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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/j5dx7qd

    This is an addendum to http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/07/mohenjo-daro-and-dr-w-i-say-indus.html 



    Is there a chance that Dr. W will respond to the request in the interest of contributions to civilization studies which is a subject area common to both Dr. K and Dr. W?


    A Harappa tablet discovered by HARP team (H2001-5075/2922-01) compares with h489 tablet with comparable narratives & hypertexts. Both molded terracotta tablets have inscriptions on two sides.
    h2001-5075/2922-01 Harappa tablet

    h489Ah489B Harappa tablet (in Harappa museum)
    One side (the reverse) of two molded terra cotta tablets signify a common narrative or hypertext: a woman grapples with two tigers and stands above an elephant. Top of the narrative is a spoked wheel. 

    All are hieroglyphs: kola 'woman' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' karibha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron' eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'copper' arA 'spokes' rebus: Ara 'brass'.
    h489 (Also, reverse of tablet H2001-5075/2922-01 hazily seen). A sharper orthographic representation of the woman grappling with two igers occurs on another seal of Mohenjo-daro. The face of the woman with a hypertext composed of hieroglyphs signifies: kammaṭakampaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage.'


    The obverse side of the tablets of Harappa have two different narratives: 1. One narrative shows a tiger looking up at a spy on a tree branch (H2001-5075/2922-01). 2. Another narrative shows a person kicking and spearing a bovine (h489B) PLUS crocodile and a horned person seated in penance with twig head-dress as field hieroglyphs.





    This unique composition of the face of a woman includes identifiable hieroglyphs: 1. eye (kaN, kANi); 2. circular form (baTa); 3. six round (stones)(baTa); 4. face (mũh)


    Each hieroglyph is rendered rebus: kan 'copper' baTa 'circular form' baTa 'six stones'muhã'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.'


    mũh 'a face' in Indus Script Cipher signifies mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.'


    Indus Script hieroglyphs of Prakrtam sprachbund lexis khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint' has a synonymகண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam 'mint, coiner, coinage' 

    The note has recorded evidence that கண்வட்டம் ka-vaṭṭam 'mint' has a synonym (demonstrably, a phonetic variant in mleccha/meluhha):  
    khambhaā 'fin' (Lahnda) rebus: kammaTa 'mint' and these two expressions are combined in the Begram ivory (Plate 389) 


    The unique orthography on the face of the woman shows a circle around one eye: kāṇī ʻone -- eyedʼ (feminine) PLUS வட்டம்¹ vaṭṭam < Pkt. vaṭṭavṛtta. n. 1. Circle, circular form, ring-like shape; மண்ட லம். (தொல். சொல். 402, உரை.) 2. Halo round the sun or moon, a karantuṟai-kōḷ; பரிவேடம். (சிலப். 10, 102, உரை.) (சினேந். 164.) 3. Potter's wheel; குயவன் திரிகை. (பிங்.) 4. Wheel of a cart; வண்டிச்சக்கரம். (யாழ். அக.) baṭlohi ʻ round metal vessel ʼ(Nepalese).

    Thus, the orthographic composition is read as kāṇī vaṭṭa 'eye + circular form' Rebus the expression is: kan 'copper' +bhaTa 'furnace' or khambhaṛā which signifies 'fish-fin' and also 'mint' (with variant pronunciations: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236). The orthographic composition is thus explained rebus as copper mint (kan + bhaTa).

    There are six round blobs around the hairstyle of the woman: baTa 'six, round stone' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'.

    The six blobs may also signify six locks of hair: मेढा (p. 391) mēḍhā A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meD 'iron'(Santali.Mu.Ho.).med 'copper' (Slavic languages).

    Ta. kaṉ copper work, copper, workmanship; kaṉṉāṉ brazier. Ma. kannān id.(DEDR 1402)

    Hieroglyphs: six, round stone: baTa 'six' baTT 'round stone': WPah.bhal. baṭṭ m. ʻ small round stone ʼ; Or. bāṭi ʻ stone ʼ; Bi. baṭṭā ʻ stone roller for spices, grindstone ʼ. -- With unexpl. -- ṭṭh -- : Sh.gur. baṭṭh m. ʻ stone ʼ, gil. baṭhāˊ m. ʻ avalanche of stones ʼ (CDIAL 11348) Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' Rebus: bhaṭṭhā 'kiln, furnace': bhráṣṭra n. ʻ frying pan, gridiron ʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj]
    Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron ʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻ level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire ʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire ʼ, baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace ʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻ kiln, distillery ʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ʻ furnace ʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻ oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing ʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhībhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v. bhrāṣṭra -- ; *bhraṣṭrapūra -- , *bhraṣṭrāgāra -- . Addenda: bhráṣṭra -- : S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.*bhraṣṭrapūra ʻ gridiron -- cake ʼ. [Cf. bhrāṣṭraja -- ʻ pro- duced on a gridiron ʼ lex. -- bhráṣṭra -- , pūra -- 2P. bhaṭhūhar°hrābhaṭhūrā°ṭhorū m. ʻ cake of leavened bread ʼ; -- or < *bhr̥ṣṭapūra -*bhraṣṭrāgāra ʻ grain parching house ʼ. [bhráṣṭra -- , agāra -- ] P. bhaṭhiār°ālā m. ʻ grainparcher's shop ʼ.(CDIAL 9656, 9657, 9658)

    *varta2 ʻ circular object ʼ or more prob. ʻ something made of metal ʼ, cf. vartaka -- 2 n. ʻ bell -- metal, brass ʼ lex. and vartalōha -- . [√vr̥t?] Pk. vaṭṭa -- m.n., °aya -- m. ʻ cup ʼ; Ash. waṭāˊk ʻ cup, plate ʼ; K. waṭukh, dat. °ṭakas m. ʻ cup, bowl ʼ; S. vaṭo m. ʻ metal drinking cup ʼ; N.bāṭā, ʻ round copper or brass vessel ʼ; A. bāṭi ʻ cup ʼ; B. bāṭā ʻ box for betel ʼ; Or. baṭā ʻ metal pot for betel ʼ, bāṭi ʻ cup, saucer ʼ; Mth. baṭṭā ʻ large metal cup ʼ, bāṭī ʻ small do. ʼ, H. baṭṛī f.; G. M. vāṭī f. ʻ vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 11347) *varta3 ʻ round stone ʼ. 2. *vārta -- . [Cf. Kurd. bard ʻ stone ʼ. -- √vr̥t1] 1. Gy. eur. bar, SEeur. bai̦ ʻ stone ʼ, pal. wăṭwŭṭ ʻ stone, cliff ʼ; Ḍ. boṭ m. ʻ stone ʼ, Ash. Wg. wāṭ, Kt. woṭ, Dm. bɔ̈̄', Tir. baṭ, Niṅg. bōt, Woṭ.baṭ m., Gmb. wāṭ; Gaw. wāṭ ʻ stone, millstone ʼ; Kal.rumb. bat ʻ stone ʼ (bad -- váṣ ʻ hail ʼ), Kho. bort, Bshk. baṭ, Tor. bāṭ, Mai. (Barth) "bhāt" NTS xviii 125, Sv. bāṭ, Phal. bā̆ṭ; Sh.gil. băṭ m. ʻ stone ʼ, koh. băṭṭ m., jij. baṭ, pales. baṭ ʻ millstone ʼ; K. waṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ round stone ʼ, vüṭüf. ʻ small do. ʼ; L. vaṭṭā m. ʻ stone ʼ, khet. vaṭ ʻ rock ʼ; P. baṭṭ m. ʻ a partic. weight ʼ, vaṭṭāba° m. ʻ stone ʼ, vaṭṭī f. ʻ pebble ʼ; WPah.bhal. baṭṭ m. ʻ small round stone ʼ; Or. bāṭi ʻ stone ʼ; Bi. baṭṭā ʻ stone roller for spices, grindstone ʼ. -- With unexpl. -- ṭṭh -- : Sh.gur. baṭṭh m. ʻ stone ʼ, gil. baṭhāˊ m. ʻ avalanche of stones ʼ, baṭhúi f. ʻ pebble ʼ (suggesting also an orig. *vartuka -- which Morgenstierne sees in Kho. place -- namebortuili, cf. *vartu -- , vartula -- ). 2. Paš.lauṛ. wāṛ, kuṛ.  ʻ stone ʼ, Shum. wāṛ.vartaka -- 1; *vartadruṇa -- , *vartapānīya -- ; *aṅgāravarta -- , *arkavarta -- , *kaṣavartikā -- (CDIAL 11348)

    vartaka1 m. ʻ *something round ʼ (ʻ horse's hoof ʼ lex.), vaṭṭaka -- m. ʻ pill, bolus ʼ Bhadrab. [Cf. Orm. waṭk ʻ walnut ʼ (wrongly ← IA. *akhōṭa -- s.v. akṣōṭa -- ). <-> √vr̥t1]

    Wg. wāṭi( -- štūm) ʻ walnut( -- tree) ʼ NTS vii 315; K. woṭu m., vüṭü f. ʻ globulated mass ʼ; L. vaṭṭā m. ʻ clod, lobe of ear ʼ; P. vaṭṭī f. ʻ pill ʼ; WPah.bhal. baṭṭi f. ʻ egg ʼ.
    vartaka -- 2 n. ʻ bell -- metal, brass ʼ lex. -- See *varta -- 2, vártalōha -- . (CDIAL 11349)


    vartalōha n. ʻ a kind of brass (i.e. *cup metal?) ʼ lex. [*varta -- 2 associated with lōhá -- by pop. etym.?]Pa. vaṭṭalōha -- n. ʻ a partic. kind of metal ʼ; L.awāṇ. valṭōā ʻ metal pitcher ʼ, P. valṭohba° f., vaṭlohāba° m.; N. baṭlohi ʻ round metal vessel ʼ; A. baṭlahi ʻ water vessel ʼ; B. bāṭlahibāṭulāi ʻ round brass cooking vessel ʼ; Bi. baṭlohī ʻ small metal vessel ʼ; H. baṭlohī°loī f. ʻ brass drinking and cooking vessel ʼ, G. vaṭloi f.Addenda: vartalōha -- : WPah.kṭg. bəlṭóɔ m. ʻ large brass vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 11357)

    The first type of narrative records products from a smelter. The second type of narrative records products from a smithy/mint.


    Molded terracotta tablet (H2001-5075/2922-01) with a narrative scene of a man in a tree with a tiger looking back over its shoulder. The tablet, found in the Trench 54 area on the west side of Mound E, is broken, but was made with the same mold as ones found on the eastern side of Mound E and also in other parts of the site (see slide 89 for the right hand portion of the same scene). The reverse of the same molded terra cotta tablet shows a deity grappling with two tigers and standing above an elephant (see slide 90 for a clearer example from the same mold). https://www.harappa.com/indus3/185.html heraka 'spy' rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper' kuTi 'tree' rebus:kuThi 'smelter' karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' barad 'bull' rebus: baraDo 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'. Another animal (perhaps bovine) is signified in a procession together with the tiger. This may signify barad, balad 'ox' rebus: bharat 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'. Thus the products shown as from smithy (blacksmith).with a smelter.
    h489Ah489B
    Slide 89 Plano convex molded tablet showing an individual spearing a water buffalo with one foot pressing the head down and one arm holding the tip of a horn. A gharial is depicted above the sacrifice scene and a figure seated in yogic position, wearing a horned headdress, looks on. The horned headdress has a branch with three prongs or leaves emerging from the center.
    On the reverse (90),a female deity is battling two tigers and standing above an elephant. A single Indus script depicting a spoked wheel is above the head of the deity.
    Material: terra cotta
    Dimensions: 3.91 length, 1.5 to 1.62 cm width
    Harappa, Lot 4651-01
    Harappa Museum, H95-2486
    Meadow and Kenoyer 1997 

    karA 'crocodile' Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)
    kamaDha 'penance' (Prakritam) Rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner'
    kUtI 'twigs' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
    muh 'face' Rebus: muhe 'ingot' (Santali)
    Hieroglyph: kolsa = to kick the foot forward, the foot to come into contact with anything when walking or running; kolsa pasirkedan = I kicked it over (Santali.lex.)mēṛsa = v.a. toss, kick with the foot, hit with the tail (Santali) 
    Rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pancaloha’ (Ta.) kolhe (iron-smelter; kolhuyo, jackal) kol, kollan-, kollar = blacksmith (Ta.lex.)•kol‘to kill’ (Ta.)

    Images show a figure strangling two tigers with his bare hands.
    m0308, m0306, m0307 (Seal impressions of m0306 and m0307 are also shown side-by-side).

    Hieroglyph 'thwarting' is signified by the glosses: hieroglyph: ‘impeding, hindering’: taṭu (Ta.) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Ta. taṭu (-pp-, -tt) to hinder, stop, obstruct, forbid, prohibit, resist, dam, block up, partition off, curb, check, restrain, control, ward off, avert; n. hindering, checking, resisting; taṭuppu hindering, obstructing, resisting, restraint; Kur. ṭaṇḍnā to prevent, hinder, impede. Br. taḍ power to resist. (DEDR 3031)

    कुंठणें [ kuṇṭhaṇēṃ ] v i (कुंठ S) To be stopped, detained, obstructed, arrested in progress (Marathi) Rebus: kuṇha munda (loha) 'hard iron (native metal)'.

    Hieroglyph componens are: face in profile, one eye, circumfix (circle) and 6 curls of hair. Readings: muh 'face' rebus: muhA 'ingot'; கண்வட்டம் ka-vaṭṭam 'eye PLUS circumfix' rebus: கண்வட்டம் ka-vaṭṭan 'mint'; baTa 'six' rebus: baTa 'iron' bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS meD 'curl' rebus: meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic) Thus, the message is: mint with furnace for iron, copper. Tigers: dula 'two' rebus: dul 'cast metal' kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' kariba 'elephant trunk' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron' eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' arA 'spoke' rebus: Ara 'brass'.


    கண்வட்டம் ka-vaṭṭam n. < id. +. 1. Range of vision, eye-sweep, full reach of one's observation;கண்பார்வைக்குட்பட்ட இடம்தங்கள் கண்வட்டத்திலே உண்டுடுத்துத்திரிகிற (ஈடு, 3, 5, 2). 2. Mint;நாணயசாலை.
    aya khambhaā (Lahnda) rebus: aya 'iron' PLUS khambhaā 'fish fin'


    Rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage' (Kannada)==  'fish PLUS fin' rebus: ayas kammaTa 'metal mint'.


    A one-eyed lady is shown to impede,check two rearing tigers (Side A of two-sided tablets). Same narrative appears on two tablets of Harappa. The hypertext of a woman/person thwarting two rearing tigers also occurs on four other seals with Indus Script inscriptions. The lady with one-eye is: kāṇī ʻone -- eyedʼ (feminine) rebus: kārṇī 'Supercargo' 

    The rebus readings of hypertext on Side A of the two tablets of Harappa are: kāṇī ʻone -- eyedʼ (feminine) rebus: kārṇī 'Supercargo' -- a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. By denoting six curls on locks of hair, the word suggested is Ara 'six' rebus read together with kārṇī + Ara =  kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻhelmsman, sailorʼ. Thus, the hieroglyph of the six-locks of hair on woman signifies a 'helmsman + Supercargo'.

    She is thwarting two rearing tigers: dula 'two' rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' PLUS taTu 'thwart' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, 'mineral smelter'. Together the hieroglyph-multiplex or hypertext of a woman thwarting two tigers signifies: 'helmsman, supercargo of metal casting products from mineral smelter'.

    What minerals? The top hieroglyph is a spoked wheel; the bottom hieroglyph is an elephant. They signify copper and iron minerals. eraka 'nave of wheel'rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' karibha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron.

    Thus the entire narrative on Side A of the Harappa tablets signifies 'helmsnan, supercargo of products from copper and iron mineral smelters.

    Bengali word: f. kāṇī ʻone -- eyedʼ: kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV.Pa. Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ blind of one eye, blind ʼ; Ash. kã̄ṛa°ṛī f. ʻ blind ʼ, Kt. kãŕ, Wg. kŕãmacrdotdot;, Pr. k&schwatildemacr;, Tir. kāˊna, Kho. kāṇu NTS ii 260, kánu BelvalkarVol 91; K. kônu ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, S.kāṇo, L. P. kāṇã̄; WPah. rudh. śeu. kāṇā ʻ blind ʼ; Ku. kāṇo, gng. kã̄&rtodtilde; ʻ blind of one eye ʼ, N. kānu; A. kanā ʻ blind ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ; Or. kaṇā, f. kāṇī ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, Mth. kān
    °nā,kanahā, Bhoj. kān, f. °nikanwā m. ʻ one -- eyed man ʼ, H. kān°nā, G. kāṇũ; M. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, squint -- eyed ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ. -- Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ full of holes ʼ, G. kāṇũ ʻ full of holes ʼ, n. ʻ hole ʼ (< ʻ empty eyehole ʼ? Cf. ã̄dhḷũ n. ʻ hole ʼ < andhala -- ).*kāṇiya -- ; *kāṇākṣa -- .Addenda: kāṇá -- : S.kcch. kāṇī f.adj. ʻ one -- eyed ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kaṇɔ ʻ blind in one eye ʼ, J. kāṇā; Md. kanu ʻ blind ʼ.*kāṇākṣa ʻ one -- eyed ʼ. [kāṇá -- , ákṣi -- ]Ko. kāṇso ʻ squint -- eyed ʼ.(CDIAL 3019, 3020)

    Glyph: ‘woman’: kola ‘woman’ (Nahali). Rebus kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil)

    Glyph: ‘impeding, hindering’: taṭu (Ta.) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Ta. taṭu (-pp-, -tt) to hinder, stop, obstruct, forbid, prohibit, resist, dam, block up, partition off, curb, check, restrain, control, ward off, avert; n. hindering, checking, resisting; taṭuppu hindering, obstructing, resisting, restraint; Kur. ṭaṇḍnā to prevent, hinder, impede. Br. taḍ power to resist. (DEDR 3031) baTa 'six' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. Alternative: Ta. āṟu six; aṟu-patu sixty; aṟu-nūṟu 600; aṟumai six; aṟuvar six persons; avv-āṟu by sixes. Ma. āṟu six; aṟu-patu sixty; aṟu-nnūṟu 600; aṟuvar six persons. Ko. a·r six; ar vat sixty; a·r nu·r 600;ar va·ṇy six pa·ṇy measures. To. o·ṟ six; pa·ṟ sixteen; aṟoQ sixty; o·ṟ nu·ṟ 600; aṟ xwa·w six kwa·x measures. Ka. āṟu six; aṟa-vattu, aṟu-vattu, ar-vattu sixty; aṟu-nūṟu, āṟu-nūṟu 600; aṟuvar, ārvarusix persons. Koḍ. a·rï six; 
    a·rane sixth; aru-vadï sixty; a·r-nu·rï 600. Tu. āji six; ājane sixth; ajipa, ajippa, ājipa, ājpa sixty. Te. āṟu six; āṟuguru, āṟuvuru six persons; aṟu-vadi, aruvai, aravai sixty;aṟuvaṇḍru sixty persons. Kol. (SR. Kin., Haig) ār six; (SR.) ārgur six persons. Nk. (Ch.) sādi six. Go. (Tr.) sāṟung six; sārk six each; (W.) sārūṅg, (Pat.) harung, (M.) ārū, hārūṃ, (L.) hārūṅg six; (Y.)sārvir, (G.) sārvur, (Mu.) hārvur, hāruṛ, (Ma.) ār̥vur six (masc.) (Voc. 3372); sarne (W.) fourth day after tomorrow, (Ph.) sixth day (Voc. 3344); Kui (Letchmajee) sajgi six; sāja pattu six times twelve dozen (= 864); (Friend-Pereira; Gūmsar dialect) saj six; sajgi six things; (K.) hāja six (DEDR 2485) Together, the reading of the hypertext of one-eyed PLUS six hair-knots is: kArNI-Ara, i.e. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ (Prakrtam):  karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman ʼ.(CDIAL 2836) PLUS मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meD 'iron' Thus, the narrative hypertext signifies helmsman carrying cargo of smelted iron.

    काण [p= 269,1] mf()n. (etym. doubtful ; g. कडारा*दि) one-eyed , monoculous (अक्ष्णा काणः , blind of one eye Comm. on Pa1n2. 2-1 , 30 and 3 , 20RV. x , 155 , 1 AV. xii , 4 , 3 TS. ii , 5 , 1 , 7 Mn. MBh." having only one loop or ring " and " one-eyed " Pan5cat. Rebus: kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ Pa. usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ; Pk. kāraṇiya -- m. ʻ teacher of Nyāya ʼ; S. kāriṇī m. ʻ guardian, heir ʼ; N. kārani ʻ abettor in crime ʼ; M. kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ, kul -- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ.(CDIAL 3058)

    Side A narrative is common to both tablets: arA 'spoked wheel' rebus: Ara 'brass'; eraka 'knave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' PLUS karabha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron' PLUS karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' PLUS one-eyed woman thwarting rearing tigers.

    m0308 Seal 1 Hieroglyph: śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seṭh ʻ head of a guild, sangaDa 'lathe, portable brazier' rebus: sangarh 'fortification' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' (That is, guild workshop in a fortification) ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' khaNDa 'arrow' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. Thus the hypertext signifies; metal implements from a workshop (in) fortification. The seal is that of a guild-master and helmsman PLUS supercargo (responsible for the shipment/cargo).

    m0307 Seal 2 & seal impression: Two part message: Part 1: kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze' sangaDa 'lathe, portable brazier' rebus: sangarh 'fortification' kanka, karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karnika 'scribe, engraver' muh 'ingot' dhatu 'claws of crab' rebus: dhatu 'minerals' Part 2:  kanka, karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karnika 'scribe, engraver' plus kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge'. The seal is that of a helmsman PLUS supercargo responsible for cargo of ingots, minerals and products from smithy/forge.

    m0306 Seal 3 and impression: dhatu 'claws of crab' rebus: dhatu 'minerals' dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination' rebus: dhALako 'ingot' PLUS kANDa 'notch' rebus: khaNDa 'implements' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'cast metal' kuTil 'curve' rebus: kuTila 'bronze' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' kanka, karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karnika 'scribe, engraver' . The seal is that of a helmsman of bronze cargo of metal castings, ingots and implements

    Indus Script seals showing a lady thwarting, impeding, checking two rearing tigers.

    Mohenjo-daro seal.  Mohenjo-daro, ca. 2500 BCE Asko Parpola writes: "The 'contest' motif is one of the most convincing and widely accepted parallels between Harappan and Near Eastern glyptic art. A considerable number of Harappan seals depict a manly hero, each hand grasping a tiger by the throat. In Mesopotamian art, the fight with lions and / or bulls is the most popular motif. The Harappan substitution of tigers for lions merely reconciles the scene with the fauna of the Indus Valley ... The six dots around the head of the Harappan hero are a significant detail, since they may correspond to the six locks of hair characteristic of the Mesopotamian hero, from Jemdet Nasr to Akkadian times," (Deciphering the Indus Script, pp. 246-7).

    Mark Kenoyer writes that "discoveries of this motif on seals from Mohenjo-daro definitely show a male figure and most scholars have assumed some connection with the carved seals from Mesopotamia that illustrate episodes from the famous Gilgamesh epic. The Mesopotamian motifs show lions being strangled by a hero, whereas the Indus narratives render tigers being strangled by a figure, sometime clearly males, sometimes ambiguous or possibly female. This motif of a hero or heroine grappling with two wild animals could have been created independently for similar events that may have occurred in Mesopotamia as well as the Indus valley," ( Ancient Cities, p. 114). 

    h180: Three-sided prism tablet from Harappa also includes a rearing-set of tigers narrative




    ext 4304 Text on both sides of the tablet Hieroglyphs read rebus from r. to l.: koDi 'flag' rebus: koD 'workshop' gaNDa 'four' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' kanda kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' karNI 'supercargo' karNika 'scribe' khaNDa 'notch' rebus: khaNDa 'i9mplements' ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smith, forge' kuTi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'.
    Two tigers: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'.

    h180A
    h180B4304 Tablet in bas-relief h180a Pict-106: Nude female figure upside down with thighs drawn apart and  crab (?) issuing from her womb; two tigers standing face to face rearing  on their hindlegs at L.
    h180b
    Pict-92: Man armed with a sickle-shaped weapon on his right hand and a cakra (?) on his left hand, facing a seated woman with disheveled hair and upraised arms.



    A person carrying a sickle-shaped weapon and a wheel on his bands faces a woman with disheveled hair and upraised arm. kuṭhāru ‘armourer’ (Sanskrit) salae sapae = untangled, combed out, hair hanging loose (Santali.lex.) Rebus: sal workshop (Santali) The glyptic composition is decoded as kuṭhāru sal‘armourer workshop.’ eṛaka 'upraised arm' (Tamil). Rebuseraka = copper (Kannada) Thus, the entire composition of these glyphic elements relate to an armourer’s copper workshop. Vikalpa: 

    मेढा A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: mēḍ 'iron' (Munda)

    <raca>(D)  {ADJ} ``^dishevelled'' (Mundarasāṇẽ n. ʻglowing embersʼ (Marathi). rabca ‘dishevelled’ Rebus: రాచrāca (adj.) Pertaining to a stone (ore) (bica).

    The descriptive glyphics indicates that the smelting furnace is for bica, stone (ore). This is distinquished from sand ore.

    The object between the outspread legs of the woman lying upside down is comparable orthography of a crocodile holding fiish in its jaws shown on tablets h705B and h172B. The snout of the crocodile is shown in copulation with the lying-in woman (as seen from the enlarged portion of h180 Harappa tablet).

    kola ‘woman’; rebus: kol ‘iron’. kola ‘blacksmith’ (Ka.); kollë ‘blacksmith’ (Koḍ) kuThi 'vagina' rebus: kuThi 'smnelter' karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' khamDa 'copulation' rebus: kammaTa 'coin, mint'
    The glyphic elements shown on the tablet are: copulation, vagina, crocodile.
    Gyphic: ‘copulation’: kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) Vikalpa: kaṇḍa ‘stone (ore)’. Glyph: vagina: kuṭhi ‘vagina’; rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelting furnace’. The descriptive glyphics indicates that the smelting furnace is for stone (ore). This is distinquished from sand ore. Glyph: ‘crocodile’: karā ‘crocodile’. Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’. kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Te.) Rebus: kāruvu ‘artisan 

    kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Te.) mosale ‘wild crocodile or alligator. S. ghaṛyālu m. ʻ long — snouted porpoise ʼ; N. ghaṛiyāl ʻ crocodile’ (Telugu)ʼ; A. B. ghãṛiyāl ʻ alligator ʼ, Or. Ghaṛiāḷa, H. ghaṛyāl, ghariār m. (CDIAL 4422)  கரவு² karavu


    n. < கரா. cf. grāha. Alligator; முதலை. கரவார்தடம் (திவ். திருவாய். 8, 9, 9). 
      கரா karā n. prob. grāha. 1. A species of alligator; முதலை. கராவதன் காலினைக்கதுவ (திவ். பெரியதி. 2, 3, 9). 2. Male alligator; ஆண்முதலை. (பிங்.) கராம் karām n. prob. grāha. 1. A species of alligator; முதலைவகை. முதலையு மிடங்கருங் கராமும் (குறிஞ்சிப். 257). 2. Male alligator; ஆண் முதலை. (திவா.)கரவா karavā , n. A sea-fish of vermilion colour, Upeneus cinnabarinus; கடல்மீன்வகை. Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

    kuhi = pubes. kola ‘foetus’ [Glyph of a foetus emerging from pudendum muliebre on a Harappa tablet.] kuhi = the pubes (lower down than paṇḍe) (Santali) kuhi = the womb, the female sexual organ; sorrege kuhi menaktaea, tale tale gidrakoa lit. her womb is near, she gets children continually (H. kohī, the womb) (Santali.Bodding) kōṣṭha = anyone of the large viscera (MBh.); koṭṭha = stomach (Pali.Pkt.); kuṭṭha (Pkt.); kohī heart, breast (L.); koṭṭhā, kohā belly (P.); koho (G.); kohā (M.)(CDIAL 3545). kottha pertaining to the belly (Pkt.); kothā corpulent (Or.)(CDIAL 3510). koho [Skt. koṣṭha inner part] the stomach, the belly (Gujarat)  kūti = pudendum muliebre (Ta.); posteriors, membrum muliebre (Ma.); ku.0y anus, region of buttocks in general (To.); kūdi = anus, posteriors, membrum muliebre (Tu.)(DEDR 188). kūṭu = hip (Tu.); kua = thigh (Pe.); kue id. (Mand.); kūṭi hip (Kui)(DEDR 1885). gūde prolapsus of the anus (Ka.Tu.); gūda, gudda id. (Te.)(DEDR 1891).

    Glosses: Indian sprachbund
    kāru ‘crocodile’ (Telugu). Rebus: artisan (Marathi) Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri) 
    kola ‘tiger’ Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’. 
    Heraka ‘spy’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’. khōṇḍa ‘leafless tree’ (Marathi). Rebus: kõdār’turner’ (Bengali) dhamkara 'leafless tree' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
    Looking back: krammara ‘look back’ Rebus: kamar ‘smith, artisan’.

    Hieroglyph: koḍiya 'young bull' rebus: koṭiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel'.

    koḍe ‘young bull’ (Telugu) खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali)[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Te.)] baṭṭai quail (N.Santali) Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali) 

    koḍe ‘young bull’ (Telugu) खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali)[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Te.)]baṭṭai quail (N.Santali) Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali) baṭhi furnace for smelting ore (the same as kuṭhi) (Santali) bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace; make an oven, a furnace; iṭa bhaṭa = a brick kiln; kun:kal bhaṭa a potter’s kiln; cun bhaṭa = a lime kiln; cun tehen dobon bhaṭaea = we shall prepare the lime kiln today (Santali); bhaṭṭhā (H.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā= a barzier, worker in metal; bhaṭ, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Skt.) mẽhẽt bai = iron (Ore) furnaces. [Synonyms are: mẽt = the eye, rebus for: the dotted circle (Santali.lex) baṭha [H. baṭṭhī (Sad.)] any kiln, except a potter’s kiln, which is called coa; there are four kinds of kiln: cunabat.ha, a lime-kin, it.abat.ha, a brick-kiln, ērēbaṭha, a lac kiln, kuilabaṭha, a charcoal kiln; trs. Or intrs., to make a kiln; cuna rapamente ciminaupe baṭhakeda? How many limekilns did you make? Baṭha-sen:gel = the fire of a kiln; baṭi [H. Sad. baṭṭhi, a furnace for distilling) used alone or in the cmpds. arkibuṭi and baṭiora, all meaning a grog-shop; occurs also in ilibaṭi, a (licensed) rice-beer shop (Mundari.lex.) bhaṭi = liquor from mohwa flowers (Santali)

    ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'. kaṇḍa 'arrow' Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. ayaskāṇḍa is a compounde word attested in Panini. The compound or glyphs of fish + arrow may denote metalware tools, pots and pans.kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloy of 5 metals - pancaloha'. ibha 'elephant' Rebus ibbo 'merchant'; ib ‘iron'.  Alternative: కరటి [ karaṭi ] karaṭi. [Skt.] n. An elephant. ఏనుగు (Telugu) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati) kāṇḍa  'rhimpceros'   Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.  The text on h0489 tablet: loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'. kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the display of the metalware catalog includes the technological competence to work with minerals, metals and alloys and produce tools, pots and pans. The persons involved are krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smiths, artisans'. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, working in pancaloha alloys'. పంచలోహము pancha-lōnamu. n. A mixed metal, composed of five ingredients, viz., copper, zinc, tin, lead, and iron (Telugu). Thus, when five svastika hieroglyphs are depicted, the depiction is of satthiya 'svastika' Rebus: satthiya 'zinc' and the totality of 5 alloying metals of copper, zinc, tin, lead and iron.

    Glyph: Animals in procession: खांडा [khāṇḍā] A flock (of sheep or goats) (Marathi) கண்டி¹ kaṇṭi  Flock, herd (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.


    Hieroglyph: heraka ‘spy’. Rebus: eraka, arka 'copper, gold'; eraka 'moltencast, metal infusion'; era ‘copper’. 

    āra 'spokes' Rebus: āra  'brass'. Hieroglyph: हेर [ hēra ] m (हेरक S through or H) A spy, scout, explorator, an emissary to gather intelligence. 2 f Spying out or spying, surveying narrowly, exploring. (Marathi) *hērati ʻ looks for or at ʼ. 2. hēraka -- , °rika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ lex., hairika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ Hcar., ʻ thief ʼ lex. [J. Bloch FestschrWackernagel 149 ← Drav., Kuiēra ʻ to spy ʼ, Malt. ére ʻ to see ʼ, DED 765]1. Pk. hēraï ʻ looks for or at ʼ (vihīraï ʻ watches for ʼ); K.ḍoḍ. hērūō ʻ was seen ʼ; WPah.bhad. bhal. he_rnū ʻ to look at ʼ (bhal. hirāṇū ʻ to show ʼ), pāḍ. hēraṇ, paṅ. hēṇā, cur. hērnā, Ku. herṇo, N. hernu, A. heriba, B. herā, Or. heribā (caus. herāibā), Mth. herab, OAw. heraï, H. hernā; G. hervũ ʻ to spy ʼ, M. herṇẽ. 2. Pk. hēria -- m. ʻ spy ʼ; Kal. (Leitner) "hériu"ʻ spy ʼ; G. herɔ m. ʻ spy ʼ, herũ n. ʻ spying ʼ. Addenda: *hērati: WPah.kṭg. (Wkc.) hèrnõ, kc. erno ʻ observe ʼ; Garh. hernu ʻ to look' (CDIAL 14165) Ko. er uk- (uky-) to play 'peeping tom'. Kui ēra (ēri-) to spy, scout; n. spying, scouting; pl action ērka (ērki-). ? Kuwi (S.) hēnai to scout; hēri kiyali to see; (Su. P.) hēnḍ- (hēṭ-) id. Kur. ērnā (īryas) to see, look, look at, look after, look for, wait for, examine, try; ērta'ānā to let see, show; ērānakhrnā to look at one another. Malt. ére to see, behold, observe; érye to peep, spy. Cf. 892 Kur. ēthrnā. / Cf. Skt. heraka- spy, Pkt. her- to look at or for, and many NIA verbs; Turner, CDIAL, no. 14165(DEDR 903)
    కారుమొసలి a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu).

    Rebus: khār ‘blacksmith’ khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru -; । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji -ग&above;जि&below; or  । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü ), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu; । लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü -क&above;टू&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 ; । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3] ), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu -न्यचिवु&below; । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun] ), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.
    One side of a molded tablet m 492 Mohenjo-daro (DK 8120, NMI 151. National Museum, Delhi. A person places his foot on the horns of a buffalo while spearing it in front of a cobra hood.
    Hieroglyph: kolsa = to kick the foot forward, the foot to come into contact with anything when walking or running; kolsa pasirkedan = I kicked it over (Santali.lex.)mēṛsa = v.a. toss, kick with the foot, hit with the tail (Santali) 
     kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pancaloha’ (Ta.) kolhe (iron-smelter; kolhuyo, jackal) kol, kollan-, kollar = blacksmith (Ta.lex.)•kol‘to kill’ (Ta.)
    kulā 'hood of snake' rebus: kol 'working in iron'

    Hieroglyph: rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ 

    Rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ  *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.

    paTa 'hood of serpent' Rebus: padanu 'sharpness of weapon' (Telugu)
    Hieroglyph: kunta1 ʻ spear ʼ. 2. *kōnta -- . [Perh. ← Gk. konto/s ʻ spear ʼ EWA i 229]1. Pk. kuṁta -- m. ʻ spear ʼ; S. kundu m. ʻ spike of a top ʼ, °dī f. ʻ spike at the bottom of a stick ʼ, °diṛī°dirī f. ʻ spike of a spear or stick ʼ; Si. kutu ʻ lance ʼ.2. Pa. konta -- m. ʻ standard ʼ; Pk. koṁta -- m. ʻ spear ʼ; H. kõt m. (f.?) ʻ spear, dart ʼ; -- Si. kota ʻ spear, spire, standard ʼ perh. ← Pa.(CDIAL 3289)

    Rebus: kuṇha munda (loha) 'hard iron (native metal)'

    Allograph: कुंठणें [ kuṇṭhaṇēṃ ] v i (कुंठ S) To be stopped, detained, obstructed, arrested in progress (Marathi) 
    Rebus: kuṇha munda (loha) 'hard iron (native metal)'.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    July 19, 2016

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    Human phylogeography and diversity

    1. Alexander H. Harcourta,1
    1. Edited by John C. Avise, University of California, Irvine, CA, and approved March 30, 2016 (received for review January 21, 2016)

    Abstract

    Homo sapiens phylogeography begins with the species’ origin nearly 200 kya in Africa. First signs of the species outside Africa (in Arabia) are from 125 kya. Earliest dates elsewhere are now 100 kya in China, 45 kya in Australia and southern Europe (maybe even 60 kya in Australia), 32 kya in northeast Siberia, and maybe 20 kya in the Americas. Humans reached arctic regions and oceanic islands last—arctic North America about 5 kya, mid- and eastern Pacific islands about 2–1 kya, and New Zealand about 700 y ago. Initial routes along coasts seem the most likely given abundant and easily harvested shellfish there as indicated by huge ancient oyster shell middens on all continents. Nevertheless, the effect of geographic barriers—mountains and oceans—is clear. The phylogeographic pattern of diasporas from several single origins—northeast Africa to Eurasia, southeast Eurasia to Australia, and northeast Siberia to the Americas—allows the equivalent of a repeat experiment on the relation between geography and phylogenetic and cultural diversity. On all continents, cultural diversity is high in productive low latitudes, presumably because such regions can support populations of sustainable size in a small area, therefore allowing a high density of cultures. Of course, other factors operate. South America has an unusually low density of cultures in its tropical latitudes. A likely factor is the phylogeographic movement of peoples from the Old World bringing novel and hence, lethal diseases to the New World, a foretaste, perhaps, of present day global transport of tropical diseases.

    Footnotes

    • Author contributions: A.H.H. wrote the paper.
    • The author declares no conflict of interest.
    • This paper results from the Arthur M. Sackler Colloquium of the National Academy of Sciences, “In the Light of Evolution X: Comparative Phylogeography,“ held January 8–9, 2016, at the Arnold and Mabel Beckman Center of the National Academies of Sciences and Engineering in Irvine, CA. The complete program and video recordings of most presentations are available on the NAS website at www.nasonline.org/ILE_X_Comparative_Phylogeography.
    http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2016/07/13/1601068113.abstract
    Human phylogeography has been for decades and is still studied under the rubric of physical anthropology or biological anthropology. Among other interests, these fields investigate the global spread of hominids, hominins, and humans. In doing so, they use all methods and sources of information available. The two fields and hence, the discipline of human phylogeography also investigate the many correlates of our species’ distribution across the varied environments of the world—physiology, genetics, behavior, anatomy, commensals, and also, a special form of behavior, namely culture. Here, within the topic of human phylogeography, I address the geographic spread of the human species across the world and the influence of the environment on regional cultural diversity.
    In both the professional and popular literature, the word “human” sometimes refers to all Homo species or even the non-Homo genus, Australopithecus. I use the word to mean only Homo sapiens.

    Human Species’ Global Diaspora

    African Origins.

     
    The earliest signs so far of humans, H. sapiens, are cranial fragments in southwest Ethiopia with a suggested date of 195 kya (1). (All ages are in calendar years ago and not isotope years ago.) However, the range of possible dates of the fragments is, in fact, 195–105 kya. The next oldest remains are from around 165 kya, also in Ethiopia (2). Preceding H. sapiens, several other Homo species and their ancestors, Australopithecus species, were African too (ref. 3, chap. 5).
    This summary hides considerable debate about nearly all aspects of human origins, even whether our species had a single origin (ref. 3, chap. 5). Not only that but also, new finds continually change our understanding, especially in a continent as little investigated as Africa. Whether, then, the human species arose in Ethiopia or arrived there from elsewhere in Africa is still an open question (45).
    Be that as it may, by 100 kya, humans lived over much of Africa (ref. 3, chap. 5). Indeed, humans had left Africa by then. Stone tools along with the bones of humans who made them that date to about 125 kya have been found in southeast Arabia (6). Until recently, both archeological and anatomical evidence indicated that humans got no farther until about 60 kya (78) or maybe a little over 70 kya (9). It seemed that the aridity of an approaching ice age might have prevented farther expansion or indeed, led to the disappearance of humans from the Arabian Peninsula.
    However, increasingly older dates east of Arabia indicate the need for rethinking of at least the dating of our diaspora out of Africa. For instance, a date of about 45 kya for humans’ arrival in Australia (10) might need to be extended to 60 kya (11). Other dates elsewhere are perhaps too recently published to be independently tested (for instance, the date of 67 kya from a single metatarsal of a potential human in the Philippines) (12). Another in southern India at 74 kya is already disputed. The date comes from volcanic ash around microlithic artifacts (13). However, no bones are associated with the artifacts, and humans might not even have made them (14). Given the nature of the tools, the next likeliest toolmaker is Neanderthal, but the nearest Neanderthal remains are over 2,000 km away.
    If some more distant dates might be wrong, dates almost always get older. In 2015, excavations in southern China revealed “unequivocal” human teeth dated to 120–80 kya (15). A previous similarly aged find for that region is disputed (9), but if the recent find and claim is substantiated and especially, if the older end of the range of dates is substantiated, it becomes possible that, in fact, the first exodus from Africa continued on east.
    The last interglacial period was at its height 125 kya. The climate and hence, distribution of vegetation were much the same as now. In other words, the environment was favorable by comparison with the Old World aridity of a glacial period. The Sahara might have been in some regions wooded savannah and hence, good habitat then for migrating humans (1617). By 60 kya, however, the approaching ice age should have been associated with a drying climate in Africa, which leads to the suggestion that aridity drove the African exodus (18).
    However, Lake Malawi sediments indicate a warm and wet eastern Africa at about 75 kya (19). Far from poor conditions driving dispersal, maybe good conditions and an increasing human population did so. Currently, we do not have enough information on African paleoclimates or the trajectory of African populations to distinguish these two scenarios (refs. 20, chap. 3 and 21).
    Assuming no advanced rafting capabilities, the early dispersers from Africa must have entered the Arabian Peninsula across the marshes at the north end of the Red Sea, perhaps properly the Reed Sea (22). By whatever route they arrived on the eastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula, a northern dry-shod route round the north end of the Persian Gulf then seems likely.
    However, at 60 kya, the Red Sea’s narrowest point at the southern end might have been less than 20 km across. Ethiopians there could have seen Arabia across the Bab el Mandeb Strait. After they arrived in southeast Arabia, the dispersing humans would have found the Strait of Hormuz between them and Iran to have been only about 50 km across. Because maybe only 15,000 y later, at 45 kya, humans had reached Australia across 100 km of ocean (whether they arrived through Indonesia or New Guinea), maybe a southern route into Arabia and then, Iran is not impossible (9). Indeed, modeling that took into account parameters, such as lowered sea levels, climate, the nature of the environment, and a preference for coastal travel, suggests one or both southern crossings as possible, even likely (2324).
    The dates given so far and the evidence for Africa as the phylogeographic origin of the human species come largely from archeology and paleontology. Genetics confirm humans’ African origin. A recent origin from a single small population is indicated by the fact that the human species is less genetically diverse than some populations of chimpanzees (2526). The size of the world’s founding diaspora out of Africa is debatable, but genetic analyses indicate a figure of a few hundred (27). Humans’ geographic origin in Africa is indicated by the fact that human molecular diversity is greatest in Africa (2829). For instance, although four main mtDNA forms exist in African populations, only two exist outside, both from just one of the African forms (3031). Also, people of almost any region in the world are more genetically different from African populations than they are from all other populations (ref. 32, chap. 2). Such lines of evidence of humans’ African origin have been repeatedly confirmed, including with morphological analyses (3334).
    Humans arriving in Eurasia from Africa could have met Neanderthals and even Denisovans. Indeed, some genetic analyses indicate that humans mated with both of these other hominins (3538). The findings are disputed, however, with the suggestion that, instead or in part, they could indicate descent from a common ancestor, the population of which was structured (i.e., genetically heterogeneous geographically), which realistically will almost always be the case over any appreciable area (39).

    Old World Outside Africa.

     
    The oldest, largely accepted dates of humans outside of Arabia all fall around 50–40 kya regardless of whether in Asia, Australia, or Europe (10114043). However, as already indicated, not only have several studies suggested older dates, but the chances of finding the oldest evidence are so slim that oldest dates must inevitably get older.
    New Guinea, Australia, and Tasmania at 50 kya were a single continent, Sahul. One geographic source for the peopling of both New Guinea and Australia is, thus, a possibility (indeed, on genetic grounds, perhaps a likelihood) (9). Nevertheless, a separate migration into each is also possible (4445). The shortest sea crossings in either case would have been, to repeat, about 100 km.
    Subsequent to the earliest arrivals in New Guinea and Australia, these two populations could have remained separate from each other and the rest of the Old World for the next 40,000 y (46). In New Guinea, a significant late introduction was that of the sweet potato a little over 300 y ago, which allowed expansion of agriculture and hence, populations to regions too high or poor for the previous main food crop, taro (47).
    By around 5 kya, the Pama–Nyungan language family originating in northeast Australia covered most of Australia, except the far northwest and the continent’s dry interior (4849). The Pama–Nyungan-speaking peoples entered the latter in the first millennium AD, about 3,000 y after Australia’s 40,000 y isolation ended with an immigration that brought the dingo with it, probably from India (50).
    Tasmania was part of Sahul until around 8 kya, when rising seas finally formed the Bass Strait. Despite no sea barrier between Tasmania and Australia before that, Tasmania’s first inhabitants apparently arrived only 35 kya, 10,000 y after first confirmed arrival in Australia (51).
    The deliberate near eradication two centuries ago of native Tasmanians by arriving Europeans, largely British, means a paucity of genetic or linguistic information from which to judge origins, migrations, and settlement in the region. Nevertheless, linguists have identified five main groupings apparently so different from one another that the only words in common are largely those applying to European introductions, for example, of livestock (52).
    In Europe itself, the earliest dates in the west are for sites in the heel of Italy at around 44 kya (53), and about 43 kya in southern Britain (54). In other words, people were moving north as the peak of the ice age was rapidly approaching. However, the drop in temperature in the northern hemisphere from the peak interglacial at about 125 kya to the peak ice age at around 25 kya was erratic. Several times temperatures rose to nearly match the interglacial maximum, including at about 45 kya (9).
    At the height of the ice age, however, the European ice cap covered Scandinavia and northern Europe down to northern Germany and the middle of Britain and Ireland. Evidence so far indicates that humans retreated from almost all of northern Europe. They returned to Britain from the Basque region of northern Spain about 10 kya (55) or around 1,000 y after the beginning of the Neolithic revolution and the expansion of agriculture into Europe from the Near East (56). Celts and then Anglo-Saxons followed in historical times from mainland western Europe (57).
    The words Basque, Celt, and Anglo-Saxon that I have just used describe both cultures and peoples, as with descriptors of cultures and peoples all over the world. In theory, a culture could move independently of its originating population. In practice, cultures usually move only because people move (3258). This coordinated movement is a specific example of a general pattern (59). In jargon, cultures are transmitted vertically and not horizontally. However, exceptions exist. Of 19 skeletons at a burial site in Oxford, England, the isotope ratios in the teeth of 18 of the people were the same as in the local soil. In other words, they were native-born. However, the burial site was culturally Anglo-Saxon (60). In this case, the residents had adopted the culture of the invaders.
    Four thousand years before humans were in Italy, they were on the central north coast of Siberia at Yenisei Bay hundreds of kilometers above the Arctic Circle. We know this from clear signs of killing and dismemberment of a mammoth and dating of the find (57). Sources differ on whether the region was eventually covered by the northern ice cap. However, farther to the east, at the famous Yana Rhinoceros Horn site in far northeast Siberia, the humans there at 32 kya (61) could have remained through the ice age, because the climate in eastern Siberia was too dry to support an ice sheet.
    Genetic evidence indicates that people in northeastern Siberia arrived there from south central Russia (62), although some linguistic evidence indicates north central Russia also (63). A recent surprise is evidence from a 24-kya site near Lake Baikal in central south Siberia of a large genetic component of western European origin (64). The same genetic signature was detected at a 17-kya site 600 km northwest of the Lake Baikal site, implying that people remained in at least southern Siberia through the peak of the last ice age (64).
    The earliest signs so far of humans elsewhere in eastern Asia are from around 40 kya, although a genetic analysis indicates 60 kya for eastern Asia and a little under 40 kya for Japan (65). Humans in Hokkaido, the northernmost island of Japan, could be from southeast Siberia, but those in the southern islands are from Korea (66). That double phylogeographic origin is the pattern also for Japan’s other mammals. Within Japan, the two geographic origins are indicated by the so-called Blakiston’s Line through the Tsuguru Strait between Hokkaido and Honshu. With the approaching ice age’s lowering of sea levels, the original human immigrants could have arrived overland. However, movements to outlying islands from maybe 9 kya were over sea. Japan experienced several subsequent immigrations, with one at nearly 3 kya producing perhaps the largest genetic contribution to the islands (6768).
    Elsewhere in Asia, topography as well as cold might have been a barrier to movement, because the earliest signs of humans in Tibet date to 31 kya (69). The Himalayas as a barrier is nicely shown by the greater genetic distance between people on either side of them than the average for the same geographic distance elsewhere (70).

    Movement Within and into Africa.

     
    Of course, as humans spread across the Old World outside of Africa, they also spread within Africa. For instance, Y-chromosome analyses indicate links of west and east African pygmoid peoples with the ancient southern African Khoisan/San peoples (71) and between west African pygmoid peoples and east African Hadza peoples (72). Although the field of phylogeography usually uses genetics as its evidence, genetics need not be its only tool. Corresponding to genetic indications of links between eastern and southern African peoples, the rock art of Ituri pygmoid peoples in eastern Zaire is apparently similar to that of Khoi peoples in southern Africa (72) (Khoisan, Khoi, San, Khoe, and Khoenkhoen are sometimes distinguished in the literature and sometimes not). One of the latest and largest movements within Africa was the expansion of the Bantu peoples from around maybe 3 kya judged from archeology, genetics, and linguistics (7374).
    In historic times, the slave trade produced probably the fastest movement of large numbers of Africans from sub-Saharan Africa into North Africa. People also moved back into Africa from the rest of the Old World (5,75) [hence, for example, the surprising finding that the San Khomani peoples of South Africa, outwardly similar to the adjacent San Namibia, have about 10% admixture of western European genes (76)].

    Americas.

     
    Until the last ice age, the Bering Strait was a barrier between the Old and New Worlds. However, although 80 km across now, the strait was a broad flat expanse of land about 50 m above sea level during the peak of the ice age. Then or later, Siberians crossed into Alaska.
    An allele and a single blood group, both almost ubiquitous among Native American and Amerindian populations and both present in eastern Siberians, indicate that a very small population from Siberia peopled the New World (3277). For instance, although northeastern Siberians have all three major blood groups (A, B, and O), more than 95% of native Amerindians are O (32). As said, the northeastern Siberians are, in part, genetically western European. That being the case and given that Native Americans of both Americas originated in northeast Siberia, then western European genes in Native Americans is perhaps inevitable. The extent of contribution might be surprising, however. One calculation has the western European complement constituting perhaps one-quarter of the Native American genome (64).
    As elsewhere in the world, these earliest arrivals could well have traveled first down the coast of both continents (7879). Regarding timing of their entry into the Americas, previously accepted estimates of earliest arrivals now need revision. The quite widely accepted earliest date for the presence of humans in North America was 15.5 kya for a site in central Texas (80). South America’s earliest date was 14.5 kya from the famous Monte Verde site in southern Chile (8182). However, those finds are now superseded by a 2015 report of at least 18 kya at Monte Verde (83) and a 2014 report of dates of roughly 30–20 kya in northeast Brazil (84). This latter finding makes a formerly largely rejected claim of around 32 kya in northeast Brazil (85) now not so incredible.
    These dates in both Americas along with several others before them must silence all future mention of the “Clovis-first” hypothesis, namely that the people of the Clovis culture were the first into North America at about 13 kya. Nevertheless, the Clovis people and their culture were phylogeographically successful. The genotype of an infant from 12.6 kya found in western Montana tightly associated with Clovis tools indicates not only a strong Siberian heritage but also, a strong genetic link to most Native North American peoples as if Clovis replaced the previous North Americans (86). Either the prior immigrants stuck to the coast, not moving inland, or before they could densely populate North America, the Clovis peoples entered and superseded them.
    Monte Verde in southern Chile is about 16,000 km from Siberia. How long it took these first Americans to reach southern South America, we have little to no idea, given that the oldest South American dates are now older than the oldest North American dates. One line of evidence could be the distances traveled by relatively modern nonsedentary traditional societies. In the Americas, they moved camp a median of about 100 km/y (87). At that rate and with straight line travel down the coast, humans would have taken less than two centuries to travel from Alaska to Monte Verde.
    Alternatively, humans moved through the world by demographic expansion. Moving into continents empty of humans and moving into prey populations unused to humans and hence, easily hunted, the expansion could have been rapid. A calculation that accounted for number and distance of camp movements, frequency of foraging forays, reproductive rates, rate of population increase, costs of carrying children, hunting and foraging returns, and potential for children to contribute to the diet concluded that the 16,000-km journey in 2,000 y was possible even with a high rate of reproduction and hence, the necessity to feed and carry children (88). After all, that time for that distance translates to less than 25 m/d.
    A main reason why fast movement could be compatible with high rates of reproduction was that women at the vanguard of the advance into virgin territory might have needed to forage just one-quarter of the distance of those following behind and entering depleted land. Indeed, across hunter–gatherer societies, those with more camp moves per year can reproduce more than those with fewer (88).
    Similarly, an analysis of eastern Canadian genealogies indicated that the ancestors of the current population who were at the front of the population expanding through the region in the 300 y to the mid-1900s contributed more to the present day gene pool than did people from the core of the population’s range (89). An explanation for the phenomenon comes from the genealogies of females in the region, which indicate that those at the front had 15% more offspring than those behind and 20% more married children (89).
    We know little about original human movement through the Amazon, in part because archeology across large expanses of forest is difficult. Not only that but Amazonia might have lost nearly two-thirds of its languages as a result of European invasion (90). The same is true of the Caribbean. Earliest archeological remains in that region are in Cuba from about 7 kya and might be associated with a chert quarrying industry tied to Belize (91). The next signs of movement into the Caribbean, judged by archeology, are immigrations from the north of South America about 2.5 kya, and they continue from then (91).
    By about 12.5 kya, humans were in the high Andes: at over 3,000 m in Chile and Argentina and over 4,000 m in Peru (92). These high-altitude dates are several thousand years after humans arrived in coastal South America. The dates come from the collagen of large bones of camelids directly associated with stone tool workshop sites. The significance of large bones is that they are less likely to have sunk to layers lower than those in which they first fell.
    Later, in the middle of the last millennium, the Incas provide an example of colonization by migration of people as opposed to slow demographic expansion. Within a century, they conquered a multiethnic region 4,000-km long controlled with over 20,000 km of paths and roads, most of them paved (93). Furthermore, the control apparently involved relocation of entire native communities for both economic and defense purposes. A little later, the Spanish did the same, moving tens of thousands to work in and around the Bolivian silver mines (93).
    Six hundred years before the Spanish arrival, the Wari of Peru were trading products from nearly 1,000 km away (93). The huge cities then and later—a Wari one of about 15 km2, for example—also indicate great movements of peoples, forced or voluntary, into main centers of production, just as happens today (94).
    Movement east from eastern Beringia into the north of North America had to wait for the near disappearance of the northern ice cap, which extended south to Washington in the west and New York in the east. That movement seemingly did not happen until about 5 kya, with the diaspora of the Eskimo–Aleut peoples from first Siberia and then, Alaska across to Newfoundland and west coast Greenland, while the Inuit occupied Alaska (9597).

    Oceans.

     
    By the time that humans had reached northern Siberia 32 kya, they were beginning to move across the Pacific north and east of New Guinea. They had reached the Bismarck Archipelago by then, east of New Guinea (98). Assuming island hopping along the way, the longest sea crossing would have been about 75 km.
    Not until maybe 4,000 y ago did they get any farther. Then, they rapidly expanded across the western Pacific, north into Micronesia, and southeast as far as Fiji in southeastern Melanesia by about 3,200 y ago (99101). Fiji is about 1,000 km east of New Caledonia and 800 km east of New Hebrides. Large oceangoing sea crafts were necessary for such a voyage.
    As in the Americas, an unexploited fauna and flora could well have allowed the rapid expansion, perhaps especially a fauna unused to being hunted (in the case of many birds, flightless). Archeologically, this expansion is indicated by finely decorated Lapita pottery (102). The name comes from the site in New Caledonia halfway between Australia and Fiji, where it was first identified.
    A little under 2,000 y ago, humans reached Tahiti and then, Hawaii by maybe 1,500 y ago or maybe even as late as 800 y ago (99). They got to New Zealand 750 y ago from the Cook Islands 2,500 km to the northeast (3199). Given the length of the voyage to New Zealand, a figure of only about 70 founding females (103) might not be surprising but even so, implies several successful crossings along with the degree of variation in mtDNA in the teeth and bones of probable founding individuals (104).
    Taiwan seems to be a main origin of the dispersal across the Pacific given that it is the current center of origin of 9 of 10 of the main Austronesian (essentially western and island Pacific) languages (105106). Archeology substantiates that view (107). Genetically, a plausible scenario is movement of peoples from Taiwan to eastern Indonesia, perhaps through the Philippines, and thence out into the Pacific. However, the story is complex, with, for instance, different Asian origins for different areas of the Pacific (108) and some contrasting results from Y-chromosome and mtDNA analyses (45101108).
    At about the same time as humans were moving across the last stretches of the Pacific, they were crossing the Indian Ocean. The first successful settlers in Madagascar might have arrived 2,000 y ago (109), even if the first signs of presence are from 3,400 y ago (110). Genetic studies indicate equal contributions to the Malagasy gene pool from Africa and Indonesia (111113). Even so, the number of Indonesian founding females in Madagascar might have been one-half the number of female founders of New Zealand: about 30 instead of 70 (111).
    The Indonesian contribution to the origins of the people of Madagascar is strongly supported by the fact that the language of Madagascar, Malagasy, is mainly Bornean (indeed, from the Barito region of southern Borneo). However, not only were the Barito peoples seafarers, but also, Malagasy has several other Indonesian sources as well as some Malaysian roots as if the original contingent of immigrants boarded from a variety of the islands west of Borneo (114). The most likely route is not directly across the Indian Ocean but coastal and probably by coastal trading (115).

    Modern Migrations and Their Barriers.

     
    Movements of genes and peoples continue to this day, of course, in response to repression and opportunity. China, for instance, has seen massive migrations. Some have been organized by the Chinese government; others, especially in the surrounding regions, have occurred in response to events in the regions (116). These movements include migrations of tens of thousands into the cities. Indeed, as already indicated, large flourishing cities are some of the most ethnically dense regions, at least in the United States (117).
    Despite such movements, geographic and cultural barriers operate now as in the past. The barriers exist even in western Europe, with its dense transport network (118119). Populations either side of mountains or waters are genetically distinct. Indeed, culture itself or language itself is often a barrier because of both difficulty of communication and also, to coin a word, “xenantipathy” or dislike of strangers (120). Thus, a map of the distribution of genotypes across Europe is almost identical to the geographic map of Europe (118). Similarly, across a sample of the Solomon Islands of the Pacific, insular differences in peoples’ anatomy correlated more strongly with linguistic differences between the islands than with geographic distance between them (121).

    Sex-Specific Phylogeography.

     
    So far, I have written as if everything phylogeographic that one of the human sexes did, so also did the other. That uniformity is not necessarily the case.
    The Mayflower, one of the first ships from Europe to bring future residents to the future United States, apparently carried three times as many men as women (122). Among migrants and traders, that ratio is usual, with the result that Y-chromosome genotypes are sometimes more widely spread than mtDNA genotypes (123). The result is evident in the Pacific, for example (124), and in the widespread presence of Mongol Y-chromosome genes through Asia and eastern Europe, the legacy of the Khan invasions of the 13th and 14th centuries CE (125).
    However, among agriculturalists, males are usually the landowners and hence, tend to be the resident sex, whereas females move in marriage. The result is regional differentiation in Y-chromosome genotypes but regional ubiquity of mtDNA genotypes (126). Furthermore, because a language of a people tends to be that of the invading dominant sex, male, a frequent outcome is a match between regional differentiation in language and Y-chromosome genotype but a mismatch between language and mtDNA genotypes (126).
    Iceland epitomizes the contrast (119127). All Icelanders speak Icelandic, which is essentially Scandinavian (indeed, originally Norwegian). Scandinavia, especially Norway, is also the genetic origin of the people of eastern Iceland and the males of western Iceland. However, western Iceland’s mtDNA profile (i.e., female genetic profile) is quite largely of Gaelic British origin. The first millennium’s Viking raids into western Britain and the abduction of women from there to western Iceland would explain that pattern.

    Phylogeography of Human Commensals.

     
    I have so far indicated how archeology, genetics, and linguistics elucidate human phylogeography and in so doing, indicated how genetics and culture can determine human phylogeographic patterns. Human phylogeography uses an additional source of information—the phylogeography of the organisms that live with us, on us, and in us.
    The global phylogeography of several organisms responsible for human disease and infection matches that of their human hosts (128). For instance, the human malaria organism, Plasmodium falciparum, is most genetically diverse in Africa, loses genetic diversity the farther that it is from Africa, loses similarity to AfricanP. falciparum the farther it is from Africa, and probably left Africa 60–50 kya (129). The same pattern occurs in Helicobacter pylori, the human stomach bacterium (130). Its phylogeography not only maps onto human immigration into the Americas more than 12 kya but also, maps onto the Neolithic introduction of farming into Europe, the Bantu expansion within Africa, European immigration into the Americas, and the slave trade from Africa into the Americas (130) as well as onto the spread of humans across the Pacific (131).
    The diaspora across the Pacific of the paper mulberry Broussonetia papyrifera, a lizard Lipinia noctua, pigs, and the Pacific rat Rattus exulans as judged genetically must also be a result of the diaspora of humans, because none of these terrestrial species spread over the ocean on their own (132135). The phylogenetics of the lizard even show the initial human colonization of the western Pacific, the long pause there, and then, the rapid expansion across the central and eastern Pacific (135). Remains of the Pacific rat, both its bones and the seeds that it gnawed, show human arrival in New Zealand in 1280 CE (136). Additionally, as a final example for the Pacific, sweet potato genetics reveal human travel from South America to Polynesia (137), probably by returning Polynesians.
    Animal phylogeographic genetics indicate human movement to and through Europe as well. Land snails moved from Iberia to Ireland (138), mice moved from Norway into Britain (139), and pigs moved into Europe from Turkey by both inland and coastal routes (56).

    Cultural Diversity and the Environment

    The aspect of phylogeography that I have addressed so far is the spread of a species from its region of origin. As other species spread and subsequently, geographically differentiate, so do humans. Some of the differentiation is, in effect, random genetic drift unrelated to the nature of the environment. In modern terms, “genetic drift”, is how Darwin explained regional differences in the human form, because he saw no correlation between environment and anatomy (ref. 140, chap. 11). Of course, we now know that the environment, in fact, strongly influences our anatomy and physiology as many anthropological text books describe.
    Far less well known is another aspect of human phylogeography, namely the relation between the nature of the environment and the geographic distribution of cultures (ref. 20, chaps. 5 and 6). The phylogeographic pattern of diasporas from several single origins—northeast Africa to Eurasia, southeast Eurasia to Australia, and northeast Siberia to Americas—allows the equivalent of a repeat experiment on the relation between geography and phylogenetic and cultural diversity. In this section, I review evidence for an influence of the environment on cultural diversity, indeed evidence that the environment influences cultural diversity in the same way as it influences biological diversity or taxonomic diversity.

    Tropical Diversity.

     
    Humans originated in Africa and eventually spread across much of the world. We did not spread evenly. Throughout the world, in Africa, Eurasia, and the Americas, tropical latitudes are more culturally diverse than nontropical ones, regardless of whether the data are number of hunter–gatherer cultures or number of languages (ref. 20, chap. 5). Most plants and nonhuman animal taxa also show this latitudinal pattern of greater tropical diversity (141). Over 30 biogeographic hypotheses exist for the relation, almost none of which originated with analysis of human cultures (ref. 142, chap. 15). Nevertheless, a long-argued environmentally based hypothesis seems to explain the latitudinal distribution of human cultures, at least in part.
    The main facts behind the hypothesis include the well-known year-round high productivity of the tropics where water is sufficient along with the less well-known fact of smaller geographic ranges of tropical cultures, hunter–gatherer cultures, and languages (ref. 20, chaps. 5 and 6). The hypothesis then is that the high year-round tropical productivity allows a population of sustainable size to persist in a small area, a consequence of which is dense packing of cultures (refs. 20, chaps. 5 and 6; 94; and 143146). The packing could come about by overlap of large ranges. However, human cultures are territorial. Ranges do not overlap, except at high latitudes, where the necessarily large ranges are impossible to defend (ref. 20, chap. 6). The gradient of cultural diversity with latitude and the matching gradient of range size with latitude are not unique to a tropical–nontropical comparison. It occurs within North America too (refs. 20, chap. 5 and 147).
    Another hypothesis for regional contrasts in density of cultures is contrast in diversity of habitat (147148), which is the case for diversity of species (ref. 142, chap. 15). It is certainly easy to imagine cultures specializing in exploitation of particular habitats and therefore, not extending outside those habitats (149). Indeed, cultures may deliberately separate themselves by exploiting different habitats or exploiting them differentially (150).
    This hypothesis and the other hypotheses to explain gradients in diversity are largely correlational. However, humans have themselves in effect performed a phylogeographic experiment to test the productivity hypothesis. They have intensified productivity in cities—in the form of jobs and hence, salaries—that allows purchase of food in a concentrated area instead of its production over an extended area. If level of productivity determines phylogenetic diversity and if phylogeographic concentrations are determined by concentrations of high productivity, rich cities should by one measure of phylogeographic diversity (cultural diversity) be some of the most phylogeographically diverse regions (117).
    They are, at least in the United States. Thus, change over time in wages and jobs significantly matched change in diversity of languages in 160 metropolitan areas in the United States over the analyzed 20 y from 1970 controlling for a variety of factors, such as size of the city, sex ratio of workers, and level of schooling (117). As a specific example of the effect, over 300 languages might be spoken in one of the world’s largest cities: London (94).

    Conclusion.

     
    If productivity affects human cultural diversity, it is far from the only influence (143146,151). Many other factors can affect diversity, including history. Tropical South America, for example, has an unusually low density of cultures by comparison with tropical Asia and Africa. One reason might be the relatively short period that humans have been in the American tropics. However, another could be the devastating effect of the Old World diseases (smallpox, for example) brought to the New World by invading Europeans from the 15th century on (152153). The consequent mass mortality of Native Americans and Amerindians provides a foretaste, perhaps, of both the current global phylogeographic interaction of disease organisms and their human carriers and recipients and also, the disappearance of indigenous languages as majority cultures expand (refs. 20, chap. 8; 154155, chap. 12; 156; and 157).

    Acknowledgments

    I thank John Avise and Francisco Ayala for inviting my contribution to the “In the Light of Evolution X: Comparative Phylogeography” Colloquium; John Avise, Francisco Ayala, and Brian Bowen for organizing the colloquium; and Kelly Stewart and two anonymous referees for most helpful commentary on my paper.

    Footnotes

    • Author contributions: A.H.H. wrote the paper.
    • The author declares no conflict of interest.
    • This paper results from the Arthur M. Sackler Colloquium of the National Academy of Sciences, “In the Light of Evolution X: Comparative Phylogeography,“ held January 8–9, 2016, at the Arnold and Mabel Beckman Center of the National Academies of Sciences and Engineering in Irvine, CA. The complete program and video recordings of most presentations are available on the NAS website at www.nasonline.org/ILE_X_Comparative_Phylogeography.
    • This article is a PNAS Direct Submission.

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    Varaha.Liongaraj temple, Bhubaneswar.Varaha.Khmer. Cambodia XIth cent.Bronze 19.5 cm


    araha ; royal emblem Chalukyas Bas Relief in a pillar in Ladkhan temple built in 7th century ; Aihole ; Karnataka
    Chlorite Stone Varaha Avatar Statue, Gokulnagar, Bankura
    Varaha near Karitalai
    Katni : Karanpur : Varaha near Karitalai
    Bhuvaraha Lakshminarasimha temple, Halasi, Belgaum, Karnataka
    Varaha, Mahakuta, Deccan 7th cent.
    Varaha, Eran
    Varaha. Durga Temple, Aihole Vishnu's boar avatar lifts Bhu Devi on the crook of his arm, while standing on the nagas (snakes).
    Varaha - Ellora cave XIV
    Varaha. Ellora cave XIV 
    Varaha, Caves at Ellora in central India, 8th cent.

    Vishnu (oblique)
    Vishnu (front)
    Vishnu (back)

    Figure of Varaha, boar incarnation of Vishnu

    Description: In a creation myth, Vishnu took the form of a boar to rescue Bhuvedi, the Earth goddess from the depths of the primordial waters. In this sculpture, Bhudevi stands to the right of the boar’s head, while a serpent-goddess (nagini) appears in front. Rows of sages, deities and other figures appear on the body of the cosmic boar. The prominent conch shell, discus and mace below are all symbols of Vishnu.
    Associated place
    Bihar (possible place of creation)
    north Madhya Pradesh (possible place of creation)
    Date
    2nd half of the 9th century - 1st half of the 10th century AD
    Material and technique
    dark-brownish-grey stone
    Dimensions
    64.8 x 87.5 x 28 cm max. (height x width x depth)
    Material index
    Technique index
    carved
    Object type index
    No. of items
    1
    Credit line
    Purchased, 1969.
    Accession no.
    EA1969.43

    Lower ground floor | Room 2 | Human Image
    Harle, J. C., and Andrew Topsfield, Indian Art in the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 1987), no. 40 on pp. 33-34, pp. 36 & 52, illus. p. 33
    London: Hayward Gallery, 25 March-13 June 1982, In the Image of Man: The Indian Perception of the Universe through 2000 Years of Painting and Sculpture, George Michell, Catherine Lampert, and Tristram Holland, eds (London: Arts Council of Great Britain, 1982), no. 371 on p. 202
    http://jameelcentre.ashmolean.org/collection/4/880/882/11153

    http://jameelcentre.ashmolean.org/object/EA1969.43


    Sarasvati on the snout (cashAla) of Varaha. caSAla is a metallurgical knowledge system of carburization of metal using godhuma fumes to inject carbon into the metal to harden it.. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/casala-on-yupa-indus-script-hieroglyph_6.html



































    Varaha, Khajuraho.

    Varaha, Mahabalipuram

    Varaha temple, Mahabalipuram 1860's BL

    Varaha, National Museum, New Delhi


    Rock-cut sculpture of Varaha at the Udayagiri Caves (cave No. 5), near Vidisha, carved when the city was a provincial capital of the Gupta Empire. One of the earliest anthropomorphic sculptures shows Bhudevi clinging to Varaha's tusk as Varaha emerges from the ocean.

    Varaha, Central India, Madhya Pradesh c. 10th century sandstone

    Coin with Varaha (Vishnu Avatar) on a Gurjara-Pratihara coin 850-900 CE, British Museum.

    Varaha in Durga temple, Badami 742 CE
    Varaha. Badami.
    Varaha - Badami cave II
    Varaha. Badami Cave II

    Varaha. Gujri mahal museum ; Gwalior ; Madhya Pradesh ; India

    Varaha, 10th century, Central, Madhya Pradesh, India, Asia, sandstone, Dallas Museum of Art

    Pralaya Varahantha temple situated at Kalahalli, Krishnarajpet taluk. Height 15 ft.
    Bhu-Varaha Temple Belgaum: Bhu Varaha, Belgaum


    Varaha, Beluru


    Varaha, Belur

    Relief of Varaha,Halebid,IndiaVaraha, Halebidu

    Dwarasamudra, Halebidu

    Varaha, Hoysaleshwara temple
    Lord Varaha Simhachalam Vishakapatnam Lord Varaha Simhachalam Vishakapatnam.jpg Varaha, Simhachalam temple, Vishakapatnam
    Vishnu Varaha sculpture  India  Asian Art Museum of San Francisco: Varaha. Indian Asian Art Museum, San Francisco.
    Varaha, Tirumala
    Varaha Avatar

    http://farm4.static.flickr.com/3653/3338614940_32c3674b09.jpg 

    Varaha, or the Boar Incarnation of Vishnu. Mahdya Pradesh, 9th-10th century. Sandstone. Height, 139.7 cm.

    http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Varaha

    Photographic prints at the Kern Institute Leiden

    The Boar as an Image of Creation

    A few months ago, while going through a travel guide for Portugal, I came across a reference to the existence of a group of seventeen pig or wild boar statues in the remote region of Tras-os-Montes. It struck me that the granite 'porca' from Murca with its impressive outline of 2.80 m appeared to be Portugal's oldest (iron age) monolithic statue. It immediately reminded me of the twenty-nine fully relief-covered boar statues from Central India (Madhya Pradesh, fifth to fourteenth centuries AD) of which the boar from Eran is the oldest known colossus of India! What made people represent pigs and boars? What are the symbols and myths connected with these animals and how were they shaped into icons?

    * By GERDA THEUNS-DE BOER

    Although belonging to the same Suidea family, pigs and boars have a totally different 'image': pigs are referred to as tame, domesticated, and only meant for human consumption, whereas boars are wild, to be hunted, vigorous, and well-equipped with dangerous tusks. This difference in 'image' made some peoples choose specifically to represent either the pig or the boar. Yet, some common characteristics contributed to their fascination in general, especially in Europe, in ancient times.
     
    Abundance and fertility
    One of these fascinations was related to their fast-growing and readily fattened body, the swine as the non-vegetable equivalent of ripening corn. Both are likely to have stood for growing potential and abundance. Proof of an interrelationship between swine and corn is not difficult to find. Quite a number of swine figurines have been found impressed with grain (e.g. Upper Dniester Valley, fifth millennium BC), and in several Northern European countries, the swine was regarded as the embodiment of the spirit of corn. Besides, the swine was the animal that was chosen for sacrifice to Demeter, the Greek goddess of the earth's fertility, made manifest in agriculture, especially in corn growing. Above all, swine were associated with fertility. They have large litters (ranging from eight to twelve) and the young are sexually mature within a year. A suckling swine was the perfect metaphor for fertility and abundance.
    The habit of uprooting the soil with their nose in search for food strongly connected them with the 'earth'. According to legend, they even taught humankind the art of ploughing. Their preference for moisture and water, a must for growth, made him once more connected with fertility.¥IIASN26-P22-02B

    Nrvarah from Garhwa. ASI, 1909-1910 Silver gelatine developing out paper
    Varaha: The Indian boar
    Varaha is nowadays known to us as the third incarnation or 'descent' (avatara) of the Hindu god Visnu. There are two ways to present him as such: fully zoomorphic (some authors prefer calling this form Yajna Varaha) and as a man-animal hybrid, for which the term Nrvaraha is preferred. 'Nr' in this term connotes 'man'. In the latter case, we see a boar's head on a human body (see photo). Although both forms are strongly interrelated by the same 'core myth', they each stress different aspects of that same expanding myth. For that reason both icons were produced side by side, although the Nrvaraha form dominates quantitatively.
    In vedic literature Varaha was related to two different myths: the boar myth, in which the boar served as the sacrificial animal (yajna), and the cosmogonic myth. In this myth Varaha is not yet associated with Visnu but with the vedic god of creation: Prajapati. It was Prajapati who 'saw' the earth in the primordial waters while he moved in them as the Wind. With his tusks, he took the form of Varaha in order to lift the earth from the waters, establishing a primary creation.¥IIASN26-P22-03
    Varaha from Badoh. ASI 1908-1909
    Later, in epic-puranic literature, Brahma takes over the creator function from Prajapati; so it is Brahma who takes the form of Varaha in order to lift the earth again from the waters, or as it is sometimes expressed: from the nether world (patala), where it had sunk after the earth's destruction by fire and deluge at the end of that certain world period (kalpa). Hence, Varaha's act of lifting the earth is no longer a primary creation, but has become a 'secondary' creation, a periodical act of renewal serving to establish the world anew, again and again.
    The Brahma character of the myth, however, will change under the influence of expanding visnuism: Varaha is seen as a creator form of Visnu. Besides, some late-epic and puranic texts show an innovation in the cosmogonic myth: now Varaha has not only re-established the earth but also killed the demon king Hiranyaksa who lived in the nether world and had conquered the gods.

    ¥IIASN26-P22-01

    Most probably, myth was here affected by the popularity of Visnu's fourth avatara: a man-lion, called Narasimha, who succesfully kills the demon king, Hiranyakasipu. In order to fit Varaha for his 'extended' job, a new iconographic form for Varaha was created: half-animal, half-human. Thanks to a boon, neither an animal nor a man could kill Hiranyaksa, only a half-animal, half-human form could be successful. Endowed with four to six arms and several weapons he proves to be able to re-establish the earth and restore social and legal order by slaying all demonic powers.
     
    Zoomorphic Varaha
    Let us return to the zoomorphic Varahas. The first photograph shows the Varaha from Badoh (Pratihara period, ninth century) nowadays kept in the Archaeological Museum, Gwalior. Varaha can be seen to lift the earth, which is personified as the goddess Bhu (meaning earth), with his right tusk. In front of Varaha are three small damaged figures: Garuda (Visnu's mount), a naga (a snake or water spirit) and a fly-whisk bearer. Between Varaha's legs we see the coils of Ananta Sesa (the endless serpent), the primeval serpent. Although several scenes on the pedestal have been identified, this is not the place to go into details. Varaha's body is covered with 765 figures displayed in horizontal bands and three circles (vertebral column). These figures have puzzled researchers for a long time, both in concept and in serial and individual identification. Thanks to detailed photography and textual study, its iconographical programme is, by a series of hits and misses, revealing. Although every Varaha is unique in content and configuration of the figures, there is enough proof to say that zoomorphic Varaha is predominantly related to the concept of creation and possibly to the concept of sacrifice (yajna). Creation is viewed 'broadly' here, as the whole universe is visualized. Not only are we presented with series of interrelated major and minor divinities, gods in different manifestations (e.g. avatara-series of Visnu!), sages (e.g. the Saptarsis), celestial beings and priests, but also the representation of the twenty-seven naksatras (constellations of stars) and the nine planets (navagraha). In order to visualize 'yajna', specific components of yajna were personified and depicted chiefly on Varaha's head and limbs.
    The second photograph depicts the lesser known Varaha from Muradpur, a small village on the borders of Madhya Pradesh. This Varaha, with an estimated height of 2.50 m, is worshipped even today. In this early photo the roof of the mandapa is missing. This photo is a wonderful illustration of the impact these huge Varahas had on humans. It was no wonder that the Varaha icon ranked among Indian kings' and donors' favourites as it enabled them to express their might and create a 'new world', where social and legal order would prevail. *
    Nrvaraha from Garhwa. ASI, 1909-1910. Silver gelatine developing out paper.
    References:
    Nagar, Shanti Lal, Varaha in Indian Art, Culture and Literature, New Delhi (1993).
    Rangarajan, Haripriya, 'Varaha Images in Madhya Pradesh, Symbolism and Iconography', in: Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay, Mumbai (1997), pp. 100-119, Vol. 72.
    Rangarajan, Haripriya, Varaha Images in Madhya Pradesh, an iconographic study, Mumbai (1997).

     



    Drs Gerda Theuns-de Boer is an art historian and Project Manager of the Photographic Database on Asian Art and Archaeology, Kern Institute, Leiden University.
    E-mail: g.a.m.theuns@let.leidenuniv.nl
    http://iias.asia/iiasn/26/regions/26SA1.htm

     Shanti Lal Nagar, Varaha in Indian Art, Culture and Literature. (South Asia Books, 1993).
    See:
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/04/varaha-in-indus-script-reinforces-vedic.html
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/07/varaha.html
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/04/seafaring-merchants-indus-script_22.html

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    July 19, 2016


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    Angkor Wat. Rma and Hanuman launching an attack on Ravana. Plaster realized from a stamped clay moyuld.Guimet Museum.
    Linteau Ramayana Musee Guimet.
    Arto Reliefo, Marica Angkor, Tuant Marica, Museum Guimet, Rama Tuant
    Rama and Sita worship theShiva Lingam at Rameswaram, as his companions Vibhishana (right) looks on with Lakshamana,Tumburu and Narada along with the Vanar Sena.
    Ahalya offering fruits and flowers to Rama - her saviour, a 5th-century AD Stone sculpture from Deogah, currently in theNational Museum, New Delhi.
     Terracotta Panel ca. 5th century, from Bhitargaon 
    Showing a Ramayana Scene (Now in Brooklyn Museum, USA) The panel, n my opinion, represents the story of Vishnu’s fight with the Rakshasas led by Malyavan, Mali and Sumali as narrated in the Uttarkanda of the Ramayana (Cantoes VI-VIII). http://ignca.nic.in/pb0020.htm
    Malabar Bowen map (1747) drawn by Netherlands shows Ramarcoil I (that is, Rama temple)
    The map shows SETUBANDHA http://dsal. uchicago.edu/reference/ schwartzberg/ A historical atlas of South Asia edited by Joseph E. Schwartzberg, Univ. of Chicago, 2006 
    Map drawn by Joseph Parks, Australian Botanical explorer (1788) shows Ramar Bridge (Map in Sarasvati Mahal Lib., Thanjavur),
    The log defines Bharata Rashtram: Asetu Himachalam.
    Fading pigments of a human epic Scene from a Kerala temple mural, Rama holding court
    Two scenes from a Balinese palm leaf manuscript of the Ramayana, written and illustrated by Ida Bagus Adnyana of Geriya Gunung Sari, Pliatan, Bali, c. 1975
    Ramayana Preah Ko, Angkor Temples, CambodiaLinteau Khmer, Guimet.
    Battambang, Cambodia. Ramayana scenes.
    Ramayana ballet played in open-air theatre near Prambanan temple Compounds, Java, Indonesia. This video was recorded in May 13, 1994 with Super-VHS camcorder.

    *First Episode "THE ABDUCTION OF SHINTA"

    Rama's experience in voluntary exile, wanders in the forest with his beautiful wife Shinta, escorted by his faithful brother Leksmana. While they_are comforting each other in their misery, a golden deer is intact a transfor- mation of Flahwana's envoy Marica, who has been or- dered to tempt Shinta.

    Shinta is spellboud by this golden deer and begs Rama to catch it. Rama tells Leksmana to guard Shinta, not to leave her under any circumstances and goes to capture the golden deer. While waiting they hear a scream of Rama calling for help. But in fact is only Marica imitating Rama's voice in order to draw away Shinta's attention. Shinta whose apprehension grows into frenzy urges Leksmana to rescue his brother. When Leksmana re- fuses she accused him of having mischievous intention. Unwillingy Leskarnana leaves Shinta as soon as he leaves Rahwana shows up and persuades Shinta to become his wife. Failing in his loathful intention Rahwana carries her away by force. On the way the helplers Shinta drops her omaments, one by one hoping they might give her clue to Rama to trace out.

    The giant eagle Jatayu, a loyal friend of Rama's father soaring throught the air sees what happens to Shinta and hurries to rescue her. In their bloody fight, Jatayu is seriously wonded and drops to earth. He was found dying by Rama and Leksmana and yet still can give information before rassing out. With this new hope they hurry on and meet and army of apes led by Sugriwa, the ape prince. There were also the white ape warrior Hanuman, the blue ape Hanila and the venerale ape Jembawan. Sugriwa tels Rama about his bothers Subali who had wronged him and entreats Rama to help him, in retum of which Sugriwa is ready to help Flama in his quest for his Shinta. While Sugriwa and Subali are fight- ing, Rama shoots his fatal arrow at Subali who does not survive it.

    *Ramayana ballet consisted of the total 4 episodes below:
    1. The Abduction of Shinta (This video shows part.)
    2. Hanoman Duto (I've never seen.)
    3. Kumbokarno Leno https://youtu.be/3eghk6ioVLg
    4. The Holy Fire https://youtu.be/cXzJIWSGu58
    Add_15297(1)_f.150rMewar Ramayana
    Ramcharitmanas UrduUrdu copy of Ramacharitamanas, 1910
    उर्दू भाषा के जानकार शिवभारत लाल ने सन 1900 में लिखी थी ये प्राचीन रामचरितमानस।
    उर्दू भाषा के जानकार शिवभारत लाल ने सन 1900 में लिखी थी ये प्राचीन रामचरितमानस।
    उर्दू भाषा के जानकार शिवभारत लाल ने सन 1900 में लिखी थी ये प्राचीन रामचरितमानस। फोटो- सैयद फ़ैज हसनैन

    Setubandha (Original Text in Prakrit Accompanied with Sanskrit Rendering)
    Meeting of Rama and Parasurama. On this bas-relief the sages and courtly figures are depicted.: Meeting of Rama and Parasurama. Sages.
    RFuins of Temple, Ayodhya.
    Ruins from Ayodhya temple at Babri Mosque.
                                
    Pillar bases found at the site of the 'mosque' 
    Ruis of Dwarapalaka, Ayodhya temple found at Babri Mosque
    12th cent. Hari-Vishnu inscription." It clearly describes the temple construction, and the beautiful temple of Vishnu-Hari, built with heaps of stones and beautified with a golden spire, unparalleled by any other temple built by earlier kings. This wonderful temple was built in the city of Ayodhya at Saketamandala. The plaque also describes Vishnu destroying King Bali, and the ten headed personage (Ravana).".http://www.harekrsna.com/sun/features/05-10/features1730.htm

    Ajay Mitra Shastri, Chairman of the Epigraphical Society of India and a specialist in epigraphy and numismatics, examined the Vishnu-Hari inscription and stated:
    "The inscription is composed in high-flown Sanskrit verse, except for a small portion in prose, and is engraved in the chaste and classical Nagari script of the eleventh-twelfth century AD. It was evidently put up on the wall of the temple, the construction of which is recorded in the text inscribed on it. Line 15 of this inscription, for example, clearly tells us that a beautiful temple of Vishnu-Hari, built with heaps of stone (sila-samhati-grahais) and beautified with a golden spire (hiranya-kalasa-srisundaram) unparalleled by any other temple built by earlier kings (purvvair-apy-akrtam krtam nrpatibhir) was constructed. This wonderful temple (aty-adbhutam) was built in the temple-city (vibudh-alaayni) of Ayodhya situated in the Saketamandala (district, line 17) (...). Line 19 describes god Vishnu as destroying king Bali(apparently in the Vamana manifestation) and the ten-headed personage (Dasanana, i.e., Ravana)." 
    (Puratattva, No. 23 (1992-3), pp. 35 ff.)
     

     Another 12th century inscription found at the 'mosque' site

    Vishnu as Trivikrama. Mahabalipuram.
    Vamana, Rani ki Wav, Patan, Gujarat.
    Bronze Vishnu statue as the brahimn, dwarf avatar VamanaBronze Vishnu statue. Vamana Avatar.
    vamana avatar -Vamana Avatar of Vishnu begging for 3 paces of land from Asura King Bali: Halebidu. Beluru. Vamana avatar of Lord Vishnu, with one stride on earth, one on the heavens and the the Asura king Bali prostrating and offering his head for the last stride.

    Vamana Avatar of Vishnu begging for 3 paces of land from Asura King Bali. Perhaps such a representation existed in the ancient Ayodhya temple.

    Ramayana scenes. Durga Temple,. Aihole. Bagalkot, Karnataka

    Parambanan, Indonesia. Ramayana scenes.
    .Scenes from Ramayana on Cambodia temples
    Temple Preah Khan at Angkor: a pediment depicting the battle of Lanka.
    Hanuman finds Sita. Charcoal rubbing from a carved stone relief at the Cambodian temple known as Angkor Wat. It is from one of Angkor Wat’s many sequential stone wall carvings that depict key scenes from the Ramayana epic.

    Brooklyn Museum - Rama and Lakshmana Confer with Sugriva about the Search for Sita Page from a Dispersed Ramayana Series.jpg
    Brooklyn Museum - Rama and Lakshmana Confer with Sugriva about the Search for Sita Page from a Dispersed Ramayana Series

     tympanum from the Khmer temple of Banteay Srei depicts Sugriva fighting with his brother Bali. To the right, Rama is poised to shoot an arrow at Vali.


    Sri Sita Ramachandra Swamy, Bhadrachalam, Andhra Pradesh..
    Sri Rama (moolavar) is in the padmasana possture with four hands, (Chaturbuja Rama) holding the bow and arrow in the front two hands.  Sankha and Chakra in the rear hands. He is holding the Sankha  in the right hand and Chakra in the left, indicating that having completed the destruction of the "rakshasas" with the Chakra confirming the Lord is assuring the world of peace and protection. To the left of Sri Rama is Sita and Lakshmana is on her left. But in the utsava deity, Sita and Lakshmana are on either side of Rama. 

    Lord Rama . Image from Pattabhirama TemplePattabhirama temple, Hampi.
    Ramayana Carvings Vittala Temple Hampi
    Bharata meets Rama in exile. Hampi.
    Sculpture of Rama and Lakshmana at Gandha Madhana hill at Hampi. Photo: T.M. Keshav
    Sculpture of Rama and Lakshmana at Gandha Madhana hill at Hampi


    काळा राम् temple, Panchavati, NasikKodandaraya temple, HampiSita, Rama, Lakshmana, Chickamagalur temple Sivalingas at Rameshwaram installed by Sri Rama, Sita, Hanuman.
    Ramaswamy temple, KumbakonamRamayana in Sculptural Art
    Tricking Sita in Lanka: Hoysala period sculpture shows Ravana's people showing two heads to Sita, claiming that Rama and Lakshmana are dead.

    Linteau représentant un épisode du Ramayana: ici, l'alliance de Rama et de son frère Laksamana avec le singe Sugriva. Cambodge, province de Battambang, Vat Baset, style du Baphuon, 11ème siècle. Grès.Musée Guimet, Paris.
    File:Linteau Ramayana Musée Guimet 9973.jpg
    Linteau représentant un épisode du Ramayana: ici, la mort de Valin. Cambodge, province de Battambang, Vat Baset, style du Baphuon, 11ème siècle. Grès.Musée Guimet, Paris.
    Sri Rama Vanquishing the Sea
    Ravi varma painting. Rama-Samudra Raja samvaada.
    Ramayan in Temple Art
    War of Ramayana. Detail from a Haladipur pillar

    File:Scene from Ramayana, Angkor Wat area.jpg
    Scene from Ramayana, Relief from Angkor Wat temple
    Char Bangla temple, Baranagar, West Bengal,1755

    Bas-relief, Banteay SreiCambodiaRavana shaking Mount Kailasa, the Abode of Siva
    Halebid. Ravana (against whom Lord Ram fought in the epic Ramayana) lifting Mount Kailash, the abode of Lord Shiva and Parvati (they are also depicted on top of the mountain) as a part of some penance. 

    Ellora. Cave 29. Shiva Parvati Ravana

    "Ravan Lifts the Kailash Mountain. " Virupaksha Temple. Pattadakal. Chalukya Dynasty. 8th Century CE. Karnataka, India.
    "Ravan Lifts the Kailash Mountain. " Virupaksha Temple. Pattadakal. Chalukya Dynasty. 8th Century CE. Karnataka, India.
    Ramayana bas-relief sculpture of Hanuman at Wat Panun Choeng, Thailand
    Ramayana scenes. Ellora.
    Relief. Ramayana. Candi Parambanan, Indonesia

    Linteau Ramayana.Ramayana: ici, l'alliance de Rama et de son frère Laksamana avec le singe Sugriva. Cambodge, province de Battambang, Vat Baset, style du Baphuon, 11ème siècle. Grès.Musée Guimet, Paris.

    Setubandha.Parambanan temple frieze.

    Shri Ram giving abhignan (ring) to Hanuman. Halebid. 


    Hanuman meets Sita. Parambanan. Indonesia.

    Ramayana. Relief. Parambanan, Indonesia.
    Engravement in Angkor Wat by Asienreisender
    Rama at war. Angkor Wat.

    Tales and Pictures of Ramayana Epic

    • Who's Who of Ramayana -- Learn about some of the important characters of Ramayana epic. You can find how they are related to each other by clicking the red hyperlinks
    • Castes of Ramayana -- A complete list of professions mentioned in Ramayana provides insight into the caste system of India.

    See Also:

    http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/mythology/ramayan/index.htm

    Classical Kangra: Ramayana: Exile in the forest

    Plate 1 - The Hermitage of Sage Bharadwaja

    On being exiled to the forest, Rama, Sita, and Lakshmana, donning garments of bark and grass given to them by Kaikeyi, and with no sign of mental anguish on their faces, left Ayodhya in a chariot with Sumantra. The citizens, out of great love for Rama and unable to bear separation from Him accompanied them on foot. Dasaratha, along with his grieving wives, also went to see once more the face of his beloved Son, but not keeping pace with the fast moving chariot he fell senseless and returned. Rama encamped for the night beside the river Tamsa. The people who had walked during the day were fatigued and still asleep when Rama started his onward journey. They passed through the forest and arrived at the bank of the Ganga, where they passed the night.

    In the morning, Rama urged Sumantra to return to Ayodhya with the chariot, advising him that he should act thus in order that the great monarch should not be oppressed by any unpleasant thoughts, and to assure the king that none of them - Rama, Lakshmana, or Sita felt pain or sorrow at having been banished from Ayodhya. Rama asked Sumantra to tell Bharata to look after their mothers without any distinction. The princes, with Sita, crossed the Ganga in a boat provided by Guha, chief of the Nishadas, a tribe living there. Spending one more night in the forest, at sunset they reached the ashrama of Bharadwaja at Paryag (present day Allahabad) at the confluence of the Ganga and Jamuna.

    An atmosphere of complete tranquility prevails in the idyllic grove as seen in the painting. The river too, is flowing quietly. Flowering creepers and bushes brighten the scene and two birds are singing. Seven huts are clustered at the right while seven rishis are seated in front of them. Two huts appear at the left where the group is shown seated in a diagonal row, instantly taking the eye towards Rama, who is looking in veneration towards the sage Bharadwaja. Both of them are engaged in a discourse. Rama has kept aside his bow and quiver of arrows, while these weapons are to be seen on the person of Lakshmana, who throughout the long period of the exile was to remain vigilant to guard Rama and his consort Sita.

    The high-soured Maharishi Bharadwaja is a dominating figure like the great tree under which he is seated. Rama narrated the events which had taken place. At this, the sage said that he had already heard of his enforced exile. The noble prince sought the counsel of the sage for selecting a suitable place to pass the fourteen years of his exile. Sage Bharadwaja suggested they should stay with him at the ashram, to which Rama replied that the neighboring people would continue to visit them and thus intrude upon the holy solitude of the hermitage. The sage then suggested they should stay at the Chitrakuta hill at a distance of ten leagues from there, for great saints dwelt there and the holy mount was exceedingly fair, full of fruits, birds, and animals. Thereafter, Rama, Sita, and Lakshmana passed the night in calm repose and at daybreak they moved onwards crossing the Jamuna and the Kalindi until they reached Chitrakuta.

    Plate 2: The Agnony of Bharata
    Pahari School, Chamba kalam, Kangra idiom
    Circa A.D. 1780-1785 Size: 34 x 23.1 cm


    Dasaratha could not survive the grief and shock of the separation from his son Rama. On his death, swift messengers were sent to Rajgriha where Bharata along with Satrughna was living with his maternal grandfather, whose kingdom lay beyond the Beas in the North-West. Bharata had an ominous dream at night and was feeling sore, troubled, and depressed. Neither music nor other distractions were of any avail to cheer him up. Then came the messengers who, as advised by the sage Vasishtha, did not tell them anything about Dasaratha's death and the other events which had taken place. The two brothers started from Rajgriha with presents and a large retinue, which they left behind, and hastened to reach Ayodhya. On the seventh day of their journey they reached Ayodhya in the evening.

    The city appeared charmless and deserted, as if it were plunged in gloom. Not finding his father at his usual place in the palace, Bharata went to his mother Kaikeyi. On learning of his father's death and the banishment of Rama with Sita and Lakshmana, he was overwhelmed by grief and reproached his mother Kaikeyi. He then went to Kausalya and after a long effort, convinced her of his ignorance of what had occurred. Bharata then performed the funeral rites of his father. After thirteen days of mourning, which period is considered impure, the ministers of the State decided to install Bharata as the king of Ayodhya and started all the preparations for the occasion. On hearing the sounds of drums, conches, and other instruments, Bharata felt very aggrieved and said to Satrughna "Behold, in what a mighty wrong the people are engaged on account of Kaikeyi. I cannot deprive Rama of the kingdom." Carried away by emotions and overcome by sorrow, he fainted.

    In the picture we see Bharata full of grief and weeping. A nobleman seated near Bharata is supporting him while Kausalya is consoling him. Kaikeyi seated beside the tent looks remorseful. Her downcast head rests on her right hand. Her intrigues to make Bharata the king had borne no fruit and had only lowered her in the eyes of everyone, including her son. The intelligent Bharata, then coming to the assembly, surveyed the seated nobles and with a choked voice told them that only Rama deserved the kingdom. He did not appreciate the act of his mother and decided to bring back Rama.

    The diagonal line of standing female figures at the center and the prominent curving river lend movement to the scene. The female figures disclose the influence of the Guler style. The heads of some of the men in proportion to their bodies appear slightly larger, but the rendering of the figures is delicate. Different idioms of the earlier and the new styles of painting in the picture suggest a period of transition. The predominance of green in the painting is a characteristic of Kangra painting and here serves as a foil for the figures clad in colorful costumes.
    Plate 3: The four brothers meet in joy
    Bharata set out with Satrughna, their mothers, the sage Vasishtha, ministers, and a large force in search of Rama. On the way they met the Nishada chief who treated them kindly but at heart entertained a suspicion about the intentions of Bharata as he was accompanied by a large army. On Bharata telling him about his resolve to bring back Rama, the Nishada chief gave him help to cross the Ganga and the forces were conveyed across the river. The next day they reached the ashrama of sage Bharadwaja who indicated to them the site where Rama was living. After passing the night at the hermitage they proceeded to Chitrakuta. Rama and Sita were seated at their hermitage when the dust and clamor of Bharata's army, which was approaching, ascended into the sky and the animals started fleeing. Rama asked Lakshmana to find out the cause.

    Climbing up a sala tree, Lakshmana saw an army marching towards their hermitage. He recognized the kovidara tree symbol on the standard, and thought that Kaikeyi's son was coming to slay them. Thus provoked and filled with anger, he asked Rama to prepare for a fight. He said that since all their misfortunes were because of Bharata, and since he was coming as their foe, it was not unlawful to slay him. Rama pacified Lakshmana saying that Bharata might be coming to see them. Bharata commanded the army to encamp and show itself to be disciplined. Men were sent in all directions in search of Rama. Bharata himself with sages and ministers went on foot. Climbing a sala tree on the hill, Bharata saw smoke rising from Rama's hermitage. He asked Vasishtha to bring his mothers and he himself set out eagerly to meet his brothers. Rama, Sita, and Lakshmana came to know from Bharata about the demise of Dasaratha and were stricken with sorrow. The mountain reechoed to their lamentations. Soon the mothers and the nobles arrived at the hermitage.

    In the picture at the top right corner we see a part of the Bharata's army encamped. By its side flows the Mandakini. The main episode is seen at the left in front of the hut. Rama and Lakshmana are embracing the mothers and other ladies from the palace. Satrughna has bowed at the feet of Sita. Bharata is embracing a rishi who, along with two women seen near the hut, has also joined the group. The lady with a yellow dupatta, shown weeping is Kausalya. Sumitra, whom the poet portrays in the story as noble and virtuous, but practical, is consoling her. The lady whom Lakshmana is embracing appears to be the beautiful Kaikeyi, who is now troubled at heart and sorrowful on meeting the persons for whose misfortunes she was rrsponsible. The presence of some nobles grouped together at the right lower corner suggests that many more are behind them. After coming forward they divide into two rows. Those in the foreground are shown bowing, as otherwise their erect figure would have marred the composition.

    Bharata begged of Rama to return to Ayodhya and assume the responsibility of the kingdom. His entreaties and the pleas of the ministers could not change Rama's determination, as he was bound by a vow to spend fourteen years in the forest. At last Bharata returned with the sandals of his brother and placing them on the throne started ruling on behalf of Rama. He gave himself up to fasting and restraint as if he too had been banished.
    Plate 4: Rama at the hermitage of Sage Atri
    After Bharata had left, Rama was weighed down with sadness and felt restless. The past clouded his spirit shattering the peace that had come to him in the beautiful surroundings of Chitrakuta. Moreover, Rama observed that the ascetics living there were filled with apprehensions and were desirous of leaving that place. The ascetics who first looked towards Rama as a protector, now found that rakshasas, possessing enmity towards the princes, were harassing them also. The sages told Rama that Khara, the younger brother of Ravana, was harassing them. Rama decided to go elsewhere and left Chitrakuta. They reached the hermitage of the sage Atri and paid obeisance to him. The sage offered them hospitality and honored them.

    The hermitage is shown at the foot of the hills beside the bend of a river. The sage Atri, seated at the center, has his rosary over his head. He is conversing with Rama and Lakshmana, shown seated at the left. The sage related the story of the virtuous Anusuya, his aged wife, and herself an ascetic. She underwent mortification when a drought, extending over ten years, had burnt the earth. Her severe austerities caused the river Jahnavi (Ganga) to flow there. At these words of the rishi, Rama, glancing at Sita, said to her, "Oh Princess thou hast heard what the sage has said, it is best for thee to honor the saintly Anusuya whose deeds have brought great renown in this world." Sita and Anusuya are seen talking affectionately, seated near the hut. They talked about the obligations of conjugal life and the merits of devotion to their spouses. Anusuya had heard that Sita was won by Rama in a svayamvara (the ceremony of self choice) and wanted Sita to recount it in detail to her. Sita narrated the whole episode. Anusuya gave Sita celestial gifts, ornaments, pastes, and robes which would never fade or get soiled. She asked Sita to put on the clothes and ornaments for her delight. After this episode, Sita is depicted in later sequences wearing clothes, and not garments of bark and grass.

    The use of colors is masterly. The thick dark green foliage behind the light color of the hut, with leaves at its top and other decorative devices, make a striking design. The deer skin, cut in a geometrical shape, provides a contrast to several soft curves seen in the painting.
    Plate 5: Rama at the hermitage of Sage Agastya
    When Rama, with Sita and Lakshmana, in the course of their wanderings, entered the vast Dandaka forest, they were welcomed by the ascetics living there with offerings of fruits and flowers. They begged Rama to protect them from the rakshasas roaming in the forest. Sita was once carried off by the demon Viradha whom the two brothers attacked with arrows and other weapons. Sita was saved and the demon, possessed of tremendous strength, was destroyed, but with great difficulty. Further on their way they arrived at the hermitage of the sage Sarabhanga. This sage had acquired great merits by penances. The god Indra himself had come to conduct the sage to Brahma-loka, but he refused to accompany Indra as he intended to enjoy Rama's presence at his hermitage. Sarabhanga, gratified by Rama's visit, ascended to Brahma-loka. The ascetics who assembled there supplicated Rama to defend the countless Brahmins and ascetics living in the forest from the cruel persecution of the Titans. Rama consented to slay these demons.

    Sita, out of love for her consort, implored Him not to attack the demons without provocation, as that would amount to a sin. Realizing the sufferings of the pure-soured ascetics of virtuous practices, Rama had promised them protection; a promise He could not violate. Meeting several sages, the holy Sutikshna, who was Agastya's brother, Rama, Lakshmana, and Sita, after ten years, arrived at the hermitage of the sage Agastya where several other ascetics were also living. Beside the hermitage is seen a tranquil lake full of lotus flowers and leaves. The holy sage, seen seated on a deer skin in front of Rama, rests his left arm on an ascetic's crook. Agastya, with a feeling of bliss visible on his face,
    beholds with veneration the handsome countenance of Rama. The sage, as a symbol of homage, offered Rama fruits, roots, flowers, water and other things in great profusion. The illustrious sage also gave Rama mighty weapons of god Vishnu - a powerful bow, a Brahma-datta dart resembling the sun, two inexhaustible quivers filled with sharp arrows, and a sword. Rama felt overwhelmed with the favors shown to him and paid obeisance to the great sage and expressed his gratitude. Rama requested the sage to indicate to him a place abounding in trees and with abundant water where they could dwell in peace. The sage suggested they should live at Panchavati where roots, fruits, and water abounded, and where there were many deer. He said that it was an enchanting woodland close to the Godavari river that would delight Sita.

    The inclusion of bushes in profusion, trees of various shapes, and even leafless trees seen in the painting, enhance the beauty of the landscape. The bushes also add to the textural value of the painting. The tall tree with thick foliage under which Rama is seated symbolizes the greatness of the hero.
    Plate 6: The Panchavati hermitage
    As Rama was proceeding to Panchavati he observed a mighty eagle. Seeing that bird in the woods, the two princes thought it to be a demon and inquired who he was. The bird, in gentle tones answered, "Dear child, I am a friend of your father." In deference to this relationship, Rama paid obeisance to him and inquired of him about his name and lineage. The bird at length gave the account of the birth of devas, daityas, men, animals, and even trees, and said that Vinata gave birth to two sons, Garuda and Aruna, and he himself and his brother Sampati were the sons of Aruna. The bird then gave his name as Jatayu and offered to keep watch over Sita whenever the two brothers might be away.

    After reaching the beautiful Panchavati they selected a site, full of trees, near a water pool. The river Godavari is seen flowing smoothly in the left foreground of the composition. Lakshmana built a spacious hut of graceful bamboos and mud, thatched with boughs of the sami trees, where we see Rama with Sita and Lakshmana settled in peace. Rama is gazing affectionately at Sita while they are seated on a leopard skin conversing with each other. Lakshmana and the great eagle Jatayu are shown on each side of them as if in attendance on the divine couple. Jatayu in these paintings does not have the appearance of an eagle but of some mighty bird.

    A pair of deer seated in the foreground, the birds, and a peacock perched on a tree, are all rendered in a naturalistic manner, but the tiger cubs at the right lower corner are less realistic. The artist doubtless had never seen a tiger and painted this animal only from descriptions of this beast. The naturalistic foreground is in contrast to the background shown in three almost parallel curved bands of ochre-yellow, white, and light blue. These bold bands are partly concealed by trees of strangely twisted yet alluring shapes, and thus do not dominate the scene. The trees appear to be the banyan, which is considered to increase the merit of tapas (penance). Creepers with flowers, predominantly white, enhance the beauty of the hermitage.
    Plate 7: Lakshmana and Jatayu conversing at Panchavati hermitage
    Here we again experience the calm and quiet of the hermitage at Panchavati. We see Rama of handsome body and features with His mind at peace, as clearly reflected in his countenance, seated at the center of the painting and engaged in worship. Rama's right shoulder is uncovered for free movement of the arm while his right hand is placed on his breast as he recites the traditional texts. The object of worship is a Saligrama (deity) and is kept on an earthen pedestal placed over a platter of leaves. A jar of water, a conch, and five cups of leaves are kept around the platter. In temples and households a copper platter with five depressions in it, called panchapatra, is used for keeping various auspicious articles required for deity worship. Here at the hermitage we do not see any kind of metal utensil. It seems it is morning and Rama is offering his daily prayers.

    At the right, Sita, wearing a blissful look, is seated near the hearth attending to the cooking of a meal. A river is seen flowing down from behind the hut. The oblique course of the river takes the beholder's eye, moving with the swift downward current of the river, to the lower left corner where Lakshmana is seen seated on a grass mat conversing with Jatayu. His white body is in contrast to the black feathers of the great bird. At the extreme left, beside the river, a tree with wide open branches and sparse foliage rising above the boulders creates a spacious atmosphere and the eye returns again to the focal point of the picture.
    Plate 8: Surpanakha at Rama's hermitage
    One day Rama and Lakshmana, shining in effulgence, were seated in their hermitage and the invincible Rama, master of all His senses, was reciting the traditional texts. Surpanakha, sister of Ravana, chanced to pass that way. Approaching Rama, she observed that He resembled a god with His radiant countenance, long arms, and large eyes like lotus petals. He was youthful, full of valor, and bore the marks of royalty. His color was that of the blue lotus and he was as alluring as the god of love himself. The rakshasi (demoness) was overwhelmed with desire. She transformed herself into a beautiful maiden, came near the hermitage, and inquired of Rama who He was and what was the purpose of His journey. Rama told her that He was the eldest son of King Dasaratha and gave the names of his brother Lakshmana and His noble wife Sita, the daughter of the king of Videha. Surpanakha, in reply to Rama's inquiry, told Him that she was a rakshasi and had five powerful brothers, King Ravana, Kumbhakarna, Khara, Dushana, and the virtuous Vibhishna. Tormented by pangs of love, she begged Rama to become her master saying that she would be a well matched partner to Him. Sita she said, was not worthy of him.

    Speaking thus, Surpanakha threw impassioned glances at Rama. Smiling a little, Rama, in gentle and mocking tones, answered that He was already wedded. Pointing towards Lakshmana, Rama told her that His younger brother had not experienced the joys of a wife's company and desired a consort. Surpanakha, blinded by passion, turned towards Lakshmana. He smiled and teasingly said to her that He was only a slave of His brother who was the fit match for her, and that Sita was an ordinary woman as compared to her. In order to remove her rival the rakshasi jumped to attack Sita and devour her. Rama, realizing the danger, asked Lakshmana to check the demoness and punish her. Lakshmana thereupon cut off the nose and ears of Surpanakha.

    In the picture we see Rama, Sita, and Lakshmana seated in their hermitage in a peaceful atmosphere. On the arrival of Surpanakha, all of them have gently turned their eyes towards the intruder. Sita, who is busy cooking, has turned her head backwards. Surpanakha is standing on a side and does not appear to be part of the group, but along with the trees, her figure is an essential part of the composition. Beautiful and virtuous Sita looks serene and dignified; Rama appears majestic. He is wearing only a small loin cloth and we see His handsome and well proportioned body. Jatayu is in the foreground.
    Plate 9: Maricha in the guise of a deer
    Surpanakha, whose nose and ears had been cut off by Lakshmana, came to her brother Khara emitting shrieks and with blood dripping from her wounds. Khara was greatly infuriated on seeing his sister with her face disfigured. She narrated the episode and asked her brother to avenge her. Burning with anger she wanted to drink the blood of Sita and the two princes. Khara sent fourteen powerful demons with her to slay them. In the encounter all the fourteen demons were killed by Rama and Lakshmana. Seeing the demons fall, Surpanakha, filled with rage, sped to her brother Khara who himself, with an army of fourteen thousand demons headed by their general Dushana, set forth to attack the two brothers. On seeing a huge army, Rama asked Lakshmana to take Sita to a cave in the hill for safety while He Himself fought and killed the entire host of demons. Dushana, Trishira, and Khara too were slain, one by one. Akampana, one of the Titans, speedily repaired to Lanka to apprise Ravana of his brothers' death, the annihilation of his entire army, and the humiliation and injury suffered by his sister Surpanakha. He told Ravana that it would be difficult to kill Rama in an encounter, but if His beautiful wife Sita could be seized, Rama would die of grief at separation.

    Ravana felt gratified at the suggestion and went to the demon Maricha to obtain his help in a plan to abduct Sita. Maricha, who had had experience of Rama's velour, counseled Ravana to abandon his design, as that would bring destruction to him and all the Titans. Ravana, changing his mind, returned to Lanka where Surpanakha again urged him to slay Rama. She flattered Ravana by relating to him his past victories and then described the beauty and charming figure of Sita. She told her brother that he was unaware of the danger threatening his kingdom. Ravana thereupon again decided to abduct Sita and went to Maricha and forced him to assist him in his plan. Maricha, possessing magical powers, assumed the marvelous form of a deer and entered the hermitage of Rama. His radiance filled the whole atmosphere. Sita, who was collecting flowers, is seen at the right where the wonderful deer first appeared. She was enamored by the beauty of the deer and prayed Rama to capture the deer, as it would serve as a playmate for her. In the picture the deer again appears near the two brothers who are looking at the animal with a feeling of amazement. Sita's desire to possess the deer was so great that Rama, disregarding Lakshmana's advice, went out in chase of the deer saying that if the wonderful animal was in reality the demon Maricha it was essential to slay it. The horizon with crimson and white streaks of curving clouds is an idiom peculiar to Chamba and Nurpur.
    Plate 10: Rama chasing the magic deer
    Here, at the center of the picture, we see Rama with a bow and arrow and a quiver at His back proceeding to chase the magical deer while Sita approvingly looks towards Him with a smile. Rama and the deer are again seen at the top left corner. Rama is now running fast and the deer is galloping. Thus the magical deer lured Rama away, far from the hermitage. Rama shot the deer with an arrow, wounding him fatally. On the point of death, emitting a terrible cry, Maricha abandoned his assumed form. Imitating Rama's voice, he cried out, "Oh Sita! Oh Lakshmana!" Now Maricha assumed his true shape as a Titan and Rama, beholding him, remembered the words of Lakshmana. He realized the illusion created by the Titan and a great dread seized him.

    Hearing the cries of distress which seemed to come from her Lord, Sita asked Lakshmana to go quickly to see what had happened to Rama. Lakshmana assured Sita that none on earth, neither Titans, celestial beings, gods, giants, nor animals, could overcome Rama. Even the three worlds, with Indra himself at their head, meeting Rama in combat, would be overcome by Him. Rama had left Sita to Lakshmana's care and thus He could not leave her alone. He told Sita that only a rakshasa was simulating the voice of Rama.

    At this, Sita was dismayed and spoke with anger using harsh and bitter words. Being extremely distraught that Rama's life was in danger, she told Lakshmana that she His intention and, in anguish, started beating her breast with her hands. Such anguish forced the unwilling Lakshmana to set out into the forest to search for Rama. Leaving Sita at the hermitage, Lakshmana kept looking back again and again. The color tones of the painting are harmonious. Jatayu is in the foreground.
    Plate 11: Rama meets with adverse omens
    The time of the episode seen in this painting is the hour of dusk. Gray and dark tones suggest the prevailing gloom. At the hermitage when Sita was alone, Ravana, in the guise of a mendicant, availing himself of the opportunity, rapidly came there. He stood there gazing on the glorious Sita of incomparable beauty. He praised at length every part of her perfect body and inquired of her who she was and why was she living in the forest. Taking Ravana to be a true Brahmin, Sita offered him a seat, brought water for washing his feet, and offered him food. She was anxiously expecting the return of Rama and Lakshmana and was searching the vast and darkening forest with her eyes. Sita told Ravana that she was the daughter of Janaka, the king of Videha, and the consort of Rama, the prince of Ayodhya. She narrated the cause of their coming to the forest.

    Sita in her curiosity, inquired about Ravana and his lineage. Ravana described himself as the king of Titans, in fear of whom all creatures tremble. He told her his name was Ravana and in order to frighten her he said that he had subdued his brother Kubera, the lord of wealth, and that Lanka, his capital, stood in midst of the sea, rich in every respect, and was inhabited by powerful demons. Ravana implored Sita to become his chief queen and bid her not to think of Rama any more, as His end was near. Sita, filled with indignation, said that being the brother of Kubera, it did not behove him to commit such an infamous deed and warned him that any sinful action of his would bring destruction to him and all of his race. Hearing these words, Ravana revealed his true demon form and seized Sita who began to cry aloud, "Rama! Rama!" But Rama was far away in the depths of the forests.

    After slaying Maricha, Rama is shown in the picture returning to the hermitage. He saw terrible portents, namely jackals and wild beasts howling. A ghost-like figure is shown laughing from behind a tree. An owl seated on the tree has started hooting. When Rama went a little farther towards the hermitage, He saw Lakshmana approaching. Rama, having been deceived by Maricha, was seized of a dread and now He became more distressed and anxiously inquired about Sita. He told Lakshmana that He had done an irremediable wrong by leaving Sita alone in the forest and thus reproached His brother.

    The atmosphere of the painting is in keeping with the state of mind of Rama. A broken tree with only its trunk still standing is seen near Him and anticipates a surrealistic approach. An eerie atmosphere prevails over the whole scene conceived and executed by a master artist.
    Plate 12: Rama and Lskshmana bemoaning the loss of Sita
    Pahari School, Chamba kalam, Kangra idiom
    Circa A.D. 1780-1785 Size: 32.3 x 21.8 cm


    Returning from the forest, Rama, who was seized with a fit of trembling, repeatedly inquired of Lakshmana, "Can all be well with Sita?" Eager to see her again, He quickened his pace and hastened on. But when He reached the hermitage, He found it deserted. Rama, overwhelmed with sorrow on not finding Sita, began to lament bitterly. The brothers searched for her here and there, near the river, at the lake, on the hills, and in the caves, but could not find any trace of her. Their hut and everything around, without Sita appeared desolate. Sunk in misery and in excess of anguish, Rama swooned. Lakshmana revived Him and tried to console Him. They again made endeavors to find Sita.

    Rama, overcome by anxiety, kept inquiring from everything, be it a tree, a bird, or an animal, about His beautiful consort. Lakshmana observed that a deer from whom Rama had made an enquiry about Sita, seemed to indicate to them to proceed in a southerly direction. They thus decided to follow that path. Then they saw the great eagle Jatayu lying mortally wounded and about to die. The king of vultures, in a feeble and mournful voice, told Rama that while he was asleep he was awakened by the piercing shrieks of Sita. He then saw Ravana carrying Sita away forcibly. Thereupon he attacked Ravana and wounded him and destroyed his chariot. But Ravana had cut off his wings with his sword. The mighty and heroic Jatayu could speak no more and died. Thus passed away one of the noblest characters of the Ramayana.

    In the picture the whole scene is set at the center against the empty hut while the two brothers are seen with their faces downcast. Everything near the hut appears in disarray. Rama looks crest fallen, His cap is lying on the ground and His garland in pieces shows His broken heart. We have been seeing in these paintings deer in pairs, but here at the left, a single deer is shown symbolizing the loneliness of Rama. The coloring of the painting is masterly in keeping with the sadness and desolation of the moment. Even the blue sky at this hour of dusk adds to the gloom. The artist himself, out of deep faith, must have experienced an intense feeling of sadness over this particular episode of the story as he painted it, and hence the splendid pictorial presentation of the most tragic episode of the exile in the forest.
    Plate 13: Hermitage of Sage Bharadwaja
    On being exiled to the forest, Rama, Sita, and Lakshmana, donning garments of bark and grass given to them by Kaikeyi, and with no sign of mental anguish on their faces, left Ayodhya in a chariot with Sumantra. The citizens, out of great love for Rama and unable to bear separation from Him accompanied them on foot. Dasaratha, along with his grieving wives, also went to see once more the face of his beloved Son, but not keeping pace with the fast moving chariot he fell senseless and returned. Rama encamped for the night beside the river Tamsa. The people who had walked during the day were fatigued and still asleep when Rama started his onward journey. They passed through the forest and arrived at the bank of the Ganga, where they passed the night.

    In the morning, Rama urged Sumantra to return to Ayodhya with the chariot, advising him that he should act thus in order that the great monarch should not be oppressed by any unpleasant thoughts, and to assure the king that none of them - Rama, Lakshmana, or Sita felt pain or sorrow at having been banished from Ayodhya. Rama asked Sumantra to tell Bharata to look after their mothers without any distinction. The princes, with Sita, crossed the Ganga in a boat provided by Guha, chief of the Nishadas, a tribe living there. Spending one more night in the forest, at sunset they reached the ashrama of Bharadwaja at Paryag (present day Allahabad) at the confluence of the Ganga and Jamuna.

    An atmosphere of complete tranquility prevails in the idyllic grove as seen in the painting. The river too, is flowing quietly. Flowering creepers and bushes brighten the scene and two birds are singing. Seven huts are clustered at the right while seven rishis are seated in front of them. Two huts appear at the left where the group is shown seated in a diagonal row, instantly taking the eye towards Rama, who is looking in veneration towards the sage Bharadwaja. Both of them are engaged in a discourse. Rama has kept aside his bow and quiver of arrows, while these weapons are to be seen on the person of Lakshmana, who throughout the long period of the exile was to remain vigilant to guard Rama and his consort Sita.

    The high-soured Maharishi Bharadwaja is a dominating figure like the great tree under which he is seated. Rama narrated the events which had taken place. At this, the sage said that he had already heard of his enforced exile. The noble prince sought the counsel of the sage for selecting a suitable place to pass the fourteen years of his exile. Sage Bharadwaja suggested they should stay with him at the ashram, to which Rama replied that the neighboring people would continue to visit them and thus intrude upon the holy solitude of the hermitage. The sage then suggested they should stay at the Chitrakuta hill at a distance of ten leagues from there, for great saints dwelt there and the holy mount was exceedingly fair, full of fruits, birds, and animals. Thereafter, Rama, Sita, and Lakshmana passed the night in calm repose and at daybreak they moved onwards crossing the Jamuna and the Kalindi until they reached Chitrakuta.
    Plate: The agony of Bharata
    Pahari School, Chamba kalam, Kangra idiom
    Circa A.D. 1780-1785 Size: 34 x 23.1 cm


    Dasaratha could not survive the grief and shock of the separation from his son Rama. On his death, swift messengers were sent to Rajgriha where Bharata along with Satrughna was living with his maternal grandfather, whose kingdom lay beyond the Beas in the North-West. Bharata had an ominous dream at night and was feeling sore, troubled, and depressed. Neither music nor other distractions were of any avail to cheer him up. Then came the messengers who, as advised by the sage Vasishtha, did not tell them anything about Dasaratha's death and the other events which had taken place. The two brothers started from Rajgriha with presents and a large retinue, which they left behind, and hastened to reach Ayodhya. On the seventh day of their journey they reached Ayodhya in the evening.

    The city appeared charmless and deserted, as if it were plunged in gloom. Not finding his father at his usual place in the palace, Bharata went to his mother Kaikeyi. On learning of his father's death and the banishment of Rama with Sita and Lakshmana, he was overwhelmed by grief and reproached his mother Kaikeyi. He then went to Kausalya and after a long effort, convinced her of his ignorance of what had occurred. Bharata then performed the funeral rites of his father. After thirteen days of mourning, which period is considered impure, the ministers of the State decided to install Bharata as the king of Ayodhya and started all the preparations for the occasion. On hearing the sounds of drums, conches, and other instruments, Bharata felt very aggrieved and said to Satrughna "Behold, in what a mighty wrong the people are engaged on account of Kaikeyi. I cannot deprive Rama of the kingdom." Carried away by emotions and overcome by sorrow, he fainted.

    In the picture we see Bharata full of grief and weeping. A nobleman seated near Bharata is supporting him while Kausalya is consoling him. Kaikeyi seated beside the tent looks remorseful. Her downcast head rests on her right hand. Her intrigues to make Bharata the king had borne no fruit and had only lowered her in the eyes of everyone, including her son. The intelligent Bharata, then coming to the assembly, surveyed the seated nobles and with a choked voice told them that only Rama deserved the kingdom. He did not appreciate the act of his mother and decided to bring back Rama.

    The diagonal line of standing female figures at the center and the prominent curving river lend movement to the scene. The female figures disclose the influence of the Guler style. The heads of some of the men in proportion to their bodies appear slightly larger, but the rendering of the figures is delicate. Different idioms of the earlier and the new styles of painting in the picture suggest a period of transition. The predominance of green in the painting is a characteristic of Kangra painting and here serves as a foil for the figures clad in colorful costumes.

    Hanuman as Diplomat
    Hanuman meets Ravana.  Bhatkal Temple Sculpture
    Hanuman Finds Sita
    Anjaneya handing over Sita's Ornament at Ashoka Gardens 
    Mysore Traditional Painting, Mysore

    Ramayana in Indian Art
    Hanuman Fights King Rawana's Army 
    Ramayana War in Indian Art, 18th century Mysore traditional painting

    Hampi Ramayana scenes.
    Rama breaking Shiva's bow in the Hazare Rama Temple in Hampi.

    Stucco work and sculptures from Ramayana. Hazara temple, Hampi, Karnataka
    Ramayana stucco sculpture, Thailand.
    Hanuman, Jatayu, Lakshmana Bhatkal temple, 16th cent.
    Ramayana Bas relief sculpture. Tosakan (10-face giant). Thailand
    Ramayana carving. Bhuteshwar temple.

     Cave 16 : Ramayana Sculpture South Wall. Ellora Caves, Aurangabad, Maharashtra, India

    File:Hanuman Carrying the Mountain of Medicinal Herbs (left); Rama Battles Ravana (right), Architectural Panel with Ramayana (Adventures of Rama) Scenes LACMA M.89.159.1 (1 of 6).jpg
    Hanuman Carrying the Mountain of Medicinal Herbs (left); Rama Battles Ravana (right), Architectural Panel with Ramayana (Adventures of Rama) Scenes Madhya Pradesh, India, 10th cent. Los Angeles County Museum of Art.
    Ramayana sculptures in the Upper Shivalaya temple is early Chalukyan temple in north fort ; Badami ; Karnataka 
    Kumbhakarna battles Vanara sena. Angkor Wat.
    Jatayu's encounter with Ravana to counter abduction of Devi Sita. Terracotta
    Vanaras.Hoysaleshwara temple, Halebid
    Halebid. Rama at war.

    Ramayana friezes. (from right) Laxmana and Sita, Rama shooting arrow at Goden deer, Kedareshwara Temple, Halebid
    Lintel. Battambang province, Cambodia. Scene of the Ramayana.
    Wat Ounatom. Ramayana. Battle scene. Cambodia.
    Angkor Wat. Rma and Hanuman launching an attack on Ravana. Plaster realized from a stamped clay moyuld.GuimetMuseum.
    Sculpture Papanatha Temple Ramayana Vali Sugriva Rama Pattadakal UNESCO World Heritage Site built 800 CE Bagalkot Karnataka
     Ravana seizes Sita, the consort of Sri Rama. Relief from the Banteay Srei Temple in Angkor, Cambodia.
    Hanuman on his chariot, a scene from the Ramakien in Wat Phra Kaew, Bangkok.Ramakien (รามเกียรติ์rtgsRammakian; literally "Glory of Rama"; iThailand'snational epic,derived from Valmiki Ramayana.
    Ramayana carving. Vittgala temple, Hampi.
    Vanara sena and Ravana's army. bas-relief at Preah Khan in Cambodia



    Ramayana. Bhadrachalam, Andhra Pradesh

    15 MAY 2014

    The Ramayana in Southeast Asia: (4) Indonesia and Malaysia

    The final installment of our survey of the Ramayana epic in Southeast looks at its dissemination in the island world. That the Ramayana was already well known in Java by the end of the ninth century is evident from the magnificent series of reliefs carved into the walls of the temples of Prambanan in central Java around 900 AD.  However, the the first literary version in Old Javanese, the Ramayana Kakawin, appears to date from a century later. It is based not directly on Valmiki’sRamayana but on a later Indian poetical version, the so-called Bhattikavya, a Sanskrit poem written by Bhatti (6/7th century), which both tells the story and illustrates the rules of Sanskrit grammar.  The first five cantos are a fairly exact translation, while the remainder is a much freer version.

    COLLEC~1
    The abduction of Sita by Ravana, depicted in stone reliefs at Prambanan temple, central Java, ca. 900.  Photograph by W.G.N. van der Sleen, 1929. Tropenmuseum.  noc

    With the spread of Islam across Java from the fifteenth century onwards, the strongly Indianised Old Javanese culture and traditions retreated eastwards to the island of Bali, which today remains the only majority Hindu region outside India.  Nearly all Old Javanese literary compositions orkakawin survived only in Bali, although their stories continued to be known in Java through the shadow-puppet tradition. The late 18th-century renaissance of literature at the central Javanese courts of Surakarta and Yogyakarta saw the rewriting of the Ramayana Kakawin in modern Javanese.  In Bali, the story of Rama still plays a central part in the religious and cultural life of the island, and in the twentieth century became a popular subject for illustrated palm-leaf manuscripts.

    P1030855
    Serat Rama Keling, a modern Javanese version of the Ramayana, illuminated manuscript dated 1814.  British Library,  Add.12284, ff.1v-2r  noc

    Or.14022-deer

    Or.14022-Sita offering water
    Two scenes from a Balinese palm leaf manuscript of the Ramayana, written and illustrated by Ida Bagus Adnyana of Geriya Gunung Sari, Pliatan, Bali, c. 1975. (Top) Sita sees the golden deer and urges Rama to catch it; (bottom) Ravana in the guise of an old hermit lures Sita out of the safety of her magic circle. British Library, Or.14022  noc

    The tradition of shadow-puppet theatre seems to have been in existence in Java for at least a thousand years, and the stories which are used in the wayang kulit shadow puppet theatre are taken from the Indian epics of the Ramayana and Mahabharata. While the characters and the plots remain basically Indian, the way the stories have been developed over the past 1000 years in the oral dramatic tradition reflects Javanese culture rather than Indian. The iconography of the shadow puppet theatre – with heads in profile, angular shoulders, slim torsos and pivoted limbs – has strongly influenced Javanese manuscript illustration.

    Or.9333, ff.8v-9r
    Hanuman (left) and Hanuman Tugangga, one of Hanuman’s sons by the Fish Princess (right). From an album of Javanese wayang characters, Java, 19th century. British Library, Or.9333, ff 8v-9r  noc

    In the Malay Muslim courts of the archipelago, literary traditions now transmitted using Arabic script continued to reflect deep-seated Hindu-Buddhist roots.  The Malay version of the Ramayana,Hikayat Seri Rama, is believed to have been committed to writing between the 13th and 15th centuries.  One of the oldest Malay manuscripts in this country – and probably the oldest known illuminated Malay manuscript – is a copy of the Hikayat Seri Rama now held in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, which was in the possession of Archbishop Laud in 1635.  The Malay version originated not from the classical Ramayana of Valmiki, but from popular oral versions widely spread over southern India.

    As attested to in media ranging from the great 7th-century Ramayana stone pedestal in the Cham temple at Tra Kieu in Vietnam, to 20th-century performances of the Ceritera Seri Rama in thewayang Siam shadow puppet theatre of Kelantan and 21st-century Indonesian comics, theRamayana has retained its position as a literary classic in Southeast Asia through the centuries.

    Further reading

    On the Ramayana in Javanese and Old Javanese:
    P.J. Zoetmulder, Kalangwan: a survey of Old Javanese literature.  The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1974; pp. 217-233.
    Theodore G. Th. Pigeaud, Literature of Java.  Catalogue raisonné of Javanese manuscripts in the Library of the University of Leiden and other public collections in the Netherlands.  The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1968. 4 vols.

    On the Ramayana in Malay:
    V.I. Braginsky, The heritage of traditional Malay literature: a historical survey of genres, writings and literary views.  Leiden: KITLV, 2004; pp. 66-71.
    Achadiati Ikram, Hikayat Sri Rama: suntingan naskah disertai telaah amanat dan struktur.  Jakarta: Penerbit Universitas Indonesia, 1980.

    Annabel Teh Gallop, Lead Curator, Southeast Asia

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    The government’s economists must represent India

    ARVIND KUMAR | Wed, 20 Jul 2016-08:05am , Mumbai , dna
    Historically, international economic institutions have worked against India while helping the cause of Europe and America
    The government’s economists must not make the country subservient to any international system, but must facilitate the Indian ethos of saving money and working in a decentralized manner. Historically, international economic institutions have worked to the detriment of India while benefiting Europe and America. Now that the economies of USA and European countries are in a shambles, they want a new system so that Indian resources can be used to bail out their economies. The advocates of such a new system have articulated their objectives which will be destructive for India. According to their proposals, a new regulatory authority controlled by Americans and Europeans will control all banks in the world. Going by the name of Basel III, their measures will purportedly save banks from failure by applying economic theories taught at American universities.
    Another plan is to impose negative interest rates, which is another way of saying that they will periodically deduct money from the savings accounts of depositors. It will not be possible to escape this system by withdrawing money from the bank because this system will be accompanied by what they call cashless currency, forcing everyone to use banks for all transactions.
    The Western system is based on consumption and centralisation of financial power in the government and a few corporations resulting in one economic crisis after another. The seeming prosperity in the West is actually an illusion. While the American government freely prints the US dollar and hands it out to its citizens, people in Asia, Africa and Latin America work hard and create goods and services to earn small amounts of the same global reserve currency.
    Americans who benefit through welfare schemes for corporations such as periodic bailouts and contracts from the World Bank swear by capitalism, while those who get freebies in the form of grants given to non-profit organisations, universities and other self proclaimed do-gooders swear by socialism. America also enables the socialism of Europe by supporting their currency, sharing the spoils of wars and sending them global contracts.
    To understand how easy the West has it, one only has to imagine the Rupee as the global reserve currency with the Indian government freely handing it out to Indian citizens while Americans and Europeans working hard to produce goods and services for Indians in order to earn a few rupees.
    Clearly, both capitalism and socialism which are extolled by the West are unsustainable as both these systems depend on owning the printing press of the global reserve currency. The disparity caused by the current set-up exists not only at the international level, but also within USA. For example, the bar to become a humanities professor at top ranked universities is extremely low for white people who thus have easy access to free money.
    Blacks are shut out and any welfare payments made to them does not go beyond partial payments for their basic needs.
    In the recent past, economists at NITI Aayog have recommended opening up India to foreign universities and modifying laws so that American corporations are granted more patent privileges. Patent laws are another manifestation of corporate welfare schemes and unfairly help American corporations become monopolies without having to face competition in the markets. NITI Aayog’s recommendations perpetuate the existing system of the West leeching off the rest of the world and their advice must be rejected along with all global economic systems.

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    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/jtxchka

    Dilmun seals, Magan boats and Indus Script show eka-shingi 'dhow, single masted' seafaring vessels

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/07/pattamara-kotiya-sangada-bagala-types.html 

    paṭṭamara, koṭiya, sangaDa, bagala types of 'seafaring dhow' signified on Indus Script inscriptions
    A cargo carrier on the Ganga (After Fig. 27 in James Harnell, 1920, The origins and ethnological significance of Indian boat designs, Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal

    Amaravati ca. 199 BCE. Stupa casing slab. Purnaghata or Kumbha.
    Hieroglyph: kumbha 'waterpot' Rebus: 'mast': kūpa2°aka -- m. ʻ mooring post, mast ʼ lex. [← Drav. (Tam. kūmpu ʻ mast, cone -- shaped pinnacle of chariot ʼ, Mal. kūmpu ʻ mast, pointed heap ʼ, Tu. kū˘vè ʻ mast ʼ) T. Burrow BSOAS xi 135, xii 375. Prob. therefore to be separated from kūˊpa -- 1: nevertheless for semantic development, ʻ pit ~ heap ~ post ʼ see kūˊpya -- , *khaḍa -- 2, khātra -- , mēthí -- , skambhá -- and esp. kūpaka -- ʻ funeral pyre, hole under it ʼ lex.] Pa. kūpa -- , °aka -- m. ʻ mast of a boat ʼ, Pk. kūva -- , °aya<-> m., G. kuvɔ m. -- X stambha -- or skambhá -- : Pa. kumbhaka -- n. ʻ mast of a boat ʼ, Si. kum̆baya rather than directly ← Tam. kūmpu. *kūpakastambha -- .Addenda: kūpa -- 2: Md. kun̆bu ʻ mast ʼ.(CDIAL 3401)

    koḍiya ‘young bull’ which is signified on hundreds of Indus inscriptions is often orthographed with a single horn. Is this orthography any way related to eka-sringa narratives of the Great Epics and the heritage of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization?

    This monograph suggests a nautical -- of or concerning navigation, sailors, or the sea-- explanation recounting the maritime heritage of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization which evolved concomitant with the Bronze Age Revolution. The suggestion is based on the nautical technical expression eka-shingi which means 'a single-masted seafaring vessel'. 

    The cognate literary expression ekasringa is used in the Mahabharata by Sri Krishna: “Having previously become the Unicorn Boar (Ekasringa Varaha), who increases joy, I upheld this world. Therefore I am called the Unicorn (Ekasringa)” (Mahabharata in Shanti Parva 343, Sloka 92).

    The key function signified by the metaphoric expression is ‘upholding the world’. As Eka-Shingi‘one-masted sailing vessel’, the passenger & cargo vessel is a carrier to transport food and other essential requirements. Such a transport is narrated in Mahabharta, to cope with the famine conditions of the Kingdom of Anga by bringing Rishyasringa on a boat.

    కోడియ (p. 326) kōḍiya Same as కోడె (p. 326) kōḍe kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగు"రామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. கொட்டியம் koṭṭiyam
    n. prob. gōṣṭha. [M. koṭṭiyam.] 1. Bull, ox; எருது. (சூடா.) 2. Herd of pack-bullocks; பொதிமாட்டுத்திரள். (W.) கடாய்க்கன்று kaṭāy-k-kaṉṟu
    , n. < கடாய்¹ +. Bull-calf; காளைக்கன்று. (யாப். வி. 3.)

     

    koe, koḍiya‘young bull’ (Telugu) खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) कोंडण [kōṇḍaa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) Rebus: 

    koiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel with one to four sail masts'. 


    koḍiya ‘young bull’ on Indus Script inscriptions is an eka-shingi orthographed with 'a single horn' to signify a koṭiya as a 'single-masted seafaring vessel'. 


    Thus, hieroglyph koḍiya ‘young bull’ rebus koṭiya on Indus inscriptions signifies a single-masted seafaring vessel.


    Some artifacts and inscriptions show mamca'platform' as a semantic determinative rebus: manji'dhow, seafaring vessel'.

    PathyA svastih are Rigvedic rica-s praying for the protection of seafaring navigators in RV X.63.15-16 by Rishi GAyah PlAtah (Text and translation below).




    "All the universe rests within your nature, in the ocean, in the heart, in all life. (Rig Veda 4.58.11)  Bhujyu, son of Tugra, Rishi was king went on a war expedition; his ship was wrecked in a storm when Asvins in their hundred-oared galley rescue Bhujyu. (RV 1.116.3). Varuna knew the sea routes (RV 1.25.7), merchants navigated to foreign lands, frquent all parts of the ocean (RV  1.56.2) The fourth passage (VII. 88.3 and 4) Vasishtha and Varuna are on a voyage in a ship skillfully fitted out, with a prosperous swing(RV 7.88.3-4).http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/04/seafaring-merchants-indus-script_22.html


    Seals excavated from Bahrain and Failaka showing planked boats ca. 2000 BCE.  Two seals show boats with the head of an antelope on the stern. meDDa 'ram' rebus: meDho 'merchant' meD 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic)


    Silver model of a boat from Ur ca. 2250 BCE.British Museum
    http://www.worldhistory.biz/sundries/41718-the-third-millennium-bc.html



    Scale model, Magan boat.  boats made of wood, reeds and bitumen sailed the waters of the Oman Sea and the Arabian Gulf carried cargo to and from Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins through Persian Gulf and Tigris-Euphrates doab. Opened up copper and metals trade during the Bronze Age Revolution of ca. 3000 BCE.
    Al Baleed timber. Shows a stitched boat.
    http://omanetlamer.fr/_en/exhibition_firstnav_en.html



    Translation (Griffith):

    RV X.63. 15 Vouchsafe us blessing in our paths and desert tracts, blessing in waters and in battle, for the light; Blessing upon the wombs that bring male children forth, and blessing, O ye Maruts, for the gain of wealth. 16 The noblest Svasti with abundant riches, who comes to what is good by distant pathway,- May she at home and far away preserve us, and dwell with us under the Gods' protection
    See: http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/72148/12/12_chapter%204.pdf

    Why was the narrative of Rishyas'ringa so intensely linked to the boat? 

    I suggest that there was a pun on the expression 'eka sringa'. This technical expression signified eka-shingi which meant 'a single-masted boat'. 

    Thus, the one-horned young bull as a signifier on scores of Indus Script inscriptions signifies a dhow, a single-masted sail boat. The Rishyas'ringa narrative of Mahabharata was a metaphor to refer to the eka-shingi 'single-masted boat' which had to bring in cargo of food grains and other essentials to cope with the famine in the Kingdom of Anga. 

    Eka-shingi was a cargo boat. Rishyas'ringa was a brahmacharin who had yogic powers.

    What is narrated in metaphorical terms in the Mahabharata gets related rebus in Indus Script inscriptions with one-horned young bull to signify koDiya rebus: koTiya 'dhow, seafaring, cargo vessel'.

    Story of Rishyas'ringa on a boat, from Mahabharata

    The story is a story of a boat sailing to the Kingdom of Anga with Rishyas'ringa as a passenger.

    According to Vanaparvan of Mahabharat, there was an Ashram of Vibhandak Rishi in the area of Kaushiki Devnadi river. Kaushiki Devnadi river is identified as Kunwari or Kwari river, a tributary of Chambal river which joins Yamuna River downstream beyond Etawah District. The name of Bhind town is named after this great saint, Sage Vibhandaka, son of Kashyapa, who lived with his son Rishyasringa, 

    Rishyasringa had not met any human being, man or woman, other than his own father.

    There was a great famine in the Anga kingdom. 

    Vidhura Pandita Jataka describes Rajagriha (the Magadhan Capital) as the city of Anga and Mahabharata also refers to a sacrifice performed by the king of Anga at Mount Vishnupada (at Gaya).

    King of Anga was advised to bring Rishyasringa who has many yogic powers.


    The king decided to send beautiful courtesans to entice the brahmachari. The musicians and dancers constructed a big boat. In that boat they made an artificial garden. In the center of that garden they built a hermitage resembling that in which Rishyasringa lived. The boat with the courtesans was brought through the river and anchored near hermitage.

    The brahmachari surprised to see such divine-form in a courtesan who won the brahmacarin’s confidence.
    As the boy’s father might return any time she took leave and returned to the boat.

    When the father returned, Rishyasringa explained: “A brahmachari was here. I have never seen a more  beautiful figure in my life.
    He had such a sweet voice! I was powerfully attracted towards the new comer. We had a great time”. 
    Sage Vibhandaka, the father of Rishyasringa looked for the boat but it was not to be seen.
    After a few days the boat came again. This time they should win him over. Thankfully it was easier than expected. The courtesan took young sage to her boat and before  the boy could gather his wits, the boat sailed to the kingdom of Anga.

    koTiya manji 'masted dhow'

    Uruk cylinder seal. A cylinder seal impression from a seal found at Uruk and likely dating to the late Uruk period. The seal shows a ruler with attendants in what is likely a bitumen-coated reed boat

    Shows one-horned young bull on a boat, a phonetic determinant: koDiya 'young bull' rebus: koTiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel'. 

    Semantic and phonetic determinant: koṭṭa 'fortified settlement', koṭiya ʻsailing vessel dhow'. The helmsman carries on his hand,  a stalk/twig, sprout (or tree branch) kūdī, kūṭī bunch of twigs (Sanskrit) Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelting furnace' (Santali). 


    koṭṭhaya 'storeroom' shown atop the young bull is a phonetic determinant: koTiya 'youngbull' rebus: koTiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel'. The 

     
    maṇḍa 
      'twig with leaves' carried by the helmsman is a semantic determinative of
     Rebus: 
    maṇḍā 
      
     
    = warehouse, workshop; a synonym for koṭṭhaya signified by koDiya 'young bull'. 


    kṓṣṭha2 n. ʻ pot ʼ Kauś., ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ MBh., ʻ inner apartment ʼ lex., °aka -- n. ʻ treasury ʼ, °ikā f. ʻ pan ʼ Bhpr. [Cf. *kōttha -- , *kōtthala -- : same as prec.?] Pa. koṭṭha -- n. ʻ monk's cell, storeroom ʼ, °aka<-> n. ʻ storeroom ʼ; Pk. koṭṭha -- , kuṭ°koṭṭhaya -- m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ; Sv. dāntar -- kuṭha ʻ fire -- place ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) kōti (ṭh?) ʻ wooden vessel for mixing yeast ʼ; K. kōṭha m. ʻ granary ʼ, kuṭhu m. ʻ room ʼ, kuṭhü f. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ; S. koṭho m. ʻ large room ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ storeroom ʼ; L. koṭhā m. ʻ hut, room, house ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ shop, brothel ʼ, awāṇ. koṭhā ʻ house ʼ; P. koṭṭhākoṭhā m. ʻ house with mud roof and walls, granary ʼ, koṭṭhīkoṭhī f. ʻ big well -- built house, house for married women to prostitute themselves in ʼ; WPah. pāḍ. kuṭhīʻ house ʼ; Ku. koṭho ʻ large square house ʼ, gng. kōṭhi ʻ room, building ʼ; N. koṭho ʻ chamber ʼ, °ṭhi ʻ shop ʼ; A. koṭhākõṭhā ʻ room ʼ, kuṭhī ʻ factory ʼ; B. koṭhā ʻ brick -- built house ʼ, kuṭhī ʻ bank, granary ʼ; Or. koṭhā ʻ brick -- built house ʼ, °ṭhī ʻ factory, granary ʼ; Bi. koṭhī ʻ granary of straw or brushwood in the open ʼ; Mth. koṭhī ʻ grain -- chest ʼ; OAw. koṭha ʻ storeroom ʼ; H. koṭhā m. ʻ granary ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ granary, large house ʼ, Marw. koṭho m. ʻ room ʼ; G. koṭhɔ m. ʻ jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ large earthen jar, factory ʼ; M. koṭhā m. ʻ large granary ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ granary, factory ʼ; Si. koṭa ʻ storehouse ʼ. -- Ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kūṭhürü f. ʻ small room ʼ; L. koṭhṛī f. ʻ small side room ʼ; P. koṭhṛī f. ʻ room, house ʼ; Ku. koṭheṛī ʻ small room ʼ; H. koṭhrī f. ʻ room, granary ʼ; M. koṭhḍī f. ʻ room ʼ; -- with -- ra -- : A. kuṭharī ʻ chamber ʼ, B. kuṭhrī, Or. koṭhari; -- with -- lla -- : Sh. (Lor.) kotul (ṭh?) ʻ wattle and mud erection for storing grain ʼ; H. koṭhlā m., °lī f. ʻ room, granary ʼ; G. koṭhlɔ m. ʻ wooden box ʼ. kōṣṭhapāla -- , *kōṣṭharūpa -- , *kōṣṭhāṁśa -- , kōṣṭhāgāra -- ; *kajjalakōṣṭha -- , *duvārakōṣṭha -- , *dēvakōṣṭha -- , dvārakōṣṭhaka -- . Addenda: kṓṣṭha -- 2: WPah.kṭg. kóṭṭhi f. ʻ house, quarters, temple treasury, name of a partic. temple ʼ, J. koṭhā m. ʻ granary ʼ, koṭhī f. ʻ granary, bungalow ʼ; Garh. koṭhu ʻ house surrounded by a wall ʼ; Md. koḍi ʻ frame ʼ, <-> koři ʻ cage ʼ (X kōṭṭa -- ). -- with ext.: OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ, P. kuṭhālī f., H. kuṭhārī f.; -- Md. koṭari ʻ room ʼ. kōṣṭhapāla m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ W. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, pāla -- ]M. koṭhvaḷā m.*kōṣṭharūpa ʻ like a room ʼ. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, rūpá -- ] B. kuṭru ʻ tent ʼ.  *kōṣṭhāṁśa ʻ share of store ʼ. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, áṁśa -- ] Pa. koṭṭhāsa -- m. ʻ share, portion ʼ, adj. ʻ divided into ʼ (ā felt as contraction of a -- a and preserved before ṁs; consequent āṁs > ās: cf. re -- establishment of prefix ā before MIA. double consonant, e.g. Pk. āṇavēdi < *āṇṇ° replacing aṇṇ -- < Sk. ājñ -- ); Si. koṭasakohoṭa ʻ share, part, piece ʼ. Pa. koṭṭhāgāra -- n. ʻ storehouse, granary ʼ; Pk. koṭṭhāgāra -- , koṭṭhāra -- n. ʻ storehouse ʼ; K. kuṭhār m. ʻ wooden granary ʼ, WPah. bhal. kóṭhār m.; A. B. kuṭharī ʻ apartment ʼ, Or. koṭhari; Aw. lakh. koṭhār ʻ zemindar's residence ʼ; H. kuṭhiyār ʻ granary ʼ; G. koṭhār m. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ, koṭhāriyũ n. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. koṭhār n., koṭhārẽ n. ʻ large granary ʼ, -- °rī f. ʻ small one ʼ; Si. koṭāraʻ granary, store ʼ. kōṣṭhāgārika -- . Addenda: kōṣṭhāgāra -- : WPah.kṭg. kəṭhāˊr, kc. kuṭhār m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ, J. kuṭhārkṭhār m.; -- Md. kořāru ʻ storehouse ʼ ← Ind. kōṣṭhāgārika m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ BHSk. [Cf. kōṣṭhā- gārin -- m. ʻ wasp ʼ Suśr.: kōṣṭhāgāra -- ]Pa. koṭṭhāgārika -- m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ; S. koṭhārī m. ʻ one who in a body of faqirs looks after the provision store ʼ; Or. koṭhārī ʻ treasurer ʼ; Bhoj. koṭhārī ʻ storekeeper ʼ, H. kuṭhiyārī m.
    Addenda: kōṣṭhāgārika -- : G. koṭhārī m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ.(CDIAL 3536 to 3541)


    Alternative:  మండ (p. 933) maṇḍa చెట్టుకొమ్మ. A small branch, ఉపశాఖ.  
    maṇḍa 
      
     
    = a branch; a twig; a twig with leaves on it (Telugu) Rebus: 
    maṇḍā 
      
     
    = warehouse, workshop (Konkani)


    maṇḍa6 ʻ some sort of framework (?) ʼ. [In nau -- maṇḍḗ n. du. ʻ the two sets of poles rising from the thwarts or the two bamboo covers of a boat (?) ʼ ŚBr. (as illustrated in BPL p. 42); and in BHSk. and Pa. bōdhi -- maṇḍa -- n. perh. ʻ thatched cover ʼ rather than ʻ raised platform ʼ (BHS ii 402). If so, it may belong to maṇḍapá -- and maṭha -- ] Ku. mã̄ṛā m. pl. ʻ shed, resthouse ʼ (if not < *mã̄ṛhā < *maṇḍhaka -- s.v. maṇḍapá -- ).(CDIAL 9737) maṇḍapa m.n. ʻ open temporary shed, pavilion ʼ Hariv., °pikā -- f. ʻ small pavilion, customs house ʼ Kād. 2. maṇṭapa -- m.n. lex. 3. *maṇḍhaka -- . [Variation of ṇḍ with ṇṭsupports supposition of non -- Aryan origin in Wackernagel AiGr ii 2, 212: see EWA ii 557. -- Prob. of same origin as maṭha -- 1 and maṇḍa -- 6 with which NIA. words largely collide in meaning and form] 1. Pa. maṇḍapa -- m. ʻ temporary shed for festive occasions ʼ; Pk. maṁḍava -- m. ʻ temporary erection, booth covered with creepers ʼ, °viā -- f. ʻ small do. ʼ; Phal. maṇḍau m. ʻ wooden gallery outside a house ʼ; K. manḍav m. ʻ a kind of house found in forest villages ʼ; S. manahũ m. ʻ shed, thatched roof ʼ; Ku. mãṛyāmanyā ʻ resthouse ʼ; N. kāṭhmã̄ṛau ʻ the city of Kathmandu ʼ (kāṭh -- <kāṣṭhá -- ); Or. maṇḍuā̆ ʻ raised and shaded pavilion ʼ, paṭā -- maṇḍoi ʻ pavilion laid over with planks below roof ʼ, muṇḍoi°ḍei ʻ raised unroofed platform ʼ; Bi. mã̄ṛo ʻ roof of betel plantation ʼ,mãṛuāmaṛ°malwā ʻ lean -- to thatch against a wall ʼ, maṛaī ʻ watcher's shed on ground without platform ʼ; Mth. māṛab ʻ roof of betel plantation ʼ, maṛwā ʻ open erection in courtyard for festive occasions ʼ; OAw. māṁḍava m. ʻ wedding canopy ʼ; H. mãṛwā m., °wī 
    f., maṇḍwā m., °wī f. ʻ arbour, temporary erection, pavilion ʼ, OMarw. maṁḍavomāḍhivo m.; G. mã̄ḍav m. ʻ thatched open shed ʼ, mã̄ḍvɔ m. ʻ booth ʼ, mã̄ḍvī f. ʻ slightly raised platform before door of a house, customs house ʼ, mã̄ḍaviyɔ m. ʻ member of bride's party ʼ; M. mã̄ḍav m. ʻ pavilion for festivals ʼ, mã̄ḍvī f. ʻ small canopy over an idol ʼ; Si. maḍu -- va ʻ hut ʼ, maḍa ʻ open hall ʼ SigGr ii 452. 2. Ko. māṁṭav ʻ open pavilion ʼ. 3. H. mã̄ḍhāmāṛhāmãḍhā m. ʻ temporary shed, arbour ʼ (cf. OMarw. māḍhivo in 1); -- Ku. mã̄ṛā m.pl. ʻ shed, resthouse ʼ (or < maṇḍa -- 6?]*chāyāmaṇḍapa -- .(CDIAL 9740)

     mācī ʻ posts rising from the body of a cart ʼ (Bihari)(CDIAL 9715) rebus: manji 'masted seafaring vessel'. The single horn on the young bull signifies eka-shingi koTiya, 'single masted' seafaring vessel. Together with he platform shown atop the young bull, the reading is: manji koTiya 'single-masted dhow, seafaring vessel'. dhow < dhAv (Arabic) signifies the cargo: dhAu 'mineral'.

    dhatu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu ' Atop the one-horned young bull a manji 'platform' is shown with two flags unfurled. The flags are eruvai 'reed' rebus: eruvai 'copper' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS dhatu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. thus, the seafaring vessel koTiya carries the cargo of copper mineral with sailors and helmsman kAraNika 'spread legs' rebus: karNahAra 'helmsman' karNI 'supercargo'. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/07/dhau-red-minerals-cargo-on-dawa-dhows.html The hieroglyphs on the stern: kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' dala 'leaf' rebus: dhALa 'large oxhide ingot'.

    కమ్మటము (p. 247) kammaṭamu Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste. கம்பட்டக்காரன் kampaṭṭa-k-kāraṉ , n. < கம்பட்டம் +. Coiner; நாணயம்செய்வோன். (W.) கம்பட்டக்கூடம் kampaṭṭa-k-kūṭam , n. < id. +. Mint; நாணயசாலை. (W.)கம்பட்டம் kampaṭṭamn. [K. kammaṭa, M. kammṭṭam.] Coinage, coin; நாணயம். (W.)கம்பட்டமுளை -muḷai, n. < id. +. Die, coining stamp; நாணயமுத்திரை. (W.)

    kamaṭha m. ʻ bamboo ʼ lex. 2. *kāmaṭha -- . 3. *kāmāṭṭha -- . 4. *kammaṭha -- . 5. *kammaṭṭha -- . 6. *kambāṭha -- . 7. *kambiṭṭha -- . [Cf. kambi -- ʻ shoot of bamboo ʼ,kārmuka -- 2 n. ʻ bow ʼ Mn., ʻ bamboo ʼ lex. which may therefore belong here rather than to kr̥múka -- . Certainly ← Austro -- as. PMWS 33 with lit. -- See kāca -- 3]1. Pk. kamaḍha -- , °aya -- m. ʻ bamboo ʼ; Bhoj. kōro ʻ bamboo poles ʼ.2. N. kāmro ʻ bamboo, lath, piece of wood ʼ, OAw. kāṁvari ʻ bamboo pole with slings at each end for carrying things ʼ, H. kã̄waṛ°arkāwaṛ,

     °ar f., G. kāvaṛ f., M. kāvaḍ f.; -- deriv. Pk. kāvaḍia -- ,kavvāḍia -- m. ʻ one who carries a yoke ʼ, H. kã̄waṛī°ṛiyā m., G. kāvaṛiyɔ m.3. S. kāvāṭhī f. ʻ carrying pole ʼ, kāvāṭhyo m. ʻ the man who carries it ʼ.4. Or. kāmaṛā°muṛā ʻ rafters of a thatched house ʼ; G. kāmṛũ n., °ṛī f. ʻ chip of bamboo ʼ, kāmaṛ -- koṭiyũ n. ʻ bamboo hut ʼ.5. B. kāmṭhā ʻ bow ʼ, G. kāmṭhũ n., °ṭhī f. ʻ bow ʼ; M. kamṭhā°ṭā m. ʻ bow of bamboo or horn ʼ; -- deriv. G. kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ.6. A. kabāri ʻ flat piece of bamboo used in smoothing an earthen image ʼ.7. M. kã̄bīṭ°baṭ°bṭīkāmīṭ°maṭ°mṭīkāmṭhī,
    kāmāṭhī f. ʻ split piece of bamboo &c., lath ʼ.(CDIAL 2760)

    bhr̥ta ʻ carried, brought ʼ MBh. 2. ʻ hired, paid ʼ Mn., m. ʻ hireling, mercenary ʼ Yājñ.com., bhr̥taka -- m. ʻ hired servant ʼ Mn.: > MIA. bhaṭa -- m. ʻ hired soldier, servant ʼ MBh. [√bhr̥]
    1. Ash. 3 sg. pret. bəṛə, f. °ṛī ʻ brought ʼ, Kt. bŕå; Gaw. (LSI) bṛoet ʻ they begin ʼ.
    2. Pa. bhata -- ʻ supported, fed ʼ, bhataka -- m. ʻ hired servant ʼ, bhaṭa -- m. ʻ hireling, servant, soldier ʼ; Aś.shah. man. kāl. bhaṭa -- ʻ hired servant ʼ, kāl. bhaṭaka -- , gir. bhata -- , bhataka -- ; Pk.bhayaga -- m. ʻ servant ʼ, bhaḍa -- m. ʻ soldier ʼ, bhaḍaa -- m. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; Paš. buṛīˊ ʻ servant maid ʼ IIFL iii 3, 38; S. bhaṛu ʻ clever, proficient ʼ, m. ʻ an adept ʼ; Ku. bhaṛ m. ʻ hero, brave man ʼ, gng. adj. ʻ mighty ʼ; B. bhaṛ ʻ soldier, servant, nom. prop. ʼ, bhaṛil ʻ servant, hero ʼ; Bhoj. bhar ʻ name of a partic. low caste ʼ; G. bhaṛ m. ʻ warrior, hero, opulent person ʼ, adj. ʻ strong, opulent ʼ, ubhaṛ m. ʻ landless worker ʼ (G. cmpd. with u -- , ʻ without ʼ, i.e. ʻ one without servants ʼ?); Si. beḷē ʻ soldier ʼ < *baḷaya, st. baḷa -- ; -- Pk. bhuaga -- m. ʻ worshipper in a temple ʼ, G. bhuvɔ m. (rather than < bhūdēva -- ).*bhārta -- ; abhr̥ta -- ; subhaṭa -- .Addenda: bhr̥ta -- : S.kcch. bhaṛ ʻ brave ʼ; Garh. (Śrīnagrī dial.) bhɔṛ, (Salānī dial.) bhe ʻ warrior ʼ.
    *bhr̥takarman ʻ soldier -- work ʼ. [bhr̥ta -- , kárman -- 1]Si. baḷām ʻ warfare ʼ.*bhr̥tagātu ʻ hero song ʼ. [bhr̥ta -- , gātú -- 2]Ku. bhaṛau ʻ song about the prowess of ancient heroes ʼ.(CDIAL 9588 to 9590)


    mañca m. ʻ stage, platform ʼ MBh., ʻ bed ʼ Divyāv., mañcaka -- m.n. ʻ stage ʼ MBh., ʻ bed ʼ Kathās., mañcikā -- f. ʻ trough on legs ʼ Suśr. [√mac?] Pa. mañca -- , °aka -- m. ʻ bed ʼ; Pk. maṁca -- m. ʻ platform ʼ, °cī -- f. ʻ bed ʼ; Paš.gul. mánǰū ʻ bed ʼ; K. manzulu m. ʻ child's swinging cot ʼ; S. mañjo m. ʻ poor bed ʼ, °jī f. ʻ low stool ʼ; L. mañjām., °jī f. ʻ bed, cot ʼ, awāṇ. mañjī, P. mañjāmañjolā m., WPah.bhal. manj̈o m., pāḍ. manzā, paṅ. cur. mañjā; Ku. mã̄co m. ʻ platform ʼ; N. mã̄c ʻ platform to keep fodder on ʼ; A. māsiyā ʻ chair ʼ; B.mācā ʻ platform, scaffolding ʼ; Or. mañcā ʻ platform ʼ, (Sambhalpur) macā ʻ scaffolding inside a thatched house ʼ; Bi. mã̄c ʻ mason's scaffolding ʼ, mācī ʻ posts rising from the body of a cart ʼ, maciyāmacolā ʻ four -- legged wooden stool ʼ; Mth. mācīmaciā ʻ seat ʼ; Bhoj. mã̄c ʻ watchman's platform ʼ, mãciyā ʻ raised platform, chair ʼ; H. mã̄cā m. ʻ watchman's platform, bed ʼ, °cī f. ʻ four -- legged stool ʼ, mãjā m. ʻ bed ʼ (← P.); G. mã̄cī f. ʻ stool ʼ, mã̄cṛɔ m. ʻ platform ʼ; M. māċ m. ʻ platform ʼ, māċā m. ʻ bed ʼ, Ko. mã̄nċo; Si. mässa, pl. mähi ʻ platform on posts, watch hut in rice fields ʼ < mañcikā -- .*ghaṭamañca -- , *phalakamañca -- .Addenda: mañca -- : WPah.kṭg. manj̈ɔ m. ʻ cot, bedstead ʼ, J. mã̄jā m.(CDIAL 9715) Ta. maccu terraced roof, flat roof, wainscot ceiling, upper story, board partition for the gable of a room, or boarded enclosure of an upper room, loft under the roof of a house. Ma. maccu boarded ceiling, upper story; macc-akam house or room with boarded ceilings. Ka. maccu upper story. Koḍ. macci ceiling. Te. maccu terrace; masela loft in a house. / Possibly < IA; cf. Turner,CDIAL, no. 9715, mañca- stage, platform. (DEDR 4631)


    மஞ்சி² mañci, n. 1. cf. mañca. [M. mañji.] Cargo boat with a raised platform; படகு. (W.)


    Sailing boat (Mohenjodaro Polished painting, 3000 BCE, National Museum, New Delhi)
    Single-masted sailing vessel is called Eka Shingi. Manji was an eka shingi. Kothaya, Kotiya, Kothia was a dvi-shingi. It is possiblethat kothaya was a single-masted seafaring vessel of the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization.

    Eka Shingi: A Sanskrit work titled Abdhiyana referred to by the late K.V. Vaze in one of his offprints ‘Naukashastra’ – Science of navigation - states four methods of propelling ships. One, by means of a long pole – naukadandah -, second by oars, third by oars fixed on a wheel with a handle – chakrani putabhedah – and the fourth by a sort of wooden screw coming out of the water – bhrama jalanirgamah. According to Vaze propulsion by means of a wheel with oars fixed on it is practised on the Ganga. Propulsion by a sort of wooden screw i.e. a bhrama is really remarkable. Unfortunately nothing is known about the date and the author of the Abdhiyana. The Abdhiyana recommends that a ship should have one to four masts (eka shringa one mast, chatuh shringa four masts), and their ends should have a metal covering.(BK Apte, 1973, A history of the Maratha navy and merchantships, State Board for Literature and Culture, Govt. Central Press, Bombay,58)
    One of the 'Rosetta stones' identified to validate Indus Script decipherment is the spinner lady on a bitumen mastic of neo-elamite period. See:
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/07/rosetta-stones-for-deciphered-indus.html
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/05/spinner-bas-relief-of-susa-8th-c-bce.html "Hieroglyphs of a spinner bas-relief fragment from Susa dated to 8th cent. BCE (now in Louvre Museum) are identified. The Elamite lady spinner bas-relief is a composition of hieroglyphs depicting a guild of wheelwrights or ‘smithy of nations’ (harosheth hagoyim). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using lexemes of Indian sprachbund given the archeological evidence of Meluhha settlers in Susa."

    H. 9 cm. W. 13 cm. Bituminous stone, a matte, black sedimentary rock. With her arms full of bracelets, the spinner holding a spindle is seated on a stool with tiger-paw legs. Elegantly coiffed, her hair is pulled back in a bun and held in place with a headscarf crossed around her head. Behind the spinner is an attendant holding a square wickerwork(?) fan. In front is a table with tiger-paw legs, a fish with six bun ingots. Susa. Neo-elamite period. 8th to 6th century BCE. The bas-relief was first cited in J, de Morgan's Memoires de la Delegation en Perse, 1900, vol. i. plate xi Ernest Leroux. Paris. Current location: Louvre Museum Sb2834 Near Eastern antiquities, Richelieu, ground floor, room 11.

    Reviewing eight volumes of Délégation en Perse, Memories publiès sous la direction de M. J. de Morgan, délégué-général (quarto, Leroux, editeur, Paris) and noting that a ninth volume was in print (1905), Ernst Babelon offers the following comments on the ‘bas-relief of the spinner’ of the Elamite Period (3400 - 550 BCE): “Again Chaldæan in origin, although of far later date, is a small diorite fragment of bas-relief called the bas-relief of the Spinner. It represents a woman sitting on a stool, her legs crossed and feet behind in the tailor's attitude. She is holding her spindle with both hands; in front of her is a fish lying on a table, and behind her a slave is waving the fly-flap.The round chubby faces of the figures recall the bas-reliefs of Khorsabad, which represent the eunuchs of the Ninevite palace.” (Ernst Babelon, 1906, Archaeological discoveries at Susa, in: Encyclopaedia Iranica.) http://www.cais-soas.com/CAIS/Archaeology/susa.htm


    Porada refers to the bas-relief as from the neo-Elamite period and notes, from the details of dress and jewelry, of hair style and furniture found on the relief: “One would like to conclude from this that the Elamites were principally metal-workers who favoured more than other techniques that of modeling in wax in preparation for casting.” (Edith Porada, with the collaboration of RH Dyson and contributions by C K Wilkinson, The art of elamites http://www.iranchamber.com/art/articles/art_of_elamites.php )



    Elamites used bitumen, a naturally occurring mineral pitch, or asphalt, for vessels, sculpture, glue, caulking, and waterproofing. Characteristic artifacts of Susa of 2nd millennium are of bitumen compound (containing ground-up calcite and quartz grains). Bitumen is naturally available around Susa and in Khuzistan. (Connan, I. and Deschesne, O. 1996. Le Bitume d Suse: Collection du Musee du Louvre. Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 228-337.) While discounting the possibility of Chaldæan origin, it is possible that the bas-relief was made at Susa by bronze-age settlers in Susa using the locally available bitumen.



    The fish on a stool in front of the spinner with head-wrap can be read rebus for key hieroglyphs:



    Hieroglyph: small ball: *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goṟaṭe &c. listed DED 1722]K. goṭh f., dat. °ṭi f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠oṭu m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goṭi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goṭāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goṭā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goṭa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. goṭ f. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. goṭ m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔm. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ṭilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Rebus:  L. khoṭ f. ʻ alloyʼ,°ṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā ʻ forged ʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻ base, alloy ʼG. khoṭũ ʻ alloyedʼ; M. khoṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ(CDIAL 3931)



    The stool on which the hieroglyph hypertext of fish PLUS fin is a platform: maṁca -- m. ʻ platform ʼ (Prakram) rebus:manji 'seafaring sail vessel'. 


    The tiger paws on the legs of the platform makes it kola manji or kola machava, i.e. a manji 'seafaring vessel' carrying the cargo of kol 'iron work'.

    khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ. khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali)
    kāti ‘spinner’ rebus: ‘wheelwright.’ 
    vēṭha’head-wrap’. Rebus: veṭa , veṭha, veṇṭhe ‘a small territorial unit’.
    sāi kol ayas kāṇḍa baṭa ‘friend+tiger+fish+stool+six’ rebus: association (of) iron-workers’ metal stone ore kiln. 

    The Elamite lady spinner bas-relief is a composition of hieroglyphs depicting a guild of wheelwrights or ‘smithy of nations’ (harosheth hagoyim).

    khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus:kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.



    1. Six bun ingots. bhaṭa ‘six’ (Gujarati). Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (Gujarati.Santali) 

    2. ayo ‘fish’ (Munda). Rebus: ayas ‘metal’ (Sanskrit) aya ‘metal’ (Gujarati)

    3. kātī ‘spinner’ (G.) kātī ‘woman who spins thread’ (Hindi). Rebus: khātī ‘wheelwright’ (Hindi). kāṭi = fireplace in the form of a long ditch (Ta.Skt.Vedic) kāṭya = being in a hole (VS. XVI.37); kāṭ a hole, depth (RV. i. 106.6) khāḍ a ditch, a trench; khāḍ o khaiyo several pits and ditches (G.) khaṇḍrun: ‘pit (furnace)’ (Santali) kaḍaio ‘turner’ (Gujarati) 

    4. kola ‘woman’ (Nahali). Rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.) 

    5. Tiger’s paws. kola ‘tiger’ (Telugu); kola ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.). Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil) Glyph: ‘hoof’: Kumaon. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ, °ṭī ʻgoat's legʼ; Nepalese. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ(CDIAL 3894). S. khuṛī f. ʻheelʼ; WPah. paṅ. khūṛ ʻfootʼ. (CDIAL 3906). Rebus: khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali) 

    6. Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar, furnace’ (Santali) kāṇḍa ’stone ore’.
    7. meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (P.) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) 
    8. ‘scarf’ glyph: dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu) m. ‘scarf’ (Wpah.) (CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu ‘minerals’ (Santali)
    9. Glyph 'friend': Assamese. xaï ʻfriendʼ, xaiyā ʻpartner in a gameʼ; Sinhala. saha ʻfriendʼ (< nom. sákhā or < sahāya -- ?). sákhi (nom. sg. sákhā) m. ʻfriendʼ RigVeda. 2. sakhī -- f. ʻwoman's confidanteʼ (Sanskrit), ʻa mistressʼ VarBrS. 1. Pali. sakhā nom. sg. m. ʻfriendʼ, Prakrit. sahi -- m.; Nepalese. saiyã̄ ʻlover, paramour, friendʼ (or < svāmín -- ); 2. Pali. sakhī -- , sakhikā -- f. ʻwoman's female friendʼ, Prakrit. sahī -- , °hiā -- f., Bengali. sai, Oriya. sahi, saï, Hindi. poet. saïyo f., Gujarati. saï f., Marathi. say, saī f. -- Ext. -- ḍ -- : OldMarwari. sahalaṛī f. ʻwoman's female friend’; -- -- r -- : Gujarati. sahiyar, saiyar f.; -- -- ll -- (cf. sakhila -- ): Sindhi. Lahnda. Punjabi. sahelī f. woman's female friendʼ, N. saheli, B. saylā, OAw. sahelī f.; H. sahelī f. ʻ id., maidservant, concubineʼ; OldMarwari. sahalī, sahelī ʻwoman's female friendʼ, OldGujarati. sahīlī f., Marathi. sahelī f. (CDIAL 13074). Apabhramśa. sāhi 'master'-- m.; Gypsy. pal. saúi ʻ owner, master ʼ, Sindhi. sã̄ī˜ m., Lahnda. sã̄i, mult. (as term of address) sāi; Punjabi. sāī˜, sāīyã̄ m. ʻmaster, husbandʼ; Nepalese. saiyã̄ ʻlover, paramour, friendʼ (or < sákhi -- ); Bengali. sã̄i ʻmasterʼ, (used by boys in play) cã̄i; Oriya. sāĩ ʻlord, king, deityʼ; Maithili. (ETirhut) saĩẽ ʻhusband (among lower classes)ʼ, (SBhagalpur) sã̄ĩ ʻhusband (as addressed by wife)ʼ; Bhojpuri. sāī˜ ʻGodʼ; OldAwadhi. sāīṁ m. ʻlord, master , lakh. sāī ʻsaintʼ; Hindi. sã̄ī m. ʻmaster, husband, God, religious mendicantʼ; Gujarti. sã̄ī m. ʻfaqirʼ, sã̄ ʻterm of respectful addressʼ; Marathi. sāī ʻtitle of respect, term of addressʼ; Sinhala. sāmi -- yā, hä° ʻhusbandʼ, himi -- yā ʻmaster, owner, husbandʼ (Perh. in Marathi. -- s affix to names of relationship (see śrī -- Add.). WPahari.poet. saĩ m. (obl. saĩ) ʻ friend, lover, paramour '. (CDIAL 13930). Rebus: 'association': Oriya. sāhi, sāi ʻ part of town inhabited by people of one caste or tribe '; sākhiya (metr.), sākhyá -- n. ʻ association, party ʼ RigVeda., ʻfriendshipʼ Mahāv. [sákhi] Pa. sakhya -- n. ʻ friendship ʼ (< sākhyá -- ? -- acc. sg. n. sakkhi and sakkhī -- f. from doublet sakhyaṁ ~ *sākhiya: cf. type sāmagrī -- ~ sāmagrya -- ) (CDIAL 13323). 10. Glyph: 'head-wrap': veṭha [fr. viṣṭ, veṣṭ] wrap, in sīsa˚ head-- wrap, turban M i.244; S iv.56. (Pali) Prakrit. veṭṭhaṇa -- n. ʻwrappingʼ, °aga -- n. ʻturbanʼ (CDIAL 12131). vēṣṭá m. ʻband, nooseʼ ʻenclosureʼ (Sanskrit), °aka- m. ʻfenceʼ, n. ʻturbanʼ lex. [√vēṣṭ] Marathi. veṭh, vẽṭh, veṭ, vẽṭ m.f. ʻroll, turn of a ropeʼ; Sinhala. veṭya ʻenclosureʼ; -- Pali. sīsa -- vēṭha -- m. ʻhead -- wrapʼ,vēṭhaka -- ʻsurroundingʼ; Prakrit. vēḍha -- m. ʻwrapʼ; Sindhi. veṛhu m. ʻencirclingʼ(CDIAL 12130). Rebus: 'territorial unit': veṭa , veṭha, veṇṭhe ‘a small territorial unit’ (Ka.IE8-4) (Pali) Assamese. Beran ʻact of surroundingʼ; Oriya. beṛhaṇa, °ṇi ʻgirth, circumference, fencing, small cloth worn by womanʼ. (CDIAL 12131). Pushto: باره bāraʿh, s.f. (3rd) ‘A fortification, defence, rampart, a ditch, palisade, an entrenchment, a breastwork’. Pl. يْ ey. (Pushto). Prakrit. vēḍha -- m. ʻwrapʼ; S. veṛhu m. ʻencirclingʼ; Lahnda. veṛh, vehṛ m. ʻfencing, enclosure in jungle with a hedge, (Ju.) blockadeʼ, veṛhā,vehṛā m. ʻcourtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many housesʼ; Punjabi. veṛhā, be° m. ʻenclosure, courtyardʼ; Kumaon. beṛo ʻcircle or band (of people)ʼ WesternPahari.kṭg. beṛɔ m. palaceʼ, Assamese. also berā ʻ fence, enclosure ʼ (CDIAL 12130). Hindi. beṛhnā ʻ to enclose, surround ʼ; Marathi. veḍhṇẽ ʻto twist, surroundʼ; (CDIAL 12132). kharoṣṭī 'blacksmith lip, carving' and harosheth 'smithy' kharoṣṭī the name of a script in ancient India from ca. 5th century BCE is a term cognate with harosheth hagoyim of the Old Bible. kharoṣṭī (khar + oṣṭa ‘blacksmith + lip’ or khar + uṣṭa – ‘blacksmith’ + ʻsettledʼ) is a syllabic writing system of the region where Indian hieroglyphs were used as evidenced by Indus Script corpora. The word –goy- in hagoyim is cognate with goy ‘gotra, clan’ (Prakrit). (Details in S. Kalyanaraman, 2012, Indian Hieroglyphs). gōtrá n. ʻ cowpen, enclosure ʼ RigVeda., ʻ family, clan ʼ1. Pali. gotta -- n. ʻ clan ʼ, Prakrit. gotta -- , gutta -- , amg. gōya -- n.(CDIAL 4279). http://tinyurl.com/79nm28f Etymology of harosheth is variously elucidated, while it is linked to 'chariot-making in a smithy of nations'. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harosheth_Haggoyim. Harosheth Hebrew: חרושת הגויים‎; is pronounced khar-o-sheth? Most likely, (haroshet) a noun meaning a carving. Hence, kharoṣṭī came to represent a 'carving, engraving' art, i.e. a writing system. Harosheth-hagoyim See: Haroshet [Carving]; a forest; agriculture; workmanship; harsha [Artifice: deviser: secret work]; workmanship; a wood http://tinyurl.com/d7be2qh Cognate with haroshet: karṣá m. ʻ dragging ʼ Pāṇ., ʻ agriculture ʼ Āp.(CDIAL 2905). karṣaṇa n. ʻ tugging, ploughing, hurting ʼ Manu (Sanskrit), ʻ cultivated land ʼ MBh. [kárṣati, √kr̥ṣ] Prakrit. karisaṇa -- n. ʻ pulling, ploughing ʼ; Gujarati. karsaṇ n. ʻ cultivation, ploughing ʼ; OldGujarati. karasaṇī m. ʻ cultivator ʼ, Gujarati. karasṇī m. -- See *kr̥ṣaṇa -- .(CDIAL 2907). 
    spinner, susa, ancient susa, woman spinnning,


    The Spinner, Louvre Museum / department of Near East antiquities. 


    A fragment of a relief 'The spinner' made of Bitumen mastic of Neo-Elamite period (8th cent. BCE - middle of 6th cent. BCE) was found in Susa. This fragment displayed a well-coiffured woman being fanned by an attendant while the woman wearing bangles on both arms -- seated on a stool with feline legs -- held what may be a spinning device before a table with feline legs with a bowl containing a whole fish with six blobs assembled on top of the fish.

    Hieroglyphs: curls on hair, fan, feline-legged stools, six round objects, fish, arms with bangles, headband, hair-knot, spindle, circles on scarf.

    Hieroroglyph: aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)
    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron'; kolhe 'smelter' kole.l 'smithy, temple'; kolimi 'smithy, forge' Hieroglyph: bhaṭa 'six' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. 

    2861 karttr̥2 m. ʻ spinner ʼ MBh. [√kr̥t2]H. kātī f. ʻ woman who spins thread ʼ; -- Or. kãtiā ʻ spinner ʼ with  from verb kã̄tibā (CDIAL 2861) See: khātrī m. ʻ member of a caste of Hindu weavers ʼ.(Gujarati)(CDIAL 3647) kātī 'spinner' Rebus: khātī m. ʻ member of a caste of wheelwrights ʼ(Hindi) kṣattŕ̊ m. ʻ carver, distributor ʼ RV., ʻ attendant, door- keeper ʼ AV., ʻ charioteer ʼ VS., ʻ son of a female slave ʼ lex. [√kṣad]Pa. khattar -- m. ʻ attendant, charioteer ʼ (CDIAL 3647)

    A fragment called 'spinner' is a relief of bitumen mastic from Susa. This relief has remarkable Indus Script hieroglyphs and has been called a Rosetta Stone of Indus Script cipher. One characteristic feature of the hieroglyph-multiplex is the use of a numerical semantic determinative. Six round objects are shown on a fish. In this pictorial, fish is a hieroglyph. Numeral six is a hieroglyph. Together, the Indus Script cipher is: aya 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metalgoṭ 'round' Rebus: khoṭ 'alloy' PLUS  bhaṭa 'six' Rebus:  bhaṭa'furnace.' Thus, the hieroglyph-multiplex proclaims the message: aya khoṭ bhaṭa 'metal (alloy) furnace'. Similar examples of the significance of 'six' numeral as a cipher from Ancient Near East are presented to signify phrases such as: meḍ bhaṭa 'iron furnace'.  करडा karaḍā bhaṭa 'hard alloy furnace'.


    Machava: The machava of the Maratha period seems to have changed its function according to its size. The smallest machava was employed for fishing and was known as Kola or Koli machava. (p.197)

    Machava (After Fig. 28 BK Apte, p. 201)
    The manji belongs to a merchant of Camorin. It is obviously a merchantship. Its construction makes it sea-worthy. It carries a large lateen sail. The stern has a thatched roof made for rest. This might help us in giving some idea of a Maratha manji. (BK Apte, 1973, A history of the Maratha navy and merchantships, State Board for Literature and Culture, Govt. Central Press, Bombay, p.203)

    Manja, Manji: A kind of ship akin to a machava. SPD. XXXV. 10· Four manjis belonging to the Government armada were carried away. GBP. XIII. ii. 719. “Manja is said to be the same as machawa. The word is of doubtful origin, but apparently Indian. Mr. Whitworth states that the Gujarat manja is an undecked craft of the same shape bow and stern, and from thirty to seventy tons. (100-200) khandis, in capacity. The word is perhaps connected with manji a hod, in the sense of a load carrier.” Manja in Arabic means, any high place where one escapes a flood. It may therefore mean a ship of high gunwale.A kind of ship akin to a machava. SPD. XXXV. 10· Four manjis belonging to the Government armada were carried away. GBP. XIII. ii. 719. “Manja is said to be the same as machawa. The word is of doubtful origin, but apparently Indian. Mr. Whitworth states that the Gujarat manja is an undecked craft of the same shape bow and stern, and from thirty to seventy tons. (100-200) khandis, in capacity. The word is perhaps connected with manji a hod, in the sense of a load carrier.” Manja in Arabic means, any high place where one escapes a flood. It may therefore mean a ship of high gunwale.(pp.304-305)
    m1181. Seal. Mohenjo-daro. Three-faced, horned person (with a three-leaved pipal branch on the crown), wearing bangles and armlets and seated on a hoofed platform.
    m1181 Text of inscription.



    Each glyphic element on this composition and text of inscription is decoded rebus:

    Two glyphs 'cross-road' glyph + 'splice' glyph -- which start from right the inscription of Text on Seal m1181.The pair of glyphs on the inscription is decoded: dhatu adaru bāṭa 'furnace (for) mineral, native metal’. dāṭu 'cross'(Telugu); bāṭa 'road' (Telugu). aḍar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddha_nti Subrahman.ya’ S’astri’s new interpretation of the Amarakos’a, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330)



    Other glyphic elements: aḍar kuṭhi 'native metal furnace'; soḍu 'fireplace'; sekra 'bell-metal and brass worker'; aya sal 'iron (metal) workshop'.



    *the person is seated on a hoofed platform (representing a bull): decoding of glyphics read rebus: ḍangar ‘bull’; ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (H.); koṇḍo ‘stool’; rebus: koḍ ‘workshop’. The glyphics show that the seal relates to a blacksmith's workshop.


    *the seated person's hair-dress includes a horned twig. aḍaru twig; aḍiri small and thin branch of a tree; aḍari small branches (Ka.); aḍaru twig (Tu.)(DEDR 67). aḍar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) Vikalpa: kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = furnace (Santali)


    mamca 'platform' (Prakrtam) rebus: manji 'seafaring single-masted vessel' PLUS bovine legs: koDiya 'young bull' rebus: koTiya 'seafaring vessel'.

    karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles (Gujarati) rebus: khAr 'blacksmith'

    mũh 'face' Rebus mũhã̄ 'iron furnace output' kolom 'three' (faces) rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'


    *tiger's mane on face: The face is depicted with bristles of hair, representing a tiger’s mane. cūḍā, cūlā, cūliyā tiger’s mane (Pkt.)(CDIAL 4883)Rebus: cuḷḷai = potter’s kiln, furnace (Ta.); cūḷai furnace, kiln, funeral pile (Ta.); cuḷḷa potter’s furnace; cūḷa brick kiln (Ma.); cullī fireplace (Skt.); cullī, ullī id. (Pkt.)(CDIAL 4879; DEDR 2709). sulgao, salgao to light a fire; sen:gel, sokol fire (Santali.lex.) hollu, holu = fireplace (Kuwi); soḍu fireplace, stones set up as a fireplace (Mand.); ule furnace (Tu.)(DEDR 2857). 

    khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus:kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    *fish + splinter glyph ayo, hako 'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) Vikalpa: Glyph: ḍhāḷiyum = adj. sloping, inclining; rebus: ḍhāḷako = a large metal ingot (G.) H. dhāṛnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771). Thus, the ligatured 'fish + sloping (stroke)' is read rebus: metal ingot.



    •dāṭu = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali) dhātu ‘mineral (Pali) dhātu ‘mineral’ (Vedic); a mineral, metal (Santali); dhāta id. (G.)H. dhāṛnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771). aṭar a splinter; aṭaruka to burst, crack, slit off, fly open; aṭarcca splitting, a crack; aṭarttuka to split, tear off, open (an oyster)(Ma.); aḍaruni to crack (Tu.)(DEDR 66). dāravum = to tear, to break (G.) dar = a fissure, a rent, a trench; darkao = to crack,to break; bhit darkaoena = the wall is cracked (Santali) Rebus: aduru 'native (unsmelted) metl' (Kannada).



    Seated person in penance: kamaḍha ‘penance’ (Pkt.); rebus: kampaṭṭa ‘mint’(Ma.) Glyphics of shoggy, brisltles of hair on the face of the person: Shoggy hair; tiger’s mane. sodo bodo, sodro bodro adj. adv. rough, hairy, shoggy, hirsute, uneven; sodo [Persian. sodā, dealing] trade; traffic; merchandise; marketing; a bargain; the purchase or sale of goods; buying and selling; mercantile dealings (G.lex.) sodagor = a merchant, trader; sodāgor (P.B.) (Santali.lex.) 


    Kotiya 'seafaring vessel'

    Akkadian Seal and modern impression (Oriental Institute museum), showing Mesopotamian sun god in a boat with human torso; from Tell Asmar (Iraq); date: ca. 2,200 B.C. (copyright: Oriental Institute) The composite animal dragged by a rope: human head PLUS feline body PLUS rope: kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' meDh 'rope' rebus: meD 'iron' medha 'yajna' medhA 'dhanam, wealth'. Thus, cargo of iron implements. The thrree strands of rope:dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAu, dhAtu 'mineral'. Thus, cargo of iron mineral.
    Modern impression of a cylinder seal from Tell Billa, showing two cultic scene involving a boat ride and a procession towards a temple; date: ca. 3,000 B.C.; probably stolen from Iraq Museum (copyright: Hirmer Verlag, Munich) 
    Sumerian cylinder seal from British Museum showing Marshmen in traditional mashuf boat in Mesopotamia (Iraq) in Sumerian times
    The boat journey of the god Ea (cylinder seal impression, ca. 2300–2150 BCE)
    Source: W. H. Ward, The Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, Washington, 1910, 40, fig. 102.
    Crescent-shaped boat with two boatmen equipped with round paddles (seal impression, Early Dynastic, from Ur). Source: L. Legrain, Archaic Seal-Impressions, New York, 1936 (Ur Excavations III), plate 28, 492.
    Crescent-shaped boat with two boatmen equipped with round paddles (seal impression, Early Dynastic, from Ur).
    Source: L. Legrain, Archaic Seal-Impressions, New York, 1936 (Ur Excavations III), plate 28, 492.
     Boat with high horn-like stern and prow decorated with leaf ornaments. The boatman is armed with a long pole. (seal impression, Early Dynastic, from Ur). Source: L. Legrain, Archaic Seal-Impressions, New York, 1936 (Ur Excavations III), plate 16, 300.
    Boat with high horn-like stern and prow decorated with leaf ornaments. The boatman is armed with a long pole. (seal impression, Early Dynastic, from Ur). Source: L. Legrain, Archaic Seal-Impressions, New York, 1936 (Ur Excavations III), plate 16, 300.


    ships-01
    After Fig 25 in BK Apte, p. 199 Kothaya B Broadside Plan C Plan of the Hold D - Cross Section




    Unfired steatite seal with a flat-bottomed boat, Mohenjo-daro.


    "From the Mesopotamian cuneiform texts Magan appears as a seafaring nation, and the ‘black boats’ from Magan are mentioned many times. From the Mesopotamian cuneiform texts Magan appears as a seafaring nation, and the ‘black boats’ from Magan are mentioned many times. Archaeological and textual evidence attest that Magan boats were built with reeds and coated with bitumen. A cuneiform tablet, dated to the 21st century BC, provides a detailed list of items used for the construction of these ships. The fame of Magan boats was so well known in the Mesopotamian culture that we find references to it also in the Sumerian legend of Gilgamesh and in the Ur-Nammu Code of laws. The Magan boats were often represented in Mesopotamian seals (in mythological subjects) and in Indus valley seals as well.
    http://ancientoman.cfs.unipi.it/index.php?id=115
    In Ajanta cave (No 7) a ship is shown with 2 masts (c. 7th cent.)
     
    Lothal: Terracotta model. Provision for fixing sail. Two masted ships .

    Satavahana Coin with a 2 masted ship, 1st-2nd Century CE

    Two masted ships from Satavahana (2nd cent. CE) and Pallava (6th cent. CE) coins. National Museum. Delhi.









    Kothaya: It is a sharp straight-keeled vessel with two masts.   Its tonnage varied from 100 to 400 khandis, [One khandi = 1,600 lb (approximately).] rarely exceeding 800 khandis. Its overall length was about 60 feet, breadth of beam 45 feet and depth of hold about 10 feet. The captains belonged to the ports of Kathiawar. The sailors were skilful and adventurous, and crossed the Indian Ocean westward to Zanzibar, Mozambique, Seychellas Islands and southward to Lakhadiv and eastward to Nicobar Islands and Chittagong. Along the west coast, the kothaya covered the whole strip from Karachi to Cape Camorin.Skt. kostha; Pkt, kotta, kottya. Contents GBP. XIII. ii. 719. Kothia is a large ship belonging to Cutch and Kathiawar. The origin of the word is doubtful. It is given in the Periplus (A.D. 250) under the form kotimba, as one of the local vessels that piloted Greek ships to the Narmada. It means something hollowed, akin to a kothar i.e. a granary. (p.198, 199, 291) 

    Dav: MSK. An Arabic vessel. GBP. XIII. ii 718. The origin of the Dhau is the Red Sea. The word is used vaguely and is applied also to the baghlas. It appears in Nikitin’s travell’s (1470) as tavs in which people sailed from Persia to India. GBP. XIII. i. 353 & JRAS. I. The Arab Dhau, formerly the best known of the Arab crafts, is falling into disuse. It is 150 to 250 tons. It is calculated for sailing with small cargoes, and is fully prepared for defence. It has one mast. Arabic, dav means, a kind of ship. (p.294)
    This stamp depicts the “Galbat”, a one-masted longboat designed for high speeds and having enemy ship boarding parties on board. 
    This stamp depicts the “Pal” which was a three-masted Maratha man-of-war (warship) with 12 to 20 Guns placed on its broadsides.

     Batela. (After Fig 23 in BK Apte, p. 197)
    Batela: This is a merchant batela with 30 crew. For storing the cargo more than half the batela has roofing. It has a high deck with a flag fluttering from its backside. No guns are seen in the drawing. The batela carries a large lateen sail and a jib-sail supported by a boom. The nationality of the batela is not known(p.197)

    Bagala: MSK. A kind of Arabic vessel. GBP. XIII. ii. 718. “Baghla is a large deep-sea going vessel of Arab or Red Sea origin. The name is generally derived from the Arabic baghla, a mule, because of its carrying power. A later derivation seems to be from baghahal a slow trading vessel, opposed to sambuk, a passenger-boat apparently from sabk fast or outstripping. The shape of the baghla is said to have remained unchanged since the early Egyptian times. Ganj, the name of a large baghla with a figure-head is of doubtful origin.” JRAS. 1st December 1834. “The peculiarity of form and extraordinary equipment of these vessels (Baggla or Budgerow) is said to have been the same from the period of Alexander the Great. They generally trade like Dows, and are navigated by Arabs and the people of Cutch. This singular and rude vessel, as well as the Arab Dow, is peculiarly adapted to the coasts of Arabia and Red Sea, which are subject to the periodical winds, during which these vessels are navigated with much ease. It is not known when this word first came into Marathi. The corruption of the Arabic baghla, as bagla is very natural, as the word bagla (a crane) is originally Marathi.”(pp.299-300)

    *majjhika ʻ boatman ʼ. [Cf. maṅga -- ?]N. mājhimã̄jhi ʻ boatman ʼ; A. māzi ʻ steersman ʼ, B. māji; Or. mājhi ʻ steersman ʼ, majhiā ʻ boatman ʼ, Bi. Mth. H. mã̄jhī m..(CDIAL 9714) Ta. mañci cargo boat with a raised platform; vañci canoe. Ma. mañci a large sort of boat, single-masted Pattimar in coasting trade, holding 10-40 tons; vañci a large boat. Ka. mañji a large boat with one mast used in coasting trade; (Bark.) maccïve a kind of boat. Tu. mañji a long boat, a single-masted country vessel. / Possibly < IA; Turner, CDIAL, no. 9715, mañca- stage, platform. Cf. also 4631 Ta. maccu. (DEDR 4638) மஞ்சி² mañci , n. 1. cf. mañca. [M. mañji.] Cargo boat with a raised platform; படகு. (W.) 2. cf. மஞ்சில்¹. Ridge between garden beds; சிறுவரம்பு. (W.) 3. cf. மச்சு¹. Gable; குறுமாடி. Loc. manchua 'Portuguese corruption of the original Malayalam word manji, for a single-masted country boat used on the Malabar coast of India' (Fernão Mendes PintoRebecca D. Catz, 1989, The Travels of Mendes Pinto, Univ. of Chicago Press, p.40)


    https://msblc.maharashtra.gov.in/pdf/newpdf/next20/A%20HISTORY%20OF%20THE%20MARATHA%20NAVY%20AND%20MERCHANTSHIPS.pdf BK Apte, 1973, A history of the Maratha navy and merchantships, State Board for Literature and Culture, Govt. Central Press, Bombay


    [quote]The earliest references to the navigational activities of our people are to be found in the Rigveda. The words definitely indicative of these activities are nau (boat), shataritram navam (a hundred-oared boat), samudra (sea or expanse of water), and navah samudriyah (paths of the boats in the sea). [For these references see in order I-116-2; I-116-4; I-116-3; I-25-6. The Roman figure stands for the Mandala, the second figure for the Sukta and the third for the Richa of the Rigveda] Terms for a stormy sea, for crossing the sea etc. are also not wanting. The reference to a hundred-oared ship presumes knowledge of ship-building and navigation. Macdonell and Keith in their Vedic Index explain the word samudra to mean a vast expanse of water connoting not necessarily the sea (sam plus udra = collection or expanse of water). Their conclusion is based on the assumption that the Aryans were not primarily a seafaring people like the Semites. The Aryans may not have known seafaring but it would be too presumptuous to state that they had not known the sea.They used the word samudra for the vast expanse of water they came across in the region of the Seven Rivers – Sapta Sindhu. They might also have applied the word samudra for the extensive water they saw at the estuaries of the great rivers like the Sindhu. At any rate the Rigvedic Aryans cannot be denied the knowledge of ship-building and navigation whether the term samudra stands for sea or just for an expanse of water. [Viven the Saint Martin, mentioned by MACDONELL and KETTH in the Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, denies that the Aryans had known the sea.]Besides the Rigveda, the Shatapatha Brahmana, the Mahabharata, the Ramayana, the Manusmriti and the Puranas afford evidence regarding the maritime activities of our ancestors. The sabhaparvan of the Mahabharata mentions the conquest of kings residing on a sea-island by Sahadeva, and the Adiparvan refers to a boat that could stand bad weather and was equipped with mechanical devices. Similarly, references to sea-trade and sea-voyage are available in the Mahabharata. [Hindustahanacha Sagarvikrama, 31-2, by Dr. BHASKAR MAHADEO TEMBE (1943), Yeaotmal District Association Puraskrita Granthamala.] he Manusmriti (7-192) includes naval fights in the discussion on warfare in general.The Arthashastra of Kautilya while describing the duties of the navadhyaksa – the superintendent of ships - gives a brief yet systematic account of navigation. It was the duty of the superintendent of ships to inspect the accounts concerning navigation on the sea, the estuaries, the lakes natural as well as artificial, and the rivers. Varying duties were levied on different articles transported on board the ships. The fisheries and passengers had also to pay taxes. The large ships are called mahanavah and were provided with a shasaka – captain - Niyamaka – steersman, and also with men who worked at the cordage and baled out water.The word datrarashmigrahaka means one who holds a cutter or a cord. The meaning of the word datra as sickle, given by Dr. R. Shamashastry is not significant nautically. However, if datragrahaka is taken to mean holder of the needle, it at once becomes meaningful nautically. If the compass was known in the time of Kautilya a needle-holder (a person operating at the compass) might have been appointed on board a ship. These nautical terms are indicative of the advanced state of navigation in the days of Kautilya. [Kautilya’s Arthashastra, 139-[unquote](ibid., pp.57-58)


    S. Kalyanaraman

    Sarasvati Research Center
    August 12, 2016

    0 0

    Open letter to Gowariker, Director of the Movie
    Gowariker ji, when you make a sequel called Codex Sarasvati, work on a
    riveting spy 007 thriller script of Codex, the IT (Artificial Intelligence expert) girl
    from Chennai reading the 7000 messages written in mlecchita vikalpa
    'meluhha cipher'. 
    The script is so breath-taking, bristling with science and technology, it should
    beat Da Vinci Code hollow.

    Sarasvati Research Center (SRC)
    August 13, 2016

    Movie review: Mohenjodaro