Indus Script deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, 'meluhha cipher' -- Review of S. Kalyanaraman's book by Dr. Shrinivas Tilak

Indus Script deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, 'meluhha cipher' by S. Kalyanaraman (2015 Herndon VA Sarasvari Research Center)

Reviewed by Dr Shrinivas Tilak*

https://shrinivastilak.wordpress.com/
Mirror: https://www.academia.edu/16971574/Shrinivas_Tilak_review_of_S_Kalyanaraman_2015

October 18, 2015

Indus Script deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, 'meluhha cipher'(2015)is a product of Dr Srinivas Kalyanaraman’s reflections on his four decades long research on the Indus Script summarized in the trilogy of his published works on this topic: the Indus Script Corpora constituting catalogus catalogorum of metalwork produced during the Bronze Age in ancient India. The trilogy comprises--1. Indus Script Cipher -- Hieroglyhphs of Indian Linguistic Area (2010) 2. Indus Script: Meluhha metalwork hieroglyphs (2014), and 3. Philosophy of Symbolic forms in Meluhha cipher (2014). The reflective process adopted by Dr Kalyanaraman (hereafter K) is reminiscent of a lion that has traversed some distance in the jungle and now looks back to examine the path he chose and how he covered that distance. The casting of a retrospective glance by the lion is part of the ancient Indian management principle of course correction while at the same time keeping the onward march with his options open (siṁhāvalokana . What well known American education reformer John Dewey said fits with this ancient maxim of Siṁhāvalokana after some re-adaptation: We indeed learn from experience... but we learn more from reflectingon past accomplishment and experience where reflection refers to the deliberate process of assimilating and synthesizing new insights with accumulated knowledge, old stock of hypotheses, and presuppositions and reinterpreting them.

The core thesis of K’s research stands on three founding concepts: Rosetta Stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, and Meluhha cipher (they also figure in the title of the book). The key to decipher the Indus Script Corpora lies in literary/ritual and the trade and commercial activities of the people of the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization who called themselves Bhāratam Janam (metal caster folk = Mleccha/Meluhha) and catalogued their life-activities in (1) Ŗgveda and (2) in Indus Script Corpora, which now numbers about seven thousand inscriptions of cipher text. They were poets and philosophers of sacred fire (agni) as well as workers in smithy and forge and these two activities were conveyed by one and same word (kole.l). Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization produced creative works that employed recurring (1) literary and rhetorical devices (chanda= prosody) and (2) pictorial motifs that were linked to spoken forms of Mleccha/Meluhha language words. They are two sides of the trope: one is literary/musical side that used the prosody; the other is life-activity side (mlechhita vikalpa) which used the 'metalwork catalogue' to create the Indus Script Corpora.

K also presupposes that Indian languages of today are derivatives of the lingua franca (i.e. Mleccha/Meluhha language) of the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. Key lexemes of modern Indian languages provide the morphemes that can be used to attach ‘sound-bites’ of the homonyms to the pictorials in inscriptions of the script. This, in turn, attests to the continuity of the civilization in the present-day spoken languages of the [Indian] sub-continent. The pictorials in inscriptions represent ‘meaningful’ messages related to everyday life activities of ancient Indians. K provides readings of these messages from ‘homonyms’ of the morphemes attached to the pictorials. He pinpoints the ‘sound bites’ of the lingua franca of the civilization by tentatively identifying homonyms for the pictorials in inscriptions (Kalyanaraman 2015: 16-17).

Rosetta stone refers to a carved stone found in 196 BCE in a town called Rosetta (Rashid) bearing the same text/message in three different languages two of which are already known (Egyptian and Greek) and in three scripts (hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek) to enable priests, government officials, and rules of Egypt to read the message inscribed on a given stone. By pairing up words from the language that a scholar may know (say Greek) to symbols in the unknown language, it is possible to decipher the unknown language. ‘Rosetta stone’ thus can act as a metaphor. In his latest book K makes use of six such [Rosetta] stones bearing inscriptions in Indus Script in his effort to improve upon his ongoing research in the decipherment of the Indus Script. Toward that objective, he also takes into account hundreds of punch-marked coins found across India—from Gandhara (Afghanistan) to Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka. A common feature of these stones and coins is, he informs the reader, hieroglyphs that point to metals and metal works.

Vātsyāyana in his Kāmasūtra lists ‘Mlecchita vikalpa’ [Mleccha alternative or option] under one of the sixty-four arts to be taught to the youth in a chapter titled: Vidyāsamuddeśa (objectives of education). Hemacandra Muni's Dēśīnāmamālā lists many examples of indistinct speech which are recognized as derivative forms (tatsamaand tadbhava) of Prakrit in Sanskrit. Hence, mleccha/meluhha is identifiable as ancient Prakrit form of Indian Sprachbund (linguistic union). According to K the underlying language of the glyphs which furnish the glyptic elements and concordant homonyms happened to be in the Mleccha/Meluhha language, which was distinct only to the extent that it did not always employ the grammatically correct forms as speakers of Sanskrit (the language in which the Vedic canon and other sacred literature are preserved). The speakers of Mleccha are not generally described as belonging to one particular area or a social group which suggests that they were spread all across the Indian cultural zone and constituted a substantial majority of the population of India. By profession they were traders, artisans, and metal workers (Kalyanaraman 2010: 40-41). Since mleccha in Sanskrit also denotes copper, Mlecchita vikalpa may also be understood as metal worker’s speech forms.

The Mleccha/Meluhha component of the Indian cultural zone circafive thousand years ago went unnoticed simply because it has always been around as a dialectical continuum stretching from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, from Dholavira to Dacca. The prehistory of Indian civilization too is all around emphasizing the cultural continuity to present day. Like the postman in G.K. Chesterton’s The Innocence of Father Brown, India’s ancestral postmen have always been around delivering the message in emphatic glyphs constituting over three thousand epigraphs on lexemes of the linguistic area of this civilization whose substratum language is Mleccha. Somehow, even modern Indians failed to notice the postman even though the seals were discovered close to the banks of River Sarasvati in the recent past (Kalyanaraman 2015: 262). Thanks to K’s researches, however, it is possible to recognize and identify the Mleccha/Meluhha messenger, his language, and the legacy he has left for all Indians.

K tells us that onset of Bronze Age in the Sarasvati/Sindhu basin gave rise to several new technologies that ranged from cire perduecasting technique to production of alloys (bronzes/brasses/pewter) complementing arsenical copper. This development, in turn, necessitated the invention and development of a writing system, that later came to be known as Meluhha cipher as evidenced in the now extant corpora of over seven thousand inscriptions .The cipher included a code and a code key (like including with shipment a font that you may have used to generate a file?) known as the rebus; see below) to transform and transfer information and messages that were deliberately obscured so that the messages could not be read or understood even if they were intercepted. Their trade associates in other parts of the world who received the messages were able to securely decipher the text of the coded message by performing an inverse substitution using the code keys ((Kalyanaraman 2014: 12).

K’s basic method of deciphering the Indus Script originates in the well known dictum of Tolkappiyam (a work on the grammar of the Tamil language): all words are semantic indicators (ellaac collum porul kur-ittanave) which leads him to incorporate elements of the method known as the rebus.Rebus (in Latin ablative plural of res = things) means ‘of or by things’ and by extension ‘not by words but by things.’ An example illustrates the rebus principle--The sounds in the sentence, ‘I can see you’ can be written down by using the pictograph of ‘eye-can-sea-ewe’ (Kalyanaraman 2015:262).[1]

As a result of his siṁhāvalokana, K is able to shed additional light on his interpretive effort of Indus Script Corpora by introducing Theodore Nelson’s concept of 'hypertext' as hieroglyph multiplex text (or 'hyper-cipher text'), i.e., a body of written or pictorial material of hieroglyphs in such a complex interconnected way that it constitutes a rebus-metonymy-tiered cipher, rendering a cipher text.[2] He then suggests that a similar cipher composed of hieroglyphs was used in rebus-metonymy-tiered-mlecchita vikalpa (Kalyanaraman 2015: 270-271). Metonymy, a sub-category of metaphor, is a rhetorical figure or trope by which the name of a referent is replaced by the name of an attribute, or of an entity related in some semantic way. Thus, in a statement ‘The White House released its official report today,’ ‘The White House’ stands for the US presidential administration (Wales 2011: 267-268).

Following Wales, K explains that two tiers of substitution occur in the Indus Script cipher: tier 1--semantic metonymy where homonym or similar-sounding word is substituted to create the ciphertext or encrypted message and tier 2--orthographic metonymy where picture substitutes for phonetics of a word. Decryption of ciphertext is achieved by applying the two tiers of the cipher to arrive at the decrypted, plain text. Thus, the ‘blacksmith’ is encrypted in the Indus Script Corpora as follows--A seemingly unrelated semantic unit (sememe) is brought together in metaphor (as a semantic function) by the similar-sounding phonetic structure associated with another sememe. When a sememe 'blacksmith' is brought together with a sememe 'bull,' the similar sounding phonetic structure of the two sememes will bring the two in a semantic function of a metaphor (see Kalyanaraman 2015 https://www.academia.edu/11283552/Explaining_a_writing_system_as_ciphertext_layered_rebus-metonymy_in_ancient_Indus_Script_Corpora_from_ca._3500_BCE; accessed on Oct 14, 2015). K’s interpretive effort enables him to decode most hieroglyphs as pointing to the repertoire of miners and metal smiths of the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization.

Named after the 14th- century English logician and Franciscan friar William of Ockham, Occam's razor is a principle which states that the explanation of any phenomenon should make as few assumptions as possible, eliminating those that make no difference in the observable predictions of the explanatory hypothesis or theory. The razor evokes an act of shaving away unnecessary assumptions in order to arrive at the simplest explanation. Many scientists have adopted or reinvented Occam's razor, as in Leibniz's ‘identity of observables’ and Isaac Newton’ rule: We are to admit no more causes of natural things than such as are both true and sufficient to explain their appearances (Gibbs 1996). Put differently, when you have two competing theories that make exactly the same predictions, the simpler one is the better.

K’s reflections call for re-evaluation of interpretations of some art-historians of ancient art in India and in Southeast Asia because their accounts remain restricted to astronomical or religious contexts. Some of them wax eloquent on and conjecture that the Peepal tree was an aniconic representation of the Bodhi tree and hence the Buddha. For K such conjectures may not always be the total truth or reality and hence, not a full representation of messages conveyed by artifacts. This unfortunate situation has arisen because some art historians have failed to take into account the spoken/written languages of the artisans who created the artifacts and glosses from the languages which had signified the messages conveyed by hieroglyphs--a lotus, a rhizome, ox-hide ingot graphics or a dwarf.

K concurs with Hans J. Nissen’s view that writing initially was a means of recording the details of economic transactions. Seals and clay counters (small clay artifacts in geometric shapes that represented numbers or quantities) had been used since the sixth millennium. In order to reconstruct specific transactions, seals were relied upon to identify the participants, and token (or counters) identified the amounts and numbers of the commodities involved. Writing represented an answer to the urgent needs of the economic administration and not a desire to write religious, historical, or literary texts (see http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/10/art-historians-dilemma-and-occams-razor.html).

In light of the above, K reminds us that the artisans of Bharhut were literate as can be discerned from inscriptions in the known Brāhmī script. Along with Kharoshthi syllabic script, it was used to explain images--for example citing references to Jātaka stories on many Bauddha monuments extending all over Central Asia and Bharata (Luders et al 1963: 158-159)(Kalyanaraman 2015: 158-159). Yet, besides inscriptions the literate artisans also used images and hieroglyphs because they complemented the Indus Script writing tradition with the ability to convey precise comprehensive messages about lay life-activities of metal workers.

K reminds any would be historian of art in ancient India that sculptural artifacts act as hieroglyphic representations of everyday, mundane life-activities of the people of the times--for example, the output of metal smiths and lapidaries producing wealth. In ancient Indian tradition a temple often also served as a smithy the two being denoted by one gloss: kole.l. This gloss is engraved on a number of hieroglyphs in rebus-metonymy-tiered cipher renderings by engravers, scribes, sculptors, and architects who created the magnificence of Bharhut sculpture complex in modern Madhyapradesh (Kalyanaraman 2015: 159). Accordingly, artifacts or sculptural representations do not necessarily and narrowly relate to Bauddha or Jaina or Hindu religious themes. They may, rather, relate to depiction of and signify life-activities creating wealth through lapidary-metalwork activities, trading activities and working with stones, minerals, metals, alloys. Others produced cire perdue metal castings which had exchange value across civilization contact areas (Kalyanaraman 2015: 159).

The key question that any art historian should therefore ask before interpreting images or an ancient sculptural frieze is this: how did the artisan ‘name’ a hieroglyph, what did the artisan ‘say’ about the images in his/her spoken mother tongue, lingua franca or speech forms of the guild or community of artisans? The moral of the story in art appreciation or art history is this: start with finding the name of the artifact in the lingua franca of the artisan (Kalyanaraman 2015: 159, 168-169).

K’s decipherment of an exquisite bronze statue from Mohenjo-daro, referred to as 'dancing girl,' conveys hieroglyph based Mleccha/Meluhha messages unambiguously in orthographic and artistic expressions. This is consistent with his conviction that the Indus Script Corpora is catalogus catalogorum of metalwork of the Bronze Age. K argues that the object held in her hand is a lamp which possibly was used with a wick and oil to shed light on a demonstration piece, an exhibit of the metallurgical competence of the artisans of Mohenjo-daro.

The Śrīvatsa hieroglyph multiplex occurs on top of the third architrave of North gate (toraņa) of Sanchi stūpa along with two sets of hieroglyphs: A spoked wheel ligatured to four elephants as the centre-piece and a pair of winged-tigers flanking the entire set of hieroglyphs. This entire hieroglyph multiplex signifies, to K, an announcement (like an advertisement board comparable to the Dholavira Gateway Board): welcoming visitors/pilgrims to the quarter of the town (vaṭhara) of Vidiśā (Besanagara) in modern Madhyapradesh inhabited by smelters, iron workers, and metal casters. It also served as a temple of worship because in Mleccha/Meluhha semantic tradition, as noted above, kole.l signifies both a smithy and a temple (See http://tinyurl.com/ofda5rw).

In sum, siṁhāvalokana suggests to K that hieroglyph-writing of Indus Script could be better understood from an economic angle following the insight based on Nissen’s argument above. As the evolution of the Bronze Age introduced new products that impacted on urban living, it became necessary to document and communicate information about the metalwork from an everyday, mundane perspective. Yet, many art historians start with a caveat emptor, underlining the importance of relating an object to the cultural and historical settings and proceed to make strings of assumptions about facets of life activities being impacted by religion, divinity, or rulership. To resolve the art historians' dilemma, which leads to added assumptions, K decides to apply his retrospective glance and brings in Occam's razor to prune or to shave out such unnecessary accretions. 

As in other ancient advanced civilizations, metals and minerals figured prominently in trade carried out in the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization. Harappans were involved in an extensive and complex system of mutual relations and trading network, facilitating transactions of a variety of metals and minerals. Copper was the first metal that had been used for manufacturing different tools and artefacts. Bronze, a copper alloy with a percentage of tin, was produced by adding tin to copper in order to increase pliability and strength of copper making it more fluid and easier to cast. His study of bronze technology and the examination of copper based alloy artefacts from the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization brought K to archaeo-metallurgical investigation in order to correlate the linguistic evidence with archaeological data and other historical facts pertaining to the Indus Script Corpora. Thanks to the relatively better preserved data and evidence on metal objects and artefacts, K was able to posit that itinerant Mleccha/Meluhha metal smiths with their metal wares contributed significantly in the rise of social elites in the complex Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization.

An architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (gaņas) worshipping with flower garlands a Śivalińga on a platform with wall under a Peepal tree encircled by railing found at Bhuteshwar Mahadeo temple in Mathura (ca. 2nd cent BCE; Srivastava 1999). The symbolism invested in a relief at Candi Sukuh, a fifteenth century mountain sanctuary in Central Java, is continuous with Bhuteswar temple friezes of Mathura in modern Uttar Pradesh thus linking Śivalińga to a smelter and processes of the smith working with minerals to produce metallic implements. For K, the tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the lińgaand is comparable to the monumental six feet tall inscribed stone lińga discovered in Candi Sukuh. Another lińgaat Candi Cetho shows a pair of balls at the top of the generative organ which K reads rebus as Meluhha hieroglyph composition for iron, metal ware (lo-khaņḑa; Kalyanaraman 2015: 272-274).

K explains the presence of lińga and yūpa-skaṁbha (pillar used in yajἢa) in a stellain fire-altars uncovered in Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization archaeological sites where the lińgaserves as a hieroglyph denoting 'ingot smelter.' Such metallurgical, allegorical interpretations of the everyday lifestyle and activities of people engaged in metals and metal ware trade is K’s significant contribution to the decipherment of the Indus script as revealed through over three thousand inscriptions on seals, tablets, copper tablets and on metallic weapons. He reads in these inscriptions lists and catalogs of bronze/brass/copper weapons produced by the fire- and metal-workers of the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization.

India has a fascinating history of cultural relationship with South-East Asia, spanning across more than the last two millennia, mainly with the spread of Buddhism and Hinduism, deeply impacting the cultural, religious and social lives of people in countries such as Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Vietnam. The Hindu-Buddhist monuments in South-East Asia stand testimony of this peaceful and mutually beneficial interaction. K observes that seafaring merchants spread their wares on the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi in the East to Haifa, Israel in the West. These artisans from Indian Sprachbund also took their culture and Śivalińgas up to Hanoi, Vietnam as evidenced by the exquisite cire perdue castings found on bronze drums at Dong Son with such Indus Script hieroglyphs as heron, antelope, or the sun (see http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/02/hieroglyphs-on-dong-son-drums-relate-to.html).

At Candi Sukuh there is a relief sculpture that depicts two workers forging a weapon in a smithy. This scene has resisted satisfactory explication since no textual source has been adduced for the iconography. The scholars accordingly find such a mundane metallurgical endeavor incongruous in a sanctuary devoted to ancestor worship and to rites aimed at securing liberation from earthly bonds after death. Stanley O’Connor, an eminent scholar of archaeology in Southeast Asia, finds in the Candi Sukuh relief a visionary assertion that the operations of the smith and smelter parallel cosmic processes. With their ability to alter the mode of being of metals, these smiths also seem to possess, argues O’Connor, the key to the means of spiritual transcendence. In support of his argument that iron working was a metaphor for spiritual transmutation in ancient Java, O’Connor presents evidence that includes myths surrounding the smith; a description of śrāddha rites in the fourteenth century text, the Negara Kertagrama, and Tantric rites in palace ceremonies in Central Java (O’Connor 1985).[3]

An inclusive and integrative spirit pervades all forms of inquiry in Indian thinking. Having inherited that legacy, K connects the extant hieroglyph-multiplex and iconogrpahic advances in archaeo-metallurgy and Indus Script Corpora with the adhyātmikainquiry in the Skaṁbha Sūkta of Atharvaveda unraveling the purification processes signified by the Śivalińga is made in that very spirit. This redemptive vision nuanced by metallurgy as offered by O’Connor, informs K’s retrospective gaze: that the artisans have enacted in visual terms the deeply felt correspondence between metallurgy and the human urge for transcendence, that the relief surrounding a Śivalińga is relevant to its context, that its meaning is rooted in an important religious and imaginative complex--the Śivalińga and its worship.

At a conference on the History of Religions (Sorbonne University, Paris; September 1900) Swami Vivekananda connected Śivalińga worship to the search for liberation as spelled out in the Skaṁbha Sūkta. Śivalińga is metaphorical rendering of the effulgence (sun and moon) associated with the pillar of light in this Sukta yielding the imagery of a representation of a fiery pillar with unfathomable beginning and unreachable end thus of infinity of Mahādeva representing transcendent self (paramātman) for the self (ātman) in search of liberation (mokşa). Thus interpreted, the Sūkta connects with the frieze at Airavateśvara Temple at Darasuram near Kumbhakonam where Śiva is depicted emerging out of the lińga with Brahmā as swan (haṁsa) searching in the heavens and Vişņu digging into the earth to find the end-less, beginningless form of the Skaṁbha. For K, the iconographic reinforcement of Candi Sukuh as detailed by O’Connor validates Swami Vivekananda's inspired explanation of the Skaṁbha Sūkta from Atharvaveda (10:7) as a representation of Yūpa-Skaṁbha. Following O’’Connor’s insight that iron working was a metaphor for spiritual transmutation in ancient Java, K surmises that both the Bauddha dagobaand Śivalińga serve as a metaphor for the axis mundi linking earth and heaven.

K’s latest book can serve as a useful introduction and guide to his trilogy that is close two thousand pages long. Readers will be thankful to him for lucidly explaining the operation of the rebus method he employs with reference to metonymy. But they will be perplexed by his reinterpretation of history of art in ancient India, which is at odds with that of archaeo-metallurgy in the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization. While he advises the art historian to stress only the mundane and material (i.e. laukika); the archaeologist is encouraged to take into account both the mundane and transcendent (laukika + lokottara) perspectives in the interpretation of the Śivalińga. In fact, when he approvingly writes that the pinnacle of ancient India’s achievement in metallurgy is signified by the iron pillars of Dhar, Mount Abu, Udayagiri (now in Delhi Qutb Minar premises), and Kodachadri, he seems to favor lokottara over the laukikaperspective. Artisans erected flag staffs (dhwaja skaṁbhas) to serve as the guidepost of lives. They are not artifacts engineered to pronounce their glorious achievements but to praise and celebrate the glory of the divine, sacred principle. Such was the dedication, l'acte gratuite of Bhāratam Janam (see http://tinyurl.com/nfq3bsv). This line of thinking in India generally avoids any either/or binary model opting instead for the ‘this and that too’ (i.e. laukika + lokottara) model. Being reductionist in orientation, Occam’s razor perhaps does not fit in, and cannot be suitably applied to, the Indian way of thinking as A. K. Ramanujan might have argued. Hopefully, in his next siṁhāvalokana Dr Kalyanaraman will reflect on this methodological quandary.

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Eliade, Mircea. Mircea  Eliade 1962. The Forge and the Crucible: The Origins and Structures of Alchemy, trans. Stephen Corrin. New York: Harper.

Gibbs, Phil. 1996. What is Occam's Razor?http://math.ucr.edu/home/baez/physics/General/occam.html(accessed October 8, 2015.

Kalyanaraman, S. 2015. Indus Script deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, 'meluhha cipher.' Herndon VA: Sarasvari Researc Center

Kalyanaraman. S. 2015 An object lesson for Art historians: learn Meluhha lingua franca of Indus Script Corpora, of Bharatam Janam.[http://tinyurl.com/q8ldehr]; June 29, 2015

Kalyanaraman. S. 2014. Philosophy of Symbolic Forms in Meluhha Cipher. Herndon: Sarasvati Research Center.

_________http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/worship-of-sivalingam-in-harappa.html Swami Vivekananda explains Yupa-skambha and AV skambha sukta; http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/10/skambha-sukta-in-atharva-veda-and.html

___________Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes of Mohenjo-daro dancing girl holding a lamp deciphered

_________Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/qe9yu4l

_________ Explaining a writing system as ciphertext, layered rebus-metonymy in ancient Indus Script Corpora, from ca. 3500 BCE

________https://www.academia.edu/8776901/Indus_script_hieroglyphs_continued_use_in_ancient_Indian_mints_evidenced_by_punch-marked_coins

________http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/10/art-historians-dilemma-and-occams-razor.html 

Luders, H., Waldschmidt, E., Mehendale, M. A. eds. 1963. Bharhut Inscriptions. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum II. Ootacamund: Archaeological Survey of India.

Nelson, T.H. 1965. A file structure for the Complex, the changing and the indeterminate. In Proceedings of the 20th ACM National Conference, New York, Association for Computing Machinery (1965: 84-100).

O'Connor, Stanley J., 1985. Metallurgy and Immortality at Caṇḍi Sukuh, Central Java. Indonesia, Vol 39 (April 1985).

Raman, K. V. 2001. Story of a mystical river: review of Sarasvati by S. Kalyanaraman. Chennai: Hindu, May 1, 2001.

Srivastava, A.K. 1999. Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625.

Tilak, Shrinivas. 2014. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.ca/2014/06/philosophy-of-symbolic-forms-in-meluhha.html

Tilak, Shrinivas. 2014. https://www.academia.edu/9643316/A_review_of_Dr_S._Kalyanaraman_s_trilogy_by_Dr_Shrinivas_Tilak

Wales, Katie. 2011. Dictionary of Stylistics.

* Dr Shrinivas Tilak (PhD History of religions, McGill University, Montreal, Canada) is an independent researcher based in Guelph, Ontario, Canada. His publications include The Myth of Sarvodaya: A study in Vinoba's concept (New Delhi: Breakthrough Communications 1984); Religion and Aging in the Indian Tradition (Albany, N. Y.: State University of New York Press, 1989), Understanding karma in light of Paul Ricoeur's philosophical anthropology and hermeneutics  (Charleston, SC: BookSurge, revised, paperback edition, 2007), and Reawakening to a secular Hindu nation: M. S. Golwalkar’s vision of a Dharmasāpekşa Hindurāşţra (Charleston, SC: BookSurge, 2009).