated memos". A BuzzFeed spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.
Finance Minister of India Arun Jaitley declared that there is “No estimation of black money either before or after Nov 8” according to Indian Express. Being a lawyer perhaps he is finding out that he is out of his comfort zone in the new Avatar of a Finance Minister (FM). He does not seem to have knowledge of history of work done by his own department.
Direct Taxes Enquiry Committee followed the method adopted by Kaldor with suitable modifications. It estimated assessable non-salary income for the year 1961-62 at Rs. 2686 Crores ($393 million) and non-salary income actually assessed to tax to be of the order of Rs. 1875 Crores ($275 million). Accordingly, the income, which escaped income tax, was of the order of Rs.811 Crores ($119 million). This estimate of tax-evaded income required some adjustments because of exemptions and deductions allowed under the Income Tax Act. After making the rough adjustments, Wanchoo Committee found that “the estimated income on which tax has been evaded (black income) would probably be Rs.700 crores ($103 million) and Rs.1000 crores ($146 million) for the years 1961-62 and 1965-66 respectively”. “Projecting this estimate further to 1968-69 on the basis of percentage increase in national income from 1961-62 to 1968-69, the income on which tax was evaded for 1968-69 can be estimated at a figure of Rs.1800 crores ($264 million).”
Dr. D.K. Rangnekar, a member of the Wanchoo Committee, dissented from the estimates made by the Wanchoo Committee. According to him, tax evaded income for 1961-62 was of the order of Rs.1 150 crores ($168 million), as compared to Wanchoo Committee’s estimate of Rs. 811 crores ($119 million). For 1965-66, it was Rs.2350 crores ($344 million), against Rs.1000 crores ($147 million) estimated by the Wanchoo Committee. The projections of ‘black’ income for 1968-69 and 1969-70 were Rs.2833 crores ($415 million) and Rs.3080 crores ($451 million) respectively.
Mr. O.P. Chopra, a noted Economist, published a series of papers on the subject of unaccounted income. He prepared a series of estimates of unaccounted income (black income) for a period of 17 years, i.e., 1960-61 to 1976-77. Chopra’s methodology marked a significant departure from the Wanchoo Committee approach and as a consequence, he found a larger divergence in the two series from 1973 onwards when the income above the exemption limit registered a significant increase. The broad underlying assumptions of his methodology are:
Only non-salary income is concealed;
Taxes other than income-tax are evaded and the study is restricted to only that part of income which is subject to income-tax. Thus, tax evasion which may be due to (a) non-payment or underpayment of excise duty, (b) sales-tax,(c) customs duties, or (d) substituting agricultural income for non-agricultural income, is not captured;
The efficiency of the tax administration remains unchanged;
The ratio of non-salary income above the exemption limit to total non-salary income has remained the same; and
The ratio of non-salary income to total income accruing from various sectors of the economy remains the same.
The crucial finding of Chopra’s study is that after 1973-74, the ratio of unaccounted income to assessable non-salary income has gone up, whereas the Wanchoo Committee assumed this ratio to have remained constant. As a consequence, after 1973-74, there is wide divergence between the estimates of Wanchoo Committee and those of Chopra. Chopra also corroborates the hypotheses that tax evasion is more likely to be resorted to when the rate of tax is comparatively high. His findings also support the hypothesis that increase in prices leads to an increase in unaccounted income. Further, he has given a significant finding that funds are diverted to non-taxable agriculture sector, to convert unaccounted (black) income into legal (white) income. Chopra’s study estimated unaccounted income to have increased from Rs.916 crores ($134 million) in 1960-61, i.e. 6.5% of Gross National Product (GNP) at factor cost, to Rs.8098 crores ($1.19 billion) in 1976-77 (11.4% of GNP).
NIPFP Study on Black Economy in India
National Institute of Public Finance and Policy (NIPFP) conducted a study under the guidance of Dr.Acharya. The study defines ‘black’ money as aggregate of incomes which is taxable but which is not reported to tax authorities. The study, however, gives a broader definition of ‘black’ income and calls it as “unaccounted income” for purposes of clarity. As there is lack of sufficient data, the NIPFP study follows “the minimum estimate approach” that is to say, not being able to ascertain the most probable degree of under-declaration or leakage, the study uses a degree of under-declaration which could safely be regarded as the minimum in the relevant sector. In several cases the study has also made use of a range rather than a single figure of under-estimation. 4.14 While preparing the estimate of ‘black’ income, the study excludes incomes generated through illegal activities like smuggling, black market transactions, acceptance of bribes, kickbacks, etc. To prepare a global estimate of black income, the study confines itself briefly into six areas:
factor incomes received either openly or covertly while participating in the production of goods and services;
‘black’ income generated in relation to capital receipts on sale of asset;
‘black’ income generated in fixed capital formation in the public sector;
‘black’ income generated in relation to private corporate sector;
‘black’ income generated in relation to export; and
‘black’ income generated through over-invoicing of imports by the Private sector and sale of import licenses.
After aggregating the different components of ‘black’ income the study quantified the extent of ‘black’ money for different years as under:
Table 1. NIPFP Estimate of Black Money in India 1975-1983
The NIPFP study concluded that total black income generation of Rs.36,784 Crores ($5.4 billion) out of a total GDP at factor cost of Rs.1,73,420 Crores ($25.4 billion) was on the higher side, although it turns out to be less than 30 per cent of GDP as against some extravagant estimates placing it at 50 or even 100 per cent of GDP. The study suggested with some degree of confidence that black income generation in the Indian economy in 1983-84 was not less than 18 per cent of GDP at factor cost or 16 per cent of GDP at market prices.
While the NIPFP report estimated the ‘black’ economy (not counting smuggling and illegal activities) at about 20 per cent of the GDP for the year 1980-81, Suraj B. Gupta, economist, pointed out some erroneous assumptions in NIPFP study and estimated ‘black’ income at 42 per cent of GDP for the year 1980-81 and 51 per cent for the year 1987-88. Arun Kumar pointed out certain defects in Gupta’s method as well as in the NIPFP study. He estimated ‘black’ income to be about 35 per cent for the year 1990-91 and 40 per cent for the year 1995-96.
Agriculture black hole:
Believe it or not, income figures shared by the Income-Tax Department in response to an RTI application by a retired Indian Revenue Service official—Mr.Sharma– has revealed that agricultural income recorded an exponential increase from 2004 to 2013, touching a total of almost Rs.2000 lakh crores ($29.3 trillion) for individual assesses in 2011.
The agricultural income earned by the 6.57 lakh assessees who filed returns in 2011, at nearly Rs. 2000 lakh crores ($29.3 trillion), is over 20 times the country’s gross domestic product of over Rs. 84 lakh crores ($1.23 trillion) at the time, according to the Income Tax Department data shared under the RTI Act. Notably, agricultural earnings are exempt from Income Tax.
“The other possibility may be that illegal money or black money income is being laundered in a large scale and brought into the white economy. It requires deep investigation,” Mr. Sharma told The Hindu. He said the next date of hearing on his PIL plea was in April.
The earlier Government has requested NIPFP to conduct another study in 2012 about black money and that report too has not been released. But unofficial reports suggest that for the period 2008-09 to 2011-12 they have estimated that black money could constitute nearly 42% of total GDP or 71.5% of the “reported” GDP. They have indicated about mining /education sectors and also diversion of Kerosene etc. They have also looked at Fuel used for transport –reported and possibly actual.
But the most intriguing and interesting part comes now.
Black money assessment reports can’t be disclosed, say institutes that conducted study . Replying to an RTI query, NIPFP and NCAER said they were not authorised to share the reports.
The reports on the quantum of black money held by Indians in the country and abroad cannot be made public, country’s two premier institutes that conducted studies on the ill-gotten wealth on the Finance Ministry’s directive have said. The UPA government had in 2011 asked three institutes –Delhi-based National Institute of Public Finance and Policy (NIPFP), National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) and National Institute of Financial Management (NIFM), Faridabad — to conduct studies on black money.
The study reports of NIPFP, NCAER and NIFM were received by the Ministry on December 30, 2013; July 18, 2014 and August 21, 2014 respectively.
Replying to an RTI query, NIPFP and NCAER said they were not authorised to share the reports.
“Under the Terms of Reference (ToR) with the Ministry of Finance, we are not authorised to share the report without their concurrence. Such concurrence is not forthcoming and our agreement with the Ministry of Finance prohibits us from disseminating this report,” the NIPFP said in reply to the RTI application.
The NCAER, in its response, said: “The primary repository of the report is Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT), Ministry of Finance” and the matter of sharing it should be dealt by the government.
No response has been received so far from the NIFM, which also conducted a study.
Earlier, the Finance Ministry had declined to share the reports submitted to it by the institutes about three years ago.
“Information is exempt from disclosure under Section 8 (1) (c) of the RTI Act, 2005 as the study reports received from the three institutes are under examination of the government and the same along with the government’s response on these reports are yet to be taken to Parliament through the Standing Committee on Finance,” the Ministry had said.
The Section bars disclosure of information “which would cause a breach of privilege of Parliament or State Legislature”.
There is at present no official assessment on the quantum of black money in the country and abroad.
“The issue of black money has attracted a lot of public and media attention in the recent past. So far, there are no reliable estimates of black money generated and held within
and outside the country,” the Finance Ministry had said while ordering the studies in 2011.
The different estimates on the quantum of black money range between USD 500 billion to USD 1,400 billion. A study by Global Financial Integrity estimated the illicit money outflow at USD 462 billion.
The Terms of Reference (ToR) for the studies included assessment or survey of unaccounted income and wealth and profiling the nature of activities engendering money laundering both within and outside the country.
The purpose of study was to identify, among others, important sectors of the economy in which unaccounted money is generated and examine the causes and conditions for it.
As usual our MPs are ignorant about any such studies and more interested in shouting.
The moot question is why is our FM so much worried about releasing the reports? Does it implicate any major leader of current dispensation or worried that his assertion about “no estimation” of black money will be disproved?
Obviously the Nation wants to know.
Note: 1. The conversion rate used in this article is 1 USD = 68.27 Rupees. 2. Text in Blue points to additional data on the topic.
A US Navy Corpsman searches for Taliban fighters in the spring of 2005.
Source Wikisource Wikipedia
It was a short report in the media, but it could be possibly a game changer in Afghanistan. Russia, China and Pakistan agreed last week at a meeting in Moscow to remove selected Taliban leaders from the UN sanctions list. The three countries had agreed on a “flexible approach to remove certain persons from the UN sanctions list in order to foster a peaceful dialogue between Kabul and the Taliban movement”, said the spokesperson of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Sakharova.
The seemingly innocent sentence could well be the beginning of a new “Great Game” over dominance in Afghanistan. Especially since one of the parties for this “peaceful dialogue” had not even been asked: the Afghan government. Not surprisingly, Kabul was not amused, although the group ensured their willingness to invite Afghanistan to their next meeting.
“Discussions about the situation in Afghanistan without the involvement of Afghans are not helpful and raise serious questions about the purpose of such meetings even if they are well-meaning”, said Ahmad Shakib Mostaghni, spokesman of the Afghan Foreign Ministry. He was not the only one to be concerned. For India, that has intensified its engagement in Afghanistan in the last years, it is bad news that even its long-standing friend Russia does not feel the need to consult with Delhi over bringing back the Islamic extremists into power in Kabul.
Not surprisingly, the Taliban welcomed the suggestions of the troika. Russia, China and Pakistan had understood that “the Taliban are a political and military force”. “The proposal is positive step towards peace and security in Afghanistan”, says an official statement of the radical-Islamic group.
As the main reason for their suggestion, the trilateral working group that met in this constellation already for the third time cited “increased activities of extremist groups, among them the Afghan branch of the Islamic State” (IS, also known as Daesh in Afghanistan). A motive that is not totally unjustified, but many security experts doubt that the Islamic State has really grown in Afghanistan.
Interpreted negatively, one could suspect that Russia, that has been successfully trying to increase its international outreach by invading Crimea and supporting the Assad-regime in Syria, tries to use the power vacuum created by the withdrawl of American troops and insecurity over the future US policy in Afghanistan to spread its influence once again.
Shortly before the meeting, the Permanent Representative of Russia at the UN, Vitaly Churkin had emphasized that “the elimination of Taliban leader Mullah Mansoor” through an American drone attack this summer in Pakistan had worsened the situation in Afghanistan by strengthening the influence of “irreconcilable radicals”.
Churkin also quoted the Commander of the NATO troops in Afghanistan, US-General John Nicholson saying that the terror organisation IS tries to install a caliphate by the name of Khorasan in the region using fighters of the “Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan”.
Apparently Russia also wants to block the removal of the Hesb-e-Islami leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar from the UN sanctions list. The Afghan government had signed a peace agreement with the warlord in September 2016, effectively ending years of insurgency of Hesb-e-Islami. One of the conditions of the agreement is to remove Hekmatyar’s name from the UN sanctions list.
In the past decades Russia, that still remembers the ill-fated invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 by the USSR and the following civil war, had shown little interest in engaging there again. But this might well have changed. “Russia is questioning the US presence in its backyard again” writes Indian journalist and security analyst Suhasini Haidar.
The announcement from Moscow therefore triggered furious comments in Kabul. “Considering the fact that they owe our nation ethically, politically and humanely, and also considering the fact that the destruction of Afghanistan goes back to the wrong policies of the former USSR, we hope that the Russians compensate that human tragedy instead of creating another tragedy and crisis”, said the former head of the National Directorate of Security (NDS), Amrullah Saleh.
The strong wording clearly shows what it at stake for India. The Afghan government counts on the country that has been emphasizing over and over again that it will not abandon Afghanistan. But moral support and financial aid are clearly not enough anymore. The question therefore arises what India can actually do.
Apparently India’s attempt to isolate Pakistan internationally has not only failed but even backfired. While it is clear that Islamabad favours a government in Kabul with a strong Taliban-representation, neither Russia nor China and also Iran are known as Taliban-lovers. For them, an arrangement with the radical-Islamic group might well look as the cheapest way to stabilise their backyard.
China had announced even earlier that it intends to engage stronger in Afghanistan because it fears increased terrorist activities in the province of Xinjiang. The IS sees the West of China, where about 20 million citizens are Muslims, as a part of its caliphate. But it has been rather unclear so far what Beijing really wants to do in Afghanistan.
Given this insecurity and obvious lack of strategy, it remains questionable if a new axis “Moscow-Beijing-Islamabad” will contribute to peace in the region. Pakistani participants of the meeting in Moscow indicated that Russia is interested in including Tehran in the talks. The director of the Pakistan-based think tank “Centre for Research and Security Studies” (CRSS), Imtiaz Gul rightly asks: “Is this the beginning of a new geo-political game with two obvious blocs (India-Afghanistan-USA and Moscow-Beijingt-Islamabad and Iran)?”
The US government has not officially commented on the developments. It is also unclear what course the President-elect Donald Trump will embark on in Afghanistan. The NATO spokesman in Afghanistan, US-Brigadier General Charles Cleveland told the Afghan station “Tolo TV”: ‘We are concerned about the Russian engagement with the Taliban because it gives them legitimacy. We believe that all our efforts in the region should aim at strengthening the Afghan government.” He added that he did not observe any increase in the activities of the Islamic State (IS) in Afghanistan.
India, that has been accusing its neighbour Pakistan of using the Taliban to install an Islamabad-friendly government in Kabul for a long time is clearly worried. The convener of the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB), P. S Raghavan writes in a newsletter of the think tank Ananta: “Russia’s overtures to the Taliban in Afghanistan could create bilateral dissonance in an area of core importance to India.”
New Delhi has traditionally good relations with Moscow but also increased its cooperation with the USA in the past few years. This has already cooled off the warm relationship between the two countries to some extent. “In view of the currently limited communication between India and Russia, Russia’s behaviour could lead to a further drift of the countries”, warns Nandan Unnikrishnan, Russia-expert at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) in Delhi.
Next to Pakistan’s increasing influence in Afghanistan, New Delhi is also worried about China’s growing activities in Pakistan in form of the “China-Pakistan-Economic-Corridor” (CPEC), that is seen as an extension of the ambitious “One-Belt-One-Road”(OBOR) initiative. The economic corridor that comprises of massive Chinese investments in infrastructure in Pakistan intends to connect the city of Kashgar in the Chinese province Xinjiang with the Pakistani port Gwadar. Apparently, at the trilateral meeting in Moscow a Russian involvement in the corridor was also discussed.
India reacted to the initiative already in summer 2016 by signing an agreement with Iran for the development of the Iranian Chabahar port, where India plans to invest about 500 million US-Dollars. The port shall provide a transit route for Indian goods to Central Asia, since Pakistan keeps on blocking the land-route to Afghanistan. This might give a hint of what strategy India should contemplate.
While a constructive Russian engagement in the region, as well as a Chinese one does not necessarily contradict India’s interest, bringing back the Taliban with the support of Islamabad surely does. New Delhi therefore urgently needs to beef up its diplomatic activity especially it’s communication with Moscow – and also Tehran.
True, these countries are interested in reducing American influence in their backyard. But they are also interested in a stable Afghanistan that does not protect and nurture Islamic terrorists. It should be not be too difficult to convince them, that ignoring the Afghan government is a fall-back into the colonial “Great Game” that has thrown the region into turmoil in the first place.
To believe that the Taliban are a good ally to overcome Islamic terrorism means setting a fox to keep the geese. Moscow and Beijing are well advised to learn from Pakistan’s disastrous engagement with radical groups to understand the meaning of the old Afghan saying that “those who keep snakes in their backyard, will sooner or later be bitten”.
While some kind of peace arrangement with the Taliban needs to be achieved at a certain point in time, Delhi should remind Moscow that there is no short-cut to stability by allowing the Taliban to dominate Afghanistan again. It can also remind Moscow that the USA are already on their way out and it is very unlikely that a President Trump will change direction in this regard.
Therefore, a security concept and guarantee for Afghanistan that reflects the will of the Afghan people and that includes Russia, Iran, China and India would be a great achievement for the region. With these major players on board, the Afghans could very well take care of the “state-building” and “nation-building” themselves.
(An earlier version of this article appeared in German in Swiss newspaper “Neue Zuericher Zeitung” (NZZ). It can be found here)
New Delhi, Jan. 12: The Centre plans to let foreign universities open campuses in India and is working out the details, top government sources have told The Telegraph. Prime Minister Narendra Modi chaired a meeting on June 22 last year that discussed both legislative and executive routes to making this a possibility before referring the matter to the Niti Aayog, the sources said. They added that the Niti Aayog had suggested one executive and two legislative routes, which the human resource development ministry would soon examine to decide the best option. The executive route seems the likeliest choice. India now lacks a legal framework to allow foreign educational institutions to set up campuses. The University Grants Commission Act says that only universities set up by Parliament or a state legislature, and those declared deemed universities by the government, can award degrees. Among legislative measures, the Centre can have the UGC Act amended to allow foreign campuses that will operate as full-fledged universities in India, or introduce a new bill allowing them to function as deemed universities. The executive route involves getting the UGC to notify a regulation recognising campuses opened by foreign universities as deemed universities. The UPA government had made two unsuccessful attempts to allow foreign campuses in India. In 2010, then human resource development minister Kapil Sibal had introduced a bill in Parliament but a lack of consensus prevented its passage. A parliamentary standing committee had said the provision allowing only not-for-profit foreign institutions to set up campuses would deter the best institutions. Nevertheless, under the government's advice, the UGC had in 2013 notified rules allowing foreign universities to set up campuses as not-for-profit companies in India and award degrees. This time the law ministry raised objections, asking whether a foreign university could offer a degree without a specific law enacted by Parliament. A previous Congress government in 1995 too had introduced a similar bill that ran into political opposition. After Smriti Irani became the minister in 2014, her ministry prepared a bill for foreign campuses but it was not sent to the cabinet. Furqan Qamar, secretary-general of the Association of Indian Universities, which decides the recognition of foreign degrees, said the UGC Act does not distinguish between national and foreign institutions in the award of deemed university status. "There shouldn't be any problem in allowing foreign institutions to operate as deemed universities. But the existing UGC regulation on deemed universities needs modifications," Qamar said. The present regulation says that an institution registered as a society or a trust or a Section 8 Company (not-for-profit company) can be granted deemed university status. Qamar said global institutions might not want to register as a society or trust or a company in India to open a campus. "International institutions will prefer to come on the basis of their own strength and reputation, not as a newly formed society in India," he said. Qamar said the best institutions globally were not-for-profit institutions. He added that it did not seem advisable to allow for-profit foreign institutions to set up campuses in India.
Toy animals made for the Pola festival especially celebrated by the Dhanoje Kunbis. (Bemrose, Colo. Derby - Russell, Robert Vane (1916). The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India: volume IV. Descriptive articles on the principal castes and tribes of the Central Provinces. London: Macmillan and Co., limited. p. 40).
Ox-drawn, Daimabad bronze chariot. c. 1500 BCE. 22X52X17.5 cm. ca. 1400 BCE
Mehrgarh. Terracotta circular button seal. (Shah, SGM & Parpola, A., 1991, Corpus of Indus Seals and Inscriptions 2: Collections in Pakistan, Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, MR-17. A humped bull (water buffalo?) and abstract forms (one of which is like a human body) around the bull. The human body is tossed from the horns of the bovine.
Rebus readings of hieroglyphs: ‘1. arrow, 2. jag/notch, 3. buffalo, 4.acrobatics’:
Mokkhacika (m. or ˚ā f.) [see on attempt at etym. Morris in J.P.T.S. 1885, 49 who takes mokkha as fr. muc "tumbling"& cika="turning" fr. cak=cik. The word remains obscure, it must be a dialectical expression, distorted by popular analogy & taken perhaps from a designation of a place where these feats or toys had their origin. More probable than Morris' etym. is an analysis of the word (if it is Aryan) as mokkha= mokkha2, in meaning "head, top," so that it may mean "head over," top -- first"& we have to separate *mokkhac -- ika the ˚ika representing ˚iya "in the manner of, like"& -- ac being the adv. of direction as contained in Sk. prāñc=pra -- añc.] tumbling, turning somersaults, an acrobatic feat; in list of forbidden amusements at D i.6 (cp. DA i.86; samparivattaka -- kīḷanaŋ, i. e. playing with something that rolls along, continuously turning? The foll. sentence however seems to imply turning head over heels: "ākāse vā daṇḍaŋ gahetvā bhūmiyaŋ vā sīsaŋ ṭhapetvā heṭṭh -- upariya (so read!) -- bhāvena parivattana -- kīḷanaŋ"; i. e. trapeze -- performing. Cp. Dial.i.10 & Vin. Textsii.184). The list re -- occurs at Vin ii.10 (˚āya: f.! kīḷanti); iii.180; M i.266≈and A v.203 (with important v. l. mokkhaṭika, which would imply mokkha& ending tiya, and not ˚cika at all. The Cy. on this passage expls as: daṇḍakaŋ gahetvā heṭṭh -- uppariya (sic. as DA i.86; correct to upariya?) -- bhāvena parivattana -- kīḷanaŋ). The word is found also at Vin i.275, where the boy of a Seṭṭhi in Bārāṇasī contracts injuries to his intestines by "mokkhacikāya kīḷanto," playing (with a) m. -- According to its use with kīḷati & in instr. mokkhacikena (Nd2 219) may be either a sort of game or an instrument (toy), with which children play.
Impression of a steatite stamp seal (2300-1700 BCE) with a water-buffalo and acrobats. Buffalo attack or bull-leaping scene, Banawali (after UMESAO 2000:88, cat. no. 335). A figure is impaled on the horns of the buffalo; a woman acrobat wearing bangles on both arms and a long braid flowing from the head, leaps over the buffalo bull. The action narrative is presented in five frames of the acrobat getting tossed by the horns, jumping and falling down.Two Indus script glyphs are written in front of the buffalo. (ASI BNL 5683).
Rebus readings of hieroglyphs: ‘1. arrow, 2. jag/notch, 3. buffalo, 4.acrobatics’:
1. kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ)
2. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’.
3.rāngo‘water buffalo bull’ (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559)
Rebus: rango ‘pewter’. ranga, rangpewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and antimony (anjana) (Santali).
4. ḍullu to fall off; ḍollu to roll over (DEDR 2698) Te. ḍul(u)cu, ḍulupu to cause to fall; ḍollu to fall; ḍolligillu to fall or tumble over (DEDR 2988) డొలుచు[ḍolucu] or ḍoluṭsu. [Tel.] v. n. To tumble head over heels as dancing girls do (Telugu) Rebus 1: dul ‘to cast in a mould’; dul mẽṛhẽt, dul meṛeḍ, 'cast iron'; koṭe meṛeḍ‘forged iron’ (Santali) Bshk. ḍōl ʻ brass pot (CDIAL 6583). Rebus 2: WPah. ḍhōˋḷm. ʻstoneʼ, ḍhòḷṭɔm. ʻbig stone or boulderʼ,ḍhòḷṭuʻsmall id.ʼ Him.I 87(CDIAL 5536). Rebus: K. ḍula m. ʻ rolling stoneʼ(CDIAL 6582).
Hieroglyph: धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c ; cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) tántu m. ʻ thread, warp ʼ RV. [√tan] Pa. tantu -- m. ʻ thread, cord ʼ, Pk. taṁtu -- m.; Kho. (Lor.) ton ʻ warp ʼ < *tand (whence tandeni ʻ thread between wings of spinning wheel ʼ); S. tandu f. ʻ gold or silver thread ʼ; L. tand (pl. °dũ) f. ʻ yarn, thread being spun, string of the tongue ʼ; P. tand m. ʻ thread ʼ, tanduā, °dūā m. ʻ string of the tongue, frenum of glans penis ʼ; A. tã̄t ʻ warp in the loom, cloth being woven ʼ; B. tã̄t ʻ cord ʼ; M. tã̄tū m. ʻ thread ʼ; Si. tatu, °ta ʻ string of a lute ʼ; -- with -- o, -- ā to retain orig. gender: S. tando m. ʻ cord, twine, strand of rope ʼ; N. tã̄do ʻ bowstring ʼ; H. tã̄tā m. ʻ series, line ʼ; G. tã̄tɔ m. ʻ thread ʼ; -- OG. tāṁtaṇaü m. ʻ thread ʼ < *tāṁtaḍaü, G.tã̄tṇɔ m.(CDIAL 5661) Rebus: M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam).
मृदु mṛdu : (page 1287) A kind of iron.-कार्ष्णायसम्,-कृष्णायसम् soft-iron, lead. (Apte. Samskritam) This gloss could link with the variant lexis of Indian sprachbund with the semantics 'iron': Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'. Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'. ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
.med 'copper' (Slavic languages)
Origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:
Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'. ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
Barack Obama surprises Joe Biden with top civilian honor, calls him an extraordinary man
AFP | Jan 13, 2017, 04.40 AM IST
WASHINGTON: Barack Obama awarded vice president Joe Biden America's highest civilian honor on Thursday, in an emotional surprise ceremony at the White House.
Biden was reduced to tears as the president in his last days in office surprised him by announcing he would be awarding the 74-year-old the Presidential Medal of Freedom.
Joe Biden wipes his eye after President Barack Obama presented him the Presidential Medal of Freedom. (Reuters photo)
In remarks billed as a joint farewell to family, friends and staff before they leave the White House next week, Obama described Biden as "the finest vice-president we have ever seen" and a "lion of American history."
"So, Joe, for your faith in your fellow Americans, for your love of country, and for your lifetime of service that will endure through the generations, I'd like to ask the military aid to join us on stage. For the final time as president, I am pleased to award our nation's highest civilian honor, the presidential medal of freedom."
Biden's jaw dropped, he rolled his head back and turned his face away from the audience to wipe away the tears.
After composing himself and receiving the medal, Biden stepped up to the dais and looked around the room in search of his chief of staff -- and fired him, in jest, for not giving him early warning.
"I had no inkling," Biden said.
"Mr President, I'm indebted to you. I'm indebted to your friendship. I'm indebted to your family," he said.
01/12/2017 President Obama Tribute to Vice President Joe Biden President Obama paid tribute to Vice President Joe Biden and surprised him with a Presidential Medal of Freedom. The vice president then delivered remarks and thanked his family and the president.
S.Kalyanaraman Sarasvati Research Center January 13, 2017 Abstract. The name of the Bhil population was mentioned in early literature of the Subcontinent, which suggests their presence in India since prehistoric times. Studies based on classical and genetic markers suggest a unique identity of the Bhil, who currently live in western and central Indian states. Our previous studies on two Bhil groups living in central and western Indian regions drew different conclusions on their origin. However, the first study on the Bhil of central India was based on haploid DNA and a few autosomal markers, whereas the second study on the western Bhil explored large number of autosomal SNPs. Therefore, in this study we have reconnoitered the inter-population and intra-population relationships of Bhil groups at four different geographical locations by using >95,000 autosomal SNPs. A combination of statistical analysis revealed that all Bhil populations are likely to have had a common source sharing a pan-Bhil ancestry. This common ancestry is clearly seen amongst the Bhil of Gujarat who turned out to show the lowest degree of admixture with their neighbours, whereas the Bhil of Rajasthan showed the highest diversity with extensive admixture with the surrounding populations. Both inter-population and intra-population comparison suggest a shared Bhil genome followed by chunks sharing with the Nihali population, a language community speaking a so-called language isolate. Bhil 1 and 2 were closer to Indo-European groups, Bhil 3 and 4 were closer to Dravida groups:
Kol, Bhil and Gond are some of the ancient tribal populations known from the Ramayana, one of the Great epics of India. Though there have been studies about their affinity based on classical and haploid genetic markers, the molecular insights of their relationship with other tribal and caste populations of extant India is expected to give more clarity about the the question of continuity vs. discontinuity. In this study, we scanned >97,000 of single nucleotide polymorphisms among three major ancient tribes mentioned in Ramayana, namely Bhil, Kol and Gond. The results obtained were then compared at inter and intra population levels with neighboring and other world populations. Using various statistical methods, our analysis suggested that the genetic architecture of these tribes (Kol and Gond) was largely similar to their surrounding tribal and caste populations, while Bhil showed closer affinity with Dravidian and Austroasiatic (Munda) speaking tribes. The haplotype based analysis revealed a massive amount of genome sharing among Bhil, Kol, Gond and with other ethnic groups of South Asian descent. On the basis of genetic component sharing among different populations, we anticipate their primary founding over the indigenous Ancestral South Indian (ASI) component has prevailed in the genepool over the last several thousand years.
Knowledge about the past comes through different disciplines where researchers look at history through different lenses. And in many cases, these interdisciplinary studies land on the same conclusions [1,2]. However, in case of India, investigations from different disciplines have historically been highly contrasting [3,4]. India, also known as a ‘land of spiritual heritage’, has a deep history of civilisation, which is embedded in to multiple oral, traditional and written records. Much of this knowledge is rooted in oldest scriptures, the Vedas, which are four in number, namely Rigveda, Yajurveda, Samaveda and Atharvaveda. Then, there are Puranas, Upanishads, Brahmanas and Aranyakas, of which Vedas are said to be the precursors . There is no consensus among historians regarding the date of compilation of the Vedas as well as the historical dates for the various Puranas, Upanishads and epics [6–10]. A comperative analysis of such mythological sources may provide a concencus about the structuring of the ancient societies and rituals. More recently, some scholars have provided strong evidence about the chronology of these events hinting at a deep-rooted civilization, developing indigenously for over several thousand years [8,11–15].
Our survey on mythological sources has revealed detailed information about the ancient Indian society structure as well as relations of different tribal and caste groups and their rituals [10,11,16–18]. In many of these literary sources, names of various castes and tribal groups have been mentioned, including those of several surviving tribal groups (e.g. Bhil or Bheel, Kol, Gond, Savara, Oraon, Kirata, Ahirs, Nagas etc) [17–23]. It is already evident that during the Ramayana era, Indian society was well-stratified [16,17,21,23–26]. The Bhil, Kol and Gond are three major Indian tribes that have been widely acknowledged in the epic Ramayana, particularly in the portions known as the Ayodhyakanda, Aranyakanda and Kishkindhakanda [19,20,22–27]. It should be emphasised here that, Gond and Bhil are the top two tribal populations of modern India in terms of population size .
The Bhils are primarily from Central India and speak the Bhil language . They have significant presence in states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan as well as in the northeastern state of Tripura. Bhils are further divided into a number of endogamous territorial divisions, which in turn have a number of clans and lineages . The Kol tribe in Uttar Pradesh is found mainly in the districts of Mirzapur, Varanasi, Banda and Allahabad . It is the largest tribe found in the state Uttar Pradesh. They are said to have migrated from Central India some five centuries ago . The Kol are further divided into a number of exogamous clans, such as the Rojaboria, Rautia, Thakuria, Monasi, Chero and Barawire. The Gond people are spread over the states of Madhya Pradesh, eastern Maharashtra (Vidarbha), Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh and Telangana . With over four million people, they are the largest tribe in Central India. They speak the Gondi language, which is related to present Dravidian language family [28,29].
More than 25 years of genetic research on Indian tribal and caste populations involving classical markers to mtDNA/Y chromosome and more recently autosomes, have indicated complex demographic history of the subcontinent [3,30–39]. Alongwith debate over initial peopling of the subcontinent, the major hot topic now shifted towards the population expansion and admixture during and after Neolithic times [37–40]. However, large number of individuals as well as genetic markers are required to reach any firm conclusions. Thus, the strict endogamy and social structure make South Asia much more complex, unlike to Europe, where genetic analysis of a population can predict the genetic structure of immediate neighbor with some confidence. In recent years, there has been an increase in the number of in-depth genetic studies focussing on the genetic structure of the populations of India [35,37,40–48], but none of them have related specific tribal populations mentioned in the traditional literatures.
Therefore, in the present study, we make an attempt to evaluate two schools of thought emerging from the current scenario. The first school suggests that the tribal people are the aboriginal inhabitants, while the later migrants, i.e., the Dravidians followed by the Aryans have pushed them back in to small pockets in South India [49–52]. According to this school, the caste system was established by the aforementioned later migrants [11,50,52,53]. The alternative hypothesis advocates that all the caste and tribal populations of India have Paleolithic roots and share a common origin [3,15,33,54–60]. The differentiation observed in modern South Asian populations is mainly derived by strict endogamy, long term isolation and several evolutionary forces. More specifically, relying on each other, first, we seek to investigate the continuity vs. discontinuity of the genetic thread connecting the different populations of India. Second, keeping in mind the pivotal information extracted from Ramayana, we look specifically into the question: whether and to what extent the three major tribes (Bhil, Kol and Gond) share their genetic ancestry among them as well as with other contemporary caste and tribal populations?
This study was performed using control samples collected, genotyped and published for various population studies conducted in the last few years (S1 Table) [37–39,46,61–63]. All the ethical guideline have been followed. The tribal and caste populations grouped according to their language group. We grouped populations in to “Transitional” who have known information of language change in recent time [64,65]. A check for closely related individuals was carried out within each population study by calculating average identity by state (IBS) scores for all pairs of individuals . We used PLINK 1.07  in order to filter our dataset to include only SNPs on the 22 autosomal chromosomes with minor allele frequency >1% and genotyping success >99%. As background linkage disequilibrium (LD) can affect both PCA  and ADMIXTURE , we thinned the dataset by removing one SNP of any pair, in strong LD r2>0.4, in a window of 200 SNPs (sliding the window by 25 SNPs at a time).
We performed PC analysis using smartpca programme (with default settings) of the EIGENSOFT package  in order to capture genetic variability described by the first 5 components. The fraction of the total variation described by a PC is the ratio of its eigenvalue to the sum of all eigenvalues. In the final settings, we ran Admixture with a random seed number generator on the LD-pruned dataset twenty-five times at K = 2 to K = 12. Since the top values of the resulting log-likelihood scores were stable (virtually identical) within the runs of each K from K = 2 to K = 10, we can claim that convergence at global maximum was achieved. Thus, we omitted runs at K = 11 to K = 12 from further analysis.
Mean pairwise differences between different population groups were computed using Fst distance measure by following the methods as described by Cockerham and Weir , Phylip  and MEGA  were used to construct the tree. The Plink software  was used to calculate the genetic diversity and to find the 25 nearest-neighbours for the Bhil, Kol and Gond individuals. To investigate the derived allele sharing of Bhil, Kol and Gond with the Eurasian populations, we computed f3 statistics , taking African as an outgroup. For haplotype-based analysis (fineSTRUCTURE) , we made two different runs—first by taking all the Eurasian populations and second exclusively on the Central Asian, Pakistani and Indian populations. For the fineSTRUCTURE analysis, first samples were phased with Beagle 3.3.2 . A coancestry matrix was constructed using ChromoPainter , fineSTRUCTURE was used to perform an MCMC iteration using 10000000 burning runtime and 10000 MCMC samples. A tree was built using fineSTRUCTURE with the default settings. All these information are plotted for the Bhil, Kol and Gond as a recipient of number of chunks from one another as well as from other ethnic group.
We combined hundreds of thousands of autosomal markers generated from different studies (S1 Table) [37–39,46,61–63] and specifically looked into the population structure of Indian groups mentioned in classical literature. To find out the population clustering, we first ran the Fst (population differentiation) algorithm  and drew a tree [70,71], rooting out the African populations (S1 Fig). All the Indian populations, except the present Tibeto-Burman speaking populations, are well separated from other continental populations and form a major cluster comprising present populations speaking Indo-European, Dravidian and Austroasiatic (Munda) languages (S1 Fig). The Pakistani populations are scattered in different clusters, where few of them (Sindhi, Pathan and Burusho) cluster loosely with Indians; Hazaras show an affinity toward Central Asians, and Balochi, Brahui and Makrani confirm an intermediate position because of shared recent African ancestry and gene flow [38,74,75]. The Bhil, Kol and Gond showed a closer affinity among them as well as with the extent Indo-European, Transitional and Munda speaking populations (Fig 1a and S1 Fig).
a) Regionwise population differentiation (Fst) analysis of Bhil, Kol Gond with the Indian and other regional populations b) PCA (Principle Component Analysis) of Eurasian populations showing the placement of Bhil, Kol and Gond populations over the South ...
To get more deeper insight, we have used PCA (principle component analysis) and ADMIXTURE , analysis using the same parameters as in our previous studies [38,39,45]. These analyses strengthened the inferences drawn from the Fst analysis. The PCA on Eurasians placed Indian populations between East and West Eurasia (Fig 2a). The cline of Indian subcontinent ranges from Pakistani populations (closer to West Eurasians) to Indian Munda groups (closer to East Eurasians). Departing from its geographical position, Bhil was clustering together with Scheduled castes and Scheduled tribe populations of Uttar Pradesh (Harijan), Andhra Pradesh (Kamsali) and Karnataka (North Kannadi) states. Kol is joined with the neighbouring populations alongwith the Indian-cline, while Gond was deflating away from the Indian cline by uniting with the Munda speakers (Fig 1b). Further, we assessed the proportion of individual-wise ancestry drawn from a given number of inferred populations (K) using a maximum-likelihood based approach implemented in ADMIXTURE.
a) The number of chunks donated at inter and intra populations level for the Bhil, Kol and Gond with respect to the Indian, Central Asian and the Pakistani populations. b) Plot of 25 nearest neighbors of Bhil, Kol and Gond individuals. The match population ...
Consistent with previous observations [37,38], the South Asian populations’ genome are mainly made-up of two major components, which are distributed across the length and breadth of the subcontinent (Fig 1c). Alongnwith these two major components, there are four minor componets over the periphery of the subcontinent—the European and the Middle eastern components can be seen in Pakistani and northwest Indian populations, whilest the East/Southeast Asian components are present in nearby Munda and Tibeto-Burman speakers. (Fig 1c). The geographical distribution of the dark green component (ASI or Ancestral South Indian- unique to the subcontinent) was largely limited to the Indian subcontinent, and can be seen among all the populations of the subcontinent albeit in variable amount, whereas the second major component (light green: ANI or Ancestral North Indian (now ANE- Ancestral North Eurasian )) was shared with Central Asia, the Caucasus, Middle East and Europe (Fig 1c). The geographical origin of light green component (ANI or ANE) is so far unclear and more research is needed from unsampled area as well as from ancient DNA; however, the time of spread of this component from its origin place (either of any; the Caucasus, Near East, Indus Valley, or Central Asia) has happened more than 12.5 thousand years before , which is significantly earlier than the purported expansion of Dravidians and Aryans languages from outside the subcontinent. Notably, the Andaman Islanders are not the only population carrying the ASI component exclusively, as was suggested before . Austroasiatic speakers (more precisely, the South Munda) of the subcontinent also seem to possess the ASI component in near unadulterated form (Fig 1c). More research with complete genome analysis would be required to clear the geographic center of the ANE component; however, it is evident from the present analysis that the dark green component (ASI) can be considered as a connecting thread for all the Indian populations (Fig 1c). Taken together, these results support the second hypothesis suggesting that all Indians, irrespective of their caste or tribal affiliations, share a common genetic ancestry, which is undoubtedly founded over the indigenous ASI component.
Our second question revolved around the three tribal populations mentioned in the ancient epic, their genome composition and affiliation with the surrounding caste and tribal populations. Based on information from Ramayana, we have considered these tribal populations to be ancient inhabitants of India, surviving from the times of the Stone Age [19,23]. If we assume that their genome carry the signature of peopling of ancient time, the assessment of their genomes and comparison with modern populations would test the scenario of continuity vs. discontinuity of prehistoric heritage. In case of continuity, we should see largely similar genome composition among contemporary caste and tribal populations of modern India. On the other hand, in case of discontinuity, these tribal populations should show a unique genome composition or they should emerge as an outliers in our cluster based analysis. Our extended analysis on Fst, PCA and ADMIXTURE showed similar genome composition of these tribal populations, carrying both the ANE and ASI components (Fig (Fig1a1a–1c, Table 1 and S1 Fig). We also calculated the genetic diversity of these populations with their neighbours (Table 2). The diversity of Kol, Bhil and Gond didn’t show any significant deviation from their neighbouring extent Indo-European, Dravidian and Munda speaking groups.
The genetic diversity calculations of Bhil, Kol and Gond with respect to other South Asian groups.
The shared drift statistics analysis (f3) suggested that most of the derived alleles of Bhil, Kol and Gond are overwhelmingly shared with Indian caste and tribal populations (S2 Fig). Gond, Dravidian tribes and Austroasiatic (Munda) groups shared the highest derived allele with Bhils. Indo-European castes, Gond and Dravidian tribes were closest with Kol. Whereas, Munda, transitional and Dravidian tribal groups shared the peak derived alleles with Gonds.
The haplotype based fineSTRUCTURE  analysis showed that the studied populations (Bhil, Kol and Gond) received nearly all of their chunks from the Indian closeby populations (Fig 2a and S3 Fig). Leaving out the number of chunks coming from the same population, chunk donors for Bhil and Kol were coming from all the major Indian ethnic groups, while for the Gond, Indian Transitional and Munda groups were the major chunk donors. More specifically the haplotype based sharing analysis is in congruent with the f3 statistics. The fineSTRUCTURE clustering analysis revealed 37 clusters when we have included Iranian, Central Asian, Pakistani, Indian and Cambodian populations (S4 Fig). Most of the Indian populations unite in Indian specific clusters except Kashmiri Pandits and few Gujarati individuals who fell together with the Sindhi and Pathan individuals in Pakistani specific clade. Our targeted populations are dispersed in various clades. All the Bhil individuals form a tight cluster with the individuals mainly from Dravidian caste, few Indo-European and Transitional individuals. Most of the Kol and Gond individuals show a higher level of variation by falling in to distinct clusters. To make an individual-wise comparison, we plotted top twenty five closest neighbours of studied populations (Fig 2b). It was expected that any population members would be closest to themselves and thereafter to members of other populations, which was also pertinent in the present study. Consistent with the above observations drawn from Fst, PCA, ADMIXTURE, f3 statistics and fineSTRUCTURE, there is no signature of large scale population replacement in the Indian subcontinent.
In conclusion, our high resolution analysis portraying the three ancient tribal populations, strongly rejects any incoming genetic signal of large scale recent (during the post-Neolithic) migration either of the present Dravidian or the Indo-European speaking populations to the subcontinent. We also concluded that the Indian populations preserve strong genetic signatures in support of a common ancestry. The studied tribal populations do share large number of genome among theselves as well as from o caste and tribal poulations. Notebly, the placement of various populations along the Indian cline is not solely governed by the geography, but also by the caste-tribe interaction and various other selectional forces. These patterns point to a complex demographic history of the subcontinent which has been shaped in-situ by admixture events at different time scale, as well as by intricate geographical heterogeneity and long term effect of several evolutionary forces.
The plot of shared drift obtained by the f3 = (Yoruba; Bhil/Kol/Gond, X).
The f3 values are plotted on Y axis against the X- targeted populations on X axis. C_Asia- Central Asia, IN_IE_Caste- Indian Indo-European Caste, IN_IE_Tribe—Indian Indo-European Tribe, IN_DRA_Caste- Indian Dravidian Caste, IN_DRA_Tribe—Indian Dravidian Tribe, IN_AA- Indian Austroasiatic (Munda).
1. Cavalli-Sforza LL, Feldman MW (2003) The application of molecular genetic approaches to the study of human evolution. Nat Genet33Suppl: 266–275. [PubMed]
2. HUGO Pan-Asian SNP Consortium, Abdulla MA, Ahmed I, Assawamakin A, Bhak J, Brahmachari SK et al. (2009) Mapping human genetic diversity in Asia. Science326: 1541–1545. doi: 10.1126/science.1177074[PubMed]
3. Chaubey G, Metspalu M, Kivisild T, Villems R (2007) Peopling of South Asia: investigating the caste-tribe continuum in India. Bioessays29: 91–100. [PubMed]
4. Boivin N (2007) Anthropological, historical, archaeological and genetic perspectives on the origins of caste in South Asia. The Evolution and History of Human Populations in South Asia: 341–361.
5. Chaubey G. The demographic history of India: A perspective based on genetic evidence (http://hdl.handle.net/10062/15240)PhD. Universitatis Tartuensis, Evolutionary Biology;(2010).
6. Raychaudhuri H Political history of ancient India. Genesis Publishing Pvt Ltd; UK: (2006).
7. Kazanas N (1999) The R. gveda and Indo-Europeans. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune, India.
8. Bala Saroj and Mishra Kulbhusan (Ed):Historicity of Vedic and Ramayan Eras. Institute of Scientific Research on Vedas, Hyderabad, India; (2012).
9. Wheeler M (1979) Harappan Chronology and the Rig Veda In Ancient Cities of the Indus, edited by Possehl G. L.. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt Ltd.
10. Indian Heritage Research Foundation Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Mandala Publishing Group; USA: (2013).
11. Tiwari SK Tribal roots of Hinduism. Sarup & Sons; New Delhi, India: (2002).
12. Frawley D (Ed):The Rig Veda and the history of India (2001), Rig Veda Bharata Itihasa. Aditya Prakashan; India.
13. Talageri S. The Rigveda: a historical analysis. Aditya Prakashan, India; (2000)
14. Achar BN (2000) A CASE FOR REVISING THE DATE or VEDANGA JYOTISA. Indian Journal of History of Science35: 73–183.
15. Lal B. Deep Roots of Indian Civilization. New Delhi: Aryan Book Internatonal; India; (2009)
16. Srimad Valmiki-Ramayana. Gita Press; Gorakhpur, India
22. Vidyarthi LP, Rai BK. The Tribal Culture of India. Concept Publishing Company; India: (1977)
23. Ananda W P Guruge. The Society of the Ramayana. Abhinav Publications; India: (1991)
24. Poddar HP. Sri Ramcharitmanas. Gita Press; Gorakhpur, India.
25. Govind H, Bhatt P (1961) Index of Valmiki Ramayana in two Volumes. The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, India
26. Bhatt G, Vaidya P, Divanji P, Mankad D, Jhala G, Shah U (1975) Critical Edition of Complete Valmiki Ramayana (Seven Volumes),. The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, India
27. Chattopadhyaya B. Studying Early India. Orient Blackswan; India: (2003)
28. Singh KS. People of India. Oxford: Oxford University Press; India; (1997)
29. Russell RV. The tribes and castes of the Central Provinces of India. Macmillan and Co., limited; (1916)
30. Bhatia H, Rao V (1986) Genetic Atlas of Indian Tribes Institute of Immunohaematology, New Delhi: Indian Council of Medical Research: 242–254.
31. Mastana SS, Papiha SS (1994) Genetic structure and microdifferentiation among four endogamous groups of Maharashtra, western India [published erratum appears in Ann Hum Biol 1994 Jul-Aug;21(4):398]. Ann Hum Biol21: 241–262. [PubMed]
32. Mountain JL, Hebert JM, Bhattacharyya S, Underhill PA, Ottolenghi C, Gadgil M et al. (1995) Demographic history of India and mtDNA-sequence diversity. Am J Hum Genet56: 979–992.[PMC free article][PubMed]
33. Kivisild T, Rootsi S, Metspalu M, Mastana S, Kaldma K, Parik J et al. (2003) The genetic heritage of the earliest settlers persists both in Indian tribal and caste populations. Am J Hum Genet72: 313–332.[PMC free article][PubMed]
34. Sengupta S, Zhivotovsky LA, King R, Mehdi SQ, Edmonds CA, Chow CE et al. (2006) Polarity and temporality of high-resolution y-chromosome distributions in India identify both indigenous and exogenous expansions and reveal minor genetic influence of Central Asian pastoralists. Am J Hum Genet78: 202–221.[PMC free article][PubMed]
36. Chandrasekar A, Kumar S, Sreenath J, Sarkar BN, Urade BP, Mallick S et al. (2009) Updating phylogeny of mitochondrial DNA macrohaplogroup m in India: dispersal of modern human in South Asian corridor. PloS one4: e7447 doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0007447[PMC free article][PubMed]
38. Metspalu M, Romero IG, Yunusbayev B, Chaubey G, Mallick CB, Hudjashov G et al. (2011) Shared and unique components of human population structure and genome-wide signals of positive selection in South Asia. Am J Hum Genet89: 731–744. doi: 10.1016/j.ajhg.2011.11.010[PMC free article][PubMed]
39. Chaubey G, Metspalu M, Choi Y, Mägi R, Romero IG, Soares P et al. (2011) Population Genetic Structure in Indian Austroasiatic speakers: The Role of Landscape Barriers and Sex-specific Admixture. Mol Biol Evol28: 1013–1024. doi: 10.1093/molbev/msq288[PMC free article][PubMed]
41. Krithika S, Maji S, Vasulu TS (2009) A microsatellite study to disentangle the ambiguity of linguistic, geographic, ethnic and genetic influences on tribes of India to get a better clarity of the antiquity and peopling of South Asia. Am J Phys Anthropol139: 533–546. doi: 10.1002/ajpa.21018[PubMed]
42. Thangaraj K, Naidu BP, Crivellaro F, Tamang R, Upadhyay S, Sharma VK et al. (2010) The influence of natural barriers in shaping the genetic structure of maharashtra populations. PloS one5: e15283 doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0015283[PMC free article][PubMed]
44. Gazi NN, Tamang R, Singh VK, Ferdous A, Pathak AK, Singh M et al. (2013) Genetic Structure of Tibeto-Burman Populations of Bangladesh: Evaluating the Gene Flow along the Sides of Bay-of-Bengal. PloS one8: e75064 doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0075064[PMC free article][PubMed]
45. Chaubey G, Singh M, Crivellaro F, Tamang R, Nandan A, Singh K et al. (2014) Unravelling the distinct strains of Tharu ancestry. Eur J Hum Genet22: 1404–1412. doi: 10.1038/ejhg.2014.36[PMC free article][PubMed]
46. International HapMap 3 Consortium, Altshuler DM, Gibbs RA, Peltonen L, Dermitzakis E, Schaffner SF et al. (2010) Integrating common and rare genetic variation in diverse human populations. Nature467: 52–58. doi: 10.1038/nature09298[PMC free article][PubMed]
47. Metspalu M, Kivisild T, Metspalu E, Parik J, Hudjashov G et al. (2004) Most of the extant mtDNA boundaries in south and southwest Asia were likely shaped during the initial settlement of Eurasia by anatomically modern humans. BMC Genet5: 26 [PMC free article][PubMed]
49. Shaffer J. The Indo-Aryan Invasions: Cultural Myth and Archaeological Reality In The People of South Asia: The Biological Anthropology of India, Pakistan and Nepal. Edited by Lukacs J. London: Plenum; (1984) 77–90.
50. Renfrew C (1991) The coming of the Aryans to Iran and India and the cultural and ethnic identity of the Dasas. By Asko Parpola. (Studia Orientalia, Vol. 64.) pp. 195?302, 33 figs Helsinki, The Finnish Oriental Society, 1988. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Third Series)1: 106–109.
51. Bryant E, Patton LL (Ed):The Indo-Aryan controversy. RoutledgeCurzon; (2005)
52. Thanseem I, Thangaraj K, Chaubey G, Singh VK, Bhaskar LVKS et al. (2006) Genetic affinities among the lower castes and tribal groups of India: inference from Y chromosome and mitochondrial DNA. BMC Genet7: 42 [PMC free article][PubMed]
53. Witzel M. Central Asian roots and acculturation in Indian subcontinent: linguistic and archaeological evidence from Western Central Asia, the Hindukush and northwestern Indian subcontinent for early Indo-Aryan language and religionIn Liguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past.. Edited by Osada T. Koyto, Japan: Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Koyto; (2005) 87–211.
54. Poliakov L. The Aryan Myth. New York: Basic Books; (1974)
55. Agrawal D (1995) Demise of the Aryan Invasion Theory. Hindu Sevak Kendra, Mumbai, India
56. Lal B. The Earliest Civilization of South Asia: Rise, Maturity, and Decline. Aryan Books International; New Delhi, India: (1997)
57. Lal BB, Saraswat K. The Homeland of the Aryans: Evidence of Rigvedic Flora and Fauna & Archaeology. Aryan Books International; New Delhi, India: (2005)
58. Kennedy K. Have Aryans been Identified in the Prehistoric Skeletal Record from South Asia? Biological Anthropology and Concepts of Ancient RacesIn The Indo- Aryans of Ancient South Asia,. Edited by Erdosy G. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal; (1995) 33–66.
59. Sahoo S, Singh A, Himabindu G, Banerjee J, Sitalaximi T et al. (2006) A prehistory of Indian Y chromosomes: evaluating demic diffusion scenarios. Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A103: 843–848.[PMC free article][PubMed]
60. Trivedi R, Sahoo S, Singh A, Bindu G, Banerjee J et al. (2008) Genetic Imprints of Pleistocene Origin of Indian Populations: A Comprehensive Phylogeographic Sketch of Indian Y-Chromosomes. Int J Hum Genet8: 97–118.
61. Li JZ, Absher DM, Tang H, Southwick AM, Casto AM et al. (2008) Worldwide human relationships inferred from genome-wide patterns of variation. Science319: 1100–1104. doi: 10.1126/science.1153717[PubMed]
62. Yunusbayev B, Metspalu M, Järve M, Kutuev I, Rootsi S et al. (2012) The Caucasus as an Asymmetric Semipermeable Barrier to Ancient Human Migrations. Mol Biol Evol29: 359–365. doi: 10.1093/molbev/msr221[PubMed]
63. Behar DM, Yunusbayev B, Metspalu M, Metspalu E, Rosset S et al. (2010) The genome-wide structure of the Jewish people. Nature466: 238–242. doi: 10.1038/nature09103[PubMed]
64. Chaubey G, Metspalu M, Karmin M, Thangaraj K, Rootsi S et al. (2008) Language shift by indigenous population: a model genetic study in South Asia. International Journal of Human Genetics8: 41.
65. Kumar V, Reddy A, Babu P, Rao TN, Thangaraj K et al. (2008) Molecular Genetic Study on the Status of Transitional Groups of Central India: Cultural Diffusion or Demic Diffusion?BMC Biol8: 31.
66. Purcell S, Neale B, Todd-Brown K, Thomas L, Ferreira MAR et al. (2007) PLINK: a tool set for whole-genome association and population-based linkage analyses. Am J Hum Genet81: 559–575.[PMC free article][PubMed]
67. Patterson N, Price AL, Reich D (2006) Population structure and eigenanalysis. PLoS Genet2: e190[PMC free article][PubMed]
73. Browning BL, Yu Z (2009) Simultaneous genotype calling and haplotype phasing improves genotype accuracy and reduces false-positive associations for genome-wide association studies. Am J Hum Genet85: 847–861. doi: 10.1016/j.ajhg.2009.11.004[PMC free article][PubMed]
74. Qamar R, Ayub Q, Mohyuddin A, Helgason A, Mazhar K et al. (2002) Y-chromosomal DNA variation in Pakistan. Am J Hum Genet70: 1107–1124. [PMC free article][PubMed]
75. Quintana-Murci L, Chaix R, Wells RS, Behar DM, Sayar H et al. (2004) Where west meets east: the complex mtDNA landscape of the southwest and Central Asian corridor. Am J Hum Genet74: 827–845.[PMC free article][PubMed]
76. Lazaridis I, Patterson N, Mittnik A, Renaud G, Mallick S et al. (2014) Ancient human genomes suggest three ancestral populations for present-day Europeans. Nature513: 409–413. doi: 10.1038/nature13673[PMC free article][PubMed]
Kannada inscription at Talagunda may replace Halmidi as oldest
Jan 12, 2017, Shivamogga, DHNS
The stone inscription (dated 370 CE) found at Talagunda near Shiralakoppa in the taluk during excavation by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in 2013-14 is now said to be the earliest Kannada inscription. This is indeed something to cheer about for people of the district in general and of Shikaripur taluk in particular. The Halmidi inscription - dated between 450 CE and 500 CE - was earlier believed to be the oldest-known Kannada inscription.
A review of Indian Archaeology-2013-14, published by the Director General of ASI in 2016, said the inscription found in the North side balustrade of the Pranaveshwara temple, in all probability, dates back to 370 CE. It is a seven-line slanted Brahmi script written left to right. The use of Kannada script along with Sanskrit makes it a dual-language inscription. The inscription records gifts of land to a boatman namely Vaji Naga, who belonged to the Boygara family, by a certain Halami of Pulindage.
Speaking to Deccan Herald, M Navin Kumar, president of the Shiralakoppa-based Kannada Research and Development Foundation, said there was a need to rewrite history books and mention that the Talagunda inscription was the oldest-known Kannada inscription and not Halmidi.
“Keshava Sharma, an official who was part of the excavation team, had predicted that it could be older than Halmidi inscription. But there was no official communication then. Now, I am told that it has been officially declared as the earliest Kannada inscription.”
The trial excavation was carried out in 2013 under the direction of M Nambirajan of the ASI at the temple complex. Two sets of copper plates of the Kakatiya period and 13 gold coins of Ganga period were also found during the trial excavation. An undated, fragmented and worn-out inscription was found on the left side balustrade (Simhakatanjana) of the temple during the second excavation.
How far would a lady Artificial Intelligence expert go with a Movie script searching for her heart-throb, the twelve-year-old boy, inventor of Polymineral Bhasma?
The novel is in the genre of ākhyāna of narrating itihāsa which is a Veda tradition.
Śatapatha brāhmaṇa records that on day 8 and 9 of 36 ten-day prayers of Soma yāga, real life events of the past are narrated. Thus, these narratives continue for all 360 days of the year to protect dharma.
athāṣṭame’han…matsyaḥ sāmmado rājetyāha tasyodakecarā viśasta ima āsata iti
vayāṃsi ca vāyovidyikāścopasametā bhavanti tānupadiśati purāṇaṃ vedaḥ so’yamiti
Translation: Now on the eighth day… ‘matsya sāmmada the king (rāja)’, thus he says; ‘of him (matsya rāja), those moving within the waters (udakecarā: fish) are his people and here they are seated;’, thus [he says]. Fish and fish-killers (i.e. fishermen) have come thither: it is them he instructs; ‘the itihāsa is the veda: this it is;’ thus [saying], he says (ācakṣīta: more in the sense of “points out” or “introduces”) some (kaṃcid) itihāsa…
Now on the ninth day… ‘tārkṣya vaipaśyata the king’, thus he says; ‘of him, birds are his people and here they are seated;’, thus [he says]. Birds and fowlers have come thither: it is them he instructs; ‘the purāṇa is the veda: this it is;’ thus [saying], he says some purāṇa…
There are many narratives. One narrative explained vividly in Bhāgavata Purāṇa relates to Bhasmāsura Praveena and Mohini (Vishnu Avatara).
Bhasmāsura knows how to create polymineral bhasma and thus create wealth.
This wealth, amrutam, has to be shared with all in the commonwealth. So, Mohini tries to resolve the mess created by Siva giving a boon to Bhasmāsura: when B places his palm on anyone's head, that person or thing will be reduced to ashes, bhasma. Mohini as a dancer entices B and makes him mimic her dance-steps, karana-s. B is enthralled and tries to beat Mohini in her challenge.
This narrative is so rivetting that Mohini Attam, becomes a celebrated dance medium in many parts of Bharatam.
Mohini in her breathtaking pace of dancing strikes a pose, with her palm on her head.
B repeats the pose and gets reduced to ashes. So, Mohini gets hold of the Amrutam pot brought in by Dhanvantari and distributes it to the people of the Commonwealth.
In this genre, Codex Sarasvati narrates the adventures in a thriller of an IT Artificial Intelligence expert who tries to decode Indus Script. The narrative begins with a murder...
Curator Sharan of Sarasvati Museum is murdered. Citing examples from 8000 inscriptions, hieroglyph rebus Meluhha substitution of metalwork catalogues is demonstrated. Philosopher’s Stone is identified with Tablet of Destiny stolen by Anzu, taken to Himalayan mountain, Mushtagh Ata in Kyrgystan. Codex decodes the 13 plates (unlucky number) of Gundestrup Cauldron and proves that the missing 14th plate of the Cauldron is the Philosopher’s Stone. Anzu is identified with Soma.
Cosmic dance. CERN
Codex explains Bhasmasura Praveena and Mohini narrative of Purana-s as a historical anecdote of Polymineral Bhasma; Old Bible narrative of Sisera’s chariots in Book of Judges as simply metallurgical history of Bronze Age. The resolution of the age-old Philosopher’s Stone mystery in the present-day Mystery & Thriller, Science & Fantasy genres has stunned the academia. Her definitions of the substitution rebus methods to explain many bizarre images as wealth-creation activities are a paradigm shift in civilization studies. A unique fiction experience, yet a Civilizational Story, human, yet a cosmic dance.
The attempt to take the case for Bharat to restitute the colonial loot fails in ICJ (International Court of Justice). Codex appeals to the readers of her novel, the final judges who will order restitution.
श्रीवत्सः Śrī-vatsa hypertext explained 'child of wealth', metalworki.
meḍhā 'curl' rebus mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’, ayo'fish' rebus: ayas 'metal', khambhaṛāʻfin' rebus kammaṭa'coinage, coin, mint'
meḍhā 'endless knot' is an allograph, i.e.a hieroglyph which has the same plain text rendering as meḍhā 'curl, Śrivatsa' hieroglyph. Both hieroglyphs signify rebus: mēdhāˊमेधा 'dhanam, wealth.'
Evidence is organized in the following sections:
1.1 Śrivatsa on the ear-rings worn by the cakravartin, Amaravati sculptures 2.Evolution of Śrivatsa hypertext 3.Links to Indus Script hieroglyph tradition 4.Ancient Burmese metalwork, mintwork silver coins with Srivatsa metaphors 5.Śrivatsa and Kaustubha 6.Ancient Near East Parallels 7.Resources for reconsctucting the Maritimje Tin Route
Torana from Mathura and Mathura lion capital which incorporates many hieroglyph elements later to be found in Bharhut-Sanchi: Pair of tigers (lions?), molluscs, srivatsa, i.e. ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kampaTTa 'mint' PLUS sippi 'shell' rebus: sippi 'artisan, sculptor, architect' meḍhā 'curl' rebus mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’. kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.
Hieroglyph composition of spathe+ molluscs (curls) flanked by elephants.
karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' PLUS meḍhā 'forked-stake' rebus mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ PLUSकरडी [ karaḍī ] f करडई) Safflower: also its seed. Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' (Marathi
Lakshmi flanked by elephants. Divinity of wealth. Hieroglyphs: karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' (Santali) dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Hence, dul ib 'cast iron'.
Hieroglyph: spathe, buds flanked by molluscs -- atop a ring flanked by two petas, dala 'petal'. DhALako 'ingot'
This monograph presents the evolution of the two hieroglyphs in Indus Script tradition.
A vivid example of Sanchi stupa hypertext with hieroglyphs: Pair of fish-fin, fish tied by S-shaped curls, palm spathe
Śrivatsa शिल्पकर्म [ śilpakarma ] is an Indus script hypertext which included meḍhā 'curl' hieroglyph which signifies meḍ'iron'. Other hieroglyph components in the hypertext signify, 'iron mintwork' : ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'.khambhaṛā m. ʻfin ʼrebus: kampaṭṭam, kammaṭa 'coinage, coin, mint'. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' दल dala 'petal' rebus: dhalako 'a large metal ingot (Gujarati) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati).sippi 'spathe of date palm' rebus: sippi 'artificer'.
The architect carries a garland in his left hand. The gloss is dāma a wreath or garland of fls. J i.397 (Pali); rebus: dhamma. The entire architecture of the Sanchi monuments is an offering, a puja by the sāṅgtarāś sangha. In his right hand is held ukkā; (dhamm -- okkā); ii.401; iv.291; v.322; Vism 428; ThA 287; DA i.148; DhA i.42, 205; PvA 154. Esp. as tiṇ˚ firebrand of dry grass M i.128, 365; Nd2 40Ie; DhA i.126; Sdhp 573. -- 2. a furnace or forge of a smith A i.210, 257; J vi.437. Rebus: he is dhammika (adj.) [=Sk. dharmya, cp. dhammiya] lawful, according to the Dh. or the rule; proper, fit, right; permitted, legitimate, justified; righteous, honourable, of good character, just, esp. an attr. of a righteous King (rājā cakkavattī dhammiko dhammarājā) D i.86; ii.16; A i.109=iii.149; J i.262, 263; def. by Bdhgh as "dhammaŋ caratī ti dh." (DA i.237) & "dhammena caratī ti dh., ñāyena samena pavattalī ti" (ib. 249). <-> Vin iv.284; D i.103; S ii.280 (dhammikā kathā); iii.240 (āhāra); iv.203 (dhammikā devā, adh˚ asurā); A i.75; iii.277; Sn 404; DhA ii.86 (dohaḷa); iv.185 (˚lābha); PvA 25 (=suddha, manohara). Also as saha -- dh˚ (esp. in conn. w. pañha, a justified, reasonable, proper question: D i.94; S iv.299 in detail) Vin iv.141; D i.161; iii.115; A i.174. -- a˚ unjust, illegal etc. Vin iv.285; S iv.203; A iii.243. (Source for the photograph: http://imagesvr.library.upenn.edu/a/aiis/thumb/A36-60.JPG)
Sanchi Stupa Torana. sippi 'spathe of date palm' rebus: sippi 'artificer'. tāmarasa'lotus' rebus: tāmra'copper'. The lotus flanked by S-shaped curl pair: meḍhā 'curl' hieroglyph which signifies meḍ 'iron'; dula 'pair' rebus: dul'metal casting'.
I was stunned by the Bharhut and Sanchi toranas. The hieroglyphs which constituted proclamations on the gateways are recognizable as Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes (hypertexts).
Tatsama and tadbhava words in a comparative lexicon of Bharatiya languages (e.g. Indian Lexicon), establish the reality of Bharatiya sprachbund. It appears mlecchita vikalpa wass based on a artificer-lapidary-metalwork lexis of Prakrtam (i.e., vAk, spoken form of Samskrtam).
1. tAmarasa 'lotus' (tAmra); sippi 'palm spathe, mollusc' (s'ilpi 'sculptor'); eraka (arka 'copper, gold'); aya 'fish' (aya, ayas 'iron') khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ (kammaTa 'coiner, coinage, mint (Kannada); kariba 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' (ib 'iron' karba 'iron' (Kannada). Hence the proclamation as an advertisement hoardings by the Begram dantakara (ivory carvers) who moved to Bhilsa topes. There is an epigraph in Sanchi stupa which records the donations of dantakara to the dhAtugarbha (dagoba, stupa).
śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut.,śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- ] Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc.śilpiǵa, Pk. sippi -- , °ia -- m.; A. xipiniʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw.sīpī m. ʻ artizan ʼ; M.śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si.sipi -- yāʻ craftsman ʼ.(CDIAL 12471)शिल्प[ śilpa ]n (S) A manual or mechanical art, any handicraft.शिल्पकर्म[ śilpakarma ]n (S) Mechanical or manual business, artisanship. शिल्पकार[ śilpakāra ]m or शिल्पीm (S) An artisan, artificer, mechanic. शिल्पविद्या[ śilpavidyā ]f (S) Handicraft or art: as disting. from science. शिल्पशाला[ śilpaśālā ]f (S) A manufactory or workshop. शिल्पशास्त्र[ śilpaśāstra ]n (S) A treatise on mechanics or any handicraft. शिल्पी[ śilpī ]a (S) Relating to a mechanical profession or art.(Marathi) శిల్పము[ śilpamu ]ṣilpamu. [Skt.] n. An art, any manual or mechanical art. చిత్తరువువ్రాయడముమొదలైనపని. శిల్పి or శిల్పకారుడుṣilpi. n. An artist, artisan, artificer, mechanic, handicraftsman. పనివాడు. A painter, ముచ్చి. A carpenter, వడ్లంగి. A weaver, సాలెవాడు. (Usually) a stonecutter, a sculptor, కాసెవాడు. శిల్పిశాస్త్రముṣilpi-ṣāstramu. n. A mechanical science; the science of Architecture. చిత్రాదికర్మలనుగురించినవిధానము.(Telugu) சிப்பம்³ cippam,n. < šilpa. Architecture, statuary art, artistic fancy work; சிற்பம். கடிமலர்ச்சிப்பமும் (பெருங். உஞ்சைக். 34, 167).சிப்பியன் cippiyaṉ
skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöp, üšköbʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambh, khambhā,khammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi) khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmoʻ a support ʼ, gng. khāmʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄boʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khām, khāmbā; Or. khambaʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmāʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhīʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyāʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmh, khāmhīʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhāʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhāʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyāʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khām m. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi, °bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho, °bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- X gambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamāʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiāʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛoʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure (CDIAL 13639).
कर्मार [p= 259,3]m. an artisan , mechanic , artificer; a blacksmith &c RV. x , 72 , 2 AV. iii , 5 , 6 VS. Mn. iv , 215 &c
Sanchi and Bharhut stupa reliefs on a torana. Two mahouts ride on two elephants. One mahour carries a flagpost with a standard of 'srivatsa' hieroglyphmultiplex. This has been explained as metalcraftsmanship.
The entire frieze is devoted to cataloguing metalwork is reinforced by the following hieroglyphs shown on adjacent frames: 1. signifying metal ingot (ox-hide type); and 2. blacksmith at work in a smithy. In the context of the tāmrapaṭṭī ताम्र-पट्टी, the flanking srivatsa hieroglyph multiplex can be read rebus:aya'fish' rebus: aya, ayas 'iron, metal'; xolA 'tail' rebus: kolle 'blacksmith', kol 'working in iron', kole.l'smithy'. The srivatsa is: aya kole.l 'metal smithy'.
Section of a coping rail. 30.5x122 cm. 2nd cent. BCE Sunga. Bharhut. The Indian sculptural tradition, which began during the Indus Valley period, continued to flourish under the patronage of the early historical dynasties and is closely associated with the development of Buddhism. The major Buddhist monument of the Shunga dynasty was the Bharhut stupa in Madhya Pradesh. Although it did not survive to our time, many sculptural fragments from Bharhut exist in different collections around the world, among which the Indian Museum in Calcutta is the leader. The Cleveland Museum of Art has two sculptures from Bharhut, this section of a stupa's coping rail and a crossbar decorated with a lotus medallion on each side.The winding lotus stalk divides the central portion of the coping into compartments that alternate everyday genre scenes with representation of jewels. The stalk symbolizes a wish-fulfilling creeper (kalpa-lata or kalpa-vrksa), and the jewels are the auspicious symbol of abundance and wealth. The necklace on the left is of particular interest and consists of a large bead with two side pendants. The plain center bead is flanked by two side pendants in the form of triratna (three-jewels), a very popular early Buddhist symbol. The second jewel, on the right, is a regular five-string bead necklace.The genre scenes, from left to right, show a man beside an architectural enclosure trying to catch a small animal climbing the lotus stalk. The second scene shows a man (sadhu or ascetic type, with an elaborate coiffure of matted hair) seated beside a wood hut. He attends a fire at an open hearth, surrounded by the baskets of chapati(s) (bread pancakes) that he is baking. It should be remembered that this early phase of Buddhism, frequently referred to as "anicomic," predates the representations of Buddha in anthropomorphic from and employs the language of various symbols and scenes based on daily life.The frieze below the center section of the coping is decorated with a row of bells suspended from crossed chains--a motif typical of Bharhut. The upper portion of the coping,now missing, was almost certainly decorated with a frieze of a step-merlon pattern alternating with a stylized palm tree--another standard motif on Bharhut copings.The style of sculpture is characteristic of Bharhut: a relatively deep relief, but on oneplane, without graduation in depth. The figures are charmingly naive, wear minimal clothing, and are adorned with heavy jewelry, turbans, or hairdos. Their gestures are somewhat angular yet successfully convey movement. It is obvious that the artist tookgreat delight in their portrayal. CMA 1972.366
These semantic clusters indicate that the skambha 'pillar' and skambha 'wing' are also hieroglyphs and so depicted in Indus Script Corpora. This leads to a reasonable inference that the Atharva Veda SkambhaSukta (AV X.7) -- an extraordinary philosophical enquiry into the Ruda hieroglyph as linga, s'ivalinga is also embellished with a caSAla (wheatchaff godhUma, snout of boar, varAha) is an intervention to explain the phenomenon of pyrolysis (thermachemical decomposition) and carburization which infuse carbon into soft metal (e.g. wrought iron) to create hard metal. The snout of boar is also called pota, evoking the potR 'purifier' of Rigveda and hence the abiding metaphor of Bharatiya tradition venerating varAha as yagna purusha personifying the Veda.
Bharhut, Besnagar sculptural Makara hieroglyphs ayo kammaṭa 'iron mint' -- expression used in Mahavams'a validates Indus Script proclamation
Two pillars with capitals of Besnagar (ca. 2nd cent.BCE) signify two proclamations of services offered in the city workshop complex: ayo 'fish' rebus:" aya 'metal, iron' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'; hence, ayo kammaTa 'iron mint' and kāraṇikā 'pericarp of lotus' rebus: karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo'. Supercargo is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. Hieroglyphs as hypertexts on the two capitals: Capitl 1: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy' kāraṇikā 'pericarp of lotus' rebus: karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra 'helmsman'. capital 2: ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith'. kammaTa is also a Pali word with the same meaning, attested by Mahavams'a. Thus, these two pillars with hieroglyph hypertexts in Indus Script tradition, are two proclamations of services provided by artificers at the workshops of Besnagar. Confirmation for this decipherment is provided by Mahaavams'a, XXV, 28, which uses an expression: ayo-kammata-dvAra, translated as "iron studded gate" (of a city), but more accurately should translate as: iron mint gate. [quote] Ayas: not in the Dictionary. This word is always used for iron (see loha, below). Mahavamsa, XXV, 28, ayo-kammata-dvara, "iron studded gate " (of a city) ; ib., 30, ayo-gulath, " iron balls "; ib., XXIX, 8, ayo-jala, an iron trellis used in the foundations of a stfipa. Reference might have been made to the iron pillars at Delhi and Dhar, and the use of iron in building at Konarak. [unquote] (Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Indian Architectural terms, in: American Oriental Society, Vol. 48, 1928, pp.250-275).
The combined hypertext is signified by the expression, Śrivatsa, 'wealth, riches' in a metaphor as the "favourite of श्री, Divinity Lakshmi."
Thus, the hypertext atop the Sanchi Stupa torana with this combination of hieroglyphs signifies: iron alloy metalwork, mint artificer
Sanchi stupa Northern Gateway Torana Hieroglyph multiplex, showing date palm spathes, hanging down the pair of sippi, 'shells'. The spathe of datepalm is also sippi, as a phonetic determinant of the word sippi which the artisan wants to convey through the hoarind on the torana welcoming prospective customers who want to acquire the metal and s'ankha artifacts made by the Sanchi artisans. The fins of fish are also hieroglyphs read rebus: .khambhaṛā 'fin', 'wing' Rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, coinage, mint' . Thus the hieroglyph multiplex as hypertext signifies a mint and artificers' metalwork at the workshops of Sanchi.
Date palm spathe is called sippi. This Prakritam gloss yields the Indus Script cipher. The word signifies sippi 'artisan, craftsman'.(Old Awadhi). The hieroglyph of sippi, spathe of date palm adorns the signboard on Sanchi and Bharhut stupa toranas. The proclamation is to invite prospective buyers to witness the handicrafts of the Bronze Age sculpted, forged by the artisans of the Sarasvati_Sindhu civilizational continuum.
Hieroglyph: khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ (Lahnda):*skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ] S. khambhu, °bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640) Rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka.kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)
The proclamation of śilpakarma on Sanchi torana is the emphatic signifier of metal sculptural work of Sanchi (Vidisha or Besnagar) artificers of 3rd-2nd century BCE. The auspicious symbol (hieroglyph) spans Hindu, Bauddha and Jaina traditions and extends into Arakan (Rakhine) state of Myanmar.
Variants of 'endless knot' occur on Indus Script corpora as hieroglyphs in the context of metalwork catalogues. Some examples are:
m478a tabletThe hieroglyph may be a variant of a twisted rope. dhāu 'rope, strand' rebus: dhāu 'metal' PLUS मेढा[ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’. Thus, metallic ore.
A3a and A3b
Hieroglyph: Endless knot
dhAtu 'strand of rope' Rebus: dhAtu 'mineral, metal, ore'धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g.त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c ; cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) tántu m. ʻ thread, warp ʼ RV. [√tan] Pa. tantu -- m. ʻ thread, cord ʼ, Pk. taṁtu -- m.; Kho. (Lor.) ton ʻ warp ʼ < *tand (whence tandeni ʻ thread between wings of spinning wheel ʼ); S. tandu f. ʻ gold or silver thread ʼ; L. tand (pl. °dũ) f. ʻ yarn, thread being spun, string of the tongue ʼ; P. tand m. ʻ thread ʼ, tanduā, °dūā m. ʻ string of the tongue, frenum of glans penis ʼ; A. tã̄t ʻ warp in the loom, cloth being woven ʼ; B. tã̄t ʻ cord ʼ; M. tã̄tū m. ʻ thread ʼ; Si. tatu, °ta ʻ string of a lute ʼ; -- with -- o, -- ā to retain orig. gender: S. tando m. ʻ cord, twine, strand of rope ʼ; N. tã̄do ʻ bowstring ʼ; H. tã̄tā m. ʻ series, line ʼ; G. tã̄tɔ m. ʻ thread ʼ; -- OG. tāṁtaṇaü m. ʻ thread ʼ < *tāṁtaḍaü, G.tã̄tṇɔ m.(CDIAL 5661)
मेढा[ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10312).L. meṛh f. ʻropetying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floorʼ(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: meḍ'iron'. mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) Thus, together, a strand and a curl, the hieroglyph-multiplex of endless-knot signifies iron mineral. mRdu dhAtu (iron mineral).
Endless knot: Yajna, Iron Mineral smelter cluster
+ hieroglyph in the middle with covering lines around/dots in corners poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite'; dhAv 'strand' rebus: dhAv 'smelter'; kulA 'hooded snake' rebus: kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'; kolmo 'three' koD 'horn' rebus: kolimi 'smithy' koD 'workshop'. tri-dhAtu 'three strands, threefold' rebus: tri-dhAv 'three mineral ores'.
mḗdham. ʻ sacrificial oblation ʼ RV. Pa.mēdha-- m. ʻ sacrifice ʼ; Si.mehe,mēsb. ʻ eating ʼ ES 69.(CDIAL 10327).
Thus, mḗdha is a yajna. गृहम् gṛhamमेधa. 1 one who performs the domestic rites or sacrifices; गृह- मेधास आ गत मरुतो माप भूतन Rv.7.59.1.-2 connected with the duties of a householder. (-धः) 1 a householder. -2 a domestic sacrifice; मेधः 1 A sacrifice, as in नरमेध, अश्वमेध, एकविंशति- मेधान्ते Mb.14.29.18. (com. मेधो युद्धयज्ञः । 'यज्ञो वै मेधः'इति श्रुतेः ।). -2 A sacrificial animal or victim. -3 An offering, oblation. मेधा [मेध्-अञ्] (changed to मेधस् in Bah. comp. when preceded by सु, दुस् and the negative particle अ A sacrifice. -5 Strength, power (Ved.). मेध्य a. [मेध्-ण्यत्, मेधाय हितं यत् वा] 1 Fit for a sacrifice; अजाश्वयोर्मुखं मेध्यम् Y.1.194; Ms.5.54. -2 Relating to a sacrifice, sacrificial; मेध्येनाश्वेनेजे; R.13. 3; उषा वा अश्वस्य मेध्यस्य शिरः Bṛi. Up.1.1.1. -3 Pure, sacred, holy; भुवं कोष्णेन कुण्डोघ्नी मध्येनावमृथादपि R.1.84; 3.31;14.81 Mejjha (adj. -- nt.) [*medhya; fr. medha] 1. (adj.) [to medha1] fit for sacrifice, pure; neg. a˚ impure Sdhp 363. medha [Vedic medha, in aśva, go˚, puruṣa˚ etc.] sacrifice only in assa˚ horse -- sacrifice (Pali)
मेढा[ mēḍhā ]'twist, curl' rebus: meD 'iron, copper,metal‘ medha ‘yajna
Dhruva II Inscription Gujarat Rashtrakuta 884 CE (H. Sarkar & BM Pande)
A new copper plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta branch, datedsaka 806 (AS Altekar, Epigraphia INdica, Vol. XXII, 1933-34, pp. 64-76).Note the signature of the king on line 69 in Kannada while the inscription is in Samskrtam. After the signature and before the word लिखितं 'likhitam' is engraved an ornamental design. It is an Indus Script hieroglyph: 'endless knot' which occurs on a number of inscriptions which is deciphered in this monograph: .मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt,meḍ 'iron' (Munda). Rebus: medha 'yajna'.मेध [p= 832,3] an animal-sacrifice , offering , oblation , any sacrifice (esp.ifc.) ib. MBh. &c मेधाa symbolical N. of the letter ध् Up.= धन Naigh. ii , 10. any valued object , (esp.) wealth , riches , (movable) property , money , treasure , gift RV. &c.
Consistent with Naighantuka, the word medhA also means 'कविधानम्' according to s'abdakalpadruma: I assume that medhA = dhAnam means (in the context of the hieroglyph on Dhruva II inscription): धानम्dhānam नी nī धानम् नी [धा भावे-ल्युट्]1A receptacle, seat; as in मसीधानी, राजधानी, यमधानी; रविं दधाने$प्यरविन्दधाने Śi.4.12.-2Nourishing, nourishment.-नी 1The site of a habitation.
The dAna referred in the grant signed by Dhruva II also includes dhana 'property, gift' signified by mēḍhā'twist' rebus: medhA, and hence, the use of the Indus Script hieroglyph.
The earlier rebus rendering of the hieroglyph mēḍhā 'twist' is a commodity: med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) and hence, its occurrence together with svastika hieroglyph which signifies: jasta, sattva, 'zinc' in the context of trade by seafaring merchants of Meluhha.
श्रीवत्सः śrī-vatsa1 an epithet of Viṣṇu. -2 a mark or curl of hair on the breast of Viṣṇu; प्रभानुलिप्त- श्रीवत्सं लक्ष्मीविभ्रमदर्पणम् R.1.1.
श्री--वत्स [p= 1100,1]m. " favourite of श्री " N. of विष्णुL.a partic. mark or curl of hair on the breast of विष्णु or कृष्ण (and of other divine beings ; said to be white and represented in pictures by a symbol resembling a cruciform flower) MBh. Ka1v. &c; the emblem of the tenth जिन (or विष्णु's mark so used) L.
śrī श्रीf.[श्रि-क्विप् नि˚ Uṇ.2.57]1Wealth, riches, affluence, prosperity, plenty; श्री N. of लक्ष्मी (as goddess of prosperity or beauty and wife of विष्णु , produced at the churning of the ocean , also as daughter of भृगु and as mother of दर्प) S3Br. &c; prosperity , welfare , good fortune , success , auspiciousness , wealth , treasure , riches (श्रिया , " according to fortune or wealth ") , high rank , power , might , majesty , royal dignity (or " Royal dignity " personified ; श्रियो भाजः , " possessors of dignity " , " people of high rank ") AV. &c
श्री [p= 1098,2](= √1. श्रि) , to burn , flame , diffuse light RV. i , 68 , 1.f. (prob. to be connected with √1. श्रि and also with √1. श्री in the sense of " diffusing light or radiance " ; nom.श्र्/ईस्accord. to some also श्री) light , lustre , radiance , splendour , glory , beauty , grace , loveliness (श्रिय्/ए and श्रिय्/ऐ , " for splendour or beauty " , " beauteously " , " gloriously " cf.श्रिय्/असे ; du.श्रियौ , " beauty and prosperity " ; श्रिय आत्मजाः , " sons of beauty " i.e. horses [cf.श्री-पुत्र] ; श्रियः पुत्राः , " goats with auspicious marks ") RV. &c
श्री The three objects of human existence taken collectively (धर्म, अर्थ and काम); The three Vedas (वेदत्रयी); श्रिया विहीनैरधनैर्नास्तिकैः संप्रवर्तितम् Mb.12.1.2. ('ऋचः सामानि यजूंषि । सा हि श्रीरमृता सताम्'इति श्रुतेः । com.).(The word श्री is often used as an honorific prefix to the names of deities and eminent persons; श्रीकृष्णः, श्रीरामः, श्रिवाल्मीकिः, श्रीजयदेवः; also cele- brated works, generally of a sacred character; श्रीभागवत, श्रीरामायण &c.; it is also used as an auspicious sign at the commencement of letters, manuscripts &c; Māgha has used this word in the last stanza of each canto of his Śiśupālavadha, as Bhāravi has used लक्ष्मी).
*skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]S. khambhu, °bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640)
*mēṇḍhīʻ lock of hair, curl ʼ. [Cf. *mēṇḍha -- 1 s.v. *miḍḍa-] S. mī˜ḍhī f.,
°ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ (CDIAL 10312) मेढा (p. 391) mēḍhā m A stake, esp. as forked. A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. M. mẽḍhā m. ʻ crook or curved end (of a horn, stick, &c.)(CDIAL 10120)
meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ(Lahnda); mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), miho, miyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽh, mẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. meh, mehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur) mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīr, mīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛha, mehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī, meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(CDIAL 10317)
mḗdha m. ʻ sacrificial oblation ʼ RV.Pa. mēdha -- m. ʻ sacrifice ʼ; Si. mehe,
mē sb. ʻ eating ʼ†mḗdhya -- ʻ full of vigour ʼ AV., ʻ fit for sacrifice ʼ Br. [mḗdha -- m. or mēdhāˊ -- f. ʻ mental vigour ʼ RV.]Pa. mejjha -- ʻ pure ʼ, Pk. mejjha -- , mijjha -- ; A. mezi ʻ a stack of straw for ceremonial burning ʼ.(CDIAL 10327) mēdhya मेध्यa.[मेध्-ण्यत्, मेधाय हितं यत् वा]1Fit for a sacrifice; अजाश्वयोर्मुखं मेध्यम् Y.1.194; Ms.5.54.-2Relating to a sacrifice, sacrificial; मेध्येनाश्वेनेजे; R.13. 3; उषा वा अश्वस्य मेध्यस्य शिरः Bṛi. Up.1.1.1.-3Pure, sacred, holy; भुवं कोष्णेन कुण्डोघ्नी मध्येनावमृथादपि R.1.84; 3.31;14.81.-4Ved. Fresh, strong, vigorous.-5Wise, intelligent.
mēdhāˊमेधा f. mental vigour or power , intelligence , prudence , wisdom (pl. products of intelligence , thoughts , opinions) RV. &c; =धनNaigh. ii , 10
ṭaṅka3 (a) ʻ *rod, spike ʼ, (b) m. ʻ leg ʼ lex. 2. ṭaṅga -- 3 m. ʻ leg ʼ lex. [Orig. ʻ stick ʼ? Cf. list s.v. *ḍakka -- 2] 1. (a) K. ṭang m. ʻ projecting spike which acts as a bolt at one corner of a door ʼ; N. ṭāṅo ʻ rod, fishing rod ʼ, °ṅi ʻ measuring rod ʼ; H. ṭã̄k f. ʻ iron pin, rivet ʼ (→ Ku. ṭã̄ki ʻ thin iron bar ʼ). (b) Pk. ṭaṁka -- m., °kā -- f. ʻ leg ʼ, S. ṭaṅga f., L. P. ṭaṅg f., Ku. ṭã̄g, N. ṭāṅ; Or. ṭāṅka ʻ leg, thigh ʼ, °ku ʻ thigh, buttock ʼ. 2. B. ṭāṅ, ṭeṅri ʻ leg, thigh ʼ; Mth. ṭã̄g, ṭãgri ʻ leg, foot ʼ; Bhoj. ṭāṅ, ṭaṅari ʻ leg ʼ, Aw. lakh. H. ṭã̄g f.; G. ṭã̄g f., °gɔ m. ʻ leg from hip to foot ʼ; M. ṭã̄g f. ʻ leg ʼ.*uṭṭaṅka -- 2, *uṭṭaṅga -- . ṭaṅka -- 4 ʻ peak, crag ʼ see *ṭakka -- 3.1(b): S.kcch. ṭaṅg(h) f. ʻ leg ʼ, WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ṭāṅg f. (obl. -- a) ʻ leg (from knee to foot) ʼ.2. ṭaṅga -- 3: A. ṭāṅī ʻ wedge ʼ (CDIAL 5428)
ṭaṅkáyatiʻties ʼ Dhātup. 2. *ṭañcati.1. S.ṭākaṇuʻ to stitch ʼ,ṭã̄kom. ʻ a stitch ʼ; Ku.ṭã̄koʻ sewing, joining, patch ʼ; N.ṭã̄knuʻ to join, tack, button up ʼ,ṭã̄koʻ stitch, seam ʼ; A.ṭākibaʻ to tie loosely ʼ; B.ṭã̄kāʻ to stitch ʼ, Or.ṭāṅkibā,ṭākʻ hand -- stitching ʼ; Bhoj.ṭã̄kalʻ to sew ʼ; H.ṭã̄knāʻ to stitch, join, rivet, solder ʼ,ṭã̄kām. ʻ stitch, join ʼ; G.ṭã̄kvũʻ to stitch ʼ,ṭã̄kɔm., M.ṭã̄kā,ṭākām.2. G.ṭã̄cvũʻ to stitch ʼ,ṭã̄cṇīf. ʻ small pin ʼ; M.ṭã̄ċṇẽ,ṭāċ°ʻ to sew lightly ʼ,ṭã̄ċṇī,ṭāċ°f. ʻ pin ʼ.
टङ्कः ṭaṅkḥ ङ्कम् ṅkam टङ्कः ङ्कम् [टङ्क्-घञ् अच् वा]1A hatchet, an axe; a stone-cutter's chisel; टङ्कैर्मनःशिलगुहेव विदार्यमाणा Mk.1.2; R.12.8; Ki.9.22.-2A sword.-3The sheath of a sword.-4A peak shaped like the edge of a hatchet; the slope or declivity of a hill; शिलाः सटङ्कशिखराः Bhāg.8.1.46;1.67.26; Rām.7.5.24. हिमाद्रिटङ्कादिव भान्ति यस्यां गङ्गाम्बुपातप्रतिमा गृहेभ्यः Bk.1. 8.-5Anger.-6Pride.-7The leg.-8A chasm, cleft.-9The wood-apple tree.-1