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Itihāsa. Kshirasāgara manthana, daśāvatāra narratives are metaphors for wealth creation Indus Script accounting ledgers for Rāṣṭram

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https://tinyurl.com/y7wrtl67

श्वेत--द्वीप mn. " white island " , N. of a mythical abode of the blessed MBh. Hariv. Ka1v. &c; of a sacred place near काशी;  क्षीर--सागर m. the ocean of milk surrounds this island. 

Kshirasāgara manthana is a narrative of the churning of this ocean in the texts:  Bhāgavata Purāṇa,
Mahābhārata and Viṣṇu Purāṇa.

Mount Mandara was used as the churning rod, and Vasuki, a nāgarāja who abides on Shiva's neck, became the churning rope. Viṣṇu, in the form of the Kurma turtle, supported the mountain on his shell, to stabilise the churning process. 
Kūrma
NarayanaTirumala11.JPG
Incarnation of Viṣṇu as a Turtle

āavatāra of Viṣṇu
Kurma (Sanskritकूर्मKūrma, lit. turtle) is the second āvatāra of Viṣṇu.
1st to 5th of the aśāvatāra on Udupi temple gopuram, Karnataka.
The first four aśāvatāra are Indus Script hieroglyphs;
1.
aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' aya 'iron'
2.  कमठ 'tortoise' rebus: kamaṭamu.'portable furnace for precious metals'; Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236) కమటము  kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి. "చ కమటము కట్లెసంచియొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్"హంస. ii. కమతము  kamatamu. [Tel. n. Partnership. అనేకులు చేరిచేయుసేద్యము. The cultivation which an owner carries on with his own farming stock. Labour, tillage. కృషి, వ్యవసాయము. కమతకాడు or కమతీడు or కమతగాడు a labourer, or slave employed in tillage.  కమ్మతము  Same as కమతము. కమ్మతీడు Same as కమతకాడు కమ్మటము  Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste.కమ్మరము  kammaramu. [Tel.] n. Smith's work, iron work. కమ్మరవాడు, కమ్మరి or కమ్మరీడు kammara-vāḍu. n. An iron-smith or blacksmith. బైటికమ్మరవాడు an itinerant blacksmith.
Pictorial motif 69 Indus Script. The Indus Script hypertext signifies in rebus Meluha wordds, bell-metal, metals mint.

kassa 'turtle' rebus: kãsā 'bell-metal' (Oriya), kamaṭha 'turtle' rebus: kãsā kammaṭa 'bell-metal coiner, mint, portable furnace'. Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)

3. Varāha

badhi 'boar' rebus: badhi 'carpenter, worke in iron' and dhangar 'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'. baḍhoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali) বরাহ barāha 'boar'Rebus: bāṛaï 'carpenter' (Bengali) bari 'merchant' barea 'merchant' (Santali) बारकश or बारकस [ bārakaśa or bārakasa ] n ( P) A trading vessel, a merchantman.

The hieroglyph-multiplexes on Ancient Near East artifacts include hieroglyph components: tiger, rhinoceros, eagle, kid (goat), bull/ox. All are metalwork cipher texts. These are in addition to a boar: বরাহ barāha 'boar' Rebus: bāṛaï 
'carpenter' (Bengali) bari 'merchant' barea 'merchant' (Santali) बारकश or बारकस [ bārakaśa or bārakasa ] n ( P) A trading vessel, a merchantman. 
వడ్రంగివడ్లంగివడ్లవాడు  or వడ్లబత్తుడు vaḍrangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. వడ్రంగము,వడ్లపనివడ్రము or వడ్లంగితనము vaḍrangamu. n. The trade of a carpenter. వడ్లవానివృత్తివడ్రంగిపని.వడ్రంగిపిట్ట or వడ్లంగిపిట్ట vaḍrangi-piṭṭa. n. A woodpecker. దార్వాఘాటమువడ్లకంకణము vaḍla-kankaṇamu. n. A curlew. ఉల్లంకులలో భేదమువడ్లత or వడ్లది vaḍlata. n. A woman of the carpenter caste.

4. Narasimha
ariye 'lion' rebus: āra 'brass'.
Samudra manthan or 'Churning of Ocean of Milk  Deva and Danava churn the ocean, using Vasuki, the serpent as the rope and Mandara, the mountain as the churning rod. Ganesh Lena, Ellora, ca. 11th cent. 

Image result for churning of the ocean
Churning of the Milky Ocean (12th cent. Cambodia)

Bas Relief of Samudra Manthan from the Angkor Wat temple

Image result for churning of the ocean
Churning of the Ocean of Milk bas-relief. Angkor Wat. Cambodia.
Related image
Image result for ellora samudra manthan bharatkalyan97Churning of the Ocean of Milk
Churning of the Ocean of Milk
The churning of the ocean of milk, Cambodia
churning of the ocean of milk, Cambodia, Prasat Phnom Da, Angkor vat style, first half of the XIIth century, sandstone. Musée Guimet, Paris

Samudra manthan by the Kurma (tortoise) avatar of Vishnu, with snake rope and mountain, artwork at the Bangkok Airport in Thailand.


Viṣṇu daśāvatāra--Bhāgavata Purāṇa, celebrated in Bādāmi pratimā 6th cent and on ancient coins of Bhāratam Janam

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https://tinyurl.com/ycc6kazj

This is an addendum to: 


Bhagavad Gīta:
यदा यदा हि धर्मस्य ग्लानिर्भवति भारत । 
अभ्युत्थानमधर्मस्य तदात्मानं सृजाम्यहम् ॥४-७॥ 
Whenever there is decay of righteousness, O Bharata,
And there is exaltation of unrighteousness, then I Myself come forth.

परित्राणाय साधूनां विनाशाय च दुष्कृताम् । 
धर्मसंस्थापनार्थाय सम्भवामि युगे युगे ॥४-८॥
For the protection of the good, for the destruction of evil-doers, 
For the sake of firmly establishing righteousness, I am born from age to age.
Anantashayana Viṣṇu with Lakṣmi, his ten avatāra above him (annotated), 6th – 8th century Badami,
Karnataka
I daśāvatāra di Viṣṇu in un'immagine del XIX secolo.
daśāvatāra di Viṣṇu in un'immagine del XIX secolo.
19th century painting of avatars of Vishnu by Raja Ravi Varma.


https://www.mintageworld.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/image-1.jpg
The first Avatar of Viṣṇu is depicted on at least two coins of the Madurai Nāyakas. First one belongs to Queen Mangammal (Mangamma). On the coin, Matsya is depicted as a human torso connected to the tail of a fish holding either chakra or shell in his hands. The reverse has a Telugu legend “Ṣri Mangamma” within a square dotted frame.(Tamil Coins Institute of Epigraphy, Tamilnadu State Department of Archaeology).
The other coin belongs to a different epoch of the same dynasty. Though, the ruler is anonymous the coin is known as ‘Ṣri Vira’ type kasu which depicts a Fish swimming in waves in the right direction. The reverse has legend ‘Ṣri Vira’ inscribed in Kannada.
depiction-dasavatara-indian-coins
The “Ṣri Vira” type coin is the most remarkable one. The coin depicts Kurma as a human torso connected to the tail of a tortoise in a dotted border facing upwards. The reverse of this coin is inscribed with Kannada legend “Ṣri Vira”
A ‘copper cash’ of Tamil Nadu, in the name of Venkatapati Rāya II/III also adorns the Kurma Avatāra of Lord Viṣṇu. A tortoise representing the second incarnation of Viṣṇu is shown within a dotted border on the reverse whereas the obverse shows the Kannada legend “Venkatapati Rāya”. http://classicalnumismaticgallery.com
depiction-dasavatara-indian-coins
The most peculiar representation of the Varāha Avatar of Viṣṇu is found on the coins of Gurjara Pratihāra. The type itself is known as the Ṣrimad Adi Varāha Drammas and the coins were issued in two different periods. One was issued by the ruler Vināyakapāla and the other by an unknown ruler.

The Adi Varāha Drammas of Vināyakapāla depicts Varāha facing right from its waist – upwards. Vanamāla can be seen in the neck of the Varāha. The Varāha is shown with or without an upturned lotus above the head of Varāha which determines the typology of the coin. The reverse is inscribed with Nagari Legend “Ṣri Vina / yakapā / ladeva” in three lines.http://numismatics.org/
The unattributed Adi Varāha Drammas is extensively carved and is found with differences in the portrayal of the Varāha determining the varieties of the type. The coins depict Varāha in a dotted border wearing ‘Vanamāla ‘ standing astride facing right. His left leg is shown raised and slightly bent at the knee. He is shown standing on a lion and a solid pellet near his snout represents as an earth. A mace is seen in the right field with a solar wheel below it. A trident is seen behind the Varāha. The Reverse is read with the full legend of Legend “Ṣrimadādi / Varāha” in two lines and fire altar is seen below flanked by attendants on both the sides.

Narasimha, Chola period, 12th -13th century, Tamil Nadu. from Museum Guimet, Paris.
Viṣṇu as Narasiṃha kills Hiraṇyakaśipu, stone sculpture from the Hoysaleswara Temple in Halebidu, Karnataka
depiction-dasavatara-indian-coins
The most beautiful coin of all is a Gold Fanam of Krishna Rājā of Wodeyar. The coin depicts Narasimha seated in Yoga bandham holding in his upper hands the stylized attributes of a flaming chakra. The reverse is inscribed with Nāgari Legend “Kantirava Narasa Rājā” http://classicalnumismaticgallery.com
Along with the depiction of Matsyāvatāra, Rāṇī Mangammal also issued the fourth reincarnation of Viṣṇu. This copper coin depicts Narasimha with the face of the Incarnation and the body of a lion. The depiction is more close to the ferocity of the incarnation itself. The reverse of the coin has a legend “Ṣri Mangammal” in Telugu.

Cera Kings of Venad also issued a copper coin depicting the fourth incarnation of the Narasimha. The coin depicts Narasimha seated in Yoga bandham holding a weapon that looks like a plough in both the hands on one side. The other side of this coin is even more peculiar as it depicts a combination of Sword, dagger & symbol with pellets.
depiction-dasavatara-indian-coins
The one and only coin that depicts the Vāmana Avatāra of Viṣṇu hails from the Nayakas of Madurai. This copper unit of an anonymous king depicts Vāmana on one side. Vāmana is shown holding an umbrella in right hand and his left hand is raised. Similarly, he is depicted with his left foot raised which seems to be resting on the head of another human figure i.e. King Baḷi. The other side depicts inscription: “Ṣri Vira” in Telugu.
https://www.mintageworld.com/blog/depiction-dasavatara-indian-coins/#_ftnref3

Viṣṇu Temple, Deogarh (often called Daśāvatāra temple) & Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa cited by Alexander Lubotsky

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Madho Sarup Vats (1952), The Gupta Temple at Deogarh, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. LXX, pages 21-27, 33-41 with footnotes

Recherchen über den Gupta-Tempel in Deogarh (Research on the Gupta Temple in Deogarh) [with English Summary], Klaus ImigArtibus Asiae , Vol63No1 (2003), pp35-68

According to Alexander Lubotsky (see embedded report of 1992), this temple was built according to the third khanda of the Hindu text Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa, which describes the design and architecture of the Sarvatobhadra -style temple, thus providing a flourit for the text and likely temple tradition that existed in ancient India..The Dashavatara temple is locally known as Sagar marh , which literally means "the temple on the tank", a name it gets from the square water pool cut into the rock in front..
https://everipedia.org/wiki/lang_en/Dashavatara_Temple%2C_Deogarh/.


























A Deogarh temple Rāmāyaṇa relief now in National Museum, Delhi; L to R: Rama, Sita, Lakshmana, in lower right is demoness Surpanakha caught after harassing Sita and Rama.

Ten Forms Vishnu Dashavatra Temple Deogarh





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  • Published on May 29, 2013


    Dashavatara (Vishnu) Temple is located at Deogarh, lying close to the banks of the Betwa river in Central India built in c. 500 AD. The temple is one of the earliest Hindu stone temples to still survive today. Built in the Gupta Period (320 to c. 600 AD), Vishnu Temple shows the ornate and beauty seen in Gupta style architecture. This temple is also a good resource for examining Gupta style sculptures and art. Dashavatara Temple, is the earliest known Panchyatana temple in North India. It depicts ten incarnations of Vishnu. Special features of this ancient temple, which is mostly in ruins, include carved figurines of river goddesses Ganga and Yamuna on the doorway to the sanctum sanctorum, three large carved panels of Vaishnava mythology related to Gajendra Moksha, the Nar Narayan Tapasya (meditation), and the Anantshayi Vishnu reclining on a serpent.



    Ganga and Yamuna flanking the doorway.

    Gajendra moksham

    Lakshmi at Vishn's lotus feet

    Daśāvatāra Temple, Deogarh. Temple pillar.



    Vishnu Reliefs Apsaras




    The Pandavas and Draupadi


    Vishnu Shiva Draupadi Reliefs Parvati Pandavas Serpents  
    Vishnu Elephants  Reliefs  Apsaras Garuda 
    Creator
    MacDougall, Robert D. (Robert Duncan), 1940-1987
    Title
    Dasavatara Temple
    Work Type
    Temple
    Date
    ca. 475-500
    Location
    Deogarh (Uttar Pradesh, India)
    Period
    Gupta Dynasty
    Description
    The temple is sacred to Vishnu, and its iconographic scheme focuses on various manifestations of Vishnu. It follows a five-shrine (pañcayatana) scheme. Dates: late 5th C. Built by King Buddhagupta (possibly) (reg. 477-495).
    Repository
    Bonnie G. MacDougall (original photographs)
    Accession Number
    91000374
    B-Q5 Deo 3.4 Das 4b-1
    Subject
    Conservation
    Perspective Drawings
    ID Number
    MCD_02742
    Source
    Image: The Gupta Temple at Deogarh. New Delhi, 1952. pl. II
    Grove Dictionary of Art
    Image View Description
    Persp. dwg.: isometric projection
    conjectural restoration from Northwest
    Provenance
    The Gupta Temple at Deogarh
    New Delhi, 1952
    pl. II
    Rights
    The images in the collection are protected by copyright, and the copyright holder is the Estate of their creator/photographer, Robert “Scotty” MacDougall. Images in the collection were created between roughly 1960-1987, and were digitized by Cornell University Library from a variety of negatives, positives, and slides retained by the Estate of the photographer. Cornell is providing access to the materials for research and personal use. The written permission of any copyright and other rights holders is required for distribution, reproduction, or other use that extends beyond what is authorized by fair use and other statutory exemptions. Responsibility for making an independent legal assessment of an item and securing any necessary permissions ultimately rests with persons desiring to use the item.
    The images in the collection are protected by copyright, and the copyright holder is the Estate of their creator/photographer, Robert “Scotty” MacDougall. Images in the collection were created between roughly 1960-1987, and were digitized by Cornell University Library from a variety of negatives, positives, and slides retained by the Estate of the photographer. Cornell is providing access to the materials for research and personal use. The written permission of any copyright and other rights holders is required for distribution, reproduction, or other use that extends beyond what is authorized by fair use and other statutory exemptions. Responsibility for making an independent legal assessment of an item and securing any necessary permissions ultimately rests with persons desiring to use the item.
    This image has been selected and made available by a user using Artstor's software tools. Artstor has not screened or selected this image or cleared any rights to it and is acting as an online service provider pursuant to 17 U.S.C. §512. Artstor disclaims any liability associated with the use of this image. Should you have any legal objection to the use of this image, please visit http://www.artstor.org/copyright for contact information and instructions on how to proceed.
    File Properties
    File Name
    3856248.fpx
    SSID
    3856248




    The 10 Avatars of the Hindu God Vishnu

    The 10 avatars of Vishnu

     Vishnu is among the most important deities of Hinduism. Along with Brahma and Shiva, Vishnu forms the principal trinity of Hindu religious practice. 
    In his many forms, Vishnu is regarded as the preserver and protector. Hinduism teaches that when humanity is threatened by chaos or evil, Vishnu will descend into the world in one of his incarnations to restore righteousness.  
    The incarnations that Vishnu takes are called avatars. The Hindu scriptures speak of ten avatars. They're thought to have been present in the Satya Yuga (the Golden Age or Age of Truth) when mankind was ruled by gods.
    Collectively, the avatars of Vishnu are called dasavatara (10 avatars). Each has a different form and purpose. When men are faced with a challenge, a particular avatar descends to address the issue. 
    The avatars are not random, either. The myths associated with each reference a specific period of time when they were most needed. Some people refer to this as the cosmic cycle or the Time-Spirit. For instance, the first avatar, Matsya descended long before the ninth avatar, Balarama, who a more recent myth says may have been the Lord Buddha.
    No matter the specific intent or place in time, the avatars are meant to re-establish the dharma, the path of righteousness or universal laws taught in the Hindu scriptures. The legends, myths, and stories that include the avatars remain important allegories within Hinduism.
    01
    of 10

    The First Avatar: Matsya (The Fish)

    A depiction of Vishnu Matsya (left)
    Wikimedia Commons
    Matsya is said to be the avatar that rescued the first man, as well as other creatures of the earth, from a great flood. Matsya is sometimes depicted as a great fish or as a human torso connected to the tail of a fish. 
    Matsya is said to have forewarned man about the coming flood and ordered him to preserve all the grains and living creatures in a boat. This story is similar to many deluge myths found in other cultures.
    02
    of 10

    The Second Avatar: Kurma (The Tortoise)

    A depiction of the turtle avatar of Vishnu
    Wikimedia Commons
    Kurma (or Koorma) is the tortoise incarnation that relates to the myth of churning the ocean to obtain treasures dissolved in the ocean of milk. In this myth, Vishnu took the form of a tortoise upon which to support the churning stick on his back.
    The Kurma avatar of Vishnu is usually seen in a mixed human-animal form.
    03
    of 10

    The Third Avatar: Varaha (The Boar)

    Varaha (the boar) Avatar
    Ann Ronan Pictures/Getty Images
    Varaha is the boar that raised the earth from the bottom of the sea after the demon Hiranyaksha dragged it to the bottom of the sea. After a battle of 1,000 years, Varaha raised the earth out of the water with his tusks. 
    Varaha is depicted as either a full boar form or as a boar head on a human body.
    04
    of 10

    The Fourth Avatar: Narasimha (The Man-Lion)

    Narasimha, the man-lion avatar of Vishnu
    CORBIS/Getty Images
    As the legend goes, the demon Hiranyakashipiu obtained a boon from Brahma that he could not be killed or harmed by any means. Now arrogant in his security, Hiranyakshipiu began to cause trouble both in heaven and on earth.  
    However, his son Prahlada was devoted to Vishnu. One day, when the demon challenged Prahlada, Vishnu emerged in the form of a man-lion known as Narasimha to slay the demon. 
    05
    of 10

    The Fifth Avatar: Vamana (The Dwarf)

    A sculpture depicting Vamana, the dwarf avatar of Vishnu
    Angelo Hornak/Getty Images
    In the Rig Veda, Vamana (the dwarf) appears when the demon king Bali ruled the universe and the gods lost their power. One day, Vamana visited the court of Bali and begged for as much land as he could cover in three steps. Laughing at the dwarf, Bali granted the wish. 
    The dwarf then assumed the form of a giant. He took the whole earth with the first step and the entire middle world with the second step. With the third step, Vamana sent Bali down to rule the underworld.
    06
    of 10

    The Sixth Avatar: Parasurama (The Angry Man)

    Parasurama, the priest avatar of Vishnu
    CORBIS/Getty Images
    In his form as Parasurama, Vishnu appears as a priest (brahman) who comes to the world to kill bad kings and protect humanity from danger. He appears in the form of a man carrying an ax, sometimes referred to as Rama with an ax. 
    In the original story, Parasurama appeared to restore Hindu social order which had become corrupted by the arrogant Kshatrya caste.
    07
    of 10

    The Seventh Avatar: Lord Rama (The Perfect Man)

    Statue depicting Lord Rama, the perfect man, an avatar of Vishnu
    Instants/Getty Images
    Lord Rama is the seventh avatar of Vishnu and is a major deity of Hinduism. He is considered supreme in some traditions. He is the central figure of the ancient Hindu epic "Ramayana" and known as King of Ayodhya, the city believed to be Rama's birthplace.
    According to the Ramayana, Rama’s father was King Dasaratha and his mother Queen Kausalya. Rama was born at the end of the Second Age, sent by the gods to do battle with the multi-headed demon Ravana.
    Rama is often depicted with blue skin and standing with a bow and arrow.
    08
    of 10

    The Eighth Avatar: Lord Krishna (The Divine Statesman)

    A depiction of Lord Krishna (right), an avatar of Vishnu
    Ann Ronan Pictures/Getty Images
    Lord Krishna (the divine statesman) is the eighth avatar of Vishnu and is one of the most widely revered deities in Hinduism. He was a cowherd (sometimes depicted as a charioteer or statesman) who shrewdly changes rules.
    According to legend, the famous poem, the Bhagavad Gita, is spoken by Krishna to Ajuna on the battlefield. 
    Krishna is depicted in a variety of forms because there are so many storiessurrounding him. The most common of these is as the divine lover in which he plays the flute, though his child form is very common as well. In paintings, Krishna often has blue skin and wears a crown of peacock feathers with a yellow loincloth.
    09
    of 10

    The Ninth Avatar: Balarama (Krishna's Elder Brother)

    A depiction of Balarama, an avatar of Vishnu
    Wikimedia Commons
    Balarama is said to be the elder brother of Krishna. It is believed that he engaged in many adventures alongside his brother. Balarama is rarely worshiped independently, but stories always focus on his prodigious strength.
    In representations, he is usually shown with pale skin in contrast to Krishna's blue skin. 
    In a number of versions of the mythology, Lord Buddha is thought to be the ninth incarnation. However, this was an addition that came after the dasavatara was already established.
    10
    of 10

    The Tenth Avatar: Kalki (The Mighty Warrior)

    A depiction of Kalki (left), an avatar of Vishnu
    The San Diego Museum of Art
    Kalki (meaning “eternity” or "mighty warrior") is the last incarnation of Vishnu. He is not expected to appear until the end of Kali Yuga, the time period in which we currently exist.
    He will come, it is believed, to rid the world of oppression by unrighteous rulers. It is said that he will appear riding a white horse and carrying a fiery sword.

    Itihāsa. How the Dravidianists ravaged the Tamil heritage & gifted Tamil Nadu to the Global Church-- Sandeep Balakrishna

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    Caldwell was an  evangelist and his motivations were entirely related to his evangelical zeal. Positing a dravidian language identity was related to this motivation of dividing a united society. 

    Kalyanaraman

    How the Dravidianists Ravaged the Tamil Heritage and Gifted Tamil Nadu to the Global Church

    An essay on how Bishop Robert Caldwell provided the foundation for Dravidian separatism and helped the Christianisation of Tamil Nadu
    December 20, 2018
    The Tamil country stands tallest among all Indian regions that swallowed the missionary and colonial propaganda of the Aryan Invasion Theory in the closing decades of the 19th Century onwards. More specifically, sections of the Tamil country uncritically swallowed the “Dravidian” propaganda, internalized it, gave it an ideological shape premised basically on the linguistic separateness of Tamil.
    As we’ve mentioned in an earlier essay, much of the material for this piece is derived from the body of work of Dr. B G L Swamy, a distinguished botanist who served as a Professor and Principal of the Presidency College, Madras from 1953-78.  He was an eyewitness to and a participant of the various currents of the Dravidian movement that occurred during his time. He routinely engaged with contemporary Dravidian scholars, activists, and ideologues. 
    Whether one agrees with his observations and conclusions is a separate matter. What is indisputable is the fact his body of work is an important record of a relatively recent past whose story needs to be retold today and for posterity—in a way, to understand the contemporary currents and manifestations that are informed by events and episodes of the aforementioned vintage.

    Journey of a Progressive Descent

    The journey of the Dravidian ideology is a journey of progressive descent and comprehensive destruction of almost all facets of the original Tamil culture and heritage as we shall see. In general, what began as linguistic identity-separateness morphed into racial separatism, and eventually, today into Christian religious separatism. Not too different from the North East. While the Nawab of all-encompassing Cluelessness, Jawaharlal Nehru literally gifted this region to the Pedophile Padre, Verrier Elwin, Tamil Nadu proved a much harder nut to crack. The Church’s return on investment was truly, woefully, pathetic. But it did crack eventually. Like I never tire of repeating, the kiss of Christ is fatal to entire civilisations because it disarms you with the façade of love and compassion.
    This alarming and pervasive power that the Church wields in Tamil Nadu is truly the victory of the missionary Bishop Robert Caldwell.

    Bishop Robert Caldwell: The Christian Father of Dravidianism

    Gloating about his successes in Bengal, Thomas Babbington Macaulay wrote thus to his father in 1836:
    Our English schools are flourishing wonderfully… The effect of this education on the Hindoos is prodigious. No Hindoo, who has received an English education, ever remains sincerely attached to his religion… It is my firm belief that, if our plans of education are followed up, there will not be a single idolater among the respectable classes in Bengal thirty years hence…
    INLINE AD
    Twenty years later, Bishop Robert Caldwell would publish his A Comparative Grammar of Dravidian or South-Indian family of Languages in which he holds that 
    The [Tamil] language being probably the earliest cultivated on the Dravidian idioms, the most copious and that which contains the largest portion and the richest variety of indubitably ancient forms…
    It wouldn’t be an exaggeration to claim that this among other glowing epithets about the language in his book on Tamil Grammar formed the bedrock of Tamil linguistic separatism, and gave the much-needed manure for the racist theories of Dravidian separatism to fully flower and to eventually capture political power.
    In the realm of Dravidian ideology, Robert Caldwell is a demigod who has numerous busts and statues dedicated to him across Tamil Nadu. A postage stamp too, was issued in his honour by the Indian Government in 2010. In short, “thou shalt not subject Caldwell to critical scrutiny in Tamil Nadu.”

    However, Caldwell’s book also contained these lines:
    We seem to be justified in drawing the conclusion that the Dravidian languages have remained almost unaltered for the last two thousand years, but probably also that the principal dialects that now prevail had a separate existence at the commencement of the Christian era… 
    He further traces the beginnings of Tamil literature to not earlier than the 10th Century CE. Now, this posed an enormous problem for the Dravidian champions of those days because among other factors, this ideology chiefly rests on the antiquity of the Tamil language.
    For instance, the Dravidian ideological scholar, M.S. Purnalingam Pillai dates the Third Sangam to a period between 1750 BCE and 100 CE while M. Srinivasa Aiyangar places it between 5th Century BCE and 6th Century CE. Still others date it variously from the 2nd Century BCE and the 1st Century CE.
    Let’s see a real-life sample of how this worked during the ascent of Dravidian ideology in all realms of life in Tamil Nadu especially between the 1940s to the 1970s.

    The Art of Making Things Disappear

    Dr. BGL Swamy’s Kannada essay, Mangamaaya Kale (The Art of Making Things Disappear) narrates what transpired when the latter portion of Caldwell’s “justified conclusion” (mentioned earlier in this essay) was unearthed.
    The following passage is my translated paraphrase of the original.
    Caldwell’s book was first published in 1856. Its second edition saw light in 1857. It contained an elaborate preface (154 pages) in a book totaling 608 pages. In 1936, the Madras University published an abridged version of this book in which the preface was chopped off in several places. The Dravidianists are smart. If someone shows them evidence that goes against their current train of opinion, they ensure that such evidence vanishes completely. They have ensured that the first and second editions of Caldwell’s book have similarly vanished in order to protect the current and future generations of innocent Tamils from being corrupted.
    After the abridged editions were published, all copies of Caldwell’s original have disappeared from our libraries. In the rare event that someone actually finds a copy of the original, the person finds that pages of the (original) preface in that copy have disappeared. In some libraries, the “unnecessary” pages of the said preface have been blackened with ink. I ordered a copy of the microfilm of Caldwell’s [first and second] editions from the British Museum library and showed the relevant portions to some Dravidian scholars. They claimed I had doctored the pages. But I didn’t let go. I wrote to the Museum officials and asked them to post the enlarged photos of the relevant pages directly to these scholars. Their response: “You’re very tough! You have managed to fool even the officials of the Museum!”
    There’s an even deeper reason why Caldwell’s observations pushed later-day Dravidian champions into such a heightened state of panic.
    P. Sundaram Pillai in his 1897 book, The Basic Element in Hindu Civilization claims that from a cultural standpoint, Tamil was “self-born” (sic) and never borrowed from nor was influenced by other cultures and languages. He claimed further that it was most definitely not influenced either by the Sanskrit language or what he claims is the “Aryan” art or culture. According to Pillai, everything in Tamil heritage that can be traced to Sanskrit and the Sanatana inheritance is an ignorant claim; Vedanta and Aryan culture are originally of Tamil or Dravidian origin, later appropriated by the evil Aryans.  And then, in 1904, V Kanakasabhai wrote in his The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago that he had a “revelation” (sic) that the most ancient works in Tamil must have been composed more than 2000 years ago but failed to mention the evidence or the source of his revelation.
    Needless, the commonality underscoring a thick corpus of such ideologically motivated scholars is the foundation provided by Bishop Robert Caldwell.

    Dravidianizing Tamil Nadu’s Flora and Fauna

    In fact, the Justice Party formed in 1917 shrewdly accepted this foundation as gospel truth and built its superstructure upon it.
    The Dravidian identity, defined as all those people who were non-Brahmins, was another key element that emerged from the said foundation.  Key Dravidian luminaries that propagated hostility against Brahmins included M.S. Purnalingam Pillai, N. Subba Rao, Swami Vedachalam (who later Tamilized his name as Maraimalai Adigal) and others. As the ideology gained momentum, achieved mass following, and eventually attained political power, almost every aspect of the state was “purified”—that is, Dravidianized, to borrow their ideological terminology.
    Here is a small sample of the kind of topics for which PhDs were awarded at the university level, recounted by Dr. B G L Swamy.
    • Boys in the Sangam Age
    • Girls in the Sangam Age
    • Children in the Sangam Age
    •  Infants in the Sangam Age
    •  The Sangam Age: Boys
    •  The Sangam Age: Girls
    • If the Tamil language department published a thesis titled, “Tamils in the Sangam Age,” the history department’s counterpart thesis would be titled, “The Sangam Age: Tamils.”
    • Twenty-two PhDs were awarded for the same topic, all of them reaching the same conclusion of fixing the date for Silappadikaram at the 2nd Century CE.
    Dr. B G L Swamy narrates how a university official once approached him with a request to write an essay on “Tamil” plant life. This was to form part of the Tamil Nadu government’s ten-volume series depicting the “authentic” account of Tamil history. The first volume published in 1975 is entitled Tamizh Nadu Varalaru.
    In response to Dr. Swamy’s claim that there’s no such thing as a “Telugu plant life,” “Kannada plant life” and “Tamil plant life,” the official replied, “So you mean to say there’s no unique Tamil plant life like there’s a unique, independent Tamil identity?” One can find scores of such real-life instances in Dr. Swamy’s body of work that illustrate the causes and consequences of an identity-centric and separatist ideology which captures political power.

    Church as the Biggest Beneficiary of Dravidianism

    The fact that 80 per cent of Tamil Nadu’s population is under the reservation umbrella is the direct outcome of the Dravidian ideology. This umbrella will only expand as long as this ideology gets an uninterrupted run.
    Indeed, the biggest beneficiary of the Dravidian discourse has been theChurch. Over the years, it has shrewdly used the Aryan versus Dravidian, the Tamil versus non-Tamil, the Brahmin versus the non-Brahmin fault lines to steadily gain converts and foot soldiers. Therefore, when we notice today that an Ideological Iyengar like TM Krishna willingly becomesthe Church’s useful idiot so easily, the roots and tentacles are here: long, deep, and generational.  
    According to the 2011 Census, Christians form 46.85 per cent in Kanyakumari, the highest in the state. Vast tracts of coastal Tamil Nadu are now Christian. Tamil Nadu also receives massive amounts of foreign funding via FCRA for Christian evangelical activity as Prof R. Vaidyanathan shows in a painstaking study.
    The Church’s vise-like grip over Tamil Nadu —and in some cases, national—politics can also be observed in its destructive role in fuelling the Kudankulam protests in early 2012 by using its vast, opaque, and impenetrable global networks and front-NGOs. And more alarmingly, the recent ugly saga over shutting down the Sterlite Copper factory in Thootukudi has ripped the veil over the role of the Church in fomenting violence openly. In this particular case, it’s almost as if the Church has thrown this gauntlet to the Indian state: we will wage mini-wars across India at a place and time of our choosing.  
    Bishop Robert Caldwell would have been a happy man had he been alive today.
    Indeed, the atavistic forces that Dravidianism has unleashed over nearly a century have inflicted untold harm: the much-promised “social justice,” freedom from oppression, “purity” of the Tamil language, and other such woolly niceties continue to elude the Tamil people simply because these lofty aims just weren’t meant to be to begin with. But whatever the social or other injustices suffered by sections of the Tamil society in the past, embracing Dravidianism has proven to be akin to using an axe to get rid of the boil on your palm. Equally, the quest for an illusory “pure” Dravidian or Tamil identity is like peeling layer after layer of an onion.
    At the end, one is left with nothing but tears.
    https://dharmadispatch.in/how-the-dravidianists-ravaged-the-tamil-heritage-and-gifted-tamil-nadu-to-the-global-church/

    Digging into the past: Divisive and sectarian politics in Tamil Nadu -- G. Sredathan

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    Digging into the past: Divisive and sectarian politics in Tamil Nadu

    Written by G SREEDATHAN
    Editor-in-Chief, indusscrolls.com December 2018
    Archaeology as a tool for evangelization and balkanization of India
    In an interview to Malayalam weekly Madhyamam on October 15, 2018, Prof. Vasanth Shinde, veteran archaeologist and Vice Chancellor of Deccan College, Pune, premier institution of archaeological research in India, has dismissed excavations carried out at Pattanam in Kerala by Kerala Council of Historical Research as “dubious”. He completely rejected the claims made by the excavators — some of them lacked professional or academic expertise to carry out such an excavation. He was not alone. Eminent historians and archeologists such as Prof Dilip Chakrabarti, A.Sundara, MGS Narayanan, R Nagaswamy and T Satyamurti have also severely criticized the excavation sponsored and launched by the Left political parties and supported by dubious foreign Christian organisations.
    Experts pointed out that the methodology used was dubious and reports false. Its links with questionable Church organizations in India and abroad and funding thereof had raised many eyebrows in the academic circles. Istvan Perczel from Hungary, one of the patrons of Pattanam, lauded it   as the site where, Apostle Thomas landed in India and established Indian Christianity. The United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia based in New York supported Pattanam excavator PJ Cherian in his historical studies. The Liturgical Research Centre of the Syro Malabar Church organized national seminars in 2005 at Kochi, and in 2011 at Kalyan in Mumbai, for corroborating Pattanam, and Christianity.  Federico de Romanis, Biblical scholar from University of Rome was invited in 2009 by KCHR to conduct classes in Latin and Greece. Dr NM Mathew, member of KCHR, is also historian of the Malankara Marthoma Church.
    The Ministry of Home Affairs identified the unbridled foreign funds received by KCHR and cancelled its license under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act 2010. The KCHR was accused of creating fake government documents, illegal appointments and financial irregularities running into crores. It is also alleged that the KCHR obtained the licence for the Pattanam excavation after submitting fake documents to the Archaeological Survey of India.
    (Read more at:
    Prof K Rajan of Pondicherry University enters the scene
    Of late, one of the foremost propagandists of Pattanam is Prof K Rajan of Pondicherry University who is currently member of the KCHR administration. Prof Rajan and Cherian jointly promote Pattanam. They link Pattanam with Kodumanal, Thandikudi, Porunthal Keezhadi and other archaeological sites in Tamil Nadu.  When Rajan ignores serious allegations on duplicity on Pattanam and its Biblical agenda by eminent scholarship, it also raises serious doubts on sites in Tamil Nadu  which he excavated and constantly associates Pattanam. R. Sivanantham, deputy director, Tamil Nadu state Department of Archaeology, officially arranged  a lecture on Pattanam by Cherian on October 30, 2018. The programme was chaired by T Udhayachandran, Commissioner, Department of Archaeology, Tamil Nadu. The programme has been severely criticized by archaeologists.
    Archaeological Survey of India conducted an inquiry into dubious methodologies adopted by the KCHR at Pattanam which  was taken up by  Amarnath Ramakrishna, the then superintendent archaeologist of the ASI, Bengaluru centre. His investigation has been suppressed, but later Amarnath Ramakrishna also took up the Keezhadi excavation. The CPI(M) which  launched Pattanam has openly supported Amarnath Ramakrishna who supervised Keezhadi which  shows  how  the notorious nexus between Church and Left historians. It is alleged that Amarnath submitted a favourable report for Pattanam excavations.
    The carbon dating conducted at Pattanam, Keezhadi and Palani by Cherian, K Rajan and Amarnath Ramakrishna   has been done by Beta Analytic Inc., Florida, USA which has raised eyebrows. These sites have been presently interlinked by these excavators. Archeologists say that the interlinking of Keezhadi and Pattanam sites has “strong undercurrents of secessionism”.
    Marxists and their missionary position
    There are serious allegations that the linking of these Tamil Nadu sites with Pattanam is designed to provide a Dravidian Christian identity for Southern India and help the Church raise political claims. The Left historians have always been the aggressive promoters of the Aryan-Dravidian binary. They propagated the theory of British linguists Francis Ellis and Alexander Campbell that South Indian languages fell into a different category far removed from the Aryan languages.
    “Brian Houghton Hodgson promoted the term “Tamulian” as a racial construct, describing the so-called aborigines of India as primitive and uncivilized compared to the invading Aryans. Bishop Robert Caldwell launched the Dravidian movement in Tamil Nadu, carried forward by Bishop GU Pope.” (http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=4857)
    A few years ago, a prominent western evangelical portal carried an article which said how archeology can be an effective tool in evangelization. When the British set up the Archaeological Survey of India, they too had similar motives. Author and archaeologist Michel Danino, in an article, Digging into the human mind, writes the motives of Alexander Cunningham, the first director-general of ASI, “were not wholly disinterested”. Cunningham hoped to “show that Brahminism …was of comparatively modern origin, and had been constantly receiving additions and alterations; facts which prove that the establishment of the Christian religion in India must ultimately succeed.”  (Muziris: Attimariyude Reethisasthram)
    http://www.indusscrolls.com/digging-into-the-past-divisive-and-sectarian-politics-in-tamil-nadu/

    dhāv 'mineral' vaḍ 'circle' rebus dhāvaḍ 'smelter' Caduceus, śúlba 'string' rebus शुल्बम् 'copper' on kārṣāpaṇa & other symbols of ancient India coins are Indus Script hieroglyphs to signify metals wealth-accounting ledgers,mintwork catalogues of آهن ګر āhangar 'blacksmith'

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    https://tinyurl.com/ycazkvhl

    Together, the Indus Script hypertexts of dotted circles and stands signify śúlba dhāvaḍ 'copper smelters'.

    Coinage started in the 2nd century BCE, and increased in the 1st century with the waning of Indo-Greek power in the area. The most significant tribes in this respect were, in the 2nd century, the Agreyas, the Rājanyas, the Śibis, the Yaudheyas and the Kudrakas. In the 1st century BCE, they are the Audumbaras, the Kunindas, the Vr̥ṣṇi, the Rājanyas and the Vemakas. In the 1st century CE, the Malavasand the Kalutas. The rulers of Mathura in the 1st century BCE, known as the Mitra dynasty, also issued some important coins.(Ancient Indian Coinage, Rekha Jain, D.K. Printworld Ltd. p.119-124)

    Narratives of encounters depicted on cylinder seals are some times described by art historians as 'combat scenes' or 'introduction scenes'. It is possible that they are also metals trade transaction narratives, deciphering the pictorial motifs as Indus Script hieroglyph multiplexes or hypertexts of cipher messages in Prakritam (Meluhha, mleccha).

    Dotted circles, tulips on ivory combs signify dāntā 'ivory' rebus dhāˊtu 'ore of red colour' (Rigveda) tagaraka 'tulip' rebus tagara 'tin'

    Discovery of tin-bronzes was momentous in progressing the Bronze Age Revolution of 4th millennium BCE. This discovery created hard alloys combining copper and tin. This discovery was also complemented by the discovery of writing systems to trade in the newly-produced hard alloys.The discovery found substitute hard alloys, to overcome the scarcity of naturally occurring arsenical copper or arsenical bronzes. The early hieroglyph signifiers of tin and copper on an ivory comb made by Meluhha artisans & seafaring merchants point to the contributions made by Bhāratam Janam (RV), ca. 3300 BCE to produce tin-bronzes. The abiding significance of the 'dotted circle' is noted in the continued use on early Punch-marked coins. 


    khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' aya 'iron' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS goTa 'round pebble' rebus: khoTa 'alloy wedge'.
    Dotted circle: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

    kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ rebus: khaṇḍa ‘implements’

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/10/vajra-six-angled-hypertext-of-punch.html Vajra षट्--कोण 'six-angled' hypertext of Punch-marked coins khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'. 

    A hypertext is orthographed with three arrows emanating from the dotted circle and three ‘twists’ emanating from the dotted circle, thus signifying six-armed semantic extensions. baṭa ‘six’ rebus:baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa ‘furnce’. kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ rebus: khaṇḍa ‘implements’  मेढा mēḍhā ‘twist’ rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic languages) medha ‘yajna, dhanam’. 

    This comb discovered in Tell Abraq (ca. 2200 BCE) has two Harappa Script hieroglyphs: 1. dotted circles; and 2. tabernae montana 'mountain tulip' Rebus readings: 1.Hieroglyph: dotted circles: dāntā 'ivory' rebus dhāˊtu 'ore of red colour' 2. Hieroglyph: tagaraka 'tabernae montana, mountain tulip' rebus: tagara 'tin'. Thus, two mineral ores are signified by the two hieroglyphs: ferrite, copper ores and tin ore (cassiterite).


    h1522 Potsherd ca. 3300 BCE (from Indus Writing Corpora) Note: The first known examples of writing may have been unearthed at an archaeological dig in Harappa, Pakistan. So-called 'plant-like' and 'trident-shaped' markings have been found on fragments of pottery dating back 5500 years. According to Dr Richard Meadow of Harvard University, the director of the Harappa Archaeological Research Project, these primitive inscriptions found on pottery may pre-date all other known writing. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/334517.stm http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/334517.stm 
    A rebus reading of the hieroglyph is: tagarakatabernae montanaRebus: 
    tagara ‘tin’ (Kannada); tamara id. (Skt.) Allograph: ṭagara ‘ram’.  Since tagaraka
     is used as an aromatic unguent for the hair, fragrance, the glyph gets depicted on a stone flask, an ivory comb and axe of Tell Abraq.

    A soft-stone flask, 6 cm. tall, from Bactria (northern Afghanistan) showing a winged female deity (?) flanked by two flowers similar to those shown on the comb from Tell Abraq.(After Pottier, M.H., 1984, Materiel funeraire e la Bactriane meridionale de l'Age du Bronze, Paris, Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations: plate 20.150). Ivory comb with Mountain Tulip motif and dotted circles. TA 1649 Tell Abraq.(D.T. Potts, South and Central Asian elements at Tell Abraq (Emirate of Umm al-Qaiwain, United Arab Emirates), c. 2200 BCE—CE 400, in Asko Parpola and Petteri Koskikallio, South Asian Archaeology 1993: , pp. 615-666). 


    Tell Abraq axe with epigraph (‘tulip’ glyph + a person raising his arm above his shoulder and wielding a tool + dotted circles on body) [After Fig. 7 Holly Pittman, 1984, Art of the Bronze Age: Southeastern Iran, Western Central Asia, and the Indus Valley, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 29-30]. 

    tabar = a broad axe (Punjabi). Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ tagara ‘tabernae montana’, ‘tulip’. Rebus: tagara ‘tin’. Glyph: eṛaka ‘upraised arm’ (Tamil); rebus: eraka = copper (Kannada) erako 'molten cast'(Tulu)
    Found in a tomb in Tell Abraq
    http://www.abc.es/cultura/arte/abci-ciudad-mitica-hallada-desierto-201604182034_noticia.html
    Ivory comb (Archaeological Collection. Ministry of Heritage and Culture Muscat 2009: 30) Ras al-Jinz, Building I, Room 1 Ivory 2400 BCE Among the luxury imported objects discovered in Ras al-Jinz, along the Omani coast, there is this beautiful comb made of elephant ivory. As well as pots, beads and a copper stamp seal, the comb comes from Harappa, one of the main sites of the Indus civilization. It represents a clear proof of the relations between Oman and the Indus Valley during the 3rd Millennium BC. A similar but fragmentary object has been discover at Tell Abraq. (AP)
    http://ancientoman.cfs.unipi.it/index.php?id=399



    Meluhha artisans, Indus script writers draw circles with small radii to signify dhātu, dhāv 'mineral' hypertexts

    Dotted circle as Indus Script hypertext  धावड dhāvaḍa 'red ferrite ore smelter' kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus, three dotted circles (trefoil) signify   dhāvaḍa kolimi 'smelter smithy, forge'.


    वृत्त [p= 1009,2] mfn. turned , set in motion (as a wheel) RV.; a circle; vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1] 1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊkwaḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192?(CDIAL 12069) வட்டம்போர் vaṭṭam-pōr, n. < வட்டு +. Dice-play; சூதுபோர். (தொல். எழுத். 418, இளம்பூ.)வட்டச்சொச்சவியாபாரம்vaṭṭa-c-cocca-viyāpāram, n. < id. + சொச்சம் +. Money-changer's trade; நாணயமாற்றுமுதலியதொழில்Pond. வட்டமணியம்vaṭṭa-maṇiyam, n. < வட்டம் +. The office of revenue collection in a division; வட்டத்துஊர்களில்வரிவசூலிக்கும்வேலை. (R. T.) వట్ట (p. 1123) vaṭṭa vaṭṭa. [Tel.] n. The bar that turns the centre post of a sugar mill. చెరుకుగానుగరోటినడిమిరోకలికివేయుఅడ్డమాను. వట్టకాయలు or వట్టలుvaṭṭa-kāyalu. n. plu. The testicles. వృషణములు, బీజములు. వట్టలుకొట్టు to castrate. lit: to strike the (bullock's) stones, (which are crushed with a mallet, not cut out.) వట్ర (p. 1123) vaṭra or వట్రన vaṭra. [from Skt. వర్తులము.] n. Roundness. నర్తులము, గుండ్రన. వట్ర. వట్రని or వట్రముగానుండే adj. Round. గుండ్రని.


    धाव (p. 250) dhāva m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it.  धवड (p. 249) dhavaḍa m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of ironधावड (p. 250) dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. धावडी (p. 250) dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड

    The dotted circle signifies Sindhi. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres' Hindi. dhāv 'throw of dice' rebus: dhāū, dhāv 'mineral'. 
    Artifacts from Jiroft.

    Ivory combs. Turkmenistan.

    Ivory objects. Sarasvati Civilization

    Tablets.Ivory objects. Mohenjo-daro.

    Button seal. Baror, Rajasthan.


    Courtesy: manasataramgini‏ @blog_supplement

    A Harappan button. Note how they had an instrument to precisely mark small circles of various radii
    Button tablet. Harappa. Dotted circles.



    Dices and chips in bone, Roman time. Gallo-Roman Museum of Saint-Romain-en-Gal-Vienne. 


    Indus Script hypertext/hieroglyph: Dotted circle: दाय 1 [p= 474,2] dāya n. game , play Pan5cad.; mfn. ( Pa1n2. 3-1 , 139 ; 141) giving , presenting (cf. शत- , गो-); m. handing over , delivery Mn. viii , 165 (Monier-Williams)

    தாயம் tāyam :Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். Colloq. (Tamil)


    rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻrelic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)  धाव (p. 250) dhāva m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it. धावड (p. 250) dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans. धावडी (p. 250) dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. (Marathi).


    PLUS


    Hieroglyph: vaṭṭa 'circle'. 


    Thus, together, the hypertext reads rebus dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'


    The dotted circle hypertexts link with 1. iron workers called धावड (p. 250) dhāvaḍa and 2. miners of  Mosonszentjános, Hungary; 3. Gonur Tepe metalworkers, metal traders and 4. the tradition of  अक्ष-- पटल [p= 3,2] n. court of law; depository of legal document Ra1jat. Thus, अक्ष on Indus Script Corpora signify documents, wealth accounting ledgers of metal work with three red ores. Akkha2 [Vedic akṣa, prob. to akṣi & Lat. oculus, "that which has eyes" i. e. a die; cp. also Lat. ālea game at dice (fr.* asclea?)] a die D i.6 (but expld at DA i.86 as ball -- game: guḷakīḷa); S i.149 = A v.171 = Sn 659 (appamatto ayaŋ kali yo akkhesu dhanaparājayo); J i.379 (kūṭ˚ a false player, sharper, cheat) anakkha one who is not a gambler J v.116 (C.: ajūtakara). Cp. also accha3.   -- dassa (cp. Sk. akṣadarśaka) one who looks at (i. e. examines) the dice, an umpire, a judge Vin iii.47; Miln 114, 327, 343 (dhamma -- nagare). -- dhutta one who has the vice of gambling D ii.348; iii.183; M iii.170; Sn 106 (+ itthidhutta & surādhutta). -- vāṭa fence round an arena for wrestling J iv.81. (? read akka -- ).


    దాయము (p. 588) dāyamu dāyamu. [Skt.] n. Heritage. పంచుకొనదగినతంత్రిసొమ్ము. Kinship, heirsh జ్ఞాతిత్వము. A gift, ఈవి. దాయము, దాయలు or దాయాలు dāyamu. [Tel.] n. A certain game among girls. గవ్వలాట; గవ్వలుపాచికలుమొదలగువానిసంఖ్య. (Telugu)
    ஏர்த்தாயம் ēr-t-tāyam , n. < id. +. Ploughing in season; பருவகாலத்துழவு. (W.)காணித்தாயவழக்கு kāṇi-t-tāya-vaḻakkun. < id. +. Dispute between coparceners about hereditary land; பங்காளிகளின் நிலவழக்கு. (J.)தர்மதாயம் tarma-tāyam n. < id. + dāya. Charitable inams; தருமத்துக்கு விடப்பட்ட மானியம். (G. Sm. D. I, ii, 55.)தாயம் tāyam 

    , n. < dāya. 1. Patrimony, inheritance, wealth of an ancestor capable of inheritance and partition (R. F.); பாகத்திற்குரிய பிதிரார்ச்சிதப்பொருள். 2. Share; பங்கு. (யாழ்அக.) 3. Paternal relationship; தந்தைவழிச் சுற்றம். (யாழ்அக.) 4. A fall of the dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் விருத்தம்முற்பட இடுகின்ற தாயம் (கலித். 136, உரை). 5. Cubical pieces in dice-play; கவறு. (யாழ்அக.) 6. Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். Colloq. 7. Gift, donation; கொடை. (யாழ்அக.) 8. Good opportunity; சமயவாய்ப்பு. (யாழ்அக.) 9. Affliction, distress; துன்பம். (யாழ்அக.) 10. Delay, stop; தாக்காட்டு. (W.) 11. A child's game played with seeds or shells on the ground; குழந்தை விளையாட்டுவகை. 12. Excellence, superiority; மேன்மைதாயமாம் பதுமினிக்கு (கொக்கோ. 1, 28).தாயப்பதி tāya-p-pati 

     n. < id. +. City or town got by inheritance; தனக்கு உரிமையாகக் கிடைத்துள்ள வாழிடம்  

    அல்லது 

     ஊர்தாயப்பதிகள் தலைச்சிறந் தெங்கெங்கும் (திவ்திருவாய். 8, 6, 9).தாயபாகம் tāya-pākam

    , n. < dāyabhāga. 1. Division of an estate among heirs; ஞாதிகள் தம்முள் பிரித்துக்கொள்ளும் உரிமைப்பங்கு. 2. A treatise on the Hindu law of inheritance by Jīmūtavākaṉa; பாகப்பிரிவினையைப்பற்றி ஜீமூத வாகனர் இயற்றிய நூல். 3. Chapter on the law of inheritance in the Mitākṣara of Vijñāṉēšvara, 12th c. (R. F.); பன்னிரண்டாம் நூற்றாண்டில் விஞ் ஞானேசுரர் இயற்றிய மிதாக்ஷரத்தில் தாயவுரிமை யைப்பற்றிக் கூறும் பகுதி.தாயம் tāyam, n. < dāya. 1. Patrimony, inheritance, wealth of an ancestor capable of inheritance and partition (R. F.); பாகத்திற்குரிய பிதிரார்ச்சிதப்பொருள். 2. Share; பங்கு. (யாழ்அக.) 3. Paternal relationship; தந்தைவழிச் சுற்றம். (யாழ்அக.) 4. A fall of the dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் விருத்தம்முற்பட இடுகின்ற தாயம் (கலித். 136, உரை). 5. Cubical pieces in dice-play; கவறு. (யாழ்அக.) 6. Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். Colloq. 7. Gift, donation; கொடை. (யாழ்அக.) 8. Good opportunity; சமயவாய்ப்பு. (யாழ்அக.) 9. Affliction, distress; துன்பம். (யாழ்அக.) 10. Delay, stop; தாக்காட்டு. (W.) 11. A child's game played with seeds or shells on the ground; குழந்தை விளையாட்டுவகை. 12. Excellence, superiority; மேன்மைதாயமாம் பதுமினிக்கு (கொக்கோ. 1, 28).


    A significant find of Mosonszentjános in Hungary reported in a brilliant, scintillating Archaeological excursus by István Koncz and Zsuzsanna Tóth is that the ivory game pieces signified by dotted circles were found in the graves of guild of mine workers. 


    A significant find of Dennys Frenez reported in a brilliant, scintillating analytical piece on Gonur Tepe archaeological finds of ivories with dotted circles is that the ivory came from Indian elephants. Both these reports are relatable to the most significant event narrated in Bhāratīya Itihāsa of the game of dice in Mahābhārata which resulted in two acts of adharma: Yudhiṣṭhira offering Draupadi as a wager and Duryodhana attempting to disrobe Draupadi in public. This is followed by the act of dharma by Śri Kr̥ṣṇa rescuing Draupadi from the indignity. These powerful narratives, 1. finds of Mosonzzetanos; 2. finds of Gonur Tepe and 3. dice game in Mahābhārata are matched by the fact that the Indus Script rebus words associated with dice are datable from 7th millennium BCE attested in R̥gveda.



    Gold fillet showing sacred device--- sangaḍa. 



    Gold fillet depicting the standard device, Mohenjo-daro, 2600 BCE. [Source: Page 32 in: Deo Prakash Sharma, 2000, Harappan seals, sealings and copper tablets, Delhi, National Museum]. At Marshall, MIC, Pl. CLI are specimens of fillets consisting of thin bands of beaten gold with holes for cords at their ends.
    Gold fillet, Mohenjo-daro, with Indus script hypertext of dotted circles, lathe, brazier signify पोतृpurifier priest of kole.l 'smithy, temple'.

    dāntā 'ivory' rebus dhāˊtu 'ore of red colour' (Rigveda)



     See the dotted circle hieroglyph on the bottom of the sacred, standard device, sangaḍa

    Kot Diji type seals with concentric circles from (a,b) Taraqai Qila (Trq-2 &3, after CISI 2: 414), (c,d) Harappa(H-638 after CISI 2: 304, H-1535 after CISI 3.1:211), and (e) Mohenjo-daro (M-1259, aftr CISI 2: 158). (From Fig. 7 Parpola, 2013).

    Distribution of geometrical seals in Greater Indus Valley during the early and *Mature Harappan periods (c. 3000 - 2000 BCE). After Uesugi 2011, Development of the Inter-regional interaction system in the Indus valley and beyond: a hypothetical view towards the formation of the urban society' in: Cultural relagions betwen the Indus and the Iranian plateau during the 3rd millennium BCE, ed. Toshiki Osada & Michael Witzel. Harvard Oriental Series, Opera Minora 7. Pp. 359-380. Cambridge, MA: Dept of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University: fig.7

    Dotted circles and three lines on the obverse of many Failaka/Dilmun seals are read rebus as hieroglyphs: 


    Hieroglyph: ḍāv m. ʻdice-throwʼ rebus: dhāu 'ore'; dã̄u ʻtyingʼ, ḍāv m. ʻdice-throwʼ read rebus: dhāu 'ore' in the context of glosses: dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻa caste of iron -smelters', dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ. Thus, three dotted circles signify: tri-dhāu, tri-dhātu 'three ores' (copper, tin, iron).


    A (गोटा) gōṭā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ (metal) (Marathi) खोट [khōṭa] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi). P. khoṭ  m. ʻalloyʼ  (CDIAL 3931) goTa 'laterite ferrite ore'.




    m0352 cdef
    The + glyph of Sibri evidence is comparable to the large-sized 'dot', dotted circles and + glyph shown on this Mohenjo-daro seal m0352 with dotted circles repeated on 5 sides A to F. Mohenjo-daro Seal m0352 shows dotted circles in the four corners of a fire-altar and at the centre of the altar together with four raised 'bun' ingot-type rounded features. Rebus readings of m0352 hieroglyphs: 

    dhātu 'layer, strand'; dhāv 'strand, string' Rebus: dhāu, dhātu 'ore'


    1. Round dot like a blob -- . Glyph: raised large-sized dot -- (gōṭī ‘round pebble);goTa 'laterite (ferrite ore)

    2. Dotted circle khaṇḍa ‘A piece, bit, fragment, portion’; kandi ‘bead’;

    3. A + shaped structure where the glyphs  1 and 2 are infixed.  The + shaped structure is kaṇḍ  ‘a fire-altar’ (which is associated with glyphs 1 and 2)..

    Rebus readings are: 1. khoṭ m. ʻalloyʼgoTa 'laterite (ferrite ore); 2. khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’; 3. kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar, consecrated fire’.


    Four ‘round spot’; glyphs around the ‘dotted circle’ in the center of the composition: gōṭī  ‘round pebble; Rebus 1: goTa 'laterite (ferrite ore); Rebus 2:L. khoṭf ʻalloy, impurityʼ, °ṭā ʻalloyedʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā  ʻforgedʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻbase, alloyʼ  M.khoṭā  ʻalloyedʼ (CDIAL 3931) Rebus 3: kōṭhī ] f (कोष्ट S) A granary, garner, storehouse, warehouse, treasury, factory, bank. khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ metal is produced from kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’ yielding khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. This word khaṇḍā is denoted by the dotted circles.
    Circular seal, of steatite, from Bahrein, found at Lothal.A Stamp seal and its impression from the Harappan site of Lothal north of Bombay, of the type also found in the contemporary cultures of southern Iraq and the Persian Gulf Area. http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/archaeology-in-india/

    These powerful narratives are also validated -- archaeologically attested -- by the discovery of Mohenjo-daro priest wearing  (on his forehead and on the right shoulder) fillets of a dotted circle tied to a string and with a uttarīyam decorated with one, two, three dotted circles. The fillet is an Indus Script hypertext which reads: dhã̄i 'strand' PLUS vaṭa 'string' rebus: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. The same dotted circles enseemble is also shown as a sacred hieroglyph on the bases of Śivalingas found in Mohenjo-dar. The dotted circles are painted with red pigment, the same way as Mosonszentjanos dice are painted with red iron oxide pigment.


    miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)mẽṛh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Munda) 


    "Late Harappan Period dish or lid with perforation at edge for hanging or attaching to large jar. It shows a Blackbuck antelope with trefoil design made of combined circle-and-dot motifs, possibly representing stars. It is associated with burial pottery of the Cemetery H period,dating after 1900 BC.The Late Harappan Period at Harappa is represented by the Cemetery H culture (190-1300 BC) which is named after the discovery of a large cemetery filled with painted burial urns and some extended inhumations. The earlier burials in this cemetery were laid out much like Harappan coffin burials, but in the later burials, adults were cremated and the bones placed in large urns (164). The change in burial customs represents a major shift in religion and can also be correlated to important changes in economic and political organization. Cemetery H pottery and related ceramics have been found throughout northern Pakistan, even as far north as Swat, where they mix with distinctive local traditions. In the east, numerous sites in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab provide evidence for the gradual expansion of settlements into this heavily forested region. One impetus for this expansion may have been the increasing use of rice and other summer (kharif) crops that could be grown using monsoon stimulated rains. Until late in the Harappan Period (after 2200 BC) the agricultural foundation of the Harappan cities was largely winter (rabi) crops that included wheat and barley. Although the Cemetery H culture encompassed a relatively large area, the trade connections with thewestern highlands began to break down as did the trade with the coast. Lapis lazuli and turquoise beads are rarely found in the settlements, and marine shell for ornaments and ritual objects gradually disappeared. On the other hand the technology of faience manufacture becomes more refined, possibly in order to compensate for the lack of raw materials such as shell, faience and possibly even carnelian." (Kenoyer in harappa.com slide description)http://www.harappa.com/indus2/162.htm


    Trefoil motifs are carved on the robe of the so-called "priest-king" statuette from Mohenjo-daro and are also known from contemporary sites in western Pakistan, Afghanistan, and  southern Central Asia.dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' tri-dhAtu,'‘three minerals". त्रिधातु mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive)RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6; n. the aggregate of the 3 minerals.tri त्रिधा ind. in 3 parts, ways or places; triply, ˚त्वम् tripartition; Ch. Up. -धातुः an epithet of Gaṇeśa. dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼMBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ

    lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f.ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) 


    त्रिधातुः is an epithet of Gaṇeśa. This may indicate three forms of ferrite ores: magnetite, haematite, laterite which were identified in Indus Script as poLa 'magnetite', bichi 'haematite' and goTa 'laterite'. 


    Rebus readings of Indus Script hieroglyphs may explain the त्रिधातुः epithet of Gaṇeśa: karibha 'elephant's trunk' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron'. 


    It has been suggested at 

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/trefoil-of-indus-script-corpora-and.html?view=sidebar that the trefoil decorating the shawl of the 'priest-king' of Mohenjo-daro is a cross-sectional signifier of three strands of rope.




    Thus, a dotted circle is signified by the word: dhāī  'wisp of fibre' (Sindhi). 

     Single strand (one dotted-circle)


    Two strands (pair of dotted-circles)


    Three strands (three dotted-circles as a trefoil)

    These orthographic variants provide semantic elucidations for a single: dhātu, dhāū, dhāv 'red stone mineral' or two minerals: dul PLUS dhātu, dhāū, dhāv 'cast minerals' or tri- dhātu,      -dhāū, -dhāv 'three minerals' to create metal alloys'. The artisans producing alloys are dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻa caste of iron -- smeltersʼ, dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ)(CDIAL 6773).


    dām 'rope, string' rebus: dhāu 'ore'  rebus: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽtmeḍ 'iron' (Munda).


    Semantics of single strand of rope and three strands of rope are: 1. Sindhi dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, Lahnda dhāī˜ id.; 2. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ (RigVeda)


    Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord, string; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11212. (DEDR 5220)  vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268]N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 11212)


    I suggest that the expression dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' signified by trefoil or three strands is a semantic duplication of the parole words: dhāī 'wisp of fibre' PLUS vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Thus, it is possible that the trefoil as a hieroglyph-multiplex was signified in parole by the expression dhā̆vaḍ 'three strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'.


    The shawl decorated with dhā̆vaḍ 'trefoil' is a hieroglyph: pōta 'cloth' rebus: 

    पोता पोतृ, 'purifier' in a yajna. போற்றி pōṟṟi, போத்தி pōtti Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன். Marathi has a cognate in 

    पोतदार [pōtadāra] m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith. The shawl decorated with dhā̆vaḍ 'trefoil' is a hieroglyph: pōta 'cloth' rebus: 

    पोता पोतृ, 'purifier' in a yajna. போற்றி pōṟṟi, போத்தி pōtti Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன். Marathi has a cognate in 

    पोतदार [pōtadāra] m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith. पोतृ पु०पुनातिपु--तृन्ऋत्विग्मेदेअच्छावाकशब्दे ८५पृ०दृश्यम्होत्रादिशब्देनद्वन्द्वेऋतआत् पोताहोतारौ

    पोता, [ऋ] पुं, (पुनातीति । पू + “नप्तृनेष्टृ-त्वष्टृहोतृपोतृभ्रातृजामातृमातृपितृदुहितृ ।”उणा० २ । ९६ । इति तृन्प्रत्ययेन निपात्यते ।) विष्णुः । इति संक्षिप्तसारोणादिवृत्तिः ॥ऋत्विक् । इति भूरिप्रयोगः ॥ (यथा, ऋग्वेदे ।४ । ९ । ३ ।“स सद्म परि णीयते होता मन्द्रो दिविष्टिषु ।उत पोता नि षीदति ॥”)

    https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. )

     RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv. N. of विष्णु L. पौत्रपोत्री f. N. of दुर्गा Gal. (cf. पौत्री). pōtṛ


    पोतृ m. One of the sixteen officiating priests at a sacrifice (assistant of the priest called ब्रह्मन्). पोत्रम् [पू-त्र] The office of the Potṛi. ब्रह्मन् m. one of the 4 principal priests or ऋत्विज्as (the other three being the होतृ , अध्वर्यु and उद्गातृ ; the ब्रह्मन् was the most learned of them and was required to know the 3 वेदs , to supervise the sacrifice and to set right mistakes ; at a later period his functions were based especially on the अथर्व-वेद) RV. &c होतृ m. (fr. √1. हु) an offerer of an oblation or burnt-offering (with fire) , sacrificer , priest , (esp.) a priest who at a sacrifice invokes the gods or recites the ऋग्-वेद , a ऋग्-वेद priest (one of the 4 kinds of officiating priest »ऋत्विज् , p.224; properly the होतृ priest has 3 assistants , sometimes called पुरुषs , viz. the मैत्रा-वरुण , अच्छा-वाक, and ग्रावस्तुत् ; to these are sometimes added three others , the ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , अग्नीध्र or अग्नीध् , and पोतृ , though these last are properly assigned to the Brahman priest ; sometimes the नेष्टृ is substituted for the ग्राव-स्तुत्) RV.&c नेष्टृ  m. (prob. fr. √ नी aor. stem नेष् ; but cf. Pa1n2. 3-2 , 135 Va1rtt. 2 &c ) one of the chief officiating priests at aसोम sacrifice , he who leads forward the wife of the sacrificer and prepares the सुरा (त्वष्टृ so called RV. i , 15 , 3) RV. Br. S3rS. &c अध्वर्यु m. one who institutes an अध्वर any officiating priest a priest of a particular class (as distinguished from the होतृ , the उद्गातृ , and the ब्रह्मन् classes. The अध्वर्युpriests " had to measure the ground , to build the altar , to prepare the sacrificial vessels , to fetch wood and water , to light the fire , to bring the animal and immolate it " ; whilst engaged in these duties , they had to repeat the hymns of the यजुर्-वेद , hence that वेद itself is also called अध्वर्यु)pl. (अध्वर्यवस्) the adherents of the यजुर्-वेद; उद्-गातृ m. one of the four chief-priests (viz. the one who chants the hymns of the सामवेद) , a chanterRV. ii , 43 , 2 TS. AitBr. S3Br. Ka1tyS3r. Sus3r. Mn. &c 

    अच्छा-वाकm. " the inviter " , title of a particular priest or ऋत्विज् , one of the sixteen required to perform the great sacrifices with the सोम juice. ग्रावन् m. a stone for pressing out the सोम (originally 2 were used RV. ii , 39 , 1 ; later on 4 [ S3a1n3khBr.xxix , 1] or 5 [Sch. on S3Br. &c ]) RV. AV. VS. S3Br.= ग्राव-स्त्/उत् Hariv. 11363


    pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√]Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ? -- Rather < *pōttī -- .(CDIAL 8404) *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, putipũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá --(CDIAL 8403) pōtana पोतन a. 1 Sacred, holy. -2 Purifying.


    Hence the importance of the office of Potr̥, 'Rigvedic priest of a yajna' signified as 'purifier', an assayer of dhāˊtu 'minerals.


    I suggest that this fillet (dotted circle with a connecting strand or tape is the hieroglyph which signifies धातु (Rigveda) dhāu (Prakrtam) 'a strand' rebus: element, mineral ore. This hieroglyph signifies the पोतृ,'purifier' priest of dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters' of dhāū, dhāv 'red stone minerals'. 

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/priest-of-dhavad-iron-smelters-with.html Orthography of the 'dotted circle' is representation of a single strand: dhāu rebus: dhāū 'red stone minerals. 


    It is this signifier which occurs in the orthography of the dotted circle hieroglyph-multiplex on early punch-marked coins of Magadha -- a proclamation of the dhāū 'element, mineral ores' used in the Magadha mint. On one Silver Satamana punch-marked coin of Gandhara septa-radiate or, seven strands emerge from the dotted circle signifying the use in the mint of सप्त--धातु 'seven mineral ores'.



    वट [p= 914,3] m. (perhaps Prakrit for वृत , " surrounded , covered " ; cf. न्यग्-रोध) the Banyan or Indian fig. tree (Ficus Indica) MBh.Ka1v. &c RTL. 337 (also said to be n.); a pawn (in chess) L. (Monier-Williams) Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord,string; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11212. (CDIAL 5220)vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268] N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ. (CDIAL 11212).

    See: https://tinyurl.com/y85goask Wealth of a nation...

    Trefoil decorated bull; traces of red pigment remain inside the trefoils. Steatite statue fragment. Mohenjo-daro (Sd 767). After Ardeleanu-Jansen, 1989: 196, fig. 1; cf.  Parpola, 1994, p. 213. Trefoils painted on steatite beads. Harappa (After Vats. Pl. CXXXIII, Fig. 2) Trefoil on the shawl of the priest. Mohenjodaro. The discovery of the King Priest acclaimed by Sir John Marshall as “the finest piece of statuary that has been found at Moenjodaro….draped in an elaborate shawl with corded or rolled over edge, worn over the left shoulder and under the right arm. This shawl is decorated all over with a design of trefoils in relief interspersed occasionally with small circles, the interiors of which are filled with a red pigment “. Gold fillet with ‘standard device’ hieroglyph. Glyph ‘hole’: pottar, பொத்தல் pottal, n. < id. [Ka.poṭṭare, Ma. pottu, Tu.potre.] trika, a group of three (Skt.) The occurrence of a three-fold depiction on a trefoil may thus be a phonetic determinant, a suffix to potṛ  as in potṛka.


    Rebus reading of the hieroglyph: potti ‘temple-priest’ (Ma.)  pot `" Purifier "'N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman), यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि (Vedic) Rebus reading is: potri ‘priest’; pori ‘worship, venerate’.   पोतदार   pōtadāra m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith.
       पोतदारी   pōtadārī f ( P) The office or business of पोतदार: also his rights or fees. (Marathi)

    Language is Meluhha (Mleccha) an integral component of Indian sprachbund (linguistic area or language union). The trefoil is decoded and read as: potr(i).
    Steatite statue fragment; Mohenjodaro (Sd 767); trefoil-decorated bull; traces of red pigment remain inside the trefoils. After Ardeleanu-Jansen 1989: 196, fig. 1; Parpola, 1994, p. 213. 

    sũb 'cord, string' Rebus: शुल्वम् śulvam (ल्बम् lbam) 'copper' śúlba -- , śulva -- n. ʻ string, cord ʼ ŚrS.Pk. suvva -- n. ʻ cord ʼ; L. sub, (Ju.) suḇ m. ʻ band on a sheaf of corn ʼ; P. subbchubb m. ʻ band on a sheaf of corn, twist of tobacco, swab to clean utensils ʼ, subbāchu˚ m. ʻ band of twisted straw, bandage ʼ, subbaṛ m. ʻ id. ʼ, subbīchu˚ f. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. sũbsũbh n. m. ʻ fibrous integuments of coconut ʼ.(CDIAl 12554)


    ariye 'lion' Rebus: ara 'brass' as in ArakUa (Samskritam)
    barad 'bull' Rebus: bharat 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'
    kuhAru 'monkey' Rebus: kuhAru 'armourer'

    kuṭhari 'crucible' Rebus: kuhari 'storekeeper, treasury'
    arka 'sun' Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper, moltencast, gold'
    ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'
    garua 'eagle' kAraṇḍava 'aquatic bird' karai 'safflower' Rebus: karaa 'hard alloy'

    baa 'quail' Rebus: bhaa 'furnace'
    meDha 'polar star' Rebus: meD 'iron'
    bicha 'scorpion' Rebus: bica 'hematite ore'
    DAng 'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
    rango 'buffalo' Rebus: rango 'pewter'
    muh 'face' Rebus: mUhA 'ingot'
    mlekh 'goat' Rebus: milakkhu, mleccha 'copper, Meluhha'

    lokaNTam ‘overflowing pot’ Rebus: lokhanda ‘metal implements’


    Hieroglyph: small ball: *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goṟaṭe &c. listed DED 1722]K. goṭh f., dat. °ṭi f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠oṭu m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goṭi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goṭāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goṭā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goṭa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. goṭ f. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. goṭ m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ṭilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271)
    Rebus: gota (laterite)


    A remarkable Indus Script hypertext on early punch-marked coins (ca. 6th cent. BCE) is a dotted circle surrounded by six strands emanating from the centre. From millions of coins from coin hoards, the normalised hypertext was suggested by Huntington to be as shown on Figure 6 of the following plate:

    Punch-marked coin of Aśoka the Great (304–232 BCE)

    Caduceous on Shahdad Standard and Dudu Plaque, on Mitanni double-eagle seal, on Maurya, Gāndhāra Punch-marked coins
    Notice the double-headed eagle with humanoid body, representing the alchemical transformation from this seal of the Assyrian King Ashur. Also notice the templar crosses at the bottom.
    Cylinder seal

    Cylinder seal

    Period: Mitanni
    Date: ca. late 2nd millennium B.C.
    Geography: Mesopotamia or Syria
    Culture: Mitanni
    Medium: Hematite
    Dimensions: H. 1 in. (2.6 cm); Diam. 1/2 in. (1.2 cm)
    Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
    Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999
    Accession Number: 1999.325.190 Metmuseum
    Cylinder seal
    Period: Old Syrian
    Date: ca. 1720–1650 B.C.
    Geography: Syria
    Medium: Stone
    Dimensions: H. 1.9 cm x Diam. 1.1 cm
    Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
    Credit Line: Bequest of W. Gedney Beatty, 1941
    Accession Number: 41.160.189 Metmuseum
    Period: Old Syrian
    Date: ca. 1820–1730 B.C.
    Geography: Syria
    Medium: Hematite
    Dimensions: H. 13/16 in. (2 cm); Diam. 5/16 in. (0.8 cm)
    Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
    Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999
    Accession Number: 1999.325.177 Metmuseum
    Cylinder seal
    Period: Old Babylonian
    Date: ca. 19th–16th century B.C.
    Geography: Mesopotamia
    Culture: Babylonian
    Medium: Limonite
    Dimensions: 0.89 in. (2.26 cm)
    Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
    Credit Line: Bequest of W. Gedney Beatty, 1941
    Accession Number: 41.160.321 Metmuseum
    Cylinder seal
    Period: Old Babylonian
    Date: ca. early 2nd millennium B.C.
    Geography: Mesopotamia
    Culture: Babylonian
    Medium: Hematite
    Dimensions: H. 13/16 in. (2.0 cm); Diam. 7/16 in. (1.1 cm)
    Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
    Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999
    Accession Number: 1999.325.14 Metmuseum
    Cylinder seal and modern impression: seated goddess before figures carrying boxes, one placed on "altar"

    Cylinder seal and modern impression: seated goddess before figures carrying boxes, one placed on "altar"

    Period: Early Dynastic IIIa
    Date: ca. 2600–2500 B.C.
    Geography: Mesopotamia
    Culture: Sumerian
    Medium: Marble
    Dimensions: 0.93 in. (2.36 cm)
    Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
    Credit Line: Gift of Martin and Sarah Cherkasky, 1984
    Accession Number: 1984.383.5 Metmuseum

    Cylinder seal
    Period: Old Syrian
    Date: ca. early 2nd millennium B.C.
    Geography: Syria
    Medium: Hematite
    Dimensions: H. 11/16 in. (1.7 cm); Diam. 5/16 in. (0.8 cm)
    Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
    Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999
    Accession Number: 1999.325.161 Metmuseum
    Hittite, seal,two headed eagle, Boğazköy, 1800 BCE, Museum of Anatolian Civilisations, Ankara

    daürā 'rope' Rebus dhāvḍā 'smelterdhāī  wisp of fibers added to a rope (Sindhi) Rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore' (Samskritam) dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red stoneʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(Marathi)


    khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, coinage, mint

    erava 'eagle' rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'.
    tri-dhAtu 'three strands of rope' rebus: tridhAtu 'three minerals'

    Rope, twisted: मेढा  [ mēḍhā ] m  A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi)

    Hieriglyph: meṛh rope tying to post, pillar: mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.mēthika -- ; mēthiṣṭhá -- . mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí -- ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ] Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10317 to, 10319) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron (metal)' (Munda.Ho.)med 'copper (metal)' (Slavic) 

    Another reference linking Bogazkoy is Mitanni treaty and Kikkuli's horse training manual. Here is a note for Commie Sheldon Pollock to read and figure out when Samskrtam was the lingua franca, aha, ca. 1400 BCE.

    “In a treaty between the Hittites and the Mitanni (between Suppiluliuma 
    and Shattiwaza, c. 1380 BC), the deities Mitra, Varuna, Indra, and Nasatya (Ashvins) are invoked. Kikkuli's horse training text (circa 1400 BCE) includes technical terms such as aika (Vedic Sanskriteka, one), tera (tri, three), panza (pañca, five), satta (sapta, seven), na (nava, nine), vartana (vartana, round). The numeral aika"one" is of particular importance because it places the superstrate in the vicinity of Indo-Aryan proper (Vedic Sanskrit eka, with regular contraction of /ai/ to [eː]) as opposed to Indo-Iranian or early Iranian (which has *aiva; compare Vedic eva "only") in general.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Aryan_superstrate_in_Mitanni

    آهن āhan (p. 70) P آهن āhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهن ګران āhan-garānآهن ربا āhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهن رباوي āhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنه. (Pashto)

    R̥gveda अशनि is 'the tip of a missile RV. x , 87 , 4';m. pl. N. of a warrior tribe , (g. पर्श्व्-ादि , q.v.)(Monier-Williams). R̥gveda śyena 'falcon' gains historical metaphors in the double-eagle temple of Sirkap, Takṣaśilā तक्ष--शिला f. ( Pa1n2. 4-3 , 93 ; g. वरणा*दि) city of the गन्धारs (residence of तक्ष R. vii , 101 , 11) MBh. R. Buddh. VarBr2S. Katha1s. lxix ; तक्षन् m. (Ved. acc. °क्षणम् , class. °क्षणम् Pa1n2. 6-4 , 9 Ka1s3. ) a wood-cutter , carpenter , RV. ix , 112 , 1 AV. x , 6 , 3 VS. &c (Monier-Williams) The double-headed eagles are a metaphor to signify: آهن ګر āhan gar, 'blacksmith', the thunder-bolt forger.

    Shaft-hole axhead with a bird-headed demon, boar,and dragon, late 3rd–early 2nd millennium BCE Central Asia (Bactria-Margiana) Silver, gold foil; 5 7/8 in. (15 cm) Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History | The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Decipherment of Indus Script Hypertexts:  A thunder-bolt maker is: ahan-gār अहन्-गार् (= ) m. a blacksmith (H. xii, 16).(Kashmiri) آهن āhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهن ګران āhan-garān. آهن ربا āhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهن رباوي āhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنه.(Pashto). Such a blacksmith, maker of thunderbolt is shown as an anthropomorphic representation on a silver axe with two heads of 'falcons; dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'; thus, the hieroglyph/hypertext signifies a thunderblt jmetal caster; the associated hieroglyphs to signify metalwork are: kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' ; baḍhia = a castrated boar, a hog; rebus: baḍhi 'a caste who work both in iron and wood'; kambha 'wing' rebus: kammaa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.


      khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār,Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta खार-बस्त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब॑ठू॒ । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru -द्वकुरु॒ । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji -ग॑जि॒ or -güjü -ग॑जू॒ । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा॑जू॒), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü -कूरू॒ । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu -क॑टु॒ । लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü -क॑टू॒ । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më̆ʦü 1 -म्य॑च़ू॒ । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see khāra 3), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu -न्यचिवु॒ । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see khārun), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. añĕ -च़्ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 30). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.(Kashmiri)

    badhia 'rhinoceros' Rebus: badhi 'carpenter'; badhoe 'worker in wood and iron'. पंजा pañjā 'claw of a tiger' rebus: पंजा pañjā 'kiln, smelter.

    వడ్రంగి, వడ్లంగి, వడ్లవాడు  or వడ్లబత్తుడు vaḍrangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. వడ్రంగము, వడ్లపని, వడ్రము or వడ్లంగితనము vaḍrangamu. n. The trade of a carpenter. వడ్లవానివృత్తి. వడ్రంగిపని. వడ్రంగిపిట్ట or వడ్లంగిపిట్ట vaḍrangi-piṭṭa. n. A woodpecker. దార్వాఘాటము. వడ్లకంకణము vaḍla-kankaṇamu. n. A curlew. ఉల్లంకులలో భేదము. వడ్లత or వడ్లది vaḍlata. n. A woman of the carpenter caste.




    File:Relief Dudu Louvre AO2394.jpg
    • Votive relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu, in the days of King Entemena of Lagash.Mésopotamie, room 1a: La Mésopotamie du Néolithique à l'époque des Dynasties archaïques de SumerRichelieu, ground floor.This work is part of the collections of the Louvre (Department of Near Eastern Antiquities).Louvre Museum: excavated by Ernest de Sarzec. Place: Girsu (modern city of Telloh, Iraq). Musée du Louvre, Atlas database: entry 11378 Votive relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu, in the days of King Entemena of Lagash. Oil shale, ca. 2400 BC. Found in Telloh, ancient city of Girsu. |H. 25 cm (9 ¾ in.), W. 23 cm (9 in.), D. 8 cm (3 in.) 
      • Hieroglyph: dhA 'rope strand' Rebus: dhAtu 'mineral element' Alternative: मेढा mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' (Marathi) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) eruvai 'eagle' 
      • Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. 

      • eraka 'wing' Rebus: erako 'moltencast copper'.

    Twisted rope as hieroglyph:

    Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn.Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(CDIAL 6773).

    Caduceous symbol is a hypertext orthography to show a twisted rope of three strands.

    Caduceus symbol on a punch-marked coin of the Maurya Empire in India, in the 3rd-2nd century BCE. A variant of this symbol is seen on Shahdad standard, together with Indus Script hieroglyphs of zebu, a pair of tigers, tree-in-railing and palm tree. "The caduceus appears as a symbol of the punch-marked coinsof the Maurya Empire in India, in the 3rd-2nd century BCE. Numismatic research suggests that this symbol was the symbol of king Ashoka, his personal "Mudra". This symbol was not used on the pre-Mauryan punch-marked coins, but only on coins of the Maurya period, together with the three arched-hill symbol, the "peacock on the hill", the triskelis and the Taxila mark.Malwa Through the Ages, from the Earliest Times to 1305 A.D, Kailash Chand Jain, Motilal Banarsidass Publ., 1972, p.134 Indian Numismatics, Damodar Dharmanand Kosambi, Orient Blackswan, 1981, p.73 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashoka

    A silver coin of 1 kārṣāpaṇa of the empire Maurya, period of Aśoka Maurya towards 272-232 BCE, workshop of Mathura. Obv: Symbols including a sun and an animal Rev: Symbol Dimensions: 13.92 x 11.75 mm Weight: 3.4 g.






    Coins of Early Gandhara Janapada: AR Shatamana and one-eighth Shatamana (round), Taxila-Gandhara region, c. 600–300 BCE. " Before the collapse of the Maurya Empire, the main type of coinage was punch-marked coins. After manufacturing a sheet of silver or silver alloys, coins were cut out to the proper weight, and then impressed by small punch-dies. Typically from 5 to 10 punch dies could be impressed on one coin.[2] Punch-marked coins continued to be used for about three more centuries in the south, but in the north they disappeared in favour of the production of cast-die coinage."
    The Coins Of India, by Brown, C.J. p.13-20
    Ancient Indian Coinage, Rekha Jain, D.K. Printworld Ltd. p.137
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Post-Mauryan_coinage

    See:Vincen Smith, 1906, Catalogue of coins in the Indian Museum, Kolkata, Oxford, Clarendon Press.
    http://charm.ru/info/library/19th-Century/Catalogue%20of%20the%20coins%20in%20the%20Indian%20Museum,%20Calcutta%20Part%201,%20Vol%202-A.pdf

    Location of the Audumbaras relative to other groups: the Kunindas, the Vemakas, the Vrishnis, the Yaudheyas, the Pauravas and the Arjunayanas.
    File:Coin of Dharaghosha king of the Audumbaras.jpg
    Coin of Dharaghosha, king of the Audumbaras, in the Indo-Greekstyle, circa 100 BCE.
    Obv: Standing figure, probably of VishvamitraKharoshthi legend, around: Mahadevasa Dharaghoshasa/Odumbarisa "Great Lord King Dharaghosha/Prince of Audumabara", across: Viśvāmitra".

    Rev: Trident battle-axe, tree with railing, Brahmi legend identical in content to the obverse.
    Source: Ancient India, from the earliest times to the first century, A.D by Rapson, E. J. p.154

    Silver coin of a "King Vrishni" of the Audumbaras.
    Obv Pillar with half-lion and half-elephant, surmounted by a ligatured fish-fins and surrounded by Buddhist railing. Indian legend Vṛishṇi Raja jnâgaṇyasya blubharasya
    Rev Large Dharmachakra symbol. Arian legend Vrishni Raja jnâganyasya blubharasya.

    Source: Alexander Cunningham's Coins of Ancient India: From the Earliest Times Down to the Seventh Century (1891) p.70

    Temple? with trident standard, water. Audumbara State, Punjab, 1st century BCE.
    "Prakrit legends Aduinvarisa – ‘of the Audumvara’ appears on the copper coins and pieces of Audumbara tribe in Punjab. The word Audumvara refers either the people connected to the Fig tree, Audumvara or where the tree was grown in abundance."
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Audumbaras  

    Audumbara coin. Temple?Axe? ca. 1st cent. BCE


    Audumbara coin. Treein railing.Elephant. water. Temple? cakra dhvaja. ca. 1st cent. BCE


    Audumbara? Tree in railing.Trident.


    Audumbaras, "Mahadeva." Circa 1st century BCE. AR Drachm (2.23 gm, 6h). "Bhagavata mahadevasa rajarana" in Karosthi, brahma bull standing left; lotus flower(?) before / "Bhagavata-mahadevasa rajarana" in Brahmi, Elephant standing right; trident before. Cf. Sharan pg. 246, 2 = BMCAI 13; MIG -; MACW -. Good VF, toned, softly struck. Extremely rare. 

    See D. Handa, "Coins attributed to the Audumbara king Mahadeva," NumChron 1993, for a discussion on the potential attribution of these coins to the Vemaki tribe.

    https://cngcoins.com/coin.aspx?coinid=57595


    Audumbaras, "Mahadeva." Circa 1st century BCE. AR Drachm (2.23 gm, 6h). "Bhagavata mahadevasa rajarana" in Karosthi, brahma bull standing right; lotus flower(?) before / "Bhagavata-mahadevasa rajarana" in Brahmi, Elephant standing right; trident before. Cf. Sharan pg. 246, 1 = BMCAI 12; MIG Type 593 = MACW 4434 (this coin). Good VF, toned. Extremely rare. 

    See D. Handa, "Coins attributed to the Audumbara king Mahadeva," NC 1993, for a discussion on the potential attribution of these coins to the Vemaki tribe.

    https://www.cngcoins.com/Coin.aspx?CoinID=57594

    Coinage of the Kunindas (1st century BCE)


    Cast die-struck silver coin of the Kunindas, 1st century BCE. These coins followed the Indo-Greek module.
    "A Maharaja named Amoghabhuti, who was the Raja of the Kunindas, is known from coins of the Indo-Greek module with legends sometimes in both Brāhmī and Kharoṣṭhī, but in some cases in Brāhmī only." in The History and Culture of the Indian People - Volume 2 by Ramesh Chandra Majumdar - 1951 - Page 161

    Cast die-struck silver coin of the Kunindas, 1st century BCE. 

    Coin of Kuninda.Śiva.

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Post-Mauryan_coinage#/media/File:Kunindas_coin_with_Chaitya.jpg

    Coins of Yaudheya (1st century BCE - 2nd century CE)



    Joined fish-fin (triratna?) symbol on a Taxila coin, 185-168 BCE (detail).

    Indo-Scythians, Indo-Parthians, and Kushans

    Indo-Greek coinage in Gandhara would continue for nearly two centuries, until it was taken over by the coinage of the Indo-Scythians, the Indo-Parthians and the Yuezhi(future Kushans).
    Their coinage was almost completely derived from that of the Indo-Greeks, including the usage of the Greek language on the obverse down to the 2nd century CE with the Kushanking Kanishka, or even the Western Satrapsuntil the 4th century.
    Northern Satrap RajuvulaObv. Bust of king and Greek legend. Rev. AthenaAlkidemos and Kharoshthi legend chatrapasa apratihatachakrasa rajuvulasa "the Satrap Rajuvula whose discus [cakra] is irresistible". These coins are found nearSankassa along the Ganges and in Eastern Punjab. Possibly minted in Sagala.[16]The coins are derived from the Indo-Greek types of Strato II. The Dynastic Arts of the Kushans, by John M. Rosenfield, University of California Press, 1967 p.135
    Coin of Indo-Scythian ruler Azes II.

    Eastern India: coinage of the Sungas]

    The Shunga Empire was a new Indian dynasty that toppled the Maurya Empire and replaced it in the east of the Indian subcontinent from around 185 to 78 BCE. The dynasty was established by Pushyamitra Shunga, who usurped the throne of the Mauryas. Its capital was Pataliputra, but later emperors such as Bhagabhadra also held court at Besnagar (modern Vidisha) in eastern Malwa.[17]
    The script used by the Shunga was a variant of Brahmi, and was used to write the Sanskrit language. The script is thought to be an intermediary between the Maurya and the Kalinga Brahmi scripts.[18]

    Central India: coinage of the Satavahanas

    The Satavahanas at first issued relatively simple designs. Their coins also display various traditional symbols, such as elephants, lions, horses and chaityas (stupas), as well as the "Ujjain symbol", a cross with four circles at the end.
    Later, in the 1st or 2nd century CE, the Satavahanas became the first rulers to issue their own coins with portraits of their rulers, starting with king Gautamiputra Satakarni, a practice derived from that of the Western Satraps he defeated, itself originating with the Indo-Greek kings to the northwest.
    Satavahana coins give unique indications as to their chronology, language, and even facial features (curly hair, long ears and strong lips). They issued mainly lead and copper coins; their portrait-style silver coins were often struck over coins of the Western Kshatrapa kings.
    The coin legends of the Satavahanas, in all areas and all periods, used a Prakrit dialect without exception. Some reverse coin legends are in Tamil,[19] and Telugu language,[20] which seems to have been in use in their heartland abutting the GodavariKotilingalaKarimnagar in TelanganaKrishnaAmaravatiGuntur in Andhra Pradesh
    Satakarni issue, Maharashtra – Vidarbha type (1st century BCE).
    Satavahana 1st century BCE coin inscribed in Brahmi: "(Sataka)Nisa". British Museum.
    Coin of Gautamiputra Yajna Satakarni (r. 167 – 196 CE).
    Indian ship on lead coin of Vasisthiputra Sri Pulamavi, testimony to the naval, seafaring and trading capabilities of the Satavahanas during the 1st–2nd century CE.

    Pandya coinage

    The earliest coins of the Pandyan Kingdom were copper squares and were struck with a die. The coins were with five distinct images on one side, often an image of an elephant on that side and a stylised fish on the other, seen typically in the coins found around Korkai, their ancient capital and in Northern Lanka. These rectangular coins of the early Pandyans also featured the Nandi bull and contain Chakrams. The ”Chakram” consists of two lines forming an acute angle, the apex being uppermost ; with are two crossed lines parallel to the sides of the angle which they join. All four lines end at the bottom of the symbol on the same level. This symbol but with the outer lines somewhat shorter than the inner is used by certain Tamils in the Anuradhapura District as a brand-mark for cattle ; a variant with the outer lines continued beyond the apex in the form of a loop or of a pair of pincers occurs in the Northern Province and represents a makara. The symbol or brandmark on the coin being a conventional fish, the well-known Pandyans badge.
    Upon the revival of the Kingdom in the 7th-10th centuries, the predominant image was one or two fish, and the Pandyan bull. Sometimes they were with other images like a "Chola standing figure" or the "Chalukyan boar." The inscription on the silver and gold coins is in Sanskrit, and most of their copper coins have Tamil legends.The Pandyan's coins figure prominently on the coins used in northern Sri Lanka during the early period, and large hoards of their coins have been found in Kandarodai and Anuradhapura from the Sangam period.
    "Pandya Coins". Government Museum Chennai
    "Pandyan Ceylon". The Ceylon coin web
    Single-die coins before Indo-Greek invasions (220-185 BCE)
    "
    The most ancient of the coins are those that were die-cast on one side only, the other side remaining blank.(The Coins Of India, by Brown, C.J. p.13-20) They seem to start as early 220 BCE, that is, already in the last decades of the Maurya Empire. Some of these coins were created before the Indo-Greek invasions (dated to circa 185 BCE, start of the Yavana era), while most of the others were created later. These coins incorporate a number of symbols, in a way which is very reminiscent of the previous punch-marked coins, except that this time the technology used was cast single die-struck coinage.Ancient Indian Coinage, Rekha Jain, D.K.Printworld Ltd, p.114

    Single-die coins after the Greco-Bactrian invasions (185 BCE)

    The year 185 BCE is the approximate date the Greco-Bactrians invaded India. This date marks an evolution in the design of single-die cast coins, as deities and realistic animals were introduced.At the same time coinage technology also evolved, as double-die coins (engraved on both sides, obverse and reverse) started to appear. The archaeological excavations of coins have shown that these coins, as well as the new double die coins, were contemporary with those of the Indo-Greeks.
    Single-die coinage after the Indo-Greek invasions (185 BCE)
    Main designs
    Later, humped or elephant images are known from AyodhyaKausambiPanchala and Mathura. The coins of Ayodhia generally have a humped bull on the reverse, while the coins of Kausambi display a tree with railing. Source: The Coins Of India, by Brown, C.J. p.13-20

    Legends

    Several coins of king Agathocles use the Kharoṣṭhī legend Akathukreyasa "Agathocles" on the obverse, and Hirañasame on the reverse (as one of the known coins of Taxila above). Hirañasame would mean "The Golden Hermitage", an area of Taxila (preferred interpretation), or if read 'Hitajasame would mean "Good-fame possessing", a direct translation of "Agathokles" Taxila, Amanda Gosh, p.835, Nos. 46-48 Monnaies Gréco-Bactriennes et Indo-Grecques, Bopearachchi, p.176 Geography from Ancient Indian Coins & Seals, Parmanand Gupta, Concept Publishing Company, 1989, p.126

    Normalization

    Bronze coin of Heliokles II (95-80 BCE)
    Obv: Bust of diademed king. Greek legend: BASILEOS DIKAIOU HELIOKLEOUS "Of King Heliocles the Just"
    Rev: Kharoshti (Indian) translation, elephant holding victory wreath.

    Later on, from the second half of the reign of Apollodotus I (ruled 180-160 BCE), legends would become standardized, with simply the King's name and attribute in Greek on the obverse and Kharoshthi Prakrit on the reverse. The usage of Indian symbols would become much more restrained, generally limited to the illustration of the elephant and the zebu bull. There are two major exceptions however: Menander I and Menander II used the Indian Wheel of the Law on some of their coins, suggesting an affiliation with Buddhism, which is also described in literary sources.
    However the usage of bilingualism would endure, at first coexisting with Attic-standard coins, and later becoming exclusive. The last Indo-Greek kings even went as far as issuing some Prakrit-only coinage. The period of Indo-Greek coinage in northwestern India would last until the beginning of our era. The Coins Of India, by Brown, C.J. p.13-20

  • Coin of Apollodotus I (180-160 BCE).
  • Menander I (155-130 BCE) coin with elephant.
  • Silver Drachm of Menander II(95-80 BCE) with Zeus and Nikehanding a victory wreath to a Wheel of the Law[12]
  • A coin of Artemidoros (85-80 BCE)

  • Coin of the last Indo-Greek king Strato II (25 BCE-10 CE)
  • Monnaies Gréco-Bactriennes et Indo-Grecques, Bopearachchi, p.176
  • https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Post-Mauryan_coinage


    Greek soldier-iron smelter, ध्मा--कार 'black-smith', शिल्पिन् ʻartificerʼ Indus Script Hypertexts honoured on Bharhut standards शङ्कध्म, मकर carried by horse riders

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    A female horse rider holds the sacred standard in a procession. Sculpture at the Indian Museum, Kolkata. Picture courtesy: John Irvin, 1974, ‘Asokan pillars: a reassessment of the evidence – II: Structure, The Burlington Magazine Publications, Ltd., Dec. 1974. Source: Stupa of Bharhut: A Buddhist monument in the 3rd cent. BCE by Alexander Cunningham, 1879.


    The flagpost signifies a makara with the image of a standing person in front. This is a depiction of an Indus Script Hypertext: (dh)makara 'Makara, ligatured fish fin and crocodile' rebus: dhmakara 'bellows blower, blacksmith'
    मकर m. a kind of sea-monster (sometimes confounded with the crocodile , shark , dolphin &c ; regarded as the emblem of काम-देव [cf. मोकर-केतन &cbelow] or as a symbol of the 9th अर्हत् of the present अवसर्पिणी ; represented as an ornament on gates or on head-dresses) (वाजसनेयि-संहिता); an army of troops in the form of a मकर Mn. vii , 187; one of the 9 treasures of कुबेर; one of the 8 magical treasures called पद्मिनी Ma1rkP.

    Rebus: ध्मापन (Caus. of √ धम्n. the act of reducing to (powder , &c ) or any contrivance for it  (Caraka Samhita) ध्म mfn. blowing , a blower (cf. तूण- , शङ्क-).ध्मातृ n. a contrivance for blowing or melting RV. v , 9 , 5 ध्मातृ m. a blower , smelter or melter (of metal) RV. v , 9 , 5 ध्मा--कार m. a black-smith
    The flagpost signifies a sippi shell'.,  Hieroglyph:*sippī ʻ shell ʼ. [← Drav. Tam. cippi DED 2089] Pa. sippī -- , sippikā -- f. ʻ pearl oyster ʼ, Pk. sippī -- f., S. sipa f.; L. sipp ʻ shell ʼ, sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ, (Ju.) sip m., sippī f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ; P. sipp m., sippī f. ʻ shell, conch ʼ; Ku. sīpsīpi ʻ shell ʼ; N. sipi ʻ shell, snail shell ʼ; B. sip ʻ libation pot ʼ, chip ʻ a kind of swift canoe ʼ S. K. Chatterji CR 1936, 290 (or < kṣiprá -- ?); Or. sipa ʻ oyster shell, mother -- of -- pearl, shells burnt for lime ʼ; Bi. sīpī ʻ mussel shells for lime ʼ; OAw. sīpa f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ, H. sīp f.; G. sīp f. ʻ half an oyster shell ʼ, chīp f. ʻ shell ʼ; M. śīpśĩp f. ʻ a half shell ʼ, śĩpā m. ʻ oyster shell ʼ; -- Si. sippiya ʻ oyster shell ʼ ← Tam.(CDIAL 13417) 
    Rebus: śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut., śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- ]
    Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc. ǵ Pk. sippi -- , ˚ia -- m.; A. xipini ʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw. sīpī m. ʻ artizan ʼ; M. śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si. sipi -- yā ʻ craftsman ʼ.(CDIAL 12471) शिल्पिन् mfn. belonging to or skilled in art; m. an artificer , artisan , craftsman , artist Gaut. Mn. MBh. &c
    '
    East Gateway. Bharhut Stupa.
    1873. Portion of Bharhut Stupa On Excavation Site In Bharhut, Satna (M.P)

    Bharhut Yavana, Greek soldier of Bharhut

    The Greek soldier carries a grapevine on his right hand as a signifier of his professional competence: मृद्वी (p. 126) mridu̮î mridu: -kâ, f. vine; grape. Rebus: मृद्वी f. a vine with red grapes L. (cf. मृद्वीका  मृद्वी मृद्वीका   mṛdvī mṛdvīkā मृद्वी मृद्वीका A vine or bunch of grapes; वाचं तदीयां परिपीय मृद्वीं मृद्वीकया तुल्यरसां स हंसः N.3.6; मृद्वीका रसिता सिता समशिता... Bv.4.13,37; Mb.7.64.7.rebus:    मृदु   mṛdu A kind of iron. (Apte)

    The broad sword held on his leftr hand has an Indus Script Hypertext: Fish-fin pair atop a round pebble. The hypertext Meluhha readings are: khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236) PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS Hieroglyph: seed, something round: *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goae &c. listed DED 1722]K. goh f., dat. °i f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠ou m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. go f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goo ʻ piece ʼ, goi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. go ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, gui ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. gof. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. go m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, gouā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. go ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. u ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Ta. koṭṭai seed of any kind not enclosed in chaff or husk, nut, stone, kernel; testicles; (RS, p. 142, items 200, 201) koṭṭāṅkacci, koṭṭācci coconut shell. Ma. koṭṭakernel of fruit, particularly of coconut, castor-oil seed; kuṟaṭṭa, kuraṭṭa kernel; kuraṇṭi stone of palmfruit. Ko. keṭ testes; scrotum. Ka. koṭṭe, goṟaṭe stone or kernel of fruit, esp. of mangoes; goṭṭa mango stone. Ko. koraṇḍi id. Tu. koṭṭè kernel of a nut, testicles; koṭṭañji a fruit without flesh; koṭṭayi a dried areca-nut; koraṇtu kernel or stone of fruit, cashew-nut; goṭṭu kernel of a nut as coconut, almond, castor-oil seed. Te. kuriḍī dried whole kernel of coconut. Kol. (Kin.) goṛva stone of fruit. Nk. goṛage stone of fruit. Kur. goā any seed which forms inside a fruit or shell. Malt. goṭa a seed or berry. / Cf. words meaning 'fruit, kernel, seed' in Turner, CDIAL, no. 4271 (so noted by Turner).(DEDR 2069) Rebus: khōa 'alloy ingot' (Marathi) gota (laterite)


    The ligatured pair of fish-fins is above a dotted circle. A dotted circle signifies 

    dhāvaḍ 'smelter'; see: dhāv 'mineral' vaḍ 'circle' rebus dhāvaḍ 'smelter' Caduceus, śúlba 'string' rebus शुल्बम् 'copper' on kārṣāpaṇa & other symbols of ancient India coins are Indus Script hieroglyphs to signify metals wealth-accounting ledgers,mintwork catalogues of آهن ګر āhangar 'blacksmith' 

    Hieroglyph: sword: *khaṇḍaka3 ʻ sword ʼ. [Perh. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 2]Pk. khaṁḍa -- m. ʻ sword ʼ ( Tam. kaṇṭam), Gy. SEeur. xai̦o, eur. xanroxarnoxanlo, wel. xenlī f., S. khano m., P. khaṇḍā m., Ku. gng. khã̄, N. khã̄okhũo (X churi < kṣurá -- ); A. khāṇḍā ʻ heavy knife ʼ; B. khã̄rā ʻ large sacrificial knife ʼ; Or. khaṇḍā ʻ sword ʼ, H. khã̄ā, G. khã̄ n., M. khã̄ā m., Si. kauva.(CDIAL 3793)


    Thus, the Greek soldier is an iron smelter, an artificer in a laterite, ferrite ore sword, metal casting mint.  मृदु   mṛdu khaṇḍaka kammaṭi'iron, laterite, sword mint'. Thus, Bharhut was a metals armoury,mint town with metalwork artificers and blacksmiths..

    Bharhut Yavana.jpg
    https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d8/Bharhut_Stupa_Yavana_symbolism.jpg/250px-Bharhut_Stupa_Yavana_symbolism.jpg

    The top of the Greek soldier of Bharhut has an inscription.classified as Inscription 55 in the Pillars of Railing of the SW Quadrant at Bharhut (The Stupa of Bharhut, Cunningham, p. 136), is in the Brahmi script and reads from left to right:

    Inscription 55 in the Pillars of Railing of the SW Quadrant at Bharhut.
    Transliteration and translation: "Bhadanta Mahilasa thabho dânam"
    "Pillar-gift of the lay brother Mahila."
    — Inscription of the Bharhut Yavana

    The role of the stading warrior is that of a dvarapala, deities who were Guardians of a temple gate.Many elements point to the depiction being that of a foreigner, and possibly an Indo-Greek, called a Yavana among the Indians of the period. Elements leading to this suggestion are the hairstyle (short curly hairstyle without an Indian turban), the hair band normally worn by Indo-Greek kings on their coins, the tunic, and boots. In his right hand he holds a grape plant, possibly emblematic of his origin. The sheath of his broadsword is decorated with a srivasta or nandipada, symbols of Bhauddham.He is holding in his right hand a vine...This type of head with the band of a Greek king is also seen on reliefs at Sanchi, in which man in northern dress are seen riding horned and winged lionsIt has been suggested that the warrior is actually the Indo-Greek king Menander who may have conquered Indian territory as far as Pataliputra and is known through the Milinda Panha to have converted to Buddhism "The Diffusion of Classical Art in Antiquity, John Boardman, 1993, p.112 Note 90 Buddhist Art & Antiquities of Himachal Pradesh, Upto 8th Century A.D., Omacanda Hāṇḍā, Indus Publishing, 1994 p.48 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharhut_Yavana



    The Bharhut Yavana.
    MaterialRed sandstone
    Period/culturec. 100 BCE
    Discovered24°27′00″N 80°55′00″E
    PlaceBharhutIndia.
    Present locationMathura Museum

    Subramanian Swamy suggests 5 steps for Ramlala Mandir

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    Five reason how a Virat Hindutva minded govt can begin Ramlala Mandir construction in Ayodhya: 1. SC asked Rao govt the solution. Replied Rao: If pre-existing Temple then Hindus get the land. ASI on court direction finds on investigation such a temple in ruins buried.

    2. Praying where faith tells Hindus Ramlala was born at a spot is a fundamental right. But no masjid at a particular spot in India is essential for reading namaz. It can be shifted or broken for public purpose (SC 5 judges bench 1994). Hence FR supersedes property right. NEXT

    3. Temple built after Prana Prathishta Puja is always a Temple even if destroyed or in ruins. 4 .Govt should inform the SC that it exercises its sovereign right and hands the land as per Rao’s affidavit to the Hindu Dharma Acharya Sabha for reconstruction of a grand temple.

    5. A plot of land for building a masjid in neighbouring Muslim area of Dr. Ambedkar Nagar district be assigned to Shia Wakf Board

    Evolution of śrīvatsa on āyāga paṭṭa 'yāga gift tablet' from Indus Script hypertext of a tied pair of fish-fins to signify khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus kammaṭa, kambāra 'smithy, mint. coiner, coinage' wealth-creation of a Rāṣṭram

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    https://tinyurl.com/y7rol5jq

    Hieroglyph: श्री--वत्स partic. mark or curl of hair on the breast of विष्णु or कृष्ण (and of other divine beings ; said to be white and represented in pictures by a symbol resembling a cruciform flower) (महाभारत)the emblem of the tenth जिन (or विष्णु's mark so used)  श्री-वत्स  an epithet of Viṣṇu. -2 a mark or curl of hair on the breast of Viṣṇu; प्रभानुलिप्त- श्रीवत्सं लक्ष्मीविभ्रमदर्पणम् R.1.1.; ˚अङ्कः, ˚धारिन्, ˚मृत्, ˚लक्ष्मन्, ˚लाञ्छन m. epithets of Viṣṇu; तमभ्यगच्छत् प्रथमो विधाता श्रीवत्सलक्ष्मा पुरुषश्च साक्षात् Ku.7.43. -वत्सकिन् m. a horse having a curl of hair on his breast.Rebus:श्री-वत्स  " favourite of श्री " N. of विष्णु

    Śrivatsa on the chest of red sandstone figure of a Tīrthānkara, ca. 2nd cent
    See: https://www.scribd.com/document/81949044/Stupa-as-Temple-Srivatsa-as-Hieroglyph
    Divinity Narayana is shown with śrivatsa motif on his chest on a bronze śilpa. This is an evocation of  Śr, 'wealth' associated with divinity Narayana in the śrivaiṣṇava tradition. Bronze statue 14.5" X 8" X 4"; 9.6 Kg

    See: Srivastava, A. L., 1979. The Srivatsa Symbol in Indian Art. In: EW, N. S., Vol. XXIX(1-4): 37-60. Bapat, P. V., 1953. Four Auspicious Things of the Buddhists: Srivatsa, Svastika, Nandyavarta and Vardhamana. In: Indica, The Indian Hist. Res. Inst. Silver Jubilee Comm. Vol., Bombay, pp. 38-4
    S’rivatsa on the chest, zoomed.Red sandstone figure of aTirthankara, ca. 2
    nd
    cent.
    The  śrivatsa motif is shown on the chest of all tirthankara. It is so important. (See fn. 37 “Shrivatsa in the earlier images is generally a vertical line with an S- shaped mark on its left, and its mirror image on the right. Later the symbol changed into a lozenge shaped four-petalled flower. In Hinduism it represents "Shri" the Goddess of fortune. It is the special mark of Vishnu. In Jainism Shrivatsa is found on the chests of Tirthankaras all over Northern India but not in South India. The symbol appears sometimes on the images of the Buddha but not on the chest. (C. Siva Ram Murti in Ancient India, No. 6, pp. 44-46).” (loc. cit. Ashok Kumar Roy, 1984, A History of the Jains, New Delhi, Gitanjali Publishing House). Ebook at http://wwwedit.cs.wayne.edu:8080/~manishk/JainismDocuments/HistoryOfJainism.pdf

    S’risuktam is a sukta of 15 verses and is a Rigveda khila. Sayana, Prithvidhara and Nanjiyar have commented on this sukta. One view of the sukta is that it is a tribute to the metal, gold – associating s’ri with wealth. Listen to the suktam rendered by MN Venkata Sastry: http://www.ee.duke.edu/%7Evkp/audio/sree.mp3 Also at http://www.divyajivan.org/realaudio/sri_suktam.ram 

    The suktam and translation are at http://www.srividya.org/slokas/HTML/sri_suktam.htm S’ri is said to have two children: kardama and ciklita. Association is with a_pah, ‘waters’. The very first line refers to: s’ri_m as hiran.yavarn.am, harin.i_m, suvarn.a rajata srajam. This evokes association with gold and silver. The sukta is also an invocation to soma (interpreting cikli_ra as cikri_ta, ‘the purchased one, that is soma’. The literal meanings of kardama and cikli_ta are ‘mud’ and ‘mire, ooze’. At Arikamedu was found one square copper coin with the motifs: an elephant, a ritual umbrella, S’rivatsa symbol, and the front of a horse.[ K. V. Raman, “A Note on the Square Copper Coin from Arikamedu” in The Ancient Port of Arikamedu, p. 391-392.]

    A stone s’ilpa of matsya in Dhaka museum may be seen at the exquisite Huntington Archive http://huntington.wmc.ohio-state.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=30020643&detail=large

    Suvarn.a matsya or a pair of fishes with their noses touching each other with uplifted tails is an auspicious motif of the bauddha tradition. It is interesting that a metal magnet was called matsya mantra to determine direction while on high seas, indicating the association of matsya with metal. In Pali texts, matsya people are associated with Surasena. Matsya is a mahajanapada mentioned in the bauddha tradition of 16 janapada.
    “How can You be purified, therefore, by the dust of the path traversed by the brahmanas, and how can You be glorified or made fortunate by the marks of Srivatsa on Your chest? “ (Srimadbhagavatam, Canto 3, Chapter Sixteen, ‘The two doorkeepers of Vaikuntha, Jaya and VIjaya, cursed by the sages’. 
    Right quadrant of ayagapatta showing s’rivatsa motif Site: Manoharpura (on the Delhi-Jaipur highway), Kusana late 1st-3rd century, 50 CE - 299 CE Red sandstone, Lucknow state museum (A curving fish-tail enveloping the tied fish in the center, that is, one S motif and its inverse on either side tie up the fish in the center).


    Location: India
    Site: India
    Monument/Object: architectural fragment
    Current Location: Madras Government Museum, Madras, Tamil Nadu, India
    Subject: triratna and lotus medallion
    Period: Satavahana
    Date: 1st century BCE - 1st century CE
    Material: stone, white
    Scan Number: 12037
    Photo Date: 1984
    Image Source: Huntington Archive
    http://dsalsrv02.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/huntington/show_detail.py?ObjectID=21683

    Location: Bharhut Village, Satna Dt., Madhya Pradesh, India
    Site: Bharhut Village
    Monument/Object: Bharhut Stupa, architectural fragment, vedika (railing) pillar, roundel, relief sculpture
    Current Location: Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India
    Subject: triratna
    Photo Depicts: bottom section
    Period: Sunga and Related Periods
    Date: 2nd - 1st century BCE
    Religious Affiliation: Buddhist
    Material: sandstone
    Scan Number: 11535
    Photo Date: 1984
    Image Source: Huntington Archive
    http://dsalsrv02.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/huntington/show_detail.py?ObjectID=21267

    Location: Manoharpura, Mathura Dt., Uttar Pradesh, India
    Site: Manoharpura
    Monument/Object: ayagapatta
    Current Location: National Museum, New Delhi, India
    Subject: twin fish and srivatsa
    Photo Depicts: top section
    Period: Kusana (India)
    Date: late 1st - 3rd century CE
    Religious Affiliation: Jain
    Material: sandstone, red
    Scan Number: 53016
    Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.
    Image Source: Huntington Archive

    http://dsalsrv02.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/huntington/show_detail.py?ObjectID=30000353

    Location: Manoharpura, Mathura Dt., Uttar Pradesh, India
    Site: Manoharpura
    Monument/Object: ayagapatta
    Current Location: Lucknow State Museum, Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, India
    Subject: Srivatsa
    Photo Depicts: right quadrant
    Period: Kusana (India)
    Date: late 1st - 3rd century CE
    Religious Affiliation: Jain
    Material: sandstone, red
    Scan Number: 53011
    Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.
    Image Source: Huntington Archive

    http://dsalsrv02.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/huntington/show_detail.py?ObjectID=30000348

    Triratna carved on a medallion of a vedic pillar. Fifth pillar E from N gate.Sunga. C. 100 BCE. Stone. Structural.

    Location: Sanchi, Raisen Dt., Madhya Pradesh, India
    Site: Sanchi
    Monument/Object: Sanchi Buddhist Monastery complex, Stupa 2, pillar, medallion
    Subject: triratna motif
    Photo Depicts: 5th pillar east from north gate (proceeding east, left to right), middle section, medallion
    Locator Information: vedika (railing) interior
    Period: Sunga and Related Periods
    Date: ca. 100 BCE
    Religious Affiliation: Buddhist
    Material: stone
    Scan Number: 11183
    Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    http://huntington.wmc.ohio-state.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=30000348&detail=large

    This is the cental motif of twin fish enveloping the central motif, thus constituting the s’rivatsa. The second image of the second section of the ayagapatta also found at Manoharpura, is now at National Museum, New Delhi.

    http://huntington.wmc.ohio-state.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=30000353&detail=large 

    These images are definitive indicators of the evolution of the s’rivatsa (or curved W motif) in bharatiya metaphors across the entire gamut of panthas of dharma-dhamma continuum in relating the motif to Narayana, the Buddha (Bauddha) or the Tirthankaras (Jaina).

    http://depts.washington.edu/uwch/silkroad/museums/delhi/dm_begram2_th.jpg 
    S’rivatsa on Jain votive plaque. Ayagapata. Mathura UP, Kankali Tila. Kushana (2nd c. CE). 65 x 57.5 cm. J249 (Cleveland Museum of Art, 1985), no. 39, p. 105

    S’ri_vatsa or Nandipa_da glyphs are derived from a pair of fishes as seen on many artifacts and on the necklaces worn by yakshi on sculptures.

    S’ri_vatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions:

    The symbol occurs in Mathura (ca. 2nd to 1st cent. BCE) and in Sa_n~ci_ (ca. 2nd –1st cent. BCE). 

    Sarnath, Va_ra_n.asi, UP, Railing fragment, Sarnath Museum, No. 422 (AIIS, VNS, A27.33)[Pl. XX, 8]

    Bharhut Stu_pa, south gate corner pillar, c. 2nd cent. BCE, Indian Museum, Calcutta, 27.72, (AIIS, VNS, 242.34)[Pl. XX, 9]

    Sarnath, Rail post, c. 1st cent. BCE, Sarnath Museum No. 420 (AIIS, VNS, 200.13)[Pl. XX, 10]

    A Nasik cave inscription has s’ri_vatsa superimposed on nandipa_da symbol and is ascribed to ca. 2nd cent. BCE. [Note: nandipa_da is made up of two fish-tails joined together; s’ri_vatsa encloses a fish within two fish-tails].

    The evolution of the s’ri_vatsa symbol is vividly described as related to a pair of ‘fish’. This is apparent from the two fish-tails exquisitely sculpted on Sa_n~ci_ Stu_pa (c. 2nd cent. BCE) and also in Sarnath railings and Bharhut stu_pa.
    [Pl. 33, S’rivatsa, Nandipa_da-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sa_n~ci_, Sarnath and Mathura]

    swastika seal, Mohenjodaro, steatite. National Museum, Karachi. http://huntington.wmc.ohio-state.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=25001555&detail=large
    Gold amulet, beaded svastika. Sirkap. ca. first century BCE to fourth century CE, 100 BCE - 300 CE, National Museum, Karachi. http://huntington.wmc.ohio-state.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=10954&detail=large

    Architectural fragment with svastika. Sarnath. Beige sandstone. ca. seventh century CE, 601 CE - 700 CE. Sarnath site museum, Uttarpradesh. 

    http://huntington.wmc.ohio-state.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=2932&detail=large


    http://srivatsasrisukta.blogspot.com/

    Udayagiri - Sargapuri- Manchapuri Gumpha - Jaina Symbol. Decorated with fish-fin hypertextkhambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus:  kammaṭa, kambāra in smithy, mint. coiner, coinage'arka'sun's rays' rebus: arka, eraka'moltencast, copper, gold'' cf. agasāle'goldsmith's workshop'

    Hatigumpha - Udayagiri- Bhubaneswar. Decorated with fish-fin hypertext. khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus:  kammaṭa, kambāra in smithy, mint. coiner, coinage' sattva 'svastika glyph' rebus: sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जसथ् ।रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas ज्तस), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ् ज़स््थ् ्or zasuth ज़सुथ ्। रप m. (sg. dat. zastas ु ज़्तस),् zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jastuvu; । रपू्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri).
    Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves."They have a number of finely and ornately carved caves. It is believed that most of these caves were carved out as residential blocks for Jain monks during the reign of King Kharavela. Udayagiri means "Sunrise Hill" and has 18 caves while Khandagiri has 15 caves.
    The caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri, called lena or leṇa in the inscriptions, were dug out mostly during the reign of Kharavela for the abode of Jaina ascetics. The most important of this group is Ranigumpha in Udayagiri which is a double storeyed monastery."


    Hathigumpha inscription of King Khāravela at Udayagiri Hills as first drawn in "Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Volume I: Inscriptions of Asoka by Alexander Cunningham", 1827
    L.1 - •नमो अरहंतानं [।।] णमो सवसिधानं [।।] ऐरेण महाराजेन महामेघवाहनेन चेतराज वस वधनेन पसथ सुभलखलेन चतुरंतलुठन गुणउपेनेत कलिंगाधिपतिना सिरि खारवेलेन
    L.2 - पंदरस वसानि सिरि कड़ार सरीरवता कीड़िता कुमार कीड़िका [।।] ततो लेख रूप गणना ववहार विधि विसारदेन सवविजावदातेन नव वसानि योवराजं पसासितं [।।] संपुणं चतुविसति वसो तदानी वधमान सेसयो वेनाभि विजयो ततिये
    Line 3 - कलिंग राजवसे पुरिस युगे महाराजभिसेचनं पापुनाति [।।] अभिसित मतो च पधमेवसे वात विहत गोपुर पाकार निवेसनं पटिसंखारयति कलिंगनगरि खिवीर सितल तड़ाग पाड़ियो च वंधापयति संवुयान पटि संटपनं च
    L.4 - कारयति पनतिसाहि सतसहसेहि पकतियो च रंजयति [।।] दुतिये च वसे अचितयिता सातकनिं पछिमदिसं हय गज नर रध बहुलं दंडं पठापयति [।।] कन्हवेंणां गताय च सेनाय वितासिति असिक नगरं [।।] ततिये पुन वसे
    L.5 - गंधव वेद बुधो दप नत गीत वादित संदसनाहि उसव समाज कारापनाहि च कीड़ापयति नगरिं [।।] तथा चवुथे वसे विजाधराधिवासं अहत पुवं कलिंग पुवराज निवेसितं ..... वितध मकुट स .... निखित छत
    L.6 - भिंगारे हित रतन सापतेये सव रठिक भोजके पादे वंदा पयति [।।]पंचमे च दानी वसे नंदराज तिवस सत ओघाटितं तनसुलिय वाटा पनाडि नगरि पवेस [य] ति ... [।।] अभिसितो च [छठे] वसे राजसेयं संदंसयं तो सवकरण
    Line.7 - अनुगह अनेकानि सतसहसानि विसजति पोरं जानपदं [।।] सतमं च वसे पसासतो वजिरघरवति ... स मतुक पद [पुनां] स [कुमार] ...[।।] अठमे च वसे महति सेनाय महत गोरधगिरिं
    L.8 - घाता पयिता राजगहं उपपिड़ापयति [।।] एतिनं च कंम पदान संनादेन सबत सेन वाहने विपमुचितुं मधुरं अपायातो यवनराध ... म... यछति पलव भार
    L.9 - कपरूखे हय गज रध सह यति सवधरावास परिवेसने ... सव गहणं च कारयितुं बम्हणानं जय परिहार ददाति [।।] अरंहत [पसादाय] नवमे च वसे
    L.10 - [नगरिय कलिंग] राजनिवासं महाविजय पासादं कारयति अठतिसाय सतसहसेहि [।।] दसमे च वसे दंड संधि साम [मयो] भरधवस पठानं मही जयनं ... कारापयति [।।] एकादसमे च वसे [सतुनं] पायातानं च मणि रतनानि उपलभते [।।]
    L.11 - कलिंग पुवराज निवेसितं पिथुडं गधवनंगलेन कासयति [।।] जनपद भावनं च तेरसवस सत कतं भिदति तमिर देह संघातं [।।] बारसमे च वसे ..... वितासयति उतरापध राजनो [ततो]
    L.12 - मागधानं च विपुल भयं जनेतो हथसं गंगाय पाययति [।।] मागधं च राजान बहसतिमितं पादे वंदापयति [।।] नंदराज नीतं कालिंगजिन संनिवेसं [कलिंग] [राज] गह रतन परिहारे हि अंग मगध वसुं च नयति [।।]
    L.13 - ...तुं जठर लखिल गोपुरानि सिहरानि निवेसयति सत विसिकनं परिहारे हि [।।] अभुत मछरियं च हथीनाव तं परिहर [उपलभते] हय हथी रतन मानिकं [।।] पंडराजा एदानि अनेकानि मुत मनिरतनानि आहारापयति इध सतस [हसानि]
    Line 14 - [दखिणापथ] वासिनो वसीकरोति [।।] तेरसमे च वसे सुपवत कुमारी पवते अरहते (हि) पखिन संसितहि कायनिसीदियाय (...) राजभितिनं चिनवतानं वासासितानं पूजानुरत उवासग (खा) रवेल सिरिना जीवदेह सायिका परिखाता [।।]
    L.15 - सकत समण सुविहितानं च सवदिसानं यतिनं तपस इसिनं संघायनं अरहत निसीदिया समीपे पभारे वराकर समुथापिताहि अनेक योजनाहि ताहि पनतिसाहि सतसहसेहि सिलाहि [[ Simhapatha|सिहपथ]] रानि स [भिलासेहि]
    L.16 - पटलिक चतरे च वेड्डरिय गभे थंभे पटिथापयति पानतरिय सतसहसेहि [।।] मुरियकाल वोछिनं च चोयठि अंग संतिकं तुरियं उपादयति [।।] खेमराजा स वधराजा स भिखुराजा स धमराजा पसं तो सुनं तो अनुभवंतो कलणानि
    L.17 -... गुण विसेस कुसलो सव पासंड पूजको सवदेवायतन संकार कारको अपतिहत चक वाहन बलो चकधरो गुतचको पवत चको राजसि वसुकुल विनिसितो महाविजयो राजा खारवेल सिरि
    ne 1-2 - Salutation to Arhats, salutation to all Siddhas. Ārya Mahāmeghavāhana Mahārājā Śrī Khāravela, the overlord of Kalinga, who heightens the glory of the dynasty of Cetaraja , who possesses many auspicious sign, and is gifted with qualities spreading over four quarters, and who has handsome brown complexion, played the childhood games for fifteen years.
    Line 2-3 - Thereafter, being proficient in writing (लेख) coinage (रूप), arithmetic (गणना) law (Vyavahāra ) and procedure (विधि) and skilled in all arts, he ruled as the crown prince for nine years. After completion his twenty-fourth year and with the ripening of the age of minority, (he) as glorious as Vainya was crowned king in the third generation of the royal dynasty of Kalinga1*.
    Line 3-4 - In the very first year of his coronation ( His Majesty) caused to be repaired the gate, rampart and structures of the fort of Kalinga Nagari, which had been damaged by storm, and caused to be built flight of steps for the cool tanks and laid all gardens at the cost of thirty five hundred thousand (coins) and thus pleased all his subjects.
    Line 4-5 - In the second year, without caring for Sātakarnī [His Majesty] sent to the west a large army consisting of horse, elephant, infantry and chariot, and struck terror to Asikanagara with that troop that marched upto the river Kanhavemnā*2.
    Thereafter, in the third year, well versed in the Gāndharva Veda, (His Majesty) made Kalinga Nagri play, as it were by arranging festivals and convivial gatherings, and organising performances of acrobatics, dance, as well as vocal and instrumental music.
    Line 5-6 - Then in the fourth year, (His Majesty] .... the Vidyadhara tract, that had been established by the former kings of Kalinga and had never been crossed before3.
    The Rathika and Bhojaka chiefs with their crown cast off, their umbrella and royal insignia thrown aside, and their Jewellery and wealth confiscated, were, made to pay obeisance at the feet [ of His Majesty].
    Line 6-7 - And in the fifth year, [His Majesty] caused the aqueducts that had been excavated by king Nandathree hundred years before , to flow into Kalinga Nagri through Tanasuli.
    Further, in the sixth year of his coronation (his Majesty) in order to display the regal wealth, remitted all taxes, cesses and benevolences for the urban and rural population, to the extent of many hundred thousands (of coins).
    Line 7-8 - And in the seventh year of his reign [the Queen] of Vajiraghara, blessed with a son attained motherhood.
    Then in the eighth year, having destroyed the strong (fort) of Gorathagiri, with a mighty army [ His Majesty] oppressed Rājagrha.
    Line 8-9 - Getting the tidings of all these achievements, the Yavanaraja4 who retreated to Mathura for the rescue of his army encamped there [Surrendered]
    The sage Kharavela, with the Kalpa tree burdened with foliage and with the horses, elephants and chariots......... distributed (gifts) to all houses and inns and with a view to making gifts universal gave away the spoils of victory to the Brahmanas.
    Line 9-10 - And in the ninth year [His Majesty] caused to be built [in Kalinga Nagari] the Great Victory palace the royal residence at the cost of thirty eight hundred thousand (coins). Then in the tenth year, [His Majesty] the embodiment of politics, diplomacy and peace, caused [ the army] to march through Bharatavarsa5 for conquest.
    Line 10-11 - And in the eleventh year [His majesty] secured jewels and precious stones from the retreating [enemies] [His Majesty] caused to be cultivated pithunda, founded by former kings of Kalinga, with ploughs drawn by asses. Also [His Majesty] shattered the territorial confederacy of the Tamil states having populous villages, that was existing since thirteen hundred years.
    Line 11-12 - And in the twelfth year, [ His Majesty] terrorised the king of Uttarapatha by an army of hundred thousand, after that [His Majesty] generated great fear among the people of Magadha while making the elephants and horses drink in the Ganges, [ His Majesty] made Bahasatimita, the King of Magadha, obeisance at his feet. [ His Majesty] then brought back the image of Kalinga Jina with its thrown and endowment that had been taken away by king Nanda and the jewels plundered by him (King Nanda) from the Kalinga royal palace, along with the treasures of Anga and Magadha.
    Line 13 - [His Majesty] caused to erect towers with strong and beautiful gateways at the cost of two thousand coins. [His Majesty] obtained horses, elephants and jewels losing strange and wonderful elephants and ships. The King of Pandya caused to be brought here ( capital Kalinga Nagri) various pearls, jewels and precious stones hundred thousand in number.
    Line 14 - [His Majesty] brought to submission the people of ... And in the thirteenth year upasaka Sri Kharavelaa devoted worshipper of those, who used to cloth themselves in fine cloth, enjoy royal endowment and take to rainy season, retreat, excavated in the Kumari hill, where the wheel of victory had been well turned6, dwelling cells for resting of the bodies of the .... Arhats who had renounced their sustenance.

    Line 15-16 - [As desired by] the Queen of Simhapatha, [His Majesty] built an edifice in front of and close to the dwellings of the Arhats with thirty five hundred thousand stone slabs, raised from the best quarries and brought form a distance of many yojanas for the convenience of the honoured Sramanas and for the yatisTapasa, Rsis and Samghiyanas, who hailed from all directions and also set up on the pink coloured floor, pillars bedecked with emerald at a cost of one hundred and five thousand (coins)
    [His Majesty] revived the Tauryatrika7 included in sixty four branches of art that had been suspended during the time of the Mauryas.
    Line 16-17 - [ Thus reigns] the king of bliss, the King of prosperity the Bhiksu King and King of Dhamma, [ His Majesty] the mighty conqueror Rajarsi Sri Kharavela, the descendant of Vasu 8, the embodiment of specific qualities, the worshipper of all religious order, the repairer of all shrines of gods, he possessor of invincible armies, the upholder of law , the protector of law, and the executor of law, having seen heard and felt all that is good.

    (Sadananda Agrawal: Śrī Khāravela, Published by Sri Digambar Jain Samaj, Cuttack, 2000).
    Picture gallery
    http://ignca.nic.in/asp/showbig.asp?projid=orkhr1870001
    I suggest that the Indus Script hypertexts which occur together with Brahmi inscriptions and sculptural friezes are metalwork signifiers of the occupants of the caves. The names are spelt out in Brahmi while their functions/professions are signified by Indus Script hypertexts.

    Svastika PLUS fish-fin (srivatsa) hypertexts of the Tiger cave signify jasta kammaṭa, ''zinc PLUS mint'.which signify the professional competence of Bhūti, the city judge.
    L.1- नगर अखंदस L.2- स भूतिनो लेणं Translation :- The cave of Bhūti, the city judge (Brahmi inscription)

    Khandagiri caves (2nd cent. BCE) Cave 3 (Jaina Ananta gumpha). Fire-altar?, śrivatsa, svastika
    (hieroglyphs) (King Kharavela, a Jaina who ruled Kalinga has an inscription dated 161 BCE) contemporaneous with Bharhut and Sanchi and early Bodhgaya.

    Udayagiri - Bagha Gumpha - Inscription


    L.1- नगरअखंदस

    L.2- भूतिनोलेणं


    Translation :- The cave of Bhūti, the city judge

    Variant (dotted circle w/ fish-fins on top constituting śrīvatsa): Image result for srivatsa numismatics
    Parker's Tissa coin Ancient Ceylon 54 shows śrivatsa hieroglyph ligatured to 'dotted circle' hieroglyph.
    dhāī˜ (Lahnda) signifies a single strand of rope or thread.

    I have suggested that a dotted circle hieroglyph is a cross-section of a strand of rope: S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) धवड (p. 436) [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron (Marathi).  Hence, the depiction of a single dotted circle, two dotted circles and three dotted circles (called trefoil) on the robe of the Purifier priest of Mohenjo-daro.

    The phoneme dhāī˜ (Lahnda) signifying a single strand may thus signify the hieroglyph: dotted circle. This possibility is reinforced by the glosses in Rigveda, Tamil and other languages of Baratiya sprachbund which are explained by the word dāya 'playing of dice' which is explained by the cognate Tamil word: தாயம் tāyamn. < dāya Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்டவிழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். 


    The semantics: dāya 'Number one in the game of dice' is thus signified by the dotted circle on the uttariyam of the pōtṟ पोतृ,'purifier' priest. Rebus rendering in Indus Script cipher is 

    dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) dhatu 'ore' (Santali)

    Satavahana coin shows two śrivatsa hieroglyphs.
    https://www.mintageworld.com/blog/satavahana-coins-symbols-motifs/

    The hypertext ligatured to dotted circle (referred to as śrīvatsa or tri-ratna) is explained as: dul aya kammaṭa ’metal casting, alloy metal mint’.

    Other artefacts with śrivatsa hieroglyphs:
    Image result for srivatsa sanchi stupa


    śrīvatsa adorns top capital of a fiery pillar (skambha) in Amaravati
    Image result for bharatkalyan97 indra dhvaja
    Image result for AMARAVATI fiery pillar
    On Amaravati representation of the fiery pillar of light the skambha is ligatured with a capital on top. The capital is hieroglyph 'srivatsa' atop a circle (vaTTa 'round, circle') as a phonetic determinant that the  aya PLUS kambha is in fact to be pronounced, aya khambhaṛā (Lahnda) rebus: aya 'iron' PLUS kammaTa 'mint' (Kannada)== 'fish PLUS fin' rebus: ayas kammaTa 'metal mint'. meḍ 'foot' rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.)
    Clear orthography of śrīvatsa hypertext is seen on Sanchi stupa toraṇa, with delineation of two 'fish-fins' next to the śilpi, 'architect' statue. (Explanation of spathe of palm in the sculptural composition: sippīʻspathe of date palmʼ Rebus: sippi 'artificer, craftsman'.

     Srivatsa with kanka, 'eyes' (Kui). 

    Begram ivories. Plate 389 ReferenceHackin, 1954, fig.195, no catalog N°. According to an inscription on the southern gate of Sanchi stupa, it has been carved by ivory carvers of Vidisha.Southern Gateway panel information:West pillar Front East Face has an inscription. Vedisakehi dantakarehi rupa-kammam katam - On the border of this panel – Epigraphia Indica vol II – written in Brahmi, language is Pali –  the carving of this sculpture is done by the ivory carvers of Vedisa (Vidisha).  
    Hieroglyph: கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam n. < id. +. 1. Range of vision, eye-sweep, full reach of one's observation; கண்பார்வைக்குட்பட்ட இடம். தங்கள் கண்வட்டத்திலே உண்டுடுத்துத்திரிகிற (ஈடு, 3, 5, 2). Rebus: கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam Mint; நாணயசாலை. கண்வட்டக்கள்ளன் (ஈடு.).

    The association of śrivatsa with ‘fish-fin’ is reinforced by the symbols binding fish in Jaina āyāgapaṭas (snake-hood?) of Mathura (late 1st cent. BCE). 
    śrivatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions Pl. 33, Nandipāda-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sanchi, Sarnath and Mathura]  śrivatsa  symbol seems to have evolved from a stylied glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the Sanchi stupa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘śrivatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina āyāgapaṭa, a fish is ligatured within theśrivatsa  glyph composition,  emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph with śrivatsa glyph. meṛh  f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, me 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.) The m-sound in these lexemes explains the reason for the choice of taurine symbol to signify 'ma' syllable in Brāhmi script.

    (After Plates in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77)


    Indus Script hieroglyphs daürā 'rope' rebus dhāvḍā 'smelter'; khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, coinage, mint' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: aya, ayas 'iron, alloy metal' (R̥gveda.Gujarati). dula ‘pair’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’. 

    Thus, the śrīvatsa on Sanchi stupa is read as dul aya kammaṭa ’metal casting, alloy metal mint’.

    Bhanumitra, AE double karshapana, c. 1-20 CE
    Weight: 12.94 gm., Diam: ? mm.
    Ref:  MAC 4549 var
    A gorgeous example of a more normal depiction of the radiate sun on a pedestal. (Photo courtesy Girish Sharma.)
    Tin-bronze alloy Panchala coins depict the following three hieroglyphs on the top line, reverse. Bottom line is the name of the king in Brahmi syllables.
    I suggest that the three symbols are Indus Script Meluhha hieroglyphs read rebus as a mint metalwork catalogue.

    Specifically, the three hypertexts signify that the mint works in tin-bronze alloy metalwork by metal artificers: ranku ayo kammaṭa sippi 'tin, alloy metal mint artificer'.

    From l. to r.:

    Hypertext 1: ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'

    Hypertext 2: mēḍhā 'twist' rebus med 'iron' med 'copper'  PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS  sippī ʻspathe of date palmʼ Rebus: sippi 'artificer, craftsman'.

    Hypertext 3: ayo 'fish' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy' PLUS kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS  गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा) A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble. 3 A large lifting stone.rebus: gōṭa 'ferrous, laterite ore' khōṭa 'ingot, wedge'

    dala 'petal' Rebus: ḍhāḷako = a large ingot (G.) ḍhāḷakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati)


    See:  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2017/01/monetisation-of-hindu-rastram-from.html Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/zztyzkf for a rebus reading of a comparable hypertext on a Taxila coin 185-168 BCE.
    Triratna? on Taxila coin 185-168 BCE detail http://www.cngcoins.com

    https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Triratna_on_Taxila_coin_185-168_BCE_detail.jpg#/media/File:Triratna_on_Taxila_coin_185-168_BCE_detail.jpg


    This is an Indus Script hypertext. ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' (Rigveda) khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.)  kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Telugu) PLUS gōṭā  m A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble (of stone, lac, wood &c.) 2 A marble. 3 A large lifting stone Rebus: khoTa 'ingot' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS dala 'petal' Rebus: ḍhāḷako = a large ingot (G.) ḍhāḷakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati)


    Narayana Bhattatiri  in  Narayaneeyam:
    6. I meditate on your neck sporting Kaustaba jewel casting its radiant luster, adorning and rendering your handsome neck crimson and your chestsplendorous with Srivatsa mark sporting brilliant sinuous undulating pearl necklace and a Vanamala made of wild flowers and sprigs with buzzing bees seeking nectar.  

    Square seal (silver) from Karur, with symbols like the Srivatsa and legend "Kuravan". Ist century B.C.   A magnum opus on Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions, by R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI
    Square seal (silver) from Karur, with symbols like the Srivatsa and legend "Kuravan". Ist century B.C.E. 
    Halin (Hanlin, Halin-gyi), Burma
    Iron Hoes, Adzes And Spearheads Halin (Halin Monastery Museum)
    Iron Hoes, Adzes And Spearheads Halin (Halin Monastery Museum)
    Bronze Sword Handle Halin
    Bronze Sword Handle Halin
    Bronze Sword Handle Pommel Of Previous Figure Halin
    Bronze Sword Handle Pommel Of Previous Figure Halin
    Bronze Sword Handles Reverse View Of items in previous figures
    Tin-Bronze Sword Handles Reverse View Of items in previous figures
    Coins Excavated At Halin
    Coins Excavated At Halin
    Characteristic Halin Srivatsa Rising Sun Coin
    Characteristic Halin Srivatsa Rising Sun Coin

    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/h2tlv43

    śrivatsa शिल्पकर्म [ śilpakarma ] is an Indus script hieroglyph which signifies iron mintwork.

    The proclamation of śilpakarma on Sanchi torana is the emphatic signifier of metal sculptural work of Sanchi (Vidisha or Besnagar) artificers of 3rd-2nd century BCE. The auspicious symbol (hieroglyph) spans Hindu, Bauddha and Jaina traditions and extends into Arakan (Rakhine) state of Myanmar.
    Ear-rings of Satavahana era Cakravartin with Srivatsa and related hieroglyphs
    Three hieroglyphs on the gold ear-rings: 1. A spathe flanked by a pair of molluscs emerges out of the purnaghaTa (sacred vase); 2. tiger; 3. elephant.
     दळ (p. 406)[ daḷa ] दल (p. 404) [ dala ] n (S) A leaf. 2 A petal of a flower. dula 'pair'
    Rebus: metalcast: ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ] ḍhāḷako 'ingot' (Marathi) Hieroglyph: gāb(h)ā ʻ foetus, spathe of a plant,gābhā m. ʻ new leaf springing from centre of plaintain tree ʼ, gāb m. ʻ pulp, pith ʼgābbo ʻ inner core of plaintain stem ʼ; (CDIAL 4055)  Rebus: Dhātughara "house for a relic," a dagoba SnA 194. (Pali)
    hangi 'molusc' Rebus: sanghi 'member of sangha, community
    Tiger (cat) Hieroglyph: kola 'tiger' Rebus:kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'
    Hieroglyph: ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron'
     
     
    A Pair of Royal Earrings
    Date: ca. 1st century B.C.
    Culture: India
    Medium: Gold
    Dimensions: H. 1 5/16 in. (3.3 cm); W. 3 1/8 in. (7.9 cm); L. 1 1/2 in. (3.8 cm)
    Classification: Jewelry
    Credit Line: Gift of John and Evelyn Kossak, The Kronos Collections, 1981
    Accession Number: 1981.398.4
    Necklace, Centre Bead and Pendants, Shunga, India, Cleveland Museum, 180-70 B.C.E, Sculpture and painting- The Cleveland Museum, ACSAA
    Does Chakravartin shown on Jaggayyapeta relief wear similar ear rings? The frieze shows an oxhide ingot atop a pillar, together with another pillar showing tAmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tAmra 'copper' capital, both pillars flanking the cakravartin. These are proclamations of wealth created by metal- and mint-work.
    American Council for Southern Asian Art (ACSAA) 12452. Jaggayyapeta. Analogous Chakravartin and 7 jewels versions are found in Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda. Zimmer, 1955, p. 349 and pl. 37; Combas, 1935, pp. 89, fig. 35 and 89; Coomaraswamy, 1935, figs. 19 and 20.Square coins descend from the clouds? Or, is it stylized representationof a tree (branches), as a background ligature?
    Click the image to open in full size.
    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/03/ox-hide-ingot-and-other-hieroglyphs-on.html

    Manjusri Creation date 1700s Materials bronze Dimensions H: 11 1/4 in.Accession number 1986.249 Indianapolis Museum,.
    "A mantra commonly associated with Mañjuśrī is the following:[9]
    oṃ arapacana dhīḥ
    The Arapacana is a syllabary consisting of forty-two letters, and is named after the first five letters: a, ra, pa, ca, na.This syllabary was most widely used for the Gāndhārī language with the Kharoṣṭhī script, but also appears in some Sanskrit texts. The syllabary features in Mahāyāna texts such as the longer Prajñāpāramitā texts, the Gaṇḍavyūha Sūtra, the Lalitavistara Sūtra, the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya, and the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya.In some of these texts, the Arapacana syllabary serves as a mnemonic for important Mahāyāna concepts." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manjushri
    Srivatsa atop Sanchi torana.
    Srivatsa on the chest of red sandstone Tirthankara. British Museum
    • Title: Red sandstone figure of a tirthankara
    • Date Created: 200/299
    • External Link: British Museum collection online
    • Registration number: 1901,1224.5
    • Place: Found/Acquired Mathura
    • Material: sandstone
    • Sometimes it is signified by an endless knot.
    • Silver coin of king Nitichandra, Arakan. Brahmi legend "NITI" in front, Shrivatasa symbol on the reverse. 8th century CE. Arakan = Rakhine people, Burma (Myanmar).
    • The dotted circle is dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAu, dhAtu 'mineral'. poLa 'zebu' rebus:poLa 'magnetite ferrite ore'.
    • See:
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/08/bharhut-besnagar-sculptural-makara.html 

    Bharhut, Besnagar sculptural Makara hieroglyphs ayo kammaṭa 'iron mint' -- expression used in Mahavams'a validates Indus Script proclamation
    Two pillars with capitals of Besnagar (ca. 2nd cent.BCE) signify two proclamations of services offered in the city workshop complex: ayo 'fish' rebus:" aya 'metal, iron' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'; hence, ayo kammaTa 'iron mint' and kāraṇikā 'pericarp of lotus' rebus: karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo'. Supercargo is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. 
    Hieroglyphs as hypertexts on the two capitals: Capitl 1: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy' kāraṇikā 'pericarp of lotus' rebus: karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra 'helmsman'. capital 2: ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith'.

    kambha 'pillar' rebus: kammaa 'mint, coiner, coinage' as a semantic determinative. Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236) kammaTa is also a Pali word with the same meaning, attested by Mahavams'a.

    Thus, these two pillars with hieroglyph hypertexts in Indus Script tradition, are two proclamations of services provided by artificers at the workshops of Besnagar. 

    Confirmation for this decipherment is provided by Mahaavams'a, XXV, 28, which uses an expression: ayo-kammata-dvAra, translated as "iron studded gate" (of a city), but more accurately should translate as: iron mint gate. 

    [quote]Ayas: not in the Dictionary. This word is always used for iron (see loha, below). Mahavamsa, XXV, 28, ayo-kammata-dvara, "iron studded gate " (of a city) ; ib., 30, ayo-gulath, " iron balls "; ib., XXIX, 8, ayo-jala, an iron trellis used in the foundations of a stfipa. Reference might have been made to the iron pillars at Delhi and Dhar, and the use of iron in building at Konarak. [unquote]
    (Ananda K. Coomaraswamy,  Indian Architectural terms, in: American Oriental Society, Vol. 48, 1928, pp.250-275).http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/03/indus-script-hieroglyphs-1-fish-fin.html
    was stunned by the Bharhut and Sanchi toranas. The hieroglyphs which constituted proclamations on the gateways are recognizable as Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes (hypertexts).
    Tatsama and tadbhava words in a comparative lexicon of Bharatiya languages (e.g. Indian Lexicon), establish the reality of Bharatiya sprachbund. It appears mlecchita vikalpa wass based on a artificer-lapidary-metalwork lexis of Prakrtam (i.e., vAk, spoken form of Samskrtam).

    1. tAmarasa 'lotus' (tAmra); sippi 'palm spathe, mollusc' (s'ilpi 'sculptor'); eraka (arka 'copper, gold'); aya 'fish' (aya, ayas 'iron') khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ (kammaTa 'coiner, coinage, mint (Kannada); kariba 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' (ib 'iron' karba 'iron' (Kannada). Hence the proclamation as an advertisement hoardings by the Begram dantakara (ivory carvers) who moved to Bhilsa topes. There is an epigraph in Sanchi stupa which records the donations of dantakara to the dhAtugarbha (dagoba, stupa).

    śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut., śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- ]
    Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc. śilpiǵa, Pk. sippi -- , °ia -- m.; A. xipini ʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw. sīpī m. ʻ artizan ʼ; M. śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si. sipi -- yā ʻ craftsman ʼ.(CDIAL 12471) शिल्प [ śilpa ] n (S) A manual or mechanical art, any handicraft.
    शिल्पकर्म [ śilpakarma ] n (S) Mechanical or manual business, artisanship. शिल्पकार [ śilpakāra ] m or शिल्पी m (S) An artisan, artificer, mechanic. शिल्पविद्या [ śilpavidyā ] f (S) Handicraft or art: as disting. from science. शिल्पशाला [ śilpaśālā ] f (S) A manufactory or workshop. शिल्पशास्त्र [ śilpaśāstra ] n (S) A treatise on mechanics or any handicraft. शिल्पी [ śilpī ] a (S) Relating to a mechanical profession or art.(Marathi) శిల్పము [ śilpamu ] ṣilpamu. [Skt.] n. An art, any manual or mechanical art. చిత్తరువు వ్రాయడము మొదలైనపనిశిల్పి or శిల్పకారుడు ṣilpi. n. An artist, artisan, artificer, mechanic, handicraftsman. పనివాడు. A painter, ముచ్చి. A carpenter, వడ్లంగి. A weaver, సాలెవాడు. (Usually) a stonecutter, a sculptor, కాసెవాడుశిల్పిశాస్త్రము ṣilpi-ṣāstramu. n. A mechanical science; the science of Architecture. చిత్రాదికర్మలను గురించిన విధానము.(Telugu) சிப்பம்³ cippam, n. < šilpa. Architecture, statuary art, artistic fancy work; சிற்பம். கடி மலர்ச் சிப்பமும் (பெருங். உஞ்சைக். 34, 167).சிப்பியன் cippiyaṉ

    ,n. < šilpin. [T. cippevāḍu, K. cippiga, Tu. cippige.] 1. Fancy- worker, engraver; கம்மியன். (W.) 2. Tailor; தையற்காரன். (யாழ். அக.)சில்பி šilpi n. < šilpin. See சிற்பி.சிலாவி³ cilāvi
    n. prob. šilpin. Artisan; சிற்பி. சிற்பர் ciṟpar, n. < šilpa. Mechanics, artisans, stone-cutters; சிற்பிகள். (W.) சிற்பி ciṟpi, n. < šilpin. Mechanic, artisan, stone-cutter; கம்மியன். (சூடா.)
    khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ (kammaTa 'coiner, coinage, mint (Kannada): the Prakrtam word for 'fin' khambhaṛā has related phonemes and allographs: 

    *skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]
    S. khambhu°bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640).

    skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambhkhambhā,khammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi) khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khāmkhāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmhkhāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khām m. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi°bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho°bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- X gambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛo ʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure (CDIAL 13639).

    These semantic clusters indicate that the skambha 'pillar' and skambha 'wing' are also hieroglyphs and so depicted in Indus Script Corpora. This leads to a reasonable inference that the Atharva Veda SkambhaSukta (AV X.7) -- an extraordinary philosophical enquiry into the Ruda hieroglyph as linga, s'ivalinga is also embellished with a caSAla (wheatchaff godhUma, snout of boar, varAha) is an intervention to explain the phenomenon of pyrolysis (thermachemical decomposition) and carburization which infuse carbon into soft metal (e.g. wrought iron) to create hard metal. The snout of boar is also called pota, evoking the potR 'purifier' of Rigveda and hence the abiding metaphor of Bharatiya tradition venerating varAha as yagna purusha personifying the Veda.

    L 7657)
    Pasenadi pillar of Bharhut with garlanded tree signifies: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' PLUS dāma 'garland' rebus: dhāu 'red ore'.

    The ekamukha linga signified on such pillars atop a kiln or smelter on Bhuteswar sculptural friezes refer to mũh 'face' rebus: mũhe 'ingot', mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes, 'smelters'. (Santali) A garland is arried by a dwarf, to signify dāmā m. ʻ id., garland ʼ rebusPk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (Red ochre is Fe
    2O3, takes its reddish color from the mineral hematite, which is an anhydrous iron oxide.)

    Kushana period, 1st century C.E.From Mathura Red Sandstone 89x92cm

    Ayagapatta, Kankali Tila, Mathura.








    Vishnu Sandstone Relief From Meerut India Indian Civilization 10th Century Dharma chakra. Srivatsa. Gada.

    Rebus: dhamma 'dharma' (Pali) Hieroglyphs: dām 'garland, rope':
    Hieroglyphs: hangi 'mollusc' + dām 'rope, garland' dã̄u m. ʻtyingʼ; puci 'tail' Rebus: puja 'worship'

    Rebus: ariya sanghika dhamma puja 'veneration of arya sangha dharma'

    Hieroglyph: Four hieroglyphs are depicted. Fish-tails pair are tied together. The rebus readings are as above: ayira (ariya) dhamma puja 'veneration of arya dharma'.


    ayira 'fish' Rebus:ayira, ariya, 'person of noble character'. युगल yugala 'twin' Rebus: जुळणें (p. 323) [ juḷaṇēṃ ] v c & i (युगल S through जुंवळTo put together in harmonious connection or orderly disposition (Marathi). Thus an arya with orderly disposition.

    sathiya 'svastika glyph' Rebus: Sacca (adj.) [cp. Sk. satya] real, true D i.182; M ii.169; iii.207; Dh 408; nt. saccaŋ truly, verily, certainly Miln 120; saccaŋ kira is it really true? D i.113; Vin i.45, 60; J (Pali)

    सांगाडा [ sāṅgāḍā ] m The skeleton, box, or frame (of a building, boat, the body &c.), the hull, shell, compages. 2 Applied, as Hulk is, to any animal or thing huge and unwieldy.
    सांगाडी [ sāṅgāḍī ] f The machine within which a turner confines and steadies the piece he has to turn. Rebus: सांगाती [ sāṅgātī ] a (Better संगती) A companion, associate, fellow.Buddha-pada (feet of Buddha), carved on a rectangular slab. The margin of the slab was carved with scroll of acanthus and rosettes.  The foot-print shows important symbols like triratna, svastika, srivatsa,ankusa and elliptical objects, meticulously carved in low-relief. From Amaravati, Andhra Pradesh, being assignable on paleographical grounds to circa 1st century B.C --2nd century CE,

    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre, from Mathura
     The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum. 

    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura
    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura. "Photograph taken by Edmund William Smith in 1880s-90s of a Jain homage tablet. The tablet was set up by the wife of Bhadranadi, and it was found in December 1890 near the centre of the mound of the Jain stupa at Kankali Tila. Mathura has extensive archaeological remains as it was a large and important city from the middle of the first millennium onwards. It rose to particular prominence under the Kushans as the town was their southern capital. The Buddhist, Brahmanical and Jain faiths all thrived at Mathura, and we find deities and motifs from all three and others represented in sculpture. In reference to this photograph in the list of photographic negatives, Bloch wrote that, "The technical name of such a panel was ayagapata [homage panel]." The figure in the centre is described as a Tirthamkara, a Jain prophet. The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum." http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/apac/photocoll/a/largeimage58907.html
    View of the Jaina stupa excavated at Kankali Tila, Mathura.
    Manoharpura. Svastika. Top of āyāgapaṭa. Red Sandstone. Lucknow State Museum. (Scan no.0053009, 0053011, 0053012 ) See: https://www.academia.edu/11522244/A_temple_at_Sanchi_for_Dhamma_by_a_k%C4%81ra%E1%B9%87ik%C4%81_sanghin_guild_of_scribes_in_Indus_writing_cipher_continuum


    Ayagapata (After Huntington
     आयाग   â-yâga sacrificial gift or fee. paṭṭa1 m. ʻ slab, tablet ʼ MBh., ˚ṭaka -- m., ˚ṭikā -- f. Kathās. [Derivation as MIA. form of páttra -- (EWA ii 192), though very doubtful, does receive support from Dard. *paṭṭa -- ʻ leaf ʼ and meaning ʻ metal plate ʼ of several NIA. forms of páttra -- ]Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ slab, tablet ʼ; Pk. paṭṭa -- , ˚ṭaya -- m., ˚ṭiyā<-> f. ʻ slab of stone, board ʼ; NiDoc. paṭami loc. sg., paṭi ʻ tablet ʼ; K. paṭa m. ʻ slab, tablet, metal plate ʼ, poṭu m. ʻ flat board, leaf of door, etc. ʼ, püṭü f. ʻ plank ʼ, paṭürü f. ʻ plank over a watercourse ʼ (< -- aḍikā -- ); S. paṭo m. ʻ strip of paper ʼ, ˚ṭi f. ʻ boat's landing plank ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ board to write on, rafter ʼ; L. paṭṭ m. ʻ thigh ʼ, f. ʻ beam ʼ, paṭṭā m. ʻ lease ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ narrow strip of level ground ʼ; P. paṭṭ m. ʻ sandy plain ʼ, ˚ṭā m. ʻ board, title deed to land ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ writing board ʼ; WPah.bhal. paṭṭ m. ʻ thigh ʼ, ˚ṭo m. ʻ central beam of house ʼ; Ku. pāṭo ʻ millstone ʼ, ˚ṭī ʻ board, writing board ʼ; N. pāṭo ʻ strip, plot of land, side ʼ, ˚ṭi ʻ tablet, slate, inn ʼ; A. pāṭ ʻ board ʼ, paṭā ʻ stone slab for grinding on ʼ; B. pāṭ˚ṭā ʻ board, bench, stool, throne ʼ, ˚ṭi ʻ anything flat, rafter ʼ; Or. pāṭa ʻ plain, throne ʼ, ˚ṭipaṭā ʻ wooden plank, metal plate ʼ; Bi. pāṭ ʻ wedge fixing beam to body of plough, washing board ʼ, ˚ṭī ʻ side -- piece of bed, stone to grind spices on ʼ, (Gaya) paṭṭā ʻ wedge ʼ; Mth. pāṭ ʻ end of handle of mattock projecting beyond blade ʼ, ˚ṭā ʻ wedge for beam of plough ʼ; OAw. pāṭa m. ʻ plank, seat ʼ; H. pāṭ˚ṭā m. ʻ slab, plank ʼ, ˚ṭī ʻ side -- piece of bed ʼ, paṭṭā m. ʻ board on which to sit while eating ʼ; OMarw. pāṭī f. ʻ plank ʼ; OG. pāṭīuṁ n. ʻ plank ʼ, pāṭalaü m. ʻ dining stool ʼ; G. pāṭ f., pāṭlɔ m. ʻ bench ʼ, pāṭɔ m. ʻ grinding stone ʼ, ˚ṭiyũ n. ʻ plank ʼ, ˚ṭṛɔ m., ˚ṭṛī f. ʻ beam ʼ; M. pāṭ m. ʻ bench ʼ, ˚ṭā m. ʻ grinding stone, tableland ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ writing board ʼ; Si. paṭa ʻ metal plate, slab ʼ. -- Deriv.: N. paṭāunu ʻ to spread out ʼ; H. pāṭnā ʻ to roof ʼ.paṭṭakila -- ; *akṣapaṭṭa -- , *upparapaṭṭa -- , kaṣapaṭṭikā -- , *catuṣpaṭṭa -- , candanapaṭṭa -- , *talapaṭṭa -- , *tāmrapaṭṭa -- , *dhurapaṭṭa -- , *dhūḍipaṭṭa -- , *pakṣapaṭṭa -- , *prastarapaṭṭa -- , *phalapaṭṭa -- , lalāṭapaṭṭa -- , śilāpaṭṭa -- , *śr̥ṅgapaṭṭa -- , *skandhapaṭṭa -- .
    Addenda: paṭṭa -- 1: WPah.kṭg. pāṭ m. ʻ mill -- stone ʼ (poss. Wkc. pāṭ m. ʻ female genitals ʼ, paṭṭɔ m. ʻ buttocks, back ʼ; bhal. paṭṭ m. ʻ thigh ʼ Him.I 110); kṭg. paṭḷɔ m. ʻ small wooden stool ʼ.(CDIAL 7699)

    Jain votive tablet from Mathurå. From Czuma 1985, catalogue number 3. Fish-tail is the hieroglyph together with svastika hieroglyph, fish-pair hieroglyph, safflower hieroglyph, cord (tying together molluscs and arrow?)hieroglyph multiplex, lathe multiplex (the standard device shown generally in front of a one-horned young bull on Indus Script corpora), flower bud (lotus) ligatured to the fish-tail.  All these are venerating hieroglyphs surrounding the Tirthankara in the central medallion.

    [quote]Cunningham, later the first director of the Archaeological Survey of India, makes the claim in: The Bhilsa Topes (1854). Cunningham, surveyed the great stupa complex at Sanchi in 1851, where he famously found caskets of relics labelled 'Sāriputta' and 'Mahā Mogallāna'. [1] The Bhilsa Topes records the features, contents, artwork and inscriptions found in and around these stupas. All of the inscriptions he records are in Brāhmī script. What he says, in a note on p.18, is: "The swasti of Sanskrit is the suti of Pali; the mystic cross, or swastika is only a monogrammatic symbol formed by the combination of the two syllables, su + ti = suti." There are two problems with this. While there is a word suti in Pali it is equivalent to Sanskrit śruti'hearing'. The Pali equivalent ofsvasti is sotthi; and svastika is either sotthiya or sotthika. Cunningham is simply mistaken about this. The two letters su + ti in Brāhmī script are not much like thesvastika. This can easily been seen in the accompanying image on the right, where I have written the word in the Brāhmī script. I've included the Sanskrit and Pali words for comparison. Cunningham's imagination has run away with him. Below are two examples of donation inscriptions from the south gate of the Sanchi stupa complex taken from Cunningham's book (plate XLX, p.449). 

    "Note that both begin with a lucky svastika. The top line reads 卐 vīrasu bhikhuno dānaṃ - i.e. "the donation of Bhikkhu Vīrasu." The lower inscription also ends with dānaṃ, and the name in this case is perhaps pānajāla (I'm unsure about jā). Professor Greg Schopen has noted that these inscriptions recording donations from bhikkhus and bhikkhunis seem to contradict the traditional narratives of monks and nuns not owning property or handling money. The last symbol on line 2 apparently represents the three jewels, and frequently accompanies such inscriptions...Müller [in Schliemann(2), p.346-7] notes that svasti occurs throughout 'the Veda' [sic; presumably he means the Ṛgveda where it appears a few dozen times]. It occurs both as a noun meaning 'happiness', and an adverb meaning 'well' or 'hail'. Müller suggests it would correspond to Greek εὐστική (eustikē) from εὐστώ (eustō), however neither form occurs in my Greek Dictionaries. Though svasti occurs in the Ṛgveda, svastika does not. Müller traces the earliest occurrence of svastika to Pāṇini's grammar, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, in the context of ear markers for cows to show who their owner was. Pāṇini discusses a point of grammar when making a compound using svastika and karṇa, the word for ear. I've seen no earlier reference to the word svastika, though the symbol itself was in use in the Indus Valley civilisation.[unquote]

    1. Cunningham, Alexander. (1854) The Bhilsa topes, or, Buddhist monuments of central India : comprising a brief historical sketch of the rise, progress, and decline of Buddhism; with an account of the opening and examination of the various groups of topes around Bhilsa. London : Smith, Elder. [possibly the earliest recorded use of the word swastika in English].

    2. Schliemann, Henry. (1880). Ilios : the city and country of the Trojans : the results of researches and discoveries on the site of Troy and through the Troad in the years 1871-72-73-78-79. London : John Murray.

    Like the flag that will be raised in honour of Indra during the month of ashvin on a full-moon day, but thrown onto earth along with its flagstaff after the festival, Vali with depleted energy and dissipated vitality slowly fell onto ground, and with tears blocking throat he moaned piteously. [Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa 4-16-37]
    the identification of 'standard device' as a 'filter' is rejected. To view/interpret the pictorial signifiers as a filtering process is an erroneous reconstruction.The pictorial signifiers point to a drilling, circular motion with smoke emanating from surface of a bowl.

     Two  Ṛcas are signifiers of Indra standards, perhaps Indra dhvaja held aloft: RV 1.10.1 and RV 4. 24.10.

    RV 1.010.01 The chanters (of the Soma) hymn you, S'atakratu; the reciters of the R.k praise you, who are worthy of praise; the Bra-hman.as raise you aloft, like a bamboo pole. [ga_yatrin.ah = lit. those who use ga_yatri_ metre: udga_ta_, chanter of Sa_ma hymns; arkin.ah = reciters of the r.ca_: hota_; bra_man.ah = brahma_ of a sacrifice, a priest so denominated and other bra_hman.as (or, utterers of prayer. tva_ va"m.s'am iva udyemire, they have raised you like a bamboo (vam.s'o vanas'ayo bhavati vanana_cchru_yata iti va_ (Nirukta. 5.5); they have elevated Indra, as tumblers raise a bamboo pole, on the summit of which they balance themselves; vam.s'a = family (i.e. as ambitious persons raise their family to consequence)].

    RV 1.10.1 THE chanters hymn thee, they who say the word of praise magnify thee.

    The priests have raised thee up on high, O Satakratu, like a pole.

    Griffith: 4.24.10 Who for ten milchkine- purchaseth from me this Indra who is mine?
    When he hath slain the Vrtras let the buyer give him back to me.



    Image result for ancient mace indusAncient Luristan Bronze Mace 1000 BCE.


    Vāmana Purāṇa compares Indra-dhavaja with a parigham, 'mace' tied around, 'paṭṭobaddham' with drapery. This suggests the possibility that the Indra-dhavaja was shaped with a curved-head at the top. This is consistent with the shape of sangaḍa, a standard device hypertext shown often in fron of a one-horned young bull on hundreds of Sarasvati Script inscriptions.
    Parts of the 'standard device' which is a hypertext composed of two main parts: top part is a gimlet; the bottom bowl is sã̄gāḍ, 'a portable furnace] sanghāḍo, śagaḍī = lathe (Gujaratisā̃gāḍo, sãgaḍa (lathe/portable furnaceసంగడి sangaḍi The numbered parts are interpreted NOT as a filter but a lathe ligatured to a portable furnace: Hence, the parts 1 to 12 are explained: 1. Top hook (handle); 2. gimlet; 3. wavy lines signify turning lathe; 4. slanted lines signify circular motion of the gimlet; 5. the sharp drill-point of the gimlet; 6. bead or other objects being drilled by lathe-action; 7. smoke emanating from the portable furnace bowl; 8. bottom bow of rhe furnace; 9. Perforations as dotted circles are two signifiers: a. perforated beads; b.strands of fiber or rope. dhāī 'strands or fibers (of rope)' rebus: dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ*CDUA6773); 10.  Small circles signifying globules of burning charcoal; 11. stafff or flagpost; 12. base for the two hieroglyph-structure atop the flagpost. After Figure 38,3 in Mahadevan, The sacred filter standard facing the unicorn,in:Asko Parpola, ed., 1993, South Asian Archaeology, Vol. 2, Helsinki, pp. 435-445 http://45.113.136.87/wp-content/uploads/19-The-Sacred-filter-standard-facing-the-unicorn.-more-evidence.-In-South-Asian-Archaeology-1993..pdf
    Reconstruction of a drill based on analogical comparisons with the drills used nowadays at Nagara, Gujarat, India: Upper pivot in copper is centered with the drill-head and inserted into a coconut shell. Wooden haft is used with a bow-string to churn. The phtanite drill-head is secured in the haft-hole with a thin coiling thread. The tip of the drill's working end shows the characteristic feature of the shallow hemispherical depression: a 'dotted circle'. (After Vidale, M., 1987. Some aspects of lapidary craft at Moenjodaro in the light of the surface record of Moneer South east Area. In M. Jansen and G. Urban (eds.), Interim Reports, Vol. 2, 113-150. Aachen).
    Piperno, Marcello, Micro-drilling at Shahr-i Sokhta; the making and use of the lithic drill-heads, in: Hammond, Norman Ed., South Asian Archaeology, 1973, Pl. 9.2 and 9.3  "granite drill heads used to perforate beads, prepare stone seals... use of the "bow drill" or the "pump drill" which revolved the point of the drill in an alternating rotary motion...the level of technical performance reached in this micro-drilling work was peculiar to a class of highly-specialized craftsmen who must have enjoyed a considerable social and economic position in the life of Shahr-i Sokhta." (p.128) [ca. 2700-2300 BCE.]

    Hypertext pictorial motif on Sarasvati Script Corpora. After Figs. 39.1 and 39.2 in Mahadevan opcit.

    Image result for ancient lathe gimletComponents: top register: lathe with pointed gimlet in churning motion; bottom register: portable furnace/crucible with smoke emanating from the surface Carved ivory standard in the middle [From Richard H. Meadow and Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, Harappa Excavations 1993: the city wall and inscribed materials, in: South Asian Archaeology ; Fig. 40.11, p. 467. Harappa 1990 and 1993: representations of 'standard'; 40.11a: H90-1687/3103-1: faience token; 40.11bH93-2092/5029-1: carved ivory standard fragment (split in half, made on a lathe and was probably cylindrical in shape; note the incisions with a circle motif while a broken spot on the lower portion indicates where the stand shaft would have been (found in the area of the 'Mughal Sarai' located to the south of Mound E across the Old Lahore-Multan Road); 40.11c H93-2051/3808-2:faience token)
    A variant of this hypertext pictorial motif occurs on punch-marked coins:

    Shapes of bowl variants compare with the bottom bowl (portable furnace) of sã̄gāḍ, 'standard device' as variants of Indra-dhavaja on ancient coins, Karur seal and Ujjain glass sealings (After Figurres 39.6 to 39.9 in Mahadevan, opcit.)
    This indra dhvaja ustava , festival of Indra's flagstaff will be undertaken after the sixth lunar month of year, usually after summer in order to appease Indra to cause rains. On full-moon day in Ashvayuja month [October-November] this will be performed and after the ritual the flag / flagstaff will be thrown to ground.
    ध्वज [p= 522,1]  ध्वज्) a banner , flag , standard (ifc. f(आ).RV. &c. Brhat Samhitā calls the dvhaja  Indra-dhvaja sampad,'glory of Indra's flag'(BS 43). MBh 1.57 calls the dhvaja as yaṣṭi (iṣṭapradānam), refers to Indra’s festival as maha (v.23),utsava śakrasya (v.26).

    Nāṭyaśāstra 1.54 to 1.59:

    The Banner festival of Indra and the first production of a play
    1.53-55. On these words, Brahman said, ‘A vey suitble time for the production of a play has come: the Banner Festival of Indra has just begun; make use of the Nāṭyaveda now on this occasion.”

    1.55-58. I then went to that festival in honour of Indra’s victory which took place after the Dānavas and the Asuras (enemies of the gods) were killed. In this festival where jubilant gods assembled in great numbers I performed for their satisfaction the holy Benediction (nāndi) consisting blessings with words in their eightfold aspects (aṣṭānga, lit. of eight limbs). Afterwards I devised an initiation of the situation in which the Daityas were defeated by gods (and), which represented (sometimes) an altercation and tumult and (sometimes) mutual cutting off and piercing (of limbs or bodies).
    1.58-61. Then Brahman as well as other gods were pleased with the performance and gave us all sorts of gifts as a token of joy that filled their mind. First of all the pleased Indra (Sakra) gave his auspicious banner, then Brahman a blacksmith's forge (Kuṭilaka) and Varuṇa a golden pitcher (bhṛngāra), Surya (the sun-god) gave an umbrella, Siva success (siddhi), and Vāyu (the wind-god) a fan. Viṣṇu gave us a lion-seat (simhāsana), Kuvera a crown, and the goddess Sarasvati gave visibility as well as audibility. (NOTE: Does Indra-dhvaja signify  कुटिलिका f. a tool used by a blacksmith Pa1n2. 4-4 , 18 Ka1s3.? Or is it a signifier of a forge?) कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl 'curve' kuṭila 'bent' (CDIAL 3230) Rebus:kuṭila  'bronze' (8 parts copper, 2 parts tin).

    This Indra makha festival occurred on the twelfth day of the bright half of the moon in the month of Bhādra. Dhvaja-maha is a Prakrt form of makha ‘yajña’. 
    मख 1 [p= 772,1] m. a feast , festival , any occasion of joy or festivity RV. S3a1n3khGr2.m. a sacrifice , sacrificial oblation S3Br. &c ( Naigh. iii , 17); m. (prob.) N. of a mythical being (esp. in मखस्य शिरः , " मख's head ") RV. VS. S3Br. (cf. also comp.)l mfn. (prob. connected with √1. मह् or √ मंह्) jocund , cheerful , sprightly , vigorous , active , restless (said of the मरुत्s and other gods) RV. Br.
    (The Nāṭyaśāstra, a treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy and Histrionics ascribed to Bharata Muni, tr. By Manomohan Ghosh, 1950, Royal Asiatic Society, Kolkata.)


    Eran-Vidisha: 300 BC, Copper, 6-arm;ujjaini;indra-dhwaja symbols




    Memories of Ancient Maritime Tin Route linking Hanoi and Haifa. Evidences of Hindu Rāṣṭram, Angkor Wat world's largest Viṣṇu mandiram, of Khmer Empire, metallurgical splendour and reclining Tin-Bronze Viṣṇu of West Mebon, Cambodia

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    Hinduism of Khmer Empire
    According to Coedès Indian merchants were the founders of the states Srivijaya (7th to 13th cent.), Majapahit (1293 to 1500) and Khmer empire (802 to 1431), some assign the founding of the kingdoms to Southeast Asian rulers as founding them while importing Hindu pundits as advisers on rajadharma (ethics of kingship). 
    The extent of Srivijaya Empire in 10th to 11th century CE, according to Chinese source and Srivijayan inscriptions. (Source: Gunawan Kartapranata, based on "Atlas Sejarah Indonesia dan Dunia" (Indonesian and World Historical Atlas) page 32, Drs. Achmad Jamil, Yulia Darmawaty, S.Pd, Sri Wachyuni, S.Pd, Mastara, Jakarta 2004).ima-water-festival-in.html 
    https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-the-royal-asiatic-society/article/div-classtitlehistoire-ancienne-des-etats-hindouises-dandaposextreme-orient-by-coedesg-93-6-pp-iviii-1366-hanoi-1944div/300B5466D0AAF4D536E7FB7FA76614D4
    Les Etats Hindouises D'Indochine et D'Indonesie.: Coedes, G.
    Add caption
    Front Cover

    See: 
    http://tantriklaboratories.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Rigveda_Soma_not_a_herb_not_a_drink_but.pdf Rigveda Soma not a herb, not a drink but a metaphor for archaeometallurgical processes: Evidences from Ancient Far East: Bharhut, Bhuteshwar, Candi Sukuh, Candi Bukit Batu Pahat


    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2014/11/karthika-purnima-water-festival-in.html Karthika Purnima water festival in Cambodia. Karthika Purnima Bail Yatra in Bharatam.







    The magnum opus of George Coedes, French epigraphist is 
    Histoire ancienne des États hindouisés d'Extrême-Orient, Hanoi, Imprimerie d'Extrême-Orient, 1944
    See: https://www.sites.google.com/site/indianoceancommunity1/hindu-kingdoms

    [quote] May, 2014, 

    Process of Indianisation in Khmer Empire and their Impact

    It is noteworthy that the Khmers seemed to have willingly accepted Indianization. One likely explanation of the Khmer’s acceptance of Indianization was that the rulers found Hinduism a useful tool in governance that helps to increase their dominance over local groups as well as improve their contacts with other cultures. According to the Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, “Early Khmer leaders learned to justify their authority by placing it in a universal context of devotion that could fully absorb the religious aspirations and compel the loyalty of their followers.”

    Through cultural diffusion, borrowing and adaptation, Indianisation resulted in the Khmer Empire adopting Indian religious and political traditions and practices. The Khmers juxtaposed prehistoric animistic cultures with those of newly adopted Hinduism, the coexistence of which continues among villagers to this day. The development of a coherent model of political, social, religious integration resulting from political consolidations in Indian attracted the Southeast Asian rulers.


     What Indianisation brought to the Khmer Empire:
    • The rich and complex Hindu religion, its mythology, cosmology and rituals – in particular Shiva and Vishnu
    • The Sanskrit language, the vehicle of Hinduism. The source of many loan words in Khmer. 

    • The Hindu temple complex. A brick and stone architectural tradition, inspired by Gupta prototypes
    • Sculptures and metal works representing gods, kings and Buddha 

    • Political practices associated with the Khmer court and the state

    • Lifestyle and culture to the society

    In A Nutshell: Indianisation in Southeast Asia and its Process

    Historically, 'Indianization' was the term generally used for Indian cultural influence upon Southeast Asia. It refers to the spread of Indian culture to Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia adopted religious iconography, Sanskrit terminology, coinage, terms identifying leaders and the use of scripts (often mixed with local languages) from India.

    Earlier scholars had regarded the process of 'Indianization' as an Indian initiative with large-scale migrants establishing colonies in Southeast Asia. There were a few theories of Indianisation of Southeast Asia. Ultimately, some of these theories were debunked. Examples of such theories are:

            1. The Theory of the Brahmin (priests)
    The Brahmin theory credits the Brahmins with the transmission of Indian culture. The Brahmins are individuals belonging to the Hindu priest, artists, teachers, technicians class. This theory was debunked due to the belief that the Brahmins are very elitist as they are at the top of the Indian caste system, where the society is divided into four major castes (varna): the priestly Brahmins, the Kshatriya warriors, the merchant Vaishyas, and the lowly, labouring Shudras. However, Southeast Asia did not adopt this system.


            2. The Theory of the Kshatriyas
    The Kshatriyas theory presupposes that Indian cultural expansion was due to the seminal influence of the Indian warriors and conquerors, who migrated to Southeast Asia and conquered the land through war. However, insufficient evidence could be provided to support the hypothesis.


           3. The Theory of the Vaisyas
    The vaisya theory postulates that Indian cultural penetration began with traders, who intermarried local women and impressed the indigenous population with their goods and culture. Trade had been the driving force for the traders to move to different places and hence spread the Indian culture around. However, the merchants of low origin and caste would not have the extensive knowledge to pass on extremely complex expertise as well as have the legitimacy to install the rulers of empires in Southeast Asia.

    Rather than being the result of a single factor, most likely the whole process of Indian cultural expansion was the outcome of endeavors of warriors, traders and priests along with the indigenous initiative. Most probably all four groups of people were involved in the process. 


    The Indianisation process was not through colonisation, but rather through cultural diffusion (syncretism), cultural borrowing and adaptation. The arrival of a large number of Indians would have made significant social changes, but the people of Southeast Asia did not adopt the caste system, nor even the dietary habits of the Indians like curry powder or milk products. Politically, none of the supposed Southeast Asia 'colonies' showed any allegiance to India. Economically speaking, the states of Southeast Asia were not colonies as there was no scope of economic exploitation. India also did not enjoy a monopoly in the field of foreign trade.

    Investigations in the past thirty years indicate that 'Indian influences were selectively assimilated into pre-existing, well-developed cultural base'. One of the significant factors in the spread of Indian cultural influence in Southeast Asia is the geographical proximity between the two regions. The Indians were attracted by Southeast Asia’s great wealth and strong trade. In the spread of Indian culture, the sea played an important role. There was intensification of sea-borne commerce in the early centuries of Common Era. Along with traders, missionaries, priests, literati, adventurers and fortune seekers went to Southeast Asia. 

    The Khmer, or Angkor Empire was a Hindu-Buddhist kingdom which dominated the Mekong River Valley and delta for more than 400 years, from 802 to 1432. The empire was founded by King Jayavarman II, and was based in what we now know was Cambodia. Prior to regional establishment, the area was under the influence of Indian culture for a number of centuries.

    Social

    The Arts

    Reamker, Cambodia's national epic, is a poem derived and adapted from the Ramayana, the famous Indian epic. Like the Ramayana, it is a philosophical allegory. It is not only confined to the realm of literature, but also extends to all Cambodian art forms, from sculpture to dance drama, painting and art.
    Picture
    The performing of a battle scene between Rama and Ravana in the Reamker.
    Picture
    Mural depicting a scene from the Reamker in Phnom Penh's Silver Pagoda Reamker

    Stone Sculptures
    Many sculptures were carved. Most of them being sculptures of religious and mythological creatures. The following are Phnom Dasculptures that are carved from single blocks of fine-grained sandstone. They depict both the Buddhist and Hindu divinities, supporting the presence of divine kingship in the Khmer Empire.
    Picture

    Metal Works
    A number of bronze statues have survived, though it is believed that most have been stolen or lost due to war or melted down. Zhou Daguan reported that gold and silver jewellery were common in Khmer society. Bronze objects found by archaeologists include hammocks, fans, parasols and litters. A fragment of the statue was found near the West Baray in Angkor/Yasodharapura, ce.1936 which is believed to be a bronze statue of the Hindu god Vishnu. Through this statue, we know that the Khmer society had knowledge and respect for Vishnu as well as Hinduism, and were greatly influenced by it. 
    Picture

    Wayang Kulit - Shadow Puppetry
    • It is a form of art used by traders and priests who came from India to spread Hinduism
    • The Khmers adopted and preserved the art of shadow puppetry for religious purposes, as well as for education and reaffirmation of cultural beliefs.
    • In Cambodia, shadow puppetry is performed during sacred temple ceremonies and private functions, as well as for the public in the villages
    • This shows that shadow puppetry is part of the Khmers' customs and tradition
    Picture
    Food

    Kari in Cambodia was influenced by the Indian local dish, curry. It was modified through the adding of local ingredients, giving it a distinctive Cambodian flavour.
    Picture
    Khmer Curry
    Language

    Sanskrit 
    • It was an important form of communication and was used by many people in the society. This can be supported by the fact that we get most of our knowledge of the Khmer empire through inscriptions written in Sanskrit.
    • Indianisation is also supported through the spread and usage of the language.

    Khmer - the official Cambodian Language
    • The language was greatly influenced by southern Indian language as it borrowed heavily from the Sanskrit
    • The Khmers assimilated Brahmanism and Hinduism together with Sanskrit and the Pallava script
    • The presence of cultural borrowing and assimilation supports the process of Indianisation

    Picture
    Inscriptions in Sanskrit and ancient Khmer on the doorjambs of Angkor Wat 

    [unquote] 

    1. . (n.d.). . Retrieved April 25, 2014, from http://www.learner.org/courses/worldhistory/support/reading_10_1.pdf
    2. Mishra, P. P. (n.d.). India-Southeast Asia Relations. . Retrieved April 18, 2014, from https://e.edim.co/8407132/india_southeast_asia_relations.pdf?Expires=1398442450&Signature=H5VinxiLz1rcOSfBfAbQyz-U594qRiQDfK5iH~rbrV4LsCquoRO-0ltmkeAVDEgjiKXjlNCF~wgnEDoZboHSzLJ3QJ6KULZOwJ8cAw83Bg~LVoH0fsKE55q5OtO4-j-nZ885QgMRtK6OoNc-MoeUvkC1nrn1EDEr4toD7CypHvE_&Key-Pair-Id=APKAJI74L7OXO7CNJA7Q
    3. Murray, B. (2010, December 22). The Indianization of Ancient Cambodia. Suite. Retrieved April 18, 2014, from https://suite.io/bennett-murray/4pbj2wz
    4. Angkor wat detail history. (n.d.). Angkor wat detail history. Retrieved April 18, 2014, from http://www.kimsoryar.com/DetailleftRight/Details.aspx?id=1
    5. Smith, M. (n.d.). 'Indinisation' from the Indian Point of View: Trade and Cultural Contacts with Southeast Asia in the Early First Millenium. JSTOR. Retrieved April 19, 2014, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3632296
    6. The theory and practice of divine kingship in South-east Asia. (n.d.). . Retrieved April 20, 2014, from http://hub.hku.hk/bitstream/10722/27814/1/FullText.pdf?accept=1
    7. Sovy, M. (n.d.). Traditional Khmer Wedding (n.d.). . Retrieved 21 April , 2013, from http://www.leisurecambodia.com/news/detail.php?id=94
    8. . (n.d.). Wikipedia. Retrieved April 22, 2014, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Early_history_of_Cambodia#Angkor
    9. Greater India: Tracing the Sanskrit Influence in Southeast Asia.. (n.d.). Greater India: Tracing the Sanskrit Influence i.... Retrieved April 22, 2014, from http://indianhistory.quora.com/Greater-India-Tracing-the-Sanskrit-Influence-in-Southeast-Asia
    10. Key Featues of the Khmer Empire. (n.d.). Welcome to Angkor Watt Historical Site Online. Retrieved April 23, 2014, from http://khmerknowledgekeepers.weebly.com/key-featues-of-the-khmer-empire.html
    11. Woźnica, P. (n.d.). Remarks on Sanskrit and Pali Loanwords in Khmer. . Retrieved April 23, 2014, from http://www.staff.amu.edu.pl/~inveling/pdf/Woznica_20.pdf
    12. Devaraja. (2014, May 4). Wikipedia. Retrieved April 24, 2014, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Devaraja
    13. . (n.d.). . Retrieved April 25, 2014, from http://www.oeaw.ac.at/sozant/files/working_papers/suedostasien/soa001.pdf
    14. . (n.d.). . Retrieved April 25, 2014, from http://www.sabrizain.org/malaya/library/indiancolonization.pdf
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D5Yr5ZQ6nvg (1:06:14)

    Churning the Sea of Time - Full Movie | Snagfilms




    Published on Mar 22, 2017


    One of the mythic journeys of our time through the exquisite, complicated, surprising terrain of Vietnam and Cambodia to the great ruins at Angkor - the magnificent Khmer temples being painstakingly restored deep in the Cambodian jungle. It is a high definition odyssey up a river far distanced in time from the corridor into the heart of darkness portrayed in Francis Coppola's "Apocalypse Now." Director Les Guthman travels by boat up the Mekong Delta, along the river whose raw beauty and power were celebrated by Marguerite Duras in the 1920s. But in our time it became known as "the river of evil memory" as it coursed through Southeast Asia in the second half of the 20th Century.

    Remaining east wall and towers, West Mebon, Khmer, a temple of Angkor.

    West Mebon, from the water.

    Location of West Mebon within Cambodia
    In the dry season today, it is reachable by land. In rainy season, the waters of the 7,800-meter-long baray rise and the temple, located on a site higher than the baray's floor, becomes an island.
    Khmer architects typically surrounded temples with moats that represent the Hindu sea of creation. The West Mebon, located amid waters so vast that they can seem like a real sea, takes this religious symbolism to the ultimate level.
    The temple was built to a square design, with sides measuring about 100 meters. Each side had three tower-passages crowned with stone lotus flowers and arrayed about 28 meters apart. In the center of the square was a stone platform linked to the eastern wall by a laterite and sandstone causeway.
    Today the platform, causeway and much of the east wall and towers remain; the other sides are largely gone, though their outlines in stone are visible when the baray's waters are low. There is no central sanctuary to be seen, though the platform may have supported some comparatively small structure in times past.

    The reclining Vishnu


    In 1936, the West Mebon yielded up the largest known bronze sculpture in Khmer art, a fragment of the reclining Hindu god Vishnu. The fragment includes the god's head, upper torso and two right arms.
    A local villager is said to have dreamt that an image of the Buddha was buried in the West Mebon and wished to be freed from the soil. Subsequent digging unearthed the statue of Vishnu.
    The Chinese diplomat Zhou Daguan, who visited Angkor at the end of the 13th Century, wrote that the West Mebon had a large image of Buddha with cascading water. Zhou mistook the Vishnu statue for a Buddha image, and the West Mebon for the East Mebon.
    The statue, which in complete form would have measured about six meters long, entered the collection of the National Museum in Phnom Penh. It has also been shown abroad, including in Washington D.C.

    • Laur, Jean. Angkor: An Illustrated Guide to the Monuments. Flammarion 2002
    • Rooney, Dawn. Angkor. Airphoto International Ltd. 2002
    • Higham, C., 2001, The Civilization of Angkor, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 
    • Higham, C., 2014, Early Mainland Southeast Asia, Bangkok: River Books Co., Ltd.
     Western Mebon (GPS: 13.43353, 103.80123) is a small temple within a man-made island, which itself is within the huge man-made reservoir called West Baray. It was built in the 11th Century. Construction was started by King Suryavarman I (reigned 1001-1050) and completed by King Udayadityavarman II (reigned 1050-1066).

    Western Mebon was built on the orders of King Udayadityavarman II, in the 11th Century, on the man-made island. It comprises a large square pond of some 100 meter square with a sandstone platform in the middle. Today only the east and south gopuras are still standing, along with the walls along the gopuras. A magnificent bronze Vishnu was found on the Western Mebon in 1936 and can now be view at the National Museum in Phnom Penh.

    Today nothing much remains of the Western Mebon temple, except for its east and south gopuras.

    Western Mebon
    Western Mebon

    Digging for where the gods were constructed



    One of the most famous bronze sculptures found at Angkor is the West Mebon Vishnu. Dating to the 11th century, the piece now at Phnom Penh’s National Museum is merely a fragment – albeit a car-sized one – of the top half of a reclining Vishnu.
    Archaeologists estimate the four-armed Hindu deity’s original length at six metres, which makes it comparable to the largest bronzes in the region. Ancient artists would have spent months slaving over it. Yet where Angkorian bronze makers would have spent those months in toil has long puzzled researchers – until now. 
    The discovery of a sprawling bronze workshop found adjacent to the ancient Royal Palace of Angkor has gone a long way in solving the riddle. The significance of the site was first revealed during a dig in 2012, but the first-ever comprehensive report was published late last month in the 100th edition of the Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient (BEFEO), a journal that has reported the major archaeological finds of Angkor since 1901.  
    The workshop was found by chance. Martin Polkinghorne – who co-authored the report – and a team from the APSARA National Authority and École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO) were there excavating what they believed was a stone workshop, a site originally found in 1926 by EFEO conservator Henri Marchal.
    They collected evidence of stone-making, but they found other things too: half-finished bronze sculptures, hefty furnaces, fragments of unused metal and weighty crucibles that could hold up to two litres of molten bronze.
    A large crucible once used to hold molten alloy found at the workshop site. Photo supplied
    A large crucible once used to hold molten alloy found at the workshop site. Photo supplied
    Later, carbon dating would reveal that the workshop was likely in use from the 11th to the 12th century, the pinnacle of Angkorian civilisation under the reign of Jayavarman VII, the famed god-king who oversaw the construction of the Bayon among other edifices.
    “We’ve demonstrated that there is a centralised workshop with very large-scale production,” said Polkinghorne this week over the phone from Adelaide, Australia, where he teaches at Flinders University. “It was a great find. We were really excited.”
    The reason the workshop’s discovery is so important, Polkinghorne said, is that it turns previously held assumptions about Angkorian bronze work on their head.
    The prevailing idea before was that “sculptures were created on the site where they were to be installed or venerated”, he said.
    This workshop near Angkor Thom, which the team estimates could be as long as a kilometre, suggests that the fabrication, or at least a large percentage of it, was centralised and industrial. Angkor’s masterpieces were ordered for takeaway. 
    Bronze statues were highly valued in Angkorian times, Polkinghorne said. Copper and tin, materials used to make bronze, were rare and valuable.
    Often the statues were gilded with gold. Despite the expense, such sculptures were found all over the region, including as far as Sri Lanka.
    Cambodian archaeologists toil at the workshop site where their forefathers also toiled, with bronze, fire and hammers. Photo supplied
    Cambodian archaeologists toil at the workshop site where their forefathers also toiled, with bronze, fire and hammers. Photo supplied
    One 12th century inscription known as the Preah Khan references 20,400 statues of bronze, silver and gold across Angkor, which at its peak stretched into Thailand and Laos.
    The workshop discovery revealed something else that was previously unknown. Its close proximity to Angkor Thom, the seat of royal power at Angkor, tells archaeologists that the artistry was likely overseen by Angkorian elites. 
    “The kings were investing huge resources into these statues,” said Polkinghorne. 
    The statues had a double meaning. They reminded Angkorians of the awesome power of the gods but also of the more immediate authority of the king, he said. 
    “Primarily, sculptures are important because they have power to restore and also communicate legitimacy,” Polkinghorne explained. 
    “Artistic skill is a coveted and almost highly secret skillset that the king is tapping,” he continued. “He’s using that knowledge to legitimise himself.” 
    Alison Carter, an honorary associate at the University of Sydney and a visiting assistant professor at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, called the bronze workshop “a significant find”.
    Carter, whose excavation at Angkor last year focused on the lives of ordinary Angkorians, praised the project for revealing more about the nitty-gritty of the ancient empire, details of which archaeology remains largely in the dark about. 
    Piece of a leaded bronze 15.5cm statue found at the Angkor Thom Royal Palace dating to the late 12th/early 13th century. Photo supplied
    Piece of a leaded bronze 15.5cm statue found at the Angkor Thom Royal Palace dating to the late 12th/early 13th century. Photo supplied
    “These [statues] were made by real people and Martin’s work is helping us understand how these objects were crafted,” she said via email.  
    It was a sentiment echoed by Polkinghorne. “We’ve kind of outlined the bigger picture of Angkor, but now we’re looking at the more minute details, how things were made,” he said.
    To that end, Polkinghorne described the method of bronze-making likely used at the workshop.
    The method, known as lost-wax casting, involved using a wax model of the sculpture that the artist would cover in a clay mould. The wax would then be melted out and filled with a molten alloy for molding. The method was used in China, India and Europe as well, but “there’s no question that the Angkorians mastered it”, Polkinghorne said. 
    Many questions still remain unanswered. The exact boundaries of the workshop are yet to be determined, and there may be more like it. As to the source of the metals that supplied the bronze-making process, archaeologists are not certain about that either.
    There are no significant ore or metal deposits known in present-day Cambodia, according to the BEFEO paper, which speculates that the metals were likely obtained through trade. Further excavations at the site are in the works, Polkinghorne said, but still we might never know all the answers. 
    As a self-doubting Henri Marchal lamented after revisiting the potential workshop site in 1934: “Forever these same old assumptions, for which it is impossible to prove either their truth or falsehood.”
    https://www.phnompenhpost.com/post-weekend/digging-where-gods-were-constructed
    Vishnu Anantashayin. Bronze from the West Mebon, Angkor, Cambodia. Second half of the 11th century
    Vishnu Anantashayin. Bronze from the West Mebon, Angkor, Cambodia. Second half of the 11th century
    Spectrum, Sunday, Sept. 24, 2006
    ART & SOUL
    Vishnu, of the Thousand Names

    In the image of the Great Sustainer in the celebrated Hindu triad is embedded the great mystery, the paradoxical vision of the prime mover of all things, the one who animates all that there is, lying still, writes B. N. Goswamy
    Vishnu Anantashayin. Bronze from the West Mebon, Angkor, Cambodia. Second half of the 11th century
    Vishnu Anantashayin. Bronze from the West Mebon, Angkor, Cambodia. Second half of the 11th century
    ONE knows the mythology, but also the image, well. One also knows the dhyana shlokas, even one of the many long texts, by heart, evoking his presence, his ineffable persona. Shaantakaaram, a verse begins: calm of appearance; bhujagashayanam: reclining upon the coils of the great serpent; padmanaabha: from whose navel the primal lotus issues forth; suresham: lord of all the gods.
    Even though one knows that with these words one has barely begun to describe Vishnu, the Great Sustainer in the celebrated Hindu triad, the image stays in mind. For somehow in it is embedded the great mystery, the paradoxical vision of the prime mover of all things, the one who animates all that there is, lying still: strangely inactive, lost in thought, recumbent upon Shesha, the myriad-hooded serpent, floating upon the shoreless waters of eternity.
    The meaning of it all may not dawn upon one ever, but perhaps every little thing, every little fragment of a ‘vision’ that comes one’s way, helps. When I think of Vishnu Anantashayin—this is how the iconic representation is often referred to—a succession of images and words comes to my mind. Heinrich Zimmer’s wonderful description, for instance, of how, in this very inactive state, there are the seeds of the beginnings of creation.
    For when the urge to create rises, Vishnu will put one hand out to gently move the surface of the still waters, causing a small wave that will lead to an interaction between air and water and thus set the whole chain of creation into motion. Over aeons of time.
    I pull out from the bank of my memory great sculpted images of Anantashayin Vishnu: from Deogarh and Aihole and Kathmandu. A vision of Vishnu lying in this state of grace and serenity that Malavika Sarukkai, the greatly gifted Bharatanatyam dancer, raised on the stage at Chandigarh some years ago, surfaces in my thoughts. And each time this happens, a measure of quietness, and of wonder, descends.
    This sense of quiet and wonder was further enhanced for me recently when I chanced upon an image of Vishnu Anantashayin from Cambodia: from the celebrated Khmer period. I have never travelled to Cambodia; so it is a photographic reproduction of the image that I am speaking of. But even as a photograph the impact that the image makes is stunning.
    It is a bronze image, the largest bronze that was ever cast in the whole of south-east Asia perhaps. Only a fragment of it has survived: fortunately, however, the head, two arms on one of which the slightly raised head rests, and a small, uneven part of the torso. But from the scale of this fragment, it has been estimated that the whole image must have been some 16 feet in length. Now the fragment is part of the collection of the National Museum in Phnom Penh.
    There is a little story attached to the discovery of this image which needs to be told perhaps. The image is believed to have been installed by King Udayadityavarman (1050-1066) in the great 11th century Vishnu temple of West Mebon, the exquisite central shrine of the West Baray, one of the vast water reservoirs of Angkor. But the temple is now in a mouldering state, with very little that was inside it once, now intact. As long ago as 1936, pillaging had started. The Archaeological Department of the Government— the country was under French rule at that time— had placed a ban on things being taken out and sold, but small objects found or dug continued to be offered to European visitors by local villagers.
    In December of that year a villager from the neighbourhood reported to the authorities the discovery of a statue which, he claimed, he was led to by a dream in which Buddha appeared to him asking to be ‘released’ from the place where he was buried. He guided a team of archaeologists, led by Maurice Glaize, to a site where, at the end of the causeway, they found the image buried, face down, in a shaft a meter below the surface.
    The ‘Buddha’ of the villager’s dreams—the country is predominantly of Buddhist persuasion—turned out to be the Vishnu that we speak of here: the ‘West Mebon Vishnu’. The image was in a desperately broken state. The head and the portion of the torso apart, there were other pieces: a potion of the lower back, the right thigh, some parts of two arms.
    All of these are now carefully preserved in the National Museum, and archaeologists, having taken careful measurements and weights of these, are working with digital images of all the fragments in the hope of being able to ‘reconstruct’ the statue. However desirable, that end seems, as yet, to be a long way off, though. The fragments are not easily available for viewing, and there is word that a great deal is still missing.
    Whether or not a complete reconstruction—or a computer-generated image—of the whole will come about, and whether or not one will eventually have to enter ‘the museum of our imaginations’ to view the whole, one does not know. But many people are at it, with some young scholars from the University of Sydney helping out.
    Meanwhile, there is the great head of this masterful work to contemplate and revel in the elegance of. There are the familiar Khmer features that almost define the style: full curved lips, arched eyebrows, curling moustache, fleshy cheeks, broad shoulders. One takes them in but, above all, there is that hint of a smile on the face, now child-like, now cosmic and all-knowing. A calm radiates from the face, even though the mystery of what goes on in that mind remains unfathomable, and therefore un-utterable.

    Even in this fragmented state, the ‘West Mebon Vishnu’, produced by some anonymous artist a thousand years ago, is a deeply affecting work. What is it that Andre Malraux, who had spent some early years of his life in ‘French Indo-China’, say about works such as these? "Each masterpiece purifies the world", he wrote, "and their common lesson is that they exist, and the victory of each artist over his servitude converges in an enormous display, that of art over human destiny".tps://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060924/spectrum/art.htm

    Religion : Hindu
    Style : Baphuon
    King : Udayadityavarman II   (1050 – 1066 )
    Location : West of Angkor Thom. North of Siem Reap Airport. In the middle of West Baray.
    A fragment of the layer Vishnu’s statue, bronze.

    https://sovanntips.wordpress.com/category/khmer-temples/

    ប្រាសាទមេបុណ្យ (WESTERN MEBON TEMPLE in siem reap Province )

    Published on Nov 25, 2016

    Ruins of the central island temple of the West Baray. West Mebon is in poor shape, consisting primarily of a single wall displaying some carvings in fair condition. The carvings exhibit some of the first examples of carvings of animals in natural, non-mythological scenes, reminiscent of carving on Baphuon. West Mebon may have originally housed a renowned bronze Buddha statue which is now held at the National Museum in Phnom Penh. Also see ‘Barays’. The West Baray, though ancient, is filled with water year round and has become a local recreational area. Take route #6 west from town. Turn right about 3 km past the airport turnoff. A short boat ride is necessary to visit the ruins. 西梅奔寺 (West Mebon) 位于吴哥城西门外,距离暹粒市西北约十公里处。西梅奔寺 (West Mebon) 是11世纪中叶真腊国王优陀耶迭多跋摩二世 (Udayadityavarman II) ,所建立献给印度教毗湿奴神的祖先庙。公元 1050 年,苏耶跋摩一世 (Suryavarman I) 逝世,儿子继位成为优陀耶迭多跋摩二世 (Udayadityavarman II),优陀耶迭多跋摩二世建造巴普昂寺(Bapuon)以及西梅奔寺(West Mebon)。在他的统治期间,发生好几次大规模的国内叛乱,还好都被他的大将 Sangrama 所剿灭平定。 公元 1066 年,优陀耶迭多跋摩二世 (Udayadityavarman II) 其弟曷利沙跋摩三世 (Harshavarman III) 继承王位,但是受到内乱及与 Chams 族的战争影响,王权便落入来自 Khorat 高原 (位于现在的泰国境内) 的王族。   优陀耶迭多跋摩二世(Udayadityavarman II)建造的另外一个有名的建筑物是 The Sdok Kak Thom temple,位于现今的泰国境内的 Aranyaprathet 镇,但是 The Sdok Kak Thom temple 最有名的发现,是一份详细列明优陀耶迭多跋摩二世 (Udayadityavarman II) 之前所有高棉国王排序的碑文,让现代的考古学家得以进一步了解先前高棉吴哥王朝的历史。现在的一部分碑文,收集于曼谷的国家博物馆保存。   西梅奔寺 (West Mebon) 位于西大人工湖 (West baray) 的中央小岛上,寺中曾供奉着一尊表现毗湿奴在宇宙之水中休憩的铜像,现铜像移置于金边的国家博物馆中。西大人工湖 (West baray) 长八公里,宽 2.3 公里,为吴哥最重要的水利工程之一,也是世界上现存最大的人工水池。日落前到了西池南堤,那里有个码头,这里来得人不多,来这里游玩的多数是当地人,他们在沙滩上嬉戏,算是当地人的休闲场地吧。到西梅奔是要坐船过去的 (USD $15),不论东美蓬或是西梅奔,以前都是一个大水库中间的建筑物,只是东美蓬周围的水已经干涸了,而西梅奔寺仍在水中央的岛上,但西梅奔寺的可看性很小,因为只剩下一段墙。   在公元九至十二世纪,吴哥大兴水利,建成了以东池,西池,北池,罗来池,皇家浴池和吴哥寺护城河,建构数千小水池和管道相连通的宏大水利系统。根据当地一年旱雨两季分明的气候条件,合理调度,先将河水汇集,再分流到农田中进行灌溉,同时兼顾城市和神庙的用水,排水,防御,交通等各个方面的需要。有了这样完善的灌溉系统, 千年前的吴哥就实现了水稻一年两熟,甚至三熟的先进农业技术。这些水利工程,其实完全可与吴哥的建筑以及浮雕艺术并驾齐驱。然而随着国力衰弱,水利设施失修,最终导致洪水泛滥,给吴哥文明造成了毁灭性的打击。






    Photo by Michael Freeman


    Reclining Vishnu
    12313.02 Reclining Vishnu The remains of the giant bronze statue of Vishnu reclining, from Angkor, Cambodia. Discovered in 1936, it was originally installed in the temple of West Mebon, on an island in the middle of the large artifical lake known as the West Baray. It dates to the middle of the 11th century, during the reign of Udayadityavarman II, and is now in the National Museum, Phnom Penh.
    Author: Michael Freeman

    Reconstructing the West Mebon Vishnu: A Marriage of Traditional Artefactual Analysis with Digital 3D Visualization Authors:
  • Marnie Feneley

  • Tom Chandler

  • Nils Gleissenberger

  • Ben Alexander


  •  

  • Abstract

    The West Mebon Vishnu is one of the most magnificent works of sculpture in South East Asian art history, and a key example of the tradition of large bronzes that plays an important role in the history of the region. Unfortunately, this once powerful and serene sculpture survives only in 19 major fragments that together constitute perhaps 40% of the original statue. Reconstruction of the Vishnu from these fragments is a formidable task that we have approached by combining detailed analysis of the surviving fragments with digitally modeled 3D reconstruction, informed by comparative studies of Vishniavite iconography and the aesthetic and religions traditions of Khmer culture. Beyond its aesthetic value, the reconstruction process may provide insights into the many unknowns surrounding the creation and destruction of this masterpiece.

    West Baray By
     -



    West Baray during dry season

    West Baray during dry season
    The largest artificial reservoir (8 x 2.2km) in the Angkor Park, called the West Baray is located near Angkor Thom city. In ancient times, the Baray was supplied by fresh water that came from two main sources: The Siem Reap and Puok Rivers. The reservoir was probably built by the great king, Suryavarman I, during whose reign the whole Angkor Empire was greatly expanded. This construction was finished in the second half of the 11th century by king Udayadityavarman II, who built, in the centre of the West Baray, a small temple called West Mebon on an island where the bronze statue of the ‘Reclining Vishnu’ was found. This sculpture is now exhibited at the National Museum of Cambodia in Phnom Penh. According to some researchers, the West Baray was built because the East Baray could not be relied upon for water storage.
    According to an excavation in the 1960s, there must have been a prehistoric site near the Ak Yum temple. The west part of Baray was constructed on the north part of an old city surrounded by a moat called ‘Banteay Chheu’, a name given after a village to the south of this city. The city must have survived through many reigns as many temples were built there.

    Nearby Temples

    Following is the description of some temples to the northwest of the West Baray.
    Phnom Rung is about 1.8km from the northern dike of the West Baray. This temple was a square sanctuary of brick on a high mound, open to the east with false doors on the remaining sides. Afthough this temple is ruined, some pieces of brick and sandstones remain as proof of it’s construction and structure in the Pre-Angkorian period.
    Kuk Po, located approximately 2.5km from Prasat Phnom Rung, was built in the 8th century to dedicate to Brahmanism. In the 9th century, the King Jayavarman III had conducted some restaurations and made a bilingual inscription in Sanskrit and Khmer, narrating his donation to the god of the temple. The temple was continuously used for worship as many statues from different periods have been found at the site.
    Spean Thma ‘Stone Bridge’ or Spean Memay ‘Widows’ Bridge’ is located close to the northwest corner of the West Baray along the ancient road to Sdok Kok Thom temple. It is built of laterite and measures 79m in length and 9m wide, with 21 arches.
    During your discovery of Khmer architectural and historic values at the temples, you may also enjoy the admirable village landscape, rice fields and vegetable gardens along the road to the temples.

    The fragments of a monumental bronze viShNu from the artificial Khmer island of West Baray. The image when intact was around 6 meters in size. It was cast in sections which were then riveted&mercury amalgamation was used to give a gold coat and studded with gems. It was placed on the artificial island to give the impression of viShNu on the kShirasAgara. The initial creation of the island was started by queen jayadevI ~710 CE and it final form was achieved by udayAdityavarman in the 1000s when the viShNu was likely installed.
    "Srahs and barays were reservoirs, generally created by excavation and embankment, respectively. It is not clear whether the significance of these reservoirs was religious, agricultural, or a combination of the two. The two largest reservoirs at Angkor were the West Baray and the East Baray located on either side of Angkor Thom. The East Baray is now dry. The West Mebon is an 11th-century temple standing at the center of the West Baray and the East Mebon is a 10th-century temple standing at the center of the East Baray.The baray associated with Preah Khan is the Jayataka, in the middle of which stands the 12th-century temple of Neak Pean. Scholars have speculated that the Jayataka represents the Himalayan lake of Anavatapta, known for its miraculous healing powers."

    Dravidian ideology once again demolishesd -- Kumar Chellappan

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    Monday, 24 December 2018

    The theory of a separate Dravidian ideology as claimed by the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu has been demolished again, this time by the findings of late BGL Swamy, a scholar from Karnataka.
    Swamy who was a former professor and principal of Presidency College in Chennai (1953- 1978) has found that Robert Caldwell, founder of Dravidian ideology, had said that Tamil literature originated only in the 10CE while the Dravidians claim that it dated back to 1800 BCE.
    The edifice of Dravidian identity and related politics has been built on an ideology introduced by Caldwell, an Irish evangelist who came to India in 1838 to spread the Word of Gospel and made Tamil Nadu his home till he died in 1891. Caldwell has been accorded the status of the Father of Dravidian ideology by diehard Dravidians.
    "A Comparative Grammar of Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages" authored by Caldwell is considered as a seminal volume on the identity of the South Indian languages. He claimed in his work that the South Indian languages of Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu, Kannada, Tulu and the Brahui language spoken in Pakistan and Afghanistan belonged to the distinct Dravidian family and had no relation with Sanskrit or Hindi spoken in North India.
    The notes  chronicled by Swamy, which were examined and translated into English by author Sandeep Balakrishna based in Karanataka  proves that the original work of Caldwell has been tampered by Madras University.
    “Caldwell’s book was first published in 1856. Its second edition saw light in 1857. It contained an elaborate preface (154 pages) in a book totalling  608 pages. In 1936, the Madras University published an abridged version of this book in which the preface was chopped off in several places. The Dravidianists are smart. If someone shows them evidence that goes against their current train of opinion, they ensure that such evidence vanishes completely. They have ensured that the first and second editions of Caldwell’s book have similarly vanished in order to protect the current and future generations of innocent Tamils from being corrupted,” reads the noting made by Swamy.
    Caldwell says in his book that ‘beginning of Tamil literature is not earlier than 10CE .  M S Purnalingam Pillai, a Dravidian ideological scholar, dates the  Third Sangam literature to a period between 1750 BCE and 100 CE while M. Srinivasa Aiyangar places it between 5th Century BCE and 6th Century CE. Still others date it variously from the 2nd Century BCE and the 1st Century CE’, says Swamy’s notes.
    The deleted pages from the preface of the book authored by Caldwell holds the key to the whole Dravidian theory, according to Swamy.  He wrote to British Museum Library where the original editions of Caldwell’s books are kept, photocopied the original pages and distributed the same among hardcore Dravidians of Presidency  College and Madras University.
    ‘Their response: “You’re very tough! You have managed to fool even the officials of the Museum!” ,’Swamy wrote in his memoirs. Swamy had authored an academic paper  “The Art of Making Things Disappear” based on his studies.
    This is not the first time Caldwell’s efforts to divide India on the Aryan and Dravidian lines are being exposed. Rajiv Malhotra and Aravindan Neelakandan, in their work “Breaking India” has quoted what Timothy Brook and Andre Schmid mentioned about Caldwell in their work “Asian Elites and National Identities”.
    https://www.dailypioneer.com/2018/india/dravidian-ideology-once-again-demolishesd.html

    CFP: Multilateral Dynamics between the Middle East and Asia (Haifa, December 2019) -- Rotem Kowner

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    by Rotem Kowner

    The Asian Sphere: Trans-Cultural Flows
    An Inter-University Graduate Program
    The University of Haifa and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem
    Call for Papers for an International Conference:

    Multilateral Dynamics between the Middle East and Asia
    CURRENT AND HISTORICAL PERSEPCTIVES

    We are delighted to announce that the fifth annual conference of the Asian Sphere Program will take place on Monday-Wednesday, 16-18 December 2019, at the University of Haifa, Israel.
                           
    The Asian Sphere Program takes a fresh look at the continent of Asia as a concept and as a reality. It aims at exploring and analyzing the numerous interconnections that have tied its people, cities, and nations. Our fifth conference is devoted to the complex relations between West Asia, also known as the Middle East, and other parts of the continent in the past and present. We are interested in particular in the political, military, economic and culturalaspects of the relations, their determinants, undercurrents, and trajectories, as well as in other external players in the region.

    We invite paper proposals in one of the following thematic domains:
    1. Prehistorical and historical multilateral connections (including unilateral migrations) between the Middle East and Asia (East, South, Central).
    2. New perspectives on historical involvements, competition and rivalry of Asian powers in the Middle East.
    3. Globalization, the Middle East and Asia.
    4. World powers' involvement in Asia-Middle East interaction.
    5. The role of the Middle East in Asian powers' relations with other world/regional powers.
    6. Asian countries' interaction with non-Mideast players in the context of the Middle East.
    7. Involvement of Mideast players in Asian affairs.
    8. Israel’s current involvement in Asian dynamics.
    9. Asian countries' interaction with Israel.
    10. The involvement of non-Asian players in Israel's relations with Asian powers.

    Proposals for papers, as well as further enquiries, should be sent by email to the conference secretariat (TheAsianSphere@gmail.com). Single-page proposals should include the following four items:
    1.   Title of the presentation.
    2.   Abstract (150-200 words).
    3.   Bio-note (150-200 words) with details about current affiliation and rank, educational background, and major relevant publications.
    4.   An explicit statement to which of the above domains the proposal relates.
    The deadline for submitting proposals is 20 February 2019.
    Accepted proposals will be notified by 20 March 2019.
    Full papers (5,000-7,000 words, excluding bibliography) are an essential requirement of participation. The papers should be submitted to the Conference's secretariat by 15 November 2019. We plan to publish an edited volume based on the conference papers.

    The organizers will cover three-night stay in Haifa and will be able to assist in defraying the transportation cost from Europe and Western Asia/Middle East (up to US$600) and beyond these regions (up to US$1,000) for scholars whose proposals will be accepted.
    The conference will be conducted in English. It is open to the public and participation is free of charge. We would be grateful if you could distribute this call for papers among your colleagues. Please save the dates!

    Conference steering committee:
    Dr. Nimrod Baranovitch <nbaranov@research.haifa.ac.il>
    Prof. Michal Biran <biranm@mail.huji.ac.il>
    Dr. Yoram Evron <yevron@research.haifa.ac.il>
    Prof. Rotem Kowner <kowner@research.haifa.ac.il>
    Prof. Gideon Shelach <gideon.shelach@mail.huji.ac.il>
    Prof. Itzchak Weismann <weismann@research.haifa.ac.il>

    Conference's secretariat <TheAsianSphere@gmail.com>


    Itihāsa. Hindu 17th century temple and Gurdawa of Agni, to ज्वाला जी, symbol of कर्ता 'Creator' in Baku, Azerbaijan -- Sir Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

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    The amazing story & pictures of the ancient Hindu temple in Baku, which Czar Alexander III visited. Temple to ज्वाला जी. J.J. Modi: "I became convinced that this place has nothing to do with Parsees. It is not a Parsee Atash Kadeh but a Hindu Temple."
    The Fire Temple is situated on the Caspian Sea in the Trans-Caucasus Province of Russia, at Surukhaneh, a few miles from Baku.

    Qala-e Duxtar altar cited by J.J. Modi is comparable to caṣāla atop aṣṭāśri Yupa, an octagonal pillar of fire and light (Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa) of the type discovered together with an Indus Script seal (wealth-accounting ledger of metalwork) in Binjor (Anupgarh) on Sarasvati River basin.

     


    "ज्वाला) means flame in Sanskrit (c.f. Indo-European cognates: proto-Indo-European guelhEnglishglow
    Lithuanianzvilti)" ( J. P. Mallory; Douglas Q. Adams (1997), Encyclopedia of Indo-European culture, Taylor & Francis, ... guelhx - 'burn, glow; charcoal'. ... Lith zvilti 'gleam', Latv zvilnet 'flame, glow', OInd jvalati 'burns', jvala 'flame, coal').
    Some scholars have speculated that the Ateshgah may have been an ancient Zoroastrian shrine that was decimated by invading Islamic armies during the Muslim conquest of Persia and its neighboring regions.[19] It has also been asserted that, "according to historical sources, before the construction of the Indian Temple of Fire (Atashgah) in Surakhani at the end of the 17th century, the local people also worshipped at this site because of the 'seven holes with burning flame'."
    Fire is considered sacred in the Indo-Iranian branches of Sikhism, Hinduism, and Zoroastrianism (as Agni and Atarrespectively),(Maneck Fardunji Kanga; Nārāyanaśarmā Sonaṭakke (1978), Avestā: Vendidād and fragments, Vaidika Samśodhana Maṇḍala, ... For a very long time, the two groups ( ancestors of Hindus and Parsis ) were in close co-operation ... showing tenets and rites that were the same and also the later dissentions ... Yasna, rite = Yajna ... Atar = Agni, ever present at all rituals ...)
    []quote]The Baku Ateshgah (from Persian: آتشگاه ‎, Atashgāh, Azerbaijani: Atəşgah), often called the "Fire Temple of Baku" is a castle-like religious temple in Surakhani town (in Suraxanı raion), a suburb in Baku, Azerbaijan.

    Indian Inscriptions on the Fire Temple at Bāku (1908) https://archive.org/details/jstor-592636/page/n1
    Illustration from Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary (1890—1907)
    Flame.
    Drawing of the temple from the book "Journey in Dagestan and the Caucasus"

    Agni
    The Ateshgah at Surakhani, Baku
    Atəşgah (in Azerbaijani)
    Based on Persian and Indian inscriptions, the temple was used as a HinduSikh, and Zoroastrian place of worship. "Atash" (آتش) is the Persian word for fire. The pentagonal complex, which has a courtyard surrounded by cells for monks and a tetrapillar-altar in the middle, was built during the 17th and 18th centuries. It was abandoned in the late 19th century, probably due to the dwindling of the Indian population in the area. The natural eternal flame went out in 1969, after nearly a century of exploitation of petroleum and gas in the area, but is now lit by gas piped from the nearby city.
    The Baku Ateshgah was a pilgrimage and philosophical centre of Zoroastrians from Northwestern Indian Subcontinent, who were involved in trade with the Caspian area via the famous "Grand Trunk Road". The four holy elements of their belief were: ateshi (fire), badi (air), abi (water), and heki (earth). The temple ceased to be a place of worship after 1883 with the installation of petroleum plants (industry) at Surakhany. The complex was turned into a museum in 1975...
    The Persian toponym Atashgah (with Russian/Azerbaijani pronunciation: Atashgyakh/Ateshgah) literally means "home of fire." The Persian-origin term atesh (آتش) means fire, and is a loanword in Azerbaijani; it is etymologically related to the Vedic अथर्वन् atharvan. Gah (گاہ) derives from Middle Persian and means "throne" or "bed" and it is identical with Sanskrit "griha"गृह for house, which in popular usage becomes "gah". The name refers to the fact that the site is situated atop a now-exhausted natural gas field, which once caused natural fires to spontaneously burn there as the gas emerged from seven natural surface vents...
    Surakhani, the name of the town where the Ateshgah is located, likely means "a region of holes" (سراخ/suraakh is Persian for hole), but might perhaps be a reference to the fire glow as well (سرخ/sorkh/surkh is Persian for red). A historic alternative name for Azerbaijan as a whole has been Odlar Yurdu, Azeri for land of fires.[7] The etymology in Sanskrit for Surakhani is "mine of the gods" from "sura" which stands for the "gods", who stand in opposition to the asuras, the demons.
    “Surakhany” in Tati (language of Surakhany, close to Persian) means “hole with the fountain”.
    ...
    Armenian historian Ghevond (8th century), describing the invasion of the Khazars in the Caucasian Albania in 730 AD, mentioned area “Atshi-Baguan”. Sarah Ashurbeyli notes that the “Atsh” is distorted “Atesh” (“fire”) and “Atshi-Baguan” means “Fires of Baguan” referring to Baku. Word “Baguan” comes from the word “Baga” which means “God” in Old Persian, and "Bhaga", भग, also means God in Sanskrit.
    "Seven holes with eternal fires" were mentioned by German traveler Engelbert Kaempfer who visited Surakhani in 1683.
    ...
    Avraham Firkowicz, a Karaite collector of ancient manuscripts, wrote about his meeting in Darband in 1840 with a fire-worshipper from Baku. Firkowicz asked him “Why do you worship fire?” The fire-worshipper replied that he worshipped not fire, but the Creator symbolised by fire - a “matter” or abstraction (and hence not a person) called Q’rţ’ . Pahlavi Q’rţ’ (from Avestan kirdar or Sanskrit "kṛt" and "कर्ता") signifies “one who does” or “creator”.
    According to the famed Parsi Dastur J.J.Modi, who investigated the shrine: ""I became convinced that this place has nothing to do with Parsees. It is not a Parsee Atash Kadeh but a Hindu Temple."
    ...
    n the late Middle Ages, there were significant Indian communities throughout Central Asia.[28][29] In Baku, Indian merchants from the Multan region of Punjab controlled much of the commercial economy, along with the Armenians.[30] Much of the woodwork for ships on the Caspian was also done by Indian craftsmen.[26] Some commentators have theorized that Baku's Indian community may have been responsible for the construction or renovation of the Ateshgah.
    ...
    Atashgah inscriptions
    An inscription from the Baku Atashgah. The first line begins: I salute Lord Ganesha (श्री गणेसाय नम) venerating Hindu god Ganesha, the second venerates the holy fire (जवालाजी, Jwala Ji) and dates the inscription to Samvat 1802 (संवत १८०२, or 1745-46 CE). The Persian quatrain below is the sole Persian inscription on the temple[8] and, though ungrammatical,[8] also refers to the fire (آتش) and dates it to 1158 (١١٥٨) Hijri, which is also 1745 CE.
    An inscribed invocation to Lord Shiva in Sanskrit at the Ateshgah.
    An inscribed invocation to the Adi Granth in Punjabi at the Ateshgah.
    [unquote]


    My Travels Outside Bombay
    Iran, Azerbaijan, Baku
    By
    Ervad Shams-Ul-Ulama Dr. Sir Jivanji Jamshedji Modi
    B. A., Ph. D. C. I. E.
    (1854-1933)

    Translated by Soli Dastur, copyright © 2004. Used with permission.
    Photographs by Sarosh Manekshaw copyright © 1993, 1995. Used with permission.
    Additional photographs of the Qala-e Duxtar by Mr. Farroukh Isfandzadeh, copyright © 2004. Used with permission.

    Introduction by Soli Dastur

    This book written in Gujarati by Dr. Modi was published in 1926 describing his extensive travels from Mumbai to Aden to Africa, Europe, Russia, Iran, Iraq, Karachi, and back to Bombay in 1925. His major objective was to travel to all these places in search of clues about Zoroastrian civilization which was spread in many dynasties from Europe to China and all the way south to India, ending with the Sassanian Dynasty’s glorious empire destroyed by Arabs in 7th century.

    The main reason I am interested in translating pieces of this book is how he connects our religious texts, prayers, etc. with the cities, historical places, etc. he visits. I am not a scholar of any language, let alone Gujarati; however, I have endeavored to translate these pieces with the best of my knowledge and efforts with a hope that others less fortunate not to know Gujarati will benefit from it.

    I want to first acknowledge the help of my good friend Jamshid Zartoshty, Minsk, Belarus, who was the first person who pointed out to me this book and some interesting facts about the Atash-Kadeh of Baku, Azerbaijan, described by Sir Modi in this book. He wanted to have pages 266-276 to be scanned from the book and sent to him for one of his friends. I took up his request and ask for help of my nephews, Zarir Darbari and Cyrus Dastoor, to find out if we can get hold of this book, and if so, can Zarir scan the above pages from it and send it to me so I can forward them to Jamshid. As always, Zarir persisted in following up on this request, consulted the newly ordained Dastoorji Peshotan Mirza, son of the famous late Dr. Hormazdyar Mirza, who approached Dastoorji Kaikhushroo Jamasp Asa, who in turn obtained a copy of the book from a library and loaned it to Zarir. Zarir then scanned the pages and send them to me which I forwarded to Jamshid.

    However, this whole episode sparked my interest in the entire book and was amazed at the vastness of the travels of Sir Modi described in this book. He visited Aden, North Africa, France, UK, Germany, Hungary, Russia (U.S.S.R. at that time), Azerbaijan, Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Karachi. Everywhere he went, he visited historical places and discussed religious and historical subjects with the local scholars, gave lectures in English, French, Persian, and connected a number of places with our Zoroastrian prayers, history, customs, etc.

    The subject matter of Jamshid’s request is his description of his visit to Baku in Azerbaijan on the Caspian seashore where an ancient Atash-Kadeh was alleged to be existing. Hence, here is the English translation of this chapter from Sir Modi’s book, pages 266-276.
    Soli Dastur, June 18, 2004.

    The following additional information was supplied by Mr. Farroukh Jorat of the Russian Zarathushtrian web-site, along with photos of the "Qala-e Duxtar" and "Atashgah".
    Dear sirs!

    First of all I would like to thank mister Ramiyar Parviz Karanjia, who informed me about the memoirs of Dr. J. J. Modi; Dastoorji Peshotan Mirza and Dastoorji Kaikhushroo Jamasp Asa, who obtained a copy of the book from a library; Mr. Zarir Darbari, who scanned the pages from this book; Mr. Soli Dastur, who translated it from Gujarati in English and my friend Jamshid Zartoshti, who send me the translation of this book.

    In this book Dr. J. J. Modi mistakenly wrote, that Fire Temple, which is known as Atashgah (in a settlement Suraxane near Baku) was Hindu Fire Temple of Jwalaajee (I have made photos of this Temple, and you can look at them here.

    Earliest mention of the Zoroastrian worship of fire in Suraxane belongs to the Sassanid era. Armenian chroniclers in the description of Bhagavan (Baku) in the Paytakaran province on the Caspian coast mentioned "Seven sacred fire holes" and establishment of fire temples by Shah Ardashir I (227-241).

    In 1683 a German traveler Kaempfer has visited Baku. He noted that there are seven fire holes in Suraxane, revered by descendants of the ancient Persians who migrated to India.

    Later Atashgah was restored by Hindu people for their purposes, but along with them in the temple were present Zoroastrians too. Also you can see that the central altar is built in the Iranian style 'chahar taq' (4 arches inverted to North, South, East, and West).

    Above the entrances of some of the cells are placed stone tablets with a brief dedicatory inscriptions: 14 Hindu, two Sikh and one Persian (Zoroastrian) inscription. You can read about it here.

    The other temple of fire described by Dr. Modi is today referred to as the Maiden tower ("Qala-e Duxtar"). I send its photo. You can read about it here.

    In his book Dr. Modi requested to inform him of any archeological studies which shed some light on Zoroastrian culture. And only 31 years later after Dr. Modi's death near the "Qala-e Duxtar" archaeologists found one more altar of fire worship with stone cup, where the petroleum was filled in. I also have article about it and I'll try to translate it.
    With best regards,
    Farroukh Jorat,
    Baku, Azerbaijan




    Iran, Azerbaijan, Baku, Hotel - Europe, September 28th, 1925.
    Baku - Vourukash (Caspian) Sea
    Known Atash-Kadeh of Baku - a possible Atash-Kadeh.

    “Hamajor zareh varkash” Afrin e Haft Ameshaspand

    Meaning: Hamazor with Vourukash Sea!

    From Tiflis to Baku - Homage to Vourukash Sea in this journey.

    With the grace of God (Khudaa Taalaa), on 24th September 1925, I stepped on the holy land of Azerbaijan in Iran for the first time. I thank Ahura Mazda (Daadaar) for making it possible for me to visit this country. I left Tiflis city after midnight of 23rd September and after about a journey of 16 hours, I arrived at Baku at 5 P. M. next day, 24th September. About two to three hours before arriving in Baku, I first saw the vast seashore of the Vourukash Sea (Caspian Sea). In all my lifelong prayers of Afringan, I have made Hamazor many a time with this sea, reciting the above sentence. Now, I am seeing this sea by my own eyes. To celebrate this momentous occasion, I did my Kusti and daily morning (Haavan Gaah) prayers and recited Avan Ardvisur Nyayesh and paid homage to this sea with many thanks to Ahura Mazda (Khudaa Taalaa).
    From Moscow, I spent 2 nights in the train, one night in Vladivostok city on an uncomfortable sofa in its Agricultural Institute, since there was no place in the local hotel, and a very short 4th night in Tiblis since I had to make arrangements for my visit to Baku late into the night. That night, I went to bed at 1 A. M. and had a few hours of sleep. I spent the fifth night in train again. Thus, I was exhausted when we arrived finally in Baku on the afternoon of the fifth day, took early dinner and went to bed at 8 P. M. so as to be ready next day at 7 A. M. to visit the Atash-Kadeh of Baku.

    In Baku, Russian and Turkish were the only languages spoken by the people. Rarely, someone speaks Farsi. For this visit in Baku, I had approached the Iranian Consul of Tiflis and requested him to wire someone in Baku so as to have someone receive me there when I arrive. He had done so and I was indebted to him for this help. Because of this request, a Baku Consulate person was there to receive me at the station and took me to this hotel. The Iranian Charge des affairs in London have given me a very complimentary endorsement letter which resulted in these arrangements for me in Baku.

    Invitation of Azerbaijan Exploration Society

    The same gentleman agreed to pick me up next morning to take me for a visit of the well-known Baku’s Atash Kadeh. But he never showed up. After waiting for him a long time, I requested the hotel management to find me a guide. One of the hotel guests who knew some French kept telling me: “He will come. He will come.” Well, I waited the whole morning, the day’s cooler time, for the gentleman. As I was wondering what to do now, just then a young man, who could speak a little English, came from outside and asked: “Are you Dr. Modi?” After hearing in the affirmative from me, he informed me with the great happiness: “I am representing the local Azerbaijan Exploration Society. Our Society heard about you arriving from Tiflis and so we wired the President there to invite you here on our behalf and send you here to us. We received the answer that you have already left Tiflis. We did not know which train you will be catching from Tiflis. Hence, I have been searching for you in a few local hotels and finally I came to this hotel.” With the grace of Ahura Mazda, my worries were unexpectedly over and I now had a noble guide who took me under his wings as an honored guest of the Society. Immediately, he called three four important members of the Society and within a short time escorted me to the office of the Society. There, we had a discussion with these members about the Parsees and about the local alleged Atash Kadeh. They were also very interested in the History of the Hun people. Recently, they came in contact with a Hun group. Afterwards, one of the members accompanied me to my hotel room. There he saw my book: Asiatic PapersPart III and examined it for a while and opened the book on the subject: The History of the Hun People and placed his hand on that page and said: “This subject is very important to us.” I promised him that I will send a copy of the book to him after I returned to Bombay.

    Now in the office of the Society, we decided that I should first visit Baku’s Atash Kadeh and then at about 8 P. M. I should give a lecture to the Society members whoever can attend. Two specific subjects were decided for my lecture. One about the Parsees and the other about the Ancient History of the Hun people. After that, these noble people escorted me in two cars to visit Baku’s Atash Kadeh.

    Surkhani

    The Atash Kadeh was in a place called Surkhani on the road from Baku about 30 to 45 minutes by car. Traveling from Tiflis to Baku, one will pass miles and miles of barren country. Except for a few small one to two feet tall shrubs, grazed by feeble looking animals, there was no sign of any tree. Similar to an oasis within a desolate desert, the skyline of this Surkhani seemed to have hundreds of tall cypress trees; however, as we approached closer to it, they were not the trees but tall wooden structures of the petroleum wells, many of them from 50 to 75 feet tall. They call this place “Surkhani”. The origin of this word may have come from “SHO-E-LE-KHANEH” meaning the house (“KHANEH”) of the fire balls (“SHO-E-LE”). Among the ocean of these petroleum wells is situated this alleged Atash Kadeh. Not just me but any Parsee who is a little familiar with our Hindu brethren’s religion, their temples and their customs, after examining this building with its inscriptions, architecture, etc., would conclude that this is not a Parsee Atash Kadeh but is a Hindu Temple, whose Brahmins (priests) used to worship fire (Sanskrit: Agni).

    In 1995, oilfields still surround the Baku temple

    Main entrance to the Baku temple

    About hundred to two hundred years ago, our Hindustan (India) used to have a very good trade with the Central Asian cities like Samarkand, Bokhara, etc. Also, many Hindu traders from Hindustan used to visit Baku for trade. North Indian Hindu traders from Sindh and Multan (now in Pakistan) used to take part in this trade and used to visit Baku. This temple was erected to satisfy their religious needs. Our Hindu brethren also consider Fire (“Agni”) as a God. The natural gases emit from earth at this place, which will ignite into a continuous fire ball by any sparks. Hence here at the mouth of fire naturally originating from earth, they established a Hindu Temple for fire worship. After a few years, the original trade routes and customs changed and the visits of the Hindu traders diminished. And from the original group of the Brahmins, some passed away and a few that were left went back to their original home land. At this place, they showed me a long room and informed me that some 40 years ago, the Russian Czar, Alexander III, visited this place with a desire to witness the Hindu Brahmin Fire ritual. So the local officials gathered a few Brahmins still living here and they performed the fire ritual in this room in front of the Czar.

    So-called Atashgyakh

    Tableaux 1: A depiction of a Hindu ceremony

    Tableaux 2

    Tableaux 3

    I spent two hours inspecting this place. I asked for a tall ladder and with trepidation I climbed to the top of the building and examined the foundation stone which was inscribed in the Nagrik [or Nagari] script (the Sanskrit language; the most common Hindu characters of writing). I also examined the small living rooms (cells), adjacent to the main square of this building, which resembled the Indian Buddhist monasteries cells for their monks. I also examined the place where they used to cremate bodies of the dead Hindus. And from all these examinations, in addition to what I believed from my various research before visiting this place, I became convinced that this place has nothing to do with Parsees. It is not a Parsee Atash Kadeh but a Hindu Temple.

    This building is about 15 to 18 feet square. In the center is a pit about 2 to 3 feet deep and about 4 feet square, similar to the pit our Hindu brethren would dig for their “Haoma” (or Soma) ritual. Due to the natural gas emitting from this pit, the fire could have been lighted. Above is a dome; however, it is not round (circular) as in a Parsee Atash Kadeh. But, in the center of the dome, there is a big opening from which natural sunlight will shine in the pit. In a Parsee Atash Kadeh, stringent care is taken to ensure that no natural sunlight shines directly on the holy fire in the sanctum sanctorum. On the four sides of this building, port holes have been provided for the smoke to escape.

    At the entrance of the building, there is a foundation stone with inscription in Nagrik script, which in the beginning invokes the Hindu God, Shree Ganesha. The building is referred to in the inscription as “JWAALAAJEE” (meaning volcanic), that means some burning substance building. And the installation date is mentioned as the Hindu Vikramaajeet calendar year 1866 (equivalent to 1810 A. D.). This inscription contains nine lines and the pictures drawn in this inscription are as follows: the first row has a flower first, then a bell (“GHANT”), then the sun, then a fire ball, and again a fruit. The second row below this has a flower first, then the trident of Lord Shiva (“TRISHOOL”), then the Swastika symbol (Hindu style), then a second trident and then a flower. It was impossible to write all this down as I was deciphering the inscription at the top of a trembling ladder. Hence, I spent some time in noting all the details of the inscription mentally and then writing them down after coming down to the floor. In the inscription, you see: “SHREE GANESHAAYANUM” in the first line, the Vikramaajeet Hindu calendar year (“Vikramaajeet Saake”) in the second line and “Shree Jwaalaajee” (the fire ball) in the third line.

    Sanskrit inscription above main entrance

    Another inscription

    Yet another inscription

    On all four sides of this building are small minarets. They are open on all four sides and there are three steps on all four sides. Some years back when there were Parsees and other communities living here, then a Parsee Atash Kadeh would not be left open for all to see. In the center, there is a pit. In a Parsee Atash Kadeh, for the central fire, a high platform like a throne is erected. Near this building, there is a place about 8 to 10 feet long where they say that the Hindus used to cremate their dead. This will never happen in a Parsee Atash Kadeh.

    View of courtyard showing alleged cremation pit

    In the main square, there are ruins of what seems like a small temple. Such ruins are also on the other side. Both have been leveled to ground. One has been restored by the Government. It seems that a rich follower may have built them.

    Around the temple there is a large square where a number of small cells are erected in a row. They are closed from outside and so appears to be a compound wall from outside. Every cell has a door but no windows. There are 25 of such cells. In one of them is a wall painting of Hindu God, Ganesha. Some walls have pictures of trees and Trident. One of these cells is about 35 feet long. May be it was a common dormitory for visitors and faithful. Some cells have a dome like structure at the top. Two cells were used to tie up the horses of the visitors. In about nineteen cells, there are inscriptions in Naagrik script. From these inscriptions, it can be deduced that traveling faithful may have built these cells. One inscription is in Farsi whose date is given as 1158 Hijree; that means that this Farsi inscription was inscribed 190 years ago (about 1735 A. D.). From this Farsi inscription it appears that when Baku, and the whole Azerbaijan, was under the suzerainty of the Shah of Iran, the influence of Farsi was very important in this area. This date is older than the date on the foundation stone inscription of the Hindu Temple (1810 A. D.) which proves the Hindu Temple was built later on. Some parts of this Farsi inscription are damaged. First line: “Aatash saf kashideh humchoo del” is readable. So also the Hijree date mentioned above.

    From all the above facts it is without a doubt clear that this building is not a Parsee Aatash Kadeh. Before coming here, from my research in reading various articles, I was sure then that this building is not a Parsee Aatash Kadeh.

    My Previous Research Studies on Baku’s Aatash Kadeh

    A question has been repeatedly raised if this building is a Parsee Aatash Kadeh or it is a temple of the Hindus who also worship fire. About 25 to 30 years ago, when the Gujarati Knowledge Spreading Society celebrated its Golden Jubilee by convening a “Conversazione”, I rented a stall and exhibited a number of Iranian artifacts and books, as well as a picture of this Baku Aatash Kadeh and informed the visitors that it is not a Parsee Aatash Kadeh. That time I also printed a handbill to explain this conclusion. My friend, Mr. Nusserwanjee Heerjeebhai Patel, who is very meticulous in preserving the old documents of this Society, may still have a copy of this handbill. Afterwards, in the Times of India newspaper, this subject was again opened for debate when I also published a number of facts on this subject. In this, I have used the supporting reference from the famous Central Asian traveler, Dr. Swen Hedin, whom I met in Stockholm in 1889 A. D., who gave me a copy of his essay on this Baku Aatash Kadeh. I also remember that Sir Dinshaw Eduljee Vaachhaa, who besides politics also took great interest in such matters of history and literature, wrote a letter to me agreeing with my facts on this matter that the building is not a Parsee Aatash Kadeh but a Hindu Temple.

    This was the main question which brought me to Baku. The major reason why I did not go from Tiflis by train straight to the southern parts of Azerbaijan which are more important for our religion than this northern part of Azerbaijan was to visit this place. Also, I wanted to visit the Durburn Wall of Noshirwan-e-Aadel.

    The Small Fire Balls (“Jwaalaajee”) and the Big Fire Balls

    When I visited the Kangra Valley in the Himalaya Mountains some 25 years ago (1900 A. D.), I was told that the current Aatash Kadeh was considered as a Hindu Temple by the Hindu friends I met there. In the year 1900 A. D., I was not well from the after effects of the Cholera I contracted years ago. Hence, I traveled with my relative, Jamshedjee Eruchjee Modi, to the hill town of Dharamshalla in Punjab as guests of his relatives Faraamroj and his brother Naadirshaw Khajooree, for rest and change of climate. After a few days of rest and relaxation, we visited the valleys of Kangra and Kulu by the way of Paalanpoor and Baeznaath. That time I heard that there is a village called Jwaalaajee where at one place natural gas emits from earth, night and day, and the Hindu worshippers throw clarified butter (Ghee) on it so that the fire lights up like a huge fire ball. I went there after hearing about it and saw the place of this burning substance (Jwaalaajee). Talking to the Hindus there, they call this Small Jwaalaajee and stated that their Big Jwaalaajee is in Baku, Aazerbaizaan.

    Statues of the Baku’s Olden Days Hindu Devotees in Moscow’s Lenin Museum

    On 18th September 1925, I visited Lenin Museum in Moscow. In this museum were shown full sized statues of the people of various countries of U. S. S. R. This is a very worthwhile collection to see. In it were also the statues of devotees in olden times of the Baku Temple. They were shown creating fire from wood and sitting cross legged around fire. Some are shown coming from the front to do the fire worship (“Poonjaa”) with musical instruments. They have red dots (“Tilaks”) on their foreheads. Some are shown weaving a rug. It has an explanatory tablet in Russian in which they are identified as Hindus. The Russian woman custodian near this exhibit gave me the following English translation (as given in the book in English and reproduced verbatim here):
    “Near the town Baku in the villages of Souratshaanaa and Emidjan where the fire (naphtha) comes from the earth lived the Hindoos, who came from India. They were Brahmans. They made a temple and adored the fire many years. They lived there, but now they are not at Baku. It is said then years before they lived in little rooms and worked for money. They built their cells. They are not the Parsees - the Guebers who adored Zarathushtra”.
    In the museum’s catalog, the following description is given about this exhibit in Russian which was translated in English as follows (as given in the book in English and reproduced verbatim here):
    “A Russian traveler Beresine relates that the temple has the form of 5 sides. In the middle of these five sides’ place, there was a little well a long tube-like hole and the naphtha came out of it and the temple has a little bell and the worshipper begins the prayers, the bell is rung. This little room is covered with a cupola and near the door a trident symbol of Shiva. The inscription on the door says that the temple was built in 1866 (Russian 1810). Near the temple is a large pit. Over it is a great stove. On the stove all the dead are burnt. In 1842 there were only seven persons and afterwards nobody came from India.”
    The custodian woman of the exhibit read the catalog: “The Description of the Collections in the Ethnographical Museums”, which was compiled by a local scholar, Professor Miller, in Russian and translated it into English for me which I wrote down and presented it here, with a hope that some Hindu scholars may find it useful to know how their religious rituals were performed about hundred years ago outside their country.

    Even now there is a misunderstanding about this subject

    About 20 years ago in 1905, an authentic big book, Baku by J. Henry, was published. In it, it is erroneously stated that the building was a Parsee Aatash Kadeh. It states:
    “When 25 years ago, the priestly attendant - a Parsee from India and the last of the long list of Fire-worshippers reaching 2500 years died at Surkhani.”
    I believe that as far as Parsees are concerned, they should completely remove the notion that the building in Baku is a Parsee Aatash Kadeh. A scholar who has burnt a little or lot of midnight oil, as the saying goes, over a small or a large historical place, when he visits that place and sees it with his own eyes, and corroborates his previous opinion about that place must be overjoyed by that visit. The same was the case for me during my visit to Baku. In addition, I was very glad to see and learn new things.

    There must be an Aatash Kadeh at this place in ancient times

    Just because I have proven by my previous scholarly studies that this building is not a Parsee Aatash Kadeh and now after seeing it with my own eyes I can with certainty corroborate the same conclusion here, does not mean that in this city, in ancient times, there were no Aatash Kadehs. There may be more than one Aatash Kadehs in this city. In our ancient literary works, there are references of the worship of fire emitting directly from earth. In all the various types of fires, one fire has been described which burns without any fuel. This is the same fire of the natural gas wells which burns night and day without any fuel. One early Catholic priest in ignorance has described this phenomenon as the sleight of hands by a Parsee priest in making this fire burn continuously without fuel. But there is no sleight of hands in this. It is just a natural phenomenon.

    Our Aatash “Apaam Naptaar” and the Naphtha of this place

    We all pray at the end of each of the five Geh prayers the following prayer remembering various fires.
    “Thwaam aatarem Ahura he Mazdaao puthrem ... yazamaide. ... Apaam Naptaarem Yazamaide. Nairim Sanghhem yazamaide.”
    Meaning: "We venerate you Aatash, the son of Ahura Mazda. We venerate Apaam Naptaar Aatash. We venerate Nairyosangha Aatash."

    In this veneration of Aatash, in "Apaam Naptaar" words, the word "Naptaar" is the root of the current word Naphtha. This Naphtha flows like a liquid and so its Aatash is called "Aap" meaning liquid. If I am not forgetting, for this comparison, Mr. Meherjeebhaai Paalanjee Maadon gave a talk on the subject in our Investigation Society for Zoroastrian Religion.

    In my opinion, this was an ancient Aatash Kadeh

    The origin of this country’s name, Azerbaijan, is from our own word “Aazar” or “Aatar” meaning fire, because in ancient times, there were a number of Aatash Kadehs in this country similar to the natural gas fire in Baku and in other places. One of our highest Aatash Behraam, Aadar Gushaspa, was also in this country whose other names were: “Aadarbaadgaan” or “Aataropaatkaan”. Hence, there should be a similar Aatash Kadeh in Baku. Ten miles from Baku, I described previously in this book, the “Kur”, “Kurus” (Cyrus) river which starts in Caucasus Mountains and empties in Caspian (Vourukash) sea. It has been stated in history that the Roman Emperor, Heraclius, ordered to destroy all Aatash Kadehs up to this river. The above mentioned writer, Mr. Henry, writes the following account about Baku, quoting from Gibbon:
    "Heraclius encamped (?) on the steppes at the shores of the Kura, ten miles south of Baku. There Gibbon says ... At his command the soldiers extinguished the fires and the temples of the Magi. Twelve years later, Persia was vanquished a second time by the Arabs who at the edge of the sword converted the people from fire worship to the Musalman faith. Large numbers fled to Ormuz, thence to India and gave origin to what are now the Parsees of Bombay."
    It is said that the Lithuanians, the U.S.S.R. neighbors, also used to visit Azerbaijan to worship these fires.
    The real story behind Gibbon mentioning about the destruction (extinguishing) of the Baku’s Zoroastrian Aatash Kadehs at the hands of Heraclius is as follows: The Persian Emperor, Khushroo Perviz, attacked the holy Christian places in Palestine and carried with him to Iran the holy cross on which Jesus Christ was crucified. In revenge for carrying this Cross to Iran, this Roman Emperor destroyed the Iranian Aatash Kadehs.

    Now there is a minaret here which is called “Kiskale” or Tour de la jeune fille in French, meaning Young Girl’s Minaret. There is a local legend, which is doubted by many, which states that one father wanted to marry his own daughter. The daughter made a deal with her father that: “If you build a tall minaret and when it is completed, I will marry you.” When the father completed the minaret, the daughter climbed at its top and fell off and committed suicide. Now my guide told me that this is not a true story and there was nothing to wonder about it. If the daughter did not want to marry her father, there were many ways she could have committed suicide. Moreover, this is not a simple minaret. In it there are seven stages or storeys or escape routes for the emission of Baku’s Naphtha. I examined the minaret all the way to its top. There at the top was a tablet in Farsi with the inscription: “Kooba-a-Masood bin Daaood”, meaning “House of Daaood’s son, Masood.” Now, some of the local people believe that this is a very ancient building, of Sassanian times or even older than that. And it was built as a copy of the ancient Babylonian Minarets. And about eight hundred years ago, one emperor, Masood, created this tablet to commemorate his name. If he himself had built it, he would have mentioned that in a foundation stone together with its Hijri (Muslim) date.

    Qala-e Duxtar, photograph courtesy of Mr. Farroukh Isfandzadeh of the Russian Zarathushtrian web-site http://blagoverie.org/eng/index.phtml.

    According to my examination, I think the above opinion is correct. This is an ancient Iranian building and it is an Aatash Kadeh. It is not a common Aatash Kadeh with its fire maintained by burning wood by its priests. But it is an Aatash Kadeh fed by the natural gases, Naphtha, (apaam Napaat). Haft or seven is a very holy number in Zoroastrian religion and hence there are seven storeys or stages in it. At each storey, in one corner, there is an escape hole for the natural gas Naphtha which when lit created a fire ball. This minaret is taller than 80 feet. The climbing steps are on one side and its diameter at the top is as large as forty feet. From the top, you can see the vast sea shore of Vourukash sea (Caspian sea), and from its ramparts you can observe the nature’s sun, moon, and stars.

    Now, in our country, India, in the ruins of that famous ancient city of Taxila near Rawalpindi city, Sir John Marshall has excavated the ruins of an ancient Aatash Kadeh. I have commented about it before in this book, as well as I have spoken about it in my lecture on “Patliputra” (present day Patna, of the famous king Chandra Gupta of the Maurya dynasty). With this Aatash Kadeh, there was a tall minaret which was built according to the architecture and design of the ancient Babylon’s Ziakurut. An Aatash Kadeh with its adjoining minaret, from the top of which one can see the neighboring sea or river or lake and from its top one can observe the sun, moon, stars, and mountains and worship them, such was the design of ancient Aatash Kadehs. I have mentioned it before in this book that our Aatash Behraam in Navsaari is built according to the architecture of ancient Aatash Kadeh. Here in Baku, this minaret which was connected with Babylon by my guide is a combined Aatash Kadeh and minaret in this huge building. In fact, this was not a common Aatash Kadeh where fire was kept lit with sandalwood or dried wood, but was naturally lit by the natural gases of Naphtha (Apaam Napaat).

    Altar at the Qala-e Duxtar, photograph courtesy of Mr. Farroukh Isfandzadeh of the Russian Zarathushtrian web-site http://blagoverie.org/eng/index.phtml.

    Reconstruction of altar, courtesy of Mr. Farroukh Isfandzadeh of the Russian Zarathushtrian web-site http://blagoverie.org/eng/index.phtml.

    In my humble opinion, on one hand I have discounted the existence of one Aatash Kadeh, supporting my previous studies on this subject; but on the other hand, I brought to light another ancient Aatash Kadeh, and for this, hopefully my visit to this place will be of some use to my colleagues. This could be one of the Aatash Kadehs destroyed by Heracleus, as reported by Gibbon, or according to the previous discussion, it may be one of the Aatash Kadehs destroyed later by Arabs. In my lecture here to the local scholars and the Archeological Society members, as well as during my meeting with the President of the Republic later on, I emphasized to all of them the importance of this Aatash Kadeh and implored them to take good care for its preservation.

    My two lectures in Baku

    I gave two lectures in Baku. As mentioned before, the first one was delivered on November 26th on the two subjects: “The Parsees” and “The Hun People”. The second one was delivered on November 28th at 8 P.M. and on the same night, I left Baku at 10 P.M. to travel to Tabriz. The first lecture was given in Farsi to the members of the local Exploration Society and was simultaneously translated in Turkish by a local member. Only one or two members can understand English and a few can understand Farsi and so it was necessary to translate it in Turkish because it is the spoken language of the local Muslim people.
    I chose the subject for my second lecture as: “The Importance of Azerbaijan from a Parsee Point of View”. This lecture was publicized and was also mentioned in the local newspapers and hence the lecture hall was fully occupied. I also gave this lecture in Farsi which was simultaneously translated in both Russian and Turkish because many in the audience can understand only one of these two languages. My objective for this second lecture was to create an interest in our religion among the local learned people.

    Meeting with the President of the Republic

    After the first World War, this north part of Azerbaijan became an independent Republic under the sovereignty of the U.S.S.R. After the Russian Revolution, the vast empire of the Russian Czars were divided into 24 smaller republics based on ethnicity and the whole country was called U.S.S.R. (United Soviet Socialist Republic) similar to the formation of U.S.A. Each U.S.S.R. republic elects its own President. Since many republics have Muslim majority, many Presidents of such Republics are Muslims. Here in Azerbaijan, due to Muslim majority, the elected President, Honorable Agamaliogly (age 60) is also a Muslim. He is a gentleman with an open mind. Because of physical problems with his legs, he could not attend my second lecture. However, he wanted to meet me on my last day in Baku and sent his personal car for me. After our meeting, I was happy on two accounts. First, I was able to make him really interested in our ancient Iranian culture; and secondly, I was able to know the details of the current political situation of his country. I brought to his attention the importance of the Aatash Kadeh with the minaret, which I believe was an ancient Aatash Kadeh and made a fervent appeal to him to preserve it in good condition. He was very glad to do so and promised me that he will give such a command to his ministers. I also requested him to inform us of any archeological studies which shed some light on our ancient Iranian culture.
    In connection with the local politics, he was optimistic about the increase in importance of Azerbaijan since it became an independent Republic. Observing the trend of atheism in the city of Leningrad, during my visit there, I brought his attention to it and requested that: “It will be nice if Allah (God) is not forgotten here.” Hearing that he said emphatically with feelings that: “We have never forgotten God and will never forget Him; however, God seems to have forgotten us. He kept them in very poor condition in the previous Russian Empire.” He is looking at the new changes as the Renaissance of his country. He informed me that his objective is not to interfere with the independence of any religion in his country. With the following few words he made me think of his commitment. He said: “If you Zoroastrians come here and say to me that you want to have the building of Surkhani Aatash Kadeh as your Aatash Kadeh, then I will gladly do that. If you say that the minaret which you think is an ancient Aatash Kadeh and which you want to start as an Aatash Kadeh once again, then I will gladly think about it.”
    During the coming month of December, the local Society has convened an important Congress here in Baku in which they have invited scholars of Turkish and other related languages. The local Society members informed me about this Congress, and presented me with the printed invitation for presenting a paper at the Congress and if unable to attend, even requested me to send a paper on an important subject. The President also pleaded with me to attend this Congress for sure. I placed my hand on my beard and informed him that with the grace of Ahura Mazda, I am 70 years old now, and hence I am not optimistic to make further journeys like this in the future. After listening to me, he informed me that he was 60 years old and after hearing from others he called me a young man in my work and wished me well in future. Our meeting was very cordial and personally satisfying and with very loving words we partook the beautiful Shirini and dried fruits and tea and we said Good Byes very fondly.
    In this part of Azerbaijan was born the famous poet Nizaamee. His birth place was the ancient city of Ganjaah, which is now named Elizabethpol and which is situated between Tiflis and Baku. On the death anniversary of this poet, I wrote an article about him. He has presented the story of Khushroo Perviz in his beautiful Farsi verses.
    Today, I am leaving behind me Azerbaijan, which is connected with our holy religion and just mentioning its name makes my mouth water with sweetness, and also the northern shores of the Vourukash (Caspian) sea. My hotel’s dining room is not on the ground floor but on the fifth floor. From here, in the soft rays of sun in the early morning Haavan Geh and also in other Gehs, I have gazed on the shores of Vourukash (Caspian) sea, and from this I have drawn many a beautiful thoughts and inspirations.
    I will close this letter after saying a few words about the “Kur” fish of this Vourukash (Caspian) sea.

    Kur Maahee (fish)

    In our scriptures, there are references of a fish called “Kur Maahee”. The natural habitat of this fish is the present Vourukash (Caspian) sea. For this fish in Behram Yasht (Para. 29), it is said that Behram Yazad had bestowed upon Zarathushtra a far sightedness, or the power of seeing very small things similar to the one present in “Kur Maahee” fish. (Ahmaai dathat Verethregano Ahuradhaato .......... Aomcha sukem yim baraity karo masyo). The origin of this fish is mentioned as Rungahaa river and it is said that it can see the smallest hair in the water, to such an extent that it can differentiate which is the head of the hair and which is the tail of such a tiny hair. (Yo ranghahyaao ----- vareso stawanghem aapo urwaesem maarayaete.) This fish is abundant in this Caspian sea and Prof. Jackson has stated that a sample of this fish is preserved in the Caucasian Museum in Tiflis. This fish is now called “sturgeon” and its zoological name is: “Acipenser huso”. 

    Michael Philip Oakes answers Richard Sproat, affirms statistical significance of vocabulary of Indus Script signs and field symbols. Kalyanaraman deciphers Indus Script inscriptions as wealth-accounting ledgers, Meluhha Indian sprachbund metalwork catalogues

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    The decipherment of Indus Script inscriptions as Meluhha metalwork catalogues, wealth-accounting ledgers by S.Kalyanaraman is reinforced by the statistical analyses of Michael Philip Oakes (2017) which also provide computational refutation of the claims of Richard Sproat et al., that the script (may contain meanings but) does not encode language.

    S. Kalyanaraman (2018) affirms Indus Script inscriptions are wealth-accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues and has provided Meluhha -spoken dialectical variant forms of Indian sprachbund, language union -- rebus readings of over 8000 inscriptions.  Some examples are cited in the context of Michael Philip Oakes' answer to Richard Sproat. 

    Farmer, Sproat and Witzel (2004) think that Indus script symbols may simply be religious or political symbols, like totem poles or coats of arms or family names and may not encode sounds of a human language. Richard Sproat defines linguistic writing encodes a particular language and symbols refer to specific phonemes, syllablesor even words (2014, p.457) and considers the mean length of utterance to be the most basic feature which distinguishes linguistic and non-linguistic systems. Since the Indus sign sequences are short, Richard Sproat rejects Indus inscriptions to be a true linguistic script.



    I suggest that Indus Script is a linguistic writing system (as defined by Richard Sproat) and is composed of wealth accounting Meluhha language (dialectical, spoken forms) ledger entries which do not have to be composed of long utterances, but could signify lists from a 1000+-word set of wealth categories signified by 1000+ word set which signify hieroglyphs (e.g. animals, dotted circles)/hypertexts (e.g. ligatured signs or animals). The underlying Meluhha language has a vocabulary of dialectical forms (with variant pronunciations) of spoken words from Indian sprachbund (speech union).


    The decipherment results in the discovery of a wealth-accounting classification system using hieroglyphs such as young bull (to signify kundaṇa'finegold'), zebu (to signify poa magnetite, ferrite ore), tiger (to signify kol'working in iron'), crocodile (to signify khār 'blacksmith'); scorpion (to signify bicha'haematite ore'), mr̤eka 'goat' reusb milakkhu, mleccha'copper'; rangā  'buffalo' rebus: rangā  'pewter'; kāṇṭā'rhinoceros' gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., ˚aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā.2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., ˚ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., ˚ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā← H.(CDIAL 4000)(to signify khaṇḍa 'metal equipment'). 
    See three pure tin ingots found in a Haifa shipwreck with Indus script inscriptions. ranku'antelope/liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; dāṭu  'cross (Te.) rebus: dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhāṭnā 'to send out, pour out, cast (metal)' (CDIAL 6771);  mũh'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace' (Santali).

      'to


    These results are confirmed by Michael Philip Oakes’ estimate (2017) of the total size of vocabulary of Indus Script to be 1396 signs. 

    This estimate is arried at using the statistical analysis model of family of Large Number of Random Events (LNRE) and a parametric model, Generalized Inverse Gauss Poisson (GIGP)(Baayen, 2001, p. 89-93) to extrapolate frequencies of each character type listed in Mahadevan Concordance of Indus Script -- to arrive at the vocabulary size of underlying Indus language.(Oakes, M.P. ,2017, Statistical Analyis of the Texts in Mahadevan's Concordance of the Indus Valley Script. Journal of Quantitative Linguistics, 2017. Article Number: NJQL 1406294. Full text pdf embedded.)

    Analysing the distribution of field symbols by object types, Michael Oakes identifies the following categories of field symbols:



    01 Unicorn 

    kōnda 'young bull' rebus: ‘engraver' k
    undam. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1] N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻsmoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdākõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ latheʼ, kũdibākū̃d° ʻ to turn ʼ ( Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi.kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m. (CDIAL 3295). 

    kod. 'one horn'; kot.iyum [kot., kot.i_ neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (G.)kamarasa_la = waist-zone, waist-band, belt (Te.)kot.iyum [kot., kot.i_ neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (G.) [cf. the orthography of rings on the neck of one-horned young bull]. Te. kōiya, kōe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōe dūa bull calf), young, youthful; kōekã̄u a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōē bull. Nk. khoe male calf. Kona kōi cow; kōe young bullock. Pe. kōi cow. Man.i id. Kui kōi id., ox. Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōi bull; (Su. P.) kōi cow.(DEDR 2199). Ka. gōnde bull, ox. Te. gōda ox. Kol. (SR.) kondā bull; (Kin.) kōnda bullock. Nk. (Ch.) kōnda id. Pa. kōnda bison. Ga. (Oll.) kōnde cow; (S.) kōndē bullock. Go. (Tr.) kōnā, (other dialects) kōnda bullock, ox (DEDR 2216). खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. kōnda bullock (Kol.Nk.); bison (Pa.)(DEDR 2216). Te. kōiya, kōe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōe dūa bull calf), young, youthful; kōekã̄u a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōē bull. Nk. khoe male calf. Kona kōi cow; kōe young bullock. Pe. kōi cow. Man.i id. Kui kōi id., ox. Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōi bull; (Su. P.) kōi cow (DEDR 2199)
    Rebus: ko 'artisan's workshop'.(Kuwi) ko = place where artisans work (G.lex.) kō̃da कोँद  कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 133); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165)(Kashmiri) 

    kod. = place where artisans work (Gujarati) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.) कोंड [ kōṇḍa ] A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste.कोंडडाव (p. 180) [ kōṇḍaḍāva ] m Ring taw; that form of marble-playing in which lines are drawn and divisions made:--as disting. from अगळडाव The play with holes.कोंडवाड [ kōṇḍavāḍa ] n f C (कोंडणें & वाडा) A pen or fold for cattle.कोंडाळें (p. 180) [ kōṇḍāḷēṃ] n (कुंडली S) A ring or circularly inclosed space. 2 fig. A circle made by persons sitting round. कोंडण kōṇḍaa, 'cattlepen', Rebus: kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1] A. kundār, B. kũdār°ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297). Ta. kuntaam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).

    03 Humped bull 

     पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu, dewlap' rebus: पोळ 'magnetite, ferrite ore'

    04 Short-horned bull 

     barad 'bull' rebus: baraDo 'alloy of pewter'

    07 Elephant karibha, 

     ibha, 'elephant'. ibbo (merchant of ib 'iron'), karba 'iron'

    11 Rhinoceros generally with a trough in front 

     kāṇṭā 'rhinoceros' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements'.pattar 'trough' rebus: pattar 'goldsmith guild''

    13 Goat-antelope with a short tail 

    mr̤eka'goat' rebus: milakkhu, mleccha 'copper'

    25 Fabulou animal with the body of a ram, horns of a bull, trunk of an elephant, hind legs of a tiger and an up-raised serpent-like tail 


    Image result for composite animal indus scriptA truly fascinating paper by Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale on composite Indus creatures and their meaning: Harappa Chimaeras as 'Symbolic Hypertexts'. Some Thoughts on Plato, Chimaera and the Indus Civilization at a.harappa.com/...

    Hypertext includes the following hieroglyphs rendered rebus and read as vākyapadīya, sentence composed of words : The deciphered text is: metal ingots manufactory & trade of magnetite, ferrite ore, metals mint with portable furnace, iron ores, gold, smelters' guild. 

    The Meluhha rebus words and meanings are given below.

    सांगड sāṅgaḍa  f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus:sangara 'trade'

    1. zebu पोळ [ pōḷa ] 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळ [ pōḷa ] 'magnetite, ferrite ore'
    2. human face mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) ; rebus:mũh metal ingot 
    3. penance kamaḍha 'penance' (Prakrit) kamaḍha, kamaṭha, kamaḍhaka, kamaḍhaga, kamaḍhaya = a type of penance (Prakrit) Rebus: kamaṭamu, kammaṭamu = a portable furnace for melting precious metals; kammaṭīḍu = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Telugu) kãpauṭ  jeweller's crucible made of rags and clay (Bi.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Tamil)
    4. elephant karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant' kharva 'a nidhi of nine treasures of Kubera'
    5. markhor miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meho a ram, a sheep (G.) Rebus: me (Ho.); mẽhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)mẽh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Mu.) Allograph: me ‘body ' (Mu.)
    6. young bull  kondh ‘young bull’ rebus: kũdā‘turner, brass-worker, engraver (writer)’ kundana 'fine gold'
    7. tiger kul 'tiger' (Santali); kōlu id. (Te.) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.)Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H.kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' kole.l 'smithy, forge' kole.l 'temple'
    8. Cobra hood phaḍa 'throne, hood of cobra' rebus: फड, phaḍa 'metalwork artisan guild in charge of manufactory'

    35 Uncertain animal

    36 Gharial 

    kāru a wild
    crocodile rebus: khār 'blacksmith'

    44 Indian kino tree (Pterocarpus marsupiu), generally within a railing or on a platform 

    kuṭhi a sacred, divine tree, kuṭi 'temple' rebus kuṭhi 'a furnace for smelting iron ore' 

    83 Dotted circles dhāi 'strand' rebus: dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red ore' PLUS dhāv, dāya 'one in dice' + vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus धावडdhāv 'mineral' + vaḍ kārṣāpaṇa & other symbols of a dhāvaḍa 'red ferrite ore smelter' See: Ancient India coins are Indus Script hieroglyphs to signify metals wealth-accounting ledgers 'circle' rebus dhāvaḍ 'smelter' Caduceus, śúlba 'string' rebus शुल्बम् 'copper' on,mintwork catalogues of آهن ګر āhangar 'blacksmith' https://tinyurl.com/ycazkvhl 



     

    97 Different geometrical patterns occupying the whole field on one side of the inscribed object

    98 Different ornamental borders of geometrical patterns at either end or both ends of a text or along the edges


    The object categories used were:


    Seals

    Sealings

    Miniature tablets

    Pottery graffiti

    Copper tablets

    Others

    Performing a a chi-squared test, it is found that the symbols are not randomly distributed across objects, but some are significantly associated with seals, and some with other objects. “Using the Bonferroni correction, Pearson’s residuals were statistically significant if greater than 3.97. This means that the unicorn symbol occurs significantly more often on seals, while the gharial, kino tree and dotted circles occur significantly more often on other objects.”


    There were also non-random, significant association between signs and field symbols.

    co-occurs significantly (169 times) with Unicorn ayo, hako 'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) 
     (550 times) with Unicorn  kaṇḍa karṇaka 'rim of jar'; rebus: 'furnace scribe (account)'. Thus the inscription reads rebus: iron, iron (metal) workshop, copper (mineral) guild, fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account workshop), metal furnace scribe (account)

    Sign 99  with Unicorn (385 times) 

    sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'.
    Co-occurs with V36 Gharial 14 times; with 7 times with V83 Dotted circles *l
    Addenda: dánta -- : S.kcch. ḍandh m.pl. ʻ teeth ʼ; WPah.kṭg. (kc.) dānd m., J. dã̄d m., Garh. dã̄t, Md. dat.(CDIAL 6152) Rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore'.

    Sign 176 (17 times with V36 gharial; 23 times with V83 Dotted circles) and Sign 328 with other symbols (3 times with V36 Gharial; 28 times with V83 Dotted circles).

    khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 
    baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'. The hypertext reads: mū̃h bhaṭa 'ingot furnace'

    Altogether there are 5491 sign tokens that co-occur with symbol V1 Unicorn, 252 which co-occur with V36 gharial, and 234 which co-occur with V83 Dotted circles.



    In this paper, Michael Oakes uses LNRE models and Mahadevan’s concordance of discovered signs in the Indus Script to estimate the total number of sign types in the language as a whole.…(Mahadevan’s estimate of sign types is 417). Michael Oakes finds the best-fitting model to the empirical data is GIGP which gives an estimate of 857 signs…Appendix to Wells (2011) lists 677 different signs…and a study of Michael Oakes 92016) used this with the GIGP model to estimate a total vocabulary of 1396 signs…


    Clearly, the differing estimates of the number of ‘signs’ is related to the difficulty in distinguishing single signs and sign variants from the ligatured orthography of written script involving combinations of smaller signs with a base sign. Yadav and Vahia (2011) set out criteria for sign classification and decomposition.


    Michael Oakes concludes: “The experiments with Pearson’s residuals showed that the distribution of the signs was not random throughout the corpus, but there were significant associations between the frequency and the positional distribution of signs; signs and archaeological sites; signs and the object types. Analysis gave a more detailed picture of which signs showed the most affinity With which field symbols in the corpus, and showed that the most distinctive Field symbols in this respect were the unicorn, gharial and dotted circles. Although there Is no consensus on the meaning of the script, the number of signs in the Inventory suggests a logo-syllabic script, with a large number of signs representing concepts, and a much smaller set representing syllables…Most scholars think the Indus script is writing (Parpola Rao et al., 2009; Yadav et al., 2017) and the balance of Mahadevan himself believes that the Indus script represents Dravidian (Robinson, 2009, p.276). Sproat (2014, p.457) classifies information systems which use symbols to convey meaning as either non-linguistic (like traffic signs, the information conveyed is not tied to any specific human language) or a true linguistic writing system, where a particular language is being encoded, and specific phonemes, syllables or even words. This definition contrasts with Powell’s broader definition, which implies that ‘any conventional meaning bearing system is writing’ (Sproat 2014, p.475). An intermediate position is taken by Baines (2008, pp. 348-349) who states that writing systems bring together two factors that distinguish human beings from other animals: an elaborate material culture, and language. In practice, most writing systems are not extensively developed and cover only some of the topics covered by the speech. Many create modes of communication that are substantially different from spoken ones. However, they do not include domains such as the purely visual or numerical or mathematical. Taking the views of Powell and Baines, the Indus signs would constitute a form of writing. However, if they do encode meaning, it is not clear whether they encode a human language or at least a subset of it, (and thus are linguistic), or are purely symbol (, in Sproat’s definition). Although I favour Sproat’s definition, the statistics described in this paper require no assumptions about whether or not the Indus scripts are writing, and can be used to estimate the size of the sign inventory in any language or non-linguistic symbol system. There are some similarities between the Indus seals and the Ancient Egyptian bone an ivory tags found in the cemetery of Umm el-Qa’ab at Abydos, which have been dated to about 3200 BCE. They resemble the Indus seals in that each one is about 2-3 cm square, although unlike the Indus seals, each one has a small hole in one of the top corners, to enable it to be attached to a box or jar apparently holding commodities of high value – or to bales of cord. Each Abydos tag is inscribed with between and one and four signs, so they are of similar length to the Indus scripts. The surviving Umm el-Qa’ab material is insufficient for various published readings of the text. (Dreyer, Hartung, & Pumpenmeier, 1998; Breyer, 2002; Kahl, 2003), despite their plausibility, be more than theoretical. These readings suggest that the texts are a mixture of phonetic and logographic signs. Their purpose was to record the contents, place of origin, quantity, length or ownership of items to be stored in the royal tomb (Wilkinson, 2007). This could also be the function of the similarly brief Indus seals, which may record a subset of a language for economic purposes rather than a full language (Robinson, 2016).”


    Statistical Analysis of the Tables in Mahadevan’s Concordance of the Indus Valley Script

    By Michael Oakes Abstract NJQL-2017-0037R2 The Indus Script originates from the culture known as the Indus Valley Civilization which flourished from approximately 2600 to 1900 BC. Several thousand objects bearing these signs have been found over a wide area of Northern India and Pakistan. In 1977 Iravatham Mahadevan published a concordance of all of the scripts that had been discovered so far. Accompanying the concordance are a set of 9 tables showing the distribution of individual signs by position, archaeological site, object type, field symbol (accompanying image), and direction of writing. Analysis of the frequencies of the signs found so far using Large Numbers of Rare Events (LNRE) models enabled the total vocabulary of the language, including signs not yet found, to be about 857. All the tables were analysed using Pearson’s residuals, and it was found that the signs were not randomly distributed, but some showed statistically significant associations with position, object, field symbol or direction of writing. A more detailed analysis of the relation between signs and field symbols was made using correspondence analysis, which showed that certain signs were associated with the unicorn symbol, while others were associated with the gharial and dotted circle symbols
    Topics: Mahadevan’s Concordance, Indus Valley script, LNRE models, Pearson’s Residuals, Correspondence Analysis
    Publisher: Taylor & Francis
    Year: 2018
    OAI identifier: oai:wlv.openrepository.com:2436/620846

    Journal:
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  • https://wlv.openrepository.com... (external link) https://core.ac.uk/display/132198151
  • The Indus script was used about 2000 in Northern India and Pakistan,
    found mainly in short inscriptions on seals, but there is a controversy about whether they actually constitute writing. Using the concordances of Wells and Mahadevan, and Evart and Baroni's ZipfR package, I have estimated the total vocabulary size of the script as about 1400 characters. I am currently making a chi-squared analysis to show whether there is any correlation between the occurrence of the symbols and artefact on which they appear, archaeological site on which they were found, and position in the inscription - these seem not to be random. In the future (but this will take time as I will have to transcribe a large proportion of the text into numeric codes) I will use factor analysis to look for possible affinities between the characters.
    Baayen, R.H. (2001), Word frequency distributions. Kluwer Academic Publishers

    Baayen, R.H. (2008), Analysing linguistic data: a practical introduction to statistics using R. Cambridge.

    Baines, J. (2008). Writing and its multiple disappearances. In John Baines, John Bennet and Stephen Houston (Eds.), The disappearance of writing systems: perspectives on literacy and communication. London: Equinox.

    Breyer, F.A.K. (2002), Die schriftzettgnisse des pradynastischen Konigsgraben U-j in Umm el-Qaab: Versuch einer Neuinterpretation, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 88, 53-65.

    Dreyer, G., Hartung, U., & Pumpenmeter, F. (1998). Umm el-Qaab I: Das pradynastische Konigsgrab U-j und seine fruhen Schriftzeugnisse, Archaologische Veroffentlichungen (AV) 86.Mainz.

    Farmer, S., Sproat, R., & Witzel, M. (2004). The collapse of the Indus script thesis: the myth of a literate Harappan civilization. The Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies, 11(2), 19-57.

    Kahl, J. (2003). Die fruhen Schriftzeugnisse aus dem Grab U-j in Umm el-Qaab. Chronique d’Egypte, 78, 112-135.

    Khmaladze E.V. (1987). The statistical analysis of large number of rare events. Technical Report MS-R8804, Dept. of Mathematical Statistics, CWI. Amsterdam. Center for Mathematics and Computer Science.

    Lee, R., Jonathan, P., & Ziman, P. (2010). Pictish symbols revealed as a written language through application of Shannon. Proceedings of the royal society a: Mathematical, physical and engineering sciences, 466 (2121), 2545-2560.

    Locklear, M. (2017). Cipher war: After a century of failing to crack an ancient script, linguistics turn to machines. January 25th, 2017. http://www.theverge.com/2017/1/25/14371450/indus-valley-civilization-ancient-seals-symbols-language-algoriths-ai

    Mahadevan, I. (1977). The indus script: Texts, concordance and tables. Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.

    Parpola, A. (1994). Deciphering the Indus Script.Cambridge University Press.

    Paxton, C.G.M. (1998). A cumulative species description curve for large open water marine animals. Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom, 78(4), 1389-1391.

    Rao R., Yadav N., Vahia M.N., Joglekar, H., Adhikari, R., & Mahadean I. (2009). Entropic evidence for linguistic structure in the Indus script. Science, 324 (5931), 1165. Online (with supplementary information) http://hoines.cs.washington.edu/~rao/ScienceIndus.pdf

    Robinson, A. (2009). Lost languages. Thames and Hudson.

    Robinson, A. (2016). Cracking the Indus Script. Nature, 526, 499-501.

    Sproat, R. (2014). A statistical comparison of written language and nonlinguistic symbol systems.Language 90(2): 457-481. 2014.

    Vidale, M. (2007). The collapse melts down: A reply to Farmer, Sproat and Witzel, East and West, 57 (1-4), 333-366.

    Wells, B.K. (2011). Epigraphic approaches to Indus writing. Oxbow Books.

    Wilkinson, T. (2007) Ancient writing Early hieroglyphs from Abydos, ancient Egypt. In B.M. Fagan (Ed.), Discovery! Unearthing the new treasures of archaeology (pp.238). Thames and Hudson.

    Yadav, N. & Vhia, M.N. (2011). Indus script: A study of its sign design. SCRIPTA: International Journal of Writing Systems, 3, 133-172.

    Yadav, N., Joglekar, H., Rao, R.P.N., Vahia M.N., Mahadevan, I., & Adhikari, R. (2010). Statistical analysis of the Indus script using N-grams. PLOS One, 5(3).

    Yadav, N., Salgaonkar, A., & Vahia, M. (2017). Clustering Indus texts using K-Means. International Journal of Computer Applications, 162(1), 16-21.


























    Hieroglyphs of ca. 3200 BCE on bone tags from Umm el-Qa-ab, Abydos

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    This is an addendum to: Michael Philip Oakes answers Richard Sproat, affirms statistical significance of vocabulary of Indus Script signs and field symbols. Kalyanaraman deciphers Indus Script inscriptions as wealth-accounting ledgers, Meluhha Indian sprachbund metalwork catalogues https://tinyurl.com/y86exbus
    Umm el-Qa'ab, "the mother of pots" is the modern-day Arabic name of a region located in the desert between the fertile grounds of Abydos and the rim of mountains that stands to the south-west. Abydos is located approximately halfway between Luxor (Thebes) and Assiut.
    ...
    Umm el-Qa'ab was used as a burial ground serving the elite ruling the area of Abydos since early Predynastic times, from at least the Naqada I period, ca. 3800 BC. It was the royal cemetery during the 1st Dynasty and was also used by the two last kings of the 2nd Dynasty, confirming Manetho’s statement that the early kings of Egypt originated from This, near Abydos.
    The area has been divided into two cemeteries, U and B. Cemetery U is dated to the Predynastic era and includes the famous tomb U-j, which belonged to a powerful ruler whose influence may perhaps have extended as far as Lower-Egypt. This tomb has yielded some inscribed tablets, which are believed to be the oldest known examples of writing to mankind. One of the tables may have contained an early writing of the name of Bubastis, a city located in the western Delta. If this writing is correct, then the owner of tomb U-j must at least have had trading contacts with Lower-Egypt.

    Several inscribed bone tags from tomb U-j at Umm el-Qa’ab, the oldest examples of writing known to mankind.
    Several inscribed bone tags from tomb U-j at Umm el-Qa’ab, the oldest examples of writing known to mankind.
    Source: Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology Website.
    Cemetery B is dated to the Early Dynastic Period, and was exclusively used by the royal family. The tombs are significantly larger than those in cemetery U. The increasing size of the tombs hints at the increasing wealth and power of the ruling family and at the better mastery of crafts.
    Earliest Egyptian GlyphsVolume 52 Number 2, March/April 1999
    by Larkin Mitchell
    image[image]

    Early writing from Abydos was used to label containers. (Courtesy Günter 

    Bone and ivory tags, pottery vessels, and clay seal impressions bearing hieroglyphs unearthed at Abydos, 300 miles south of Cairo, have been dated to between 3400 and 3200 B.C., making them the oldest known examples of Egyptian writing. The tags, each measuring 2 by 1 1/2 centimeters and containing between one and four glyphs, were discovered by excavators from the German Archaeological Institute in Cairo in the predynastic ruler Scorpion I's tomb. Institute director Günter Dreyer says the tags and ink-inscribed pottery vessels have been dated to 3200 B.C. based upon contextual and radiocarbon analysis. The seal impressions, from various tombs, date even further back, to 3400 B.C. These dates challenge the commonly held belief that early logographs, pictographic symbols representing a specific place, object, or quantity, first evolved into more complex phonetic symbols in Mesopotamia.
    Denise Schmandt-Besserat, Professor at the University of Texas at Austin, explains as follows the reasons why it is now held that writing spread from Mesopotamia to Egypt. Mesopotamia provides data that illustrates the step by step evolution of data processing from 8000 B.C. to the present. Clay counters of many shapes - tokens - were used to count goods in early agricultural communities from 8000 to 3000 B.C.. When the Mesopotamian script written on clay tablets appeared, coinciding with the rise of the state, about 3200 B.C., it visibly evolved from the token system. Tokens and writing had an identical function. Both served strictly for accounting the same types of goods, namely small cattle, cereals, oil, textiles, etc. The written signs were traced in the shape of tokens, bearing the same markings. The signs were organized using the same order as the previous tokens. Apparently, about 3100 B.C., the Mesopotamian state administration required that the names of the individuals, that either received or gave the goods stipulated, be entered on the accounting tables. These personal names could not easily be written logographically without the risk of overburdening the system. In order to solve the problem, the accountants resorted to writing individuals' names phonetically. This brought writing to a new course that, in the course of centuries or even millennia, developed into the cuneiform syllabaries (1 sign = 1 syllable) used by the Babylonians and Assyrians.
    Thus, Mesopotamia is different from Egypt, where writing seems to appear suddenly, in that an uninterrupted sequence of data in Mesopotamia illustrates how accounting developed, requiring more and more sophisticated devices to deal with larger amounts of data with greater precision. Because Egypt provides yet no indication of any antecedents to writing, it was logical to assume that phonetic writing leap-frogged from Mesopotamnia to Egypt about 3100 B.C.. The borrowing was supported by the fact that the Egyptian rebus principle was identical to that of Mesopotamia and therefore seemed to be connected. Furthermore, there is evidence for a strong Mesopotamian influence in Egypt in the late fourth millennium B.C.. This is attested by the presence of typical Mesopotamian features of various nature. For example, a certain style of monumental architecture, the use of cylinder seals, specific decorative patterns featuring intertwined fantastic animals, and even the actual representation of the Mesopotamian Priest-king displayed with his unique status symbols. Because the reverse is not true, namely there is no trace of an Egyptian presence in Mesopotamia at that time, all seems to point to a flow of ideas from Mesopotamia to Egypt.
    The bone and ivory tags discovered at Abydos also documented the quantity and geographic origin of particular commodities. The labels, originally attached to boxes or containers, had the names of places and institutions involved in the exchange of such goods as grain and fabrics. The older clay seal impressions and ink inscriptions also indicate the origins of different commodities. Such records, says Dreyer, "provide valuable information concerning political organization and resource distribution in predynastic Upper Egypt."
    To date, 70 percent of these predynastic hieroglyphs have been translated. According to Jim Allen of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, such early hieroglyphs represent a rebus system, akin to modern Japanese, in which pictures are used according to the way they sound. In early phonetic systems phrases such as "I believe," for example, might be rendered with an eye, a bee, and a leaf. The Abydos hieroglyphs are simple precursors to the complex hieroglyphic forms discovered at later sites such as Metjen and Turin.
    As ever in archaeology, new excavations bring new challenges to address, new questions to answer, and new problems to solve. Will the present date of 3200 B.C. for phonetic writing in Egypt be confirmed by subsequent work? Are the dates for Mesopotamian writing-solely based on the stratigraphy of one deep sounding of the site of Uruk-too conservative? Hopefully, Egyptology will be able to find out more about the circumstances that surrounded and led to the development of phonetic writing. Finally, it will be of great interest to resolve whether the Egyptian and Sumerian scripts came about independently, or if, after all, they had ties? https://archive.archaeology.org/9903/newsbriefs/egypt.html
    Abydos, Egypt. Bone tags with hieroglyphics from about 3200 B.C. : Stock Photo
    Abydos, Egypt. Bone tags with hieroglyphics from about 3200 B.C.E
    3883a Small.jpg
    Ivory tags from tomb U-j.
    Bone and ivory tags, pottery vessels, and clay seal impressions bearing hieroglyphs unearthed at AbydosOffsite Link, one of the most ancient cities of Upper Egypt, 300 miles south of Cairo, have been dated between 3320 and 3150 BCE, making them the oldest known examples of Egyptian writing.
    The tags, each measuring 2 by 1 1/2 centimeters and containing between one and four glyphs, were discovered in the late 20th century in Tomb U-j of Umm el Qu'abOffsite Link, the necropolis of the Predynastic and Early Dynastic kings by excavators from the German Archaeological Institute in Cairo led by Günter DreyerOffsite Link. Tomb U-j may hold the remains of predynastic ruler Scorpion IOffsite Link (Serket I). The discoveries in Tomb U-j were first published by Dreyer, Ulrich Hartung, and Frauke Pupenmeier in Umm el-Qaab. Volume 1: Das prädynastische Königsgrab U-j und seine frühen Schriftzeugnisse (1998).
    "Tomb U-j is best known for three distinctive forms of administrative record keeping in the form of ink-inscribed vessels, sealings, and tags. The size of the tomb, its contents, and the amount of labor its construction and assemblage would have required has led many scholars to propose that this tomb belonged to a proto-ruler who reigned over a sizable territory by the Naqada IIIOffsite Link period. . . .
    "The written evidence from Tomb U-j, in particular the tags, probably denotes quantities of good, and localities in Egypt and beyond. The Egyptian writing system had already undergone a number of important developments by the time of Tomb U-j, which have not yet been recovered, or have not survived to modern times. Linguistic terminology makes it psosible to identify the various units of language that helped to transform communication in early Egypt from merely pictorial expression to speech writing, which is important in identifying the nature of early graphic material:
    "1) Logograms: symbols representing specific words
    "2) Phonograms: symbols representing specific sounds
    "3) Determinatives: symbols used for classifying words
    "Moreover, writing on the tags shows that the Egyptian writing system had adopted the rebus principle, which broadened the meaning of symbols to include their homophones—words with the same sound but different definitions. . . ." (Elise V. Macarthur, "The Concept and Development of the Egyptian Writing System" IN: Woods (ed), Visible Language. Inventions of Writing in the Middle East and Beyond [2010] 120; the book illustrates many of the objects from Tomb U-j; see also 138-143).
    "Prior to the proper scientific excavation of Tomb U-j and its publication in 1998, the earliest clear instances of Egyptian writing dated back to the late Dynasty o (ca. 3200-3100 BC), a few centuries later than in southern Mesopotamia. It had long been known that later fourth-millenium Egypt witnessed sustained cultural contract with southern Mesopotamia and Susiana, tokens of which are found in elements of foeign iconography on Egyptian prestige objects, the adoption of the cylinder seal, and niched brick architecture. This led to the —always controversial— hypothesis that Egyptian writing may have originated as a result of cultural infleunce from Mesopotamia, whether through general awareness that writing was present elsewhere, or possibly through some actual knowledge of the workings of the Mesopotamian system. The distinctively indigenous nature of the Egyptian repertoire of signs was interpreted as a case of cultural adaptation of a foreign technology to local purposes. The hypothesis of a Mesopotamian influence on the emergence of Egyptian writing was at times embedded into a broader frame arguing that the original invention of writing, conceived of as a dramatic cultural achievement, would have occurred only once in human history, subsequently to spread elsewhere.
    "As to the latter issue, the decipherment of Mayan glyphs and other New World scripts, and the realization that these represent actual writing rather than pictography, now proves otherwise. Simultaneously, a more refined understanding of the working of early writing in general demonstrates that writing may develop gradually, rather than dramatically, a good case in point being, pr-ecisely, the stage witnessed by Tomb U-j" (Andréas Stauder, "The Earliest Egyptian Writing" IN: Woods (ed) Visible Language. Inventions of Writing in the Ancient Middle East and Beyond [2010] 142).

    Early Egypt Corpus of 1st dynasty

    Ivory and wooden labels are one of the most important items found in 1st dynasty royal and private tombs.
    They were attached to vessels containing various kinds of commodities (especially oil and fat) by means of a lace passing in a circular hole generally carved in the upper right corner (of the label's recto).
    The hieroglyphic signs onto them were engraved (less frequently painted in black and red ink) and often filled with coloured paste.
    The label size ranges from about 1 to 9 cm in breadth and 1,5 - 3 mm in thickness.

    Small tags from the Naqada mastabaThe earliest dynastic specimen are those found in the Naqada tomb of Neithhotep and in the Abydos tomb of Narmer; Some tags from Abydos cemetery Uthe Naqada tomb objects are little squares of c. 1-2 cm with numerals on one side and the queen's name on the other one; they are directly relatable to the pieces found by Amelineau and Petrie in the cemeteries B and U at Abydos (Narmer tomb and 'Dynasty 0' burials) and the earliest absolute evidence consists in the 160 + tags found by the German DAIK archaeologists under the direction of Gunter Dreyer in the tomb U-j (Naqada IIIa2, 3150 B.C.; for these latter see G. Dreyer 'Umm el-Qaab I. Das Pradynastische grab U-j...' 1998, p. 113-145; J. Kahl, in: Archéo-Nil 11, 2001, 102-134; id., in: CdE 78, 2003, 112-135) .
    The simple little tags containing only a king's, queen's or high official's name and the number or provenance of the goods, were used throughout the whole dynasty (see the ink examples from Saqqara tombs i.e.Qaa11); but already since the reign of Narmer, labels have been found to contain what could be interpreted, yet with some caution, allusions to historical events (as battle victories, important ceremonies, construction of buildings, payment of tributes, processions to different shrines and other happenings).
    We can divide the bone, ivory and wooden tags into year labels (on which a royal name is incised, along with the relevant ceremonies and other events of a single year and the indication of the product, its provenance, quality, and name and titles of the official who stored it; these are found only in royal or high élite tombs), celebrative labels (which often have the royal name inscribed and were probably produced in view of important celebrations -especially feasts and construction of buildings- but were not necessarily related to a commodity/storage) and private labels (which were attached to middle or lower class officials' gravegoods containers and reported the name of a product, eventually its quantity, and the name of the functionary responsible for producing/storaging -generally the tomb owner himself-).
    A broad classification of the labels in 4 groups has been deviced by P. Kaplony (IAF I, 284ff).
    The same author also divided First Dynasty labels into three main chronological groups (old, middle, late).

    A label of DjetThe early First Dynasty arrangement of labels in 2, 3 or 4 horizontal registers leaves place, by the reign of Djet, to the division in two broad vertical sectors, the right hand one containing the 'events', and the left one containing royal name, official's name and titles and finally the type, quality and amount of the stored commodity.
    By the reign of Djet the year hieroglyph (rnpt) appears on the right of the label, often starting from nearby the hole on the upper right corner and ending in the middle or in the lower right corner of the label, obviously in order to indicate that the events on its left all happened in the same regnal year. This device is the same found on Royal Annals (Palermo/ Cairo stone and related fragments).
    The introduction of the 'time parameter' tells us that, apart from the goods genere and the persons (king, queen, officials) and institutions (per nswt, domains, oil presses) controlling that goods, it was also important when these goods were confected, and this was achieved by quoting eponymous events (i.e. the indication of a king's regnal year by means of the mention of the main events happened during it).
    The pieces considered in this corpus are those of 1st dynasty only, thus those from Abydos cemeteries U and B remain excluded (except Narmer's and Aha's ones); furthermore no year-label has ever been ever found dating after the reign of Qa'a [The mention by Dreyer (in: EA 3, 1993, 11; cf. Piquette, 2004, 924) of labels from the reign of Hotepsekhemwy must be a mistake for 'seal impressions'].
    A later example is the IIIrd Dynasty Sekhemkhet's (Djoserty Ankh) linen-list ivory label. More are known for wine and oils in later periods.
    For deeper analysis of the single labels and their grouping cf. the work of P. Kaplony (IAF I, 1963, 284ff.).
    Sekhemkhet's  label (linen list)
    The reign of Den is the one for which most labels are known; on the contrary, to his follower, Adjib, only one fragment can be attributed (yet there are some feast-notices engraved on stone vessels during this reign).
    During the Second Dynasty and in following periods, some of the informations once incised on labels began to be engraved or painted on stone vessels (cfr. examples in P. Lacau - J.P. Lauer 'La Pyramide a Degrée' vol. V, 1965, 88-90; also G. Dreyer, Drei Archaisch-Hieratische Gefassaufschriften mit jahresnamen aus Elephantine, in: FS Fecht 1987, 98-109 with no royal name).
    Incised inscriptions on stone vessels of Khasekhem/Khasekhemwy (Second Dynasty)On the Annals and on a few stone vessels inscriptions of Khasekhemwy (fig. on the left) there is also a kind of inscriptional evidence which is very reminiscent of the 1st dynasty labels texts (P. Kaplony, LexAeg III, 237-8; id., IAF II, n. 1562).
    Indeed, as noted by M. Baud (Menes, la memoire historique..., Archéo-Nil 9, 1999, 109-147), the very method of time count (at least that with annalistic/economic scopes) did change during the Second Dynasty, with the adoption of biennial cattle counts (Tjenwt); the 1st dynasty method returned in use during the Third Dynasty, as evenemential years preserved on the cited ink inscriptions from Elephantine (G. Dreyer, loc. cit.) do attest. Finally (from Snofrw onwards) the system was definitively re-adjusted onto the reckoning/enumeration of (usually biennial) cattle-counts.
    The development of the tags before Dynasty 0 is more uncertain, and we can be sure that they already existed from before the time of tomb U-j: this is very important for the study of the origin of writing in Egypt (factors which caused the emergence of writing; age of invention of this system).
    Labels preserved only a 'short-hand' notation of the Egyptian language (no particles as prepositions, adverbs, pronuns), nonetheless they remain of great interest for the lexical studies (cf. J. Kahl, Frühägyptisches Wörterbuch, 2000-2004; id., Das System..., 1994; id., in: Archeo-Nil 11, 2001, 102-134).
    They have a huge value in complementing seal impressions and other contemporary sources for the study of Early Dynastic religion, administration, economy and geography (place names). A recent study by K. Piquette has concentrated on the representation of human body (and parts thereof) as portrayed on these small manufacts.
    The last aspect which I want to analyze is the relevancy of year-labels as historical sources.
    I have anticipated (cf. supra) that "events" were briefly mentioned on some portions of the etichettes, comprised within the lateral year-sign in the same way as annalistic notations on Palermo Stone and Cairo fragments appeared.
    A parallel between occurrances of festivities, gods names, rituals, institutions and other features found inscribed on both year labels and late Old Kingdom annals was drawn (by Sethe, Newberry, Weill and others) as early as Annals fragments (Scäfer 1902, Gauthier 1913, Petrie 1916) and Abydos royal tombs labels (Petrie 1901, 1902) were published.
    At that time there were few prejudices about the interpretation of similar documents as sheer chronicles of past historical events.
    This can also be comprehended studying the first discussions of Narmer palette and related artifacts ("Monuments of the Unification").
    On the other hand, the early archaeologists' eagerness for historical data, has presently been replaced with more cautious approaches which are influenced by functional, cognitive, post-processual anthropological and archaeological middle range theories.
    These perspectives prompt an analysis of the context in which such documents were manufactured and which they were ultimately destined to, as well as their purposes. Representations are consequently mostly treated as elements of symbolic/ ritual/ magic value, of propaganda of royal ideology. With few exceptions, the historical truth possibly embedded in the inscriptions is neglected, dealt with skepticism or absolutely rejected (cf. L. Morenz, Bild-Buchstaben..., 2004, 184; C. Köhler, History or Ideology? New Relations on the Narmer Palette and the Nature of Foreign Relations...., in: E. van den Brink, T. Levy, eds., Egypt And the Levant. Interrelations ..., 2002, 499-513; T. Wilkinson, Reality versus Ideology: The Evidence for 'Asiatics' in..., ibid., 2002, 514-520; contra G. Dreyer, Egypt's earliest historical event, in: EA 16, 2000, 6-7).

    There are correspondences both between the contents of inscriptions on labels and on other contemporary sources (cf. Narmer Abydos year-label, Narmer palette and Hierakonpolis ivory cylinder; gods, ceremonies and buildings mentioned on labels also appear on stone vessels inscriptions). "Historical" data provided by labels inscriptions also have interesting parallels, both in contents and in lay-out, with annalistic inscriptions of Palermo Stone and Cairo fragments (for the latter case a study has been devoted to the topic by G. Godron, in a chapter of his book "Etudes sur l'Horus Den..." (1990), p. 105-147. Also see A. Jimenez-Serrano, La Piedra de Palermo: Tradfuccion y Contextualizacion Historica, 2004; D. Redford, Pharaonic King-lists, Annals and Day-books, 1986).
    Common events are hippopotamus hunt (on Den's labels a savage bull hunt; but hippopotamus hunt is mentioned on a seal impression of the same king and possibly on a label, Den 36), the opening of a lake at Swt-NTjerw by Horus Den (Den 56), a royal visit to the temple of Herakleopolis (Den 45), the Sed fest (Den 1532) and Hedj-Wrw (London fragm. - Den 25?) and more. Mac Gregor's label (Den 31, first victory over the Eastern Desert dwellers/"Troglodytes") was connected in the past to the victory over the Jwntyw recorded on Palermo Stone rc. line III, case 2.

    Annals' year cases are indeed an abbreviated version of labels (event portions). It has been said about the formers' possible religious/magic value, aside the more practical one: it must be equally remarked that also labels might have been considered by ancient Egyptianto to retain something more than a mere administrative utility (that of controllers of the commodities stored in the containers which they were attached to).
    We know that writing in Egypt could be magically endowed of the same properties that real objects and reality itself had. At least as early as the 1st Dyn. the hierogliphic signs could be object of "mutilations" (seal impr. from the Naqada mastaba, Kahl, SÄK 2000) in order to control their magical, potentially harmful, power. Labels were, in my opinion, already conceived with the same properties that the later texts and depictions in the tombs would have: the "events" inscribed (always positive facts, with only a few possible exceptions -of doubtful reading) would magically prompt the Maat's will, thus reinforcing and eternally reproposing victories over the enemy and evil (apotropaia), fests, rituals and other "events".
    Additionally, inscriptions listing the commodity type and quantity did not only serve as a means of control of containers before these ended up in the tomb: they also acted as the lists of offerings found on tomb stelae (since late 1st Dyn., Helwan slab stelae) and then in Old Kingdom tombs niche-panels and wall paintings did. A magical substitute of material offerings for the afterlife of the deceased. If it wasn't so, then why would the labels be left attached to the vases or gathered in boxes after the containers had been placed into the tomb?


    My main interest is in the historical events, officials' titles and names of establishments and buildings depicted on the labels, as well as possible comparisons of these with the ones in the Annals. Furthermore the detailed analysis that I aim to complete should also clarify the relative chronology of the labels for each reign.
    I have tried to include in the corpus only labels (either Kaplony's 'jahrestafelchen' or 'festtafelchen'), excluding similar pieces as ivory or wooden parts of boxes, combs, gaming pieces or the like; when the object is not a label I do remark it.

    The comprehension of the archaic writing is still very hard, but great progresses have been made in the last decades by the efforts of various egyptologists, particularly Peter Kaplony, Wolfgang Helck and, more recently, Jochem Kahl (1994, 2003-on).
    It's impossible not to mention again the German excavations at Abydos which have yielded invaluable amount of new data from cemetery U, B and Umm el Qaab 1st-2nd dynasty royal tombs; some of the labels here listed have been recently found during these works of the German teams directed by Gunter Dreyer and readily published in the annual review of the Deutsche Archaeologische Institut of Cairo (1982- to present): Dreyer et al. in MDAIK n. 38 (1982), 46(1990), 49(1993), 52(1996), 54(1998), 56(2000); 59(2003); Dreyer 'Umm el Qaab I'(1998); many more labels have been found, especially in the tomb of Qa'a, (E.-M. Engel PhD thesis) but they are yet unpublished.
    Therefore the bases of this corpus remain the publications of the excavations at Abydos by W.F. Petrie (Royal Tombs I, II, Abydos I) and those at Saqqara by W.B. Emery (Hor Aha, Hemaka, Great Tombs I, II, III).
    see: https://www.academia.edu/34518277/Hieroglyphs_on_bone_ivory_tags_of_Abydos_probably_describe_goods_and_localities._Possible_link_to_Indus_Script_cipher   Hieroglyphs on bone, ivory tags of Abydos probably describe goods and localities. Possible link to Indus Script cipher?



    Representation of Dadhyañč myth in IVC -- Arvind Vyas. Daybook of supercargo, helmsman with bharat hard alloy cargo of ingots, equipment

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    https://tinyurl.com/ybwntjtzThis is the most frequent Indus Script expression. See: 


    खरडा  kharaḍā m (खरडणें) Scrapings (as from a culinary utensil). 2 Bruised or coarsely broken peppercorns &c.: a mass of bruised मेथ्या &c. 3 also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; a foul, blotted, interlined piece of writing. 4 also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book. (Marathi) See: karuma sharpness of sword (Tamil)(DEDR 1265) karumā'blaksmith' (Tamil);karmāra 'blacksmith' (R̥gveda). Thus Sign 176 on the Indus Script inscription signifies, 'daybook'. The inscription of three hypertext reads: खरडें daybook (detailing) baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) rebus: bharat'hard alloy of 'pewter, copper, tin' of kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman' (who is also) khār 'backbone' rebus:khār  खार् 'blacksmith'

    Sign 48        168 Bharat, name of a nation is derived from this Sign 48. Root: bharatiyo 'caster of metals', bharat 'metal alloy' in Indus Script  
    http://tinyurl.com/k58uysu khār 'backbone' rebus:khār  खार् 'blacksmith'
    Variants of Sign 48 Seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.This pictorial motif gets normalized in Indus writing system as a hieroglyph sign: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu)
     Sign 48 is a 'backbone, spine' hieroglyph: barao = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍm. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awākaṇḍ, °ī ʻ back ʼH. ̄ā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. ̄ɔ m., M. ̄ā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharata = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bha, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit. )baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi)

    I submit that there is no Sign 48 on the Kalibangan pottery graffiti. The pottery inscription seems to be a set of two hypertexts: 1. rim-of-jar; 2. rhombus + two ligatures of twigs.

     


    I have embedded, for ready reference, a brilliant post of Arvind Vyas on his blog and mirrored on Facebook





    Sign 342    1395         kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक 

    helmsman'. Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. 
    (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

     B. kāṇī ʻ ornamental swelling out in a vessel ʼ(CDIAL 2849)



     
    kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; Wg. kaṇə ʻ ear -- ring ʼ NTS xvii 266; S. kano m. ʻ rim, border ʼ; P. kannā m. ʻ obtuse angle of a kite ʼ (→ H. kannā m. ʻ edge, rim, handle ʼ); N. kānu ʻ end of a rope for supporting a burden ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ brim of a cup ʼ, G. kānɔ m.; M. kānā m. ʻ touch -- hole of a gun ʼ.(CDIAL 2831)

          कारणिक investigator, judge, teacherकर्णिक  steersman कर्णिका f. a pen , small brush करण m. writer , scribe करण n. (in law) an instrument , document , bond Mn. viii , 51 ; 52 ; 154 करण n. the special business of any tribe or caste
    कारणी or कारणीक  kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c. 2 Useful, serviceable, answering calls or occasions.  (Marathi)

    कर्णी karṇīf. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°)  Pāṇini8-3 , 46 कर्णी 1 An arrow of a particular shape (barbed arrow). 


    कर्णकm. (ifc. f(आ).) a prominence or handle or projection on the side or sides (of a vessel &c )(Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa)कर्ण the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12

    Sign 267 is oval=shape variant, rhombus-shape of a bun ingot. Like Sign 373, this sign also signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.ka1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼAV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kasikā -- .1. Pa. kasa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. ̄h ʻgong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= ̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. ̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Wokasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Wo 109.2. Pk. kasiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ;  A. ̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. ̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, ̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. (CDIAL 2756)
    Sign 274Variant Sign 273 The hypertexts are composed of Sign 267 and duplicated Sign 176 The rebus reading of both signs, Signs 273 and 274 somposed of Sign 267 and duplicated Sign 176 is:  kancu ʼmũh dul kharaḍa 'bell metal ingot metal casting daybook'. 

    Alternative 1: Alternatively,the two ligatures may signify: kūdī, kūṭī bunch of twigs (Sanskrit)  
    kuṭhi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelting furnace' (Santali) PLUS dula 'two' rebus; dul 'metal casting'. Thus, metalcasting smelting furnace. Thus, Signs 273, 274 may read: bell-metal metalcasting smelting furnace.

    Alternative 2: Alternatively, the pair of ligatured 'stalks' may read rebus as: Hieroglyph: joint of stalk: kāṇḍa (kāṇḍá -- TS.) m.n. ʻ single joint of a plant ʼ AV., ʻ arrow ʼ MBh., ʻ cluster, heap ʼ (in tr̥ṇa -- kāṇḍa -- Pāṇ. Kāś.). [Poss. connexion with gaṇḍa -- 2 makes prob. non -- Aryan origin (not with P. Tedesco Language 22, 190 < kr̥ntáti). Prob. ← Drav., cf. Tam. kaṇ ʻ joint of bamboo or sugarcane ʼ EWA i 197] Pa. kaṇḍa -- m.n. ʻ joint of stalk, stalk, arrow, lump ʼ; Pk. kaṁḍa -- , °aya -- m.n. ʻ knot of bough, bough, stick ʼ; Ash. kaṇ ʻ arrow ʼ, Kt. kåṇ, Wg. kāṇkŕãdotdot;, Pr. kə̃, Dm. kā̆n; Paš. lauṛ. kāṇḍkāṇ, ar. kōṇ, kuṛ. kō̃, dar. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ torch ʼ; Shum. kō̃ṛkō̃ ʻ arrow ʼ, Gaw. kāṇḍkāṇ; Kho. kan ʻ tree, large bush ʼ; Bshk. kāˋ'n ʻ arrow ʼ, Tor. kan m., Sv. kã̄ṛa, Phal. kōṇ, Sh. gil. kōn f. (→ Ḍ. kōn, pl. kāna f.), pales. kōṇ; K. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ stalk of a reed, straw ʼ (kān m. ʻ arrow ʼ ← Sh.?); S. kānu m. ʻ arrow ʼ, °no m. ʻ reed ʼ, °nī f. ʻ topmost joint of the reed Sara, reed pen, stalk, straw, porcupine's quill ʼ; L. kānã̄ m. ʻ stalk of the reed Sara ʼ, °nī˜ f. ʻ pen, small spear ʼ; P. kānnā m. ʻ the reed Saccharum munja, reed in a weaver's warp ʼ, kānī f. ʻ arrow ʼ; WPah. bhal. kān n. ʻ arrow ʼ, jaun. kã̄ḍ; N. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛo ʻ rafter ʼ; A. kã̄r ʻ arrow ʼ; B. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛā ʻ oil vessel made of bamboo joint, needle of bamboo for netting ʼ, kẽṛiyā ʻ wooden or earthen vessel for oil &c. ʼ; Or. kāṇḍakã̄ṛ ʻ stalk, arrow ʼ; Bi. kã̄ṛā ʻ stem of muñja grass (used for thatching) ʼ; Mth. kã̄ṛ ʻ stack of stalks of large millet ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ wooden milkpail ʼ; Bhoj. kaṇḍā ʻ reeds ʼ; H. kã̄ṛī f. ʻ rafter, yoke ʼ, kaṇḍā m. ʻ reed, bush ʼ (← EP.?); G. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ joint, bough, arrow ʼ, °ḍũ n. ʻ wrist ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint, bough, arrow, lucifer match ʼ; M. kã̄ḍ n. ʻ trunk, stem ʼ, °ḍẽ n. ʻ joint, knot, stem, straw ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint of sugarcane, shoot of root (of ginger, &c.) ʼ; Si. kaḍaya ʻ arrow ʼ. -- Deriv. A. kāriyāiba ʻ to shoot with an arrow ʼ.(CDIAL 3023) Rebus: kaṇḍa'equipment, metalware'.

    The hypertext on the inscription thus reads: kancu ʼmũh dul kaṇḍa 'bell-metal ingot cast equipment'
    The hypertext signifies 'rim-of-jar'. kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'. 

    Thus, the inscription on the Kalibangan pottery signifies 'supercargo's, helmsman's cargo of bell-metal ingot cast equipment

    Posted on December 22, 2018

    Mirrored on Facebook: https://www.messenger.com/t/1775207949264646

    Dadhyanch (dadhyañč), Dadhyach (Dadhyač), Dadhyang (Dadhyaŋ) or Dadhicha (dadhīca) is famous for donating his ribs to fabricate the Vajra for Indra. Though, Dadhyach (dadhyāč) is not a Ṛgvedic mantradṛṣṭā ṛṣi, he is a major mantradṛṣṭā ṛṣi for Śukla Yajurveda (Vājasaneyi-Saṃhitā), he visualized last five chapters of Vājasaneyi-Saṃhitā, where he is known as Dadhyang Atharvan (dadhyaŋ ātharvaṇa), the son of atharvaṇa. These chapters are:
    1. Pravargyagnikashvashvmedhopanisad (pravargyānikāśvamedhopaniṣad)
    2. Mahavir Sambharanaproksnadi (mahavīr sambharanaprokṣaṇādi)
    3. Mahavir Nirupanedharamadhugdohanam (mahavīr nirupaṇedharmdhugdohanaṃ)
    4. Pravargye Dharmabhedeprayashchitt (pravargye dharmabhedeprāyaścitta)
    5. Ishavasyopanisad (īśavāsyopaniṣad)
    Atharvaṇa is from an obsolete word athar, fire, a priest who has to do with fire and Soma. Also, of the priest who is said to have been the first to institute the worship of fire and offer Soma and prayers.Atharvaṇa is represented as a Prajāpati, as Brahmā’s eldest son, as the first learner and earliest teacher of the Brahma-vidyā, as the author of the Atharva-veda, as identical with Aŋgiras, as the father of Agni; as evident in RV I.83.4-5
    आदङ्गि॑राः प्रथ॒मं द॑धिरे॒ वय॑ इ॒द्धाग्न॑यः॒ शम्या॒ ये सु॑कृ॒त्यया॑ ।
    सर्व॑म्प॒णेः सम॑विन्दन्त॒ भोज॑न॒मश्वा॑वन्तं॒ गोम॑न्त॒मा प॒शुं नरः॑ ।।
    ā́d áṅgirāḥ pratʰamáṃ dadʰire váya iddʰā́gnayaḥ śámyā yé sukr̥tyáyā /
    sárvam paṇéḥ sám avindanta bʰójanam áśvāvantaṃ gómantam ā́ paśúṃ náraḥ //
    य॒ज्ञैरथ॑र्वा प्रथ॒मः प॒थस्त॑ते॒ ततः॒ सूर्यो॑ व्रत॒पा वे॒न आज॑नि ।
    आ गा आ॑जदु॒शना॑ का॒व्यः सचा॑ य॒मस्य॑ जा॒तम॒मृतं॑ यजामहे ।।
    yajñaír átʰarvā pratʰamáḥ patʰás tate tátaḥ sū́ryo vratapā́ vená ā́jani /
    ā́ gā́ ājad uśánā kāvyáḥ sácā yamásya jātám amŕ̥taṃ yajāmahe //
    Dadhyañč or dadhyač is compound of two words: ‘dadhi’ – to give and ‘añč’ or ‘ač’; dadhīca is also same as dadhyač; dadhyaŋ is compound of ‘dadhi’and ‘aŋ(g)’ – limb or body
    ‘dadhi’ – from root ‘‘dadh’ – to give; (in Ṛgveda) giving; this also means curd
    ‘añč’ – to bend, curve, incline, curl; to reverence (with inclined body), to honour; to tend, move, go, wander about; to request
    ‘ač’ – to go, move, tend; to honour; to make round or curved; to request, ask; it’s also a technical term for vowels.
    ‘aŋ(g)’ – limb of the body, a limb, member, the body
    The meaning of dadhi – to give is also attested in Avestan tradition, for example in Yasna 7.8
    “ashaya dadhãmi ushahinâi ashaone ashahe rathwe, ashaya dadhãmi berejyâi nmânyâica ashaone ashahe rathwe, ashaya dadhãmi sraoshahe ashyehe ashivatô verethrâjanô frâdat-gaêthahe rashnaosh razishtahe arshtâtasca frâdat-gaêthayå varedat-gaêthayå!”
    And I offer with a complete and sacred offering to Aiwisruthrima, the life-furtherer, and to Fradat-vispam-hujyaiti, and to the Zarathushtrotema, and to the Fravashis of the saints, and to the women who have many sons, and to the Prosperous home-life which endures (without reverse) throughout the year, and to Force, the well-shaped and stately, and to the Blow which smites with victory Ahura-given, and to the Victorious Ascendency (which it secures).
    So, Dadhyañč or Dadhyač or Dadhīca is the one who gives curling in reverence (honorably) on asking or request; and Dadhyaŋ the one who gives his body or limbs.
    Ṛgveda tells following about Dadhyañč:
    1. Dadhyañč is horse-headed; and is son of Atharvaṇa:
    तद्वां॑ नरा स॒नये॒ दंस॑ उ॒ग्रमा॒विष्कृ॑णोमि तन्य॒तुर्न वृ॒ष्टिम् ।
    द॒ध्यङ्ह॒ यन्मध्वा॑थर्व॒णो वा॒मश्व॑स्य शी॒र्ष्णा प्र यदी॑मु॒वाच॑ ।।
    tád vāṃ narā sanáye dáṃsa ugrám āvíṣ kr̥ṇomi tanyatúr ná vr̥ṣṭím /
    dadʰyáṅ ha yán mádʰv ātʰarvaṇó vām áśvasya śīrṣṇā́ prá yád īm uvā́ca //
    RV I.116.12
    Dadʰyáṅ ātʰarvaṇó, who was fitted horse’s head taught them the sweetness of the Soma. This horsehead, was later found by Indra in Śaryaṇā́vata (RV X.8.8).
    1. This horse head was given to him by Aśvinikumara(s), who learnt Tvata’s secret art of making Sweet Soma from Dadhyañč.
    आ॑थर्व॒णाया॑श्विना दधी॒चे ऽश्व्यं॒ शिरः॒ प्रत्ऐ॑रयतम् ।
    स वा॒म्मधु॒ प्र वो॑चदृता॒यन्त्वा॒ष्ट्रं यद्द॑स्रावपिक॒क्ष्यं॑ वाम् ।।
    ātʰarvaṇā́yāśvinā dadʰīcé ‘śvyaṃ śíraḥ práty airayatam /
    sá vām mádʰu prá vocadr̥tāyán tvāṣṭráṃ yád dasrāv apikakṣyàṃ vām //
    RV I.117.22
    1. Secrets of preparation of Soma is described to be uncovered Dadhyaŋ and Navagva.
    येना॒ नव॑ग्वो द॒ध्यङ्ङ॑पोर्णु॒ते येन॒ विप्रा॑स आपि॒रे ।
    दे॒वानां॑ सु॒म्ने अ॒मृत॑स्य॒ चारु॑णो॒ येन॒ श्रवां॑स्यान॒शुः ।।
    yénā návagvo dadʰyáṅṅ aporṇuté yéna víprāsa āpiré /
    devā́nāṃ sumné amŕ̥tasya cā́ruṇo yéna śrávāṃsy ānaśúḥ // RV IX.108.4
    1. Indra drank Soma and later used dadhīca’s bones (i.e. Vajra, crafted by Tvaṣta) to slay 99 Vṛtra(s); than he went to the place called Śaryaṇā́vata to find the head of the horse.
    ता अ॑स्य पृशना॒युवः॒ सोमं॑ श्रीणन्ति॒ पृश्न॑यः ।
    प्रि॒या इन्द्र॑स्य धे॒नवो॒ वज्रं॑ हिन्वन्ति॒ साय॑कं॒ वस्वी॒रनु॑ स्व॒राज्य॑म् ।।
    tā́ asya pr̥śanāyúvaḥ sómaṃ śrīṇanti pŕ̥śnayaḥ /
    priyā́ índrasya dʰenávo vájraṃ hinvanti sā́yakaṃ vásvīr ánu svarā́jyam //
    ता अ॑स्य॒ नम॑सा॒ सहः॑ सप॒र्यन्ति॒ प्रचे॑तसः ।
    व्र॒तान्य॑स्य सश्चिरे पु॒रूणि॑ पू॒र्वचि॑त्तये॒ वस्वी॒रनु॑ स्व॒राज्य॑म् ।।
    tā́ asya námasā sáhaḥ saparyánti prácetasaḥ /
    vratā́ny asya saścire purū́ṇi pūrvácittaye vásvīr ánu svarā́jyam //
    इन्द्रो॑ दधी॒चो अ॒स्थभि॑र्वृ॒त्राण्यप्र॑तिष्कुतः ।
    ज॒घान॑ नव॒तीर्नव॑ ।।
    índro dadʰīcó astʰábʰir vr̥trā́ṇy ápratiṣkutaḥ /
    jagʰā́na navatī́r náva //
    इ॒छन्नश्व॑स्य॒ यच्छिरः॒ पर्व॑ते॒ष्वप॑श्रितम् ।
    तद्वि॑दच्छर्य॒णाव॑ति ।।
    icʰánn áśvasya yác cʰíraḥ párvateṣv ápaśritam /
    tád vidac cʰaryaṇā́vati //
    RV I.84.11-14
    1. Indra is firm support to Atharvaṇa, and he gave cows to Trita from holds of Ahi, a serpent dragon. He also stripped Dasyus of their power and gave cow-pens to Dadhīca and Mātariśvan (the messenger of Vivasvat, who brings down the hidden fire to the Bhṛgus, that is depicted in RV. I, 93, 6).
    अ॒हमिन्द्रो॒ रोधो॒ वक्षो॒ अथ॑र्वणस्त्रि॒ताय॒ गा अ॑जनय॒महे॒रधि॑ ।
    अ॒हं दस्यु॑भ्यः॒ परि॑ नृ॒म्णमा द॑दे गो॒त्रा शिक्ष॑न्दधी॒चे मा॑त॒रिश्व॑ने ।।
    ahám índro ródʰo vákṣo átʰarvaṇas tritā́ya gā́ ajanayam áher ádʰi /
    aháṃ dásyubʰyaḥ pári nr̥mṇám ā́ dade gotrā́ śíkṣan dadʰīcé mātaríśvane // RV X.48.2
    1. Dadhyaŋ gave life for benefit of Indra. As evident in “Dadhyaŋ the son of Atharvaṇa is asked to hold the breath (tamu), granting compassion for Vṛtra-slayer Indra (addressed by his epithet Puraṃdara)”.
    तमु॑ त्वा द॒ध्यङ्ङृषिः॑ पु॒त्र ई॑धे॒ अथ॑र्वणः ।
    वृ॑त्र॒हण॑म्पुरंद॒रम् ।।
    tám u tvā dadʰyáṅṅ ŕ̥ṣiḥ putrá īdʰe átʰarvaṇaḥ /
    vr̥traháṇam puraṃdarám // RV VI.16.14
    1. There was at least one Vṛtra-slaying by Indra praised by Dadhyaŋ in tradition of Atharvaṇa and Manu.
    यामथ॑र्वा॒ मनु॑ष्पि॒ता द॒ध्यङ्धिय॒मत्न॑त ।
    तस्मि॒न्ब्रह्मा॑णि पू॒र्वथेन्द्र॑ उ॒क्था सम॑ग्म॒तार्च॒न्ननु॑ स्व॒राज्य॑म् ।।
    yā́m átʰarvā mánuṣ pitā́ dadʰyáṅ dʰíyam átnata /
    tásmin bráhmāṇi pūrvátʰéndra uktʰā́ sám agmatā́rcann ánu svarā́jyam // RV I.80.16
    1. Dadhyaŋ is counted as one of the ṛṣis, alongwith Aṅgiras, Priyamedha, Kaṇva, Atri and Manu.
    द॒ध्यङ्ह॑ मे ज॒नुष॒म्पूर्वो॒ अङ्गि॑राः प्रि॒यमे॑धः॒ कण्वो॒ अत्रि॒र्मनु॑र्विदु॒स्ते मे॒ पूर्वे॒ मनु॑र्विदुः ।
    तेषां॑ दे॒वेष्वाय॑तिर॒स्माकं॒ तेषु॒ नाभ॑यः । तेषा॑म्प॒देन॒ मह्या न॑मे गि॒रेन्द्रा॒ग्नी आ न॑मे गि॒रा ।।
    dadʰyáṅ ha me janúṣam pū́rvo áṅgirāḥ priyámedʰaḥ káṇvo átrir mánur vidus té me pū́rve mánur viduḥ /
    téṣāṃ devéṣv ā́yatir asmā́kaṃ téṣu nā́bʰayaḥ / téṣām padéna máhy ā́ name giréndrāgnī́ ā́ name girā́ // RV.1.139.9

    Iravatham Mahadevan’s Proposed Representation of Dadhyañč in IVC

    Iravatham Mahadevan in his paper “Murukan in Indus Script” made a comprehensive analysis of Indus signs 47 and 48 to arrive that sign 48 and other variations of this sign read as Murukan.
    Sign 47 and 48
    [p. 462]
    Three most common IVC signs
    [p. 462]
    Sign 48 is one of the three most repeated signs on IVC seals as per him
    “…this sign occurs almost exclusively on the votive tablets and sealings, indicating that it is a ‘religious formula’ of some kind. It is significant that in the Late Harappan Period at Kalibangan, the basic ideogram for ‘deity’ begins to appear as large-sized graffiti on pottery suggestive of its use also as a religious symbol.
    It is even more significant that the basic Indus ideogram for ‘deity’ survived as a religious symbol in the Post-Harappan Era and occurs in regions far removed from the Harappan homeland:
    (a) The frequent 3-sign text mentioned earlier (but with Sign 47 in the lead) is engraved on a seal found in the excavations at Vaśālī, Bihar” [p. 463]”
    Seal from Vaśālī
    [p. 463]
    He further mentions:
    “The two defining characteristics of the Harappan deity in Sign 48 are:
    (a) A skeletal body with a prominent row of ribs;
    (b) The deity is seated on his haunches, body bent and contracted, with lower limbs folded and knees drawn up.” [p. 464]
    And reports that this sign was also found at Kalibangan.
    Pottery Graffiti (Sign – 48)
    [p. 465]
    Harappan Seal K-48 from Kalibangan
    This unique seal, probably Late Harappan, found on the surface at Kalibangan, depicts a seated skeletal deity occupying the entire field [p. 465]
    Variants of Sign 48
    [p. 465]
    Iravatham Mahadevan links Dadhīca with Dadhikrā, a divine horse given to the Purus by Mitra and Varuṇa. Deriving the meaning of Dadhi as curd; he stated that:
    “ The etymology of the two names seemingly derived from dadhi ‘curds, buttermilk’ has remained inexplicable.” [p. 468]
    He then presents some example of continuation of such iconography and carries on to propose these words as Translation Loan (TL) from Dravidic, providing following words to support the etymology:
    “muci (Ta.) : to grow thin, to be emaciated (DEDR 4903).
    mucar, mōr (Ta.) : curds, buttermilk (DEDR 4902).
    muruṭu, muruṇṭu (Ka.) : to shrink, shrivel (DEDR 4972).
    moraṭa, moraṇa (Skt.): sour buttermilk (connected to Dr. mucar, mōr in DEDR 4902)” [p. 468]
    And then he makes Identification of the Harappan Skeletal Deity with Dravidic *muruku, [p. 475] based on the two defining characteristics of the pictorial depictions of the Harappan deity are (a) a skeletal body, and (b) bent and contracted posture.
    “(a) ‘To be shrivelled’ (DEDR 4972):
    Ma. muraṭuka : to shrivel; muraḷuka: id., decay.
    Ka. muraṭu, muruṭu, muruṇṭu : shrink, shrivel.
    Tu. muruṇṭu: : shrunk, shrivelled.
    Nk. mural : to wither.
    Kur. murdnā : to be dried to excess.
    (b) ‘To be contracted’ (DEDR 4977):
    Ta. muri : to bend; murivu: contracting, fold; mūri (nimir): (to stretch by) winding limbs.
    Ka. murige : bending, twisting; muruhu: a bend, curve, a crooked object;
    Ka. muraṭu, muruṭu, muruṇṭu : to be bent or drawn together, state of being contracted.(DEDR 4972).
    Tu. muri : curve, twist; murige: twist.
    Pa. murg : to be bent; murgal: hunchback.
    Ga. murg : to bend; murgen: bent; murug: to bend down.
    Go. moorga : humpbacked.
    (cf: Pkt. muria: twisted; old Mar. mured: to twist.)
    The two Sanskrit words are attested in Suśruta Saṃhita and Bhāvaprakāśa respectively, which are very late texts compared to Ṛgveda.
    Finally, reading this as rebus Iravatham Mahadevan arrived at following interpretation using homonyms:
    (c) ‘Strong, fierce, wild, fighting’ (DEDR 4971) :
    Ta. muraṭu : ill-temper, wildness, rudeness; muraṇ: fight, battle,
    fierceness, strength.
    Ma. muraṇ : fight, strength.
    Ko. morṭ : violence (of action); moṛdn: violent man.
    Tu. murle : quarrelsome man.
    Te. moraṭu : rude man.
    (d) ‘To destroy, kill’ (DEDR.4975) :
    Ta. murukku: to destroy, kill; muruṅku : to be destroyed.
    Ma. muruka: to cut.
    Kol., Nk. murk: to split, break.
    Kui. mrupka: to kill, murder.
    Kur. muruknā: to mangle, mutilate.
    Malt. murke: to cut into bits.
    (e) ‘Ancient’ (DEDR. 4969) :
    Ta. murañcu : to be old, ancient; mūri: antiquity.
    Kol., Pa. murtaḷ : old woman.
    Nk: murtal : old woman.
    Go. mur- : to mature [p. 476]
    And goes on to identify:
    “Harappan Skeletal Deity as revealed by the pictorial depictions and linguistic data summarised above, with those of *muruku (Murukan), the primitive god of the Tamils as recorded in the earliest layers of the Caṅkam poetry.” [p. 476]

    Alternative Vedic Sanskrit based explanation for the reading as Dadhyañč

    Iravatham Mahadevan has done a commendable work on compiling both the Sanskrit and Dravidian works to make his point. However, the explanation is lengthy and takes multiple steps (the first and foremost, a pure Vedic myth that has no comparable story in early Dravidian mythology. Also, *muruku (Murukan), a Strong, fierce, wild, fighting deity can’t be represented as a skeletal figure. However, Dadhyañč can be represented as a skeleton; and a bent figure based on ‘añč’ / ‘čī’suffix. Note that this suffix was also used to denote the directions in Vedic Sanskrit (which bow to the land).
    East: prāñč / prāčī
    West: pratyañč / pratīčī
    North: udañč / udīčī
    South adharāñč / adharāčī / avāčī / apāčī
    Before defining the Dravidic etymology, as we have already discussed that Iravatham Mahadevan suggested that there is no clear etymology for Dadhikrā and Dadhyañč. However, he did not mention that Dadhi has other meanings including “to give” and as already explained the derivation of all variations of the name Dadhyañč from Dadhi (meaning “to give”), which is more sensible. That however leaves us with the name Dadhikrā, which can easily be explained as compound of Dadhi and krā (which has root in kram).
    Krā or kram has following meanings (narrowed down to the meanings in context of Ṛgveda):
    “to step, walk, go, go towards, approach, to stretch over, project over, tower above”
    So, Dadhikrā could mean “giving projected over” (or bestowing). Note that in RV IV.38-40 and VII.44Dadhikrā is used in sense of personification of the morning Sun or used to address the morning Sun, which also is “giving projected over”.
    An alternative less favorable etymology of Dadhikrā can be Dadhi and akrā (feminine of akra – meaning a horse). However, that is ruled out as the compound of these two words should be Dadhīkrā (and the horse given to Purus is not a mare).

    Revising the Skeletal figure in sign 48

    Based on the analysis of Iravatham Mahadevan the sign 48 as well as seal K-48 of Kalibangan has following motifs:
    1. A skeletal figure (prominently featuring the ribs), reminiscent of the Vajra of Indra; and Dadhyang (Dadhyaŋ); who gave his body. Mahadevan has also demonstrated that the figure is similar to ancient Egyptian Ideogram of ribs.
    2. The deity is seated on his haunches, body bent and contracted, with lower limbs folded and knees drawn up; which is representation giving away respectfully bowed representing the name Dadhyanch (Dadhyañč) or Dadhyach (Dadhyač)
    3. A big head, which could be interpreted as head of horse; reminding the legend of Aśvaśíraḥ associated with Dadhyañč.
    Mahadevan mentioned that apart from him a few other scholars identified the figure as horse or a four legged animal.
    “It is interesting that some modern scholars studying the Indus Script have also interpreted Sign 48 as a ‘horse’ (Meriggi: ‘horse’ (3); Misra: ‘Dadhikrāvan’ (4)) . The Soviet scholars have also interpreted the sign as a quadruped, but as the ‘buffalo’ (presumably because there is no place for the ‘horse’ in their theory of the Dravidian origin of the Indus Civilization!) (5)
    Sanskrit based interpretation of Indus sign 48 and Kalibangan seal K-48 is sufficient to interpret that the bent skeletal figure represents Dadhyanch (Dadhyañč), Dadhyach (Dadhyač), Dadhyang (Dadhyaŋ) or Dadhicha (dadhīca) and the legend of Aśvaśíraḥ with him.

    Acknowledgement
    Thanks to commendable research of Iravatham Mahadevan, without basis of his work the further analysis would be impossible. I highly recommend to read the reference (2) below, especially for demonstrating the continuity of skeletal figures in Indian arts (in far-fetched areas in Southern and Eastern India.

    References
    1. For meaning of various terms:Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 1899
    2. AIRĀVATI, Felicitation volume in honour of Iravatham Mahadevan, (First Edition : August 2008), VARALAARU.COM. Murukan in Indus Script (Page 461-488)
    3. Meriggi P. 1934 Zur Indus-Schrift. ZDMG, 87 (NF 12). pp. 198-241. (Reference by Iravatham Mahadevan)
    4. Mishra, Madhusudan, 1998 From Indus to Sanskrit, Pt.III. Delhi. pp. 78-81 (Reference by Iravatham Mahadevan)
    5. Knorozov et al, 1981 Proto-Indica 1979. Moscow, Index of Signs, No.48 (pp. 84, 100) (Reference by Iravatham Mahadevan) https://arvindvyas64.wordpress.com/2018/12/22/representation-of-dadhyanc-myth-in-ivc/

    India's agrarian crisis - Alf Gunvald Nilsen. NaMo, announce National Water Grid, add 9 crore acres of wet land, distribute to 27 crore landless families at 0.3 acre per family

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    NaMo has to announce National Water Grid. 

    The centre-piece of the Grid, the interlinking of rivers moving Brahmaputra flood waters through Ganga, Farakka Barrage, Subarnarekha, Mahanadi into the southern Bharat riverine systems will double the waterflows in all rivers south of Vindhyas, create 3.5 m hectares of additional wet land. Distributing this addl arable land to landless farmers can revolutionise the agrarian situation. This is the recipe for avoiding recurrent flood relief operations in the north-east and recurring droughts in the monsoon-base agrarian regions of the rest of Bharat. SC has blessed the project through a judgment in 2012 of a threejudge bench headed by the then CJI. The National Water Grid has the potential to make 27 crore families new landowners and double agricultural production. Bharat can feed the world. 

    NaMo, announce National Water Grid. 

    जीवेम शरदः शतम् Generations of Bharat will bless you.

    Kalyanaraman


    How Can We Understand India’s Agrarian Struggle Beyond ‘Modi Sarkar Murdabad’


    Alf Gunvald Nilsen (alfgunvald@gmail.com) is professor of sociology at the University of Pretoria.

    How Can We Understand India’s Agrarian Struggle Beyond ‘Modi Sarkar Murdabad’


    21 December 2018





    India is witnessing a new wave of agrarian protest. Grounded in a deep crisis in the country's agricultural sector, these protests express a deep sense of disappointment in the economic policies of the Modi regime. This article discusses how the new agrarian struggle should be understood as a symptom of the disintegration of the Modi regime's project of authoritarian populism. However, the author proposes that addressing India's agrarian crisis will require far more than simply ousting the Modi government. He argues that today's crisis is grounded in the neo-liberal reforms that have shaped India's political economy since the early 1990s, and it is therefore necessary to counter the crisis with a definite break with neo-liberalisation.

    When some 35,000 farmers gathered in protest in Delhi during the last two days of November, their ire against the ruling dispensation in India was more than evident (Parth/PARI 2018). Chants of “Modi Sarkar Murdabad! Murdabad! Murdabad!” echoed through the streets of the capital, and demonstrators were vocal in calling attention to their sense of betrayal by Narendra Modi and his government. “Modi promised to double our income but we can't even feed ourselves,” said one protesting farmer from Odisha (Al Jazeera 2018). “We are very angry with the central government,” said another demonstrator. “They have not fulfilled any of the promises they made for farmers.” (Lalwani 2018) 

    Agrarian anger with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance government is nothing, if not well founded. Modi, of course, came to power after having assured the Indian electorate that he would bring achhe din, but the good days have proven elusive in India’s countryside. Indeed, the condition of Indian farmers and rural workers has worsened since 2014 as the price of fuel and fertilisers have increased, while farm incomes and rural wages have decreased (Parsai 2018; Jadhav and Bhardwaj 2018; Financial Express2018). It is a well-known fact that this pincer movement fuels level of indebtedness—a dynamic which many consider one of the key reasons behind the suicide crisis in rural India—but the Modi regime has failed to respond in an adequate manner to demands for loan waivers for farmers (Ghadyalpatil 2017). And finally, demonetisation—Modi’s supposed blitzkrieg against black money and corruption—has wreaked havoc on the agricultural sector by disrupting cultivation, crop sales, and credit networks (Scroll 2018). 

    The fact that this anger has congealed in the form of organised protest is, of course, very significant. As I argue below, this seems to be a key part of a process in which Modi’s fusion of neo-liberalism and Hindutva in a project of authoritarian populism is beginning to disintegrate. However, there is something amiss in a narrative that has begun to emerge, in which the current agrarian struggle in India is seen to pivot on the single issue of the ousting of Modi and the BJP from power. This, I will suggest, is to both misunderstand and underestimate the nature of the challenge that rural protest poses in terms of constructing a counter-hegemonic political project in India today. The roots of the protests that we are witnessing run much deeper than the incumbent government, and therefore, a progressive antidote to the agrarian crisis also has to encompass much more than simply opposition to Modi’s authoritarian populism. 

    Modi Unravelling?

    Modi’s electoral victory and the rule of the BJP since 2014 have been based on a two-pronged project of authoritarian populism (Nilsen 2018a). On the one hand, Modi has been consistently portrayed as “Vikas Purush”—a man of development—who would scale up the growth miracle he claimed to have engineered in Gujarat to the national level. In doing so, an attempt has been made to tap into the frustrated ambitions that were generated by jobless growth during the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) era. On the other hand, Hindu nationalism has been mobilised in the form of a profoundly violent, majoritarian cultural politics that targets Muslims and Dalits in particular. Fusing these prongs is an overarching narrative that posits the Modi regime as an anti-elitist alternative to the dynastic politics of the Congress and denounces dissent as a betrayal of the national interest (Nilsen 2018b; Chacko 2018). 

    This project represents the culmination of a longer process in which the BJP has expanded its vote base beyond the urban middle class and upper caste groups that have been its main pillars of support since its appearance on the political stage in the early 1980s (Hansen 1999; Jaffrelot 1996). During the 1990s, the party worked hard to expand its social base among India’s Other Backward Classes (OBCs)—or, as K. Balagopal (2011) referred to them—India’s provincial propertied classes (Jaffrelot 1998; Palshikar 2015; Desai 2016). This was achieved either by absorbing OBC groups directly into the party, as happened in Gujarat, or through the making of coalitions with other political parties (Desai 2011). The importance of this process was clearly visible in the results of the 2014 general election: in addition to securing 56% of the upper-caste vote, the BJP also secured 34% of the OBC vote (Sridharan 2014; Alder 2017). Indeed, the rural vote went overwhelmingly to Modi in 2014 (Bhardwaj 2018). And significantly, beyond the OBC votes, the BJP victory was also underpinned by the fact that it won 24% of the Dalit or Scheduled Caste (SC) votes and 38% of the Adivasi or Scheduled Tribe (ST) vote (Sridharan 2014).  

    For almost two years following the elections, Modi and the BJP appeared to be unstoppable in the domain of electoral politics. At one point, the party was the dominant presence in 20 of India’s 29 states (Quint 2018; Wire 2018a). The pinnacle of the BJP’s consolidation of power was undoubtedly the Uttar Pradesh assembly election in March 2017, in which the party won 312 out of 403 seats and Yogi Adityanath, perhaps the foremost representative of unbridled Hindutva in the BJP today, came to power (Livemint 2017; Bhowmick 2017; Venu 2017).  

    However, from late 2017 onwards, the electoral tide seems to have turned, slowly but surely. One of the first indications of this was the BJP’s poor show in the state elections in Modi’s home state, Gujarat, in December 2017. As Zoya Hasan (2017) has pointed out, the BJP, despite winning the elections, was left with the smallest majority the party had ever had during more than 20 years of dominance in the state. This scenario was a result, above all, of a steady erosion of support for the BJP in rural Gujarat, propelled in no small part by agrarian discontent (Mahaprashasta 2017; Pathak 2018; Upadhyaya 2017). The first half of 2018 witnessed a continuation of this trend, as the BJP lost important the by-elections in two prominent Lok Sabha constituencies in Uttar Pradesh to the Samajwadi Party. It also lost a Lok Sabha by-election in Bihar and a by-election for the state assembly in Jehanabad in the same state. As in Gujarat, agrarian distress played a key role in the BJP defeats in both states (Mahaprashasta 2018a; 2018b).  

    These electoral setbacks have been paralleled by the emergence of a new wave of farmers’ protests in India. During the summer of 2017, protests and riots erupted in rural areas in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, both of which were then ruled by the BJP. In Mandsaur in north-western Madhya Pradesh, five farmers were shot and killed by the police during violent demonstrations in which farmers were demanding higher minimum support prices and loan waivers (Mitra and Santoshi 2017). The year also witnessed a long protest by farmers from Tamil Nadu at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar. The demand from the protestors, who carried the skulls of farmers who had committed suicide, was once again for loan waivers and government action on indebtedness (Mahalingam 2017). In March 2018, some 25,000 farmers marched from Nasik to Mumbai to demand debt relief, minimum support prices, and land rights. In September and October, large protests were organised in Delhi by the All-India Kisan Sabha and the Bhartiya Kisan Union respectively (Parth 2018; Agarwal 2018). In late November, 20,000 farmers marched from Thane to Mumbai to demand drought compensation, loan waivers, and forest rights for Adivasis (Wire 2018b). It is worth noting that these large-scale protests have been taking place against a backdrop of widespread and increasing unrest throughout India’s vast countryside, often rooted in the discontent generated by agricultural stagnation, unemployment, and state-sponsored land grabs (Kapoor 2016).  

    The double helix of agrarian protest and electoral setbacks shook the Modi regime again—merely ten days after the November farmers’ march—when the BJP was ousted from power in the assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh (Mahaprashasta 2018c). As commentators noted, the triple whammy was clearly underpinned by rural voters, both farmers and farm labourers, abandoning the BJP (Kanwal 2018). In other words, it seems clear beyond doubt that Modi’s success in extending and consolidating support for the BJP agenda of neo-liberalism and Hindu nationalism among rural subaltern groups is unravelling, largely as a result of the fact that the promises of growth, jobs, and prosperity have remained elusive. Moreover, the emergence of a new and radical Dalit–Bahujan politics that fuses opposition to caste-based discrimination with demands for land rights and dignified work has added further momentum to the reversal of the Hindutva advance on India’s rural margins (Pai 2018; Shepherd 2018; Vij 2018). 

    Altogether 21 opposition parties rallied in support of the farmers’ march in Delhi in late November. “Farmers are not seeking free gifts from the government—only their rights,” Rahul Gandhi declared at Jantar Mantar (Jeelani 2018). This is significant in the sense that agrarian distress and farmers’ protests seem to have provided the opposition (that spent the first two years after 2014 scrambling for direction) with a rallying point for unity against the Modi government. If a tangible agenda to challenge the BJP is successfully hammered out, in which the demands that have been voiced by India’s unquiet farmers over the past 18 months are addressed, the general election of 2019 might well prove to be far less of a foregone conclusion than many have assumed. If so, rural India will have proven to be the rock against which the Modi wave finally breaks. However, there is no guarantee that breaking the Modi wave will be a sufficient antidote to India’s agrarian crisis. 

    Beyond “Modi Sarkar Murdabad!”

    India’s agrarian crisis—a crisis that has led to more than 3,00,000 suicides among farmers and farm workers in the last twenty years—is rooted in the very structure of the country’s political economy, and particularly the way that neo-liberal reforms have shaped that political economy since the early 1990s. Neo-liberalisation has led to a relative withdrawal of state intervention in the agricultural sector: public investment in infrastructure, for example irrigation facilities, has declined; trade protection for agricultural commodities has been removed, resulting in a drastic fall in prices; state subsidies of inputs such as seeds and fertilisers have been scaled down, while control over input and output markets has been relinquished to the private sector; financial liberalisation has led to a decline in institutional credit for agricultural operations; agricultural land has been transferred to non-agricultural use at a rapid rate and large scale (Patnaik 2002; Walker 2008; Reddy and Mishra 2010). It is neo-liberalisation, in short, that has given rise to the pincer movement of rising costs and declining incomes, as well as the resultant increase in indebtedness, that is at the heart of the current agrarian struggle.  

    Drawing on a decade of research on the agrarian sector across several states in India, Shukla et al (forthcoming)[1] have detailed the nature of the livelihood crisis that has resulted from the impact of neo-liberal policies. First, the total amount of land that is available for household operational holdings has declined sharply from 125 million hectares in the early 1990s to 94 million hectares in 2011–12. This means that the average area of land available per holding is as little as 0.87 acres, which is not sufficient for anything remotely resembling a dignified livelihood for the 244 millions Indians employed in agriculture. Second, agricultural land is extremely unequally distributed in India, and inequalities have been escalating during and as a result of the process of neo-liberalisation. Today, only 7% of rural households have holdings greater than 2 hectares, but these households control 47% of the country’s land area. The remaining 93% do not have land at all, or are relegated to small and marginal holdings. About 40% of the agricultural workforce is wholly dependent on wage labour for their livelihoods, while the majority of cultivators have such small holdings that they need to supplement cultivation with wage labour. Given that agricultural wages are very low and agricultural work is intermittent, migration has become a necessity for survival (Breman 2016; Pattenden 2016; Shah et al 2017). 

    This is a scenario that warrants much more than simply minimum support prices and loan waivers. Shukla et al (forthcoming) suggest that a comprehensive policy to address India’s agrarian crisis would require a fundamental restructuring of land–labour relations in the agricultural sector. They argue that this restructuring should begin with a moratorium on the transfer of agricultural land and the elimination of speculative land markets. This would, in turn, have to be coupled with a new land reform agenda to recover and redistribute surplus lands to landless households. However, such redistribution is only a necessary step towards addressing the crisis—it is not a sufficient measure as such. Given that smallholdings are not viable as productive units, cooperative farms have to be established, and these farms have to be federated across district, state, and national levels. However, redistribution of land and cooperative farms will not provide sufficient employment for the agrarian workforce. It will, therefore, be necessary to form labour collectives to engage in activities related to agriculture, for example, providing necessary inputs, or taking care of agro-processing, storage, transport, and distribution. In order to enable this, the corporate sector must be excluded from input and output markets.  

    It goes without saying that a policy response of this kind is far beyond the parameters of the “inclusive neo-liberalism” that the UPA regime pursued from 2004 to 2014, in which social policies in the form of rights-based legislation were combined with further entrenchment of neo-liberal policies (Nilsen forthcoming). Indeed, the UPA did not even see fit to implement the recommendations for inclusive growth in agriculture as proposed in the 2006 report of the National Commission of Farmers (Swaminathan Report) that was established according to terms of reference laid out in the Common Minimum Programme (Ghosh 2018). This raises thorny questions for the opposition forces that lent support to the farmers’ march, especially given the central role that Rahul Gandhi and the Congress have assumed in forging unity between the opposition parties. It is reasonable to ask what space there is within this emergent formation for a genuinely radical response to the ongoing agrarian struggle in India. 

    Adding to the challenge of moving beyond a single-issue agenda of opposing the Modi regime, is the fact that the current agrarian struggle in India is propelled by very different social forces compared to the farmers’ movements of the 1980s and 1990s. Farmers’ movements such as the Shetkari Sangathana in Maharashtra and the Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha represented the class of rich farmers that had emerged as a result of land reforms and the green revolution in postcolonial India, in other words, Balagopal’s provincial propertied classes proper. Crucially, these movements espoused an ideology that posited rural India—invariably referred to as Bharat—as an internal colony that was being exploited by the paschimikrit samaj(Westernised society) of urban India (Balagopal 2011: 206). The significant differences between the needs and interests of small and marginal farmers on the one hand and those of the rich and middle farmers, as well as the profoundly exploitative relations that existed between farmers and the agrarian working classes, were erased (Banaji 1994; Dhanagare 1994; Bentall and Corbridge 1996). As Sudhir Kumar Suthar (2018) has pointed out, the movement that is currently emerging is far more diverse, and there is significant representation of small and marginal farmers, landless labourers, Adivasis, and notably, urban youth from rural backgrounds (Krishnamurthy and Aiyar 2018). 

    Christophe Jaffrelot (2018) has argued that this means that the policy response cannot be crafted with reference to an imagined kisan(farmer) interest that is unitary and uniform, and certainly not an imagined kisan interest that is modelled on the figure of the landed farmer. Simply put, there has to be a recognition of the facts that Shukla et al (forthcoming) call attention to: namely, that the countryside is shot through with inequalities and that the vast majority of India’s rural population are dependent on wage labour for their survival. This recognition must be reflected in policies that are attuned to the needs and interests of those who have been most marginalised and most exploited by India’s predatory economic growth. This is no doubt a difficult and daunting political task, but in a country where 11,300 farmers and agricultural workers committed suicide in the same year as 57 billionaires were reported to own as much wealth as the bottom 70% of the country’s population, the stakes are too high for anything else to be an option (Tiwary 2018; Jha 2017). 


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    ·         Image Courtesy: Modified. Wikimedia Commons/Yann Forget [CC BY-SA 4.0]




    The mystic metaphor of दध्यच् dadhiāśira. dadhi is आशिर fire & is mixed with soma. This is मधु--विद्या 'mystic science'

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    This is an addendum to: 


    दाधीच mf()n. relating to दधीचि or दध्यच्; m. patr. of च्यवन (ताण्ड्य-ब्राह्मणध्य्--च् m. (nom. -/अङ् acc. -/अञ्चम् ; dat. °धीच्/ए gen. °धीच्/अस् ; cf. Pa1n2. 6-1 , 170) " sprinkling द्/अधि " (cf. °धि-क्र्/आ and घृत्/आ*चीN.of a mythical ऋषि or sacrificer ( RV. i , 80 , 16 and [called अङ्गिरस्139 , 9 [आङ्गिरस.(ताण्ड्य-ब्राह्मण xii , 8) ; son of अथर्वन् [cf. आथर्वण्/अRV. vi , 16 , 14 BhP. iv , 1 , 42 ; having the head of a horse and teaching the अश्विन्s to find in त्वष्टृ's house the म्/अधु or सोम RV. i , 116 f. and 119 ; ix , 108 , 4 ; favoured by इन्द्र [x , 48 , 2] who slays 99 वृत्रs or foes with a thunderbolt made of his bones i. 84 , 13 BhP. vi , 11 , 20 ; viii , 20 , 7 ; propounder of the ब्राह्मण called म्/अधु S3Br. iv , xiv BhP. vi , 9 , 5 0ff.)

    आशिर m. ( Un2. i , 53) fire; (= आश्/इर्n. (?) the milk mixed with the सोमअश् to master , become master of and hence, aśva or horse head दध्यच् is a metaphor for rulership.


    9.101.12 These filtered Soma juices, intelligent, mixed with curds, swift-moving, firm in the water (are) brilliant as suns.


    Bone is an elementary constituent and hence, dadhi is आशिर fire is धातु  dhâ-tu, 'element'. आशिर fire is deemed to be an element which mixes with Soma ore, to generate metal. Thus, dadhi is a metaphor for आशिर fire which fuses with Soma ore to generate metallic Soma, a form of wealth.

    धातु   1. dhâ-tu layer; component part (--° a.); element (five are assumed: ether, air, fire, earth, water); elementary constituent of the body (seven are assumed: alimentary juice, blood, flesh, fat, bone, marrow, semen; or five: ear, nose, mouth, heart, abdomen; or three=dosha: wind, gall, phlegm); elementary constituent of the earth or of mountains: ore, mineral, metal, esp. red chalk; verbal element, verbal root or base.







    1.084.13 Indra, with the bones of Dadhi_ci, slew ninety times nine Vr.tras. [Dadhyan~c = Dadhi_ca and Dadhi_ci, a sage. His bones formed the thunderbolt of Indra. dadhyan~c, son of Atharvan, like the asuras, was intimidated and tranquilized by his appearance; but, when he went to svarga, the asuras overspread the whole earth. Indra, inquiring what had become of him and if something of him was left  behind, was told that the horse's head with which he had at one time taught the madhuvidya_ to the as'vins, was somewhere in existence, but no one knew where. After a searth, it was found in the lake S'aryan.a_vat, near Kuruks.etra. With the bones of the skull, Indra slew the asuras (i.e. foiled the nine times ninety or eight hundred and ten, strategems or devices of the asuras or Vr.tras]. The number is accounted for by the legend that in the beginning, the a_suri_ ma_ya_ (demoniac illusion) was practised in the three worlds, for three periods (past, present, and future), thus becoming nine-fold; each was exerted with three s'aktis or energies, thus becoming twenty seven; each was again modified by the three gun.as, thus becoming eighty-one; the scene of their display extended to each of the ten regions of space, thus becoming the nine times ninety of the text, or 810].

    1.139.09 The ancient Dadhyan~c, An:giras, Priyamedha, Kan.va, Atri, Manu, have known my birth; they who were of old and Manu have known (my progenitors); for of them is long life amongst the gods, and in them is our existence; for the sake of their nigh station, I adore (the gods) with praise; I worship Indra and Agni with praise. [My birth: the birth of me, Parucchepas, the r.s.i of the hymn; he is subsequent to them or of more recent date. te me pu_rve manur viduh: added is pitra_di_n, fathers; Manu = manavah, pl., i.e. former Manus; pu_rve is applied to those previously named, Dadhyan~c and the rest; manavas'ca and the Manus. In them is our existence: asma_kam tes.u na_bhayah, in them are our 'navels'; explained as vital airs, in connection with life, ji_vena saha sam.bandhavantah pra_n.a_h; or by sacrifices in relation to their rewards, phalena sam.baddha_h ya_ga_h].


    1.119.09 That honey-seeking bee also murmured your praise; the son of Us;ij invokes you to the exhilaratin of Soma; you conciliated the mind of Dadhyan~c, so that, provided with the head of a horse, he taught you (the mystic science). मधु--विद्या f. " science of sweetness " , N. of a partic. mystical doctrine (बृहद्-ारण्यक-उपनिषद्; साम-वेद)
    1.116.12 I proclaim, leadeers (of sacriifce), for the sake of acquiring wealth, that inimitable deed which you performed, as the thunder (announces) rain, when provided by you with the head of a horse. Dadhyan~c, the son of Atharvan, taught you the mystic science. [Legend: Vana Parva, Maha_bha_rata: gods, being oppressed by the Ka_lakeya asuras, solicited from the sage Dadhica his bones, which he gave them, and from which Tvas.t.a_ fabricated the thunderbolt with which Indra slew Vr̥tra and routed the asuras. The text: Indra, having taught the science called pravargya vidya_ and madhu-vidya_ to Dadhyan~c, threatened that he would cut off his head if ever he taught them to any one else; the As'vins prevailed upon him, nevertheless, to teach them the prohibited knowledge, and, to evade Indra's threat, took off the head of the sage, replacing it by that of a horse; Indr, apprised of Dadhyan~c's breach of faith, struck off his equine head with the thunderbolt; on which, the Aśvins restored to him his own. The pravargya vidya_ is said to imply certain verses of the r̥k, yajur and sa_ma vedas, and the madhu-vidya_ the Bra_hman.a].


    6.16.14 The r.s.i, Dadhyan~c, the son of Atharvan, kindled the slayer of Vr̥tra, the destroyer of the cities of Asuras.

    1.080.16 In like manner as of old, so in whatever act of worship Atharvan or father Manu, or Dadhyan~c engaged, their oblations and their hymns were all congregated in that Indra, manifesting his own sovereignty. [Manus.-pita: Manu being the progenitor of all mankind; dadhyan~c or dadhi_ci_, a r.s.i, son of Atharvan].


    9.063.15 The Soma-juices mixed with curds effused for Indra, the wielder of the thunderbolt, flow through the filter.
    9.063.16 Soma, pour into the filter to bring us wealth (your juice), which is most sweet-flavoured, exhilarating and most desired by the gods.
    9.063.17 The priests cleanse in the (vasati_vari_) waters the green-tinted powerful exhilarating Indu for Indra.
    9.063.18 Soma, pour forth wealth of gold, horses and male offspring; bring us food and cattle. [Yasus. 8.63]. 
     
    9.022.01 These Soma-juices, when let out, neigh as they leap swiftly forth like chariots or rapid steeds let loose.
    9.022.02 Like strong winds, like the rains of Parjanya, like the swift-whiring (flames) of fire.
    9.022.03 These pure Soma-juices, sagacious, mixed with curds, easily pervade our cermonies with their intelligence. [With their intellignece: vipa_ = prajn~a_nena; vip = twigs which form the bottom of the funnel and suppor the filtering-cloth].
    9.022.04 Purified, immortal, issuing from the vessels, eager to traverse their (assigned) paths and the universe, they are never wearied.
    9.022.05 Spreading in various directions, they pervade the surface of earth and sky, you and this highest heaven.
    9.022.06 Descending rivers follow this excellent (Soma) as it spreads out the sacrifice; this rits is glorified thereby. [As it spreads out the sacrifice: tantum = yajn~am; or, alternatively, straining-cloth; 'descending river fills out the outspread threads'].
    9.022.07 You, Soma, hold the wealth of kine which you have won from the Pan.is, you have called aloud at the outspread sacrifice
    Atharvaṇa is Aŋgiras, the father of Agni 
    RV 1.083.04 The An:girasas first prepared (for Indra) the sacrificial food, and then, with kindled fire, (worshipped him) with a most holy rite; they, the institutors (of the ceremony); acquired all the wealth of Pan.i, comprising horses, and cows, and (other) animals.
    1.083.05 Atharvan first by sacrifices discovered the path (of the stolen cattle); then the bright sun, the cherisher of pious acts, was born. Atharvan regained the cattle; Ka_vya (Us.ana_s) was associated with him. Let us worship the immortal (Indra), who was born to restrain (the asuras). [ajani, was born: 'the sun appeared, in order to light the way to the cave where the cows were hidden'; Ka_vya is identified with Us.ana_s; Us.ana_s is identified with Bhr.gu; ka_vyah kaveh putra us.ana_ bhr.guh, meaning that only Us.ana_s was of the family of Bhr.gu (cf. Vis.n.u Pura_n.a, 82); To restrain (the asuras): the text has yamasya ja_tam; the term yamasya is explained: asura_n.a_m niyamana_rtham].


    10.048.02 I, Indra, amd the strtiker off of the head of the son of Atharvan, I generated the waters from above the cloud for the sake of Trita. I carried off their wealth from the Dasyus; taming the clouds for Dadhyan~c, the son of Ma_taris'van. [Son of Atharvan: named Dadhyan~c: S'atapatha Bra_hman.a 14.5.16; RV 1.116.12; Trita = Tria A_ptya, who had fallen into a well; RV 10.33.2; Dadhyan~c, son of Ma_taris'van: different from another Dadhyan~c the son of Atharvan; ma_taris'vanah putrah: S'atapatha Bra_hman.a 14.2.5.16].
    10.048.03 For me Tvas.t.a_ fabricated the metal thunderbolt; in me the gods have concentrated pious acts; my lustre is insurmountable, like that of the Sun; men acknowledge me as lord in consequence of what I have done, and of what I shall do. [My lustre is the Sun: my army is hard to overcome, like the sun's lustre; ani_ka = lit., face].
    1.084.11 Desirous of his contact, those bridled cows dilute the Soma with their milk; the kine that are loved of Indra direct his destructive thunderbolt against his foes, abiding (in their stalls) expectant of his sovereignty.
    1.084.12 These intelligent kine reverence his prowess with the adoration (of their milk); they celebrate his manly exploits as an example to later (adversaries); abiding (in their stalls), expectant of his sovereignty.
    1.084.13 Indra, with the bones of Dadhi_ci, slew ninety times nine Vr.tras. [Dadhyan~c = Dadhi_ca and Dadhi_ci, a sage. His bones formed the thunderbolt of Indra. dadhyan~c, son of Atharvan, like the asuras, was intimidated and tranquilized by his appearance; but, when he went to svarga, the asuras overspread the whole earth. Indra, inquiring what had become of him and if something of him was left  behind, was told that the horse's head with which he had at one time taught the madhuvidya_ to the as'vins, was somewhere in existence, but no one knew where. After a searth, it was found in the lake S'aryan.a_vat, near Kuruks.etra. With the bones of the skull, Indra slew the asuras (i.e. foiled the nine times ninety or eight hundred and ten, strategems or devices of the asuras or Vr.tras]. The number is accounted for by the legend that in the beginning, the a_suri_ ma_ya_ (demoniac illusion) was practised in the three worlds, for three periods (past, present, and future), thus becoming nine-fold; each was exerted with three s'aktis or energies, thus becoming twenty seven; each was again modified by the three gun.as, thus becoming eighty-one; the scene of their display extended to each of the ten regions of space, thus becoming the nine times ninety of the text, or 810].
    1.084.14 Wishing for the horse's head hidden in the mountains, he found is S'aryan.a_vat.

    RV 9.108.04 (You) through whom Dadhyan~c tthe offerer of the nine days' rites opened (the cave), through whom the r.s.is recovered (the stolen cows), through whom under the protection of the gods the worshippers obtained the sustenance of the delicious (ambrosial water -- metaphor for Soma, wealth).

    Vālakhilyas: Were they the descendants of “Hobbits” of Indonesia? -- Jayasree Saranathan

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    An extraordinary contribution to civilization studies. Comparable in grandeur to the work of Darwin's Origin of Species. शुभ कामनाएं

    I will add three leads for complementing the brilliant thesis:

    1. The possibility that Straits of Malacca (fr. āmalaka, 'myrobalan' dvīpa) may be identified with Meluhha mentioned in cuneiform texts of Ancient Near East (Mesopotamia, Levant)
    2.The 'giant turtle' is an Indus Script hypertext -- a pair repeatedly used on copper tablets. See image: https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-tN-anIf4WXs/WWdUHh6ThhI/AAAAAAABHkA/tRK8lZXn9uUjgs6nP5QrNzazhIwrZ8TMQCLcBGAs/s1600/tu12.jpg
    See: Cluster analysis of Indus writing system design principle, of 33 sāṅgāḍī 'joined parts'; Field symbols for samgaha wealth categories catalogues for accounting ledgers
    https://tinyurl.com/y8p7b8q2
    https://frontiers-of-anthropology.blogspot.in/2011/11/giant-turtle-that-bears-world-on-its.html?m=1
    वालखिल्य (°ल्य्/अ) pl. N. of a class of ऋषिs of the size of a thumb (sixty thousand were produced from ब्रह्मा's body and surround the chariot of the sun)(Monier-Williams)
    3. Garuda and turtles (tortoises) are a dominant presence on Candi Sukuh sculptures.https://thumbs.dreamstime.com/z/stone-sculpture-ancient-candi-sukuh-java-indonesia-29161118.jpg
    See dance-step of Gaṇeśa with Bhima as the blacksmith and Arjuna as bellows blower at Candi Sukuh technology metaphors, Indus Script Hypertexts of Bhima, smith, Arjuna, bellows blower, Gaṇeśa, dancer; śyena 'falcon', aśáni 'thunderbolt' rebus:آهن ګر āhan gar, 'blacksmith'
    https://tinyurl.com/yafwo3lq

    Kalyanaraman

    Wednesday, December 26, 2018


    Vālakhilyas: Were they the descendants of “Hobbits” of Indonesia?


    The name Vālakhilya evokes excitement and interest besides puzzlement for two main reasons. One is that it refers to a group of eleven hymns generally counted as an appendage to the 8th Mandala of Rig Veda. Opinions vary on why they are there and whether they are later additions. Another reason is that sages by a generic name Vālakhilya have existed in a remote past amply referenced in Mahabharata, with a couple of references appearing in Vālmiki Ramayana also. Mahabharata often refers to their height of unbelievable proportions - as ‘thumb’ size. Yet another often mentioned feature describes them as doing penance by hanging upside-down in the branches of the trees. A penance of this kind done by Vālakhilya rishis finds mention in Bhrṅgīśa samhita and also practiced as yogic posture by the name Vālakhilyāsana even today.

    With enough source materials to decode the myths around Vālakhilyas, what is left improbable is their thumb sized height.  Even that can be interpreted as a symbolic reference to their short stature compared to normal human beings. Interestingly support comes from archaeological findings on very small beings, hardly of three feet height who walked on the earth along with normal human beings (Homo erectus) as recently until 13,000 years ago if we go by fossil records and until the 16th century CE as per many first person accounts. They were the “Hobbits” who had lived in Indonesia! The information we gather from the three texts (Rig Veda, Ramayana and Mahabharata) gives us ample leads to connect Vālakhilyas with Hobbits.


    Such information includes the origins of Vālakhilyas, their olden location, their later location, their characteristics and their contribution. Of these let us first proceed from the information on their olden location to establish their origins in Indonesia!



    Oldest story of Vālakhilyas.


    Both Mahabharata and Vālmiki Ramayana repeat a similar incident involving Vālakhilyas in which the Garuda came to be identified as the king of birds for the first ever time. Interestingly enough, the name Garuda came into being for the first time only after that incident, coined by the none other than Vālakhilyas. This means that the concept of Garuda as the carrier of Vishnu and later as the insignia of Viṣṇu / Kṛṣṇamust have come up after this incident. This places Vālakhilyas much before the origin of the concept of Garuda and its status as the carrier bird for Viṣṇu!


    This incident is recalled by Rāvana (VR: 3-35) on his way to meet Mārīca to seek his help to abduct Sīta. While passing through the sea coast he saw a huge banyan tree that reminded him of an incident of the old in which the mighty Garuda plunged from the sky to perch on a huge banyan tree with an elephant and a mammoth tortoise clutched in his paws. By the weight his plunge, the branch where he landed started breaking off. It was then he noticed that sages such as Vālakhilyas were doing penance by hanging upside down on that branch. Anxious that they should not fall down, Garuda immediately picked up the broken branch with his beak and soared high with the sages still hanging in the tree-branch.


    It was an awe-inspiring to see the huge bird flying in the sky with an elephant and a huge tortoise in firm grip of its two claws and a huge branch of a tree in its beak with many Vālakhilyas hanging down from that. Rāvana recounts that the bird safely landed the Vālakhilyas in a site after which it unleashed the branch on a habitat of Nishādas (fishermen or boatmen implying coastal or riverside people) destroying them. The sight of the huge banyan tree brought out the memory of this old tale of Garuda and Vālakhilyas to Rāvana. This incident appearing in Vālmiki Ramayana goes without saying that Vālakhilyas existed even before Rama’s times!


    Now coming to the chronologically later history of Mahabharata, the same incident is narrated by Ugrasrava Sauti in the story of Garuda. (MB: 1-29 & 30). Here he gives some more information. Garuda, the son of Vinata was keen on increasing his strength to fetch amrita in order to free his mother from the bondage of Kadru, the mother of snakes. He did this by eating the Nishādas and the creatures of the forest. Once he spotted an elephant and a huge tortoise fighting with each other in a lake. He swooped on them and caught them with his claws. He soared high with the two huge animals in the grip of his claws looking for a place to perch and saw a group of banyan trees near ‘Ālamba tīrtha’ (MB: 1-25-27). There the Vālakhilya rishis were engaged in penance while clinging on to the tree-branches with their body and the head downwards.


    Unaware of their presence, Garuda landed on a branch but the branch started breaking. Only then Garuda noticed the presence of Vālakhilyas in that branch and wishing to save them from getting crushed, he picked up the branch with his beak and started flying again. The rishis, still hanging from the branch were amazed to see the huge bird carrying two huge animals in its claws and a huge branch in its beak as surpassing the might of the Gods and hence called the bird, ‘Garuda’ meaning ‘the bearer of heavy weight’. The very formation of the name “Garuda” has thus been attributed to Vālakhilyas!


    After they were left to safety, the Vālakhilyas were guided by sage Kaśyapa to leave forHimavat to continue with their penance without any disturbance.  Sauti continues the narration on how Garuda managed to get amrita and met Viṣṇu on his way who on seeing him not drinking amrita, granted him two boons by which Garuda became immortal and came to be the carrier of Viṣṇu and found a place in his flag. This narrative from Mahabharata places the identification of Garuda as the carrier of Viṣṇu at a time when Vālakhilyas were already advanced beings proficient in ascetic practices.

    This incident involving Garuda and Vālakhilyas cannot be brushed aside as a figment of imagination for the reason it is repeated in both the Itihāsas. The incident is filled with ample clues to the location where this had happened. It also tells about a time when raptors (Garuda) were ruling the skies and almost threatened all forms of terrestrial life including human beings. The Nishādas living on sea shores and river-side were forced to move out for fear for life from the bird. The Vālakhilyas also were forced to take refuge in the Himavat. Piecing the clues together it is possible to identify the place where this incident had taken place.


    Location of Garuda, Giant tortoise, Banyan and Vālakhilyas.


    The incident has three creatures, a mighty Garuda (let’s call it eagle), an elephant and a giant tortoise. The location was teeming with water bodies or it could have been near the coast if we go by Ramayana narration - where elephants and giant tortoises were co-habiting. This location must also have plenty of banyan trees.


    Banyan trees


    The mention of Ālamba tīrtha’ where the Vālakhilyas were engaged in penance by hanging upside down on the tree branches unfolds the mystery, as one of the meanings of Ālamba is ‘hanging down’ and another is ‘support’. Banyan trees have their branches (roots) hanging down which form their own support. ‘Ālam’ in Ālamba has a curious connection with the Tamil word ‘Ālam’ (ஆலம்) which is how banyan tree is called in Tamil! True to its meaning, the Vālakhilyas also had practiced the upside down posture from the tree-branch during meditation.


    Banyan trees are endemic to South Asia and South East Asia. Giant banyan trees are found in Angkor Wat temple complex. Banyan tree has a place in the Coat of Arms of Indonesia inscribed within the giant image of ‘Garuda’!


    Coat of Arms of Indonesia


    Though this was recently adopted by Indonesia, the design reflects native elements specific to the country and its traditions. Banyan found a place in this design not just for the symbolism but also because it is native to Indonesia.


    The spread of banyans can be seen as far as the Pacific island of Vanuatu where the tree has the same utility as in India – i.e., a meeting place or for public congregations. 


    Certain species of banyan do appear in Central and South America. But those places do not qualify to be the venue of the above mentioned incident of Garuda and Vālakhilyas. The fact that Vālakhilyas had moved from Ālamba to Himavat points to the region of South or South East Asia. The movement to Himavat could not have happened fromEurope or Siberia for the very reason that banyans are not native to those regions. So our search gets narrowed down to South East Asia as a probable region. India is excluded from this reckoning for other reasons, one of it being the absence of giant tortoises.  


    Giant Tortoise.


    Giant tortoise found in coastal regions or inland lakes is an important test feature for this incident. The following map published by a Checklist and Review of extinct species of turtles and tortoises shows that South East Asia had harboured many such species until 12,000 years ago.



    Srilanka is the only region in South Asia to have been home for these species until 12,000 years ago. But some species have lived until 450 years ago in the east of Australia and in the regions where Vanuatu is located. Indonesia (Java) was home for some extinct species.


    When we look for the probable species of giant tortoises in South East Asia, we do come across Asian Giant Tortoises  (Manouria emys) as the most primitive but still living in wet lands and waterways in South East Asia and South Asia.


    Manouria emys phayrei in Kaeng Krachan National Park, Thailand

    Source: HERE


    This species is found from ‘Assam in India and eastern Bangladesh in the west, through Myanmar and western Thailand, and south through peninsular Malaysia to Sumatra and Borneo in the east’ (Here). To narrow down the search further, we must look for giant eagle population in these regions.



    Giant eagles


    The narration tells about the size of Garuda and not his colour. He was a man-eater initially and had devoured huge animals including elephants. He was not snake-eater, as Garuda had not troubled the snakes born to Kadru. Not all eagles eat snakes. After he got the boon of immortality from Viṣṇu, Garuda came to be known as ‘Suparṇa’, a bird with ‘beautiful wing’. With these clues we have to locate the eagle in a region which was a habitat for giant tortoises and elephants too.


    The most widespread eagle family in the northern hemisphere is the Golden Eagle (Aquila chrysaetos). But they are found in regions to the north of India and in Europe and not in South East Asia. Since our search is narrowing down to South and South East Asia, we have to look for the species found here. The most common one is white-bellied sea eagle (H. leucogaster) seen from India to Indonesia to Australia.


    White-bellied Sea eagle.


    The characteristic white coloured belly of this eagle can be expected to be found in the narration if this is the bird that came to be called as Garuda. But the absence of this reference rules out this to be Garuda.


    But far from Indonesia, an extinct eagle of huge size has been found in New Zealand (closer to Vanuatu where extinct tortoises have been found and where banyans abound). A study published in PLOS Biology had identified an extinct giant eagle called  Haast's eagle. “With  a 2.5-3m wingspan weighing in at between 10 and 14 kg, Haast's eagle was about 30-40% heavier than the largest living bird of prey (the harpy eagle of Central and South America) and was approaching the upper weight limit of powered flight”. The absence of terrestrial mammals except a few species of bats in New Zealand about 700 years ago when human settlement began was attributed to the presence of this giant eagle in the past.


    It had no predators, but plenty of food in the form of terrestrial animals that resulted in gaining weight to the maximum possible limit to enable it to fly. This is the same description we find in Mahabharata on Garuda, as having no enemy but only food everywhere, and thereby becoming ‘immortal’ though it had not drunk amrita it carried!


    Drinking Amrita is figurative expression for immortality of a race. The Garuda had its genesis after the birth of snakes, as per the story of Garuda. It did not live on snakes which is normally believed to be the food for eagles, but on other animals. It had preyed on human beings too. With these insights if we probe into the origins of Haast’s eagle, we find a genetic study on a 2000 year old bone of this eagle mentioned in the same article as saying that it is closely related to the world’s smallest eagle –“the "Little Eagle" from Australia and New Guinea, which typically weighs under 1 kg”. They had a common ancestor who lived a million years ago, but the giant eagle had grown in size 10-15 times over a period just by eating unabatedly with none to threaten its survival.



    The giant Haast's eagle attacking the extinct New Zealand moa. 

    Source: HERE


    An interesting correlation is that the region where the fossil of this eagle is discovered is close to Vanuatu, the region of banyan trees and tortoises. Generally eagles are territorial. The Haast’s eagle had held its hold on New Zealand. It is not known whether Garuda belongs to this genus or is different from it but there can be no doubt that it had a similar life style as that of Haast’s eagle.


    Its immortality was threatened by Indra in the same story on Garuda wherein it is stated that Indra discharged his weapon on Garuda. But Garuda managed to survive after losing a few feathers. This sounds symbolic of a reduced form of Garuda in due course while continuing to exist as a species as a mark of immortality. We may not get to identify the exact species of Garuda unless and until we find fossil remains of the bird. However the very fact about the way of life of Haast’s eagle raises the probability of an ancestral or a sub-species of that bird ruling the skies and the land long ago anywhere from Indonesia to New Zealand.


    Fortunately our search is further fine-tuned by an account on Garuda’s territory atŚālmali Dwīpa described in Vālmiki Ramayana.



    Garuda, the native of Śālmali Dwīpa.


    Garuda and Vālakhilyas appear in regions far-east of India (Bharat) in the narration of Sugrīva of a route until a point in the globe where sun rise is witnessed (VR: 4-40). The route passes through Yava Dwīpa, the olden name for Java. From there after crossing Mt Shishira (Mt Semeru) and River Shona (R.Solo) the route passes through a series of islands leading to Śālmali Dwīpa. Even today many islands are seen to the east of Java. Sugrīva specifically mentions that Śālmali Dwīpa was the home of Garuda, Vinata’s son(VR:4-40-4)


    In Sugrīva’s narration, the next region to the east of Śālmali Dwīpa is described as having horrifying demons of the shapes and size of mountains, dangling upside down from the mountain peaks and surrounded by oceans. Day after day they fall into water and also freshly arise from mountaintops (VR 4-40.41-43). This is a reference to lava spiting volcanoes of this region. The ocean of this region was described as Red sea (VR 4.40. 39) precisely because the hot and molten lava running down the volcanoes into the seas had given red hue to the sea. This description fits with Mt Puncak Jaya in Papua province. 


    This limits the region of Śālmali Dwīpa (Garuda’s home) to the parts to the east of Yava Dwīpa and west of Papua New Guinea. The probable location of Śālmali Dwīpa deduced from this description is shown in the picture below.



    The currently available archaeological findings in the region that we identified as Śālmali Dwīpa are known for ‘Lapita pottery’. Interestingly a bowl of this culture exhibits the image of Garuda! (Illustration below)


    Lapita Bowl/Face – Tarawa Atoll / Kiribati Photo – John Terrell / Lapita Gallery


    Garuda images have been found in different parts of the world. But no other region in the world has all the three, namely, banyan trees, giant tortoises and giant eagles at one place as in Śālmali Dwīpa, which is part of Indonesia today. 


    There are other two entities, the elephant and the Vālakhilyas of short stature that we have to find in this region. The elephant also must be of the size that a giant eagle (Garuda) is capable of holding with one of its claws. That means they must be of smaller than normal size of elephants. Incidentally Insular Dwarfism is common in islands and Indonesia, an archipelago fits the bill very well.



    Dwarf elephants of Indonesia.


    An extinct species of dwarf elephant known as Stegodon florensis insularis is found to have lived in Indonesia, Philippines, Taiwan and Japan. The ancestral species of these elephants were found to be huge in size, but dwarfism occurred as an evolutionary development for those species that were confined within islands where the food supply was limited. Interestingly the birds of Indonesia have shown gigantism while the elephants have shown dwarfism. 


    For example Giant storks of size 6 feet high and weight 16 Kg had lived in Indonesia until 11,000 years ago. Similarly giant rats and giant tortoises had lived in the same region while the elephants were of dwarf kind. This disparity is attributed to the availability of food. The species dependant on food available in water had grown big in Indonesian islands while a species like an elephant had struggled to get its food. The story of Garuda lifting the elephant and the tortoise actually narrates the scenario of the two fighting with each other in a water body when Garuda picked them up. That fight must have been for food and territory that each of them wanted for itself. The amazing correlation of the story with the discovery of the presence of these two species in Indonesian islands further reiterates the fact that the elephant could have been of a dwarf kind that the huge Garuda (a case of island gigantism of birds of prey) was able to lift with ease.


    Adding credence to this supposition, Indonesia was home for dwarf people who lived along with dwarf elephants. Dwarf people named as Homo floresiensis after the name of the place Flores  - an island in Indonesia where their fossils have been found in the caveLiang Bua had lived at a time the dwarf elephants were roaming in Indonesia. Fossil remains of the dwarf elephant Stegodon are found in the same stratigraphic layer associated with the fossils of Homo floresiensis who have been nick-named as Hobbits! A comparative size of a Hobbit and the dwarf elephant are shown below with the model of a giant stork and a giant rat of the same place that lived until 11,000 years ago.



    Source: Here


    research article presumes that Stegodon elephants were eaten by the still extantKomodo Dragon, a species of lizards. It is no wonder that they were also falling prey to the giant raptor, Garuda. The extinction of Stegodon can also be attributed to the giant eagle, Garuda – whose liking for the elephant can be made out from the incident narrated in both the Itihāsas.


    Flores where the fossil remains of Hobbits have been found is well within Śālmali Dwīpa where Garuda had lived, and where elephants (dwarf variety) and giant tortoises also had co-existed. This region is also known for banyan growth.     



    Researchers have established Hobbits as hominins, a short race of humans whose ancestral species had lived 700,000 years ago. They had evolved from homo erectus and lived along with us (homo sapiens) in Indonesia. Starting from this piece of information let us see what Indic scriptures have to say about the short species, the Vālakhilyas.



    Vālakhilyas: early and distinct human species.  


    A narration in Mahabharata describes “Brahma darśana” on creation of life forms (MB:13-85) including human beings. Decoding of the metaphorical verses of this description shows that the earliest life was formed from heat in water, then from heat on land and then from the latent heat of the previous one. They have been named as Bhrigu, Angiras and Kavi. All the life forms including human beings have sprung from one of these elementary three forms only. Creation of this kind is described as a yajna. Then comes the reference to the blades of Kuśa grass spread out for the yajna. It is further said (in the words of sage Vasishtha) that Vālakhilyas sprang from the blades of Kuśa grass. It further adds that from the same blades of Kuśa, sprang Atri – a famous Rig Vedic sage!


    The narration puts Vālakhilyas and Atri on the same state of origin! It must be noted that they were not put on par with numerous offsprings that emerged from the yajna or the fire of the yajna. Instead they were traced to the Kuśa blades that would be discarded once the yajna is over!  Does this convey that these two species of human race originating from the same source would cease to exist at some point of Time?



    Vālakhilyas and Atri-s


    The most common feature between Vālakhilyas and Atri was their affinity to the Sun! In as many as 3 places Mahabharata describes Vālakhilyas as subsisting on sun rays (MB 3.125, 9.43 & 13.115). Sugrīva in his description of ‘Udaya Paravata’ in far-east refers to Vālakhilyas coming into sight at the region of sunrise shining with the resplendence of the Sun. (प्रकाशमाना दृश्यन्ते सूर्य वर्णाः VR: 4-40-60).[i] Sugrīva also refers to that location as the place of sunrise where Viṣṇu makes his first foothold. The reference to difference in time between that place and Jambhu Dwīpa shows that it is near Fiji islands and there is a 6-hour gap between the two places. (VR:4-40-59). Obviously that was considered to be the region of sun rise for the globe and Vālakhilyas, who subsist on sun rays had preferred to live at that location sometime in the past.


    Sage Atri is also associated with observing the Sun. The Rig Vedic hymn attributed to him refers to eclipse of the sun (RV: 5-40). It is believed that Atri or the family of Atri were the first ones to have understood the occurrence of solar eclipse. With Atri-s sharing a common origin with Vālakhilyas, were they similar in traits with Vālakhilyas – one of which being observing the sun relentlessly as though they were subsisting on the sun?  


    Though born of the same Kuśa grass, Atri was classified along with Sapta rishis while Vālakhilyas were not. From the insights gained from the names of the rishis mentioned in the narration of Brahma darśana, it looks as though each rishi signified a separate human race with Atri also signifying a separate race of human beings. The sapta rishis being present always, it implies that Atri race still continues in existence.  The exclusion of Vālakhilyas in the group shows that they were not ever lasting.


    Atri-s, sharing the same origin with Vālakhilyas could mean that they were also short in stature but not as short as Vālakhilyas. The absence of any specific mention about their height is taken to mean this. But they had some affinity with sun like Vālakhilyas.


    Thinking about height, sage Agastya also is said to be short. He was also associated with Sun, in the metaphorical narration of subduing Vindhya Mountain to make way for the Sun to move beyond that. Did he also belong to an olden human race that was short and spend more time under the sun, watching the movement sun – a habit that was common between Vālakhilyas and Atri-s?


    Of all the three, the incident involving Garuda offers better clues to link Vālakhilyas with Hobbits of Indonesia.



    Hobbits and Valakhilyas.


    The olden location of Vālakhilyas occurring in Śālmali Dwīpa, they make better candidate to have had genetic connection with the short Hobbits. Science says that Hobbits, though shorter in stature were in no way inferior to homo sapiens in intellect.Falk et al observed that the area of the brain associated with higher cognition (Brodmann area 10) in Hobbits is of the same size as in humans even though the overall brain size is small. This means the Hobbits were as intelligent as human beings and were capable of all the executive functions like humans.


    Comparative skull size of Hobbit (left) and modern human (right)

    Source: HERE


    Hobbits were living in the cave of Flores of Indonesia until the 16th century as per the report of the Portuguese in 1511 CE (Details here). This is confirmed by an article in Science Daily saying, “There are lots of local folk tales in Flores about these people, which are consistent and incredibly detailed. The stories suggest there may be more than a grain of truth to the idea that they were still living on Flores up until the Dutch arrived in the 1500s.”



    For generations, the Nagekeo tribes living near the Flores cave have told about Hobbits as small people, but very much like humans, walking erect and the body covered with hair. They were not known to have used fire but gobbled up any food whole and raw. On rare occasions they were invited by the villagers and given food. But they were found to eat indiscriminately anything they found around, that they had to be stopped from gulping sharp instruments.


    This feature has a striking resemblance to Atri as Atri means ‘devourer’! That is the best word to describe the eating habit of Hobbits! This eating habit earned them a name Ebu Gogo by the surrounding villagers, which means “Grandmother who eats everything”.


    Whatever they ate was not cooked with fire but they seemed to have survived well with whatever they ate raw. Was this taken to mean that the sunrays entering their body provided the heat to soften the food within their body? One cannot help thinking like this, for the very fact that Vālakhilyas were repeatedly described in Indic texts as those subsisting on sun rays.  


    The 20th century text titled ‘Gaudiya-Kanthahara’ gives the meaning of the name Vālakhilya somewhat closer to the habit of devouring food. It says that ‘Vālakhilya is one who discards the stock of food he has with him (purva ancita anna tyagah) the moment he gets a fresh stock of food (nave pane labdhya)’ (refer here). This meaning could not have been written without a source text describing so.


    This meaning looks suitable to Hobbits who never used fire and therefore never devised cooking methods and therefore never indulged in saving anything for the next meal. By not having used fire and cooking methods, the Hobbits must have lived on whatever they got new while discarding what they already they had.


    The comparison of Vālakhilyas with Hobbits does not end here. An interpretation of Vālakhilyas appears in Taittrīya Āranyaka (I-23) in the context of creation of world by Prajāpati. It says that Vālakhilyas were the ‘hair’ of Prajapati. ‘Vāla’ means hair and Khila refers to appendage. Vālakhilya could just be a reference to their hairy appearance. It must be noted that Hobbits too were hairy-bodied.


    Another interpretation could be that hair can be completely discarded. By referring to them as the hair of Prajapati, did the rishis mean that Vālakhilyas would cease to exist sometime?  Were they already extinct during the time of Vyāsa whose references to them were only quotational and not contemporaneous?


    Whatever be the original import, one cannot deny the fact that some beings by name Vālakhilyas had existed in the past and moved to Himavat.



    Vālakhilyas in Himavat.


    After the incident involving Garuda, the Vālakhilyas had moved to Himavat (MB:13-10). If they were part of Hobbits, it can be presumed that a section of them living within the territory of Garuda had moved to Himavat for doing peaceful penance. Others outside the territory of predating Garuda had continued their life in Indonesia.


    Yet another reference from Mahabharata (3-141) says that Vālakhilyas lived nearAlakananda.  The book ‘Wandering Himalayas’ published by Chinmaya Trust refers to ‘Vālakhilya’ mountain to the south of Uttarkashi. Nachiketa Tal is located near this mountain. Why should a mountain get this name unless this was connected with (occupied by) Vālakhilyas in the past?


    Reiterating the view that Vālakhilyas did reside in that part of the Himalayas, there is a description of ‘Khilyāyana tīrtha’ in the 3rd chapter of Bhrṅgīśa Samhita.  It says that rishis by name Vālakhilyas were doing penance by standing on their toe with a posture of ‘Urdhva retas’. When Viṣṇu appeared, they ‘jumped down’ and offered their obeisance.


    Though not explicit, the minimal description of the posture of penance shows that they were hanging down from the branch of a tree with the toe of one leg supporting their posture. A yogic posture known as Vālakhilyāsana can be re-positioned to a hanging position from a tree with a toe pressing the ground.  



    Vālakhilyāsana

    Picture credit: Here


    The re-positioned posture of Vālakhilyāsana as hanging from a tree would look as follows:



    It is amazing that this posture by name Vālakhilyāsana replicates a possibility of hanging upside-down from a tree – that Vālakhilyas were known for.



    Valakhilyas’ devotion for Visnu.


    Vālakhilyas were associated with the worship of Viṣṇu in Rig Vedic hymn, Bhrṅgīśa samhita and Vālmiki Ramayana. Bhrṅgīśa samhita says Viṣṇu appeared before Vālakhilyas and granted boons. That location is known as Narayana tīrtha  and the place where the Vālakhilyas did the penance is called as Vālakhilya Grāma.


    In Sugrīva’s narration of route to Udaya parvata (Mountain of sunrise) Sun is personified as Trivikrama (Viṣṇu) making the first step at Udaya parvata and the second step on top of Meru in Jambhu Dwīpa. (VR: 4-40-58). And Vālakhilyas were to be seen at the region of sunrise shining with the luminosity of the Sun. They have worshiped Viṣṇu in the form of the sun.


    In the narration of Garuda’s story in Mahabharata (written in the beginning) Viṣṇu was supposed to have met Garuda in the sky during his global trot. This could once again refer to the trot of the Sun. From this it is deduced that personification of Sun as Viṣṇu had existed before the identification of Garuda.


    For all their obsession to be present at the region of first sunrise and drink the sunrays as much as possible, can the Vālakhilyas be credited with having ‘discovered’ the Vedic truth of Viṣṇu as Sun making three steps? Looks plausible as we come across a reference to Viṣṇu’s three steps in the 4th Vālakhilya hymn of Rig Veda. It says


    यस्मै विष्णुस्त्रीणि पदा विचक्रम” (yasmai viṣṇustrīṇi padā vicakrama)


    He to whom Viṣṇu came striding his three wide steps”.


    Isn’t this proof enough that a people by name Vālakhilyas who were fond of watching the Sun rise from the eastern most part of the globe beyond which the world is impassable (to quote Sugrīva) were the same ones who had written the quoted Rig Vedic verse.


    Their origins go very much back in time, even before Rama’s birth and in a location which was outside India. Every reference to ‘Garutman’ in Rig Veda must have been uttered after the incident involving Garuda and Vālakhilyas.  The verse of Dirghatamas(RV:1-164) equating Garutman (Garuda) with the Supreme Being has its origins in the glorification of Garuda by Vālakhilyas at a location in Indonesia!!


    The antiquity of the existence of Vālakhilyas even before many hymns of Rig Veda were composed goes to show that the Vālakhilya hymns were not later additions but olden hymns which were added as an after-thought. Some of the verses of Vālakhilyas appearing in other Vedas disprove them to be of later origin. Vālakhilya hymns must have existed before Vyasa’s times when Vedas were classified into four. 


    The Garuda angle reveals some un-thought-of events. It was much after the experience of the Vālakhilyas with Garuda, the bird had been caught and trained as a carrier. Krishna travelling on this bird does not seem to be fictional when we think about this massive bird capable of carrying any heavy weight.


    Finally Garuda and Vālakhilyas appearing in the same episode is a strong proof of from where the early Vedic sages emerged. Certainly Vālakhilyas and Atri-s did not come from West Asia or central Europe. The glorification of Viṣṇu, Trivikrama, the sun and Garuda / Garutman had emerged from regions far-east of India and not in North West India or further North West.


    A long route found in the narration of Sugrīva shows it was possible to walk, hop and swim across the long stretch starting from Ganga or Sarayu or Vanga or Himavat to Yava Dwipa and winding through Śālmali Dwipa up until Fiji Islands (Udaya Parvata) and even New Zealand!  This entire stretch has been highly supportive of life-thriving conditions and therefore lasting growth of human population and civilization and movement of people within this route. This was also the path of global trot of Viṣṇufrom his first to the second step. The highest point of this step did not go beyond or north of Jambhu Dwīpa. This is the single most proof of the unlikelihood of the beginnings of Vedic culture as having sprung from anywhere other than the route that passes through South East Asia and South Asia just south of the Himalayas.





    [i] Devi Bhagavata Purana refers to Vālakhilyas as numbering 60,000 going in front of the Sun from its rise till it sets. This doesn’t concur with any of the description of Vālakhilyas in the Itihāsas except a symbolism that Vālakhilyas had subsisted on sun rays. Some writers had attempted to link the 60,000 number going in front of the Sun with certain verses of Tamil Sangam texts (Puranānuru 43, Tirumurugārrup padai- 107 and Silappadhikāram 12). What is referred to in those texts is the company of Mitra, Varuna and Aryaman along with the sun who take the oblations of water – of whom Aryaman accepts for Pitrus while the other two accept from any water source (evaporation). This is spelt out clearly in Silappadhikāram verse as “avippali” – ‘havis’. The accompanying sages accept Havis, is what is conveyed in the Tamil sources. This can be illustrated in the Vāstu mandala distribution of the deities as below:

    Nowhere Vālakhilyas were mentioned as travelling along with the Sun or accepting havis.

    Narasimha Rao Government’s affidavit to Supreme Court in 1994, Full Text

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    Narasimha Rao Government’s affidavit to Supreme Court in 1994 turns out to be crucial in Ayodhya case

    Modi Government can carry out the agreement given by the then Congress Govt. of PVN Rao to hand over the Ayodhya land to Hindus so they can build a Ram Mandir
    Modi Government can carry out the agreement given by the then Congress Govt. of PVN Rao to hand over the Ayodhya land to Hindus so they can build a Ram Mandir
    Modi Government can carry out the agreement given by the then Congress Govt. of PVN Rao to hand over the Ayodhya land to Hindus so they can build a Ram Mandir
    The resurfacing of P V Narasimha Rao Government’s affidavit to the Supreme Court in 1994 is going to be a crucial factor in the Ayodhya Ram Mandir case. The 1994 affidavit, which was submitted to Supreme Court by Government of India on September 14, 1994, clearly says that if it is found that a Hindu Temple existed under the demolished Babri Masjid, the Government would return the acquired land to Hindus back for construction of a Ram Mandir. In 2003, Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) clearly came out with evidence of 14 pillars of a demolished old Hindu Temple and said that the Masjid was indeed built above this[1].
    The 574-page report states that “there was archaeological evidence of a massive structure just below the disputed structure and evidence of continuity in structural activities from the 10th century onwards up to the construction of the disputed structure (Babri Mosque).Among the excavation yields it mentioned were stone and decorated bricks, mutilated sculpture of divine couple, carved architectural members including foliage patterns, amalaka, kapotapali, doorjamb with semi-circular shrine pilaster, broken octagonal shaft of black schist pillar, lotus motif, circular shrine having pranjala (watershute) in the north and 50 pillar bases in association with a huge structure[2].”
    The ASI’s excavation team led by Prof B B Lal and archeologist K K Mohammedfound that the Babri Masjid was built on a Hindu temple, finding 14 pillars of the temple. Recently, in several interviews, K K Mohammed reiterated that many Left historians tried to hush-up this fact[3].
    “If the question referred is answered in the affirmative, namely, that a Hindu temple/ structure did exist prior to the construction of the demolished structure, Government action will be in support of the wishes of the Hindu community. If on the other hand, the question is answered in the negative, namely, that no such Hindu temple/ structure existed at the relevant time, then Government action will be in support of the wishes of the Muslim community,” said the Government of Indian’s affidavit to the apex court, when answering to its queries in1994. Each and every word of this affidavit was prepared by none other than the then Prime Minister Narasimha Rao after the Cabinet approval. Till date, this Cabinet approval has not been reversed, and therefore this is the decision of the Government till date. The two-page affidavit of 1994 is published below this article.
    So as per the Central Government’s affidavit before the Supreme Court, they can now easily hand over the land to Hindus for the construction of a Ram Mandir. The importance of this crucial affidavit was raised by BJP leader Subramanian Swamy in the Acharya Dharma Sabha in Rajkot on December 21. Swamy said that this affidavit empowers the Central Government to hand over the land to Hindus for Ram Mandir construction and inform the Supreme Court about its decision, based on the findings of the ASI.
    At present Supreme Court has listed the Ayodhya title case appeal on January 4, 2019, for the creation of a new Bench to hear the matter forward. Meanwhile, Subramanian Swamy’s case for the right to worship is also pending before the Supreme Court. According to Swamy, the 1994 affidavit of the Narasimha Rao Government empowers the Centre to hand of the land to Hindu organisations for construction of Ram Mandir in Ayodhya and Centre has to only inform its decision to the apex court.
    In a recent TV interview, he said that he had conveyed this fact to Acharya Dharma Sabha, where RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat and BJP President Amit Shah were also present. According to Swamy, Amit Shah assured to sadhus that he will consult with lawyers and get back on this matter[4].
    Now the question is that as the Centre and the Uttar Pradesh Government is with the BJP, why is Narendra Modi Government not implementing this assurance mentioned in the affidavit filed by Narasimha Rao Government in 1994 before the Supreme Court after the ASI categorically found that Babri Masjid is constructed by demolishing a Hindu Temple in the 15th century?
    The government of India’s affidavit filed before the Supreme Court in Ayodhya case in 1994 is published below:
    References:
    [1] 2003: The ASI report – Wikipedia
    [3] Ayodhya: Truth I Knew, Truth I Said – Oct 29, 2018, Organiser.org
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