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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    Attached is the initial Announcement of the 1st Abdul Kalam Conference at IITM, July 11-14, 2019. titled "Sustainable Development at Sustainable Cost".

    Please participate, and send the announcement to your contacts as well. 

    Thanks and best regards

    Narayanan Komerath

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    Sanskrit – A Language of Integral Perfection

    The sheer depth and fecundity of Sanskrit makes it a peerless language which deserves much exploration.
    Posted On: 26 Dec 2018

    Sampadananda Mishra is a Sanskrit scholar from Odisha who is the director of Sri Aurobindo Foundation for Indian Culture in Pondicherry. He received his MPhil degree in Sanskrit working under V. Kutumba Sastry and his Ph.D. degree from Utkal University in Sanskrit as well as the evolution of human speech. Through the Vande Mataram Library Trust, an open-source and volunteer-driven project, he plans to generate verified, authentic English translations of almost all important scriptures available in Sanskrit. He regularly conducts wokshops, training programmes, and talks for students and teachers of Sanskrit, Mantra, Yoga and Bhagavad Gita while also running a 24-hour Sanskrit-language radio station called Divyavani Sanskrit Radio. He was awarded the Maharshi Badrayan Vyas Award for Sanskrit by the President of India in 2012. 


    The source of human language, as experienced and expressed by the ancient Indian Rishis, is the urge to express an inner experience. An ideal language must enable the individual to express his experience with minimum loss of meaning, with minimum expenditure of energy, and with minimum number of words. The quality of a language then depends on the efficiency and effectiveness with which the language enables the individual to express his experience; how perfectly it can communicate and arouse in the listener the exact experience of the speaker. It has to encompass the infinite variety and richness of life, its moods, its depths and its heights and reflect them like a perfect mirror, without any distortion. This is a difficult and challenging task. It demands the capacity to harmonise contradictory qualities. The language must be supple and flexible, capable of subtle shades and nuances, and yet efficient and efficacious, clear, precise and unambiguous. It must be compact and pithy and also rich and opulent; concise yet suggestive, strong and powerful yet sweet and charming, capable of growth and expansion to meet new challenges of the future, and at the same time an inspiring repository of all the great achievements of the past. An impossible demand, one would say. But Sanskrit has successfully met this challenge as perhaps no other language has. This is why it is known as ‘Sanskrit’ – that which is sculpted to perfection and has been well structured and refined to the utmost.

    When we look at Sanskrit, we find that in the course of its long evolution it has acquired a fullness and completeness. In other words, this is a language which is complete in all the dimensions of its personality. Its power of expression is commendable. Its power to create new words is incredible. Its flexibility is remarkable. Its linguistic structure is unblemished. Its richness of vocabulary is unparalleled. Its literature marks excellence in all fields of knowledge. We can go on speaking about the remarkable features of Sanskrit and the list always remains endless. But let me explain this with an example of how Sanskrit fulfills all that makes it a language of integral perfection.

    The power of expression

    Sanskrit is immensely capable of expressing every kind of human experience, spiritual, aesthetic and intellectual. It has an unambiguous linguistic structure. Its grammar is perfect. It is unimaginably rich in its vocabulary. It provides various alternatives and possibilities from which the speaker can choose just the right word and the right structure. Here comes the significance of synonyms in Sanskrit. This is a language where synonyms are plenty. What is a synonym?   Synonyms are equivalent words that can be interchanged in a context. In most languages, synonyms are different names for the same object. They are words that grow out of a convention and do not often have any inherent significance. One could have used the same word to denote a completely different object and, if the convention was sufficiently strong, the word would become a synonym for that object. But this is not so in Sanskrit. Firstly, the name is not just a convention but grows out of a root with the addition of specific suffixes. Therefore, its meaning too is not a convention but is very specific and determined. The synonyms of a word are not just alternate names, where one can replace one by another. Each synonym grows out of and reveals a special quality or attribute of that object. One has to choose from the many possibilities to the one that conveys best the exact property in mind.

    For example, the word fire has as many as thirty-four equivalents in Sanskrit. The dictionary called Amarakosha prepared by Amarasimha is a dictionary of equivalent words in Sanskrit. Here we find all the thirty-four words for fire. They are:

    अग्निः agniḥ वैश्वानरः vaiśvānaraḥ वह्निः vahniḥ वीतहोत्रः vītahotraḥ धनञ्जयः dhanañjayaḥ कृपीटयोनिः kṛpīṭayoniḥ ज्वलनः jvalanaḥ जातवेदस् jātavedas तनूनपात् tanūnapāt बर्हिः barhiḥ शुष्मा śuṣmā कृष्णवर्त्मा kṛṣṇavartmā शोचिष्केशः śociṣkeśaḥ उषर्बुधः uṣarbudhaḥ आश्रयाशः āśrayāśaḥ बृहद्भानुः bṛhadbhānuḥ कृशानुः kṛśānuḥ पावकःpāvakaḥ अनलः analaḥ रोहिताश्वः rohitāśvaḥ वायुसखः vāyusakhaḥ शिखावान् śikhāvān आशुशुक्षणिः āśuśukṣaṇiḥ हिरण्यरेतस् hiraṇyaretas हुतभुक् hutabhuk दहनःdahanaḥ हव्यवाहनः havyavāhanaḥ सप्तार्चिः saptārciḥ दमुनाः damunāḥ शुक्रः śukraḥ चित्रभानुः citrabhānuḥ विभावसुः vibhāvasuḥ शुचिः śuciḥ अप्पित्तम् appittam

    Each word here has a specific and different connotation and leads to a particular experience with fire, represents a particular quality of fire. For example viû vahnicomes from the root vah ‘to carry’, and means that which carries (the offerings to the gods); while Jvln  jvalana  comes from the root jval ‘to burn’, and means that which is burning; similarly pavk pävaka comes from the root puu  ‘to purify’, and means that which purifies; and zu:ma çuñmä comes from the root shush ‘to dry’, and means that which dries up. The word Anl anala means ‘not enough’ na alam, it conveys that nothing is enough for the fire. It is the 'all devourer', ever dissatisfied one. The entire creation can go into the mouth of the fire, still it is not enough. So, it is for the writer or the speaker to decide the most appropriate word for ‘fire’ in a given context. This adds to the expressiveness of Sanskrit.

    Due to its vast creative possibilities, it is also capable of expressing precisely and minutely, abstract thoughts as well as the most profound and sublime ideas. The supreme experiences and unusual conceptions  which are a part of the yogic experience are “difficult to represent accurately in any other language than the ancient Sanskrit tongue in which alone they have been to some extent systematised.” [Sri Aurobindo:  ‘The Synthesis of Yoga’, SABCL  Vol.20, pp. 11-12]

    Look at the texts of various Upanishads. Do you know what the Upanishads are? The word Upanishad literally means ‘to sit near’ (the Guru). While writing about the Upanishads in his book, The Foundations of Indian Culture, Sri Aurobindo says:
    “The Upanishads are at once profound religious scriptures (for they are a record of the deepest spiritual experiences), documents of revelatory and intuitive philosophy of an inexhaustible light, power and largeness and, whether written in verse or cadenced prose, spiritual poems of an absolute, an unfailing inspiration inevitable in phrase, wonderful in rhythm and expression. It is the expression of a mind in which philosophy and religion does not end with a cult nor is limited to a religio-ethical aspiration, but rises to an infinite discovery of God, of Self, of our highest and whole reality of spirit and being… Here the intuitive mind and intimate psychological experience of the Vedic seers pass into a supreme culmination in which the Spirit reveals the very word of its self-expression and makes the mind discover the vibration of rhythms which repeat themselves within, in the spiritual hearing & seem to build up the soul and set it satisfied and complete on the heights of self-knowledge...” (Sri Aurobindo, SABCL, Vol. 14, p.269)
    One can find in the language of the Upanishads the utmost brevity of expression. Take, for example, the invocatory verse of the Isha Upanishad, one of the ten principal Upanishads. It says:

    पूर्णमदः पूर्णमिदं पूर्णात्पूर्णमुदच्यते।
    पूर्णस्य पूर्णमादाय पूर्णमेवावशिष्यते।।

    pūrṇamadaḥ pūrṇamidaṃ pūrṇātpūrṇamudacyate।
    pūrṇasya pūrṇamādāya pūrṇamevāvaśiṣyate।।

    All this is full. All that is full.
    From fullness, fullness comes.
    When fullness is taken from fullness,
    Fullness still remains.

    This brief utterance is immensely rich in its thought contents. I am not going to explain the verse in detail, that is not my purpose, what I am trying is to give you a feel of the intensity of the power of expression that is there in the verse. In the Upanishads, we find a clear expression of the thoughts with minimum use of words. Upanishads are short but one can spend whole life time trying to understand even one out of the hundreds of Upanishads.

    Further, the concept of sutra is simply amazing. A sutra is like an apothegmatic expression which is short, pithy and a versatile sentence presenting a concept in the most efficient, compact and thorough manner. This is very peculiar to Sanskrit. The Yogasutras of Patanjali, the Brahmasutra of Badarayana, Kamasutra of Vatsyayana are few popular scriptures written in sutra form. It is said in some ancient scripture that a sutra must have the minimum number of syllables – alpaksharam. Not even one syllable should be extra or superfluous. There should be no scope for doubts or ambiguity – asandigdham. It should have something worth-while and of value to express – saaravat. It should have wide applicability in diverse situations and should not be confined to a few particular instances – vishvatomukham. It should be free from errors, inadequacies and fillers – astobham. It should stand on its own strength. It should present a truth that is irrefutable – anavadyam.

    Panini, who is regarded as the father of Sanskrit grammar, has presented the grammar of Sanskrit in the form sutras in his book Ashtadhyayi. There are approximately four thousand sutras in eight chapters in which Panini has presented the whole Sanskrit language. This is considered to be the greatest monument of the world that the human genius has brought forth. I am quoting here a few sutras from Ashtadhyayi for showing the utmost brevity that Panini has achieved in composing his text on grammar.

    1. ध्रुवमपायेƧपादानम् dhruvamapāyeƧpādānam 1.4.24
    When there is a movement away, the fixed part from which the movement takes palce is known as apadana (ablative).
    2. कर्मणा यमभिप्रैति स सम्प्रदानम् karmaṇā yamabhipraiti sa sampradānam 1.4.32
    That which the agent wishes to reach through the object is known as sampradana (dative).
    3. साधकतमं करणम् sādhakatamaṃ karaṇam 1.4.42
    That which is most instrumental in bringing an action to accomplishment is known as karana (instrumental).
    4. आधारोƧधिकरणम् ādhāroƧdhikaraṇam 1.4. 44
    That which serves as locus is known as adhikarana (locative).
    5. कर्तुरीप्सिततमं कर्म karturīpsitatamaṃ karma 1.4.49
    That which the agent wishes the most is known as karma (accusative).
    6. स्वतन्त्रः कर्ता svatantraḥ kartā 1.4.54
    That which is independent of everything is known as karta (Nominative).

    These are sutras related to the karaka section of Ashtadhyayi which deals with the syntax of Sanskrit. You cannot really believe how much information that the sutrashave within themselves.

    Now I will give you a few examples of different types of compositions in Sanskrit where you will experience something truly amazing. Here you can see the utmost flexibility of Sanskrit language and the high connotative power of the words in Sanskrit.

    Have you ever heard this famous sentence in English which says, “Able was I ere I saw Elba”? Do you know who said this? It was great Napoleon who said this when he was imprisoned in the island of Elba. What is so special about this sentence? Just read it once more. And try to read it once more from right to left. What do you find? It reads the same. This is called Palindrome. There are, in English, words like peep, noon, did, dad, madam etc. which when read from both left to right or right to left give you the same sounds and same meanings. I will show you here one example from a Sanskrit text in which you will not only see Palindromes but you'll also be amazed to see the genius of the poet and the utmost flexibility of the Sanskrit language. Here is the verse:

    तं भूसुतामुक्तिमुदारहासं वंदे यतो भव्यभवं दयाश्रीः।
    श्रीयादवं भव्यभतोयदेवं संहारदामुक्तिमुतासुभूतम्।।

    taṃ bhūsutāmuktimudārahāsaṃ vaṃde yato bhavyabhavaṃ dayāśrīḥ।
    śrīyādavaṃ bhavyabhatoyadevaṃ saṃhāradāmuktimutāsubhūtam।।

    Here you can see that the second half of the verse is formed by reversing the first half. Then the entire verse from left to right and right to left is the same. Another important thing about this verse is that the first half is a description of Lord Rama, and the second half, which is the reverse of the first half, describes Lord Krishna. Is it not amazing? Is it not outstanding? How can a poet do this? Also, you can observe that by reversing the first line or by reading it from right to left, the arrangement of syllables by short and long remains intact, there is no loss in the rhythmic pattern. It follows perfectly the rules of metrics, rules of grammar, and rules of poetry. Everything is perfectly maintained. What will you call this? Is it Arts or Science or Mathematics or poetry or a formula or a Mantra? I can see everything here integrated into a single whole. This is what I call the perfection of Sanskrit. Only a perfect language can express things in this manner. This particular verse is taken from a text called Ramakrishna-viloma-kavya written by Suryakavi. There are fifty such verses where the first half is about Lord Rama and the same line in a reverse manner forms the second half describing Lord Krishna.

    Likewise, it is possible in Sanskrit to compose poetry using only a few consonants, or by dropping a group of letters. Or sometimes you can see verses in which there is only one vowel with the other consonants. It is also possible in Sanskrit to compose a verse in which all the consonants of Sanskrit appear in the same order as they are in the alphabet. There is a whole gamut of poetry which has such wonderful and unimaginable compositions.  What I would like to convey is that the language is immensely capable of facilitating such expressions. Unless and until a language attains certain perfection, you cannot have such power of expression.

    Let me tell you about another type of composition in Sanskrit which is known as sandhanakavya. In this type of poetry one can find, sometimes, one verse describing two or five or seven different topics. The poet who makes a composition of this type has several topics in his mind and the words he uses have the ability to express all the different topics in a single verse. For example in the Raghava-pandviya poem composed by a poet named Dhananjaya we find the story of Ramayana and the Mahabharata in each of its verse. Saptasandhanakavya of Meghavijaya describes the story of seven great men. Each of its verses tells seven different stories simultaneously. I present here a very interesting story which illustrates one such verse. I hope you know the story of Nala and Damayanti. This is a story in the Mahabharata, one of the two great epics of India. Sriharsha, a master poet in Sanskrit took this episode of the Mahabharata as the topic of his epic poetry called Naishadhiya-chcaritam. In the thirteenth canto of this poem Sriharsha gives the description of svayamvara (choosing of bride-groom) ceremony of Damayanti. Damayanti has decided to choose Nala as her consort, whom she loves. But in order to test the fidelity of her love she has been put to a test. In the ceremony there are Indra, Agni, Varuna, Yama and Nala, but the four gods have assumed the form of Nala. Now, from the five, Damayanti has to choose her beloved Nala. Goddess Saraswati is there to introduce each of them to Damayanti. Being the goddess of speech she cannot tell a lie, and if she speaks the truth then there is no point in having the trick. What is to be done in this situation? Now poet Sriharsha composes just one verse. And this single verse is capable of conveying five different meanings. Goddess Saraswati introduces each of them by reciting the same verse. And each time she knows what she means. To explain the verse in detail will take a few pages. So instead of explaining it I am just quoting the verse below.

    देवः पतिर्विदुषि नैषधराजगत्या
    निर्णीयते न किमु न व्रियते भवत्या।
    नायं नलः खलु तवातिमहानलाभो
    यद्येनमुज्झसि वरः कतरः पुनस्ते।।

    devaḥ patirviduṣi naiṣadharājagatyā
    nirṇīyate na kimu na vriyate bhavatyā।
    nāyaṃ nalaḥ khalu tavātimahānalābho
    yadyenamujjhasi varaḥ kataraḥ punaste।।

    (Naishadhiyacharitam of Sriharsha, 13.34)

    What do we gather from this? Is this that the mind of the poet that was capable of presenting this and that alone is important? Is this that the language had the power to enable the poet to do in that manner? Who created that mind and that language? I am not going to answer these questions. But what I feel that we need to concentrate on these questions and I am sure that the answers will come to each one in its own way.

    The Power of Creating New Words

    As I have mentioned before, a perfect language must also have the capacity to grow, to meet the demands of completely new experiences. The speaker of the language should be able to create new words to suit his needs and at the same time, the listener should be able to understand him. From this point of view, Sanskrit is extremely elaborate and sophisticated. Sanskrit has the ability to create new words and any amount of words to meet the coming Age. It has got a beautiful system of formation of words by combining a root-sound with a suffix and prefix. Let me give you one example of creating a new word.

    Imagine, you have not seen a camera before. You do not know what it is. It is placed before you, and you are told that this is a camera. You are seeing the object for the first time, and hearing the word camera for the first time. Can the word camera help you know about it? Remember the word camera has not yet been included in any dictionary. What I am trying to say you is that in languages other than Sanskrit the words are created arbitrarily, the meanings are imposed on the words. But in Sanskrit one can create words without any arbitrariness. Here the words are self-explanatory. You can get at least some idea about an object just by concentrating on the word by which the object is named. Now as for an example let us create a word for camera in Sanskrit. When we need to create a new word for an object what we need to take care of is the nature of the object, its function, its different features etc. Now, what does a camera do? The main feature of the camera is to take pictures, to seize forms. In Sanskrit the root-sound ‘grah’ is used to denote ‘to seize’ or ‘to capture’. The one who (or that which) seizes or captures can be expressed by the word ‘graahin’ or ‘graahaka’ derived from the root ‘grah’. The word ‘ruupa’ in Sanskrit is used in the sense of form or image or picture. Now we can combine both the words ruupa and graahin or graahaka to and make it ruupagraahin or ruupagraahaka to mean something which seizes or captures forms or images. And this word can be used for camera. For any Indian, at least, the word ruupagraahin or ruupagraahaka is more direct and simple and self-explanatory than camera. Similarly one can create the word shabdagraahin or shabdagraahaka for a sound receiver. Is it not interesting? Sanskrit in this manner has a powerful system of creating new words.

    Take for example another root-sound, let us say ‘kri’ which means ‘to do’. From this one monosyllabic root-sound one can derive hundreds and thousands of words, and the root-experience ‘to do or make or to put into action’ helps to understand the meanings of all the thousands of words created from this root-sound. Say for example one can get the word ‘kartri’ meaning ‘a doer’ by adding the suffix ‘tri’, ‘karana’ meaning ‘doing’ or ‘an instrument which does’ by adding the suffix ‘ana’, ‘kaarya’ meaning ‘a thing to be done’ by adding the suffix ‘ya’, ‘kartavya’ meaning ‘that which must or should be done’ by adding the suffix ‘tavya’, and so on and so forth.

    The above are just a few stray examples of the way the words are created in Sanskrit but they have far-reaching implications. The first implication is that from a single root, by adding various suffixes, we can create a large number of nouns with various shades of meanings. Further, instead of adding only suffixes to a single root, if we successively add a number of prefixes and suffixes to the verb-roots or nouns, we can have an even greater number of nouns and verbs, with just the precise nuances and meanings we wish to convey. We have therefore not only a very large vocabulary but also the possibility of creating new words in a very natural manner for all possible situations, actions and objects. And, what is more important, it is possible for any one with a basic knowledge of Sanskrit to follow and understand these new words.

    Most languages use the process of adding prefixes and suffixes to create new words. But often it is not a conscious process, not sufficiently natural and sometimes even a bit arbitrary. Nor is it a normal part of the use of the language. On the other hand, in Sanskrit, it is a very conscious and powerful tool in the hands of the speaker or the writer. The way words unfold from their seed forms is remarkable. When the root creates a word, the sound undergoes certain transformative principles to keep it resonating to its optimum. Hence, cit ‘to be aware’ becomes the resonant cetaami, ‘I am aware’, and cetanam, ‘awareness’. The root-sound budh, ‘to know or understand’, becomes bodhaami, ‘I know or understand’, and bodhanam ‘knowing or understanding or being awake’. These relationships operate with mathematical precision throughout the language, and it becomes extraordinarily powerful and structured, and easy to learn.

    Greatness of Sanskrit Literature

    According to Sri Aurobindo –
    “The  greatness of a literature lies first in the greatness and  worth of  its  substance,  the value of its thought and the  beauty  of  its forms,  but  also  in  the degree to  which, satisfying  the  highest conditions of the art of speech, it avails to bring out and raise  the soul and life or the living and the ideal mind of a people, an age,  a culture, through the genius of some of its greatest or most  sensitive representative spirits.” (Sri Aurobindo:  ‘The Foundations of Indian Culture’, Sri Aurobindo Birth Centenary Library, Vol.14, p. 255)
    Here Sri Aurobindo focuses mainly on the subject matter of a literary work, the thought embedded in it, the beauty of expression, the art of speech, the cultural heritage and the social settings.  In this light he speaks of the greatness of Sanskrit literature as follows:

    “The ancient and classical creations of the Sanskrit tongue both  in quality  and  in  body and abundance of excellence,  in  their  potent originality  and  force  and beauty, in their substance  and  art  and structure,  in  grandeur and justice and charm of speech  and  in  the height and width of the reach of their spirit stand very evidently  in the  front rank among the world’s great literatures.  The  language itself, as has been universally recognised by those competent to  form a  judgment,  is  one of the most magnificent, the  most  perfect  and wonderfully  sufficient  literary instruments developed by  the  human mind,  at  once majestic and sweet and flexible, strong  and  clearly-formed and full and vibrant and subtle, and its quality and  character would be of itself a sufficient evidence of the character and  quality of  the race whose mind it expressed and culture of which it  was  the reflecting medium.” 
    These two striking sentences of Sri Aurobindo highlight all the characteristic features of the Sanskrit literature. 

    The literary glories of Sanskrit are multi­faceted and many-splendoured. Valmiki, Vyasa and Vish­vanatha; Kalidasa, Kapila and Kalhana; Jayadeva, Jaimini and Jagannatha; Bhavabhuti, Bhasa and Bharata; Asvaghosa, Abhinavagupta and Anandavardhana; Vatsyayana, Visakha­datta and Vidyadhara; the list is endless. The corpus of Sanskrit literature covers the whole gamut of human ex­perience; it is by no means confined to grammar or philosophy. Every human emotion and aspira­tion, every beat of the human heart, every flight of the human mind, the joys and sorrows of humanity are to be found in Sanskrit literature, and this makes it continuously meaningful in all ages to come.

    No doubt, Sanskrit is rich in vocabulary, in expression, in literature, and it has a perfect structure. The language, as much like music, brings the mind into a beautiful flow. Here we see that while reading or talking, the syllables slur into one another in the natural flow of the language. This allows for an unbroken flow of sound so fluid that it enters seamlessly into memory. This is the reason for which thousands of years ago when there was no written material, vast amounts of information were committed to memory; great works of literature, the Vedas, the Upanishads, or even entire epics. To a large extent, it was the design of the Sanskrit language that made this possible. This is another important feature of a perfect language.

    Sanskrit, as a perfect language does one more thing, it combines its perfection with inspired truth to create a living experience of spiritual awakening, a sense of being eternal. No language, I believe, has yet achieved this the way Sanskrit has.

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    Ayyappa Jyoti: Devotees Create ‘Wall Of Lights’ To Protect Sabarimala Customs, Amid CPM Onslaught On Sentiments

    Women taking part in ‘Ayyappa Jyoti’ organised by Sabarimala Karma Samiti to protect the customs of Sabarimala temple.
    As the communist government in Kerala gears up for the women-wall on New Year’s eve, lakhs of devotees, predominantly women, lined up with lamps on the streets from Kasaragode to Thiruvananthapuram on Wednesday (26 December) as part of the ‘Ayyappa Jyoti’ programme organised by the Sabarimala Karma Samiti, reports The Times of India.
    (Below is a video from news portal Mathrubhumi, which depicts the public movement)
    The programme, though touted as a counter to the state government-sponsored women’s wall on 1 January 2019, however, calls for the protection of temple traditions and rituals in Sabarimala. The movement is also reported to be an attempt to raise awareness among devotees on the communist agenda to degrade the traditions of Hindu temples, and its haste in implementing the 28 September Supreme Court verdict that set aside the centuries-old tradition of restricting women belonging to childbearing age from entering the temple.

    Lights all across the highwayLights all across the highway

    Almost 180 Hindu organisations reportedly took part in the Ayyappa Jyoti, where women outnumbered men. The programme saw devotees standing alongside each other over a 756-km stretch and lit lamps across the state at almost the same time. It started at 6 pm and lasted for 15 minutes. The ‘wall of lights’, as it was called, began from Hosangadi Sri Dharma Shastha temple in Kasaragode and ended at Kaliyikkavila in the state capital.

    Thousands of devotees lining up near a highway to participate in the Ayyappa Jyoti programmeThousands of devotees lining up near a highway to participate in the Ayyappa Jyoti programme

    The mass movement had the support of the Nair Service Society (NSS) and the Yoga Kshema Sabha, both facilitating the participation of devotees, especially women. The BJP provided the political support. Reports also suggest that the ‘Ayyappa Jyoti’ was lit at almost 70 points in Tamil Nadu as well.
    Eminent leaders of the likes of G Sukumaran Nair, Secretary of the NSS, had earlier come out in full support for the ‘Ayyappa Jyoti’ and slammed the government-sponsored women’s wall accusing the communist government of creating caste divide among Hindus. Actor and BJP MP, Suresh Gopi, participated in the event at Thiruvananthapuram, whereas, former state police chief, TP Senkumar, took part in the event at Kilimanoor. Former Kerala Public Service Commission Chairman KS Radhakrishnan joined the Jyoti at Angamaly.

    Solidarity was the name of the gameSolidarity was the name of the game

    BJP state president, PS Sreedharan Pillai, lit a lamp in front of the state secretariat along with BJP legislator O Rajagopal. TOI, however, reported attacks on the participants of Ayyappa Jyoti at Kannur and the BJP has alleged that the CPM was responsible for the same.
    The increased participation of devotees, especially women, is seen as a severe blow to the ruling LDF as they are setting the stage for a 620-km women’s wall on New Year extending from Kasaragod to the capital city Thiruvananthapuram in the name of upholding ‘renaissance values’ of the state by spending Rs 50 crore from the state treasury. More than 30 lakh women will reportedly participate in the wall.

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    This monograph is inspired by the announcement of Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of India of a reward in memory of Sardar Patel. At the National Integration at the DGPs/IGPs Conference held at Kevadia on December 23, 2018, Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi announced annual Sardar Patel Award for National Integration.

    Formation of Bhāratiya Bhāṣā of 7th millennium BCE is  posited because the earliest carbon-14 date at Bhirrana on the Vedic River Sarasvati river basin is 7th millennium BCE. The challenge is to outline the forms of speech of the people of  the civilization.  

    The english rendering by Dr. Dev Raj Chanana of La formation de la Langue Marathe (1920) a well-known French work by Jules Bloch (1880-1953) is called The Formation of the Marathi Language (1970). This work  coordinates data on Marathi language, tracing its evolution and development through various stages-from Sanskrit Prakrit and Apabhramsa. Full text:

    It is also posited that the underlying language of Indus Script hypertexts/hieroglyphs is a Proto-spoken form of Marath, constituting a dialect of the Proto-Indo-Aryan language discussed by T. Burrow (see embedded article).

    This positing is based on the evidence of metalwork objects discovered in Daimabad on the banks of River Pravara (tributary of River Narmada) in Maharashtra. Thesebronze models of objects which are Indus Script hypertexts/hieroglyphs point to the continuity of metalworkprocesses and related wealth-accounting ledgers as a continuum of the Indus Script tradition. 

    daimabad seal signifies sign 342 
    Sign 342 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'. kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]
    Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; Wg. kaṇə ʻ ear -- ring ʼ NTS xvii 266; S. kano m. ʻ rim, border ʼ; P. kannā m. ʻ obtuse angle of a kite ʼ (→ H. kannā m. ʻ edge, rim, handle ʼ); N. kānu ʻ end of a rope for supporting a burden ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ brim of a cup ʼ, G. kānɔ m.; M. kānā m. ʻ touch -- hole of a gun ʼ.(CDIAL 2031)  Rebus : कारणी or कारणीक   kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c. Marathi )
    Image result for daimabad bronzeImage result for daimabad bronzeDaimabad bronze hieroglyphs Hieroglyph Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ? -- more prob. < raṅká-<-> s.v. *rakka -- .(CDIAL 10559 )  raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1]Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562)  karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus :karba, ib 'iron'    gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., ˚aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā.2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., ˚ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., ˚ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.(CDIAL 4000)  rebus khanda'equipment' (Santali )

    Daimabad bronze chariot drawn by zebu 

    The work of Jules Bloch detailing the processes of formation of Marathi language reinforce the validity of this fraing of this hypothesis of a Proto-Marathi spoken form of dialect which was the lingua franca of Sarasvati Civilization. This lingua franca is referred to in cuneiform texts as Meluhha language. The language called Meluhha required an Akkadian translator as evidencedby the Shu-ilishu cylinder seal.

    (Jules Bloch p. 46)

    The framework of linguistic analysis provided by Jules Bloch of Marathi language applies mutatis mutandis to all 24+ Bhāratiya Bhāṣā. Just as Enligh terms with Latin parentage maintain their Latinate aspect entirely, all Bhāratiya Bhāṣā have adopted and retained their semantic structures of metalwork wealth and other wealth-creating life-activities which are documented in Vedic and Samskr̥tam vocabulary.

    This monograph revisits the key findings of Jules Bloch in the context of the decipherment of language of Sarasvati Civilization people based on the decipherment of over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions.

    The executive summary of this monograph is that the  essential cultural framework for national integration is seen in the formation of all 24+ Bhāratiya Bhāṣā. All the 24+ languages spoken in Bhāratam today (including the families of Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Austro-Asiatic languages) are semantic clusters of cultural evolution of the Hindu civilization from the days of R̥gveda and the 2000+ archaeological sites of Sarasvati Civilization evidenced on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati which was a navigable waterway from the Himalayas to the Persian Gulf evidenced in the following basic resources:. 

    John Hoffman, 2009, Encyclopaedia Mundarica in 16 vols., Anthropological Survey of India, General, Anthropological Survey of India The Mundas are one of the oldest settlers in India, with their concentration in the area of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa. This encyclopaedia explains all the characteristics of their language, poetry, music and dances, dwelling, furniture, medicinal and poisonous plans with their Mundari names.Page : 17 14:06 Tuesday 16/05/00 The Title 'Encyclopaedia Mundarica (16 Vols.) written/authored/edited by Hoffman S.J. John, Artur Van, S.J. Emelen; Foreword By K.S. Singh', published in the year 2009. The ISBN 9788121203043 is assigned to the Hardcover version of this title. This book has total of pp. 5085 (Pages). The publisher of this title is Gyan Publishing House. This Book is in English. The subject of this book is Anthropology / Tribal Studies / Reference / Dictionary / Encyclopaedia. Vol:- 16 vols.set. A. Campbell, 1899, A Santali-English Dictionary, Santhal Mission Press, Pokhuria, Manbhum

    Turner, R. L. (Ralph Lilley), Sir. (1888-1953) A comparative dictionary of Indo-Aryan languages. London: Oxford University Press, 1962-1966. Includes three supplements, published 1969-1985.
    Burrow, T., and M. B. Emeneau. A Dravidian etymological dictionary. 2nd ed. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Clarendon Press, 1984.
    Molesworth, J. T. (James Thomas). A dictionary, Marathi and English. 2d ed., rev. and enl. Bombay: Printed for government at the Bombay Education Society's press, 1857. It is clear that Marathi has added to its vocabulary in contact with Telugu and Kannada, Dravidian languages.

    R̥gveda has come into contact with and has been influenced by the dialects of all Bhāratiya Bhāṣā whose existence has been recognised. A century after Pāṇini, Aśoka covres the entire country with inscriptions in Middle Indian sprachbund (speech union). In epigraphs and even on hieroglyphs/hypertexts on early Punch-marked and cast coins of mints,  Sanskrit, Pali, Prakrits already developed as ccultivated languages, together with the scripts of Brāhmī and Kharoṣṭhī appears later than the dialects of the sprachbund.

    S. Kalyanaraman, 1978, Indian Lexicon, A comarative dictionary of over 8000 semantic clusters in 25+ Ancient Bharatiya languages.

    Language scholars of Univ. of Hawaii have demonstrated the root of Mon-Khmer languages in Austro-Asiatic languages of Bhāratam. (Patricia J. Donegan & David Stampe, South-East Asian features in the Munda languages: Evidence for the analytic-to-synthetic drift of Munda (.pdf file), in Proceedings of the 28th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Special Session on Tibeto-Burman and Southeast Asian Linguistics, in honor of Prof. James A. Matisoff, ed. Patrick Chew (Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society, 2002), pp. 111-129. Comparative Munda (mostly North), rough draft ed. Stampe, based on Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1959) and Ram Dayal Munda's Proto-Kherwarian Phonology, unpublished MA thesis, University of Chicago, 1968.Working files of South Munda lexical data by gloss assembled from collections of David Stampe, Patricia Donegan, H.-J. Pinnow, Sudhibhushan Bhattacharya, and Norman and Arlene Zide for a seminar by Stampe on Austroasiatic languages.)

    A dictionary of Marathi language has been published at Bombay in 1831 by J.T.Molesworth assisted by George and Thomas Candy. A chapter dealing with the language, prepared by Sten Konow has been pulished in the Linguistic Survey of India. Material for a comparative grammar of the Indo-Aryan languages of India resulted in resulted in a 3 volume set called Comparative grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India by John Beames in 1875. Viewing Indo-Aryan language family as a branch of the Indo-European phylum, the comparative work included Hindi, Urdu, Bengali, Punjabi, Kashmiri and Gujarati. John Beames’ work begins with the description of the structure of Sanskrit verbs and demonstrates the verbs to be the origin of the analytical verb constructions found in Indo-Aryan languages. If Beames had taken evidence from Munda and Dravidian families of languages, he would have found the same analytical verb constructions in these languages also, traceable to the roots in Sanskrit. The comparative grammatical work explores the verbs in terms of tense and transitivity, passive constructions, conditionals, and imperatives evidences in the spoken forms of languages. Though language typologists continued the division of languages into three language families – Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Austro-Asiatic (Munda)—the essential semantic unity which could be traced to the Sanskrit verb constructions in all three language families were sought to be explained in terms of tatsamas and tadbhavas.

    ”Firstly, from the very moment of its fixation it is a fundamentally archaic speeh: it has preserved the occlusion of intervocalic consonants and has restored d and dh in place of l and lh of Vedic and Middle India, it has preserved several forms already out of common usage, such as the dual number, the middle voice the Perfect and has inversely eliminated other forms whose survival is attested by the Middle Indian and modern languages.But at the same time Sanskrit could not have failed to be subject to influences coming from all sides; the vocabulary in particular, had to be impregnated with borrowed elements, with more or less adaptation, from different Aryan or non-Aryan speeches of India and even from languages foreign to India. As a consequence during no period can the Sanskrit documents be considered as exactly reflecting the contemporary linguistic state of affairs; and even the difference of aspect presented, periodwise, by Sanskrit, ‘is not the difference we find between the various phases of a naturally developing popular language’—Wackeernagel, p. XXIII…There is no doubt that the original texts of these (Asokan) edicts had been written in a dialect of Magadha, where the capital of Asoka had been situated…We have been led to consider that the original text of these edicts, preserved, with a few variants, in the Eastern inscriptions, had been translated by the administrators of the North-West and of the South in local speech, but with a certain number of eastern forms being able to slip into these adaptations. Can these insertions or adaptations be, however, sufficiently explained by the mere presence of the eastern model before the eyes of the translator? It is not improbable that often the scribes had believed themselves to be able to use the words of the eastern model because such words were not completely alien to their speech, or at least to the official language of their region.Undoubtedly, the religious prestige of Buddhism and the political prestige, already going back to several generations of the Mauryan dynasty had enabled the language of the Magadha to extend itself over the entire North of India, at least among the cultured sections of the population and in so far as a part of the vocabulary was concerned…We know from Patanjali that the forms like vattati and vaddhati which were only Magadhisms during the times of Asoka, had shortly thereafter penetrated in the usual language of Central India. Right upto the time when Sanskrit becomes the only language for epigraphy, that is to say in Northern and Central India towards 350 CE, there is a large number of inscriptions in Middle Indian, one after the other…dialectical variations appear to be numerous…Buddhist Canon preserved in Ceylon. That the language of these texts – is appropriately called Pali – is of continental origin, something of which no one has any doubt…to which period of India, does it attach itself? Ignorance on these points is more or less complete. According to the Ceylonese tradition, the definitive editing of the Canon dates from the Council called by the king Duttadhumani towards 80 BCE; this provides the lowest date for the oldest pieces of the Canon. As regards the language, the books themselves call it Magadhi…The texts of Jaina canon are said to have been edited in Ardha-Magadhi or ‘semi-Magadhian.’..Pali is, however, not the only Middle Indian dialect of Buddhism. In the neighbourhood of Khotan have been found several fragments of the Dhammapada written before the end of the 2nd entury CE, in a dialect not known before…Certain Buddhist texts, notably the Mahavastu and Lalitavuistara are written in a strange dialect, or seem to be artbitrarily mixing up Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit…With the drama and lyrical poetry appear in literature new dialects, to which the grammarians have attributed the name Prakrit. A certain number among them bear the name of the country. Thus in the enumeration of Bharata (XVII,48): māgadhyavatijā prācyā suryasenyardhamāgadhī bāhlīkā dākṣinātyā ca sapta bhāṣāh prakīrtitāh, six out of seven are geographically determinable and three out of these four (Magadhi, Sauraseni, Maharastri) are mentioned by Vararuci. Later on Dandin adds to these three Lati and ‘other similar ones’ (Kavyadarsa, I, 35).”

    The capital city of the Civilization was Rakhigarhi (with an extent of over 500 hectares) which is located on the water divide of Northern Bhāratam, linking as a riverine port city, a paṭṭaṇa, linking Sarasvati navigable waterways with the other navigable Himalayan waterways of Ganga, Yamuna, Brahmaputra, Irrawaddy, Salween and Mekong in Ancient Far East. This expansive spread of the civilization with roots in 7th millennium BCE (pace sites of Bhirrana and Kunal), provides evidences for the domestication of rice, millets, cotton, Evidences for the seafaring maritime trade linking Hanoi (Vietnam) with Haifa (Israel) for the supply of tin (cassiterite) ore resources from the largest tin belt of the globe in the Himalayan river basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy and Salween, explain the contributions made by artisans and seafaring merchants of Bhāratam and Malakka islands of over 33% of world GDP (pace Angus Maddison) by creating a shared commonwealth with the wealth of the nation generated through metalwork organized in śreṇi, 'guilds' organized by the dharma of shared commonwealth. The decipherment of Indus Script inscriptions as wealth-accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues provides evidence of over 2000+ words. The semantic vocabulary. is composed of wealth accounting Meluhha language (dialectical, spoken forms) ledger entries which do not have to be composed of long utterances, but could signify lists from a 1000+-word set of wealth categories signified by 1000+ word set which signify hieroglyphs (e.g. animals, dotted circles)/hypertexts (e.g. ligatured signs or animals). The underlying Meluhha language has a vocabulary of dialectical forms (with variant pronunciations) of spoken words from Indian sprachbund (speech union).:(pp.1 -11, Jules Bloch, op.cit)

    Hundreds of these words in the semantic vocabulary related to wealth-accounting metalwork continue to be used even today in one or more of the 24+ Bhāratiya Bhāṣā. The decipherment results in the discovery of a wealth-accounting classification system using hieroglyphs such as young bull (to signify kundaṇa 'finegold'), zebu (to signify poa magnetite, ferrite ore), tiger (to signify kol 'working in iron'), crocodile (to signify khār 'blacksmith'); scorpion (to signify bicha 'haematite ore'), mr̤eka 'goat' reusb milakkhu, mleccha 'copper'; rangā  'buffalo' rebus: rangā  'pewter'; kāṇṭā'rhinoceros' gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., ˚aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā.2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., ˚ḍī f., N.gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., ˚ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← H.(CDIAL 4000)(to signify khaṇḍa 'metal equipment'). 
    See three pure tin ingots found in a Haifa shipwreck with Indus script inscriptions. ranku 'antelope/liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; dāṭu  'cross (Te.) rebus: dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhāṭnā 'to send out, pour out, cast (metal)' (CDIAL 6771);  mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace' (Santali).

    These results are confirmed by Michael Philip Oakes’ estimate (2017) of the total size of vocabulary of Indus Script to be 1396 signs. 

    This estimate is arried at using the statistical analysis model of family of Large Number of Random Events (LNRE) and a parametric model, Generalized Inverse Gauss Poisson (GIGP)(Baayen, 2001, p. 89-93) to extrapolate frequencies of each character type listed in Mahadevan Concordance of Indus Script -- to arrive at the vocabulary size of underlying Indus language.(Oakes, M.P. ,2017, Statistical Analyis of the Texts in Mahadevan's Concordance of the Indus Valley Script. Journal of Quantitative Linguistics, 2017. Article Number: NJQL 1406294. Full text pdf embedded.)

    Analysing the distribution of field symbols by object types, Michael Oakes identifies the following categories of field symbols:

    01 Unicorn 

    kōnda 'young bull' rebus: ‘engraver' kundam. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1] N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻsmoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdākõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ latheʼ, kũdibākū̃d° ʻ to turn ʼ ( Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi.kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m. (CDIAL 3295). 

    kod. 'one horn'; kot.iyum [kot., kot.i_ neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (G.)kamarasa_la = waist-zone, waist-band, belt (Te.)kot.iyum [kot., kot.i_ neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (G.) [cf. the orthography of rings on the neck of one-horned young bull]. Te. kōiya, kōe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōe dūa bull calf), young, youthful; kōekã̄u a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōē bull. Nk. khoe male calf. Kona kōi cow; kōe young bullock. Pe. kōi cow. Man.i id. Kui kōi id., ox. Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōi bull; (Su. P.) kōi cow.(DEDR 2199). Ka. gōnde bull, ox. Te. gōda ox. Kol. (SR.) kondā bull; (Kin.) kōnda bullock. Nk. (Ch.) kōnda id. Pa. kōnda bison. Ga. (Oll.) kōnde cow; (S.) kōndē bullock. Go. (Tr.) kōnā, (other dialects) kōnda bullock, ox (DEDR 2216). खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. kōnda bullock (Kol.Nk.); bison (Pa.)(DEDR 2216). Te. kōiya, kōe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōe dūa bull calf), young, youthful; kōekã̄u a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōē bull. Nk. khoe male calf. Kona kōi cow; kōe young bullock. Pe. kōi cow. Man.i id. Kui kōi id., ox. Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōi bull; (Su. P.) kōi cow (DEDR 2199)
    Rebus: ko 'artisan's workshop'.(Kuwi) ko = place where artisans work (G.lex.) kō̃da कोँद  कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 133); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165)(Kashmiri) 

    kod. = place where artisans work (Gujarati) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.) कोंड [ kōṇḍa ] A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste.कोंडडाव (p. 180) [ kōṇḍaḍāva ] m Ring taw; that form of marble-playing in which lines are drawn and divisions made:--as disting. from अगळडाव The play with holes.कोंडवाड [ kōṇḍavāḍa ] n f C (कोंडणें & वाडा) A pen or fold for cattle.कोंडाळें (p. 180) [ kōṇḍāḷēṃ] n (कुंडली S) A ring or circularly inclosed space. 2 fig. A circle made by persons sitting round. कोंडण kōṇḍaa, 'cattlepen', Rebus: kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1] A. kundār, B. kũdār°ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297). Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).

    03 Humped bull 

     पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu, dewlap' rebus: पोळ 'magnetite, ferrite ore'

    04 Short-horned bull 

     barad 'bull' rebus: baraDo 'alloy of pewter'

    07 Elephant karibha, 

     ibha, 'elephant'. ibbo (merchant of ib 'iron'), karba 'iron'

    11 Rhinoceros generally with a trough in front 

     kāṇṭā 'rhinoceros' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements'.pattar 'trough' rebus: pattar 'goldsmith guild''

    13 Goat-antelope with a short tail 

    mr̤eka 'goat' rebus: milakkhu, mleccha 'copper'

    25 Fabulou animal with the body of a ram, horns of a bull, trunk of an elephant, hind legs of a tiger and an up-raised serpent-like tail 

    Image result for composite animal indus scriptA truly fascinating paper by Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale on composite Indus creatures and their meaning: Harappa Chimaeras as 'Symbolic Hypertexts'. Some Thoughts on Plato, Chimaera and the Indus Civilization at

    Hypertext includes the following hieroglyphs rendered rebus and read as vākyapadīya, sentence composed of words : The deciphered text is: metal ingots manufactory & trade of magnetite, ferrite ore, metals mint with portable furnace, iron ores, gold, smelters' guild. 

    The Meluhha rebus words and meanings are given below.

    सांगड sāṅgaḍa  f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus:sangara 'trade'

    1. zebu पोळ [ pōḷa ] 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळ [ pōḷa ] 'magnetite, ferrite ore'
    2. human face mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) ; rebus:mũh metal ingot 
    3. penance kamaḍha 'penance' (Prakrit) kamaḍha, kamaṭha, kamaḍhaka, kamaḍhaga, kamaḍhaya = a type of penance (Prakrit) Rebus: kamaṭamu, kammaṭamu = a portable furnace for melting precious metals; kammaṭīḍu = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Telugu) kãpauṭ  jeweller's crucible made of rags and clay (Bi.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Tamil)
    4. elephant karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant' kharva 'a nidhi of nine treasures of Kubera'
    5. markhor miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meho a ram, a sheep (G.) Rebus: me (Ho.); mẽhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)mẽh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Mu.) Allograph: me ‘body ' (Mu.)
    6. young bull  kondh ‘young bull’ rebus: kũdā‘turner, brass-worker, engraver (writer)’ kundana 'fine gold'

    7. tiger kul 'tiger' (Santali); kōlu id. (Te.) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.)Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H.kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' kole.l 'smithy, forge' kole.l 'temple'

    8. Cobra hood phaḍa 'throne, hood of cobra' rebus: फड, phaḍa 'metalwork artisan guild in charge of manufactory'

    35 Uncertain animal

    36 Gharial 

    kāru a wild crocodile rebus: khār 'blacksmith'

    44 Indian kino tree (Pterocarpus marsupiu), generally within a railing or on a platform 

    kuṭhi a sacred, divine tree, kuṭi 'temple' rebus kuṭhi 'a furnace for smelting iron ore' 

    83 Dotted circles dhāi 'strand' rebus: dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red ore' PLUS dhāv, dāya 'one in dice' + vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus धावड dhāv 'mineral' + vaḍ kārṣāpaṇa & other symbols of a dhāvaḍa 'red ferrite ore smelter' See: Ancient India coins are Indus Script hieroglyphs to signify metals wealth-accounting ledgers 'circle' rebus dhāvaḍ 'smelter' Caduceus, śúlba 'string' rebus शुल्बम् 'copper' on,mintwork catalogues of آهن ګر āhangar 'blacksmith' 


    97 Different geometrical patterns occupying the whole field on one side of the inscribed object

    98 Different ornamental borders of geometrical patterns at either end or both ends of a text or along the edges

    The object categories used were:



    Miniature tablets

    Pottery graffiti

    Copper tablets


    Performing a a chi-squared test, it is found that the symbols are not randomly distributed across objects, but some are significantly associated with seals, and some with other objects. “Using the Bonferroni correction, Pearson’s residuals were statistically significant if greater than 3.97. This means that the unicorn symbol occurs significantly more often on seals, while the gharial, kino tree and dotted circles occur significantly more often on other objects.”

    There were also non-random, significant association between signs and field symbols.

    co-occurs significantly (169 times) with Unicorn ayo, hako 'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) 
     (550 times) with Unicorn  kaṇḍa karṇaka 'rim of jar'; rebus: 'furnace scribe (account)'. Thus the inscription reads rebus: iron, iron (metal) workshop, copper (mineral) guild, fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account workshop), metal furnace scribe (account)

    Sign 99  with Unicorn (385 times) 

    sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'.
    Co-occurs with V36 Gharial 14 times; with 7 times with V83 Dotted circles *l
    Addenda: dánta -- : S.kcch. ḍandh ʻ teeth ʼ; WPah.kṭg. (kc.) dānd m., J. dã̄d m., Garh. dã̄t, Md. dat.(CDIAL 6152) Rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore'.

    Sign 176 (17 times with V36 gharial; 23 times with V83 Dotted circles) and Sign 328 with other symbols (3 times with V36 Gharial; 28 times with V83 Dotted circles).

    khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 
    baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'. The hypertext reads: mū̃h bhaṭa 'ingot furnace'

    Altogether there are 5491 sign tokens that co-occur with symbol V1 Unicorn, 252 which co-occur with V36 gharial, and 234 which co-occur with V83 Dotted circles.

    The term Proto-Indian is used as a linguistic category.

    The idea of a Linguistic Area is linked with the term Sprachbund which was introduced in April 1928 in the 1st Intl. Congress of Linguists by Nikolai Trubetzkoy. He made a distinction between Sprachfamilien and Sprachbunde:

    Gruppen, bestehend aus Sprachen, die eine große Ähnlichkeit in syntaktischer Hinsicht;
    eine Ähnlichkeit in den Grundsätzen des morphologischen Baues aufweisen; und eine
    große Anzahl gemeinsamer Kulturwörter bieten, manchmal auch äussere Ähnlichkeit
    im Bestande der Lautsystem, — dabei aber keine systematischen Lautentsprechungen keine Übereinstimmung in der lautlichen Gestalt der morphologischen Elemente, und
    keine gemeinsamen Elementarwörter besitzen, — solche Sprachgruppen nennen wir
    Sprachbünde. [Trubetzkoy, 1928: 18 (italics his)]Trubetzkoy, N. S., 1928. Proposition 16. In: Actes du 1er Congrès international de linguistes, 17-18.Leiden: A. W. Sijthoff’s Uitgeversmaatschappij.

    The distinction in classifying languages was suggested by Trubetzkoy in order to avoid 'missverstandnisse und fehler' (trans. misunderstandings and errors).

    A study of what is defined as Indian Linguistic Area by Murray B. Emeneau can begin with the co-author of Dravidian Etymological Dictionary T. Burrow, who wrote the following embedded article on the Proto-Indoaryans in JRAS (April 1973). A number of linguists have also endorsed the reality of Indian Linguistic Area. The question to be explored is: what was the date of the genesis of this area?

    I suggest that the genesis can be traced to the Indus-Sarasvati civilization which is evidenced archaeologically, from ca. 3500 BCE.

    An Indian Lexicon is provided in the embedded document below including comparative glosses from Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda streams.

    This lexicon clusters together, semantically, lexemes from over 25 Indian languages with surface resemblances (äussere Ähnlichkeit) in the sound system.

    This lexicon demonstrates a large amount of shared cultural vocabulary in the three streams.

    The field of inquiry is to delineate how this sharing occurred. In some semantic clusters of the lexicon, a hypothesized common substrate may explain the surface resemblances in the sound system.

    One possibility is that the three streams descend from a community which lived and worked together in a transition from chalcolithic age to bronze age.

    Emeneau, MB, 1956, India as a linguistic area, Language 32, 1956, 3-16.
    Kuiper, FBJ, 1948, Proto-Munda words in Sanskrit, Amsterdam, 1948; 1967, The genesis of a linguistic area, IIJ 10, 1967, 81-102
    Masica, CP, 1971, Defining a Linguistic area. South Asia. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
    Przyludski, J., 1929, Further notes on non-aryan loans in Indo-Aryan in: Bagchi, P. C. (ed.), Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in Sanskrit. Calcutta : University of Calcutta: 145-149
    Southworth, F., 2005, Linguistic archaeology of South Asia, London, Routledge-Curzon.

    See also: Murray B. Emeneau, 1980. Linguistic area: introduction and continuation. In: Language and linguistic area, 1-19. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

    The Proto-Indoaryans -T. Burrow, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (New Series) April 1973 105 : pp 123-140 (For a pdf copy of the article, email me).
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    It is now generally agreed by most authorities on the subject that the Aryan linguistic vestiges in the Near East are to be connected specifically with Indo-Aryan, and not with Iranian, and also that they do not represent a third, independent Aryan group, and are not to be ascribed to the hypothetically reconstructed Proto-Aryan. This conclusion is incorporated in the title of M. Mayrhofer's bibliography of the subject, Die Indo-Arier im alten Vorderasien (Wiesbaden, 1966), and it can now be taken as the commonly accepted view. It is based on the fact that where there is divergence between Iranian and Indo-Aryan, and where such elements appear in the Near Eastern record, the latter always agrees with Indo-Aryan. Such items are aika “one” and šuriyaš “sun”, and the colour names parita-nnu and pinkara-nnu which correspond to Sanskrit palita- “grey” and piṅgala- “reddish”. The evidence of vocabulary is supported by that of the four names of gods appearing in the Hittite-Mitanni treaty, where the Vedic gods Mitra and Varuṇa, Indra, and the Nāsatyas can be clearly recognized. This combined evidence is sufficient to establish the conclusions of Mayrhofer and others beyond reasonable doubt, and the arguments of A. Kammenhuber, who later attempted to resuscitate the theory that the Aryans of the Near East were Proto-Aryans, cannot be said to have been successful.

    The idea of a Linguistic Area is linked with the term sprachbund which was introduced in April 1928 in the 1st Intl. Congress of Linguists by Nikolai Trubetzkoy. He made a distinction between Sprachfamilien and Sprachbunde: the distinction in classifying languages was suggested by Trubetzkoy in order to avoid 'missverstandnisse und fehler' (trans. misunderstandings and errors). 

    The metaphor of a 'family' gets expanded to an area of intense cultural contacts among people resulting in the formation of a sprachbund.

    What is a sprachbund?

    "First, the languages of a Sprachbund show certain similarities in the field of phonetics, morphology, syntax and lexis. Secondly, the languages of a Sprachbund belong to different families. They are neighbouring geographically, as Trubetzkoy has show, using the example of the Balkansprachbund...In contrast to the genetically defined family of languages (genus proximum), the Sprachbund comprises a typologically defined group of geographically neighbouring language whose common features are derived from mutual influences (differentia specifica)." (Schaller, Helmut W, Roman Jakobson's conception of 'sprachbund' in: Cahiers de l'ILSL, No. 9, 1997, p.200, 202). R. Jakobson published in 1931 three articles about the question of Sprachbund. He also noted that the phonological system of Serbo-Croatian is a remnant of proto-slavic languag features.

    What language did the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization people speak? To attempt an answer to this question, with all humility, I add a footnote that scholars of historical linguists accept (pace FBJ Kuiper, MB Emeneau, Colin Masica, Southworth) that a language union (linguistic area) existed, called Indian sprachbund. Georges Pinault pointed to the concordance between Vedic and Tocharian: amśu ~~ ancu, 'iron' (Tocharian). Amśis a synonym for Soma (as Louis Renou noted that Rigveda is present in nuce, 'nutshell' in the themes related to Soma). The direction of borrowing amśu ~~ ancu is a matter to be studied further in historical linguistic studies, but is relatable to a date prior to 1800 BCE, the date of the Tarim mummies in Tushara (Tocharian). Tushara are mleccha (meluhha).

    The spoken form of the language of Vedic people was Mleccha (cognate Meluhha) and their writing system wasmlecchita vikalpa (attested in a 6th cent. BCE work by Vatsyayana on Vidya Samuddesa) which means 'Mleccha (Meluhha) cipher' and is listed as one of 64 arts taught to youth. This writing system is attested by ca. 7000 inscriptions on Indus Script Corpora, almost all of which constitute metalwork catalogues by Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk'. This compound Bhāratam Janam is attested by Viśvāmitra in Rigveda:
    viśvāmitrasya rakṣati brahmedam bhāratam janam Trans. This mantra of Visvamitra protects the Bharata people. (RV 3.53.1). Chandas, 'prosody' was the diction for the chanting of prayers and philosophical inquiries in Rigveda usingArya vācas, also of dasyu (daha 'people'), while Mleccha, 'parole' was the spoken form of dasyu (daha 'people'),mleccha vācas of proto-Indo-Aryan or Prakrits, which constituted the lingua franca of the civilization of the early Bronze Age and advances in cire perdue (lost-wax) casting methods using metal alloys. Mleccha vācas was so-called because of use of ungrammatical forms and incorrect pronunciations which did not meet the grammatical and literary rigour required for sacred mantras rendered in chandas, 'prosody'. It is notable that mleccha was called milakkhu (as in milakkhu rajanam, 'copper coloured' in Pali) cognate with Meluhha and meant 'copper'. Another expression wasmleccha mukha 'copper', more precisely, 'copper ingot (muh)' Both Arya and mleccha were called bhāratam janam, a compound derived from the parole: भरत [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.भरताचें भांडें [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. भरती [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत. (Marathi)  L. bhāraṇ ʻ to spread or bring out from a kiln ʼ(Lahnda)(CDIAL 9463).  baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) 

    The acculturation of Meluhhans (probably, Indus people) residing in Mesopotamia in the late third and early second millennium BC, is noted by their adoption of Sumerian names (Parpola, Parpola and Brunswig 1977: 155-159). 

    "The adaptation of Harappan motifs and script to the Dilmun seal form may be a further indication of the acculturative phenomenon, one indicated in Mesopotamia by the adaptation of Harappan traits to the cylinder seal." (Brunswig et al, 1983, p. 110).

    One example can be presented to show how convergences occurred to form lexis of Indo-European languages, in the context of archaeo-metallurgy of the Bronze Age since the invention of tin bronzes was a revolutionary advance in industrialization. Metalwork provides a framework for defined meaning of words used in the vernacular and continued use of such words in writing systems using what Frenez and Vidale call 'symbolic hypertexts' as on Indus Script provide the evidence for Indus Script decipherment of Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork. (Dennys Frenez & Massimo Vidale, 2012,Harappa Chimaeras as 'Symbolic Hypertexts'. Some Thoughts on Plato, Chimaera and the Indus Civilization in: South Asian Studies Volume 28, Issue 2, pp. 107-130).

    Santali glosses for 'iron'

    On mED 'copper' in Eurasian languages:

    Wilhelm von Hevesy wrote about the Finno-Ugric-Munda kinship, like "Munda-Magyar-Maori, an Indian link between the antipodes new tracks of Hungarian origins" and "Finnisch-Ugrisches aus Indien". (DRIEM, George van: Languages of the Himalayas: an ethnolinguistic handbook. 1997. p.161-162.) Sumerian-Ural-Altaic language affinities have been noted. Given the presence of Meluhha settlements in Sumer, some Meluhha glosses might have been adapted in these languages. One etyma cluster refers to 'iron' exemplified by meD (Ho.). The alternative suggestion for the origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:
    Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
    Ma. <i>mErhE'd</i> `iron'.
    Mu. <i>mERE'd</i> `iron'.
      ~ <i>mE~R~E~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mENhEd</i>(M).
    Ho <i>meD</i> `iron'.
    Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'.
    KW <i>mENhEd</i>
    — Slavic glosses for 'copper'
    Мед [Med]Bulgarian
    Bakar Bosnian
    Медзь [medz']Belarusian
    Měď Czech
    Bakar Croatian
    Бакар [Bakar]Macedonian
    Miedź Polish
    Медь [Med']Russian
    Meď Slovak
    Бакар [Bakar]Serbian
    Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian[unquote]
    Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic, Altaic) 'copper'.  
    One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German) result in med ‘copper’. 

    I suggest that the lanuages which use Med 'copper, metal, iron' are cultural contact areas of Meluhha and in particular, Meluhha metalworkers.

    I have suggested, based on the fact the the largest tin belt of the globe is in Mekong river delta, that a cultural sprachbund of tin bronzes and related metalcastings as cultural markers can be traced along the Tin Maritime Road from Hanoi to Haifa which predates the Silk Road by about 2 millennia -- from Dong Son bronze drums to Nahal Mishmar cire perdue arsenical bronze artifacts of 5th millennium BCE.

    In the context of the Bronze Age advances along the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa, identification of the Meluhhan language and soma of Rigveda, decryption of Indus script and are some of the major challenges. Indus writing can be described as corpus of inscriptions of professional guild calling cards. This is consistent with the cultural tradition attested in the historical periods of the contributions made shreni (guilds), and institutions such as gana, samgha, nigama, jati in socio-economic organization. Indus writing thus describes the corporate life of ancient India with particular reference to the smith guilds who created mineral and metal artefacts and traded them over an extensive interaction area of the civilization.

    Even Emeneau who has done remarkable work with Burrow in compiling a Dravidian Etymological Dictionary and Toda etyma refers to Aryan Invasion Theory as a 'linguistic doctrine', to explain many cognate lexemes in language streams of India. The polemics of the invasion or migration or of directions of migration or invasion need not detain us here. 

    Trubetzkoy and Jakobson are early founders of a phonological method called sprachbunds. Emeneau applied the method to Indian languages and identified an Indian sprachbund. Trubetzkoy first suggested in 1923 in "Vavilonskaja basnja i smesenie jazykov" and proposed in 1928 in the First International Congress of Linguists in The Hague the term 'sprachbund' to add to language families and groups. Trubetzkoy states: "Viele Missverstandnisse und Fehler entstehen dadurch, das die Sprachforscher die Ausdrucke Sprachgruppe und Sprachfamilie ohne genugende Vorsicht und in zu wenig bestimmter Bedeutung gebrauchen." (Trubetzkoy, NS, 1928, 'Proposition 16' in Actes du premier congres international des linguistes, Leiden, p. 17-18).

    This statement can be translated: "Many misunderstandings and errors arise because the linguists use the expression language group and language family without enough caution and in the end to little specific meaning." Trubetzkoy went on to delineate a sprachbund as a group of languages with parallels in syntax, morphology, cultural vocabulary and phonetics (even without systematic sound correspondences or shared basic vocabulary).

    In Ancient India, Dravidian andIndo-Aryan languages shared a number of features that were not inherited from a common source, but were areal features, the result of diffusion during sustained contact.(Emeneau, Murray (1956), "India as a Linguistic Area", Language32 (1): 3–16). 

    The delineation of Indian sprachbund of the Bronze Age is based on the metallurgical vocables and expressions so diffused during sustained contacts along the Maritime Tin Route.

    In the context of Indo-European language family, a comparable profundity in understanding semantics is made by MB Emeneau, a co-author of Dravidian Etymological Dictionary with T. Burrow. Identifying an Indian sprachbund, Emeneau proposed in 1956 in his paper, 'India as a Linguistic Area' based on his observation that Dravidian and Indo-Aryan languages shared a number of language areal structural language features caused by sustained contact among Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Munda and Tibeto-Burma language families. One such shared feature was reduplication of words in sentences or phrases.  Within Autro-Asiatic language family for which an Etymological Dictionary is under construction in University of Hawii, Khmer (Mon–Khmer), Cham (Austronesian) and Lao (Kadai) languages have almost identical vowel systems. Sumerian and Akkadian have shared features. (Deutscher, Guy, 2007, Syntactic changes in Akkadian. Sumerian has substratum words which have parallels in Indian languages, words such as sanga 'priest' [sanghvi 'leader of pilgrims' (Gujarati)]; nangar 'carpenter', ashgab 'leather worker'. The evolution of sentential complementation, Oxford University Press, p. 20-21). This linguistic exploration of sprachbunds should go on to delineate with reasonable precision the Indian sprachbund relatable to Indus Script Corpora.

    Identifying an Indian sprachbund can also be advanced by using archaeological evidences of artifacts and epigraphs. One set of epigraphs has emerged for Indian sprachbund which is composed as about 7000 epigraphs in Indus Script Corpora. For example, Brunswig et al have identified some epigraphs with or without cuneiform inscriptions which share features with Indus Script epigraphs of the corpora, say, compiled by Marshall, Mahadevan, Parpola.

    Bharatiya sprachbund or language union. “(Sprachbund or linguistic area is) an area which includes languages belonging to more than one family but showing traits in common which are found not to belong to the other members of (at least) one of the families.” (MB Emeneau, India as a Linguistic Area, Lg. 32:1.3-16 (1956); see p. 16, fn. 28) For Emeneau, it is a ‘multi-familial convergence (or diffusion) area’. "In Language in India (9, Jan, 2002), G. Sankaranarayanan observes how repeating words and forms is a significant feature that extends across the Indian subcontinent and includes not only the Sanskrit and Tamil derivatives but also Munda and languages from the Tibetan-Burmese group."

    Many researchers have reached a consensus that ancient India constituted a linguistic area (cf. Southworth, FC 2005;Emeneau, MB 1980Masica, CP 1993; Kuiper, FBJ 1967, Indo-Iranian Journal 10: 81-102), that is, an area wherein specific language-speakers absorbed features from other languages and made the features their own. To delineate such a linguistic area and the glosses that might have been used in that area, the glosses are chosen from all Indian languages. Indian language glosses are compared because there is evidence for cultural continuum of the civilizationwhich produced the objects inscribed with Indus script. [cf. Sarasvati – Vedic River and Hindu Civilization by S. Kalyanaraman (2008)].The glosses are semantically-phonetically clustered together in an Indian lexicon which helps construct a subset as of lexemes substrate dictionary of the linguistic area. The assumption is that one or more languages of this lexicon could hold the legacy of the words used by the authors of the civilization who also invented the writing system. Ancient texts from India confirm this linguistic area. An ancient text called Manusmrti refers to two categories of speakers of languages: Mleccha vaacas and Arya vaacas. This is explained as those who speak ungrammatical, colloquial tongues and those who speak grammatically correct speech. Both mleccha vaacas and arya vaacas (that is, mleccha speakers and arya speakers) are referred to as the same people: dasyu (cognate: daha). The choice of the Indian linguistic area and its substrate dictionary is justified on the following grounds: 1) there is substantial evidence for the essential continuity of the culture of the civilization into historical periods; 2) Akkadian is ruled out as a possible underlying language because a cuneiform cylinder seal showing a seafaring Meluhhanmerchant (carrying an antelope) required an interpreter, Shu-ilishu, confirming that the Meluhhan's language was not Akkadian; and 3) there is substantial agreement among scholars pointing to the Indian civilization area as Meluhha mentioned in Mesopotamian texts of 3rd-2nd millennium BCE. That meluhha and mleccha are cognate and that mleccha is attested as a mleccha vaacas (mleccha speech) distinguished from arya vaacas (arya speech) indicates that the linguistic area had a colloquial, ungrammatical mleccha speech and a grammatically correct arya speech. The substrate glosses of the Indian lexicon are thus reasonably assumed to be the glosses of mleccha vaacas, the speech of the artisans who produced the artifacts and the inscribed objects with the writing system. This assumption is further reinforced by the fact that about 80% of archaeological sites of the civilization are found on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati leading some scholars to rename the Indus Valley civilization as Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization.

    **Dr. Kalyanaraman's Indian Lexicon - A comparative study of the 'semantics' of lexemes of all the languages of India (which may also be referred to, in a geographical/ historical phrase, as the Indian linguistic area). The objective of the lexicon is to discover the semantic repertoire of India ca. 3000 B.C. to further facilitate efforts at deciphering the inscriptions and script of the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization.
    Since what Southworth calls ‘meluhhan’ was referred to as mleccha in the Indian linguistic area and since he omits ‘vedic’, I have added VEDIC & MLECCHA on the adapted map to hypothesise on the sprachbund (map) of Sarasvati civilization ca. 5thmillennium BCE, consistent with a Proto-Vedic continuity theory of Bharatiya languages. Linguistic methodological advances have now made it possible to isolate and identify the substratum language of a linguistic area of the civilization. Speakers of meluhha (cognate: mleccha) had contact areas which stretched from Alamgirpur (in Uttar Pradesh, India) to Haifa (port in Israel).

    "...a very considerable amount (say some 40%) of the New Indo-Aryan vocabulary is borrowed from Munda, either via Sanskrit (and Prakrit), or via Prakrit alone, or directly from Munda; wide-branched and seemingly native, word-families of South Dravidian are of Proto-Munda origin; in Vedic and later Sanskrit, the words adopted have often been Aryanized, resp. Sanskritized. "In view of the intensive interrelations between Dravidian, Munda and Aryan dating from pre-Vedic times even individual etymological questions will often have to be approached from a Pan-Indic point of view if their study is to be fruitful. It is hoped that this work may be helpful to arrive at this all-embracing view of the Indian languages, which is the final goal of these studies." (Kuiper, ibid., p. 9)

    Emeneau, Masica and Kuiper have shown that language and culture had fused for centuries on the Indian soil resulting in structural convergence of four language families: Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Munda and Tibeto-Burman. This concept explains the essential semantic unity (or, Indian-ness) of underlying variegated cultural and linguistic patterns. (cf. Emeneau, Murray; Dil, Anwar (1980), Language and Linguistic Area: Essays by Murray B. Emeneau, Palo Alto: Stanford University Press. Kuiper, FBJ, 1967, ‘The genesis of a linguistic area’ in: Indo-Iranian Journal 10: 81-102).

    The artefacts with the Indus script (such as metal tools/weapons, dholavira signboard, copper plates, gold pendant, silver/copper seals/tablets etc.) are mleccha smith guild tokens -- a tradition which continues on mints issuing punch-marked coins from ca. 6th cent. BCE.

    Gruppen, bestehend aus Sprachen, die eine große Ähnlichkeit in syntaktischer Hinsicht;

    eine Ähnlichkeit in den Grundsätzen des morphologischen Baues aufweisen; und eine
    große Anzahl gemeinsamer Kulturwörter bieten, manchmal auch äussere Ähnlichkeit
    im Bestande der Lautsystem, — dabei aber keine systematischen Lautentsprechungen keine Übereinstimmung in der lautlichen Gestalt der morphologischen Elemente, und
    keine gemeinsamen Elementarwörter besitzen, — solche Sprachgruppen nennen wir

    Sprachbünde. [Trubetzkoy, 1928: 18 (italics his)]Trubetzkoy, N. S., 1928. Proposition 16. In: Actes du 1er Congrès international de linguistes, 17-18.Leiden: A. W. Sijthoff’s Uitgeversmaatschappij.

    A study of what is defined as Indian Linguistic Area by Murray B. Emeneau can begin with the co-author of Dravidian Etymological Dictionary T. Burrow, who wrote the following embedded article on the Proto-Indoaryans in JRAS (April 1973). A number of linguists have also endorsed the reality of Indian Linguistic Area. The question to be explored is: what was the date of the genesis of this area? 

    I suggest that the genesis can be traced to the Indus-Sarasvati civilization which is evidenced archaeologically, from ca. 3500 BCE.

    An Indian Lexicon is provided in the embedded document below including comparative glosses from Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda streams. 

    This lexicon clusters together, semantically, lexemes from over 25 Indian languages with surface resemblances (äussere Ähnlichkeit) in the sound system. 

    This lexicon demonstrates a large amount of shared cultural vocabulary in the three streams. 

    The field of inquiry is to delineate how this sharing occurred. In some semantic clusters of the lexicon, a hypothesized common substrate may explain the surface resemblances in the sound system.

    One possibility is that the three streams descend from a community which lived and worked together in a transition from chalcolithic age to bronze age.

    Determination of the direction of 'borrowings' from among the substratum words of a linguistic area is governed by faith of the investigator. See:

    Substratum words  Indian sprachbund could be culled from the Bronze Age social experience recorded i the data archives of Indus Script Corpora and  hypothesised to constitute lexemes of 'Indus language' of the Bronze Age. The 4th millennium BCE heralded the arrival of a veritable revolution in technology -- the making of tin bronzes to complement arsenical bronzes. Contemporaneous with this metallurgical revolution was the invention of writing systems which evolved from early tokens and bullae to categorise commodities and provide for their accounting systems using advanced tokens with writing as administrative devices.

    Remarkable progress has been made ever since Kuiper identified a stunning array of glosses which were found in early Samskrtam and which were not explained by Indo-Aryan or Indo-European language evolution chronologies. On Munda lexemes in Sanskrit see: [F.B.J. Kuiper, Proto-Munda Words in Sanskrit, Amsterdam, Verhandeling der Koninklijke Nederlandsche Akademie Van Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks Deel Li, No. 3, 1948] Kuiper's brilliant exposition begins: "Some hundred Sanskrit and Prakrit words are shown to be derived from the Proto-Munda branch of the Austro-Asiatic source. The term 'Proto-Munda' is used to indicate that the Munda languages had departed considerably from the Austro-Asiatic type of language as early as the Vedic period... a process of 'Dravidization' of the Munda tongues... contributing to the growth of the Indian linguistic league (sprachbund).

    కండె [ kaṇḍe ] kaṇḍe. [Tel.] n. A head or ear of millet or maize. జొన్నకంకి. Mth. kã̄ṛ ʻstack of stalks of large milletʼ(CDIAL 3023). Rebus: kaṇḍ‘ furnace, fire-altar, consecrated fire’. Rebus: khāṇḍā‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. By shaping the tablets in fish-shapes, the intent is to convey the definitive message that the khāṇḍā 'implements' are made of metal (ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'metal')
    h337, h338 Texts 4417, 4426 with two glyphs each on leaf-shaped, miniature Harappa tablets.
    A miniature, incised tablet from Harappa h329A has a fish-shaped tablet with two signs: fish + arrow (which combination was also pronounced as ayaskāṇḍa on a bos indicus seal Kalibangan032).
     The 'dotted circle' hieroglyph signifying the fish-eye may be dhA 'strand' rebus: dhAu 'mineral'.

    Combination of ‘fish’ glyph and ‘four-short-linear-strokes’ circumgraph also pronounced the same text ayaskāṇḍa on another bos indicus seal m1118. This seal uses circumgraph of four short linear strokes which included a morpheme which was pronounced variantly as gaṇḍa ‘four’ (Santali).
     Thus, the circumgraph of four linear strokes used on m1118 Mohenjo-daro seal was an allograph for ‘arrow’ glyph used on h329A Harappa tablet. poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' See: bolad 'steel' (Russian) folad 'steel' (Old Persian).

    The dotted circle denotes: khaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’.

    Evidence for Meluhha as a language comes from Mahabharata and also from Shu-ilishu cylinder seal signifying him as a Meluhha translator (in cuneiform text).

    Vatsyayana attests mlecchitavikalpa as a cipher, one of the 64 arts to be learnt together with deśabhāā jnānam and akṣaramuṭika kathanam. Patanjali elaborates on mleccha as a dialect. There is a lot of textual data on people as distinct from language -- both mleccha and ārya as dasyu (cf. OIr. daha) and as dwīpavāsinah.

    One intriguing semantic may be cited, again, in the context of the bronze-age.  There are two compounds: milakkhu rajanam 'copper-coloured'
    (Pali), mleccha mukha 'copper' (Samskrtam)




    Why mleccha mukha? I think the lexeme mukha isa substrate lexeme mūh 'face, ingot' (Munda. Santali etc.); it is possible that mleccha mukha may
    refer to 'copper ingot'. mũhã = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace (Santali) Mleccha, language. Mleccha, copper. The other meaning of mūh 'face' (CDIAL 10158) explains why a face glyph

    gets ligatured in  Indus writing to clear composite hieroglyphs to create mlecchitavikalpa (cipher mentioned by Vātsyāyana) .

    A reference to mleccha as language, bhāṣā, occurs in Bharata's Nāyaśāstra:

    XVIII. 80 ] RULES ON THE USE OF LANGUAGES 827 The Common Language
    28. The Common Language prescribed for use [on the stage] has various forms 1 . It contains [many] words of Barbarian {mleccha) origin and is spoken in Bharata-varsa [only] Note: 28 (C.26b-27a; B.XVII.29b-30a). 'Read vividha-jatibhasa ; vividha (ca, da in B.) for dvividha.
    'The common speech or the speech of the commoners is distinguished here from that of the priests and the nobility by describing it as containing words of Barbarian (mleccha) origin. These words seem to have been none other than vocables of the Dravidian and Austric languages. They entered Indo-Aryan pretty early in its history. See S. K. Chatterji, Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, Calcutta, 1926 pp. 42,178.'
    Source: Natya Shastra of Bharata Muni in english THE NATYASASTRA  A Treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy and Histrionics Ascribed to  B H A R A T A - M r X I Vol. I. ( Chapters I-XXVII ) Completely translated jor the jirst tune from the original Sanskrit tuttri «u Introduction and Various Notes, Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta
    1 4 | I.11 - 12 {6/8}          mlecchaḥhavaieṣaḥyatapaśabdaḥ .~(
    1 4 | I.11 - 12 {7/8}          mlecchāḥbhūmaitiadhyeyamvyākaraṇam .~
    V.118.5 - 119.12 {20/36} mlecchitam vispaṣṭena itievaanyatra .~(
    tasmātbrāhmaṇenanamlecchitavaina apabhāṣitavai .~(
    Patanjali explains in the context of ungrammatical mleccha with apaśabdaḥ .
    (Patanjali: Mahābhāya).    
    Ancient Near East evidence for mleccha (meluhha) language from ancient texts (Update: June 14, 2013)
    A personal cylinder seal of Shu-ilishu, a translator of the Meluhhan language (Expedition 48 (1): 42-43) with cuneiform writing exists. The rollout of Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Département des Antiquités Orientales, Musée du Louvre, Paris. "The presence in Akkad of a translator of the Meluhhan language suggests that he may have been literate and could read the undeciphered Indus script. This in turn suggests that there may be bilingual Akkadian/Meluhhan tablets somewhere in Mesopotamia. Although such documents may not exist, Shu-ilishu's cylinder seal offers a glimmer of hope for the future in unraveling the mystery of the Indus script." (Gregory L. Possehl,Shu-ilishu's cylinder seal, Expedition, Vol. 48, Number 1, pp. 42-43).

    [quote] The suggestion that ‘fish-eyes’ (IGI.HA, IGI-KU6), imported through Ur, may have been pearls has been advanced by a number of scholars. ‘Fish-eyes’ were among a number of valuable commodities (gold, copper, lapis lazuli, stone beads) offered in thanksgiving at the temple of the Sumerian goddess Ningal at Ur by seafaring merchants who had returned safely from Dilmun and perhaps further afield. Elsewhere they are said to have been bought in Dilmun. Whether ‘fish-eyes’ differed from ‘fish-eye stones’ (NA4 IGI.HA, NA4 IGI-KU6) and from simply ‘eye-stones’ is not entirely clear. The latter are included among goods imported from Meluhha (NA4 IGI-ME-LUH-HA) ca. 1816-1810 BCE and ca. 1600-1570 BCE. Any pearls from Meluhha – probably coastal Baluchistan-Sind – would have been generally inferior to those from Dilmun itself. It has been strongly argued that ‘fish-eyes’, ‘fish-eye stones’ and ‘eye-stones’ in Old Babylonian and Akkadian texts were not in fact pearls, but rather (a) etched cornelian beads, imported from India and/or (b) pebbles of banded agate, cut to resemble closely a black/brown pupil and white cornea. The nearest source of good agate is in northwest India, which would accord with supplies obtained from Meluhha. ‘Eye-stones’ of agate were undoubtedly treasured: some were inscribed and used as amulets, others have been found in votive deposits. Perhaps pearls were at times included among ‘fish-eyes,’ if not ‘fish-eye stones’. More likely, however, the word for ‘pearl’ is among the ‘more than 800 terms in the lexical lists of stones and gems [that] remain to be identified.[unquote] (Donkin, R.A., 1998, Beyond price: pearls and pearl-fishing: origins to the age of discoveries, Philadelphia, American Philosophical Society, Memoir Volume 224, pp.49-50)Full text at Note 109. For Sumerian words, see Delitzch, 1914: pp.18-19 (igi, eye), 125 (ku, fish), 195 (na, stone); and cf. Chicago Assyrian Dictionary I/J: 1960: pp.45 (iga), 153-158 (Akk. i_nu), N(2), 1980: p.340 (k), ‘fish-eye stones’.Note 110. A.L. Oppenheim, 1954: pp.7-8; Leemans, 1960b: pp.24 f. (IGI-KU6). Followed by Kramer, 1963a: p.113, 1963b: p.283; Bibby, 1970: pp.189, 191-192: Ratnagar, 1981: pp.23-24,79, 188; M. Rice, 1985: p.181.Note 111. A.L. Oppenheim, 1954: p.11; Leemans, 1960b: p.37 (NA4 IGI-KU6, ‘fish-eye stones’).Note 112. Leemans, 1968: p.222 (‘pearls from Meluhha’. Falkenstein (1963: pp.10-11 [12]) has ‘augenformigen Perlen aus Meluhha’.(lit. shaped eyes beads from Meluhha).

    kalibangan 059a shows structural groups of numeral strokes, together with a ‘bow’ glyph.

    Mint, workshop (for) native metal, furnace, smithy.

    kamāt.hiyo = archer; kāmaṭhum = a bow; ka_mad.i_, = a chip of bamboo (G.) ka_maṭhiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.lex.) Rebus: kammaṭa = portable furnace (Te.) kampaṭṭam coiner, mint (Ta.) 

    One short numeral stroke: sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)

    One long numeral stroke with superscripte of two short strokes: kod.a = in arithmetic, one (Santali) Together with pairing sign Sign 99 : a splinter; at.aruka to burst, crack, slit off, fly open;at.arcca splitting, a crack; at.arttuka to split, tear off, open (an oyster)(Ma.); ad.aruni to crack (Tu.)(DEDR 66) Rebus: kod. ‘workshop’ (G.); aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.) 
    The numeral strokes should be read as: 3+2 (non-superscript). kolmo ‘three’; rebus: kolimi ‘forge’ (Te.); dol ‘pair’; rebus: dul ‘cast’ as in dul mer.ed ‘cast iron’ (Santali). Thus 3+2 are decoded as: forging, casting (smithy)] Vikalpa: pan~ca ‘five’ (Skt.) pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali).

    Examples of miniature tablets which are an expansion of the token shapes of ancient Near East may be seen with Indus writing on the following 7 clusters of images. The writing deploys hieroglyphs. On one stream of evolution, the wedge-shape becomes a glyphic component of cuneiform writing; on another stream of evolution, the token-shapes get deployed with Indus writing. That this deployment is closely related to the bronze-age revolution of tin- and zinc-bronzes and other metal alloys has been demonstrated by the cipher using rebus readings of hieroglyphs with the underlying sounds of lexemes evidenced from lexemes of Indian sprachbund:

    Most of the hieroglyphs on these tablets have been read rebus using the underlying sounds of substratum lexemes in Indiansprachbund languages which are veritable substratum meluhha/mleccha lexemes. Further language studies on the sprachbundwill help identify the cluster of glosses related to metalware starting from ca. 4th millennium BCE in the linguistic area. It has been demonstrated in the context of HARP discoveries that the tablets could have been used to document metallurgical accounting transactions from furnace/ smelter to working platforms and from working platforms into the warehouse for further documentation on seals and documentation of jangaḍ 'entrustment articles' transactions through jangaḍiyo 'couriers, military guards who accompany treasure into the treasury' (Gujarati).

    Substrtum words are likely to have been retained in more than one language of the Indian sprachbund, irrespective of the language-family to which a particular language belongs. This is the justification for the identification, in comparative lexicons, of sememes with cognate lexemes from languages such as Gujarati, Marathi, Kannada, Santali, Munda or Toda or Kota. The underlying assumption is that the substratum words were absorbed into the particular languages either as borrowings or as morphemes subjected to phonetic changes over time. There is no linguistic technique available to 'date' a particular sememe and relate it to the technical processes which resulted in naming, for example, the metalware or furnaces/smelters used to create metals and cast the metals or alloys and forge them. It is remarkable, indeed, that hundreds of cognate lexemes have been retained in more than one language to facilitate rebus readings of hieroglyphs.

    An example can be cited to elucidate the point made in this argument. The word attested in Rigveda is ayas, often interpreted as 'metal or bronze'. The cognate lexemes are ayo 'iron' (Gujarati. Santali) ayaskāṇḍa 'excellent quantity of iron' (Panini), kāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans of metalware' (Marathi). अयोगूः A blacksmith; Vāj.3.5. अयस् a. [-गतौ-असुन्] Going, moving; nimble. N. (-यः) 1 Iron (एति चलति अयस्कान्तसंनिकर्षं इति तथात्वम्नायसोल्लिख्यते रत्नम् Śukra 4.169. अभितप्तमयो$पि मार्दवं भजते कैव कथा शरीरिषु R.8.43. -2 Steel. -3 Gold. -4 A metal in general. Ayaskāṇḍa 1 an iron-arrow. -2 excellent iron. -3 a large quantity of iron. –_नत_(अयसक_नत_) 1 ‘beloved of iron’, a magnet, load-stone; 2 a precious stone; ˚मजण_ a loadstone; ayaskāra 1 an iron-smith, blacksmith (Skt.Apte) ayas-kāntamu. [Skt.] n. The load-stone, a magnet. Ayaskāruḍu. n. A black smith, one who works in iron. ayassu. N. ayō-mayamu. [Skt.] adj. made of iron (Te.) áyas— n. ‘metal, iron’ RV. Pa. ayō nom. Sg. N. and m., aya— n. ‘iron’, Pk. Aya— n., Si. Ya. AYAŚCŪRṆA—, AYASKĀṆḌA—, *AYASKŪṬA—. Addenda: áyas—: Md. Da ‘iron’, dafat ‘piece of iron’. ayaskāṇḍa— m.n. ‘a quantity of iron, excellent iron’ Pāṇ. Gaṇ. Viii.3.48 [ÁYAS—, KAA ́ṆḌA—]Si.yakaḍa ‘iron’.*ayaskūṭa— ‘iron hammer’. [ÁYAS—, KUU ́ṬA—1] Pa. ayōkūṭa—, ayak m.; Si. Yakuḷa‘sledge —hammer’, yavuḷa (< ayōkūṭa) (CDIAL 590, 591, 592). Cf. Lat. Aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. Ais , Thema aisa; Old Germ. E7r , iron ;Goth. Eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen. aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). Ta. Ayil javelin, lance, surgical knife, lancet.Ma. ayil javelin, lance; ayiri surgical knife, lancet. (DEDR 193). Aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Ta.); ayir – iron dust, any ore (Ma.) Kur. Adar the waste of pounded rice, broken grains, etc. Malt. Adru broken grain (DEDR 134).  Ma. Aśu thin, slender;ayir, ayiram iron dust.Ta. ayir subtlety, fineness, fine sand, candied sugar; ? atar fine sand, dust. அய.³ ayir, n. 1. Subtlety, fineness; நணசம. (__.) 2. [M. ayir.] Fine sand; நணமணல. (மலசலப. 92.) ayiram, n.  Candied sugar; ayil, n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; 2. Surgical knife, lancet; Javelin, lance; ayilavaṉ, Skanda, as bearing a javelin (DEDR 341).Tu. gadarů a lump (DEDR 1196)  kadara— m. ‘iron goad for guiding an elephant’ lex. (CDIAL 2711). 

    The rebus reading is provided by the fish hieroglyph which reads in Munda languages: 
    <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish’’. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish’’. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn’’. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn’’. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish’’. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+Gol-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish’’. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish’’. #15163. Vikalpa: Munda: <aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree’’.#10171. So<aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree’’. Indian mackerel Ta. Ayirai, acarai, acalai loach, sandy colour, Cobitis thermalisayilai a kind of fish. Ma. Ayala a fish, mackerel, scomber; aila, ayila a fish; ayira a kind of small fish, loach (DEDR 191) 

    A beginning has been made presenting over 8000 semantic clusters of Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda words in a comparative Indian Lexicon.

    After compiling the Dravidian Etymological Dictionary with Burrow, and descriptions of TodaBadagaKolami, and Kota languages, MB Emeneau made this observation in Annamalai University(India and historical grammar : lecture on diffusion and evolution in comparative linguistics, and lecture on India and the linguistic areas, delivered as special lectures at the Linguistics Dept. of the Annamalai University in 1959)See: India as a Lingustic Area M. B. Emeneau
    Language Vol. 32, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1956), pp. 3-16

    Root / lemma: du̯ō(u) (*du̯ei-)

    English meaning: two

    German meaning: `zwei'

    Grammatical information: m. (grammatical double form duu̯ōu), du̯ai f. n., besides du̯ei-du̯oi-du̯i-

    …from Adv. z.B. duví-dhā, dvē-dhā (probably*dvai̯i-dhā, that to be read in the oldest texts 3-syllable) `twofold, in two parts', wherewith the ending from air. dēde`duality of things' seems to be connected, as well as the from and. twēdi `halb', ags. twǣde `two thirds', ahd. zwitaran`hybrid, mongrel, half breed', nhd. Zwitter. Gr. δίχα `twofold, divided in two parts' (after hom. διχῇ, διχοῦ), next to which (through hybridization with *δι-θά to Old Indian dvídhā) hom. διχθά `δίχα', therefrom ion. διξός `twofold' (*διχθι̯ός or *δικσός), and δισσός, att. διττός ds. (*διχι̯ός, Schwyzer Gr. Gr. I 598, 840); about hitt. dak-ša-an `Halbteil' s. Pedersen Hitt. 141.

    Root / lemma: gan(dh)-

    English meaning: vessel

    German meaning: `Geföß'ö

    Note: Only kelt. (ö) and germ.

    Material: Mir. gann (*gandhn- or *gandh-) `vessel' (very doubtful covered: Stokes BB. 19, 82);

    isl. kani `vessel with a handle, bowl (poet.), norw. dial. kane `a bowl with a handle', schwed. dial. kana `sled', dön. kane`sled' (older dön. also `boat'), mnd. kane `boat' (from which aschwed. kani `boat'), ndl. kaan `small boat, barge' (from dem Ndd. derives also nhd. Kahn, s. Kluge EWb. s. v., v. Bahder, Wortwahl 30); with it changing through ablaut aisl. kǣna`kind of boat'; in addition further(< *gandhnā) anord. kanna, aschw. kanna, dön. kande, ags. canne, and. kanna, ahd.channa `carafe, glass bottle, jar, pitcher, vase', from which is borrowed late lat. canna; from frönk. kanna also prov. cana`measure of capacity', afr. channe `carafe, glass bottle, jar, pitcher, vase', s. Meyer-Löbke 1596, Gamillscheg EWb. d. Franz. 168; besides ahd. chantacanneta, frönk. cannada `carafe, glass bottle, jar, pitcher, vase' (< gandhā).

    Maybe alb. kanë `carafe, glass bottle, jar, pitcher, vase'.

    References: WP. I 535, WH. I 154.

    Page(s): 351

    Root / lemma: nāus-1

    English meaning: boat

    German meaning: `Schiff' (ausgehöhlter Einbaum)

    Grammatical information: f. Akk. nāu̯m̥

    Material: Old Indian nāu- (Nom. nā́uḥ) `ship, boat' (nāvya- `schiffbar'); ap. nāviyā `fleet' (: gr. νήιος `zumSchiff gehörig'); nāvāja- m. `Schiffer', av. navāza- ds (: gr. ναυ-ηγός ds., compare also lat.nāvig-āre-ium); av. nāvaya-`schiffbar' (about Old Indian ati-nu s. Brugrnann II1 137 Anm. 2); arm. nav `ship' (from dem Pers.ö); gr. hom. νηῦς, νηός (*νᾱFός), att. ναῦς, νεώς `ship'; lat. nāvis ds. (originally conservative stem, compare Akk. nāvem = Old Indian nā́vam, gr. νῆα; air. náu (Gen. nōë, Dat. Pl. nōib) `ship'; cymr. noe `flaches vessel, kneading or dough trough; dough tray; hutch', bret. neo ds. (*nāu̯i̯ā); here gall. (vorrom.) nāvā `Talschlucht', also FlN; gall. nausum `ship'; aisl. nōr m. `ship', nau-st`Schiffsschuppen', nōa-tūn (nōa = gr. νηῶν) `Schiffsburg', ags. nōwend `Schiffer', (but mhd.nāwenæwe `small ship', nhd. dial. Naue from dem Lat.); norw.  `trough from a ausgehöhlten tree truck', nøla (*nōwilōn-) `großer trough, schweres boat' ahd. nuosc, mhd. nuosch m. `trough, gully', afries. nōst `trough', mnd. nōste `Viehtrog, Wassertrog'; here the lit. FlN Nóva, polonis. Nawa.

    Maybe alb. *nāviyā, anija ‘ship’

    References: WP. II 315, WH. II 148 f., J. Hubschmid R. int. d'Onom. 4, 3 ff.

    Page(s): 755-756

    Root / lemma: reudh-

    English meaning: red

    German meaning: `rot'

    Material: Old Indian rṓhita- = av. raoiδita- `red, reddish', rōhít- `rote mare, Weibchen a gazelle', rṓhi- m., rōhī f. `gazelle'; Old Indian lōhá- `reddish', m. n. `rötliches metal, copper, iron' (formal = lat. rūfus, air. rūad, got. rauÞs, lit.raũdas, Old Church Slavic rudъ), rōdhra-, lōdhra- m. `symplocosracemosa, ein tree, from dessen Rinde ein rotes Pulver bereitet wird', loṣṭa- n. `Eisenrost' (*reudh-s-to-); rudhirá- `red, blutig', n. `blood' (*rudhḫiḫro-, contaminated from*rudh-ro- and*rudh-i-); khotansak. rrusta- `red' (*reudh-s-to-);

    gr. ἐρεύθω `I röte' (= aisl. rjōða), ἔρευθος n. `Röte' (compare lat. rubor); ἐρυθρός `red' (= lat. ruber, Old Church Slavic*rъdrъ etc.); ἐρυσί̄βη `Mehltau, robīgo' (ambiguous ending), ἐρυσί-πελας `Röteln' (*ἐρυσσι-, *rudh-s-);

    lat. rūbidus `oxblood, indigo' (with -do- further formations = Old Indian lōhá-);

    with dial. frūfus `lichtrot, fuchsrot', umbr. rofu `rubros'; with dial. ō from *ou lat. rōbus, rōbeus, rōbius `red', rōbīgo`Rost; Mehltau, Getreidebrand', also probably rōbus, rōbur `Hartholz, heartwood'; ruber, rubra, -um `red' (umbr. rufru`rubros'), lat. rubor `Röte', rubeō, -ēre `red sein' (: ahd. rotēn, Old Church Slavic rъděti), russus `fleischrot' (*rudh-so-); auf *rudhro- go die auson. Lw. rutilus `reddish', VN Rutuli (with Dissim.) back; compare lig. fundus Roudelius, illyr.Campī Raudii, apul. PN Rudiae (Szemerényi Arch. Ling. 4, 112 f.); about lat. raudus see under;

    air. rūad, cymr. etc. rhudd `red', air. rucc(a)e `Schande' (*rud-ki̯ā), nasal. fo-roind `rötet'; gall. PN Roudus, Ande-roudus, GN Rudiobos (`roter Schlöger'ö), Rudianos; kelt. roudo- `red' and `strong';

    aisl. rjōðr, ags. rēod `red', aisl. rjōða `blutig make', ags. rēodan `red förben', got. (about `shamefaced blush') ga-riuÞs`ehrbar', ga-riudei `Schamhaftigkeit'; ablaut. rauÞs, aisl. rauðr, ags. rēad, ahd. rōt `red', aisl. rauði m. `rotes Eisenerz',roðra f. `blood', roði m. `Röte', ryð n. and ryðr m. `Rost', roða `red sein or become', ahd. rotēn `blush', mhd. rot `red', ahd. rotamorosamo (*rudh-s-men-) `Röte' (moreover aisl. rosmu-fjǫll `rötliche Berge'), ags. rudu `Röte', rudig`reddish'; ā-ryderian `blush'; ags. rūst, ahd. as. rost `Rost' (*rū̆dh-s-to);

    lit. raũdas, raudónas `red', raudà `rote paint, color'; rùdas `puce' (lett. ruds `reddish'), ruduõ `autumn', rudė́ti `rosten',rūdìs f. `Rost', rūdýnas, rūdynà, rūdỹnė `swamp, marsh with rötlichem, eisenhaltigem water, morass, puddle, slop',raũsvas (*roudh-s-u̯o-) `reddish', lett. rûsa (*rūdh-s-ā) `Rost', lit. rùsvas `reddish brown' (*rudh-s-u̯o-), ruslis`Bratrost', rusė́ti `gleam, burn', lett. rusla `kind of rotbrauner paint, color', lit. rùstas `bröunlich, purple, mauve' (*rudhḫsḫto-), lett. rusta `braune paint, color', rustēt `red förben';

    Old Church Slavic rudъ `red', ruda `Erz, metal', rusъ (*roudh-s-o-) `reddish, blond'; *rъdrъ `red' in r.-Church Slavicrodrъrъděti sę `sich röten', rьžda `Rost', russ. rysyj `reddish blond' (*rūdh-s-o-, compare lett. rūsa);

    toch. A rötr-ārkyant `rotglönzend', rtör, В rötre `red' (*rutre-ö).

    Old Indian ravi- m. `sun', arm. arev ds. kann only very doubtful as `the Rote' gedeutet become; lat. raudus, rōdus, rūdus`ein formloses Erzstöck as Mönze' is perhaps with Old Indian lōhá- `rotes metal, copper, iron' and aisl. rauði `rotes Eisenerz', Old Church Slavic ruda `Erz, metal' to connect and gall. or illyr. Lw.;

    maybe alb. rrotull `wheel, sunö' [diminutive -l]

    also ahd. aruzzi, erizzi, aruz, as. arut `Erz, Erzstöck', aisl. ortog (*arutia-taugo) `Drittel eines øre' are because of Schwankens the forms as borrowed to betrachten; hence bestehtHommels derivation from sum. urud `copper' letztlich to right, different Kretschmer Gl. 32, 6 ff.

    References: WP. II 358 f., WH. II 420 f., 444 f., 455, 456, Trautmann 239.

    Page(s): 872-873

    Root / lemma: ai̯os-

    English meaning: `metal (copper; iron)'

    German meaning: `Metall', under zw. probably `Kupfer ('brandfarbig'?), Bronze'; im Arischen also `Eisen'


    Root / lemma: ai̯os- : `metal (copper; iron)' derived from Root / lemma: eis-1 : `to move rapidly, *weapon, iron'.


    Old Indian áyas- n., av. ayaŋh- n. `metal, iron';

    lat. aes, g. aeris; got. aiz (proto germ. *a(i̯)iz- = idg. *ai̯es-) `copper ore, and the alloy of copper, bronze. Transf., anything made of bronze; a vessel, statue, trumpet, kettle', ahd. ēr `ore', anord. eir n. `ore, copper'.

    thereof av. ayaŋhaēna- `metallic, iron', lat. aēnus (*ai̯es-no- = umbr. ahesnes `of copper, of bronze'), aēneus, ags. ǣren, as. ahd. mhd. ērīn, nhd. ēren (ehern). despite Pokorny KZ. 46, 292 f. is not idg. ai̯os old borrowing from Ajasja, olderAɫas(ja), the old name of Cyprus, as lat. cuprum : Κύπρος, there according to D. Davis (BSA. 30, 74-86, 1932) the copper pits were tackled in Cyprus only in late Mycenaean time.


    Ajasja, older Aɫas(ja) (Cyprus) : Hittite PN Wilusa (gr. reading Ilios) [common phonetic mutation of the old laryngeal ḫ- > a-, i-] : gall. Isarno- PN, ven. FlN'I σάρας, later Īsarcus, nhd. Eisack (Tirol); urir. PN I(s)aros, air. Īär, balkanillyr. iser, messap. isareti (Krahe IF. 46, 184 f.); kelt. FlN Isarā, nhd. Isar, Iser, frz. Isère*Isiā, frz. Oise*Isurā, engl. Ure, etc. (Pokorny Urillyrier 114 f., 161); nhd. FlN Ill, Illach, Iller, lett. FlN Isline, Islīcis, wruss. Isɫa, alb. VN Illyrii.

    Here lat. aestimō, old aestumō `to appraise, rate, estimate the value of; to assess the damages in a lawsuit; in a wider sense, to value a thing or person; hence, in gen., to judge', Denomin. from *ais-temos `he cuts the ore' (to temnō).

    References: WP. I 4, WH. I, 19, 20, Feist 31.

    Anord. vāđ f. `fabric, piece, stuff, as comes ready of the loom, drag net', Pl.vāđir `gowns, clothes', ags. wǣd (*wēđi-) f. `clothes, rope', as. wād `clothes', ahd. wāt, Gen.-i `clothes, armament';

    anord. vađr m. `rope, string, fishing line', schwed. norw. vad n. `drag net' (anord. vǫzt f. `spot for fishing at sea from*wađa-stō), mhd. wate, wade f. `drag net, trawl net', mhd. spinne-wet `spinning web'.

    References: WP. I 16 f., WH. I 88.    

    ahd. trā̆da `fringe' (nhd. Troddel), mhd. trōdel (for *trādel) `tassel, wood fiber';

    trā̆da `fringe' (nhd. Troddel), mhd. trōdel (for *trādel) `tassel, wood fiber';

    trint, trent`circular', trent m. `curvature, roundness, circular line', ags. trinde f. (or trinda m.) `round clump', mhd. trindel, trendel`ball, circle, wheel' under likewise

    Indo-European Etymological Dictionary - Indogermanisches Etymologisches Woerterbuch (JPokorny)

    Some examples from Indus Script Corpora may relate to these etyma compiled by Pokorny.



    meed bica ‘iron stone ore’, lo ‘copper ore’

    V326 (Orthographic variants of Sign 326) V327 (Orthographic variants of Sign 327)
    Sign 51 Variants. It is seen from all these variants, that the semantic focus signified by the orthography is on the 'scorpion's pointed stinger'

    These are two glyphs of the script with unique superscripted ligatures; this pair of ligatures does not occur on any other ligatured glyph in the entire corpus of Indus script inscriptions. Orthographically, Sign 51 glyph is a ‘scorpion’; Sign 327 glyph is a ‘ficus glomerata leaf’. The glosses for the ‘sound values’ are, respectively: bica ‘scorpion’ (Santali), lo ‘ficus’ (Santali). 

    Dravidian proof of Indus Script has been refuted. See link: This note provides additional evidence to support this refutation by providing decipherment of inscriptions which are signified by the 'scorpion''fish' or 'ficus' hieroglyphs of Indus Script. The context of life-activity of the artisans is work in a mint, metalwork.

    The inscription on the seal starts with 'scorpion' hieroglyph on modern impression of seal M-414 from Mohenjo-daro. After CISI 1:100. This sign is followed by a hieroglyph multiplex signifyinjg: rimledss pot PLUS ficus leaves PLUS infixed crab hieroglyphs. The terminal sign is 'fish' hieroglyph. 

    Rebus-metonymy readings in Meluhha cipher (mlecchita vikalpa) are of the three sets of hieroglyph multipexes: 1. meṛed-bica 'iron (hematite) stone ore' 2. bhaTa loh kammaṭa 'furnace copper mint, coiner' 3. aya 'alloy metal'.

    Note: The 'ficus' hieroglyph is signified by two glosses: vaTa 'banyan' loa 'ficus glomerata'. Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' loha 'copper, iron'.

    m-857 Seal. Mohenjo-daro The four hieroglyph multiplex on Mohenjo-daro seal m-857 signifies: 1. meṛed-bica = 'iron (hematite) stone ore' 2. dhatu karava karNI 'supercargo of mineral ore', scribed. (The one-horned young bull PLUS standard device is deciphered as: kondh 'young bull' Rebus: kondh 'turner'; koD 'horn' Rebus: koD 'workshop'; sangaDa 'lathe' Rebus: sangAta 'collection of materials, i.e. consignment or boat load.

    On Mohenjo-daro seal m-414, the 'scorpion' sign is followed by a hieroglyph multiplex which is explained by Asko Parpola: 

    Many variants of Sign 123 (Parpola corpus) are identified signifying, according to Parpola [quote] a three-branched 'fig-tree' and of its ligature with the 'crab' sign, where the middlemost branch has been omitted to accommodate the inserted 'crab' sign. (After Parpola, Asko, 1994, Deciphering the Indus Script, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 235).

    Parpola illustrates the 'crab' hieroglyhph with the following examples from copper plate inscriptions (Note: there are 240 copper plates with inscriptions from Mohenjo-daro):

    Copper tablets from Mohenjo-daro providing a 'pictorial translation' of the Indus sign 'crab inside fig tree' (After Parpola 1994: 234, fig. 13.13)

    Variants of 'crab' hieroglyph (After Parpola 1994: 232, cf. 71-72)

    The hieroglyph-multiplex, thus orthographically signifies two ficus leaves ligatured to the top edge of a wide rimless pot and a crab hieroglyph is inscripted. In this hieroglyph-multiplex three hieroglyph components are signified: 1. rimless pot, 2. two ficus leaves, 3. crab. baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'; loa 'ficus' Rebus: loha 'copper, iron'; kamaDha 'crab' Rebus: kammaTa 'coiner, mint'.

    Examples are:

    Modern impression of Harappa Seal h-598
    Modern impression of seal L-11 Lothal

    The third sign is a 'fish' hieroglyph.

    ( Asko Parpola, 2009k,'Hind leg' + 'fish': towards further understanding of the Indus Script, in: SCRIPTA, volume 1 (September 2009): 37-76, The Hummn Jeongeum Society)

    Annex A: loa 'ficus glomerata' Rebus: loha 'copper, iron'

    Parpola also presents a figure of a pot with ficus leaves hieroglyph. A painted goblet with the 'three-branched fig tree' motif from Nausharo I D, transitional phase between the Early and Mature Harappan periods (c. 2600-2550 BCE) (After Samzun 1992: 250, fig.29.4 no.2)

    vaṭa1 m. ʻ the banyan Ficus indica ʼ MBh. Pa. vaṭa -- m. ʻ banyan ʼ, Pk. vaḍa -- , °aga -- m., K. war in war -- kulu m., S. baṛu m. (← E); P. vaṛbaṛ m., 
    vohṛbohṛ f. ʻ banyan ʼ, vaṛoṭāba° m. ʻ young banyan ʼ (+?); N. A. bar ʻ banyan ʼ, B. baṛ, Bi. bar (→ Or. bara), H. baṛ m. (→ Bhoj. Mth. baṛ), G. vaṛ m., M. vaḍ m., Ko. vaḍu. *vaṭapadra -- , *vaṭapātikā -- .Addenda: vaṭa -- 1: Garh. baṛ ʻ fig tree ʼ. 11215 *vaṭapātikā ʻ falling from banyan ʼ. [vaṭa -- 1, pāta -- ] G. vaṛvāī f. ʻ hanging root of banyan tree ʼ. (CDIAL 11211)

    Allograph: vaṭa 'string': vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268] N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.vaṭāraka -- , varāṭaka -- m. ʻ string ʼ MBh. [vaṭa -- 2]Pa. sa -- vaṭākara -- ʻ having a cable ʼ; Bi. baral -- rassī ʻ twisted string ʼ; H. barrā m. ʻ rope ʼ, barārā m. ʻ thong ʼ. (CDIAL 11212, 11217)

    lo 'nine', loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'; kunda 'young bull' Rebus: kundār, kũdār 'turner'; firs hieroglph from r. on the text: eraka 'nave of wheel' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast'; arA 'spoke' Rebus: Ara 'brass'; kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'.

    lo = nine (Santali) [Note the count of nine fig leaves on m0296]
    loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali.lex.)
    loha lut.i = iron utensils and implements (Santali.lex.)

    lauha = made of copper or iron (Gr.S’r.); metal, iron (Skt.); lo_haka_ra = coppersmith, ironsmith (Pali); lo_ha_ra = blacksmith (Pt.); lohal.a (Or.); lo_ha = metal, esp. copper or bronze (Pali); copper (VS.); loho, lo_ = metal, ore, iron (Si.)

    Ficus glomerata: loa, kamat.ha = ficus glomerata (Santali); rebus: loha = iron, metal (Skt.) kamat.amu, kammat.amu = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.) kammat.i_d.u = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Te.) kampat.t.tam coinage coin (Ta.); coinage, mint (Ma.); kammat.a id.; kammat.i a coiner (Ka.)(DEDR 1236)

    Sumerian cylinder seal showing flanking goats with hooves on tree and/or mountain. Uruk period. (After Joyce Burstein in: Katherine Anne Harper, Robert L. Brown, 2002, The roots of tantra, SUNY Press, p.100)Hence, two goats + mountain glyph reads rebus: meḍ kundār 'iron turner'. Leaf on mountain: kamaṛkom 'petiole of leaf'; rebus: kampaṭṭam 'mint'. loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali) Rebus: lo ‘iron’ (Assamese, Bengali); loa ‘iron’ (Gypsy). The glyphic composition is read rebus: meḍ loa kundār 'iron turner mint'. kundavum = manger, a hayrick (G.) Rebus: kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) This rebus reading may explain the hayrick glyph shown on the sodagor 'merchant, trader' seal surrounded by four animals.Two antelopes are put next to the hayrick on the platform of the seal on which the horned person is seated. mlekh 'goat' (Br.); rebus: milakku 'copper' (Pali); mleccha 'copper' (Skt.) Thus, the composition of glyphs on the platform: pair of antelopes + pair of hayricks read rebus: milakku kundār 'copper turner'. Thus the seal is a framework of glyphic compositions to describe the repertoire of a brazier-mint, 'one who works in brass or makes brass articles' and 'a mint'. 
    Image result for mohenjo daro pashupati
    Ta. meṭṭu mound, heap of earth; mēṭu height, eminence, hillock; muṭṭu rising ground, high ground, heap. Ma. mēṭu rising ground, hillock; māṭu hillock, raised ground; miṭṭāl rising ground, an alluvial bank; (Tiyya) maṭṭa hill. Ka. mēḍu height, rising ground, hillock; miṭṭu rising or high ground, hill; miṭṭe state of being high, rising ground, hill, mass, a large number; (Hav.) muṭṭe heap (as of straw). Tu. miṭṭè prominent, protruding; muṭṭe heap. Te. meṭṭa raised or high ground, hill; (K.) meṭṭu mound; miṭṭa high ground, hillock, mound; high, elevated, raised, projecting; (VPK) mēṭu, mēṭa, mēṭi stack of hay; (Inscr.) meṇṭa-cēnu dry field (cf. meṭṭu-nēla, meṭṭu-vari). Kol. (SR.) meṭṭā hill; (Kin.) meṭṭ, (Hislop) met mountain. Nk. meṭṭ hill, mountain. Ga. (S.3, LSB 20.3) meṭṭa high land. Go. (Tr. W. Ph.) maṭṭā, (Mu.) maṭṭa mountain; (M. L.) meṭā id., hill; (A. D. Ko.) meṭṭa, (Y. Ma. M.) meṭa hill; (SR.) meṭṭā hillock (Voc. 2949). Konḍa meṭa id. Kuwi (S.) metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058) kamaṛkom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarmaṛā (Has.), kamaṛkom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.)Rebus: kampaṭṭam coinage, coin (Ta.)(DEDR 1236) kampaṭṭa- muḷai die, coining stamp (Ta.) Vikalpa: lo ‘iron’ (Assamese, Bengali); loa ‘iron’ (Gypsy)

    Etyma from Indo-Aryan languages: lōhá 'copper, iron'

    11158 lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ. *lōhala -- , *lōhila -- , *lōhiṣṭha -- , lōhī -- , laúha -- ; lōhakāra -- , *lōhaghaṭa -- , *lōhaśālā -- , *lōhahaṭṭika -- , *lōhōpaskara -- ; vartalōha -- .Addenda: lōhá -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md.  ʻ metal ʼ.†*lōhaphāla -- or †*lōhahala -- . lōhakāra 11159 lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, °rī -- f., °raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1] Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., °rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh° m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ. Addenda: lōhakāra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m.

    lōhaghaṭa 11160 *lōhaghaṭa ʻ iron pot ʼ. [lōhá -- , ghaṭa -- 1]
    Bi. lohrā°rī ʻ small iron pan ʼ. 
    11160a †*lōhaphāla -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , phāˊla -- 1] WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl m. ʻ an agricultural implement ʼ Him.I 197; -- or < †*lōhahala -- . lōhala 11161 lōhala ʻ made of iron ʼ W. [lōhá -- ] G. loharlohariyɔ m. ʻ selfwilled and unyielding man ʼ.

    lōhaśālā 11162 *lōhaśālā ʻ smithy ʼ. [lōhá -- , śāˊlā -- ]
    Bi. lohsārī ʻ smithy ʼ. 
    lōhahaṭṭika 11163 *lōhahaṭṭika ʻ ironmonger ʼ. [lōhá -- , haṭṭa -- ] P.ludh. lōhṭiyā m. ʻ ironmonger ʼ. 11163a †*lōhahala -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , halá -- ] WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl ʻ an agricultural instrument ʼ; rather < †*lōhaphāla -- . lōhi 11164 lōhi ʻ *red, blood ʼ (n. ʻ a kind of borax ʼ lex.). [~ rṓhi -- . -- *rudh -- ] Kho. lei ʻ blood ʼ (BelvalkarVol 92 < *lōhika -- ), Kal.rumb. lū˘i, urt. lhɔ̈̄i. lṓhita 11165 lṓhita ʻ red ʼ AV., n. ʻ any red substance ʼ ŚBr., ʻ blood ʼ VS. [< rṓhita -- . -- *rudh -- ] Pa. lōhita -- in cmpds. ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ blood ʼ, °aka -- ʻ red ʼ; Pk. lōhia -- ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ blood ʼ; Gy. eur. lolo ʻ red ʼ, arm. nəxul ʻ blood, wound ʼ, pal. lúḥră ʻ red ʼ, inhīˊr ʻ blood ʼ, as. lur ʻ blood ʼ, lohri ʻ red ʼ Miklosich Mund viii 8; Ḍ. lōya ʻ red ʼ; Ash. leu ʻ blood ʼ, Wg. läi, Kt. lūi, Dm. lōi; Tir. ləwī, (Leech) luhī ʻ red ʼ, lọ̈̄i ʻ blood ʼ; Paš.  f. ʻ blood ʼ, Shum. lúī, Gmb. lūi, Gaw. ; Bshk. lōu ʻ red ʼ (AO xviii 241 < *lohuta -- ); S. lohū m. ʻ blood ʼ, L. lahū m., awāṇ. làū; P. lohī ʻ red ʼ, lohūlahū m. ʻ blood ʼ; WPah.jaun. loī ʻ blood ʼ, Ku. loilwe, B. lau, Or. lohunohula(h)una(h)ulaa, Mth. lehū, OAw. lohū m., H. lohūlahūlehū m., G. lohī n.; OM.lohivā ʻ red ʼ Panse Jñān 536; Si. lehe ʻ blood ʼ, le ʻ red ʼ SigGr ii 460; Md.  ʻ blood ʼ. -- Sh. lēl m. ʻ blood ʼ, lōlyŭ ʻ red ʼ rather < *lōhila -- . lōhitaka -- . Addenda: lṓhita -- : Kho. lei ʻ blood ʼ BKhoT 70, WPah.kṭg. lóu m., Garh. loi, Md. leilē.

    lōhitaka 11166 lōhitaka ʻ reddish ʼ Āpast., n. ʻ calx of brass, bell- metal ʼ lex. [lṓhita -- ] K. lŏy f. ʻ white copper, bell -- metal ʼ. lōhittara 11167 *lōhittara ʻ reddish ʼ. [Comp. of *lōhit -- ~ rōhít -- . - *rudh -- ] Woṭ. latúr ʻ red ʼ, Gaw. luturá: very doubtful (see úparakta -- ) lōhila 11168 *lōhila ʻ red ʼ. [lōhá -- ] Wg. lailäi -- štä ʻ red ʼ; Paš.chil. lēle -- šiṓl ʻ fox ʼ; Sv. lohĩló ʻ red ʼ, Phal. lohíluləhōilo; Sh.gil. jij. lēl m. ʻ blood ʼ, gil. lōlyŭ, (Lor.)loilo ʻ red, bay (of horse or cow) ʼ, pales. lēlo swã̄ṛə ʻ (red) gold ʼ. -- X nīˊla -- : Sh.gil. līlo ʻ violet ʼ, koh. līlṷ, pales. līˊlo ʻ red ʼ. -- Si. luhullūlā ʻ the dark -- coloured river fish Ophiocephalus striatus ʼ? -- Tor. lohūrlaūr, f. lihīr ʻ red ʼ < *lōhuṭa<-> AO xviii 241? lōhiṣṭha 11169 *lōhiṣṭha ʻ very red ʼ. [lōhá -- ] Kal.rumb. lohíṣṭ, urt. liūṣṭ ʻ male of Himalayan pheasant ʼ, Phal. lōwīṣṭ (f. šām s.v. śyāmá -- ); Bshk. lōīˊṭ ʻ id., golden oriole ʼ; Tor.lawēṭ ʻ male golden oriole ʼ, Sh.pales. lēṭh.

    lōhī 11170 lōhī f. ʻ any object made of iron ʼ Kāv., ʻ pot ʼ Divyāv., lōhikā -- f. ʻ large shallow wooden bowl bound with iron ʼ,lauhā -- f. ʻ iron pot ʼ lex. [lōhá -- ]
    Pk. lōhī -- f. ʻ iron pot ʼ; P. loh f. ʻ large baking iron ʼ; A. luhiyā ʻ iron pan ʼ; Bi. lohiyā ʻ iron or brass shallow pan with handles ʼ; G.lohiyũ n. ʻ frying pan ʼ.

    lōhōpaskara 11171 *lōhōpaskara ʻ iron tools ʼ. [lōhá -- , upaskara -- 1]
    N. lokhar ʻ bag in which a barber keeps his tools ʼ; H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- ). laúkika -- , laukyá -- see *lōkíya -- . 
    laulāha 11172 laulāha m. ʻ name of a place ʼ Stein RājatTrans ii 487.

    K. lōlav ʻ name of a Pargana and valley west of Wular Lake ʼ.

    11172a laúha -- ʻ made of copper or iron ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ red ʼ MBh., n. ʻ iron, metal ʼ Bhaṭṭ. [lōhá -- ] Pk. lōha -- ʻ made of iron ʼ; L. lohā ʻ iron -- coloured, reddish ʼ; P. lohā ʻ reddish -- brown (of cattle) ʼ. lauhabhāṇḍa -- , *lauhāṅga -- .
    lauhakāra -- see lōhakāra -- . Addenda: laúha -- [Dial. au ~ ō (in lōhá -- ) < IE. ou T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 74]

    lauhabhāṇḍa 11173 lauhabhāṇḍa n. ʻ iron pot, iron mortar ʼ lex. [laúha -- , bhāṇḍa -- 1] Pa. lōhabhaṇḍa -- n. ʻ copper or brass ware ʼ; S. luhã̄ḍ̠iṛī f. ʻ iron pot ʼ, L.awāṇ. luhã̄ḍā; P. luhã̄ḍālohṇḍā, ludh. lō̃hḍā m. ʻ frying pan ʼ; N. luhũṛe ʻ iron cooking pot ʼ; A. lohorā ʻ iron pan ʼ; Bi. lohãṛā ʻ iron vessel for drawing water for irrigation ʼ; H. lohaṇḍāluh° m. ʻ iron pot ʼ; G. loḍhũ n. ʻ iron, razor ʼ, pl. ʻ car<-> penter's tools ʼ, loḍhī f. ʻ iron pan ʼ. -- X *lōhōpaskara<-> q.v.
    lauhāṅgika 11174 *lauhāṅgika ʻ iron -- bodied ʼ. [láuha -- , áṅga -- 1]
    P. luhã̄gī f. ʻ staff set with iron rings ʼ, H. lohã̄gī f., M. lohã̄gīlavh°lohãgī f.; -- Bi. lohãgālahaũgā ʻ cobbler's iron pounder ʼ, Mth.lehõgā.

    A variant orthography for sãghāṛɔ 'lathe' is displayed on m0296 Mohenjo-daro seal.

    m0296 See: Decoding of a very remarkable set of  glyphs and a 5-sign epigraph on a seal, m0296, together with a review of few other pictographs used in the writing system of Indus script. This seal virtually defines and prefaces the entire corpus of inscriptions of mleccha (cognate meluhha) artisans of smithy guild, caravan of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. The center-piece of the orthography is a stylized representation of a 'lathe' which normally is shown in front of a one-horned young bull on hundreds of seals of Indus Script Corpora. This stylized sãghāṛɔ 'lathe' is a layered rebus-metonymy to denote  'collection of implements'sangāṭh संगाठ् । सामग्री m. (sg. dat. sangāṭas संगाटस्), a collection (of implements, tools, materials, for any object), apparatus, furniture, a collection of the things wanted on a journey, luggage, and so on. This device of a stylized 'lathe' is ligatured with a circular grapheme enclosing 'protuberances' from which emanate a pair of 'chain-links'. These hieroglyphs are also read as rebus-metonymy layers to represent a specific form of lapidary or metalwork: goī 'lump of silver' (Gujarati); goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ(Kashmiri). Thus, a collection of hieroglyphs are deployed as rebus-metonymy layered encryptions, to convey a message in Meluhha (mleccha) speech form.

    Hieroglyph: gö̃ṭh 1 अर्गलम्, चिन्हितग्रन्थिः f. (sg. dat. gö̃ṭhi गाँ&above;ठि), a bolt, door-chain; a method of tying up a parcel with a special knot marked or sealed so that it cannot be opened by an unauthorized person. Cf. gã̄ṭh and gö̃ṭhü. -- dyunu --  m.inf. to knot, fasten; to bolt, fasten (a door) (K.Pr. 76). *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goṟaṭe &c. listed DED 1722] K. goṭh f., dat. °ṭi f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠oṭu m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goṭi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goṭāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goṭā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goṭa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H.goṭ f. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. goṭ m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ṭilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goṭām. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ. Rebus:  °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271).Rebus: goī f. ʻ lump of silver (Gujarati).

    Hieroglyph: kaḍī a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kaḍum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kaḍiyaṇa, kaḍiyeṇa a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (Gujarati)

    Why nine leaves? lo = nine (Santali); no = nine (Bengali) [Note the count of nine ‘ficus’ leaves depicted on the epigraph.] 

    lo, no ‘nine’ phonetic reinforcement of Hieroglyph: loa ‘ficus’  loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata (Santali) Rebus: lo ‘copper’ (Samskritam) loha lut.i = iron utensils and implements (Santalilauha = made of copper or iron (Gr.S’r.); metal, iron (Skt.); lo_haka_ra = coppersmith, ironsmith (Pali); lo_ha_ra = blacksmith (Pt.); lohal.a (Or.); lo_ha = metal, esp. copper or bronze (Pali); copper (VS.); loho, lo_ = metal, ore, iron (Si.)

    Interlocking bodies: ca_li (IL 3872); rebus: s’a_lika (IL) village of artisans. [cf. sala_yisu  = joining of metal (Ka.)]

    kamaḍha = ficus religiosa (Skt.); kamar.kom ‘ficus’ (Santali) rebus: kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.); kampaṭṭam = mint (Ta.) Vikalpa: Fig leaf ‘loa’; rebus: loh ‘(copper) metal’. loha-kāra ‘metalsmith’ (Sanskrit). loa ’fig leaf; Rebus: loh ‘(copper) metal’ The unique ligatures on the 'leaf' hieroglyph may be explained as a professional designation: loha-kāra 'metalsmith'kāruvu  [Skt.] n. 'An artist, artificer. An agent'.(Telugu)

    sãghāṛɔ 'lathe' is a signifier and the signified is: सं-घात sãghāta 'caravan consignment' [an assemblage, aggregate of metalwork objects (of the turner in workshop): metals, alloys]. sangāṭh संगाठ् । सामग्री m. (sg. dat. sangāṭas संगाटस्), a collection (of implements, tools, materials, for any object), apparatus, furniture, a collection of the things wanted on a journey, luggage, and so on. -- karun -- करुन् । सामग्रीसंग्रहः m.inf. to collect the ab. (L.V. 17).(Kashmiri).

    Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull: खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)

    kot.iyum = a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal; kot. = neck (G.lex.) [cf. the orthography of rings on the neck of one-horned young bull]. ko_d.iya, ko_d.e = young bull; ko_d.elu = plump young bull; ko_d.e = a. male as in: ko_d.e du_d.a = bull calf; young, youthful (Te.lex.)

    Glyph:  ko_t.u = horns (Ta.) ko_r (obl. ko_t-, pl. ko_hk) horn of cattle or wild animals (Go.); ko_r (pl. ko_hk), ko_r.u (pl. ko_hku) horn (Go.); kogoo a horn (Go.); ko_ju (pl. ko_ska) horn, antler (Kui)(DEDR 2200). Homonyms: kohk (Go.), gopka_ = branches (Kui), kob = branch (Ko.) gorka, gohka spear (Go.) gorka (Go)(DEDR 2126).

    kod. = place where artisans work (Gujarati) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.) got.ho [Skt. kos.t.ha the inner part] a warehouse; an earthen 

    Rebus: kõdā‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ  = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)  A. kundār, B. kũdār, ri, Or.Kundāru; H. kũderā m. ‘one who works a lathe, one who scrapes’, rī f., kũdernā ‘to scrape, plane, round on a lathe’; kundakara—m. ‘turner’ (Skt.)(CDIAL 3297). कोंदण [ kōndaṇa ] n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems.(Marathi) খোদকার [ khōdakāra ] n an engraver; a carver. খোদকারি n. engraving; carving; interference in other’s work. খোদাই [ khōdāi ] n engraving; carving. খোদাই করা v. to engrave; to carve. খোদানো v. & n. en graving; carving. খোদিত [ khōdita ] a engraved. (Bengali) खोदकाम [ khōdakāma ] n Sculpture; carved work or work for the carver. खोदगिरी [ khōdagirī ] f Sculpture, carving, engraving: also sculptured or carved work. खोदणावळ [ khōdaṇāvaḷa ] f (खोदणें) The price or cost of sculpture or carving. खोदणी [ khōdaṇī ] f (Verbal of खोदणें) Digging, engraving &c. 2 fig. An exacting of money by importunity. V लाव, मांड. 3 An instrument to scoop out and cut flowers and figures from paper. 4 A goldsmith’s die. खोदणें [ khōdaṇēṃ ] v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. खोद खोदून विचारणें or –पुसणें To question minutely and searchingly, to probe. खोदाई [ khōdāī ] f (H.) Price or cost of digging or of sculpture or carving. खोदींव [ khōdīṃva ] p of खोदणें Dug. 2 Engraved, carved, sculptured. (Marathi)

    Annex B: aya 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'

    The meaning of 'ayas' in Rigveda has been uncertain and conjectures have been made from the texts as exemplified by the succinct presentation by 

    Arthur Anthony Macdonell, and Arthur Berriedale Keith:


    Source: Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, Volume 1 Arthur Anthony MacdonellArthur Berriedale Keith Motilal Banarsidass Publisher, 1995

    A more precise understanding of the gloss 'ayas' comes from the frequent use of a hieroglyph on Indus Script inscriptions.
    A Munda gloss for fish is 'aya'. Read rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Vedic). 
    The script inscriptions indicate a set of modifiers or ligatures to the hieroglyph indicating that the metal, aya, was worked on during the early Bronze Age metallurgical processes -- to produce aya ingots, aya metalware,aya hard alloys.

    Fish hieroglyph in its vivid orthographic form is shown in a Susa pot which contained metalware -- weapons and vessels. 
    Context for use of ‘fish’ glyph. This photograph of a fish and the ‘fish’ glyph on Susa pot are comparable to the ‘fish’ glyph on Indus inscriptions.
    The modifiers to the 'fish' hieroglyph which commonly occur together are: slanted stroke, notch, fins, lid-of-pot ligatured as superfix:For determining the semantics of the messages conveyed by the script. Positional analysis of ‘fish’ glyphs has also been presented in: The Indus Script: A Positional-statistical Approach By Michael Korvink2007, Gilund Press.

    Table from: The Indus Script: A Positional-statistical Approach By Michael Korvink2007, Gilund Press. Mahadevan notes (Para 6.5 opcit.) that ‘a unique feature of the FISH signs is their tendency to form clusters, often as pairs, and rarely as triplets also. This pattern has fascinated and baffled scholars from the days of Hunter posing problems in interpretation.’ One way to resolve the problem is to interpret the glyptic elements creating ligatured fish signs and read the glyptic elements rebus to define the semantics of the message of an inscription.
    karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaṛa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) Rebus: fire-god: @B27990.  #16671. Remo <karandi>E155  {N} ``^fire-^god''.(Munda) Rebus:. kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati)
    The 'parenthesis' modifier is a circumfix for both 'fish' and 'duck' hieroglyphs, the semantics of () two parenthetical modifiers are: kuṭilá— ‘bent, crooked’ KātyŚr., °aka— Pañcat., n. ‘a partic. plant’  [√kuṭ 1] Pa. kuṭila— ‘bent’, n. ‘bend’; Pk. kuḍila— ‘crooked’, °illa— ‘humpbacked’, °illaya— ‘bent’DEDR 2054 (a) Ta. koṭu curved, bent, crooked; koṭumai crookedness, obliquity; koṭukki hooked bar for fastening doors, clasp of an ornament. A pair of curved lines: dol ‘likeness, picture, form’ [e.g., two tigers, two bulls, sign-pair.] Kashmiri. dula दुल । युग्मम् m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rām. 966). Rebus: dul meṛeḍ  cast iron (Mundari. Santali) dul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali) pasra meṛed, pasāra meṛed = syn. of koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari.) Thus, dul kuila ‘cast bronze’.
    The parenthetically ligatured fish+duck hieroglyphs thus read rebus: dul kuila ayas karaḍā 'cast bronze ayasor cast alloy metal with ayas as component to create karaḍā ''hard alloy with ayas'.
    Ligatures to fish: parentheses + snout dul kuila ayas 'cast bronze ayas alloy with tuttha, copper sulphate

    Modifier hieroglyph: 'snout' Hieroglyph: WPah.kṭg. ṭōṭ ʻ mouth ʼ.WPah.kṭg. thótti f., thótthəṛ m. ʻ snout, mouth ʼ, A. ṭhõt(phonet. thõt) (CDIAL 5853). Semantics, Rebus: 

    tutthá n. (m. lex.), tutthaka -- n. ʻ blue vitriol (used as an eye ointment) ʼ Suśr., tūtaka -- lex. 2. *thōttha -- 4. 3. *tūtta -- . 4. *tōtta -- 2. [Prob. ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 381; cf. dhūrta -- 2 n. ʻ iron filings ʼ lex.]1. N. tutho ʻ blue vitriol or sulphate of copper ʼ, B. tuth.2. K. thŏth, dat. °thas m., P. thothā m.3. S.tūtio m., A. tutiyā, B. tũte, Or. tutiā, H. tūtātūtiyā m., M. tutiyā m.
    4. M. totā m.(CDIAL 5855) Ka. tukku rust of iron; tutta, tuttu, tutte blue vitriol. Tu. tukků rust; mair(ů)suttu, (Eng.-Tu. Dict.) mairůtuttu blue vitriol. Te. t(r)uppu rust; (SAN) trukku id., verdigris. / Cf. Skt. tuttha- blue vitriol (DEDR 3343).
    Fish + corner, aya koṇḍa, ‘metal turned or forged’
    Fish, aya ‘metal
    Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. Vikalpa: badho ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: bahoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali)
    Fish + splinteraya aduru ‘smelted native metal
    Fish + sloping stroke, aya  ‘metal ingot
    Fish + arrow or allograph, Fish + circumscribed four short strokes
    This indication of the occurrence, together, of two or more 'fish' hieroglyphs with modifiers is an assurance that the modifiers ar semantic indicators of how aya 'metal' is worked on by the artisans.

    ayakāṇḍa ‘’large quantity of stone (ore) metal’ or aya kaṇḍa ‘metal fire-altar’. ayo, hako 'fish'; = scales of fish (Santali); rebusaya ‘metal, iron’ (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) Santali lexeme, hako ‘fish’ is concordant with a proto-Indic form which can be identified as ayo in many glosses, Munda, Sora glosses in particular, of the Indian linguistic area.
    bea hako (ayo) ‘fish’ (Santali); bea ‘either of the sides of a hearth’ (G.) Munda: So. ayo `fish'. Go. ayu `fish'. Go <ayu> (Z), <ayu?u> (Z),, <ayu?> (A) {N} ``^fish''. Kh. kaDOG `fish'. Sa. Hako `fish'. Mu. hai (H) ~ haku(N) ~ haikO(M) `fish'. Ho haku `fish'. Bj. hai `fish'. Bh.haku `fish'. KW haiku ~ hakO |Analyzed hai-kO, ha-kO (RDM). Ku. Kaku`fish'.@(V064,M106) Mu. ha-i, haku `fish' (HJP). @(V341) ayu>(Z), <ayu?u> (Z)  <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish''. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish''. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn''. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn''. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+GOl-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish''. #15163. Vikalpa: Munda: <aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.#10171. So<aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.
    Indian mackerel Ta. ayirai, acarai, acalai loach, sandy colour, Cobitis thermalisayilai a kind of fish. Ma.ayala a fish, mackerel, scomber; aila, ayila a fish; ayira a kind of small fish, loach (DEDR 191) aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). Ta. ayil javelin, lance, surgical knife, lancet.Ma. ayil javelin, lance; ayiri surgical knife, lancet. (DEDR 193). aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhānti Subrahmaya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Ta.); ayir – iron dust, any ore (Ma.) Kur. adar the waste of pounded rice, broken grains, etc. Malt. adru broken grain (DEDR 134).  Ma. aśu thin, slender;ayir, ayiram iron dust.Ta. ayir subtlety, fineness, fine sand, candied sugar; ? atar fine sand, dust. அய.³ ayir, n. 1. Subtlety, fineness; நணசம. (__.) 2. [M. ayir.] Fine sand; நணமணல. (மலசலப. 92.) ayiram, n.  Candied sugar; ayil, n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; 2. Surgical knife, lancet; Javelin, lance; ayilava, Skanda, as bearing a javelin (DEDR 341).Tu. gadarů a lump (DEDR 1196) 
    kadara— m. ‘iron goad for guiding an elephant’ lex. (CDIAL 2711). अयोगूः A blacksmith; Vāj.3.5. अयस् a. [-गतौ-असुन्] Going, moving; nimble. n. (-यः) 1 Iron (एति चलति अयस्कान्तसंनिकर्षं इति तथात्वम्नायसोल्लिख्यते रत्नम् Śukra 4.169. अभितप्तमयो$पि मार्दवं भजते कैव कथा शरीरिषु R.8.43. -2 Steel. -3 Gold. -4 A metal in general. ayaskāṇḍa 1 an iron-arrow. -2 excellent iron. -3 a large quantity of iron. -_नत_(अयसक_नत_) 1 'beloved of iron', a magnet, load-stone; 2 a precious stone; ˚मजण_ a loadstone; ayaskāra 1 an iron-smith, blacksmith (Skt.Apte) ayas-kāntamu. [Skt.] n. The load-stone, a magnet. ayaskāruu. n. A black smith, one who works in iron. ayassu. n. ayō-mayamu. [Skt.] adj. made of iron (Te.) áyas— n. ‘metal, iron’ RV. Pa. ayō nom. sg. n. and m., aya— n. ‘iron’, Pk. aya— n., Si. ya. AYAŚCŪRA—, AYASKĀṆḌA—, *AYASKŪA—. Addenda: áyas—: Md. da ‘iron’, dafat ‘piece of iron’. ayaskāṇḍa— m.n. ‘a quantity of iron, excellent iron’ Pā. ga. viii.3.48 [ÁYAS—, KAA ́ṆḌA—]Si.yaka‘iron’.*ayaskūa— ‘iron hammer’. [ÁYAS—, KUU ́A—1] Pa. ayōkūa—, ayak m.; Si. yakua‘sledge —hammer’, yavu(< ayōkūa) (CDIAL 590, 591, 592). cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa; Old Germ. e7r , iron ;Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.
    Note on (amśu) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. An uncertain meaning of soma in Rigveda though the entire samhita holds the processing of soma in a nutshell, can be resolved in the context of modifers to 'fish' hieroglyph to denote 'fins or scales'.
    The vedic texts provide an intimation treating amśas a synonym of soma.
    George Pinault has found a cognate word in Tocharian, ancu which means 'iron'. I have argued in my book, Indian alchemy, soma in the Veda, that Soma was an allegory, 'electrum' (gold-silver compound). See: for Pinault's views on ancu, amśu concordance.
    The link with the Tocharian word is intriguing because Soma was supposed to come from Mt. Mujavant. A cognate of Mujavant is Mustagh Ata of the Himalayan ranges in Kyrgystan.
    Is it possible that the ancu of Tocharian from this mountain was indeed Soma?
    The referemces to Anzu in ancient Mesopotamian tradition parallels the legends of śyena 'falcon' which is used in Vedic tradition of Soma yajña attested archaeologically in Uttarakhand with a śyenaciti, 'falcon-shaped' fire-altar. śyena, orthography, Sasanian iconography. Continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs. 

    Comparing the allegory of soma and the legend of Anzu, the bird which stole the tablets of destiny, I posit a hypothesis that the tablets of destiny are paralleled by the Indus writing corpora which constitute a veritable catalog of stone-, mineral- and metal-ware in the bronze age evolving from the chalcolithic phase of what constituted an 'industrial' revolution of ancient times creating ingots of metal alloys and weapons and tools using metal alloys which transformed the relation of communities with nature and resulted in the life-activities of lapidaries transforming into miners, smiths and traders of metal artefacts. 
    I suggest that ayas of bronze age created a revolutionary transformation in the lives of people of these bronze age times.
    Maybe, Tocharian ancu had the same meaning as Rigvedic gloss, amśu. If so, ancu might have denoted electrum, 'gold-silver compound' which was subjected to reduction, by oxidation of impurities, by incessant firing for five days and nights to create the shining wealth of gold. The old Egyptian gloss for electrum wasassem, cognate soma.

    Reconstructing mleccha (meluhha) beyond identification of glosses is a very tall order and I have no competence whatsoever to take up the task. I have, however, produced a comparative lexicon for the India sprachbund with over 8000 semantic clusters. If it is validated, it could be a beginning to suggest phonetic and morphemic evolution and formation of languages such as Marathi or Bengali or Oriya. Syntax can only be inferred based on evidences provided in early Samskrtam-Prakrtam dramas of the type mentioned in Bharata's Nāṭyaśāstra. Bloch has done pioneering work on Marathi. Similar work has to be done for all languages of the language union which ancient India nurtured on the banks of River Sarasvati. She is vāgdevi and mleccha was a vācas.  One thing is clear: if the lexemes related to metalware and metalwork are found as substratum lexemes, the date should be subsequent to the 4th millennium BCE of the bronze-age when tin-bronzes and zinc-bronzes supplemented arsenical bronzes; this was a veritable revolution of the times. Given the rich treasure,Bharata nidhi of ancient Hindu texts such as those of Patanjali or Bhartrhari, we have the work cut out for us to re-evaluate and sharpen our understanding of Bharatiya vāk, the ancient spoken idiom.

    Indianized mleccha-, arya-vaacas in polyglossia linguistic area

    "Indo-Aryan languages have a long history of transmission, not only in the form of literary works and treatises dealing with logical, philosophical, and ritual matters but also in phonetic, phonological, and grammatical descriptions. The languages are divisible into three major stages: Old-, Middle- and New- (or Modern-) Indo-Aryan. The first is represented by an enormously rich literature stretching over millennia, including Vedic texts and later literary works of various genres. In addition, we are privileged to have knowledge of the details of Old Indo-Aryan of different eras and areas through extraordinarily perceptive descriptions of phonetics and phonology relative to traditions of Vedic recitation in prAtizAkhya works and PANini's ASTAdhyAyI, the brilliant set of rules describing the language current at around the fifth century BCE, with important dialectical observations and contrasts drawn between the then current speech and earlier Vedic usage. Moreover, observations by YAska (possibly antedating PANini) and Patanjali (second century BCE) inform us about some dialect features of Old Indo-Aryan in early times...Speakers of Sanskrit were aware from early on not only of differences between their current language and Vedic but also of areal differences at a given time. Well known examples stem from YAska and Patanjali, who speak of usages proper to the Kamboja, SaurASTra, the east and midlands, as well as of Arya speakers. It is noteworthy that zav is said to occur in Kamboja, a northwestern people whom in his commentary on Nirukta 2.2 Durga refers to as Mleccha (Bhadkamkar 1918: 166.5-6: gatyartho dhAtuh kambojeSv eva bhASyate mleccheSu prakRtyA prayujyata AkhyAtapadabhAvena): zyav, zav, ziyav 'go' are used in Avestan and Old Persian...Patanjali refers to the use of hamm 'go' in SauRASTra. Another feature of the speech of this area is noted in the metrical version of the PANinIyazikSA, which says that nasalized vowels as in arAm 'spokes' of RV 8.77.3b (khe arAm iva khedayA'(...pushed...down) like spokes in the wheel navel with an instrument for pressing together') are pronounced in the manner that a woman from SauRAStra pronounces takram 'buttermilk': takraM, with a fully nasalized final vosel (PS 26: yathA saurASTrikA nArI takrAm ity abhibhASate evam rangAh prayoktavyA khe arAM iva khedayA). Patanjali is well aware of the r/l alternation in particular lexical terms...Old Indo-Aryan was of course dialectically differentiated (See Emeneau 1966). The earliest distribution of dialect areas would have to stem from Vedic times, and the texts, right back to the Rgveda, show evidence of dialect differences, reflected, for example, in the use of forms of the type dakSi and dhakSi 'burn' (Cardona 1991)...There is a large variety of PrAkrits, traditionally named after regions and their inhabitants: MAhArASTrI, zaurasenI and so on. Thus, Bharata mentions (NZ 17.48: mAgadhy avantijA prAcyA zauraseny ardhamAgadhI bAhlikA dAkSiNatyA ca sapta bhASAh prakIrtitA) seven languages as being well known: MAgadhI, the language of Avanti, the language of the east, ZaurasenI, ArdhamAgadhI, BAhlIkA, and the language of the south. Theoreticians of poetics and grammarians of PrAkrits also enumerate and characterize different PrAkrits, among wich MAhArAStrI is given the highest status...The closest thing we have comparable to a dialect map of Middle Indo-Aryan is represented by Azoka's inscriptions of the third century BCE. As has been recognizedd (See Bloch 1950: 43-5, Azokan/PAli section 1.2), the major rock edicts show that east, nortwest and west constitute three major dialect areas...Arya has various meanings centering about the notion of noble, venerable, honorable, but this term was explicitly used with reference to a particular group of people, characterized by the way they spoke...Patanjali uses the phrases AryA bhASante 'Aryas say' and AryAh prayunjate 'Aryas use'. In the comparable passage of his Nirukta, YAska (Nir. 2.2 [161.11-13]) says zavatir gatikarmA kambojeSv eva bhASyate...vikAram asyAryeSu bhASante zava it 'zav meaning 'go' is used only in the Arya community one uses a derivate (vikAram 'modification) zava 'corpse''. Here, YAska uses the locative plural AryeSu parallel to kambojeSu, both terms referring to communities in which particular usages prevail...The Indian subcontinent has long been home to speakers of languages belonging to different language failies, principally Indo-European (Indo-Aryan), Dravidian, and Austro-Asiatic (Munda). It is to be expected that speakers of these languages who were in contact with each other should have been subject to possible influence of other languages on their own. Scholars have long been aware of and remarked on the changes which the language reflected in the earliest Vedic underwent over time, gradually becoming more and more 'Indianized', so that one can speak of an Indian linguistic area (Emeneau 1956, 1971, 1974, 1980, Kuiper 1967). Scholars have also differed concerning the degree of influence exerted by Munda or Dravidian languages on Indo-Aryan at different stages and the manner in which such influence was made felt. It is proper to emphasize from the outset that Old Indo-Aryan should be viewed as encompassing a variety of regional and social dialects spoken natively, developing historically in the way any living language does, and whose speakers interacted in a society where diglossia and polyglossia were the norm. Sanskrit speakers show an awareness of these facts. Thus, it is not only historically true that early Vedic root aorists of the type akar, agan were gradually replaced by forms of the types akArSU, agamat but also that YAska and Patanjali were aware of such changes and brought the fact out in their paraphrases; see Mehendale 1968: 15-33. PANini accounted for major features of Vedic which differed from his current language. In addition, such early native speakers of Sanskrit give us evidence of attitudes towards different varieties of speech which should be taken into consideration...Patanjali recounts the dialogue: A certain grammarian (kazcid vaiyAkaraNah) says to a chariot driver, ko 'sya rathasya pravetA 'Who is the driver of this car?' The driver answers, AyuSmann aham prAjitA 'Sir, I am the driver', upon which the grammarian accuses him of using an incorrect speech form (apazabda). The driver retorts that the grammarian knows what should obtain by rule (prAptijnah) but not what is desired (iSTijnah): this term is desirable (iSyata etad rUpam), Patanjali doubtless reflects a historical change in the language between PANini's time and area and his. At the same time, he is clearly willing to countenance that usage could include terms which a strict grammarian might consider improper. And he puts this in terms of a contrast between a grammarian and a charioteer. Another famous MaHAbhASya passage concerns sages (RSi-) who were characterized by the way they pronounced the phrases yad vA nah and tad vA nah: yar vA nah, tar vA nah. Although these sages spoke with such vernacular features, they did not do so during ritual acts...On the contrary, both accepted forms and those considered incorrect served equally to convey meanings, and what distinguished corrrect speech was that one gaind merit from such usage accompanied by a knowledge of its grammatical formation. One must recognize also that the standard speech could include elements which originally were not part of the Sanskrit norm. Moreover, Zabara remarks (on JS [II.151]) that although authoity (pramANam) is granted to a learned elite (ziSTAh whose behaviour is authoritative with respect to what cannot be known directly (yat tu ziSTAcArah pramANam iti tat pratyakSAnavagate 'rthe) and who are experts (abhiyuktAh) as concerns the meanings of terms, nevertheless Mlecchas are more expert as concernss the care and binding of birds (yat tv abhiyuktAh zabdArtheSu ziSTA iti tatrocyate: abhiyuktatarAh pakSiNAm poSaNe bandhan ca mlecchAh). Consequently, when it comes to terms like pika- 'cuckcoo', which Aryas do not use in any meaning but which Mlecchas do (ZBh. [II.149]: atha yAN chamdAn AryA na kasmimzcid artha Acaranti mlecchAs tu kasmimzcit prayunjate yathA pika...), authority is granted to Mleccha usage...There is thus evidence to show that before the second century BCE and possibly before PANini's time Mlecchas who inhabited areas outside the bounds of AryAvartta could be absorbed into the prevalent social system and that terms from speech areas such as that of the Kambojas could be treated as Indo-Aryan...Arya brAhmaNas normally were not supposed to engage in discourse with Mlecchas, but they had to do so on occasion. In brief, the picture is that of a society in which an Arya group considered itself the carrier of a higher culture and strived to keep this culture and the language associated with it but at the same time had necessarily to interact with groups like Mlecchas, whose language and customs were considered lesser. The result of such interaction, both with other Indo-Aryans who spoke dalects with Middle Indo-Aryan features and with non-Indo-Aryans, was that Sanskrit was effected through adoption of lexical terms and grammatical features...There is no cogent reason to consider that such changes due to contact had not been carried out gradually over generations for a long time before. Modern views. Although scholars generally agree that Old Indo-Aryan was indeed affected by 'autochthonous' languages and that there is indeed a South Asia linguistic area (see, e.g., Emeneau 1956, 1980, Kuiper 1967, Masica 1976), there are disagreements concerning the possible degree to which such effects should be seen in early Vedic and whether the features at issue could reflect also developments from Indo-European sources. In addition to the extent and sources of lexical borrowings, the main points of contention concern four features commonly considered characteristic of a South Asian linguistic area: (1) a contrast between retroflex and dental consonants, (2) the use of quotative particle (Skt. iti), (3) the use of absolutives (Skt. -tvA, ya), (4) the general unmarked word subject-object-verb...As to what non-Indo-Aryan languages are concerned, obvious candidates are Dravidian and Munda languages. The number of such borrowings into early Indo-Aryan has been the topic of ongoing debate...It has also to be admitted that the archaeological evidence available does not serve to confirm Indo-Aryan migrations into the subcontinent. Moreover, there is no textual evidence in the early literary traditions unambiguously showing a trace of such migration...In an email message kindly conveyed to me by S. Kalyanaraman (11 April 1999)...BaudhAyanazrautasUtra passage...this text cannot serve to document an Indo-Aryan migration into the main part of the subcontinent... " (Dhanesh Jain, George Cardona (eds.), 2003, The Indo-Aryan languages, Routledge, pp.6-7,17-21, 26-28, 31-37).

    All indications point to Vedic people performing their fire worship on the banks of River Sarasvati. The river basin has revealed 80% or over 2000 of the 2600 archaeological sites of Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) civilization.  Language, astronomical, and archaeological pointers refer to 7th millennium BCE as the date for the formation of language and activities of Vedic people on this doab of Sarasvati-Sindhu rivers.

    Baudhāyana Śrautasūtra belongs to Taittiriya Shakha school of the Krishna Yajurveda (ca. 6th century BCE). This Vedic text has the following statement:

    pran Ayuh pravavraja. Tasyaite Kuru-Pancalah Kasi-Videha ity. Etad Ayavam pravrajam. Pratyan amavasus. Tasyaite Gandharvarayas Parsavo ‘ratta ity. Etad Amavasavam. (BSS18.44:397.9 sqq)

    Translation: Ayu migrated eastwards. His (people) are the Kuru-Pancalas and the Kasi-Videhas. This is the Ayava (migration). Amavasu migrated westwards. His (people) are the Ghandhari, Parsu and Aratta. This is the Amavasu (migration).

    This Sutra provides evidence for two historical narratives: 1. Both Ayu and Amavasu were indigenous Vedic people located in the Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins and hence, provides ZERO evidence for any mythical Aryan Invasion/Migration theory; 2. the movements of people away from Kurukshetra on the banks of River Sarasvati attest to the formation of the Indian sprachbund in Gangetic basin, Gujarat and beyond including areas west of River Sindhu (Indus). 

    The memory recorded in the Sutra refers to an ancient Itihasa of Bharatam Janam, in the context of narratives related to philosophers of fire, worshippers of fire. That the legend is mentioned as a received memory in Rigveda points to the possibility of this narrative related to Ayu and Amavasu being dated earlier than 7th millennium BCE. The passage is part of a dialogue between Pururava and Urvasi. Their sons were Ayu and Amavasu who were associated with two twin groups formed as they wandered forth: Ayava (eastern) kin group and Amavasava (western) kin group. 

    Yes, there were migrations but the text in Baudhāyana Śrautasūtra emphatically declares the directions of earlier migrations of Ayu and Amavasu who are memories from events in bygone millennia, perhaps earlier to the 7th millennium BCE which is the date posited for Rigveda by other evidences such as the archaeologically attested pit-dwellings of Bhirrana, a site which is dated to 7th millennium BCE. Nicholas Kazanas a scholar in Indo-European studies dates the bulk of Rigveda to the fourth millennium BCE based on hiseorical linguistic analyses. (Kazanas, Nicholas, 2015, Vedic and Indo-European Studies, Delhi, Aditya Prakashan, p.xxxi).  After affirming that Indo-Aryans were indigenous to India from at least the 7th millennium BCE, Kazanas also notes that Vedic is much older than any other IE language and suggests a fresh start to IE studies and to studies on Proto-Indo-European mother tongue. In all his studies spanning many IE branches, comparing evidences from the linguistic, literary, anthropological and archaeological fields (and from Genetics), Vedic inheritance emerges as the oldest of all IE traditions, older than even the Near Eastern cultures; the bulk of the Rgveda hymns appear to have been composed with Indo-Aryans residing in North-West India (and Pakistan) since about 5000 BCE.

    BB Lal's work,(The Rigvedic People, 'Invaders'? 'Immigrants'? or Indigenous? -- Evidence of Archaeology and Literature, 2015, Aryan Books International) notes that the Rigveda (10.75, 5-6) refers to Vedic people occupying the entire territory from the Indus on the west to the upper reaches of the Ganga-Yamuna in the east and only one civilization that existed in the same region: Harappan Civilization. Lal concludes that the Civilization and Vedas are but two faces of the same coin (pp.122-23) and adds that evidence from Kunal and Bhirrana (pp. 54-55) trace the roots of the civilization to the 6th-5th millennia BCE, indicating that Harappans were the 'sons of the soil' and not aliens. Thus, according to Lal, the Vedic people who were themselves the Harappans, were indigenous and neither 'invaders' nor 'immigrants'. 

    After Fig. 6.1 Bhirrana: Dwelling-pits, Stage I in BB Lal, 2015, pp. 50-52: "These pits measured from 2.3 m to 3.4 m in diameter and from 34 cm to 58 cm in depth...The walls were plastered with mud and the same treatment was also given to the floor. The excavators have stated that they did not come across any holes along the edges of these pits, which could have carried posts to support a peripheral wall. However, in one of the pits they did find a chunk of clay bearing reed-impressions, which has suggested to them that, in all probability, there was some kind of covering of wattle-and-daub...the inhabitants had well stepped into 'Copper Age', as clearly estabished by the occurrence in these strata of a bangle and an arrowhead of copper. In fact, in one of the pits fragments of crucibles with specks of molten copper still sticking to them have also been found indicating local manufacturing activity...there occurred beads of semi-precious stones such as agate, carnelian, jasper and even lapis lazuli, the last-named material having had its source far away in the west."

    A hypothesis is that the Indus writing is related to smithy-guild. The hypothesis is validated by reading rebus, the mleccha [milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali), cognate meluhha] homonym glosses.
    The early smith not only invented alloying but also a writing system to create smithy-guild tokens to authenticate the trade transactions over an extensive area extending from Ropar in Sarasvati River basin, Punjab to Ur in Mesopotamia. The trade was the mother of invention; trade necessitated authentication of the smelting, forging, casting, ingot, moulding metalwork using a range of mineral ores. This is the function performed by over 400 pictorial glyphs (so-called signs)) and over 100 pictorial motifs (so-called field symbols) of the Indus writing system which encoded mleccha speech (referred to as mlecchitavikalpa by Vatsyayana included in the list of 64 arts in vidyaasamuddesha, objective of vidyaa, education).

    1. There are inscriptions on metal tools, evidencing the competence of the smith as a scribe (karNaka, the most-frequently used glyph, which means: rim of jar).
    2. There are over 230 copper tablets inscribed with Indus writing (see appended epigraphs), again evidencing the competence of the smith as a scribe.
    3. Over 10 metal tools and metal weapons of Kalibangan, Chanhu-daro, Harappa and Mohenjo-daro are inscribed.
    4. Mesopotamian texts evidence trade with Meluhha (Sarasvati civilization area) in metals such as gold, silver, copper, tin and alloys such as bronze which are high-value products of the times.
    5. The legacy of the Indus mint continues into the historical periods with the vivid use of Indus glyphs on early punch-marked coins (cf. Theobald sign-list of punch-mark signs), Sohgaura copper-plate, Rampurva copper bolt between ca. 6th and 3rd cent. BCE.
    6. An average of 5 glyphs (both pictorial motifs and signs) are used on Indus epigraphs. An average of 5 glyphs (both pictorial motifs and signs) are used on punch-marked coins produced by metal-smith-guilds/mints of janapadas (peoples’ republics), consistent with the repertoire of early smithy-guilds.
    7. The tradition of use of copper tablets to record property/trade transactions and rajashasana continues in India during the historical periods.
    8. The cultural continuum is also evidenced by the continued use of cire perdue (lost wax) technique used for making bronze images (as in Mohenjodaro dancing girl) of utsavabera made even today in Swamimalai and other parts of India.
    9. Bronze-age iron is evidenced in many archaeological sites and 3 sites of Malhar, Lohardewa and Raja-nal-ki-tila on Ganga basin have shown evidence of iron smelters ca. 1800 BCE. The areas of austro-asiatic speakers is correlated with the areas where early mineral-smelting, iron-smelting have been located.
    10. The standards of metrology (particulary weights) are used in the civilization contact area (e.g. Magan, Dilmun) as evidenced by the recent archaeological finds of weights and use of Indus writing system in Persian Gulf states.
    11. Two pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck at Haifa contained inscriptions using Indus script glyphs. The glyphs have been decoded as tin mineral (ranku dhatu).

    Dholavira advertisement-board using many glyphs used on metal tool inscriptions, decoding the advertisement-board announcing a variety of metallurgical services.

    Terms borrowed from an otherwise unknown language include those relating to cereal-growing and bread-making (bread, ploughshare, seed, sheaf, yeast), water-works (canal, well), architecture (brick, house, pillar, wooden peg), tools or weapons (axe, club), textiles and garments (cloak, cloth, coarse garment, hem, needle) and plants (hemp, cannabis, mustard, Soma plant).[Michael Witzel, Central Asian Roots and Acculturation in South Asia. Linguistic and Archaeological Evidence from Western Central Asia, the Hindukush and Northwestern South Asia for Early Indo-Aryan Language and Religion. In: T. Osada (ed.), Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past (Kyoto : Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature 2005), pp. 87-211.]Lubotsky pointed out that the phonological and morphological similarity of 55 loanwords in Proto-Indo-Iranian and in Sanskrit indicates that a substratum of Indo-Iranian and a substratum of Indo-Aryan represent the same language, or perhaps two dialects of the same language. He concludes that the language of the original population of the towns of Central Asia, where Indo-Iranians must have arrived in the second millennium BCE, and the language spoken in Punjab (see Harappan below) were intimately related.[A. Lubotsky, The Indo-Iranian Substratum, in: Early Contacts between Uralic and Indo-European: Linguistic and Archaeological Considerations, ed. Chr. Carpelan, A. Parpola, P.Koskikallio (Helsinki, Suomalais- Ugrilainen Seura 2001), pp. 301-317.]However an alternative interpretation is that 55 loanwords entered common Proto-Indo-Iranian during its development in the Sintashta culture in distant contact with the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex, and then many more words with the same origin enriched Old Indic as it developed among pastoralists who integrated with and perhaps ruled over the declining BMAC.[D.W. Anthony, The Horse, the Wheel and Language (2007), pp. 455-6. 

    [See also: F.B.J. Kuiper, Aryans in the Rigveda, (Amsterdam-Atlanta: Rodopi 1991) from which some of these examples are taken.]


     Skt. amsu- `Soma plant'; Av. asu- 'Haoma plant'
     Skt. atharvan- : Av. aerauuan-/araurun- `priest'
     Skt. bhisaj- m. `physician'; Av. bi- `medicine', LAv. biaziia- 'to cure'
     Skt. chaga- : Oss. saeg / saegae `billy-goat'
     Skt. dursa- `coarse garment' : Wakhi dərs `wool of a goat or a yak'
     Skt. gandha- `smell' : LAv. gainti- `bad smell'
     Skt. gandharva- : LAv. ganedərəva- `a mythical being'
     Skt. Indra- name of a god; LAv. Indra- name of a daeva
     Skt. istaka- f. (VS+); LAv. istiia- n., OP isti- f., MiP xist 'brick'
     Skt. jahaka- : LAv. duzuka-, Bal. jajuk, duzux, MoP zuza `hedgehog'
     Skt. kesa- `hair' : LAv. gaesa- `curly hair'
     Skt. nagnahu- (AVP+) m. `yeast, ferment'; PIr. *nagna- `bread'
     Skt. phala- : MoP supar `ploughshare'
     Skt. seppa-, but Prkrit cheppa- : LAv. xsuuaepa- `tail'
     Skt. sikata- : OP sika- `sand'
     Skt. suco- : LAv. suka- `needle'
     Skt. ustra-; Av. ustra-, 'camel'
     Skt. yavya- /yaviya/ `stream, canal'; OP yauviya- `canal'.

    Proto IndoAryans (T Burrow 1973)Additional resources/links

    Language and Linguistic Area -- Essays by Murray B. Emeneau Selected and introduced by Anwar S. Dil, 1980. Stanford University Press ISBN 0-8047-1047-3 (Google book:

    It is submitted that the expression भारतम् जनम् Bhāratam janam used in Rigveda (RV 3.53.12) may be interpreted as a reference to 'metalcaster folk'. This semantic (attested in etyma of Indian sprachbund) is explained in the context of the entire sukta with metaphors and references related to metalwork, chariots (perhaps even to war-trumpet, vAksasarparI). The full text of the sukta is appended with translation based on Sayana (and Wilson).

    It should be underscored that the expression भारतम् जनम् Bhāratam janam is the self-designation in Rigveda RV 3.53.12 indicating the life activities of the people of a maritime tract, seafaring merchants, as they were transiting from chalcolithic phase to metals age in urban living. 

    Bhāratam Janam, metalcasters were also seafaring people, living in a maritime tract. A gloss from CilappadikAram in Tamil explains paratavar < bharata as inhabitants of maritime tract, fishing tribes.

    The sukta RV 3.53 has 24 ricas. Ricas 15,16 invoke vAk (sasarparI), ricas 17-20 invoke rathAngAni while other ricas are prayers to Indra, 

    The invocation to sasarparI is tough to interpret. It may be an invocation of vAk or 'war-trumpet':

    ससर्परी [p= 1192,3] f. (prob. fr. √ सृप् , of unknown meaning , accord. to Sa1y. 
    वाच् ; accord. to others = " war-trumpet " , or " N. of a mystical cow ") RV.iii , 53 , 15 ; 16.

    15 Sasarpari, the gift of Jamadagnis, hath lowed with mighty voice dispelling famine.
    16 Sasarpari brought glory speedily to these, over the generations of the Fivefold Race. (Trans.Griffith)

    The prayer of Vis'vāmitra protects Bharata ,'metalcaster' people (rica 12) is preceded by the following expression in the sukta: 

    vajriṇe 'wielder of the thunderbolt, Indra'(rica 13)

    Given the contextual references to artisanal work (metalwork, in particular), it is reasonable to infer that the expression Bhāratam Janam may be a reference to 'metalcaster people' as inferred from the following etyma of Indian sprachbund. The expression ima indra bharatasya putrā 'sons of bharata'(rica 24) need NOT refer to a particular person named 'bharata' but to a metalcaster, bharata, in general, as a collective designation.

    Roots of Bhāratam Janam have to be traced from the banks of Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu identifying their life-activity as metalworkers, metalcasters who made भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. भरताचें भांडें (p. 603) [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें.भरती (p. 603) [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत. (Marathi. Moleworth).

    Cognate etyma (semantics of alloy) of Indian sprachbund: bhāraṇ = to bring out from a kiln (G.)  bāraṇiyo = one whose profession it is to sift ashes or dust in a goldsmith’s workshop (G.lex.) In the Punjab, the mixed alloys were generally called, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin). In Bengal, an alloy called bharan or toul was created by adding some brass or zinc into pure bronze. bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (G.lex.) Bengali. ভরন [ bharana ] n an inferior metal obtained from an alloy of coper, zinc and tin. baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi)

    Roots of Bhāratam Janam have to be the mission, focus of attention of archaeological researches. The roots have to be found by delineating the cultural mores of the people as they evolved over time and tracing the formation and evolution of ancient Indian languages. Indus Script Corpora are an essential primary resource for this mission.

    Dr. BR Mani and Dr. KN Dikshit have provided (2013) this illustration of the map of Indian civilization with archaeological evidences tracing back to the 8th millennium BCE. This provides a spatial framework for analysing the formation of all ancient Indian languages.
    Decipherment of Indus Script Corpora based on an Indo-European language may lead to redefining the Proto-Indo-European studies. Baudhāyana-Śrautasūtra provides indications of movements ofBhāratam Janam out of Sarasvati river valley eastwards towards Kashi and westwards towards Sumer/Mesopotamia.
    BB Lal provides evidences of migrations of Proto-Indo-Aryans out of India in this map citing Baudhayana Srautasutra evidence. Parpola has ignored this evidence from a primary source. Thus, all the arguments he provides about BMAC and other Eurasian cultures with exquisite pictures of horses and wheeled vehicles are empty and based on a faith in what Emeneau referred to as 'the linguistic doctrine' of Aryan invasion/migration to explain the peopling and languages of India. The directions of movements of Proto-Indo-Aryans could have been OUT OF India and NEED NOT be construed as movements INTO India.

    See: Inaugural Address delivered by BB Lal at the 19th International Conference on South Asian Archaeology at University of Bologna, Ravenna, Italy on July 2–6, 2007 'Let not the 19th century paradigms continue to haunt us!'

    Baudhāyana-Śrautasūtra 18.44 :397.9 sqq. notes:

    pran ayuh pravavraja. tasyaite kuru-pancalah kasi-videha ity. etad Ayavam pravrajam. pratyan amavasus. tasyaite gandharvarayas parsavo‘ratta ity. etad Amavasavam. “Ayu went eastwards. His (people) are the Kuru-Pancala and the Kasi Videha. This is the Ayava migration. (His other people) stayed at home in the West. His people are the Gandhari, Parsu and Aratta. This is the Amavasava (group)...”

    That the original location of these peole (who split into two groups and migrated) was in Sarasvati river valley is proved by the next sutra which identifies Kurukshetra. Ayu went eastwards, Amavasu went westwards towards Parsava. So begins the journey of Indo-Europeans into Proto-Indo-Aryan, Proto-Indo-Iranian language forms. This framework demolishes the Aryan invasion/migration theories based on textual evidence which is attested by archaeological evidence. Just as it is impossible to delineate directions of borrowings of words in languages, it is also impossible to delineate directions of movements of people. It appears that the presence of Indus Script hieroglyphs in Ancient Near East and the gloss ancu in Tocharian attest the movement of Proto-Prakritam speaking Bhāratam Janam into Bactria-Margiana Cultural Complex and into Tushara (Tocharian speaking region of Kyrgystan on the Silk Road).

    r.s.i: vis'va_mitra ga_thina; devata_: indra, 1 indra and parvata, 15,16 va_k (sasarpari_), 17-20 ratha_n:ga, 21-24 indra and abhis'a_pa; chanda: tris.t.up,10,16 jagati_, 13 ga_yatri_, 12, 20,22 anus.t.up, 18 br.hati_

    RV_3,053.01a indrāparvatā bṛhatā rathena vāmīr iṣa ā vahataṃ suvīrāḥ |
    RV_3,053.01c vītaṃ havyāny adhvareṣu devā vardhethāṃ gīrbhir iḷayā madantā ||
    RV_3,053.02a tiṣṭhā su kam maghavan mā parā gāḥ somasya nu tvā suṣutasya yakṣi |
    RV_3,053.02c pitur na putraḥ sicam ā rabhe ta indra svādiṣṭhayā girā śacīvaḥ ||
    RV_3,053.03a śaṃsāvādhvaryo prati me gṛṇīhīndrāya vāhaḥ kṛṇavāva juṣṭam |
    RV_3,053.03c edam barhir yajamānasya sīdāthā ca bhūd uktham indrāya śastam ||
    RV_3,053.04a jāyed astam maghavan sed u yonis tad it tvā yuktā harayo vahantu |
    RV_3,053.04c yadā kadā ca sunavāma somam agniṣ ṭvā dūto dhanvāty accha ||
    RV_3,053.05a parā yāhi maghavann ā ca yāhīndra bhrātar ubhayatrā te artham |
    RV_3,053.05c yatrā rathasya bṛhato nidhānaṃ vimocanaṃ vājino rāsabhasya ||
    RV_3,053.06a apāḥ somam astam indra pra yāhi kalyāṇīr jāyā suraṇaṃ gṛhe te |
    RV_3,053.06c yatrā rathasya bṛhato nidhānaṃ vimocanaṃ vājino dakṣiṇāvat ||
    RV_3,053.07a ime bhojā aṅgiraso virūpā divas putrāso asurasya vīrāḥ |
    RV_3,053.07c viśvāmitrāya dadato maghāni sahasrasāve pra tiranta āyuḥ ||
    RV_3,053.08a rūpaṃ-rūpam maghavā bobhavīti māyāḥ kṛṇvānas tanvam pari svām |
    RV_3,053.08c trir yad divaḥ pari muhūrtam āgāt svair mantrair anṛtupā ṛtāvā ||
    RV_3,053.09a mahāṃ ṛṣir devajā devajūto 'stabhnāt sindhum arṇavaṃ nṛcakṣāḥ |
    RV_3,053.09c viśvāmitro yad avahat sudāsam apriyāyata kuśikebhir indraḥ ||
    RV_3,053.10a haṃsā iva kṛṇutha ślokam adribhir madanto gīrbhir adhvare sute sacā |
    RV_3,053.10c devebhir viprā ṛṣayo nṛcakṣaso vi pibadhvaṃ kuśikāḥ somyam madhu ||
    RV_3,053.11a upa preta kuśikāś cetayadhvam aśvaṃ rāye pra muñcatā sudāsaḥ |
    RV_3,053.11c rājā vṛtraṃ jaṅghanat prāg apāg udag athā yajāte vara ā pṛthivyāḥ ||
    RV_3,053.12a ya ime rodasī ubhe aham indram atuṣṭavam |
    RV_3,053.12c viśvāmitrasya rakṣati brahmedam bhārataṃ janam ||
    RV_3,053.13a viśvāmitrā arāsata brahmendrāya vajriṇe |
    RV_3,053.13c karad in naḥ surādhasaḥ ||
    RV_3,053.14a kiṃ te kṛṇvanti kīkaṭeṣu gāvo nāśiraṃ duhre na tapanti gharmam |
    RV_3,053.14c ā no bhara pramagandasya vedo naicāśākham maghavan randhayā naḥ ||
    RV_3,053.15a sasarparīr amatim bādhamānā bṛhan mimāya jamadagnidattā |
    RV_3,053.15c ā sūryasya duhitā tatāna śravo deveṣv amṛtam ajuryam ||
    RV_3,053.16a sasarparīr abharat tūyam ebhyo 'dhi śravaḥ pāñcajanyāsu kṛṣṭiṣu |
    RV_3,053.16c sā pakṣyā navyam āyur dadhānā yām me palastijamadagnayo daduḥ ||
    RV_3,053.17a sthirau gāvau bhavatāṃ vīḷur akṣo meṣā vi varhi mā yugaṃ vi śāri |
    RV_3,053.17c indraḥ pātalye dadatāṃ śarītor ariṣṭaneme abhi naḥ sacasva ||
    RV_3,053.18a balaṃ dhehi tanūṣu no balam indrānaḷutsu naḥ |
    RV_3,053.18c balaṃ tokāya tanayāya jīvase tvaṃ hi baladā asi ||
    RV_3,053.19a abhi vyayasva khadirasya sāram ojo dhehi spandane śiṃśapāyām |
    RV_3,053.19c akṣa vīḷo vīḷita vīḷayasva mā yāmād asmād ava jīhipo naḥ ||
    RV_3,053.20a ayam asmān vanaspatir mā ca hā mā ca rīriṣat |
    RV_3,053.20c svasty ā gṛhebhya āvasā ā vimocanāt ||
    RV_3,053.21a indrotibhir bahulābhir no adya yācchreṣṭhābhir maghavañ chūra jinva |
    RV_3,053.21c yo no dveṣṭy adharaḥ sas padīṣṭa yam u dviṣmas tam u prāṇo jahātu ||
    RV_3,053.22a paraśuṃ cid vi tapati śimbalaṃ cid vi vṛścati |
    RV_3,053.22c ukhā cid indra yeṣantī prayastā phenam asyati ||
    RV_3,053.23a na sāyakasya cikite janāso lodhaṃ nayanti paśu manyamānāḥ |
    RV_3,053.23c nāvājinaṃ vājinā hāsayanti na gardabham puro aśvān nayanti ||
    RV_3,053.24a ima indra bharatasya putrā apapitvaṃ cikitur na prapitvam |
    RV_3,053.24c hinvanty aśvam araṇaṃ na nityaṃ jyāvājam pari ṇayanty ājau ||

    3.053.01 Indra and Parvata, bring hither, in a spacious car, delightful viands (generative of) good progeny; partake, deities, of the oblations (offered)at (our) sacrifices, and gratified by the (sacrificial) food, be elevated by our praises. 

    3.053.02 Tarry a while contentedly, Maghavan (at our rite); go not away; for I offer to you (the libation) of the copiously-effused Soma; powerful Indra, I lay hold of the skirts (of your robe) with sweet-flavoured commendations, as a son (clings to the garment) of a father. 

    3.053.03 Adhvaryu, let us two offer praise; do you concur with me; let us address pleasing praise to Indra; sit down, Indra, on the sacred grass (prepared by) the institutor of the rite; and may our commendations be most acceptable to Indra. [Do you concur with me: prati me gr.n.i_hi; the Hota_ is supposed to speak to Adhvaryu to direct their joint performance of some part of the ceremony]. 

    3.053.04 A man's wife, Maghavan, is his dwelling; verily she is his place of birth; thither let your horses, harnessed (to your car), convey you; we prepare the Soma at the fit season; may Agni come as our messenger befor eyou. [His place of birth: ja_ya_ id astam sedu yonih: astam = gr.ham (gr.hin.i_ gr.ham ucyate iti smr.teh; na gr.ham gr.hamisya_hurgr.hi.n.o gr.hamucyate)]. 

    3.053.05 Depart, Maghavan; come Indra; both ways, protector, there is a motive for you whether it be standing in your vast chariot, or liberating your neighing steed. [Both ways: ubhayatra te artham: Indra's wife awaits his return, the Soma libation invites his stay; protectorL bhra_ta_ = lit., brother; but here explained as pos.aka, nourisher]. 

    3.053.06 When you have drunk the Soma, then, Indra, go home; an auspicious life (abides) pleasantly in your dwelling; in either (case) there is the standing in your car or liberating the steeds for provender. 

    3.053.07 These (sacrificers) are the Bhojas, of whom the diversified An:girasas (are the priests); and the heroic sons of the expeller (of the foes of the gods) from heaven, bestowing riches upon Vis'va_mitra at the sacrifice of a thousand (victims), prolong (his) life. [These sacrificers are the Bhojas: ime bhoja_ an:giraso viru_pa_: bhoja_ = ks.atriya descendants of Suda_s, suda_sah ks.atriya, ya_gam kurva_n.ah, instituting the sacrifice at which the latter, Medha_tithi, and the rest of the race of an:giras were their ya_jakas, or officiating priests; the expeller: rudra, his sons are the maruts; sacrifice of a thousand victims: sahasrasave = the as'vamedha]. 

    3.053.08 Maghavan becomes repeatedly (manifest) in various forms, practising delusions with respect to his own peculiar person; and invoked by his appropriate prayers, he comes in a moment from heaven to the three (daily rites), and, although observant of seasons, is the drinker (of the Soma) irrespective of season. 

    3.053.09 The great r.s.i the generator of the gods, the attracted by the deities, the overlooker of the leaders (at holy rites), Vis'va_mitra attested the watery stream when he sacrificed for Suda_s; Indra, with the Kus'ikas was pleased. [The generator of the gods: devaja_h = the generator of radiances or energies, tejasa_m janayita_; arrested the watery stream: astabhna_t sindhum arn.avam: he is said to have stopped the current of the confluence of the vipa_s/a_ and s'utudri rivers; indra with the kus'ikas was pleased: apriyayata kus'ikebhir Indra = kus'ikagotrotpannair r.s.ibhih saha, with the of the kus'ika lineage, or it might be rendered, pleased by the Kus'ikas]. 

    3.053.10 Sages and saints overlookers of the leaders (of sacred rites), Kus'ikas, when the Soma is expressed with stones at the sacrifice, then exhilarating (the gods) with praises, sing the holy strain (aloud) like (screaming) swans, and, together with the gods, drink the sweet juice of the Soma. 

    3.053.11 Approach, Kus'ikas, the steed of Suda_s; animate (him), and let him loose to (win) riches (for the raja); for the king (of the gods) has slain Vr.tra in the East, in the West, in the North, therefore let (Suda_s) worship him in the best (regions) of the earth. 

    3.053.12 I have made Indra glorified by these two, heaven and earth, and this prayer of Vis'va_mitra protects the race of Bharata. [Made Indra glorified: indram atus.t.avam-- the verb is the third preterite of the casual, I have caused to be praised; it may mean: I praise Indra, abiding between heaven and earth, i.e. in the firmament]. 

    3.053.13 The Vis'va_mitras have addressed the prayer to Indra, the wielder of the thunderbolt; may he therefore render us very opulent. [The Vis'va_mitras: The bharatas, or descendants of Bharata, are descendants of Vis'va_mitra; Bharata is the son of S'akuntala_, the daughter of the sage, Visva_mitra (Maha_bha_rata A_diparva); Vasis.t.ha is the family priest of the Bharats and was the restorer to dominion from which they had been expelled by the Pan~ca_las]. 

    3.053.14 What do the cattle for you among the; they yield no milk to mix with the Soma, they need not the vessel (for the libation); bring them to us; (bring also) the wealth of the son of the usurer, and give us Maghavan, (the possessions) of the low branches (of the community). [The (Nirukta 6.32) are people who do not perform worship, who are infidels, na_stikas; in countries inhabited by ana_ryas (ki_kat.a_ na_ma des'ona_ryaniva_sah); na tapanti gharma_n.i: harmyam = a house; gharma_n.i = a vessel termed maha_vi_ra used at the rite called pragr.hya: pragr.h ya_khya_ karmopa yuktam maha_vi_rapa_tram, which the cattle do not warm by yielding their milk to it; usurer: a_ bhara pramagandasya vedas: maganda = kusidin, or usurer, one who says to himself, the money that goes from me will come back doubled, and pra = a patronymic; low branches of the community: naica_s'a_kham, that which belongs to a low (ni_ca) branch, or class (s'a_kha); the posterity born of S'u_dras and the like]. 

    3.053.15 The daughter of Su_rya given by Jamadagni gliding everywhere and dissipating ignorance, has emitted a mighty (sound), and has diffused ambrosial imperishable food among the gods. [Given by Jamadagni: jamadagni datta_ = given by the r.s;is maintaining a blazing jamat-jvalat, fire, agni; mighty sound: the sound of thunder or the like in the sky; food among the gods: as the prayers or exclamation which accompanies the burnt offering]. 

    3.053.16 May she, gliding everywhere, quickly bring us food (suited) to the five races of men; may she, the daughter of the sun whom the grey-haired jamadagnis gave to me, (be) the bestower of new life. [Five races of men: pan~cajanya_su five distinctions are restricted to human beings; hence, the reference may be to four castes and barbarians; daughter of the sun: paks.ya_, the daughter of Paks.a: paks.a nirva_hakasya, the distributor of the parts (of the year?), i.e. su_ryasya, of the sun; bestower of new life: navyam a_yur dadha_na, having new life or food: mama kurvan.a_ bhavatu]. 

    3.053.17 May the horse be steady, the axle be strong, the pole be not defective, the yoke not be rotten; may Indra preserve the two yoke-pins from decay; car with uninjured felloes, be ready for us. [The horses: ga_vau gaccheta iti ga_vau as'vau: ga_va_ implies those who go, or, in this place, horses; car be ready for us: Vis'va_mitra being about to depart from the sacrifice of Suda_s, invokes good fortune for his conveyance]. 

    3.053.18 Give strength, Indra, to our bodies; give strength to our vehicles; (give) strength to our sons and grandsons; that they may live (long); for you are giver of strength. 

    3.053.19 Fix firmly the substance of the khayar (axle), give solidity to the s'is'u (floor) of the car; strong axle, strongly fixed by us, be strong; cast us not from out of our conveyance. [khayar and s'is'u: khadirasya sa_ram is the text; khadira = mimosa catechu of which the bolt of the axle is made; while the s'im.s'apa, dalbergia sisu furnishes wood for the floor; these are still timber-trees in common use]. 

    3.053.20 May this lord of the forest never desert us nor do us harm; may we travel prosperously home until the stopping (of the car), until the unharnessing (of the steeds). [This lord of the forest: vanaspati, i.e. the timber of which the car is made]. 

    3.053.21 Indra, hero,possessor of wealth, protect us this day against our foes with many and excellent defences; may the vile wretch who hates us fall (before us); may the breath of life depart from him whom we hate. 

    3.053.22 As (the tree) suffers pain from the axe, as the s'imbal flower is (easily) cut off, as the injured cauldron leaking scatters foam, so may mine enemy perish. [The ellipse: as the tree is cut down by the axe, so may the enemy be cut down; as one cuts off without difficulty the flower of the s'imbal, so may he be destroyed; as the ukha_ (cauldron) when struck (prahata), and thence leaking (yes.anti_, sravanti_), scatters foam or breath from its mouth, so (dves.t.a madi_ya, mantra sa_marthyena prahatah san, phenam mukha_d udgirtu), may that hater, struck by the power of my prayer vomit foam fromhis mouth]. 

    3.053.23 Men, (the might) of the destroyer is not known to you; regarding him as a mere animal, they lead him away desirous (silently to complete his devotions); the wise condescend not to turn the foolish into ridicule, they do not lead the ass before the horse. [Legend: Vis'va_mitra was seized and bound by the followers of Vasis.t.ha, when observing a vow of silence. These were the reflections of the sage on the occasion: disparaging the rivalry of Vasis.t.ha with himself, as if between an ass and a horse: sa_yakasya = of an arrow;here explained, to destroy, avasa_naka_rin.ah; lodham nayanti = they lead the sage; lodha = fr. lubdham, desirous that his penance might not be frustrated, tapasah ks.ayo ma_ bhu_d iti, lobhena tus.n.i_m sthitam pas'um manyama_na, thinking the r.s.i silent through his desire, to be an animal, i.e., stupid; another interpretation in Nirukta:lubdham nayanti pas'um manyama_nah, they take away the desiring r.s.i, thinking him an animal; na ava_jinam va_jina_ ha_sayanti: va_jina = fr. vac, speed, with ina affix; interpreted as srvajn~a, all knowing; the contrary avajina = mu_rkha, a fool]. 

    3.053.24 These sons of Bharata, Indra, understand severance (from the Vasis.t.has), not association (with them); they urge their steeds (against them) as against a constant foe; they bear a stout bow (for their destruction) in battle. [Sons of Bharata: descendants of Vis'va_mitra whose enmity to the lineage of Vasis.t.ha is here expressed; the enmity reportedly occurred  on account of Vis'va_mitra's disciple the Ra_ja_ suda_s; Anukraman.ika_ states that Vasis.t.has hear not the  inimical imprecations: antya abhis'aparthas ta na vasis.t.hah s'r.n.vanti; Niruktam: sa vasis.t.hadves.i_ r.k-aham ca kapis.thalo vasi.s.hah atas tana nirbravi_mi, this and the previous verse are inimical to the Vasis.t.has and he is of the race of Vasis.t.ha, of the Kapis.t.hala branch]. 

    பாரதி² pārati , n. cf. பரதர்¹. Sailing vessel; மரக்கலம். (திவா.) பவப்புணரி நீந்தியாடப் பாரதிநூல் செய்த சிவப்பிரகாசக் குரவன் (சிவப். பிர. சோண. சிறப். பாயி.).பரதவர் paratavar, n. < bharata. 1. Inhabitants of maritime tract, fishing tribes; நெய்தனில மாக்கள். மீன்விலைப் பரதவர் (சிலப். 5, 25). 2. A dynasty of rulers of the Tamil country; தென் றிசைக்கணாண்ட ஒருசார் குறுநிலமன்னர். தென்பரத வர் போரேறே (மதுரைக். 144). 3. Vaišyas; வைசி யர். பரதவர் கோத்திரத் தமைந்தான் (உபதேசகா. சிவத்துரோ. 189) பாரதம்¹ pāratamn. < Bhārata. 1. India; இந்தியா தேசம். இமயகிரிக்குந் தென்கடற்கு மிடைப் பாகம் பாரதமே (சிவதரு. கோபுர. 51)

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    Flood Reveals Ancient Idols Holding Secrets to Early Hinduism and a Long-Lost Civilization

    Some of the ancient idols found alongside a riverbank in Kerala, India.
    Indian authorities have announced a dramatic discovery on a riverbank in the south-west of the country. Fishermen found some Hindu idols on the banks of the Pamba River in Kerala State and it is believed that there are more to be discovered. The fishermen have apparently come across a major archaeological site, one that could change our understanding of the development of Hinduism and the history of a long-lost civilization.

    Treasures in Tree Roots

    Last month, some fishermen were rowing on the Pamba river near Aranmula in Kerala after a recent flood. As they were rowing towards a river bank that had subsided, they spotted something that aroused their curiosity. There was something unusual in the roots of an upturned tree that had been felled by the flooding. After a brief investigation, they realized that they had discovered some terracotta figures and they immediately contacted the Kerala Department of Archaeology.
    The ancient idols were found on the riverbank after a flood. (Krishnaraj K/Facebook)
    The ancient idols were found on the riverbank after a flood. ( Krishnaraj K/Facebook )
    The news of the discovery excited the experts at the department. This is because earlier this year some terracotta figurines were found in the same river, including “male and female figurines, snakeheads, a bust of a man and a twin female terracotta figurine,” according to The Hindu . A team of specialists investigated the site and retrieved the rare artifacts. It appears that the recent floods had dislodged the idols from some unidentified location and they had later become entangled in the roots of an upturned tree.

    Ancient Idols of Hindu Gods and Demi-Gods

    After the retrieval of the idols, work began to recover other artifacts on the river bank. To the delight of the archaeologists more were discovered. They were easily identified as related to traditional Hindu gods and demi-gods. A majority of the idols have seven faces, which is very common in representations of the divine in Indian religion.
    According to Professor Krishnaraj of the Kerala Department of Archaeology the “concept of Sapta Kanya (seven virgins) or Sapta Matrika (a group of mother goddesses) is a common theme in the idols”, as reports the News Minute Website . One of the terracotta idols is of a group of women sitting together and this could represent the seven virgins or mother goddesses. In southern India, the seven mother goddesses are still commonly worshipped to this day.
    The Seven Mother Goddesses (Matrikas) Flanked by Shiva-Virabhadra and Ganesha. (Ms Sarah Welch/CC BY SA 4.0)
    The Seven Mother Goddesses (Matrikas) Flanked by Shiva-Virabhadra and Ganesha. (Ms Sarah Welch/ CC BY SA 4.0 )
    Some male figures and Naga figurines were also found on the riverbank. In Hindu mythology, the Naga are a race of half-men and half-serpents, usually cobras. They inhabit a netherworld and occasionally took the form of humans. Interestingly, they are often regarded as the guardian of bodies of water, which could explain why they were found on a riverbank.
    The experts are confident that they have found an ancient place of worship. This is because some sculptures known as shilpams were also found and these are used to this day for ritual offerings to Hindu gods. There was possibly a shrine or temple where offerings were made to the seven mothers or the Naga divinities at the site.
    Hoysala sculpture of a naga couple in Halebidu. (Public Domain)
    Hoysala sculpture of a naga couple in Halebidu. ( Public Domain )

    The Mysterious Pamba Civilization

    It has been speculated that the idols are possibly from the Pamba River Civilization. This was a significant urban culture that was as advanced as the better-known Indus Valley Civilization , but relatively little is known about its history. It is also possible that the holy site which housed the idols was constructed by local tribal peoples at some date.
    The artifacts will be subjected to thermoluminescence dating to discover when they were made. This can help researchers to discover not only the age of the idols, but also their likely origin and whether or not they came from the Pamba River culture.
    The find of the terracotta figures is an exciting one as it can help researchers to understand the development of Hinduism. This discovery is also underlining the historical importance of the Pamba River Valley for Indian civilization. If it can be established that the idols are from this culture, it can help us to better understand this enigmatic society. Local archaeologists are very hopeful that they will find more terracotta figures as they continue to excavate the riverbank.
    A terracotta figurine of a man’s bust previously unearthed from the banks of the Pampa at Edayaranmula. (The Hindu)
    A terracotta figurine of a man’s bust previously unearthed from the banks of the Pampa at Edayaranmula. ( The Hindu )
    Top image: Some of the ancient idols found alongside a riverbank in Kerala, India. Source: Krishnaraj K/Facebook

    Experts check Pampa artefacts

    A team of experts comprising S. Bhoopesh, conservation engineer, and Rajeshkumar, curator, attached to the State Archaeology Department, visited Edayaranmula, near Aranmula, on Monday to examine the terracotta artefacts sighted along a caved-in portion on the banks of the Pampa two days ago.
    The terracotta pieces were male and female figurines, snakeheads, bust of a man and a twin female terracotta figurine.
    Vasthu Vidya Gurukulam executive director P.K .Karunadas too visited the site and the terracotta pieces were shifted to the safety of a room at the Gurukulam building at Aranmula.
    Rajeev Puliyoor, Malayalam teacher at the Mahatma Gandhi University BEd Centre at Elanthoor, who has been doing research on the ‘Pampa Valley Civilization,’ sees possibility of more valuable artefacts lying buried in the locality. He stressed the need for an excavation of the site from where the artefacts had been unearthed. He said 10 more terracotta figurines were collected from the area on Monday.
    Mr. Puliyoor said historian M.R. Raghava Warrier would be visiting the place on Tuesday.
    A terracotta figurine of a man’s bust unearthed from the banks of the Pampa at Edayaranmula.
    A terracotta figurine of a man’s bust unearthed from the banks of the Pampa at Edayaranmula.  
    Upon excavation, terracotta figurines of the Sapta Kanyas (7 virgins), men and nagas (serpents) have been unearthed along with votive sculptures.
    When a few fishers from Kerala decided to visit the Pamba basin in Aranmula last month, little did they expect to stumble upon a piece of history hitherto unknown to the world.  As they rowed toward the part of the river bank that had sunken-in during the floods, they came across  ancient terracotta artefacts stuck between roots of trees that were uprooted. Excited to discover a secret buried in the river bed for so long, the fishermen immediately contacted the archaeological department to further excavate the area.
    A month post this incident, the Kerala Department of Archeology has now begun a rescue excavation to uncover more hidden terracotta treasures.
    “We knew there was something here and it wasn’t a hoax as we had discovered terracotta figurines from this region earlier also,” Krishnaraj K, professor of the archaeology department told TNM.
    The work, currently in progress at the Kozhipalam region in Aranmula, has led to several more terracotta idols being recovered from the trenches.
    Krishnaraj, who is also part of the excavation team, said that the first samples of idols that were found by the fishermen were stuck inside the roots of trees that had been uprooted by a flood induced landslip in the region. Upon further excavation, the team recovered more clay idols, most of them having similar patterns.

    “Mostly, the idols had seven faces. A group of seven women sitting close together was a prominent kind of figurine. We also found male figurines and Naga (serpent) figurines. The idols look like they belonged to a place of worship — like a sacred grove for the naga gods (pambin kavu). The concept of Sapta Kanya (seven virgins) or Sapta Matrika (a group of mother goddesses) is a common theme in the idols. Votive sculptures or shilpams used for idol sacrifice was also excavated from the region,” he said.
    However, the archaeology team is not sure if this can be termed as remnants of the Pamba valley civilisation.
    “Saying that is a bit much. A civilisation stands as a huge era in history, consisting of many generations of people and their progress. Here we are talking about small tribes living close to the river. The idols found are mostly used for worship,” Krishnaraj added.
    Naga idol found in Aranmula
    A few of the figurines have been currently preserved at the Vasthu Vidya Gurukulam, a local institute in the area which teaches vastu, architecture, culture etc. Another small sample of the idols is with the Directorate of Archaeology as they were taken for initial inspection. The excavating team has also kept all the idols they found and unearthed from the basin.
    Cist burial site discovered on the opposite banks of the Pamba during excavations 
    “We are going to send them for Thermoluminescence dating, a process used to determine the exact age of the figurines by identifying the time elapsed since the material was exposed to sunlight or heat. We will be sending the samples to Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology in Dehradun,” he said.
    The team along with local conservationists group Aranmula Pamba Paithrika Samrakshana Samithi have decided to build a museum in the region to preserve the findings from the river basin.

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    It is truly shameful that Indian HistoryCongress was not held at Pune.  

    As it has only happened earlier during national exegencies in 1942, 1962 and 1971, would it not be correct to conclude that we are under a similar even if, undeclared state of crisis under the Modi govt? 

    The Congress that wasn’t

    Cancellation of Indian History Congress used to be occasioned only by emergencies

    indian history congress, ihc, Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala (BISM), india history, historians body, india news, indian express columns, latest news, indian express
    It was with a sense of pride the proposal of Savitribai Phule Pune University (SPPU) to host the 79th Session of the IHC. But, on December 12, the SPPU announced that it was calling off the event
    (By R Mahalakshmi)Advertising
    The inception of the Indian History Congress (IHC) can be traced to the efforts of scholars working on India’s ancient past as well as modern history, in a bid to counter the colonial claims, while also drawing from Western analytical methods. The Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala (BISM) was one such effort that owed its origins to the stalwart Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade. He founded this institution in 1910 in Pune with the support of K C Mehendale. Another major institution was the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute founded in 1917 by R G Bhandarkar. The first All India Oriental Conference in November 1919 in Pune under the Bhandarkar Institute’s auspices focused exclusively on ancient Indian history.
    The BISM organised an All India Congress in 1935 to celebrate its silver jubilee. The event organised in the assembly hall of Parasurambhau College, Pune, was a resounding success. The Indian History Congress (IHC) was thus born with about 50 delegates. In his presidential address, the eminent scholar from Allahabad, Shafaat Ahmad Khan outlined the IHC’s role. It was to be an academy that regulated the standard of works of history produced in India and would promote impartial and substantive history. This commitment to a fair and scientific history, devoid of bias and politics, has remained the hallmark of the Congress.
    Over its 83 years of existence, the IHC has faced a variety of challenges, ranging from the initial efforts at devising an institutional structure to financial dependence on government funding as well as occasional political interference. The decade after its formation was fraught with political instability caused by World War II and the new turn in the Indian freedom struggle. The next two decades were perhaps the toughest given the post-Independence challenges — dearth of funds and lack of membership led, at times, to the IHC’s presidents saying that the body might not remain viable as an institution. However, from the 1970s, the Congress appeared to have attained a visible status as the premier body of historians across the country.Advertising
    The post-Independence period was also the time when the IHC began to challenge the nature of public historical debates in India. It passed significant resolutions regarding the protection of monuments of historical importance and the role the government and Archaeological Survey of India should play in their preservation. In fact, in 1946, it petitioned the government to allow researchers access to archives. Later, in 1977, the IHC cautioned against the use of communal rhetoric in public life and the dangers of political appropriation of monuments. The IHC also began to engage with the history taught in schools and colleges. In 1948, it resolved to contribute to the syllabi in universities and colleges across the country. Decades later, the efforts to rewrite history textbooks from sectarian and communal viewpoints were debated at the 53rd session at Warrangal and the 62nd session at Bhopal. The ‘Proceedings of the Indian History Congress’ have been published annually without any break, a rare achievement for any independent professional body.
    It was with a justifiable sense of pride, and much expectation, that the proposal of the vice-chancellor of Savitribai Phule Pune University (SPPU) to host the 79th Session of the IHC was accepted by the executive committee in December 2017 — Pune is the institution’s birthplace. This year, the number of scholars who had taken or renewed their membership from Maharashtra alone numbered around 400; about 1,200 delegates were expected. A large number of people had paid the local delegate fee, made travel arrangements and spent considerable effort in researching and writing their papers to be presented at the Congress. However, on December 12, the SPPU announced that it was calling off the event with insensitivity towards the losses and inconvenience suffered by delegates, both from home and abroad. The subsequent misinformation and contrary statements by functionaries of the university only added insult to injury. This is unprecedented in the annals of the IHC. The only times when sessions were not held were in times of national exegencies — 1942, 1962 and 1971.
    The three-day Congress in Pune was to have been inaugurated yesterday. We hope the SPPU and Maharashtra’s economy prosper enough for it to host the session in the not-so-distant future, as the ostensible reason for calling off the IHC was the lack of finances. The IHC’s 79th session will definitely be held, at a later date and at a different venue.

    Mumbai20 points
    3 hours ago
    Indian History Council is nothing but fraud on the majority. Its has faked history of the majority. These Marxists historians glorify Mogul invaders and make them acceptable. They have done nothing positive for the history of ancient India. Contributions of ancient India is made fun off by these notorious so called historians and gobbling taxpayers money.
    Read more
    Menotcommmie10 points
    8 hours ago
    IHC has to be cleaned up of Commie interference and will take 1-2 generations and perhaps 2-3 terms of NDA govt at centre. Old times have to be eased out and funds to newer commie driven initiatives to be cut and so on...

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    This is an addendum to: Mirror:

    The termini technici of Meluhha related to metalwork find cognates in Slavic languages, as evidenced by the following cognates of Meluhha word mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal'.

    Arvind Vyas has demonstrated the the name of the author of a horse training manual in Hittite Kikkuli indicates that he is in the lineage of Indo-Aryan speakers. This also affirms the fact that Indo-Aryan of Meluhha (Indian sprachbund, 'speech union') speech existed in ca. 15th century BCE together with Hittite, an old Indo-European language. 

    The name, Kikkuli, may be abridged from Kir(l)āta Kulī or Kīkaṭa Kuli; meaning a person from clan (kula कुल) of Kirāta (किरात) or Kīkaṭa (कीकट)Some observations relating to Kikkuli, December 2018 in: Indo-Aryan vocabulary which survived in the Kikkui text are identified by PeterRaulwing (2009):

    Arvind Vyas cites the following texts as evidence validating the typical Indo-Aryan name Kikkuli:

    Kilātākulī in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa

    “mánorha vā́r̥̄ṣabʰá {??} āsa
    tásminnasuragʰnī́ sapatnagʰnī vākpráviṣṭāsa tásya ha sma śvasátʰādravátʰādasurarakṣasā́ni mr̥dyámānāni yanti te hā́surāḥ sámūdire pāpáṃ vata no ‘yámr̥ṣabʰáḥ sacate katʰaṃ nvìmáṃ dabʰnuyāméti kilātākulī íti hāsurabrahmā́vāsatuḥ”
    Kirātakul(ī)yāv in Pañcaviṃśa-Brāhmaṇa (Tāṇḍya-Mahā-Brāhmaṇa) 13.12.5
    “gopāyanānāṃ vai sattram āsīnānāṃ kirātakulyāv asuramāye antaḥparidʰy asūn prākiratāṃ te ity agnim upāsīdaṃs tenāsūn aspr̥ṇvaṃs tad vāva te tarhy akāmayanta kāmasani sāma gūrdaḥ kāmam evaitenāvarundʰe”
    Kirātākulī in Jaiminīya-Brāhmaṇa 190
    “asamāntiṃ rathprauṣṭhaṃ gaupāyanā abhyadāsan
    te khaṇḍave satramāsata
    atha hāsamātau rathprauṣṭhe kirātākulī ūṣatutasuramāyau…”

    मृदु mṛdu : (page 1287A kind of iron.-कार्ष्णायसम्,-कृष्णायसम् soft-iron, lead. (Apte. Samskritam) This gloss could link with the variant lexis of Indian sprachbund with the semantics 'iron': Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'. Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).

    med 'copper' (Slavic languages)
    Origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:

    Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).

    Ma. <i>mErhE'd</i> `iron'.

    Mu. <i>mERE'd</i> `iron'.

      ~ <i>mE~R~E~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mENhEd</i>(M).

    Ho <i>meD</i> `iron'.

    Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'.

    KW <i>mENhEd</i>


    — Slavic glosses for 'copper'

    Мед [Med]Bulgarian

    Bakar Bosnian

    Медзь [medz']Belarusian

    Měď Czech

    Bakar Croatian


    Бакар [Bakar]Macedonian

    Miedź Polish

    Медь [Med']Russian

    Meď Slovak


    Бакар [Bakar]Serbian

    Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian[unquote]

    Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic, Altaic) 'copper'.  

    One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German) result in med ‘copper’. 

    “…tablet IV, was written by a scribe who was neither meticulous nor demonstrated sufficient knowledge of Hittite. The Mitanni-Hurrian horse trainers and their Hittite colleagues used common terms as well as special hippological termini technici from different languages such as Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Luvian, Hurrian and Indo-Aryan in the ancient Near East…Sumerian, a linguistically isolated language of which no directly related language survived, was spoken in southern Babylonia (Sumer) in modern Iraq until the end of the 3rd or the beginning of the 2nd millennium BCE. Sumerian became extinct around the mid-2nd millennium BCE. Its use was restricted to formal contexts, especially in religious, scientific and literary texts until the 1st century BCE as also the Sumerian terms in the Hittite Horse Texts demonstrate. Sumerian as spoken language was replaced by Akkadian (named after Akkad in southern Iraq), an overreaching term to denote eastern Semitic languages such as Assyrian and Babylonian from ca. 2300 BCE until the end of the 1st century BCE. Hurrian, linguistically not related to Sumerian and Akkadian, is attested in the ancient Near East from ca. 2300 BCE to around 1000 BCE. Hurrian became the spoken and written language of the kingdom of Mitanni, a powerful state emerging in northern Syria from approximately the middle of the 2nd millennium BCE until ca. 1300 BCE. Letters in Hurrian from the Mitanni king Tusratta, who bears an Indo-Aryan throne name, to the Egyptian Pharaoh in the late 14th century BCE survived in the archive of Tell el-Amarna in Egypt. Although the spoken language in the Mitanni kingdom was Hurrian, a few termini technici belonging an Indo-European language named Indo-Aryan is documented in the ancient Near East in cuneiform records from Hattusa, Meskene, Masat Hoyuk, Nuzi (the land of Arrapha), Alalah, Ugarit as well as in other archives and Egyptian sources of the New Kingdom. The Mitanni capital Uassukkanni (with its royal cuneiform archive, as can be assumed) could not be localised geographically yet. The terms Indo-European and Indo-Aryan were coined by modern scholars in the early 19th and early 20th century CE in lack of the absence of genuine terms. Due to certain linguistic developments, Indo-Aryan represents an older dialect than the oldest Sanskrit (Vedic). Indo-Aryan as attested in the ancient Near East and  Vedic must have been separated before the 16th century BCE, which can serve as a terminus ante quem for the separation. However, Indo-Aryan has neither been introduced from India into the ancient Near East nor has it ever reached India from the ancient Near East; it rather reached the eastern Mediterranean areas in connection with the migration of the Hurrians (for an introductory overview see Wilhelm, 1989 = Gernot Wilhelm, The Hurrians, Warminster, Arts & Phillips, 1989; Wilhelm 1995 = Gernot Wilhelm, ‘The Kingdom of Mitanni in second-millennium Upper Mesopotamia’ in: Jack M. Sasson (et al. eds.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, New Yori/London, Scriber, 1995, Vol. II, pp. 1243-1254; Cord Kuhne, ‘Imperial Mitanni. An attempt at historical reconstruction’. In: Studies on the civilization and culture of Nui and the Hurrians (D.I. Owen and G. Wilhelm eds.), vol. 10, 1999, pp.203-221). Furthermore, it was not spoken a ‘a living language’ at the time when the (lost) original of the Kikkuli Text have been ‘piously handed down as fossils’ (Kammenhuber, A., 1968, Die Arier in Vorderen Orient, Heidelberg, Winter, p.18; Kammenhuber, A., 1988,  ‘On Hittites, Mitanni-Hurrians, Indo-Aryans and Horse-Tablets in the 2nd millennium BCE’ in: HRH T. Mikasa (ed.), Essays on Anatolian Studies in the Second Millennium BCE, Heidelberg, 1988, pp. 35-51 (Reprinted in A. KIammenhuber, Kleine Schriften zum Anatolischen und Indogermanischen, 2. Teilband. Heidelberg: Winter, 1969-90 (1993), pp. 781-795), p.788)....Hittite is the earliest Indo-European language attested in written records in the Asia Minor around the turn of the 3rd and the 2nd millennium BCE (Fortson, Benjamin W., 2004, Indo-European Language and Culture, an Introduction, Malden, Mass., Blackwell Publishing, 2004, 158 ff.;). Together with its sister language Luvian (Fortson, Benjamin W., 2004, Indo-European Language and Culture, an Introduction, Malden, Mass., Blackwell Publishing, 2004, 167 ff.) Hittite belongs to the Anatolian branch of the Indo-European language family. Hittite and Luvian did, as many other languages in the ancient Near East, not survive the end of the Bronze Age.”(Peter Rawling, 2009, The Kikkuli Text. Hittite Training Instructions for Chariot Horses in the Second Half of the 2nd Millennium B.C. and Their Interdisciplinary Context, pp.5-7). 
    Fig. 1: Map of the Hittite empire with the capital Boğazköy/Ḫattuša showing excavation sites with cuneiform tablets and Hieroglyphic-Luvian inscriptions. Peter Raulwing and Heinz Meyer, 2004, ‘Der Kikkuli-Text. Hippologische und methodenkritische Uberlegungen zum Training von Streitwagenpferden im Alten Orient’. In: Mamoun Fansa and Stefan Burmeister (eds.), Rad und Wagen. Der Ursprung einer Innovation. Wagen im Vorderen Orient und Europa. Mainz:von Zabern, 2004, pp. 491-506, p. 499 Fig. 3 after Norbert OETTINGER).

    Surviving relative chronological order of Hittite Horse texts

    The texts demonstrate that the horse training instructions were the domain of Indo-Aryan speakers.

    • CTH 284, best preserved, Late Hittite copy (13th century BCE)
    • CTH 285, contemporary Middle Hittite copy with a ritual introduction
    • CTH 286, contemporary Middle Hittite copy
    CTH 284 consists of four well preserved tablets or a total of 1080 lines. The text is notable for its Mitanni (Indo-Aryan) loanwords, e.g. the numeral compounds aiga-tera-panza-satta-nāwa-wartanna ("one, three, five, seven, nine intervals", virtually Vedic eka-, tri-, pañca- sapta-, nava-vartana. Kikkuli apparently was faced with some difficulty getting specific Mitannian concepts across in the Hittite language, for he frequently gives a term such as "Intervals" in his own language (somewhat similar to Vedic Sanskrit), and then states, "this means..." and explained it in Hittite.

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    The Meluhha rebus readings of pictorial motifs (field symbols) from r. of A11, B5 and B11 copper plate category inscriptions are presented.

    A11: xolā 'tail' Rebus: kole.l 'smithy, temple' kol 'working in iron' kolimi'smithy, forge' kolhe 'smelter' 
    ranku 'antelope' rebus:ranku 'tin'. raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1]Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gām. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562).

    B5: gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., ˚aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 1: cf. gaṇōtsāha-- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]
    1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā. 2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., ˚ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., ˚ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m. Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← H.(CDIAL 4000) rebus: kaṇḍa .'fire-altar','equpment' PLUS pattar 'trough' rebus: pattar 'guild of goldsmiths' 
    B11: ranku 'antelope' rebus:ranku 'tin'. raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1]Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gām. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) PLUS pattar'trough' rebus: pattar 'guild of goldsmiths'.  (Note on alternative reading: The curved horns of the antelope indicate a possible semantics of 'markhor': miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus:mr̥du, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Skt. Santali.Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic) Rebus:  meḍho'merchant'(Hemacandra, 

    The inscriptions on B11 category copper tablets signify: supercargo equipment, goldsmith metalcasting furnace.

    1. dhangar 'smith'
    2. kaṇḍa .'fire-altar','equpment' 
    3. muṣṭíka dul bha 'goldsmith metalcasting furnace'
    4. karaṇī 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' 

    The inscriptions on B5 category copper tablets are a subset of B11 category (excluding the signifier of pair of fists, i.e. muṣṭíka dul bha 'goldsmith metalcasting furnace':

    Bt category copper tablets sigify signify: supercargo equipment, smith.

    1. dhangar 'smith'
    2. kaṇḍa .'fire-altar','equpment' 
    3. karaṇī 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' 
    The inscription on the m557 copper plate is deciphered: 

    ḍāṅgā 'mountain' rebus: dhangar 'smith'. N. ḍāṅro ʻ term of contempt for a blacksmith ʼ (CDIAL 5324) 

    khaṇḍa 'division' rebus: kaṇḍa .'fire-altar','equpment' 

     Sign 458 is a ligature of fists ligatured to the jar with a rim. Thus there are two hieroglyphs which compose a composite sign, a hypertext: 1. closed fists 2. jar with a rim. 

    Jar is read as: baa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaa 'furnace'. Ligatured to a pair of fists, the composite hypertext Sign 458 is read as: dula'pair' rebus: dul'metal casting' PLUS baa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaa 'furnace' PLUS मुष्टिक 'fist' rebus: मुष्टिक goldsmith. Thus, the reading is:muṣṭíka dul bha 'goldsmith metalcasting furnace.'

    This Sign 358 shown on Indus Script inscriptions signifies मुष्टिक 'fist' rebus: मुष्टिक goldsmith. dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS muka 'blow with fist' (Sindhi)(CDIAL 10150). Rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali).

    Derivation of orthography of Sign 458:

    Sign 358 variants (ASI concordance) 

    Detachable perforatedarms of an alabaster statue. Source: Lothal, Vol. II: Plate CCLXIIB. Image inverted to show fisted hands. "The object is interpreted by us as the physical basis of the Indus Ideogram, depicting a pair of raised hands with folded fingers, conveying the intended meanings 'dexterity, skill, competence'. "

    This insightful presentation by Iravatham Mahadevan & MV Bhaskar, 'Evidence for the Artisanin Indus Script' identifies the closed fist orthography on Sign 358 which occurs on Mohenjodaro copper tablets.

    I agree with the interpretation that the raised pai of hands as shown on the Lothal alabaster statue (image compared with Sign 358), signifies an artisan. 

    kanda kanka 'rim of jar' Rebus: कर्णिक m. a steersman (Monier-Williams) karaṇī 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' (Marathi).

    Thus, together, the rebus Meluhha reading is: dhangar mũhe kanda kanka 'blacksmith furnace ingot (from) goldsmith (for) supercargo/steersman'. Thus, the catalogue (samgaha) entry of wealth accounting ledger related to metalwork is documented on the inscription. Meaning of 'goldsmith' is validated by the etyma which are semantic expansions of the Bhāratīya sprachbund word: muka 'blow with fist' (Sindhi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali): मुष्टिक partic. position of the hands rebus: मुष्टिक a goldsmith L.; (pl.) of a despised race (= डोम्बास्) R.;N. of an असुर Hariv.  अ-क्षर--मुष्टिका f. the art of communicating syllables or ideas by the fingers (one of the 64 कलाs) वात्स्यायन

    The etyma Kur. muṭkā ʻfistʼ Prj. muṭka ʻblow with fistʼ are cognate with phonetic forms: Ku. muṭhagīmuṭhkī f. ʻblow with fistʼ, N. muṭkimuṛki, M. muṭkā (CDIAL 10221). This suggests the basis for a hypothesis that an early spoken form in  Bhāratīya sprachbund is: muka 'blow with fist' (Sindhi)(CDIAL 10150). This is read rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). 

    *mukka1 ʻ blow with fist ʼ. [Prob. ← Drav., Prj. muṭka ʻ blow with fist ʼ, Kur. muṭkā ʻ fist ʼ, DED. 4041]K. muköli f. ʻ blow with fist ʼ, (El.) mukāl m. ʻ fist ʼ; S. muka f. ʻ blow with fist ʼ, L. mukk°kī f.; P. mukk m. ʻ fist ʼ, °kī f.; WPah.bhal. mukki f. ʻ blow with fist ʼ; N. mukkā°ki ʻ fist ʼ, H. mūkāmukkā m., °kī f., mukkhī f. (X muṭṭhī < muṣṭí -- ); G. mukkɔ m., °kī f. ʻ blow with fist ʼ.(CDIAL 10150).

    muṣṭí m.f. ʻ clenched hand, fist ʼ RV., ʻ handful ʼ ŚBr. Pa. Pk. muṭṭhi -- f. ʻ fist, handful, handle of an instrument ʼ; Ash. mušt ʻ fist ʼ NTS ii 267, mūst NTS vii 99, Wg. müṣṭ, Kt. muṣṭmiṣṭ; Bashg. "misht"ʻ hilt of sword ʼ; Pr. müšt ʻ fist ʼ, muṣ (?) ʻ hilt of knife ʼ; Dm. muṣṭ ʻ fist ʼ, muṣṭi ʻ handle ʼ; Paš. uzb. muṣṭī ʻ fist ʼ, lauṛ. muṭhīˊ; Gaw. muṣṭ ʻ handle (of plough) ʼ, muṣṭāˊkmuṣṭīke ʻ fist ʼ, muṣ -- kaṭāˊrī ʻ dagger ʼ; Kal.rumb. muṣṭí ʻ fist ʼ; Kho. muṣṭi ʻ fist, grip ʼ; Phal. muṣṭ ʻ a measure of length (elbow to end of fist) ʼ, múṣṭi f. ʻ fist ʼ, muṭṭi f. ʻ arm below elbow ʼ (← Ind.?) → Bshk. mut (= *muṭh?) ʻ fist ʼ AO xviii 245; Sh.gil. muṭ(h), pl. muṭí m. ʻ fist ʼ, muṣṭí ʻ handle of plough ʼ, jij. mv́ṣṭi ʻ fist ʼ, koh. gur. mŭṣṭăkf., pales. muṭh ʻ arm, upper arm ʼ; K. mŏṭhm&obrevdotdot;ṭhü f. ʻ fist ʼ; S. muṭhi f. ʻ fist, fistful, handle ʼ; L. muṭṭh ʻ fist, handle ʼ, muṭṭhī f. ʻ handful ʼ, awāṇ. muṭh; P. muṭṭhmuṭṭhī f. ʻ fist ʼ, muṭṭhā m. ʻ handle, bundle ʼ; Ku. muṭhī f. ʻ fist, handful ʼ, muṭho ʻ handle ʼ; N. muṭh ʻ handle ʼ, muṭhi ʻ fist ʼ, muṭho ʻ handful ʼ; A. muṭhi ʻ fist, handful, handle ʼ, muṭhan ʻ measure of length (elbow to middle joint of little finger) ʼ; B. muṭhmuṭi ʻ fist, handful ʼ, muṭ(h)ā ʻ handful ʼ; Or. muṭhi ʻ fist ʼ, muṭha ʻ hilt of sword ʼ, muṭhā ʻ clenched hand ʼ; Bi. mūṭhmuṭhiyā ʻ knob on body of plough near handle ʼ, mūṭhāmuṭṭhā ʻ the smallest sheaf (about a handful) ʼ; Mth. muṭhā ʻ handle of mattock ʼ; Bhoj. mūṭhi ʻ fist ʼ; OAw. mūṭhī f. ʻ handful ʼ; H. mūṭh f., mūṭhā m. ʻ fist, blow with fist ʼ, mūṭhīmuṭṭhī f. ʻ fist, handful ʼ, muṭṭhā m. ʻ handful, handle (of plough), bundle ʼ; G. mūṭh f. ʻ fist ʼ, muṭṭhī f. ʻ handful ʼ; M. mūṭh f. ʻ fist ʼ, Ko. mūṭ; Si. miṭa, pl. miṭi ʻ fist, handful ʼ, miṭiya ʻ hammer, bundle ʼ; Md. muři ʻ hammer ʼ: the forms of P. H. Si. meaning ʻ bundle ʼ perh. rather < *muṭṭha -- 2 s.v. mūta -- ; -- in Gy. wel. mušī, gr. musī ʻ arm ʼ loss of  is unexpl. unless -- ī is secondary. -- Poss. ← or infl. by Drav. (Prj. muṭka ʻ blow with fist ʼ &c., DED 4041: see *mukka -- 1): Ku. muṭhagīmuṭhkī f. ʻ blow with fist ʼ, N. muṭkimuṛki, M. muṭkā m. 
    nimuṣṭi -- .Addenda: muṣṭí -- : WPah.kṭg. mvṭ -- (in cmpd.), múṭṭhi f. ʻ clenched hand, handful ʼ; J. muṭhā m. ʻ handful ʼ, Garh. muṭṭhi; A. muṭh (phonet. muth) ʻ abridgement ʼ AFD 94; Md. muř ʻ fist, handle ʼ, muři ʻ hammer ʼ.(CDIAL 10221). Pa. muṭṭ-
    to hammer; muṭkablow with fist. Ga. (P.) muṭa fist. Go. (Mu.) muṭ (Ko.) muṭiya 
    hammer (Mu.) muṭka a blow (Voc. 2874). Pe. muṭla hammer. Manḍ. 
    muṭla id. Kuwi (Su.) muṭla id. Kur. muṭga'ānā to deal a heavy blow with the fist; muṭgā, muṭkā clenched hand or fist, hammering with the fist; muṭka'ānā to hit or hammer at with the fist. / Cf. Skt. muṭ- to crush, grind, break; Turner, CDIAL, no. 10186: root,  muṭáti ʻ *twists ʼ (ʻ kills, grinds ʼ Dhātup.) . (DEDR 4932) Muṭṭhi (f.) [Vedic muṣṭi, m. f. Does defn "muṭ=mad- dane" at Dhtm 125 refer to muṭṭhi?] the fist VvA 206.; Muṭṭhika [fr. muṭṭhi] 1. a fist -- fighter, wrestler, boxer Vin ii.105 (malla˚); J iv.81 (Np.); vi.277; Vism 31 (+malla). -- 2. a sort of hammer J v.45.(Pali) मुष्टि the clenched hand , fist (perhaps orig. " the hand closed to grasp anything stolen ") RV. &c; a compendium , abridgment सर्वदर्शन-संग्रह (Monier-Williams).

    Since, the fists are ligatured to the rim of jar, the rebus reading includes the two rebus expressions:1. kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: कर्णिक m. a steersman (Monier-Williams) karaṇī 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' (Marathi). 2. dula 'two' rebus: dul'metal casting'  PLUS muka 'fist' rebus: mũhe 'ingot'. Thus, together dul mũhe 'ingot, metalcasting'.

    Copper plates,Mohenjo-daro conveying Sign 358 (pair of closedfists ligatured to rim of jar) on identical inscriptions:
    Figure 1. Examples of Copper plate inscriptions including Sign 358 (two upraised, closed fists)
    (Kalyanaraman,S., 2017, Epigraphia Indus Script, Hypetexts and meanings, Vol. 2, Amazon, USA,pp.757, 758)

     ḍāṅgā 'mountain' rebus: dhangar 'smith'. N. ḍāṅro ʻ term of contempt for a blacksmith ʼ (CDIAL 5324) gaṇḍa'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'equipment' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge'PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS baa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaa 'furnace' PLUS मुष्टिक 'fist' rebus: मुष्टिक goldsmith. Thus, the reading is:muṣṭíka dul bha 'goldsmith metalcasting furnace. Thus, smith equipment, goldsmith furnace.

    poladu, 'black drongo' bird). Rebus: poladu, 'steel' PLUS dhayavaḍa 'flag' (OG) rebus: dhāvaḍa 'iron ore smelter'

    No automatic alt text available.
    Provincial groupings of Maurya Empire (according to FR Allchin).  The region marked as '1' includes Patna, Gaya, Rajgir and also Ahichhatra (close to Rakhigarhi). Ranajit Pal's view is that Rakhigarhi may signify ancient Magadha.

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    Orthography of Sign 347 indicates that it is a igature of a pair of sprouts Sign 162 fused into a rimless pot shape. Variants of Sign 347

    Thus, the components of Sign 347 read rebus are: kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS baa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaa 'furnace'. Together, the Sign 347 is read as hypertext: metalcasting furnace, smithy, forge.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Centre

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    Terracotta figurine of the Harappan horned divinity

    Hieroglyph: kola 'woman' (Nahali) rebus: kol 'working in iron'kolle'blacksmith'kolhe'smelter'. T

    Hieroglyph: horn: kor go·ṛ defective horn) (Ta.)(DEDR 1851) Go. koṭ- (Mu.) to cut with axe, (Ko.) strike with horn (DEDR 2063)Ta. kōṭu (in cpds. kōṭṭu-) horn, tusk, branch of tree, cluster, bunch, coil of hair, line, diagram, bank of stream or pool; kuvaṭubranch of a tree; kōṭṭāṉ, kōṭṭuvāṉ rock horned-owl (cf. 1657 Ta. kuṭiñai). Ko. ko·ṛ (obl. ko·ṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwï·ṛ (obl. kwï·ṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn. Ga. (Oll.) kōr (pl. kōrgul) id. Go. (Tr.) kōr (obl. kōt-, pl. kōhk) horn of cattle or wild animals, branch of a tree; (W. Ph. A. Ch.) kōr (pl. kōhk), (S.) kōr (pl. kōhku), (Ma.) kōr̥u (pl. kōẖku) horn; (M.) kohk branch (Voc. 980); (LuS.) kogooa horn. Kui kōju (pl. kōska) horn, antler. (DEDR 2200) Rebus: ko place where artisans work (Gujarati) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.)Ta. koṭṭakai shed with sloping roofs, cow-stall; marriage pandal; koṭṭam cattle-shed; koṭṭil cow-stall, shed, hut; (STD) koṭambe feeding place for cattle. Ma. koṭṭil cowhouse, shed, workshop, house. Ka. koṭṭage, koṭige, koṭṭige stall or outhouse (esp. for cattle), barn, room. Koḍ. koṭṭï shed. Tu. koṭṭa hut or dwelling of Koragars; koṭya shed, stall. Te. koṭṭā̆mu stable for cattle or horses; koṭṭāyi thatched shed. Kol. (Kin.) koṛka, (SR.) korkā cowshed; (Pat., p. 59) konṭoḍi henhouse. Nk. khoṭa cowshed. Nk. (Ch.) koṛka id. Go. (Y.) koṭa, (Ko.) koṭam (pl. koṭak) id. (Voc. 880); (SR.) koṭka shed; (W. G. Mu. Ma.) koṛka, (Ph.) korka, kurka cowshed (Voc. 886); (Mu.) koṭorla, koṭorli shed for goats (Voc. 884). Malt. koṭa hamlet. / Influenced by Skt. goṣṭha- (DEDR 2058) got.ho [Skt. kos.t.ha the inner part] a warehouse; an earthen (Gujarati) kōṭṭa1 m. (n. lex.) ʻ fort ʼ Kathās., kōṭa -- 1 m. Vāstuv.Aś. sn. koṭa -- ʻ fort, fortified town ʼ, Pk. koṭṭa -- , kuṭ˚ n.; Kt. kuṭ ʻ tower (?) ʼ NTS xii 174; Dm. kōṭ ʻ tower ʼ, Kal. kōṭ; Sh. gil. kōṭ m. ʻ fort ʼ (→ Ḍ. kōṭ m.), koh. pales. kōṭ m. ʻ village ʼ; K. kūṭh, dat. kūṭas m. ʻ fort ʼ, S. koṭu m., L. koṭ m.; P. koṭ m. ʻ fort, mud bank round a village or field ʼ; A. kõṭh ʻ stockade, palisade ʼ; B. koṭkuṭ ʻ fort ʼ, Or. koṭakuṭa, H. Marw. koṭ m.; G. koṭ m. ʻ fort, rampart ʼ; M. koṭkoṭh m. ʻ fort ʼ, Si. koṭuva (Geiger EGS 50 < kōṣṭhaka -- ).kōṭṭapāla -- .*kōṭṭa -- 2 ʻ breaking ʼ see kuṭṭa -- 1.*kōṭṭana -- ʻ breaking ʼ see kuṭṭana -- .Addenda: kōṭṭa -- 1: A. kõṭh ʻ fort ʼ and other lggs. with aspirate and meaning ʻ fort ʼ perh. X kṓṣṭha -- 2 Add2 (AFD 206).(CDIAL 3500)

    1215 Pa. kandi (pl. -l) necklace, beads. Ga. (P.) kandi (pl. -l) bead, (pl.) necklace;(S.2) kandiṭ bead. Rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' (Santali)

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    This monograph posits that two Mohenjo-daro tablets which orthograph processions of four Sarasvati Civilization standards signify an utsava bera procession, a procession of symbols as proclamation of the competence of artisans/seafaring merchants of the civilization. This evidence shows the roots of an abiding cultural tradition of the civilization of performing utsava bera show-casing the artisans' competence in metalwork achieved in the temples as artisans' workplaces.

    Rv 3.64 cites 1) rsinam uktharka stutayah ca, i.e. īām ukthārkā(ṇi) 'Hymns and praises of the ī-s); 
    2) puruhūtah purugūrtah 'invoked by many, praised by many'; 3) stotārah 'by hymn singers'; 4) divi arceva māsā mimikah 'In heaven, as the light with the moon sprinkled'; 5) yajnaih havanāni 'by the yagnyas, by the hymns'; 6) matibhih āngūsam stotram 'by the hymn singers, to be well recited hymn'.

    This Suktam RV 3.64 is the clearest evidence for the practice of arcāअर्चा f. ( Pāṇini 2-3 , 43 and 2 , 101) worship , adoration S3Br. xi Mn. &c; an image or idol (destined to be worshipped) (वराह-मिहिर 's बृहत्-संहिता)body Jain.

    This monograph posits that the worship mentioned in RV 6.34 continues in the Sarasvati Civilization as a worship or adoration of activities of artisans and seafaring merchants creating the wealth of the Rāṣṭram through the shared commonwealth of their śreṇi 'guilds'. This continuum can be posited as आ-गम tradition, i.e. anything handed down and fixed by tradition (as the reading of a text or a record , title-deed , &c ). Ona āgama tradition is Arcabera—(group of Hindu temple imagery)—Images intended for worship by devout believers; they have a hexagonal pedestal or seat.

    Śilpaśāstra (iconography)

    Pañcabera (पञ्चबेर, “five images”):—In a temple consecrated according to the Agamas there should be three, five or six karma-bimbas (proxy-image of the main Icon). Five are most common and are known as the Pañca-bera

    bēra (बेर).—f R (Commonly bēraī) Crossploughing. Mth. beri ʻ time ʼ, beriā ʻ afternoon ʼ; Bhoj. bēr ʻ time ʼ; OAw. bera f. ʻ time, turn ʼ, lakh. bēr; H. ber f. ʻ limit, season, time ʼ, biriyã̄ f. ʻ space of time ʼ; G. veḷf. ʻ time ʼ; M. veḷeḷ f. ʻ seashore ʼ, m.f. ʻ time, leisure, half -- day ʼ; Ko. veḷu ʻ time ʼ; Si. vel -- a ʻ seashore, sandbank ʼ.2. K. vēra m. ʻ time, hour ʼ, viḍ (= vill. *viṛ?) f. ʻ opportunity, occasion ʼ, vīrü, obl. vēri f. ʻ time, occasion ʼ; Or. (Janpur) beṛa ʻ time (CDIAL 12155). Thus, bēraī which is governed by season and time in agricultural processes is adopted to signify the procedures for āgama arcā 'worship, adoration' performed in a clock-like precision and regularity. Such -bera are classified as follows in āgama traditions.
    1.    Kautuka-bera (कौतुकबेर, “public image”) --the movable image used for daily offerings. Kautukabera (कौतुकबेर, “public image”).—The movable image used for daily offerings . The compound Kautukabera is composed of the Sanskrit words Kautuka (‘pasttime’ or ‘festival’) and Bera (‘image’ or ‘icon’).
    2.    Snapana-bera (स्नपनबेर, “bathing image”)—the icon used for the daily bathing ceremony.
    3.    Bali-bera (बलिबेर, “bali image”)—icon used for the daily bali offerings in the courtyard of the temple. Balibera (बलिबेर, “bali image”).—Icon used for the daily bali offerings in the courtyard of the temple. The compound Balibera is composed of the Sanskrit words Bali (‘offering’) and Bera (‘image’ or ‘icon’).
    4.    Utsava-bera utsava (उत्सव).—m Ardour; joy Festival; rejoicing. 

    Utsavabera (उत्सवबेर, “festival image”).—The icon which is taken out in procession on festivals. The compound Utsavabera is composed of the Sanskrit words Utsava (‘ceremony’ or ‘festival’) and Bera (‘image’ or ‘icon’). Autsavabera—(group of Hindu temple imagery)—Images which accompany a particular festival.

    5.    Śayana-bera (शयनबेर, “resting image”)—the icon used for putting to rest at night. Śayanabera (शयनबेर, “resting image”).—The icon used for putting to rest at night. The icon which is taken out in procession on festivals. The compound Śayanabera is composed of the Sanskrit words Utsava (‘resting’ or ‘sleeping’) and Bera (‘image’ or ‘icon’). 

    Mūlabera (मूलबेर).—Usuallly mūlaberas in temples are in three modes. They are sthānakaāsana and sayana. Of the 108 divyaketras 60 are supposed to be in sthānaka mode. Of the 18 divyaketras in the Pāṇḍya country four are in sthānaka mode.

    Dhruva-bera is the main icon in the sanctum sanctorum which is of the immovable kind, constructed of stone and permanently fixed. Dhruvabera (ध्रुवबेरfixed image).The main icon in the sanctum sanctorum which is of the immovable kind, constructed of stone and permanently fixed. It protects the town. The compound Dhruvabera is composed of the Sanskrit words Dhruva (fixed or stable’) and Bera (‘image’ or ‘icon’). The height of the Dhruva-bera varies. It is either taken in proportion to the temple super structure or the temple measurements are taken from the Dhruva-bera. Dhruva-ghāa (ध्रुव-घाट)—One of the several gahas (bathing places) in the twelve forests on the banks of the Yamunā. Dhruvāsana (ध्रुवासन) is the name of an āsana (posture) described in the Haṭhābhyāsapaddhati (89).—Accordingly, “Stretch out one leg like a stick and hold its foot with one hand. Keep the sole of the other foot on the ground and spin around quickly. This is the Pole-Star pose (dhruvāsana)”. The Hahābhyāsapaddhati is an 17th-century text in Sanskrit dealing with haha-yoga, and is also known by the name of its author, Kapālakuruṇṭaka. The text describes 112 āsanas (eg., dhruva-āsana) usually based on animal movement. Dhruvamatsya (ध्रुवमत्स्य):—The Dhruva-matsya is a constellation of twelve stars. Of these the stars at the mouth and tail of the fish figure are α and β in the constellation Ursa Minor. The remaining ten stars should include some of the stars in Ursa Minor. But no Sanskrit text seems to have described this constellation in detail. In his commentary, Padmanābha explains the diurnal rotation thus: “At the beginning of the creation, the resplendent Brahmā arranged two stars as the celestial poles at the end of the southern and northern directions so that the stellar sphere (bhacakra) can properly revolve in the sky towards the west, without any support but impelled by the Pravaha wind. These two stars were designated as the celestial poles. That which is the southern [Pole] Star is situated below the horizon at the degrees of the local latitude (palāśa). The northern Pole Star lies above the horizon at the degrees of the local latitude. Around the latter is seen a fish-shaped constellation consisting of twelve stars. This is designated as the Polar Fish (dhruva-matsya). Two bright stars are visible at its mouth and tail. Of these, the one at the mouth lies at an interval of three degrees (bhāga) from the [actual] Pole Star and the one at the tail lies at thirteen degrees. The two are separated from one another by sixteen degrees.” The rotation of the Dhruva-matsya is known to earlier astronomers as well. Brahmagupta makes a brief reference to it in his Brāhmasphua-siddhānta. Bhāskara II, in his Vāsanābhāya commentary on his Siddhāntaśiromai, speaks of the daily rotation of the Dhruva-matsya in somewhat greater detail: “When the Sun is situated in the lunar mansion Bharaī, then at the time of his setting, the Polar Fish becomes horizontal. The star at its mouth will be in the west and the star at the tail in the east. It means that the Sun would be in line with the star at the mouth. At the end of the night, the star at the mouth reverses its position and comes to the east and the star in the tail goes to the west. Then will be seen the rise of the Sun who is again in line with the star at the mouth.”
    Wilson translation RV 6.34:
    6.034.01 Many praises, Indra, are concentrated in you; from you abundant comendations diversely proceed; to you, formerly and at present, the praises of the sages, their prayers and hymns, vie (in glorifying) Indra. [From you abundant commendations: vica tvad yanti mani_s.a_h tvattah stotr.n.a_m, approbations of the praisers variously go forth].
    6.034.02 May that Indra ever be propitiated, by us who is the invoked of many, mighty and chief, especially honoured by sacrifices, and to whom, as to a conveyance, we are attached for (the attainment of) great strength.
    6.034.03 All praises contributing to his exaltation proceed to Indra, whom no acts, no words can harm, since hundreds and thousands of adorers glorify him who is entitled to praise, and so afford him gratification.
    6.034.04 The mixed Soma has been prepared for Indra, (to be offered) on the day (of the sacrifice), with reverence-like adoration, when praises, together with offerings, yield him increase, as when water (revives) a man in a desert waste. [adoration: divyarceva ma_sa_ = divase sautye ahani arcana sa_dhanena stotren.eve ma_nena, with respect, like praise, the instrument of worship on the day for the libation; to illustrate: a mantra beginning Vr.raghna, slayer of Vr.tra; divi dyotake arceva arkah su_rya iva ma_sa_ ma_sas candrama_h sa iva, which, with the following word, mimiks.a, explained vr.s.t.yudaka_na_m sekta_, the sprinkler of rain-waters, applied to Indra: ya indro vartate, that Indra who is the shedder of rain, like the sun and the moon in heaven].
    6.034.05 To this Indra has this earnest eulogy been addressed by the devout, in order that the all-pervading Indra may be our defender and exalter in the great conflict with (our) foes.
    Griffith translation: RV 6.34 1. FULL Many songs have met in thee, O Indra, and many a noble thought from thee proceedeth.
    Now and of old the eulogies of sages, their holy hymns and lauds, have yearned for Indra.
    2 He, praised of many, bold, invoked of many, alone is glorified at sacrifices.
    Like a car harnessed for some great achievement, Indra must be the cause of our rejoicing.
    3 They make their way to Indra and exalt him, bim whom no prayers and no laudations trouble;
    For when a hundred or a thousand singers. laud him who loves the song their praise delights him.
    4 As brightness mingles with the Moon in heaven, the offered Soma yearns to mix with Indra.
    Like water brought to men in desert places, our gifts at sacrifice have still refreshed him.
    5 To him this mighty eulogy, to Indra hath this our laud been uttered by the poets,
    That in the great encounter with the foemen, Loved of all life, Indra may guard and help us.

    The symbols held aloft as standards are deciphered as Meluhha (spoken Indian sprachbund, 'speech union') proclamation of metalwork competence of the artisans and seafaring merchants of the civilization. 

    The four standards describe: 
    1. metalcasting work of brass; 
    2. smelting of mineral ores; 
    3. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; and 
    4. sangaḍa+ kammaṭa 'lathe + portable gold furnace' Rebus: (vajra) saṁghāṭa m. ʻ (metal) fitting and joining' + kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage',. 

    This is an addendum to: 

    Utsava bēra 'display processions of sacred hieroglyphs' are bērīḍzu 'trade account', Indus Script Hypertexts

    Two comparable procession scenes are depicted in the Sarasvati Civilization contact area of Ancient Near East: 1. Procession of one-horned young bull standard at Mari c. 2500-2400 BCE; 2. Procession of nave-of-wheel-with-spokes two flagstaff standards carried in front of Tikulti-Ninurta Temple altar offered by Tukulti-Ninurta I. 1243-1207 BCE. From Assur, Iraq. 

    Mohenjodaro tablet m0491

    These are two of the four standards carried by flagstaff bearers signified on two Mohenjo-daro Procession tablets. The other two standards shown on Mohenjo-daro tablets are: 1. standard device (lathe + portable gold furnace) and 2. woman's head-gear, scarf. 

    Frieze of a mosaic panel Circa 2500-2400 BCE Temple of Ishtar, Mari (Tell Hariri), Syria Shell  and shale André Parrot excavations, 1934-36 AO 19820 (Fig.2) Indus Script Cipher provides a clue to the standard of Mari which is signified by a young bull with one horn. See: Indus Script 'Unicorn' on Mari mosaic frieze procession of Ishtar temple is kunda, lapidary, furnace metalwork artificer 

    This describes the archaeological context of a frieze of a mosaic panel of the Temple of Ishtar at Mari (Tell Hariri) which shows a priest holding aloft the flagpost carrying the 'one-horned young bull' standard. 

    Image result for culm of millet mari procession susa louvreThe 'rein rings' atop the flagstaff are read rebus: valgā, bāg-ḍora 'bridle' rebus (metath.) bagalā 'seafaring dhow'. Culm of millet used as flagstaff is a metaphor hieroglyph: karba 'culm of millet' rebus: karba 'iron'. One-horned young bull hypertext/hyperimage: कोंद kōnda ‘young bull' कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, turner'. kũdār ‘turner’; kundana ‘fine gold’ (Kannada) [Note: कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln; kō̃da कोँद 'potter's kiln'  (Kashmiri) Thus, an iron turner (in smithy/forge)].

    Related imageFigure 1 (left): Four descriptions of metalwork competence proclaimed by four standard bearers orthographed on two Mohenjo-daro tablets (The first standard image is blurred and is interpreted as that of a nave of wheel with spokes; this interpretation is validated by a nave of wheel with spokes carried on a standard on Tukulti-Ninurta sculptural frieze). Figure 2(right): Temple altar offered by Tukulti-Ninurta I. 1243-1207 BCE. From Assur, Iraq. Ancient Orient Museum, Istanbul. The hypertext of nave of wheel + wheel spokes is repeated four times on Dholavira signboard.
    1. eraka Metalcasting, any metal infusion (eraka 'nave of wheel with spokes') + a 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass'; thus, brass metalcasting.
    2. dhatu 'mineral ore (smelting)' 

    3. kõda ‘young bull-calf’. Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’; kundana ‘fine gold’ (Kannada) 

    4. sangaḍa+ kammaṭa 'lathe + portable gold furnace' Rebus: (vajra) saṁghāṭa m. ʻ (metal) fitting and joining' + kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' 

    Thus, the four aspects of metallurgical competence proclaimed are: 1. cire perdue (lost-wax technique) metal casting of figurines and equipment; 2. smelting (and purification) of mineral ores; 3. enchasing gems into gold ornaments; metal joining mint work.

    Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725) 

    Hieroglyph: Axle, nave of wheel:Ta. irucu axle-tree. Ka. irasu, iracu, iricu, irucu, irci, ircu, era-kōlu an iron axle-tree. Te. irusu axle, axle-tree. Kol. (Br.) i·rcu axle. Ga. (S.2) irsu axle (< Te.). Go. (Ma.) irs(u), (Ko.) irs id. (< Te.; Voc. 190); (S.) nirsu id. (< Te.; Voc. 1992). Kuwi (F.) hīrsū id. (< Te.).  (DEDR 484)  *இருசு irucun. < ṛju. 1. Straightness, directness; நேர்மை. (திவா.) 2. [T. irusu, K. irasu.] Axle-tree; வண்டியச்சு. (பிங்.)

    Hieroglyph: dhàṭṭu 'woman's headgear, scarf') *dhaa2dhaī -- f. ʻ old cloth, loincloth ʼ lex. [Drav., Kan. daṭṭi ʻ waistband ʼ etc., DED 2465]Ku. dhao ʻ piece of cloth ʼ, N. dharo, B. dhaā; Or. dhaā ʻ rag, loincloth ʼ, dhai ʻ rag ʼ; Mth. dhariā ʻ child's narrow loincloth ʼ.*dhaavastra -- .Addenda: *dhaa -- 2. 2. †*dhaṭṭa -- : dhàṭṭu m. ʻ woman's headgear, kerchief ʼ, kc. dhau m. (also dhahu m. ʻ scarf ʼ, J. dhā(h)u m. Him.I 105).(CDIAL 6707) 

    er̥a 'axle/nave of wheel': eraka any metal infusion; molten state, fusion. Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal) 

    Utsava bēra 'display processions of sacred hieroglyphs' are bērīḍzu 'trade account', Indus Script Hypertext proclamations of metalwork wealth.

    m0490b inscriptionm0491b inscription
    m0491Image result for indus cult object
    m0490b, m0491b text of inscription

    Four persons in a procession, each carrying a standard, one of which has the figure of a one-horned bull on top.

    dula ‘two’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’

    karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' PLUS sal ‘splinter’ rebus: sal ‘workshop

    (lozenge) Split parenthesis: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. 

    bhaṭā 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'

    kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal

       கஞ்சம்2 kañcamn. < kaṃsa. 1. Bell-metal; வெண்கலம். (திவா.) 2. Cymbal; கைத் தாளம். (திவா.) கஞ்சனம்1 kañcaṉamn. cf. kaṃsa. 1. Cymbals; கைத்தாளம். (W.) 2. Mirror, prob. from its being made of polished bell-metal; கண் ணாடி. (திவா.) காஞ்சனம்1 kāñcaṉamn. < kāñcana. Gold; பொன். (திவா.)

    Field symbol expression of hieroglyphs in utsava bera procession:  kõda ‘young bull-calf’. Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’. sangaḍa ‘lathe, furnace’. Rebus: samgara ‘living in the same house, guild’. sãgaḍa (double-canoe, catamaran) Hence, smith guild. (Lathe/furnaqce shown as an utsava bera carried on a flagstaff) dhatu ‘scarf’ rebus: dhatu ‘mineral ore’ Strand:

    Dotted circle hieroglyph: Cross-section view of a strand (say, through a bead), ‘dotted circle’: धातु ‘strand, element’ rebus: ‘primary element of the earth, mineral, metal’  dhātu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā] Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ(whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)
    Meaning, artha of inscription: Trade (and metalwork wealth production) of kōnda sangara 'metalwork engraver'... PLUS (wealth categories cited.)

    kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'. Thus bronze/bell-metal workshop.

    (lozenge) Split parenthesis: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus, ingot forge. 

    Field symbol:  kõda ‘young bull-calf’. Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’; kundana ‘fine gold’ (Kannada). कुन्द [p= 291,2] one of कुबेर's nine treasures (N. of a गुह्यक Gal. ) L. کار کند kār-kund (corrup. of P کار کن) adj. Adroit, clever, experienced. 2. A director, a manager; (Fem.) کار کنده kār-kundaʿh.  (Pashto)

    The cartouched hieroglyph is the key hypertext expression.

    Meaning, artha of inscription: Trade (and metalwork wealth production) of kōnda sangara 'metalwork engraver'... PLUS (wealth categories cited.) This seal signifies vartaka bell-metal, brass metal castings smithy-forge merchant, mintmaster, helmsman.

    Line 1:

    dula ‘duplicated’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’PLUS kolmo ‘rice plant’ rebus: kolilmi ‘smithy, forge’ PLUS kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe' कर्णिक 'steersman, helmsman'

    Line 2:

    ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' (R̥gveda) PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin’ rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    Line 3:

    Circumscipt dula ‘two’ rebus: dui ‘metal casting’ PLUS kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe' कर्णिक 'steersman, helmsman' PLUS vártikā f. ʻ quail ʼ (R̥gveda) vartaka ‘round stone’ rebus: vartaka ‘bell-metal, brass, merchant (pattar in Tamil)’ பத்தர்; pattar, n. perh. vartakaMerchants; வியாபாரிகள். (W.)

    Thus, helmsman, merchant in charge of bell-metal metal casting, mint and cargo.

    vártikā f. ʻ quail ʼ RV. 2. vārtika -- m. lex. 3. var- takā -- f. lex. (eastern form ac. to Kātyāyana: S. Lévi JA 1912, 498), °ka -- m. Car., vārtāka -- m. lex. [Cf. vartīra -- m. Suśr., °tira -- lex., *vartakara -- ] 1. Ash. uwŕe/ ʻ partridge ʼ NTS ii 246 (connexion denied NTS v 340), Paš.snj. waṭīˊ; K. hāra -- wüṭü f. ʻ species of waterfowl ʼ (hāra -- < śāˊra -- ).2. Kho. barti ʻ quail, partridge ʼ BelvalkarVol 88. 3. Pa. vaṭṭakā -- f., °ka -- in cmpds. ʻ quail ʼ, Pk. vaṭṭaya -- m., N. baṭṭāi (< vārtāka -- ?), A. batā -- sarāi, B. batui, baṭuyā; Si. vaṭuvā ʻ snipe, sandpiper ʼ (ext. of *vaṭu < vartakā -- ). -- With unexpl. bh -- : Or. bhāṭoi, °ṭui ʻ the grey quail Cotarnix communis ʼ, (dial.) bhāroi, °rui (< early MIA. *vāṭāka -- < vārtāka -- : cf. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car.). Addenda: vartikā -- [Dial. a ~ ā < IE. non -- apophonic o (cf. Gk. o)/rtuc and early EMIA. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car. < *vārtī -- )(CDIAL 11351) Rebus:vartalōha n. ʻ a kind of brass (i.e. *cup metal?) ʼ lex. [*varta -- 2 associated with lōhá -- by pop. etym.?]Pa. vaṭṭalōha -- n. ʻ a partic. kind of metal ʼ; L.awāṇ. valṭōā ʻ metal pitcher ʼ, P. valṭoh, ba° f., vaṭlohā, ba° m.; N. baṭlohi ʻ round metal vessel ʼ; A. baṭlahi ʻ water vessel ʼ; B. bāṭlahi, bāṭulāi ʻ round brass cooking vessel ʼ; Bi. baṭlohī ʻ small metal vessel ʼ; H. baṭlohī, °loī f. ʻ brass drinking and cooking vessel ʼ, G. vaṭloi f.Addenda: vartalōha -- : WPah.kṭg. bəlṭóɔ m. ʻ large brass vessel ʼ.CDIAl 11357)*varta2 ʻ circular object ʼ or more prob. ʻ something made of metal ʼ, cf. vartaka -- 2 n. ʻ bell -- metal, brass ʼ lex. and vartalōha -- . [√vr̥t?] Pk. vaṭṭa -- m.n., °aya -- m. ʻ cup ʼ; Ash. waṭāˊk ʻ cup, plate ʼ; K. waṭukh, dat. °ṭakas m. ʻ cup, bowl ʼ; S. vaṭo m. ʻ metal drinking cup ʼ; N. bāṭā, ʻ round copper or brass vessel ʼ; A. bāṭi ʻ cup ʼ; B. bāṭā ʻ box for betel ʼ; Or. baṭā ʻ metal pot for betel ʼ, bāṭi ʻ cup, saucer ʼ; Mth. baṭṭā ʻ large metal cup ʼ, bāṭī ʻ small do. ʼ, H. baṭṛī f.; G. M. vāṭī f. ʻ vessel ʼ. *aṅkavarta -- , *kajjalavarta -- , *kalaśavarta -- , *kṣāṇavartaka -- , *cūrṇavarta -- , parṇavartikā -- , *hiṅgulavarta -- .Addenda: *varta -- 2: Md. vař ʻ circle ʼ (vař -- han̆du ʻ full moon ʼ).(CDIAL 11347) *varta3 ʻ round stone ʼ. 2. *vārta -- . [Cf. Kurd. bard ʻ stone ʼ. -- √vr̥t1]

    1. Gy. eur. bar, SEeur. bai̦ ʻ stone ʼ, pal. wăṭwŭṭ ʻ stone, cliff ʼ; Ḍ. boṭ m. ʻ stone ʼ, Ash. Wg. wāṭ, Kt. woṭ, Dm. bɔ̈̄', Tir. baṭ, Niṅg. bōt, Woṭ. baṭ m., Gmb. wāṭ; Gaw. wāṭ ʻ stone, millstone ʼ; Kal.rumb. bat ʻ stone ʼ (bad -- váṣ ʻ hail ʼ), Kho. bort, Bshk. baṭ, Tor. bāṭ, Mai. (Barth) "bhāt" NTS xviii 125, Sv. bāṭ, Phal. bā̆ṭ; Sh.gil. băṭ m. ʻ stone ʼ, koh. băṭṭ m., jij. baṭ, pales. baṭ ʻ millstone ʼ; K. waṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ round stone ʼ, vüṭü f. ʻ small do. ʼ; L. vaṭṭā m. ʻ stone ʼ, khet. vaṭ ʻ rock ʼ; P. baṭṭ m. ʻ a partic. weight ʼ, vaṭṭāba° m. ʻ stone ʼ, vaṭṭī f. ʻ pebble ʼ; WPah.bhal. baṭṭ m. ʻ small round stone ʼ; Or. bāṭi ʻ stone ʼ; Bi. baṭṭāʻ stone roller for spices, grindstone ʼ. -- With unexpl. -- ṭṭh -- : Sh.gur. baṭṭh m. ʻ stone ʼ, gil. baṭhāˊ m. ʻ avalanche of stones ʼ, baṭhúi f. ʻ pebble ʼ (suggesting also an orig. *vartuka -- which Morgenstierne sees in Kho. place -- name bortuili, cf. *vartu -- , vartula -- ).2. Paš.lauṛ. wāṛ, kuṛ.  ʻ stone ʼ, Shum. wāṛ.vartaka -- 1; *vartadruṇa -- , *vartapānīya -- ; *aṅgāravarta -- , *arkavarta -- , *kaṣavartikā -- .vartaka1 m. ʻ *something round ʼ (ʻ horse's hoof ʼ lex.), vaṭṭaka -- m. ʻ pill, bolus ʼ Bhadrab. [Cf. Orm. waṭk ʻ walnut ʼ (wrongly ← IA. *akhōṭa -- s.v. akṣōṭa -- ). <-> √vr̥t1]Wg. wāṭi( -- štūm) ʻ walnut( -- tree) ʼ NTS vii 315; K. woṭu m., vüṭü f. ʻ globulated mass ʼ; L. vaṭṭā m. ʻ clod, lobe of ear ʼ; P. vaṭṭī f. ʻ pill ʼ; WPah.bhal. baṭṭi f. ʻ egg ʼ.vartaka -- 2 n. ʻ bell -- metal, brass ʼ lex. -- See *varta -- 2, vártalōha -- .(CDIAL 11348, 11349)

    ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' (R̥gveda) PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin’ rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. 

    m1281 On this tablet, the rightmost hypertext is Sign 1

    m1281 On this tablet, the rightmost hypertext is Sign 1

    ligatured with a sloped rectangle, an ox-hide shape ingot (lump) on the right leg of the two spreadlegs of a person (standing body).  dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination' rebus: ḍhālako a large metal ingot (Gujarati) ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. ˚le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. ˚lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.Addenda: ḍhāla -- . 2. *ḍhāllā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f.(CDIAL 5583) *ḍala ʻ lump ʼ. 2. *ḍalla -- 1. 3. *ḍilla -- . 4. *ḍēlla -- . 5. *ḍhalla -- . 6. *ḍhilla -- 1. 7. *ḍhēlla -- . 8. dala -- 1 m. ʻ clump, heap ʼ lex. 9. *dalla -- . 10. *dilla -- . 11. *ṭēla -. [See list s.v. *ḍhikka -- 1]1. Pk. ḍala -- m. ʻ lump ʼ; Gaw. Sv. ḍal ʻ big, thick ʼ; P. ḍalā m. ʻ lump ʼ, ḍalī f. ʻ small lump, betel -- nut ʼ; Ku. ḍalo˚li ʻ lump, clump ʼ, H. ḍalā m., ˚lī f., Marw. ḍalī f. -- N. ḍolo ʻ round and smooth ʼ (X gol < gōla -- 1?).2. N. ḍallo ʻ round, round lump, clod; G. ḍalɔ m. ʻ lump ʼ, M. ḍallā m. -- S. ḍ̠alhaṇu ʻ to stuff, fill the stomach ʼ?3. K. ḍī˜jü f. ʻ ball, small globular mass ʼ; S. ḍ̠īlu m. ʻ belly, body ʼ; L. ḍilh (pl. ˚hĩ) f. ʻ boulder ʼ, (Ju.) ḍ̠ilh m. ʻ clod ʼ; P. ḍīl m. ʻ bulk ʼ; N. ḍil ʻ ridge, bank ʼ; A. ḍil ʻ heart, spadix of a plaintain tree ʼ, ḍilā ʻ mango -- stone, calf of leg ʼ (semant. cf. píṇḍa -- ); H. ḍīl m. ʻ lump, ploughed land ʼ; G. ḍīl n. ʻ body ʼ.4. S. ḍ̠elhu m. ʻ an unripe fruit of Ceriops candolleana ʼ; L. ḍēlhāḍēlā, (Ju.) ḍ̠ē˚ ʻ a fruit of Capparis aphylla, an unripe fruit, diseased eyeball ʼ; P. ḍelhāḍellāḍelā m. ʻ an unripe fruit of Capparis aphylla, eyeball ʼ; WPah. bhal. ḍell n. ʻ lump or heap of clay ʼ, khaś. ḍellā ʻ hip ʼ, jaun. ḍēlī ʻ stone of fruit ʼ; Ku. ḍel ʻ clump, clod ʼ; N. ḍeli ʻ small round basket without a handle ʼ; B. ḍelā ʻ lump ʼ; H. ḍel m. ʻ lump, ploughed land ʼ. 5. H. ḍhallā m. ʻ lump of clay, clod ʼ.6. B. ḍhil ʻ lump, clod, stone ʼ; Mth. ḍhīl ʻ louse ʼ; M. ḍhīl n. ʻ potbelly ʼ.7. Paš. ḍäl plural affix; K. ḍela m. ʻ clod ʼ, P. ḍhelā m., WPah. bhal. bhad. ḍhell n., bhiḍ. ḍhellõ (pl. ˚lã) n., Ku. ḍhelḍhelo m., N. B. Or. H. ḍhelā m.; M. ḍhel f. ʻ heap ʼ, n.f. ʻ potbelly ʼ, ḍhelā m. ʻ dry spot in a river ʼ.8. P. dalā m. ʻ lump ʼ; Ku. dalo ʻ large stone ʼ; A. dalā ʻ clod ʼ, dali ʻ lump, piece of stone used as a missile ʼ; B. dalā˚lidalni ʻ lump, clod ʼ; Or. daḷi ʻ clod ʼ, daḷanī ʻ clod, brickbat ʼ; H. dalī f. ʻ clod ʼ; Si. dali ʻ clod of clay or earth ʼ.9. Ku. dallādālā ʻ large rocks and stones, debris and sand ʼ.10. Bshk. dil ʻ clod ʼ; H. dil f. ʻ small eminence, site of an old village ʼ; G. dil n. ʻ body, belly ʼ.11. Or. ṭeḷā ʻ clod of earth ʼ.(CDIAL 5536)

    अ-क्षर--मुष्टिका f. the art of communicating syllables or ideas by the fingers (one of the 64 कलाs) (वात्स्यायन) This is one of the 64 fine-arts learnt by youth according to Vatsyayana.The left-most sign on the tablet signifies a double-fisted ligature to a rimless pot. मुष्टि the clenched hand , fist (perhaps orig. " the hand closed to grasp anything stolen ") RV. rebus: मुष्टिक 'goldsmith'; (pl.) of a despised race (= डोम्बास्) R. (Monier-Williams)
    The Domba or Dom (Sanskrit ḍoma, dialectally also Domaki, Dombo, Domra, Domaka, Dombar, Dombari and variants) are an ethnic group, or groups, scattered across India. In North India, the preferred self-designation is Dom. The form ḍomba is Prakrit, while ḍoma and ḍumba are encountered in Kashmiri Sanskrit texts.. Derived from ḍoma is ḍomaki, the name of a language spoken in a small enclave in Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan. It is also believed that the Dom or Domi people of the Middle East, in addition to the Roma of Europe, are descendants of Domba, who were taken, or travelled, to Sassanid Persia as servants and musicians. (Matras, Yaron (1 June 1995). Romani in Contact. John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 21.) Doms are musicians and blacksmiths.
    baṭa 'rimless, wide-mouthed pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' PLUS ḍabu 'an iron spoon' (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo 'lump (ingot?). 

    muka 'ladle' (Tamil)(DEDR 4887) rebus: :mū̃h 'ingot' (Santali).