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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    The Kailasa temple (Cave 16) is one of the 32 cave temples and monasteries known collectively as the Ellora Caves. Its construction is generally attributed to the eighth century Rashtrakuta king Krishna I in 756-773 Common Era.

    Cave 16 (Kailash Temple, Kailasanatha) 

    There are four lion-tiger-like animals on lotus platform of pillared-hall maṇḍapa roof in Kailasa temple. I suggest that these lion-tiger like animals signify शार्दूल to signify metaphorically, eminent persons. These animals are shown around a yūpa-like structure. This structure seems to be a replica, in miniature, of the Kailasa temple. 

    Some Indus Script hypertexts are read rebus on this structure: tāmarasa, 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper' is the base for these roof sculptures. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'equipment' PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'. Rows of lephants uphold the entire tempie structure: karba, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'. 

    Based on these rebus readings of some Indus Script hypertexts on the Ellora Kailasa temple, I suggest that the sculptures on the roop of the pillared-hall maṇḍapa signify the wealth-producing life activities of smelter, iron-workers, protected and sustained by the artisanal guild signified by the four tigers.

    Image result for ellora mandapa roof 

    शार्दूल  m. (of unknown derivation) a tiger VS. &c; a lion; a panther , leopard;the fabulous animal शरभ; any eminent person , best , excellent , pre-eminent (ifc. ; cf. व्याघ्रMBh. Ka1v. &c as in नरशार्दूलः

    It is the largest monolithic human built structure of the world, up to 36,6 metres high. Length of structure – 84,1 m, width – 47 mWithin the courtyard, there is a central shrine dedicated to Shiva, and an image of his mount Nandi (the sacred bull). The central shrine housing the lingamfeatures a flat-roofed mandapa supported by 16 pillars, and a Dravidian shikhara.
    Ellora: Uma Devi and Surya from Lankesvara (top), Lions from the roof or mandapa of Kailasa (bottom)

    Ellora: Alternate transcriptions: Ellura, Elapura Writing in Marathi: वेरूळ Illustration of Uma Devi and Surya from Lankesvara (top), Lions from the roof or mandapa of Kailasa (bottom) from Kailasanatha [Kailasa] Temple, cave XVI, at Ellora from James Burgess''Original Drawings [of] Elura Cave Temples Buddhist and Brahmanical.' 

    Ellora: Brahma, Siva and Vishnu in Lankesvara

     Illustrated panel includes the figures of Brahma, Siva and Vishnu. Inscribed: 'Elure: Central compartments in the back of Lanka'

    "The spectacular site of Ellora, in Maharashtra, is famous for its series of Buddhist, Hindu and Jain cave temples excavated into the rocky façade of a cliff of basalt. The works were done under the patronage of the Kalachuri, the Chalukya and the Rashtrakuta dynasties between the 6th and the 9th centuries. The Kailasanath is the most noted of all the splendours of Ellora, a free-standing temple rather than a cave, entirely sculpted out of a great mass of basalt. Commissioned by the Rashtrakuta king Krishna I in the mid-eighth century, it symbolises Mount Kailasa, the sacred abode of Shiva. A tall screen marks the entrance, and river goddesses mark the route to the three sections of the temple (a Nandi shrine, a mandapa, and the main sanctuary) which are on a raised plinth borne by elephants. The principal shrine is topped by a pyramidal tower (shikara). Superb sculptural friezes in the temple tell tales from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, and of Shiva. Two monolithic obelisks are situated on the side of the main temple. They are 17 metres high and decorated with relief carvings.

    Surveyor: Burgess, James (1832-1916)
    Medium: Pen and ink on paper
    Date: 1876"
    Ramayana panel
    Mahabharata panel

    Image result for ellora mandapa roof
    Related image

    Image result for ellora mandapa roof

    Source: https://www.tripadvisor.in/LocationPhotoDirectLink-g297649-d317351-i59935194-Ellora_Caves-Aurangabad_Aurangabad_District_Maharashtra.html
    Related image

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    Link with R̥gveda Tocharian ancu 'iron' is cognate amśu 'soma' bought from merchants of Mt.Mujavant (Mushtag Ata, Kyrgystan, Tarim basin). Soma 'electrum' pyrite is identified.

    Subhash Kak

    सुभाष काक. Author, scientist.

    Aug 18

    Rāma Story and Sanskrit in Ancient Xinjiang


    Śiva-Maheśvara from Khotan, British Museum

    Most people do not know that until about a thousand years ago, the Tarim Basin (northwest of Tibet, which is the part of Xinjiang below the Tian Shin Mountains) was Indic in culture and it was a thriving part of the Sanskritic world; its people spoke the Gāndhārī language which many see as descended from Vedic Sanskrit, and Khotanese Saka, which is also closely related to Sanskrit. Perhaps the region to compare it most is Kashmir, to whose north it lay. There was also much interaction between the two regions with many scholars traveling from Kashmir to Khotan, and silk culture is believed to have passed from Khotan to Kashmir and then into India.

    Ancient Khotan by Aurel Stein

    Gāndhārī inscriptions have been found as far east as Luoyang and Anyang in Henan province in Eastern China which attests to the vastness of the influence of Sanskrit. Europeans in recent centuries called the whole region Serindia, indicating the meeting place of China and India.

    Wikipedia

    Khotanese kings were Mahāyāna Buddhist but as we know this sect incorporates Vedic and Tantric systems, with all the devas such as Indra, Śiva, Viṣṇu and Sarasvatī, and just places the Buddha at the head of the system (as in Vidyākara’s Treasury). There was also Krishna worship in Khotan and we find the Rāma story in Khotanese language, of which there is also a Tibetan version.
    The Buddhists put a characteristic spin on the Rāma story, which has had immense power on the imagination of the people all over Asia. In their variant, Rāvaṇa, after losing the war is spared his life, and becomes a worthy Buddhist to accord with the Laṅkāvatārasūtra, set in Laṅkā, in which the Buddha instructs Rāvaṇa. Likewise, in an effort not to lose followers of Rāma, Jain texts show him as a faithful Jain.
    The Khotanese Rāmāyaṇa is not the standard Rāma story. In it Daśaratha, who is called Sahasrabāhu (“thousand-armed”), fights with Paraśurāma and gets killed, and his sons Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa are saved by a queen. When they grow older they slay Paraśurāma in revenge and become masters of all Jambudvīpa.
    Meanwhile, the Rākṣasas are ruled by Rāvaṇa (Daśagrīva). A daughter is born to his chief queen and it is prophesied that she will be the cause of his ruin. So he orders the girl, Sītā, to be cast upon the great river in a box. A ṛṣi chances upon the box and raises the girl lovingly. This is of course somewhat similar to the account in Adbhuta Rāmāyaṇa.
    Later in the story, Rāma, Lakṣmaṇa and Sītā are in the forest and as the brothers leave to hunt, Lakṣmaṇa draws the magic circle around Sītā for protection. Daśagrīva sees this lovely woman from the air, and not knowing she is his own daughter, approaches her and persuades her to step out of the circle to abduct her.
    There is war and Dasagriva is defeated. But in the end Rāma doesn’t kill him. Here’s the original with translation that gives a sense of the language:
    sahasrrabāhi: pūra harya
    the sons of Sahasrabāhu escaped.
    rrāmi hamye śūrāṃ myāña
    Rama was among the heroes. (Bailey translation)
    At the end of the story, the Buddha Śākyamuni is identified with Rāma and Maitreya with Lakṣmaṇa. Daśagrīva comes to the Buddha and receives instruction in the Dharma as in the Laṅkāvatārasūtra.
    Some history
    The traditional date for the founding of Khotan, on the southern and the more ancient branch of the Silk Road, is the reign of Aśoka Maurya (3rd century BCE). It was ruled by Buddhist kings until it was conquered by the Muslims in 1006. Some of the kings mentioned in the “Prophecy of the Li Country”, composed in 746 CE, dealing with events of the recent past are Vijaya Kīrti, Vijaya Saṅgrāma, Vijaya Dharma, Vijaya Saṃbhava, and Vijaya Vāhana.
    Many Khotanese cities had Sanskrit names. For example, Khotan in Sanskrit was Gaustana गौस्तन and the modern city of Kashi (Kashgar) was called Śrīkrīrāti (in Sanskrit Śrī+krī+rāti, श्रीक्रीराति ‘Glorious Hospitality’). Kashgar itself appears to be the popular name from Sanskrit Kāśa+giri (काशगिरि bright mountain). The Khotanese called their language hvatanai ह्वतनै which later became hvaṃnai ह्वंनै; this is equivalent to the name deśī that is used for language in India (vatan, from svatana = deśa).
    The liturgical texts in the region were written in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit, whereas those in the region of Krorän (Chinese Loulan), an important oasis further east of Khotan, used Prakrit in administration. A third language called Tocharian was also used both to translate Buddhist texts and as an administrative language. Many Sanskrit texts of India remember the general region as Tuṣāra or Tukhāra, and it retains currency as a popular proper name.
    Another major language was Khotanese Saka, which is sometimes seen as an eastern Iranian language (that is emerging from the region just west of Kashmir). But since the large number of the Śaka who ended up in India as rulers or soldiers have always spoken the more easterly Indo-Aryan languages, I personally believe that the Saka languages were also principally Indo-Aryan, although as one traveled further west, the Iranian elements would have increased.
    That Khotanese Saka was principally a Indo-Aryan Prakrit is reinforced by the fact that the texts are in Indian scripts of Brāhmī and Kharoṣṭhī. Many of these documents were collected in archaeological explorations to Chinese Turkestan by Aurel Stein, who is also known for his translation of Kalhaṇa’s Rājataraṅginī. Stein came across tens of thousands of manuscripts from 5th to 11th centuries in various sites including the Caves of the Thousand Buddhas in the Kansu (Gansu) province. One of the principal scholars who edited and translated many of these texts was H.W. Bailey and this literature remains a popular field of study for scholars.
    Aurel Stein says in his celebrated Ancient Khotan: “There was little to prepare us for such overwhelming evidence .. on the large place which Indian language and culture must have occupied in the administration and daily life of this region during the early centuries of our era. That Sanskrit Buddhist literature was studied in Khotan down to the end of the eighth century A.D. has been proved beyond all doubt by the texts in Brāhmī script which I excavated.”
    The mummies of Tarim Basin
    The discovery of the Tarim mummies that go back to 1800 BCE strengthen the view that the region was Sanskritic. The earliest mummies in the Basin are exclusively Caucasoid, and the American Sinologist Victor H. Mair has said: “Because the Tarim Basin Caucasoid corpses are almost certainly the most easterly representatives of the Indo-European family and because they date from a time period that is early enough to have a bearing on the expansion of the Indo-European people from their homeland, it is thought they will play a crucial role in determining just where that might have been.”
    Some have suggested Europoid identification to explain the blonds and red-heads among the mummies, but there is no need to travel thousands of miles to Western Europe to explain this; Kashmir, just south of the Basin has plenty of red-heads and blonds.
    One of the DNA studies notes that the population had “relatively close relationships with the modern populations of South Central Asia and Indus Valley, as well as with the ancient population of Chawuhu.” This is perfectly reasonable if the original inhabitants of the region were from Indus Valley [code for India] and they left a genetic trace in the region.
    The end of a civilization
    Protected by the Taklamakan Desert, the Tarim Basin world survived attacks from steppe nomads for a long time. There was a break in the tradition of Buddhist learning during the social and political turmoil under Tibetan rule from after 790 to the mid-9th century. Things began to change with the arrival of Turkic immigrants, who included Buddhist Uyghurs and Muslim Karluks, from the collapsing Uyghur Khaganate of modern-day Mongolia in 840.
    The Islamic attacks and conquest of the Buddhist cities east of Kashgar was started by the Turkic Karakhanid Satok Bughra Khan who in 966 converted to Islam. Islamic Kashgar launched many jihads which eventually ended in the conquest in 1006 of Khotan by the Karakhanid leader Yusuf Qadir.
    The end of civilization makes one wonder about assumptions regarding life. Going beyond ephemeral loves and heartbreaks, does one see it as parikalpa (false assumption) and śūnyatā, as scholars had argued? There was no time for philosophizing, and fearing the worst, monks during the reigns of Khotanese kings Viśa Śūra (r. 966–977) and Viśa Dharma (r. from 978) began to copy texts which were sealed in caves to be preserved for posterity. What followed was a period of destruction and vandalism equaling the worstelsewhere in the world. At the end of it, the populace retained no memory of their collective past and until the discovery of the mummies and the literature they did not know that their ancestors spoke Indian Prakrits.
    kãlñizlãyũ aqtimiz
    kãndlãr õzã čiqtimiz
    furxan ãwin yiqtimiz
    burxan ũzã sičtimiz
    “We came down on them like a flood,
    We went out among their cities,
    We tore down the idol-temples,
    We shat on the Buddha’s head!”
    https://medium.com/@subhashkak1/the-r%C4%81ma-story-and-sanskrit-in-ancient-xinjiang-4ce8636285ae

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    https://tinyurl.com/ya44tod7

    In both alternative readings, the most frequently used Indus Script Sign 342 (rim-of-jar) signifies a wealth-accounting ledger, metalwork catalogue:1. scribe, supercargo, stersman; 2. iron, electrum alloy.

    Alternative 1: Hieroglyph: brim:  aṉsu aṉsu 57 Ta. aṉsu selvage, edge of a cloth (< Te.). To. oc edge, bank of river, border of thicket. Ka. añcu edge, brim, boundary, bank, shore, selvage, border, skirt. Te. ancu skirt, border or selvage of cloth, edge (of sword, etc.), shore, brim. /Cf. Skt. añcala- edge or border of a garment.(DEDR 57) brim the upper edge or lip of a cup, bowl, or other container. "he filled her glass to the brim

    Alternative 2: Indus script. Meluhha rebus readings karṇika'rim-of-jar''scribe; karṇaka'steersman'karṇi'supercargo'

     
    Link with R̥gveda Tocharian ancu 'iron' is cognate amśu 'soma' bought from merchants of Mt.Mujavant (Mushtag Ata, Kyrgystan, Tarim basin). Soma 'electrum' pyrite is identified.


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    Nayanjot Lahiri
    Nayanjot Lahiri November 28, 2018

    Iravatham Mahadevan, Extraordinary Scholar of Indus and Brahmi ScriptsIravatham Mahadevan (1930-2018)
    A bureaucrat who took early retirement to focus on his hobby in epigraphy, he wrote two magisterial books, "The Indus Script" and "Early Tamil Epigraphy".

    The scholar-epigraphist Iravatham Mahadevan passed away at the age of  88 on November 26 in Chennai, having lived a life – or should one say half-a-life – devoted to scholarship. Like many who have made a career out of the study of ancient India, I will fondly remember him as a man who made a large contribution to a key foundation stone in this edifice – through the study of epigraphy.
    Mahadevan’s two magisterial works – The Indus Script: Texts, Concordances and Tables (1977) and Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century AD (2003) – are essential reading for anyone interested in the Indus and Brahmi scripts. He would later link the two and see vestiges of the Indus Civilisation in old Tamil. That is not an interpretation I would agree with, but I write this piece not to remember those publications but to draw attention to some lesser-known aspects of his life and the choices he made.
    Born on the banks of the Kaveri river in 1930, a couple of hundred kilometres from Chennai, Mahadevan was educated at Tiruchirapalli. There was nothing in his education in that part of Tamil Nadu which showed any inclination towards a career in ancient writings. The young Mahadevan studied science and law. His chose, in fact, to be a bureaucrat and joined the Indian Administrative Service at 24. It was only much later that he became an epigraphist. He saw himself, as he once put it, in a long tradition of such men in India. “Many of the greatest scholars of the 19th century had been civil servants, so I may claim to be in that tradition.” When summed up like this, it would seem as if he himself had planned his life in the manner he lived it.
    Well into his bureaucratic life, when he was posted to Delhi as an IAS officer, Mahadevan began to seriously look at artefacts with writing. When I met him in January 2006 in Chennai, he recounted that in Delhi, his official work in the ministry that he was attached to used to get over rather quickly and by late morning, he had nothing to do. So, he would amble down Janpath to the National Museum, where C. Sivaramamurti, the director of the museum, took him under his wing and encouraged him to begin working on all kinds of ancient epigraphs.
    What had started as a pursuit for making his working day as a bureaucrat meaningful soon became an all-consuming passion. Once he turned 50, he took voluntary retirement: “I felt that the remaining years of my life I must devote to the Indus script and the Brahmi script, especially the Tamil Brahmi script.”
    Mahadevan’s turn to epigraphy reminds us that outstanding epigraphists are not always those who trained in the study of signs and symbols within academic portals but, instead, became scholars because a bureaucrat’s life allowed serious hobbies to be pursued. It is a pity, though, that it is only a rare bureaucrat, as Mahadevan was, who excels in what begins as a hobby.
    On a personal note, he was appalled when I became a babu at the University of Delhi for a few years and urged me to get back to my academic work as soon as possible. “You will make valuable contributions as an academic scholar,” he reminded me “and not by pushing files in an office (This advice is from a former bureaucrat!).”
    This advice and a great deal else came from Mahadevan through a series of emails from 2006 till 2014. I met him only once, but because of these exchanges, I felt close enough to be able to discuss all kinds of things with him, from the career of D.D. Kosambi to Classical Tamil. As he told me, he was not a Marxist but remained a great admirer of Kosambi. He had copies of Kosambi’s books and studied his ideas carefully, being particularly fascinated by his account of the survivals of the Indus civilisation. He felt that his tracing of the Harappan influence on later cultures remained true. He was also planning to write a paper that took its leads from Kosambi’s reconstruction of the Great Bath at Mohenjodaro. Kosambi, it should be remembered, saw it as a religious structure. Kosambi also saw the three-faced deity on stamp seals as having some of the attributes of the later Hindu god Shiva.
    But more than his views on scholars of ancient India, what struck me was Mahadevan’s ability to address academic disagreements through scholarly commerce rather than through vitriolic sniping. In 2010, for instance, he wrote in The Hindu that Asko Parpola, a distinguished Finnish Indologist, who had become the first recipient of the Classical Tamil award instituted by the then chief minister of Tamil Nadu, richly deserved this honour. After reading the piece, I immediately wrote to Mahadevan that although Parpola’s scholarship was undoubted, he himself would probably be the first to admit that he had not made a contribution to Classical Tamil which was the award he was honoured with. I also hoped, as I told him, that he would not misunderstand what I wrote.
    His reply was instantaneous: “Where is the question of misunderstanding when the debate is academic and not personal?”
    We disagreed on lots of issues such as a supposed Aryan influx into India after the decline of the Indus civilisation, and whether there was a Dravidian language encoded in the Indus script, as he believed.
    Such exchanges, though, were always conducted by him in such a fundamentally  decent and dignified way that it never failed to fill me with admiration. His belief about how scholars must conduct themselves remains, beyond question, the one aspect of his persona that I will remember – and miss – the most.
    Nayanjot Lahiri is a Professor of History at Ashoka University.

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    Ancient Maritime Tin Route Project which predates Silk Road by 2 millennia to ca. 4500 BCE
    nAn Ancient Bhāratīya Itihāsa Research Proposal


    Background and Executive Summary


    Bhāratīya Itihāsa or History of Hindu Civilization is often traced back to several millennia Before Common Era based on the archaeological findings of sites like Bhirrana, Rakhigarhi and Kunal on the River Basin of Vedic Sarasvati River. A significant contribution was made by Angus Maddison, Cambridge Economic Historian who submitted a historical monograph to OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development), prior to the initiatives of European Union. The following graph summarizes his findings.

    Source: Data table in Maddison A (2007), Contours of the World Economy I-2030AD,Oxford University Press,

    The framework of the research proposal is to explain how Ancient India accounted for over 33% of World GDP. What are the contributory factors which explain this phenomenal Wealth of an Ancient Nation, prior to 1 Common Era?


    This research project proposal presents evidences pointing to the existence of an Ancient Maritime Tin Route which powered the Tin-Bronze Revolution of 5th millennium BCE which contributed to the Wealth of Nations, together with the inventions of domestication of rice cultivation (from ca. 7th millennium BCE), domestication of cotton cultivation (from ca. 6th millenniumBCE) which are explanatory factors for the wealth of nations of the ancient periods.

    A significant contributor is the economic organization, a corporate form which predate the Roman corporate form by 2 millennia. The corporate form relates to the organization of guilds, called śreṇi of artisans and seafaring merchants, which were governed by the principle of Shared Commonwealth. It appears that this was the major contributory factor which may explain the Wealth of Ancient India, ca. 4500 BCE.

    The key to this phenomenal economic enterprise is the navigability of Himalayan rivers: Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween, Brahmaputra, Ganga, Yamuna, Sarasvati which linked up the seafaring merchants through the Persian Gulf, Tigris-Euphrates doab and Mediterranean Sea, thus effectively complementing a Maritime route from Hanoi (Vietnam) to Haifa (Israel) powering the Tin-Bronze Revolution of 5th millennium BCE.

    The largest tin belt of the globe is in Ancient Far East on the river basins of Irrawaddy, Salween and Mekong. This cassiterite (tin ore) resource was accumulated as placer deposits as the Himalayan rivers ground down granite rocks and created the plater deposits of tin ore. The challenge is to prove the use of this tin resource during the Tin-Bronze Revolution of Eurasia.
    Image result for tin belt of the globe bharatkalyan97


    European Union has embarked on a multi-million Euro project (Euro 2,340,000) coordinated in Germany, to research on the provenance of tin of the Tin-Bronze Age. The closed project is called 

    Tin Isotopes and the Sources of Bronze Age Tin in the Old World."This multidisciplinary project comprising archaeology, history, geochemistry, and geology aims at the decipherment of the enigma of the origin of a material that emerged in the third millennium BCE and gave an entire cultural epoch its name, namely the alloy of copper and tin called bronze. While copper deposits are relatively widely distributed there are only very few tin deposits known in the Old World (Europe, the Mediterranean basin and southwest Asia). "



    The proposed project will complement these efforts and drawn up the contours of the Ancient Maritime Tin Route which linked Hanoi and Haifa. It appears that Ancient Indian artisans and merchants were intermediaries in distribution of the tin and other mineral resources of the Tin-Bronze Revolution. The proposed research willd define the contours of this economic enterprise which spanned several millennia from 5th to 2nd millennium BCE.

    Brief overview of the socio-economic situation of Ancient Indian Polity of centures prior to 1 Common Era


    The rediscovery of Vedic River Sarasvati is a momentous historical record. Archaeologicalevidences attest the existence of over 2000 archaeological sites along the basin of Vedic River Sarasvati; accounting for over 80% of all 2600+ sites of the so-called Indus Valley Civilization. This has led some scholars to call this Sarasvati Civilization since the river basin constituted the epicentre of life-activities of the artisans and seafaring merchants of the Civilization.

    Rakhigarhi was on the banks of River Drishadvati, a tributary of River Sarasvati navigable through and beyond Dwaraka through Persian Gulf into Ancient Near East. (Map after JM Kenoyer harappa.com).:


    Rakhigarhi


    The discovery of the archaeological site of Rakhigarhi is of great significance in this economic enterprise of ancient peoples. The site is seen to be the largest site of Sarasvati civilization and could have been a paṭṭaṇa which linked the navigable Sarasvati River with Ganga-Yamuna doab and Brahmaputra navigable waterway to link up further with the RiverBasinf of Irrawaddy, Salween,Mekong in Ancient Far East.


    Backbone of Indus Script Corpora. Tin Road of Bronze Age Indian Ocean Community linking Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East.


    An Indian Ocean Community existed in the Bronze Age transacting on the Tin Road.

    The monograph is a postscript to the decipherment of 'backbone' and 'skeleton' hieroglyphs used extensively on Indus Script Corpora in the context of metalwork catalogues of the civilization contact areas. The hieroglyhphs signify hard alloy and deep boat (canoe) respectively which indicate the need for researches on seafaring and maritime activities of Meluhha artisans and merchants of the Indian Ocean. A Tin Road of the Bronze Age is posited preceding the Silk Road of Sutra texts from Indian sprachbund. This hypothesis is framed on the George Coeded, French savant's magnum opus, in the wake of discovery of Angkor Wat: Ancient History of Hinduised States of Far East (French original: Histoire ancienne des états hindouises d'Extrême Orient, 1944.) The state formation in Ancient Far East should have been founded on centuries of earlier contacts and cultural exchanges between the seafaring Meluhha merchants and seafaring artisans of the Ancient Far East. A profound set of researches related to the spread of Austro-Asiatic languages from Indian sprachbund to Ancient Far East provide the evidence for this possibility of cultural exchanges starting from the Bronze Age. (See correlating maps embedded. 
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/archaeometallury-and-meluhha.html). An archaeometallurgical evidence of the discovery of a Bronze Age village and cemetery site of Ban Chiang of Thailand is compelling and matches with the geological reality of the largest tin belt of the globe located in the Ancient Far East.

    The presentation is organized in three sections suggesting the pursuit of an area of research of Bronze Age suggested by Wilhelm G. Solheim's hypothesis of a trade/culturfal link between Ancient Near East and the Mediterranean (referenced at 

    Section 1: Backbone of Indus Script Corpora. Archaeometallurgical messages revealed by the cipher, suggesting Tin Road links between Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East

    Section 2: Seafaring Ancient Near East -- Rationale for linking messages from Indus Script Corpora and Archaeometallury of Ancient Far East

    Section 3. Background profiles on Indus Scipt Corpora and related archaeometallurgy as a framework for further researches to define the Tin Road of the Bronze Age linking Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East
    Pinnow-map of Austro-Asiatic language speakershttp://www.ling.hawaii.edu/faculty/stampe/aa.html
    Some Bronze Age sites, Far East. (After Fig. 2.2 in Higham, Charles, 1996, The bronze age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge Univ. Press
     
    Stannifrous areas of the world (From RG Taylor, Geology of Tin Deposits, Amsterdam 1979, 6, fig. 2.1)

    Bronze Age sites of eastern Bha_rata and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2. Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6. Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa; 8. Mohenjo-daro; 9. Ahar; 10.Kayatha; 11. Navdatoli; 12. Inamgaon; 13. Non Pa Wai; 14. Nong Nor; 15. Ban Na Di and Ban Chiang; 16. Non Nok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press].
     
    Section 1: Backbone of Indus Script Corpora. Archaeometallurgical messages revealed by the cipher, suggesting Tin Road links between Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East

    Three Meluhha glosses denote three types of metal ingots:

    1. ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ]  Cast, mould, form (as of metal vessels, trinkets &c.) (Marathi)
    2. mũhe 'ingot' mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes.
    3. ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali)

    Based on the decipherment of Indus Scipt Corpora in Meluhha language (Proto-Prakritam of Indian sprachbund), it is suggested that 

    1. ḍhālako ingots were signified by the ox-hide shaped ingots
    2. mũhe ingots were signified by the cargo of cast metal out of a furnace
    3. ḍab ingots were smaller sized, bun-shaped ingots.

    The specification that the ingots were made of alloyed hard metal was signified by hieroglyphs which were shaped like a skeleton-backbone:

     Rebus-metonymy layered readings of these hieroglyphs are: 

    Hieroglyph: dōkkū skeleton (Kuwi) ḍogor peṛeka backbone (Go.)

    Rebus: ḍhũgo ʻ stoneʼ (Ku.) Rebus: ḍõgā 'deep boat' (P.)

    Hieroglyph: karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (Prakrit) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)

    Thus, to signify cast ingots of hard alloy, the hieroglyphs deployed were:

    S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ;  L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal 
    A Hamsa sacred goose reliquary,stupa 32 of the Gangu group, Babar Khana, TaxilaGandhara, 1st century CE. This Hamsa was found inside a granite bowl, with an inscribed gold sheet stating "Shira deposited the relics of her departed parents in the Hamsa". It has a cavity in the middle for the insertion of the relics. British Museum.
    bar-headed goose (Anser indicus)




    0 0


    This is an addendum to:

    Yūpa brick found in Binjor; Vedic Sarasvati River basin; Veda pillars of yajña, in Harappa = Hari-yúpíyá  https://tinyurl.com/yagemuwv



    Source: Keith and Macdonnell, Vedic Index, Vol. I, pp.509-511

     


    Pasaramu 'cattle' పసరము pasaramu or పసలము pasaramu. [Tel.] n. A beast, an animal. గోమహిషహాతి.  rebus: pajhar 'smelter, smithy', rebus: పసారము pasāramu or పసారు pasārdmu. [Tel.] n. A shop. associated triplets of hypertext clusters. Thus, clusters of animals (expanded also as a composite animal or animals shown in procession) are wealth-accounting classifiers of distinct metalwork categories related to a smelter or a smithy.  prasara m. ʻ advance, extension ʼ Kālid. [√sr̥]Pk. pasara -- m. ʻ extension ʼ; Ku. pasar ʻ extension of family, lineage, family, household ʼ; N. pasal ʻ booth, shop ʼ; B. Or. pasarā ʻ tray of goods for sale ʼ; M. pasar m. ʻ extension ʼ; -- N. pasar ʻ the two hands placed together to receive something, one hand so held out ʼ, H. pasar m. ʻ hollowed palm of hand ʼ: rather < prasr̥ta -- .(CDIAL 8824) prasāra m. ʻ extension ʼ Suśr., ʻ trader's shop ʼ Nalac. [Cf. prasārayati ʻ spreads out for sale ʼ Mn. -- √sr̥Paš. lāsar ʻ bench -- like flower beds outside the window ʼ IIFL iii 3, 113; K. pasār m. ʻ rest ʼ (semant. cf. prásarati in Ku. N. Aw.); P. puhārā m. ʻ breaking out (of fever, smallpox, &c.) ʼ; Ku. pasāro ʻ extension, bigness, extension of family or property, lineage, family, household ʼ; N. pasār ʻ extension ʼ; B. pasār ʻ extent of practice in business, popularity ʼ, Or. pasāra; H. pasārā m. ʻ stretching out, expansion ʼ (→ P. pasārā m.; S. pasāro m. ʻ expansion, crowd ʼ), G. pasār°rɔ m., M. pasārā; -- K. pasôru m. ʻ petty shopkeeper ʼ; P. pahārā m. ʻ goldsmith's workshop ʼ; A. pohār ʻ small shop ʼ; -- ← Centre: S. pasāru m. ʻ spices ʼ; P. pasār -- haṭṭā m. ʻ druggist's shop ʼ; -- X paṇyaśālā -- : Ku. pansārī f. ʻ grocer's shop ʼ.(CDIAL 8835)

    Sign 15 reads: Sign 12 kuṭi 'water-carrier' (Telugu) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS Sign 342 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'. Thus, the composite hypertext of Sign 15 reads: kuṭhi karika 'smelter helmsman/scribe/supercargo'.

    Semantics of the expression कारणिक a. (-का or -की f.) include:  a teacher MBh. ii , 167. कच्चित्कारणिका धर्मे सर्वशास्त्रेषु कोविदाः Mb.2.5.34.mfn. (g. काश्य्-ादि) " investigating , ascertaining the cause " , a judge (Pañcatantra)(Monier-Williams); Causal, causativ (Apte)

    Thus, Sign 342  karika 'rim-of-jar' read कारणिक signifies that the scribe,engraver performed the functions for the guild of 'inspecting' or 'judging' the quality of the metal products categorised, classified and catalogued in the wealth accounting ledgers.
    Pairs associated withbuffalo FS 6 (FS 15, 16, 17)

    Hieroglyhph: buffalo: Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ (or < raṅku -- ?).(CDIAL 10538, 10559) Rebus: raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) B. rāṅ(g) ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10567). The decipherment of all these pairs have been subsumed in the decipherment of 31 triplets presented at 

     

    https://tinyurl.com/ybf2p98h


    FS 6 FS Fig.15 to 17
    bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite, ferrite ore'; mẽḍhā ʻcrook, hook' rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.); dāṭu cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhāṭnā 'to send out, pour out, cast (metal)' (CDIAL 6771).
    FS 3 FS Fig. 10Cluster1

     Sign 293 kanac kuṭila 'pewter'; kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace', 'factory';

    Sign 123 kuṭi 'a slice, a bit, a small piece'(Santali) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph:  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, kuṭhi khāṇḍā smelter metalware.

    Sign 343 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman' PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā karṇī 'metalware supercargo'.


    FS 4 FS Fig. 11 to 13aḍar 'harrow' Rebus: aduru = gaṇiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada); bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus:bhaṭa 'furnace'l karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī  'scribe, supercargo'.
     Sign 48 is a 'backbone, spine' hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharata = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bha, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit. )baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) 
    käti ʻwarrior' (Sinhalese)(CDIAL 3649). rebus:  khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights'ʼVikalpa: bhaa 'warrior' rebus: bhaa 'furnace'.
    Sign 342 karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī  'scribe, supercargo'
     Hieroglyph:  dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination'  ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.Addenda: ḍhāla -- . 2. *ḍhāllā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f.(CDIAL 5583). Rebus:  ḍhālako a large metal ingot  PLUS ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'. 
     Hypertext of Sign 336 has hieroglyph components: muka 'ladle' (Tamil)(DEDR 4887) Rebus:mū̃h 'ingot' (Santali).PLUSSign 328  baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'. The hypertext reads: mū̃h bhaṭa 'ingot furnace'
    kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.
     Variants of Sign 293 Sign 293 is a ligature ofSign 287 'curve' hieroglyph and 'angle' hieroglyph (as seen on lozenge/rhombus/ovalshaped hieroglyphs). The basic orthograph of Sign 287 is signifiedby the semantics of: kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'  Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl°lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984) कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ कौटिलिकः 1 A hunter.-2 A blacksmith. Sign 293 may be seen as a ligature of Sign 287 PLUS 'corner' signifier: Thus, kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá 1 m. ʻmetal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metalʼ PLUS kuṭila 'curve' rebus: kuṭila 'bronze/pewter' (Pewter is an alloy that is a variant brass alloy). The reading of Sign 293 is: kanac kuṭila 'pewter'.
     Sign 123 is comparable to Sign 99 'splinter' hieroglyph. kuṭi 'a slice, a bit, a small piece'(Santali) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph:  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā kuṭhi metalware smelter.
    kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.

    Hypertext Cluster 21 reads:  kuṭila kañcu khāṇḍā kuṭhi karṇī  'pewter, bell-metal metalware, smelter, scribe, supercargo;.




    FS 7 FS Fig.20 Hypertext of Sign 267 is composed of rhombus/oval/bun-ingot shape and signifier of 'corner' hieroglyph. The hypertext reads: mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bell-metal'. Sign 267 is oval=shape variant, rhombus-shape of a bun ingot. Like Sign 373, this sign also signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109.2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ;  A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. (CDIAL 2756)

    sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'

    kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.
    gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' khaṇḍa 'implements, metalware'. PLUS 'split parenthesis' is a split of oval hieroglyph read rebus: Sign 373 mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (oval-/rhombus-shaped like a bun-ingot).
     sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'PLUS 'notch'  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā sal 'equipment workshop'
    Sign 403 is a duplication of  dula 'pair, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS  Sign'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dul mũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot'.
    Sign 342 karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī  'scribe, supercargo'

    FS 9kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá 1 m. ʻmetal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metalʼ PLUS mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (oval-/rhombus-shaped like a bun-ingot)
    sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
    Sign 67 khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭamcoinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236) PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10;  gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.]). Thus, ayo kammaṭa 'alloy metalmint'.

    FS 11 FS Fig. 26 to 28
    Cluster 6

    Hypertext reads: mē̃ḍ koḍ dul kāṇḍā 'cast iron workshop';  'metalcast equipment'.

     Variants of Sign 245 Hieroglyph: khaṇḍa'divisions' Rebus: kāṇḍā 'metalware' Duplicated Sign 245: dula 'duplicated' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.
    Sign 25 ciphertext is composed of Sign 1 and Sign 86. mē̃ḍ 'body' rebus: mē̃ḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.)Hypertext reads in a constructed Meluhha expression: mē̃ḍ koḍ 'iron workshop'.

    kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.
    gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' khaṇḍa 'implements, metalware'. 
     koḍa 'sluice'; Rebus: koḍ 'artisan's workshop (Kuwi) Vikalpa: सांड [ sāṇḍa ] f (षद S) An outlet for superfluous water (as through a dam or mound); a sluice, a floodvent. सांडशी [ sāṇḍaśī ] f (Dim. of सांडस, or from H) A small kind of tongs or pincers.
    Sign 342 karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī  'scribe, supercargo'
    FS 13 FS Fig. 30 to 38



    Sign 48 is a 'backbone, spine' hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharata = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bha, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit. )baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) 
    käti ʻwarrior' (Sinhalese)(CDIAL 3649). rebus:  khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights'ʼVikalpa: bhaa 'warrior' rebus: bhaa 'furnace'.
    Sign 342 karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī  'scribe, supercargo'


    FS 14 FS Fig. 39 to 41
    dhanga 'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' Vikalpa: meṭṭu 'hill' Rebus:me 'iron'  (Mu.Ho.)

     मुष्टिक 'fist' rebus: मुष्टिक goldsmith

    Sign 245 Hieroglyph: khaṇḍa'divisions' Rebus: kāṇḍā 'metalware' 

    Sign 358 मुष्टिक 'fist' rebus: मुष्टिक goldsmith. The rebus reading of upraised arm: eraka 'upraised arm' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' araka 'gold'. Since, the fists are ligatured to the rim of jar, the rebus reading includes the two rebus expressions:1. kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: कर्णिक m. a steersman (Monier-Williams) karaṇī 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' (Marathi). 2. dula'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'  PLUS muka 'fist' rebus: mũhe 'ingot'. Thus, together dul mũhe 'ingot, metalcasting'.



    FS 25 FS Fig.51The underlying sign design principle सांगड sāṅgaḍa 'joined parts' is HTTP hypertext transfer protocol. A hypertext on an Indus Script inscription is composed of hieroglyphs joined together which are classified as both composite 'signs' and composite 'field symbols', for e.g.,: 1. on field symbols with composite animals such as hieroglyphs of a bovine body with bos indicus (zebu horns), ram (hoofs), cobrahood (tail), elephant trunk, human face, scarfs on neck. Each animal part is read rebus to identify the 'metal' signified in the hyper-cluster of animals called 'composite animal'.
    kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.Hieroglyph:  dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination'  ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.Addenda: ḍhāla -- . 2. *ḍhāllā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f.(CDIAL 5583). Rebus:  ḍhālako a large metal ingot PLUS Sign 403 is a duplication of  dula 'pair, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS  Sign'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dul mũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot' and  ḍhālako a large metal ingot.
    kūdī ‘bunch of twigs’ (Sanskrit) rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)

    Triplet freq.  41.Triplet freq. 12preferred dot-in-circle environ, miniature tablets  
    Triplet frequency  12. preferred FS 07karibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' PLUS pattar 'trough' rebus: pattar 'goldsmith guild'.
    Sign 403 is a duplication of  dula 'pair, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS  Sign'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dul mũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot'.

    Sign 103 is hypertext composed of Sign 87 dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph:  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, the pair Sign 103 and Sign 403 signify ingots and metalware.

    Sign 342 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.

    (FS 18) elephant, FS 91 (FS 129) double-axe, preferred miniature tablets.
    Sign 160 is a variant of Sign 137Variants of Sign 137 dāṭu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral' (Santali) PLUS Sign 134 ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' ays 'iron' PLUS dhakka 'lid of pot' rebus: dhakka 'bright'. Thus, together, 

    Sign 138 reads: dhakka dhatu 'bright mineral ore'

    Triplet frequency 12, preferred FS 44 tree (FS 75) kuṭhi. 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace', 'factory'


    Sign 178 is a ligature of  'three short strokes' and 'crook' hieroglyph shown infixed with a circumscript of duplicated four short strokes as in Sign 179
    Sign 178 is: kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu.) मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) Together: kolami meḍ 'iron smithy'.

    Sign 389 is a composite hypertext composed of Sign 169 infixed in 'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. 
    Sign 169 may be a variant of Sign 162. Sign kolmo 'rice plant' rebus:kolami 'smithy, forge'. Thus, the composite hypertext of Sign 389 reads: mũhã̄ kolami 'ingot smithy/forge'.

    See: 

     https://tinyurl.com/y84faccq


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    If only he had lived for a few more years, he might have come up with a ‘revision’ on his view on Aryan entry.

    November 29, 2018
    Two issues that Dr Iravatham Mahadevan could have announced the world

    As one who has read most of his papers for a research work, the only thought lingering on this writer’s mind is that Mahadevan was truly humble and open for change.

    With numerous tributes flowing around us on Iravatham Mahadevan at this moment of his departure, just one thought crosses this writer’s mind – that he was humble to the core. In spite of a long innings in epigraphy, he was very humble and honest to correct his views when faced with a convincing proof. He did make a correction as recently as in 2015 to one of the major assumptions on the Dravidian presence in the Indus upon which he built up his entire work of linguistic decipherment of the Indus Script. This makes us wonder whether he would have done the same to the other assumption on Aryan migration had he lived for some more time, for, there is a glaring absurdity in his original assumption of a small group of Aryans entering the country and the entire country getting linguistically fused with Aryan language though he proposed that the Aryans borrowed the culture of the Dravidian Indus!
    He embraced the view of his predecessors that Dravidians were present in North West India (Indus Valley) when the Aryans came and Brahui is the proof of their presence.
    Two issues are taken up as foregone conclusions.
    The Aryan vs Dravidian debate on the Indus civilization was at the threshold of ‘Mature Phase’ when Mahadevan entered the fray in 1968. Only a couple decades prior to that, Wheeler presented his theory that Rig-Veda could be read as a historical document and wrote in his report on 1946 excavations of Harappa that ‘Indra stands accused’– by proposing a conflict between “the newly arrived Aryan warriors and the indigenous Indus peoples” (Possehl 2002). This was followed by attempts to decipher the signs on the Indus seals. When Mahadevan, after completing his work on Tamil-Brāhmī scripts, turned his attention to the Indus script, two studies were already published. Both these studies claimed that Dravidian language formed the substratum of the Indus script. Impressed with their findings, Mahadevan began his decipherment of the Indus seals on the same lines. The Aryan Invasion Theory (AIT) and the Dravidian substratum of the Indus were embraced as foregone conclusions by Mahadevan and taken up as the basic assumptions upon which he weaved all his decipherments.
    Change of stance on Brahui as evidence.
    He embraced the view of his predecessors that Dravidians were present in North West India (Indus Valley) when the Aryans came and Brahui is the proof of their presence. Though he made a fleeting reference to it in his paper published in 1970, he made a decisive statement in 1972 in his paper, “Study of the Indus script through bi-lingual parallels” where he wrote,
    It is now well established that the Dravidians were present in North-west India when the Aryans entered the country, most probably sometime around the middle of the Second Millennium B.C. The survival of the Brahui, a Dravidian language, and the presence of words of Dravidian origin in the Rigveda, provide irrefutable evidence for this fact.”He had the humility and honesty to revise his opinion and admit it in the open certainly puts him on a high pedestal.He repeated this in later works too though he never came up with any words of Dravidian origin in the Rig Veda. For him, the other proof, namely the continuing presence of Brahui even today constituted the basis for the assumption that Dravidians were living in North West India at the time of Aryan Invasion.
    This stance on Brahui which he held on for more than 30 years came for a changewhen he was found to make a significant departure from his view on Brahui in his Convocation Address to the Dravidian University at Kuppam in 2015.
    I had earlier considered Brahui, a Dravidian language still spoken in Baluchistan as evidence for the Dravidian character of the Indus civilisation. I have revised my opinion as experts in Dravidian linguistics now hold that Brahui was originally a North-eastern Dravidian language with many shared features with Kurux and Malto and that it moved to its present location in later times.”
    His academic sincerity in accepting facts notwithstanding, it is no exaggeration that this ‘revision’ of his view comes with a far-reaching implication on whether the Dravidian substratum can be taken for granted in Indus decipherment. This further raises questions like when did Brahui come to North West India and whether its arrival pre-dated Aryan arrival. Without finding answers for these, Mahadevan could have found himself forced to do a re-think on the assumption of Dravidian substratum given the fact that no convincing decipherment of the Indus script had come up till date. That he had the humility and honesty to revise his opinion and admit it in the open certainly puts him on a high pedestal.
    Aryan as language and not race.
    His adherence to Aryan Invasion Theory as a foregone conclusion was reflected in his 1972 paper as the only possible answer to the question of what happened to the Harappans. He wrote,
    Ethnic continuity overlaid by a linguistic change wrought by the incoming Aryans seems to be the only possible answer to the question, ‘What happened to the Harappans?’ ”The newer revelations and discoveries coming on the Indus sites in his later years could have caused a change of mind on his Aryan assumption too.
    With many researches having come with indisputable evidence on climatic causes for the demise of the Harappan / Indus civilization, the relevance of Aryan entry as a cause for the death of Indus civilization stands very much diluted and even non-existent. It is perplexing that Mahadevan did not ‘revise’ his view on Aryan invasion in the wake of new discoveries on the end of Indus civilisation.
    A perception is gaining that Mahadevan treated Aryan and Dravidian as names of languages and not races. But the fact is that he did harp on these two as races and their merger as racial fusion in his early papers such as the one published in 1972.
    His version was that a small group of Aryans entered the Indus and achieved dominance over the local population due to better mobility and advanced weaponry. By mentioning weaponry as a cause for domination he seemed to concur with the olden notion of invasion. Thus initially there were two races in his scheme which were fused in due course giving rise to two sets of language systems, Aryan and Dravidian.
    According to him, the Dravidian language was present in the Indus. It was borrowed by Aryans from whom it travelled back to the Dravidian at a much later date. The later Dravidian was secondary Dravidian – the language that we have today. Using the Dravidian languages and the Aryan (Sanskrit) language, he attempted to decipher the Indus script (Primary Dravidian). In this methodology, there is absolutely no need to assume that Aryans came from outside and fused with the Indus people. In his scheme, there were pre-Aryan practices such as Soma cult that was borrowed by the Aryans! He even proposed pre-Aryan indigenous stock to which he attributed the Epics and Puranas of Hindus (1975 paper). All these do not require an outside stock (Aryans) to enter the Indus and re-create the same stuff.  It is intriguing that he failed to think of an indigenously evolving ‘Aryan’ stock. This was because he was more conditioned to think on the dominant narrative of his day.
    The newer revelations and discoveries coming on the Indus sites in his later years could have caused a change of mind on his Aryan assumption too. He did change his view on Brahui and it was only a matter of time before he changed his view in Aryan Invasion too. His sincerity in his research could have led him to that view if death had not snatched him now. If only he had lived for a few more years and retained the vigour, he might have come up with a ‘revision’ on his view on Aryan entry too. As one who has read most of his papers for a research work, the only thought lingering on this writer’s mind is that Mahadevan was truly humble and open for change.
    References:
    • Possehl, Greory L (2002). The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective. Rowman Altamira. Maryland. pp 237-238
    • Mahadevan, Iravatham** (1970). “Dravidian Parallels in Proto-Indian script”. Journal of Tamil studies. II(1). pp 1-120.
    • Mahadevan, Iravatham (1972). “Study of the Indus script through bi-lingual parallels”. The Second All India Conference of Dravidian Linguists. Sri Venkateswara University, Tirupati.
    • Mahadevan, Iravatham (2015). “Interpreting the Indus Script: The Dravidian Solution”, Convocation Address delivered at the Dravidian University, Kuppam, 26 February 2015.
    https://www.pgurus.com/two-issues-that-dr-iravatham-mahadevan-could-have-announced-the-world-before-his-departure/

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    Harappan civilisation,Indus Valley civilisation,Indus Valley
    Karl Martin bought the jar at a car-boot sale with another pot for £4, was told of its antiquity by a colleague at the local auctioneers, Hansons.(Hansons Auctioneers)

    There are many priceless Indian items at British museums, with the royal family, and in homes of those who served during the ‘Raj’, but one Briton who bought a pottery jar, for less than £4, has found that the artefact’s antiquity dates back to the Indus Valley, making it around 4,000 years old.

    Based in Derby in the west Midlands, Karl Martin, who bought the jar at a car-boot sale with another pot for £4, was told of its antiquity by a colleague at the local auctioneers, Hansons. The jar with a painting of an antelope was put for auction this week, selling for £80.

    A keen collector, Martin said: “I liked it straight away. I used it in the bathroom to store my toothpaste and toothbrush – it even ended up getting a few toothpaste marks on it. I suspected it might be very old but forgot all about it”.

    “Then, one day at work, I was helping Hansons’ antiquities expert James Brenchley unload a van and noticed some pottery which was similar to my toothbrush pot. The painting style looked the same and it had similar crudely-painted animal figures”.

    “I rescued the pot from my bathroom and asked him to examine it for me. He confirmed it was a genuine antiquity from Afghanistan and dated back to 1900 BC. That means it’s around 4,000 years old – made 2,000 years before Christ was born. It’s amazing, really. How it ended up at a South Derbyshire car-boot sale, I’ll never know”.

    Brenchley said: “This is an Indus Valley-Harappan civilisation pottery jar dating back to 1900 BC. This was a Bronze Age civilisation mainly in the north western regions of South Asia. The civilisation was primarily located in modern-day India and Pakistan as well as Afghanistan.”

    “I do come across items like this from time to time and was familiar with the painting technique. It was probably brought back to the UK years ago by wealthy travellers.”

    What Karl Martin calls toothbrush holder may also have been an ink-pen holder. The Indus Script Hypertexts painted on the pot artifact may signify Meluhha rebus readings of: goldsmith guild, together with fire-altar, agni-kuṇḍa pronounced in Old Kashmiri as kō̃da कोँद । कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 133); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् । कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165)(Kashmiri) 


    Toc de scris 'Writing pen'

    Tocul este un instrument de scris confecționat din diferite materiale (precum lemnos sau metal), de formă lunguiață, la capătul căruia este atașată de penita (Romanian) Translation: The body is a writing instrument made of various materials (such as wood, bone or metal), of long shape, at the end of which it is attached to the pen



    Diferite tipuri de penițe folosite pentru tocuri 'Different types of pens used for writing' 

    Three pens of the following type gold pendant have been discovered in Mohenjo-daro. These could have been used as writing/inscribing instruments or simply, toc de scir, 'writing pens'. सूचि f. (prob. to be connected with सूत्र , स्यूत &c fr. √ सिव् , " to sew " cf. सूक्ष्म ; in R. once सूचिना instr.) , a needle or any sharp-pointed instrument (e.g. " a needle used in surgery " , " a magnet " &c ) RV. &c; the sharp point or tip of anything or any pointed object Ka1v. Car. BhP. (Monier-Williams) 

    Vikalpa: sūcīˊ’needle’ rebus: sūcika ‘tailor’


    *sūcikāgharikā ʻ needle -- case ʼ. [Cf. sūcigr̥haka -- n. lex. -- sūcīˊ -- , ghara -- ]
    Ku. suyārīsiyã̄rī ʻ needle bag ʼ.(CDIAL 13550) sūcīˊ f. ʻ needle ʼ RV., sūcí -- m. R. (f. Kālid. lex.), sūcikā -- f. lex.: v.l. śucĭ̄ -- . 2. *sūñcī -- . [Kaf. forms with č -- and Kho š -- can be explained as assimilation of s -- č, but Ash. points to IA. ś -- . If originally IA. had śūci -- (agreeing with Pahl. sūčan, Pers. sōzen), ś -- was perh. replaced by s -- through the influence of sīˊvyati, sūˊtra -- . Cf. similar influence of verb ʻ to sew ʼ in N.] 1. Pa. sūci -- , °ikā -- f. ʻ needle ʼ, Pk. sūī -- f., Gy. eur. suv, pl. suvya f., pal. suʻ , as. siv, Ḍ. sūiya f., Ash. arċūˊċ (ar -- < āˊrā -- ); Kt. čim -- čič ʻ iron needle ʼ, p -- čič ʻ thread ʼ; Paš.ar. sūī ʻ needle ʼ, chil. sūĩ, kuṛ. sũī, Shum. suīˊ, Gaw. suī˜, Kal.rumb. suš (< *suž with -- š carried into obl. sūšuna), urt. sužīk, Bshk. sū̃ī; Sh.gil.  f. ʻ needle, pine needle ʼ, koh. sū̃ f., gur. sūw f.; K. suyu m. ʻ needle ʼ, suwa m. ʻ large pack -- needle ʼ; S. suī f. ʻ needle ʼ, suo m. ʻ pack -- needle ʼ, L.awāṇ. P. sūī f., sūā m., N. siyo (X siunu < sīvayati), B. suisũichũi, Or. sui, Bi. sūī, Mth. sui, Bhoj. suīsūwā ʻ large needle ʼ, Aw.lakh. sūī, H. sūī f., sūā m., G. soy f., soyɔsoiyɔ m., M. sūī f., Ko. suvva, Si. (h)ida, st. (h)idi -- . -- Ext. --  -- : S. suiṛī f. ʻ tattooing needle ʼ; Ku. syūṛo ʻ needle ʼ, gng. śwīṛ; N. suiro ʻ needle, goad, blade of grass ʼ.2. Wg. čunċ ʻ needle ʼ, Dm. čū̃či (NTS xii 163 < *šū̃či), Paš.dar. weg. sū˘nčék, gul. čánčak, Kho. šunǰ, B. sũcsucchũc, Or. suñcichuñci, H. chū̃chī f.; Si. hin̆du ʻ porcupine quill ʼ. -- K. saċ m. ʻ large pack -- needle ʼ,saċan f. ʻ needle ʼ ← Ir., cf. Wkh. siċ, Pahl. sūčan.sūcika -- , *sūcya -- , saucika -- ; *sūcikāgharikā -- .*sūcya -- ʻ tailor ʼ see sūcika -- .Addenda: sūcīˊ -- [Cf. Ir. *sūčī -- in Shgh. X. Rosh. siǰ f. ʻ needle ʼ EVSh 73; also Pahl. sūčan id.]: deriv. WPah.kṭg. súɔ ʻ large needle ʼ. -- In line 2 read v.l. śūcĭ̄ -- .(CDIAL 13551)M. suċṇẽ ʻ to come to mind ʼ, sucẽ n. ʻ hint, suggestion ʼ, caus. Or. sucāibā ʻ to remind ʼ, G. sucavvũ ʻ to hint ʼ, rather than < śúcyati; -- WPah.kc. sunċṇo ʻ to consider ʼ, A. xusāiba rather < †samarthyatē? (J.C.W.)(CDIAL 13551a)1. WPah. (Joshi) sūī m. ʻ tailor ʼ, OG. suī m. (whence saïyaṇi f. ʻ his wife ʼ), G. soisaī m. (or < 2).2. P. soī m. ʻ tailor ʼ, G. see 1.3. K. saċ m. ʻ tailor ʼ?Addenda: sūcika -- . 2. saucika -- : WPah.kṭg. sói m. ʻ tailor ʼ.(CDIAL 13549)

    Rebus: sūcika m. ʻ tailor ʼ VarBr̥S. 2. saucika -- m. Kull. 3. *sūcya -- . [sūcīˊ -- ] ஊசி¹ ūci n. < sūcī. 1. Sewing-needle; தையலூசி. (பிங்.). 2. Iron style for writing on palmyra leaves; எழுத்தாணி. பொன்னோலை செம் பொ னூசியா லெழுதி (சீவக. 369)

    Rebus: †sūcyatē ʻ is indicated ʼ Kāv., sūcya -- ʻ to be communicated ʼ Sāh. [Pass. of sūcayati ʻ indicates ʼ Up., Pk. suēisuaï. -- Denom. fr. Pk. sūā -- f. ʻ indication ʼ, Sk. sūcā -- f. Buddh. -- Poss. < śūkā -- f. (ʻ sting ʼ Suśr., ʻ scruple, doubt ʼ lex.) ~ śūcĭ̄ -- . -- śūka -- ?]

     


    https://tinyurl.com/y9lbeenj


    SM Katre (1941) refers to a cuneiform inscription on an Indus silver artefact. This is contradicted by John Marshall (1931). But, there is an Indus Seal with a cuneiform inscription found in Ur, noted by CJ Gadd (1932) which indicates that Indus Script was used to signify a hypertext of a 'bull' (barad, 'bull' rebus:bharata 'alloy copper, pewter, tin) while cuneiform syllabary was used to signify the 'profession' --sag-kusida, 'money-lender'-- of the seal-holder.

    “Another fact connected with Mohenjo Daro but strangely omitted from the official reports is the discovery of a piece of silver, bearing the number DK 1341 (NS9), made by Rao Bahadur (then Mr.) KN Dikshit, on the 1st of January 1926, on both sides of which he noted the occurrence of cuneiform punches. This silver piece is the earliest known cuneiform inscription or writing found in India, and will form part of the work of a future palaeographist who will have to revise the now classical treatise of Buhler (Indische Palaeographie, Strassburg, 1896).”(SM Katre, 1941, Introduction to Indian Txtual criticism, p.3)


    Gold jewellery, Mohenjodaro (After Marshall, Pl. CXLVIII).

    The jewellery was found in a silver vase. The large necklace is made up of barrel-shaped beads of a translucent, light-green jade. Each jade bead is separated from its neighbours on either side by five disc-shaped gold beads, 0.4 in. dia made by soldering two cap-like pieces together. Seven pendants of agate-jasper are suspended by means of a thick gold wire. The pendants are separated one from another by a small cylindrical bead of steatite capped at each end with gold. The smaller necklace (No. 7) inside the large one is made up of small globular gold beads, all of which are cast. The spacers were made by soldering two of these beads together, and it is probable that the beads were originally strung into a bracelet of two rows.  The two bangles (Nos. 1 and 4) were each made of thin sheet gold wrapped over a core (dia. 3 in.) No.2 is a conical gold cap (1.3 in. high) beaten out from a plate of gold; it is perhaps a hair ornament. 
    Two silver bracelets were also found with this hoard. (Marshall, Pl. CLXIV)
    Silver vase, Mohenjodaro (After Marshall, Pl. CXLVIII). The silver vase contained gold jewellery.
    “The jewellery illustrated in Pl. CXLVIII,a, was found in the silver vessel (DK 1341), illustrated on the right of the plate, which was unearthed by Mr. Dikshit in a long trench that he dug to connect up sections B and C in the DK Area…Together with these strings of beads several rough pieces of silver were found, one of which bears chisel-marks remarkably like cuneiform characters. A cast of this piece was submitted to Mr. Sidney Smith, of the British Museum, who, however, could not identify any definite sign upon it. This fragment, which measures 0.95 by 0.9 by 0.25 inch, is part of a bar, from which it was shaped after both ends had been struck with a broad chisel.” (John Marshall, 1931, Mohenjo-daro, p.519)

    “It is known for certain that seals and sealings of this class were carried thither by trade from Indus valley in ancient times, and one such seal has already been found (at ur) with a cuneiform in place of an ‘Indus’ inscription. (Mr. CL Woolley in Antiquaries’ Journal, 1928, p.26 and pl. xi,2)”(John Marshall, 1931,Mohenjo-daro, p.406)


    I have not had access to the illustration on Pl. XI,2 of CL Woolley's article referred by John Marshall. I think he is referring to the following seal with a cuneiform text:
    Image result for indus seal cuneiform text

    Note on decipherment of cuneiform text on Indus seal

    -- Sag kusida, 'chief money-lender' for bharata, 'metalcasters'  -- cuneiform text on an Indus seal of Ur including kusida as a borrowed word from Meluhha PLUS hieroglyph 'ox' read rebus in Meluhha as bharata, 'metal alloy of copper, pewter, tin'.
    Seal impression and reverse of seal from Ur (U.7683; BM 120573); image of bison and cuneiform inscription; cf. Mitchell 1986: 280-1 no.7 and fig. 111; Parpola, 1994, p. 131: signs may be read as (1) sag(k) or ka, (2) ku or lu orma, and (3) zor ba (4)?. The commonest value: sag-ku-zi
    This may be called Gadd Seal 1 of Ur since this was the first item on the Plates of figures included in his paper.
    Gadd, CJ, 1932, Seals of ancient Indian style found at Ur, in: Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932, Plate 1, no. 1. Gadd considered this an Indus seal because, 1) it was a square seal, comparable to hundreds of other Indus seals since it had a small pierced boss at the back through which a cord passed through for the owner to hold the seal in his or her possession; and 2) it had a hieroglyph of an ox, a characteristic animal hieroglyph deployed on hundreds of seals.
    This classic paper by Cyril John Gadd F.B.A. who was a Professor Emeritus of Ancient Semitic Languages and Civilizations, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, opened up a new series of archaeological studies related to the trade contacts between Ancient Far East and what is now called Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) civilization. 
    There is now consensus that Meluhhan communities were present in Ur III and also in Sumer/Elam/Mesopotamia. (Parpola S., A. Parpola & RH Brunswig, Jr., 1977, The Meluhha village. Evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the late Third Millennium Mesopotamia in: Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, 20, 129-165.
    Use of rebus-metonymy layered cipher for the entire Indus Script Corpora as metalwork catalogs provides the framework for reopening the investigation afresh on the semantics of the cuneiform text on Gadd Seal 1, the Indus seal with cuneiform text.
    This renewed attempt to decipher the inscription on the seal starts with a hypothesis that the cuneiform sign readings as: SAG KUSIDA. The ox is read rebus in Meluhha as: barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. The gloss bharata denoted metalcasting in general leading to the self-designation of metalworkers in Rigveda as Bharatam Janam, lit. metalcaster folk.
    While SAG is a Sumerian word meaning 'head, principal' (detailed in Annex A), KUSIDA is a Meluhha word well-attested semantically in ancient Indian sprachbund of 4th millennium BCE. The semantics of the Meluhha gloss, kusida signifies: money-lender (Annex B). Thus SAG KUSIDA is a combined Sumerian-Meluhha phrase signifying 'principal of chief money-lender'. This could be a clear instance of Sumerian/Akkadian borrowing a Meluhha gloss.
    SAG KUSIDA + ox hieroglyphon Gadd Seal 1, read rebus signifies: principal money-lender for bharata metal alloy artisans. This reading is consistent with the finding that the entire Indus Script Corpora are metalwork catalogs.
    The money-lender who was the owner of the seal might have created seal impressions as his or her signature on contracts for moneys lent for trade transactions of seafaring merchants of Meluhha.
    The Gadd Seal 1 of Ur is thus an example of acculturation of Sumerians/Akkadians in Ur with the Indus writing system and underlying Meluhha language of Meluhha seafaring merchants and Meluhha communities settled in Ur and other parts of Ancient Near East.
    Annex A: Meaning of SAG 'head, principal' 
    (Sumerian)
    The Sumerians called themselves sag-giga, literally meaning "the black-headed people"
    B184ellst.png Cuneiform sign SAG
    phonetic values
      • Sumerian: SAG, SUR14
      • Akkadian: šag, šak, šaq, riš
      • sign evolution
    Cuneiform sign SAG.svg
    1. the pictogram as it was drawn around 3000 BC;
    2. the rotated pictogram as written around 2800 BC;
    3. the abstracted glyph in archaic monumental inscriptions, from ca. 2600 BC;
    4. the sign as written in clay, contemporary to stage 3;
    5. late 3rd millennium (Neo-Sumerian);
    6. Old Assyrian, early 2nd millennium, as adopted into Hittite;
    7. simplified sign as written by Assyrian scribes in the early 1st millennium.

    Akkadian Etymology

    Noun

    𒊕 (rēšu, qaqqadu) [SAG]
    1. head (of a person, animal)
    2. top, upper part
    3. beginning
    4. top quality, the best
    Sumerian:
     (SAG)
    1. head

    Derived terms[edit]

    • SAG(.KAL) "first one"
    • (LÚ.)SAG a palace official
    • ZARAḪ=SAG.PA.LAGAB "lamentation, unrest"
    • SAG.DUL a headgear
    • SAG.KI "front, face, brow"
    http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%F0%92%8A%95
    Meaning of kusīda 'money-lender'
    कुशीदम् Usury; see कुसी. कुषीद a. Indifferent, inert. -दम् Usury. कुसितः 1 An inhabited country. -2 One who lives on usury; see कुसीद below. कुसितायी kusitāyī  (= कुसीदायी).कुसी kusī (सि si) द d कुसी (सि) द a. Lazy, slothful. -दः (also written as कुशी-षी-द) A monkey-lender, usurer; Mbh.4.29. -दम् 1 Any loan or thing lent to be repaid with in- terest. -2 Lending money, usury, the profession of usury; कुसीदाद् दारिद्र्यं परकरगतग्रन्थिशमनात् Pt.1.11; Ms. 1.9;8.41; Y.1.119. -3 Red sandal wood. -Comp. -पथः usury, usurious interest; any interest exceeding 5 per cent; कृतानुसारादधिका व्यतिरिक्ता न सिध्यति कुसीदपथमा- हुस्तम् (पञ्चकं शतमर्हति) Ms.8.152. -वृद्धिः f. interest on money; कुसीदवृद्धिर्द्वैगुण्यं नात्येति सकृदाहृता Ms.8.151. कुसीदा kusīdā  कुसीदा A female usurer. कुसीदायी kusīdāyī कुसीदायी The wife of a usurer. कुसीदिकः kusīdikḥ कुसीदिन् kusīdin कुसीदिकः कुसीदिन् m. A usurer.  (Samskritam. Apte) kúsīda ʻ lazy, inert ʼ TS. Pa. kusīta -- ʻ lazy ʼ, kōsajja -- n. ʻ sloth ʼ (EWA i 247 < *kausadya -- ?); Si. kusī ʻ weariness ʼ ES 26, but rather ← Pa.(CDIAL 3376). FBJ Kuiper identifies as a 'borrowed' word in Indo-Aryan which in the context of Indus Script decipherment is denoted by Meluhha as Proto-Prakritam: the gloss kusīda 'money-lender'. (Kuiper, FBJ, 1948, Proto-Munda words in Sanskrit, Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uit. Mij.; Kuiper, FBJ, 1955, Rigvedic loan-words in: O. Spies (ed.) Studia Indologica. Festschrift fur Willibald Kirfel Vollendung Seines 70. Lebensjahres. Bonn: Orientalisches Seminar; Kuiper, FBJ, 1991, Arans in the Rigveda, Amsterdam-Atlanta: Rodopi).

    Note on cursive writing of Indus Script hypertext on a gold pendant

    This 2.5 inch long gold pendant has a 0.3 inch nib; its ending is shaped like a sewing or netting needle. It bears an inscription painted in Indus Script. This inscription is deciphered as a proclamation of metalwork competence.
    Hieroglyph: ib 'needle' Ta. irumpu iron, instrument, weapon. Ma. irumpu, irimpu iron. Ko. ib id. To. ib needle. Koḍ. irïmbï iron. Te. inumu id. Kol. (Kin.) inum (pl. inmul) iron, sword. Kui (Friend-Pereira) rumba vaḍi ironstone (for vaḍi, see 5285).(DEDR 556) Rebus: ib 'iron'

    3 Gold pendants: Jewelry Marshall 1931: 521, pl. CLI, B3

    The comments made by John Marshall on three curious objects at bottom right-hand corner of Pl. CLI, B3: “Personal ornaments…Jewellery and Necklaces…Netting needles (?) Three very curious objects found with the studs and the necklace appear to be netting needles of gold. They are shown just above the ear-studs and also in the lower right-hand corner of Pl. CLI, B, 3-5 and 12-14. The largest of these needles (E 2044a) is 2.5 inches long. The handle is hollow and cylindrical and tapers slightly, being 0.2 inch in diameter at the needle-end. The needle point is 0.5 inch long and has a roughly shaped oval eye at its base. The medium sized needle (E 2044b) is 2.5 inches long and of the same pattern: but the cap that closed the end of the handle is now missing. The point which has an oval eye at its base is 0.3 inch long. The third needle (E 2044c) is only 1.7 inches long with the point 0.3 inch in length. Its handle, which is otherwise similar to those of the other two needles, is badly dented. The exact use of these three objects is open to question, for they could have been used for either sewing or netting. The handles seem to have been drawn, as there is no sign of a soldered line, but the caps at either end were soldered on with an alloy that is very little lighter in colour than the gold itself. The two smaller needles have evidently been held between the teeth on more than one occasion.” (p.521)

    Evidently, Marshall has missed out on the incription written in paint, as a free-hand writing, over one of the objects: Pl. CLI, B3.

    This is an extraordinary evidence of the Indus writing system written down, with hieroglyphs inscribed using a coloured paint, on an object.

    Gold pendant with Indus script inscription. The pendant is needle-like with cylindrical body. It is made from a hollow cylinder with soldered ends and perforated joint. Museum No. MM 1374.50.271; Marshall 1931: 521, pl. CLI, B3 (After Fig. 4.17 a,b in: JM Kenoyer, 1998, p. 196).

    ib 'needle' rebus: ib 'iron'
    kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'; sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'; dhatu 'cross road' Rebus: dhatu'mineral'; gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khanda 'implements'; kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'; Vikalpa: ?ea ‘seven’ (Santali); rebus: ?eh-ku ‘steel’ (Te.)

    aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron'(Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)

    Thus, the inscription is: ib kancu sal (iron, bronze workshop), dhatu aya kaṇḍ kolami mineral, metal, furnace/fire-altar smithy. The hypertext message is: artisan with iron, bronze workshop, (competence in working with) minerals,metals, furnace/fire-altar, smithy/forge.

    The inscription is a professional calling card -- describing professional competence and ownership of specified items of property -- of the wearer of the pendant.

    What could these three objects be? Sewing needles? Netting needles?

    Image result for ancient indus mesopotamia gold pendant needle worn on neck as ornament

    सूची a [p= 1241,1] f. (prob. to be connected with सूत्र , स्यूत &c fr. √ सिव् , " to sew " cf. सूक्ष्म ; in R. once सूचिना instr.) , a needle or any sharp-pointed instrument (e.g. " a needle used in surgery " , " a magnet " &c ) RV. &c. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2017/09/a-short-note-on-iconography-of-sindhu.html 

    Mrugendra Vinod links the needle to an Ashvamedha reference:
    The gold needles are found in Mohen jo Daro. They are explicitly referred to in Ashvamedha Ritual. (Ref.7)
    Ref. 7 यत्सूच न्नर्रन्नसपिातकल्पयन्नति।----िय्याः सूच्यो र्वन्नति। अयस्िय्यो रजिा हररण्याः। तै .ब्रा.3.9.6
    I do not know the explanation for the reference to and use of सूची in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa in the context of Ashvamedha yajña.


    ஊசி¹ ūci
    n. < sūcī. 1. Sewing-needle; தையலூசி. (பிங்.). 2. Iron style for writing on palmyra leaves; எழுத்தாணி. பொன்னோலை செம் பொ னூசியா லெழுதி (சீவக. 369)

    I surmise that all the three gold objects could be pendants tagged to other jewellery such as necklaces. 

    The pendants were perhaps worn with a thread of fibre passing through the eye of the needle-like ending of the pendants and used as stylus for writing.

    Why needle-like endings? Maybe, the pendants were used as 'writing' devices 1) either to engrave hieroglyphs into objects; 2)or to use the needle-ending like a metal nib to dip into a colored ink or liquid or zinc-oxide paste or cinnabar-paste. This possibility is suggested by the use of cinnabar in ancient China to paint into lacquer plates or bowls. Cinnabar or powdered mercury sulphide was the primary colorant lof lacquer vessels. "Known in China during the late Neolithic period (ca. 5000–ca. 2000 B.C.), lacquer was an important artistic medium from the sixth century B.C. to the second century A.D. and was often colored with minerals such as carbon (black), orpiment (yellow), and cinnabar (red) and used to paint the surfaces of sculptures and vessels...a red lacquer background is carved with thin lines that are filled with gold, gold powder, or lacquer that has been tinted black, green, or yellow.http://www.metmuseum.org/exhibitions/listings/2009/cinnabar
    西漢 黑地朱繪雲氣紋漆碗 <br/>Bowl with Geometric Designs
    + glyph on the ink-pen holder (often associated with dotted circles on Indus Script Corpora)
     m0352 cdef

    Seals from Afg of BMAC complex with motif shared with Ahar-Banas chalcolithic


    Thanks for these exquisite images of seals (called compartmentalised seals) from BMAC.   

    Following notes point to the essential similarity between Ahar-Banas artifacts and the finds from other sites of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. In particular, the seal showing a + shaped fire-altar may be explained as a Vedi. Similar hieroglyphs occur on Indus Script Corpora, for example the following:
    Kot Diji type seals with concentric circles from (a,b) Taraqai Qila (Trq-2 &3, after CISI 2: 414), (c,d) Harappa(H-638 after CISI 2: 304, H-1535 after CISI 3.1:211), and (e) Mohenjo-daro (M-1259, aftr CISI 2: 158). (From Fig. 7 Parpola, 2013).

    Distribution of geometrical seals in Greater Indus Valley during the early and *Mature Harappan periods (c. 3000 - 2000 BCE). After Uesugi 2011, Development of the Inter-regional interaction system in the Indus valley and beyond: a hypothetical view towards the formation of the urban society' in: Cultural relagions betwen the Indus and the Iranian plateau during the 3rd millennium BCE, ed. Toshiki Osada & Michael Witzel. Harvard Oriental Series, Opera Minora 7. Pp. 359-380. Cambridge, MA: Dept of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University: fig.7

    Dotted circles and three lines on the obverse of many Failaka/Dilmun seals are read rebus as hieroglyphs: 


    Hieroglyph: āv m. ʻdice-throwʼ rebus: dhāu 'ore'; ̄u ʻtyingʼ, āv m. ʻdice-throwʼ read rebus: dhāu 'ore' in the context of glosses: dhā̆va m. ʻa caste of iron -smelters', dhāvī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ. Thus, three dotted circles signify: tri-dhāu, tri-dhātu 'three ores' (copper, tin, iron).


    A (गोटा) ā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: khoā ʻalloyedʼ (metal) (Marathi) 
    खोट [khōṭa] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge 
    (Marathi). P. kho  m. ʻalloyʼ  (CDIAL 3931) goTa 'laterite ferrite ore'.
    Hieroglyph/Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' 
    (Marathi) 
    kō̃da कोँद । कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 133); 
    a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् । कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln 
    (Gr.Gr. 165)(Kashmiri) 


    Button seal. Harappa.
    Fired steatite button seal with four concentric circle designs discovered at Harappa.    This paper examines the nature of Indus seals and the different aspects of seal iconography and style in the Indus civilization.: Fired steatite button seal with four concentric circle designs discovered at Harappa. 
    Sibri cylinder seal with Indus writing hieroglyphs: notches, zebu, tiger, scorpion?. Each dot on the corner of the + glyph and the short numeral strokes on a cylinder seal of Sibri, may denote a notch: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’.

    Ahar-Banas region of Rajasthan (close to the Khetri copper belt) is a copper complex.



    Unicorn seal,detail of head, H95-2491, scanning electron microscope photo. (After Figure 6.2, Kenoyer J., 2013)


    There is a ring on the neck of the Unicorn. The ring signifies: 

    The expressions are explained in the context of hypertexts on a Harappa tablet where a standing person contests with two young bulls: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS कोंद kōnda ‘young bull' Rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, कोंदण kōndaṇa n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) Rebus 2: kundaṇa pure gold (Tulu) Rebus 3: kũdār, 'turner' (Bengali)
    Unicorn contest  with a standing person with wristlets in the middle. Harappa tablet.  H97-3416/8022-50

    Side A: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS कोंद kōnda ‘young bull' Rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, कोंदण kōndaṇa n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) Rebus 2: kundaṇa pure gold (Tulu) Rebus 3: kũdār, 'turner' (Bengali) PLUS standing person in context with the two young bulls: karã̄ n. pl.wristlets, bangles Rebus: khãr 'blacksmith, iron worker' (Kashmiri) PLUS mē̃d, mēd 'body' rebus: mē̃d, mēd 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic). PLUS karṇika 'spread legs' rebus: karṇika कर्णिक 'steersman'. 

    Side B: aya   ‘alloy metal ingot’ (aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal';  ‘slope' rebus:  ‘metal ingot')

    Ganweriwala unicorn figurines. Collected by Dr. Farzand Masih, Punjab University, curated at Harappa Museum. (loc. cit. Figure 6.8 in Kenoyer, J. 2013, Iconography of the Indus Unicorn: origins and legacy, pp. 107- 125 in: Shinu Anna Abraham et al, Connections and Complexity, new approaches to the Archaeoogy of South Asia, Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, California)

    The hieroglyphs in the Indus Script hypertext ink-pen holder are:
    1. Young bull
    2. Square with a + sign
    I suggest that the one-horned young bull is an Indus Script hypertext composed of hieroglyphs: 1. young bull; 2. horns; 3. rings on neck; 4. cowl (pannier).
    I suggest the following Meluhha rebus readings of the hypertext:
    The artisan's workshop and the work of the engraver, lapidary infixing gems are signified by the hieroglyph components which are read:  

    कोंडण kōṇḍaṇa, 'cattlepen' Rebus: koḍ, 'workshop', kōnda ‘engraver', kōndaṇa, 'lapidary infixing gems'kundaṇa 'pure gold'

    1, kōḍe kōnda ‘young bull'  (Telugu, Marathi)  
    2. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn (Pargi)
    3. kot.iyum = a wooden circle (ring) put round the neck of an animal; kot. = neck (Gujarati)
    4. khōṇḍā 'cowl or hood'

    Rebus 1: kōnda ‘engraver', kōndaṇa 'lapidary infixing gems’ working with , kundaṇa 'pure gold'

    Rebus 2: ko  'artisan's workshop' (Kuwi) ko  = place where artisans work (Gujarti)

    Rebus: koṭ 'artisan's workshop'.(Kuwi) ko = place where artisans work (Gujarati) 

    kod. = place where artisans work (Gujarati) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.) कोंड [ kōṇḍa ] A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste.कोंडडाव (p. 180) [ kōṇḍaḍāva ] m Ring taw; that form of marble-playing in which lines are drawn and divisions made:--as disting. from अगळडाव The play with holes.कोंडवाड [ kōṇḍavāḍa ] n f C (कोंडणें & वाडा) A pen or fold for cattle.कोंडाळें (p. 180) [ kōṇḍāḷēṃ ] n (कुंडली S) A ring or circularly inclosed space. 2 fig. A circle made by persons sitting round.


    kō̃da कोँद । कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 133); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् । कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165)(Kashmiri) 

    dhāī˜ (Lahnda) signifies a single strand of rope or thread.

    I have suggested that a dotted circle hieroglyph is a cross-section of a strand of rope: S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) धवड (p. 436) [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron (Marathi).  Hence, the depiction of a single dotted circle, two dotted circles and three dotted circles (called trefoil) on the robe of the Purifier priest of Mohenjo-daro.

    The phoneme dhāī˜ (Lahnda) signifying a single strand may thus signify the hieroglyph: dotted circle. This possibility is reinforced by the glosses in Rigveda, Tamil and other languages of Baratiya sprachbund which are explained by the word dāya 'playing of dice' which is explained by the cognate Tamil word: தாயம் tāyamn. < dāya Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். 

    The semantics: dāya 'Number one in the game of dice' is thus signified by the dotted circle on the uttariyam of the pōtṟ पोतृ,'purifier' priest. Rebus rendering in Indus Script cipher is dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) dhatu 'ore' (Santali)


    Meluhha artisans, Indus script writers draw circles with small radii to signify dhātu, dhāv 'mineral' hypertexts
    Dotted circle as Indus Script hypertext  धावड dhāvaḍa 'red ferrite ore smelter'.
    Artifacts from Jiroft.

    Ivory combs. Turkmenistan.


    Ivory objects. Sarasvati Civilization

    Tablets.Ivory objects. Mohenjo-daro.

    Button seal. Baror, Rajasthan.

    Courtesy: manasataramgini @blog_supplement

    A Harappan button. Note how they had an instrument to precisely mark small circles of various radii
    Button tablet. Harappa. Dotted circles.

    File:Musée GR de Saint-Romain-en-Gal 27 07 2011 13 Des et jetons.jpg

    Dices and chips in bone, Roman time. Gallo-Roman Museum of Saint-Romain-en-Gal-Vienne. 
     See the dotted circle hieroglyph on the bottom of the sacred standard device, sangaḍa, 'lathe + portable furnace'. kamaamu, kammaamu = a portable furnace for melting precious metals; kammaṭīḍu = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Telugu) kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS सांगड sāṅgaḍa, 'portable furnace','combined parts' rebus: melting precious metals; kammaṭīḍu = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Telugu) kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS सांगड sāṅgaḍa 'catalogues'.
    Rbus readings in Meluhha (Indian sprachbund, 'speech union'):





    Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)


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    https://tinyurl.com/y82zv3l8

    यष्टृ is NOT a victim. यष्ट्/ऋ or य्/अष्टृ, mf(ट्री A1pS3r. Sch.) n. worshipping , a worshipper RV. Yajña is NOT sacrifice. It is prayer. We have been misled by false English translations. See Swaminathan's evidence

    So we can summarise
    1.that no animal or man can be sacrificed without consent
    2.the victims who were tied to the post were released as soon as the fire was carried around them. So the animal or human sacrifice was only symbolic.
    3.We hear the story of first intended human sacrifice—the story of Sunashepa- happenedduring the 28 the king of Solar dynasty, Ikshvaku being the first king. So before Harischandra there was none or after Harischandra none was taken to sacrifice. That means it was only symbolic, because even Sunashepa was ‘rescued’ by Visvamitra.
    Yupa is found in
    RV 5-2-7 ( of Sunashepa); 1-51-14
    AV 9-6-22; 12-1-38;13-1-47
    Tait.sam 6-3-4; 7-2-1
    Vaja. am.19-17
    Pancha.Brah.9-10-2
    The elaborate descriptions, exact size and naming of the different parts show they were not pillars or posts for animal sacrifice or tying of the victim of the Yaga. All these explain the philosophy, some of which is already lost, behind the Yupa.
    The Yupa was a high wooden post erected eastward of the Supreme Fire altar, with much ceremony, immediately after the transfer of the sacred fire and the offerings had been accomplished. It’s object was to hold the living victims bound upon it for sacrifice. It was itself an object of adoration, being anointed with sacred ghee, the melted butter.
    It had three prongs or forks RV 1-24-13,being more or less like a trident. It was made of various woods, according to the object of the sacrifice. In the Rajasuya ,it was made of Khadira wood I.e. Catechu acacia, a forest tree, a native to India most valuable especially for its medicinal qualities.
    https://tamilandvedas.com/2018/04/23/yupa-post-in-sangam-tamil-literature-and-rig-veda-post-no-4942/ One correction here. The animals tied to posts are NOT victims. They are worshippers.

    சோழன் கரிகால் பெருவளத்தானைப் பாடிய கருங்குளவாதனார் பாடிய (புறம்.224) பாட்டில்,
    எருவை நுகர்ச்சி யூப நெடுந்தூண்
    வேத வேள்வித் தொழில் முடித்ததூஉம்
    என்கிறார்.

    அதாவது பருந்து வடிவ யாக குண்டத்தில் அந்தணர் சொற்படி செய்யப்பட்ட யாகத்தில் யூப நெடுந்தூண் நட்டவன் நீ…

    இவ்வாறு பதிற்றுப் பத்து,  பெரும்பாணாற்றுப்படையிலும் வருகிறது

    கேள்வியந்தணர் ரருங்கடனிறுத்த
    வேள்வித்தூணத் தசைஇ யவன
    ரோதிம விளக்கின்………
    –பெரும்பாணாற்றுப்படை வரி 315, 316
    யூபம் பற்றி அக்காலத் தமிழ் அறிஞர்களுக்கு நன்கு தெரியுமாதலால் உரைகாரர்கள் அதிகம் விளக்கவில்லை. இதற்கு நாம் ஸம்ஸ்க்ருத நூல்களையே நாட வேண்டியுள்ளது.
    யூபக் கம்பங்களில் வேள்வியில் ‘பலியிடும்’ மனிதர்கள், மிருகங்களைக் கட்டுவார்கள். பின்னர் அவைகளை அவிழ்த்து விட்டு விடுவார்கள்.
    Translation: All the tied animals of Yupa are released.


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    China Sends Stern Message to Pakistan With Map Depicting PoK as Part of India For First Time

    As it is highly unlikely that a state-run television would ever defy Beijing, sources said that it was a move by China to signal to Pakistan its strong displeasure to Pakistan for its failure to protect its citizens.

    Updated:November 30, 2018, 8:26 AM IST
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    China Sends Stern Message to Pakistan With Map Depicting PoK as Part of India For First Time
    Image for representation.

    New Delhi: China’s state-run CGTN Television excluded Pak-occupied Kashmir (PoK) from Pakistan’s map for the first time ever while it reported on last Friday’s terror attack on its consulate in Karachi.

    As it is highly unlikely that a state-run television would ever defy Beijing, sources said that it was a move by China to signal to Pakistan its strong displeasure to Pakistan for its failure to protect its citizens. 

    Beijing often uses state-run media as test balloons to consider reactions before considering policy changes in the domestic and international spheres, and excluding PoK from Pakistan was another such move to gauge Pakistani response. Islamabad has not yet reacted to the broadcast.
    pokmap2
    The map as shown by CGTN. (Photo: Twitter/@CGTNOfficial)

    The timing of the move also assumes significance as it comes just two weeks ahead of the joint drill to be conducted by India and China’s militaries on December 10. Observers, however, warned that this one-off deviation from the norm should not be seen as a change in China’s official policy, the TOI said.

    Excluding PoK from Pakistan on the map could also have implications for the China-Pakistan Economic-Corridor (CPEC), against which New Delhi has often voiced strong reservations as it passes through PoK and violates India’s sovereignty.

    The CPEC is the most important connectivity link under China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China had invested heavily in infrastructure projects in PoK.

    Officially released maps in China have never before shown PoK as part of India. Maps are a sensitive issue in China and hence books or magazines showing maps that differ from Beijing’s official view are often blocked.
    https://www.news18.com/news/world/china-sends-stern-message-to-pakistan-with-map-depicting-pok-as-part-of-india-for-first-time-1955241.html

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    https://tinyurl.com/y8n4tuja

    Octopus glyph of Indus script, read rebus as fortified enclosure of mleccha (Meluhha) smithy guild workshops (with notes on cephalopods, molluscs of riverine estuaries)


    In the corpus of epigraphs of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization (Indus script corpus), there is one remarkable ligatured, composite animal glyph: the head of a one-horned young bull is attached to an octopus. 

    This composite hypertext occurs on a seal (Mohenjodaro) and also on a copper plate (tablet)(Harappa). m297a: Seal  h1018a: copper plate. Text of message on m297 seal: baṭa'rimless pot' rebus: baa'iron'bhaa'furnace' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'; कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legsspread' rebus: कर्णक 'helmsman'; कर्णकः karṇakḥकर्णकः Ved. 1 A prominence; handle' rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe'; ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'  koṭho = a warehouse' Rebus: Hieroglyph: koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible  (Old Punjabi)(CDIAL 3546) Rebus: Pk. koṭṭhāgāra -- , koṭṭhāra -- n. ʻ storehouse ʼ; K. kuṭhār m. ʻ wooden granary ʼ, WPah. bhal. kóṭhār m.; A. B. kuṭharī ʻ apartment ʼ, Or. koṭhari; Aw. lakh. koṭhār ʻ zemindar's residence ʼ; H. kuṭhiyār ʻ granary ʼ; G. koṭhār m. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ, koṭhāriyũ n. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. koṭhār n., koṭhārẽ n. ʻ large granary ʼ, -- °rī f. ʻ small one ʼ; Si.koṭāra ʻ granary, store ʼ.(CDIAL 3550). kōṣṭhāgārika m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ BHSk. [Cf. kōṣṭhā- gārin -- m. ʻ wasp ʼ Suśr.: kōṣṭhāgāra -- ] Pa. koṭṭhāgārika -- m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ; S. koṭhārī m. ʻ one who in a body of faqirs looks after the provision store ʼ; Or. koṭhārī ʻ treasurer ʼ; Bhoj. koṭhārī ʻ storekeeper ʼ, H. kuṭhiyārī m.Addenda: kōṣṭhāgārika -- : G. koṭhārī m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ.(CDIAL 3551)

    खोंड khōṇḍa 'unicorn, young bull' rebus kundaṇa 'pure gold' (Tulu)  Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725) koḍ ‘horn’ koḍiyum ‘a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal’(G.) Rebus: koḍ  = artisan’s workshop (Kuwi); koḍ  ‘workshop’ (G.); ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.)

    This octopus with which the head of a young bull is combined is a hypertext decoded as: be'smithy guild in a citadel (enclosure), with a warehouse (granary)'. 

    A lexeme for a Gangetic/Indus river octopus is retained as a cultural memory only in Jatki (language of the Jats) of Punjab-Sindh region. The lexeme is ve. A homonym closest to this is beā building with a courtyard (WPah.) There are many cognate lexemes in many languages of Bharat constituting a semantic cluster of the linguistic area or Indian sprachbund, 'language union' (as detailed below). The rebus decoding of ve(octopus); rebus: beā (building with a courtyard) is a reading consistent with (1) the decoding of the rest of the corpus of inscriptions as mleccha (meluhha) smith guild tokens; and (2) the archaeological evidence of buildings/workers’ platforms within an enclosed fortification on many sites of the civilization.


    Many languages of Bharat, that is India, evolved from meluhha (mleccha) which is the lingua franca of the civilization. The language is mleccha vaacas contrasted with arya vaacas in Manusmruti (as spoken tongue contrasted with grammatically correct literary form, arya vaacas). The hypothesis on which decoding of Indus script is premised, is that lexemes of many Indian languages are evidence of the linguistic area of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization; the artefacts with the Indus script (such as metal tools/weapons, Dholavira signboard, copper plates, gold pendant, silver/copper seals/tablets etc.) are mleccha smith guild tokens -- a tradition which continues on mints issuing punch-marked coins from ca. 6th cent. BCE.

    vehā  octopus, said to be found in the Indus (Jaki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900)


    वेटा f. the abode of the वैश्य tribe (?); वेडा, (also written बेडा), वेटा a boat (Monier-Williams) L. veh, veh m.  fencing; Mth. behī  granary; L. vehā, vehā enclosure containing many houses;beā building with a courtyard (WPah.) (CDIAL 12130) ṣṭá— ‘enclosure’ lex., °aka- m. ‘fence’, Si. veya ‘enclosure’; — Pa.  vēhaka— ‘surrounding’; S. vehu m. ‘encircling’; L. veh, veh m. ‘fencing, enclosure in jungle with a hedge, (Ju.) blockade’, vehā, vehā m. ‘courtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many houses’; P. vehā, be° m. ‘enclosure, courtyard’; Ku. beo ‘circle or band (of people)’; A. ber‘wall of house, circumference of anything’; B. be ‘fence, enclosure’, beā ‘fence, hedge’; Or. beha ‘fence round young trees’, beā ‘wall of house’; Mth. be ‘hedge, wall’, behī‘granary’; H. beh, be, behā, beā m. ‘enclosure, cattle surrounded and carried off by force’; M.veh m. ‘circumference’; WPah.kg. beɔ m. ‘palace’, J. beām. ‘id., esp. the female apartments’, kul. beā ‘building with a courtyard’; A. also berā ‘fence, enclosure’ (CDIAL 12130 ) berā ‘fence, enclosure’ (A.)(CDIAL 12130) vaāvu (vaāvi-) to surround (Ta.);  Ta. vēli fence, hedge, wall. Ma. vēli hedge, fence. Ko. Vj fence. To. ps̱y stone wall of pen; ply fence; ? ps̱ïr dry buffaloes, buffaloes that have gone wild. Ka. bēli fence, hedge.Ko. bli fence. Tu. bēli fence, hedge. Te. vel(u)gu id., enclosure. Kol. veleg (obl. velg-) fence. Go. (Pat.) velum fence; (M.) velūmfencing; (Y.) velum, elum, (Ch.) allum, (Ma.) velmi fence; (Tr.)waluh- tānā to fence; (Ph.) vallānā to be enclosed; caus.vallahtānā, valsahtānā; (Ma.) velˀ - to fence ( Voc. 3298). Kona velgu gōa com- pound wall. (DEDR 5538) Ta. varaippu limit, boundary, wall, enclosure; varaivu limit, measuring, discrimination. Ma. vara- mpu limit, bank in rice-fields; Ka. bara, bare, vari, vare compass, space, room, limit; up to, till. Tu. barabu boundary;baragayi id., limit, shore; barè mud wall round the premises. Te.varuju ridge or dam dividing fields; (inscr.) vrappi ridge; 
    vaa limit; vaaku up to, until; (VPK; Telangana dial.) varam bund within or outside field.(DEDR 5261). Ta.  vaaical, vaaippuenclosure, courtyard; vaāvu (vaāvi-) to surround;  Ma. vaayuka to surround; vaek- ka to enclose;vaaccal  enclosing;  vaayal surrounding;vaappu enclosure of a house, compound; 
    Ka. baasuto be surrounded, surround;n. act of surrounding or encom- passing, what surrounds, state of being circuitous, one round or turn (as of a rope, etc.); balepuni to enclose, surround, besiege. Te. balayu to surround, (K. also) besiege; (K.)(DEDR 5313). ?Rebus for: வேள்² vēOne belonging to the Vēir class; வேளிர்குலத்தான்தொன்முதிர் வேளிர் (புறநா. 24). Title given by ancient Tamil kings to Vēāas; பண்டைத் தமிழரசரால் வேளாளர் பெற்ற ஒரு சிறப் புரிமைப் பெயர்(தொல்பொ.30.) 
    செம்பியன் தமிழவேள் என்னுங் குலப்பெயரும் (S. I. I. iii, 221). 9. Illustrious or great man; hero; சிறந்த ஆண் மகன். (யாழ்அக.) பாப்பைவேளே (பெருந்தொ. 1766). 

    वाडी [ vāī ] f (वाटी S) An enclosed piece of meaand keepers. dow-field or garden-ground; an enclosure, a close, a paddock, a pingle. 2 A cluster of huts of agriculturists, a hamlet. Hence (as the villages of the Konkan̤ are mostly composed of distinct clusters of houses) a distinct portion of a straggling village. 3 A division of the suburban portion of a city. वाडा [ vāā ] m (वाट or वाटी S) A stately or large edifice, a mansion, a palace. Also in comp. as राजवाडा A royal edifice; सरकारवाडा Any large and public building. 2 A division of a town, a quarter, a ward. Also in comp. as देऊळवाडाब्राह्मणवाडागौळीवाडा,चांभारवाडाकुंभारवाडा. 3 A division (separate portion) of a मौजा or village. The वाडा, as well as the कोंड, paid revenue formerly, not to the सरकार but to the मौजेखोत. 4 An enclosed space; a yard, a compound. 5 A pen or fold; as गुरांचा वाडागौळवाडा or गवळीवाडाधनगरवाडा. The pen is whether an uncovered enclosure in a field or a hovel sheltering both beasts.




    Octopuses have two legs and six arms
    Claire Little, a marine expert from the Weymouth Sea Life Centre in Dorset, said: We've found that octopuses effectively have six arms and two legs Photo: BNPS
    மாடை  māṭai மாடை māṭain. cf. māṣa. Gold; பொன். ஆடை கொண்டுயர் மாத ரம்புவி மாடை யென்பவை மீதி னெஞ்சக வாசை (அலங்காரச்சிந்து. 16).  माष partic. weight of gold (= 5 कृष्णलs = 1÷10 सुवर्ण ; the weight in common use is said to be about 17 grains troy) Mn. Ya1jn5.; N. of a ऋषि-गण (the children of सु-रभि , to whom RV. ix , 86 , 1-10 is ascribed) RAnukr. R. Hariv. (Monier-Williams) māṣa2 m., ˚aka -- m.n. ʻ a partic. weight of gold ʼ Mn., ʻ a copper coin ʼ Kauṭ. [Same as māˊṣa -- 1]Pa. māsa -- , ˚aka -- m. ʻ small coin of very low value ʼ, Pk. māsa -- , ˚aa -- m.; Ku. rati māso ʻ more or less ʼ; B. mās ʻ a partic. weight ʼ, Or. masā; G. māsɔ m. ʻ a weight of gold = 8 ratīs or 1/12 tolā ʼ; M. māsā m. ʻ a partic. weight ʼ; Si. massa, st. masu -- ʻ a partic. small coin ʼ.(CDIAL 10098)māṣika in cmpds. ʻ worth so many māṣas ʼ e.g. pañca -- māṣika -- Mn. [māṣa -- 2]M. māśī ʻ weighing a māṣa ʼ. (CDIAL 10102)*ardhamāṣaka ʻ half the weight māṣaka ʼ. [ardhá -- 2, māṣaka -- ]Pa. aḍḍhamāsaka -- m. ʻ half a bean as a measure of value or weight ʼ; Si. aḍumahu˚massa ʻ a coin worth half a massa ʼ. (CDIAL 669)
    kārṣāpaṇá m.n. ʻ a partic. coin or weight equivalent to one karṣa ʼ. [karṣa -- m. ʻ a partic. weight ʼ Suśr. (cf. OPers. karša -- ) and paṇa -- 2 or āpana -- EWA i 176 and 202 with lit. But from early MIA. kā̆hā˚] Pa. kahāpaṇa -- m.n. ʻ a partic. weight and coin ʼ, KharI. kahapana -- , Pk. karisāvaṇa -- m.n., kāhāvaṇa -- , kah˚ m.; A. kaoṇ ʻ a coin equivalent to 1 rupee or 16 paṇas or 1280 cowries ʼ; B. kāhan ʻ 16 paṇas ʼ; Or. kāhā̆ṇa ʻ 16 annas or 1280 cowries ʼ, H. kahāwankāhankahān m.; OSi. (brāhmī) kahavaṇa, Si. kahavuṇa˚vaṇuva ʻ a partic. weight ʼ.(CDIAL 3080) kāˊrṣāpaṇika ʻ worth or bought for a kārṣāpaṇa ʼ Pāṇ. [kārṣāpaṇá -- ]Pa. kāhāpaṇika -- , Or. kāhāṇiã̄. (CDIAL 3081)Ta. kācu gold, gold coin, money, a small copper coin. Ma. kāśu gold, money, the smallest copper coin. Ko. ka·c rupee. To. ko·s id. Ka. kāsu the smallest copper coin, a cash, coin or money in general. Tu. kāsů an old copper coin worth half a pie, a cash. Te. kāsu a cash, a coin in general, a gold coin, money. Go. (Ko.) kāsu pice (< Te.; Voc. 663). / ? Cf. Skt. karṣa-. (DEDR 1431)


    rajaraja_chola_kahavanu_au_obverse

    The octopus man stands atop a catamaran. sangaa 'double-canoe, catamaran, seafaring vessel' Rebus:सांगड sāṅgaḍa, saṁgaha'catalogues'. The other hieroglyphs/hypertexts on the obverse and reverse of the gold coin signify the catalogue of metalwork wealth accounting ledgers. 



    கற்பு  kaṟpu கற்பு1 kaṟpun. Malabar jasmine, an emblem of female chastity; முல்லை. (திவா.)  Rebus:  கற்புரம் kaṟpuram, n. < karbūra. Gold; பொன். (யாழ். அக.) (Tamil) கற்பு kaṟpu கற்பு kaṟpun. Fort wall; புரிசை. (அக. நி.) கற்பா kaṟ-pān. < கல் + பாவு-. High ground in the narrow path on the inner side of the walls of a fort; கோட்டை உண்மதிலின் வாரி யுள் உயர்ந்தநிலம். (பிங்.)

    karā 'crocodile'khār 'blacksmith'Hieroglyph: seed, something round: *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goae &c. listed DED 1722]K. goh f., dat. °i f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠ou m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. go f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goo ʻ piece ʼ, goi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. go ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, gui ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. gof. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. go m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, gouā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. go ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. u ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Ta. koṭṭai seed of any kind not enclosed in chaff or husk, nut, stone, kernel; testicles; (RS, p. 142, items 200, 201) koṭṭāṅkacci, koṭṭācci coconut shell. Ma. koṭṭakernel of fruit, particularly of coconut, castor-oil seed; kuṟaṭṭa, kuraṭṭa kernel; kuraṇṭi stone of palmfruit. Ko. keṭ testes; scrotum. Ka. koṭṭe, goṟaṭe stone or kernel of fruit, esp. of mangoes; goṭṭa mango stone. Ko. koraṇḍi id. Tu. koṭṭè kernel of a nut, testicles; koṭṭañji a fruit without flesh; koṭṭayi a dried areca-nut; koraṇtu kernel or stone of fruit, cashew-nut; goṭṭu kernel of a nut as coconut, almond, castor-oil seed. Te. kuriḍī dried whole kernel of coconut. Kol. (Kin.) goṛva stone of fruit. Nk. goṛage stone of fruit. Kur. goā any seed which forms inside a fruit or shell. Malt. goṭa a seed or berry. / Cf. words meaning 'fruit, kernel, seed' in Turner, CDIAL, no. 4271 (so noted by Turner).(DEDR 2069) Rebus: khōa 'alloy ingot' (Marathi)

    rajaraja_chola_kahavanu_au_reverseObverse of coin: Legend in Nagari script to right in three lines Sri RajaRaja
    kōṭu கோடு Chank; சங்கு. கோடுமுழங் கிமிழிசை யெடுப்பும் (பதிற்றுப். 50, 25) Rebus: ko  = artisan’s workshop (Kuwi); ko  ‘workshop’ (G.); ācāri koṭṭya‘smithy’ (Tu.)
    khaṇḍa 'division'. rebus: kaṇḍa'implements'

    The seated person is fused with the tentacles of an octopus and appears like an octopus man.The rebus reading is:

    veha 'octopus' rebus: behī 'smithy guild in a citadel (enclosure), with a warehouse (granary)'. 

    Thus,together, the readings of the hypertexts are:

    धावड dhāvaḍa 'red ferrite ore smelter'.karba'iron' kaṇḍa 'implements' khār 'blacksmith' behī 'smithy guild', i.e. a smelter, workshop of blacksmithy guild working in iron implements and khōa 'alloy ingots'. 

    Gold Madai of type known in Lanka as Kahavanu from the period of Chola occupation of Lanka by RajaRaja Chola (985-1014) of Thanjavur in TamilNadu.

    SPECIFICATIONS
    Denomination Kahavanu
    Metal Gold 0.47
    Alloy Cu/Ag = 0.21
    Type struck
    Diameter 20.2 mm
    Thickness 2.1 mm
    Weight 4.30 gms
    Die Axis 180°
    rajaraja_chola_kahavanu_au_obverserajaraja_chola_kahavanu_au_reverse
    Codrington #104; Mitchiner #729; Biddulph #5
    Denomination Kahavanu
    Metal Gold 0.??
    Alloy Cu/Ag = 0.??
    Type struck
    Diameter 2?.? mm
    Thickness 2.? mm
    Weight 4.3? gms
    Die Axis
    krcj4tb6c_rajaraja_h01_au_obverse krcj4tb6c_rajaraja_h01_au_reverse
    Codrington #104; Mitchiner #729; Biddulph #5
    Denomination Kahavanu
    Metal Gold 0.48
    Alloy Cu/Ag = 0.24
    Type struck
    Diameter 21.9 mm
    Thickness 2.1 mm
    Weight 4.28 gms
    Die Axis 0.°
    krcj4tb6c_rajaraja_h02_au_obverse krcj4tb6c_rajaraja_h02_au_reverse
    Codrington #104; Mitchiner #729; Biddulph #5
    The design is that of the traditional Lanka type copper massa.

    Obverse : Head usually represented by an oval with a projection for the chin ; the oval is countersunk inside leaving the eye standing out ; Two lines above chin for nose and mouth. Crown (makuta), a thick line behind which a triangle. Left arm extended, bent upwards at elbow and holding a jessamine flower. Legs short and straight ; dhoti stiff, line between legs ; the whole standing on a double lotus plant Co-joined in the center by a small circle and terminating on the left in a chank and on the right in a jessamine flower. To the left under arm hanging lamp and further to left a standing lamp, tall with four branches. To write four annulets each with a dot in center surmounted by ball (filled circle). All in bead circle


    Reverse : Head and crown as on obverse. Seated king on left facing right with left arm extended, bent down over leg. Right arm raised upwards with elbow outwards, and holding in front of the face, a chank. Asana short with two cross lines. Legend in Nagari script to right in three lines Sri RajaRaja. All in bead circle.


    There are two well-known varieties of RajaRaja gold coins closely resembling the Lanka Kahavanuva of type IIIC(1). The type shown above with four annulets surmounted by ball struck in or for use in Lanka where it is not uncommon. The type found only in mainland with a crescent on top the four annulets on the right of obverse. It may have been stuck for circulation in the conquered Pandyan provinces where the Sinhala gold coins were well known.

    These coins are extensively discussed by Biddulph in his 1966 monogram on Coins of the Cholas. He goes into extensive discussions to establish that the Rajaraja Chola coins were the prototype to the "Standing and seated King" series associated with Lanka.

    These RajaRaja Chola coins found in Lanka resemble the Kahavanuva. The similar coins found in in India, known as Madais, are of better workmanship but of inferior gold which degraded with time in purity, until in later issues were of merely gold plated silver.

    Rajaraja Chola (985-1014) invaded Lanka in 990 AD and conquered the northern half. Ruining Anuradhapura he made Polonnaruwa his capital on the island;. Rajendra (1014-1044) Chola succeeded in extended Chola occupation over the whole island of Lanka in 1018. Lanka became regained independence from Chola occupation in 1070 under Vijayabahu I (1055-1110).

    Text edited from
    • Ceylon Coins and Currency: H. W. Codrington, Colombo, 1924.
      Chapter VII Mediaeval Indian - Chola Page 84 PL 104
    • Coins of the Cholas: C. H. Biddulph, NSI #13, 1966.
    • Oriental Coins: Michael Mitchiner,
      London, Hawkins Publications, 1978.

    0 0

    https://tinyurl.com/yb3s2pyl

    I suggest that the three tigers with interlocked bodies connote cāli 'interlocked bodies'.

    Rebus-metonymy layered cipher yields the plain text Meluhha message : kola'tiger'> kolom'three' PLUS cāli 'interlocked bodies': kammasālā 'workshop' (Prakritam) < kolimi 'forge' PLUS śālā, i.e. smithy workshop; 
    salāyisu = joining of metal (Kannada).

    m2015, m0295 The three interlocked tigers show their feline claws prominently. panja'feline paw' rebus: panja'kiln, furnace' PLUS kola'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolhe'smelter'.
    m0295 Pict-61: Composite motif of three tigers (Mahadevan concodance)Location: Mohenjo Daro, Larkana Dt., Sind, Pakistan Site: Mohenjo Daro Monument/Object: carved sealCurrent Location: National Museum, New Delhi, India Subject: interlinked tigers Period: Harappa/Indus Civilization (Pakistan) (3300-1700 BCE) Date: ca. 2100 - 1750 BCE Material: stone Scan Number: 27412 Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L. Image Source: Huntington Archive 

    Here is a rendering of this Mohenjo-daro seal with three entwined tigers, in colour by a Historian, Walter Plitt Qintin:
    kola ‘tiger’ rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ cāli 'Interlocking bodies' (IL 3872) Rebus: sal 'workshop' (Santali)Hieroglyph of joined, interlocked bodies: cāli (IL 3872); rebus: śālika (IL) village of artisans. cf. salāyisu = joining of metal (Ka.)

    Orthography of Harappa Script Corpora presents two variants of 'interlocked' bodies of kola, 'tigers' (rebus: kol 'blacksmith'): e.g., (a) m0295 (PLUS Text message hieroglyphs), (b) m1395 with upto six bodies of tigers intertwined" (bhaa 'six' rebus: bhaa 'furnace').
    cāli 'Interlocking bodies' (IL 3872) Rebus: sal 'workshop' (Santali) 

    Allograph: sal ‘splinter’.
    m0295 Text1386 Note how the hieroglyph components of the text are displayed in the space available on the seal after the pictorial motif hieroglyphs have been put together as part of the hypertext. The broken corner of the seal may have included other 'text hieroglyphs called signs'.
    The text messageis: bronze workshop, scribe/account iron supercargo, helmsman, smithy/forge/temple. 
    Details of Text: 
    kōna corner (Nk.); tu. u angle, corner (Tu.); rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) Alternative reading; kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bronze'

    sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'

    कर्णकः karṇakḥ कर्णकः Ved. 1 A prominence; handle' rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe. 

    kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karnI 'supercargo', karṇika ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decoded: 

    kaṇḍkarṇaka ‘furnace scribe'

    कर्णक kárṇaka कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 'spread legs'; 

    (semantic determinant) rebus: kárṇaka, kannā कर्णक 'helmsman'.PLUS 

    me ‘body’ Rebus: me ‘iron’ (Mu.) 


    kole.l smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.) rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge'; kolimi 'smithy, forge' 

    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolle 'blacksmith'; kolimi 'smithy, forge'; kole.l 'smithy, temple' kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. 
    Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith(Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.)kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133)

    Hieroglyph of ‘looking back’ is read rebus kamar 'artisan': క్రమ్మరు [krammaru] krammaru. [Tel.] v. n. To turn, return, go  back. మరలు.  క్రమ్మరించు or  క్రమ్మరుచు  krammarinsu. V. a. To turn, send back, recall. To revoke, annul,rescind.క్రమ్మరజేయుక్రమ్మర krammara Adv. Again. క్రమ్మరిల్లు or క్రమరబడు Same as క్రమ్మరు. krəm backʼ(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) Kho. Krəm ʻ back ʼ NTS ii 262 with (?) (CDIAL 3145)[Cf. Ir. *kamaka  or *kamraka -- ʻ back ʼ in Shgh. Čůmčʻbackʼ,Sar. Čomǰ EVSh 26] (CDIAL 2776) cf. Sang. kamak ʻ back ʼ, Shgh. Čomǰ (< *kamak G.M.) ʻ back of an animal ʼ, Yghn. Kama ʻ neck ʼ (CDIAL 14356). Kár, kãr  ‘neck’ (Kashmiri) Kal. Gřä ʻ neck ʼ; Kho. Go ʻ front of neck, throat ʼ. Gala m. ʻ throat, neck ʼ MBh. (CDIAL 4070)  Rebus: karmāra ‘smith, artisan’ (Skt.) kamar ‘smith’ (Santali)

    kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'

    Thus, the message on the seal reads: me ‘iron’; kāḍ  ‘stone’;  karṇaka karṇika ‘helmsman, supercargo, furnace scribe'; kolimi 'smithy, forge' kole.l 'smithy, temple'; sal ‘workshop’ PLUS kõdā sal 'turner workshop' (Alternative: kañcu sal 'bronze workshop')

    The entire hypertexts of pictorial and text hieroglyph components can thus be read using rebus-metonymy-layered-meluhha cipher as: 'iron stone furnace scribe smithy-forge, temple, bronze turner's workshop'.

    kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.) कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali) kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil) kōla1 m. ʻ name of a degraded tribe ʼ Hariv. Pk. kōla -- m.; B. kol ʻ name of a Muṇḍā tribe ʼ.(CDIAL 3532) 


    కరుకోల (p. 252) karukōla karu-kōla. [Tel.] n. A firing iron, for cautery. கொல்லுலை kol-l-ulai 
     , n. < id. +. Black-smith's forge; கொல்லனுலை. கொல்லுலைக் கூடத் தினால் (குமர. பிர. நீதிநெறி. 14).கொல்² kol Working in iron; கொற்றொழில். Blacksmith; கொல்லன். 5. Lock; பூட்டு. (பிங்.)  Brass or iron bar nailed across a door or gate; கதவு முதலியவற்றில் தைக்கும் இரும்பு முதலிய வற்றாலாகிய பட்டை. Loc.

    Obverse of m1395 and m0441 had the following images of a multi-headed, six tigers.


    m1395B, m0441B


    Obverse of the tablets (e.g. m1395) signify functions of the manager of the guild 

    of artisans/merchants: 


    1. bica ‘scorpion’ rebus ‘haematite, ferrite ore  
    2. krammara ‘look back’ rebus: kamar ‘smith’ PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus: kol, kolle 'blacksmith'
    3. karabha ‘trunk of elephant’ ibha ‘elephant’  rebus: karba ‘iron’ ib ‘iron’ ibbo ‘merchant’ 
    4. kaṇḍa ‘rhinoceros’ rebus; kaṇḍa ‘implements’ 
    5. kuṭhAru ‘monkey’ rebus: kuṭhAru ‘armourer’ 
    6. dula ‘two’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’ dhangar ‘bull’ rebus; dhangar ‘blacksmith’. barada, balad 'ox' rebus: bharata,baran 'factitious alloy of copper, pewter, tin'. 

    The message is: haematite (ferrite ore), blacksmith artisan, iron implements merchant, armourer, hard alloy metalcasting.

    --Data mining of Harappa Script Corpora, karaa aquatic bird, kola, 'tiger',  poa, 'zebu' tied to a rope, stake -- signifiers of working in karaa, 'hard alloys', poa, 'magnetite (ferrite ore)', kol, 'working in iron'.

    cāli 'interlocked' rebus śālikā 'village of artisans, shop' kola 'tiger' sāṅgaḍa 'joined' rebus, kol 'blacksmith, working in iron', saṁgaha, 'manager arranger'.

    Thus, blacksmith manager of the artisans' village/shop.


    m1395 [PLUS hieroglyphs on obverse of tablet: haematite (ferrite ore), blacksmith artisan, iron implements merchant, armourer, hard alloy metalcasting]. 




    There are at least six multiples of (m1395) tablets with this frame of 'interlocked' bodies of tigers on one side and other hieroglyphs/hypertexts on the reverse side. 
    The hypertexts on the reverse side are detailed metalwork catalogues.

    सांगड (p. 495) sāgaa f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus: sagaha 'catalogue' (Pkt.) सं-ग्रह [p=1129,2] a guardian , ruler , manager , arranger R. BhP. keeping , guarding , protection Mn. MBh.complete enumeration or collection , sum , amount , totality (एण , " completely " , " entirely ")Ya1jn5. MBh. &c (Monier-Williams) Pa. sagaha -- m. ʻ collection ʼ, Pk. sagaha -- m.; Bi. ̄gah ʻ building materials ʼ; Mth. ̄gah ʻ the plough and all its appurtenances ʼ, Bhoj. har -- sã̄ga; H. sãgahā ʻ collection of materials (e.g. for building) ʼ; <-> Si. san̆gaha ʻ compilation ʼ  Pa.(CDIAL 12852) Rebus: सांगड (p. 495) sāgaa m f (संघट्ट S) A float composed of two canoes or boats bound together: also a link of two pompions &c. to swim or float by.  That member of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied. सांगडीस धरणें To take into linkedness or close connection with, lit. fig.

    Terracotta sealing from Mohenjo-daro depicting a collection of animals and some script. 

    Hieroglyphs. Centrepiece is a scorpion, surrounded by a pair of oxen (bulls), rhinoceros, monkey, elephant, a tiger looking back, a standing person with spread legs. This hieroglyph cluster is duplicated on six tablets.

    Hieroglyphs. Centrepiece is a scorpion, surrounded by a pair of oxen (bulls), rhinoceros, monkey, elephant, a tiger looking back, a standing person with spread legs. This hieroglyph cluster is duplicated on a six tablets.

    m02015 A,B, m2016, m1393, m1394, m1395, m0295, m0439, m440, m0441 A,B On some tablets, such a glyphic composition (hypertext) is also accompanied (on obverse side, for example, cf. m2015A and m0295) with a glyphic of two or more joined tiger heads to a single body. In one inscription (m0295), the text inscriptions are also read. bica ‘scorpion’ rebus: bica ‘haematite, ferrite orekola ‘tiger’ rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ kol ‘metal’ PLUSkrammara ‘look back’ rebus: kamar ‘smith’ karabha ‘trunk of elephant’ ibha ‘elephant’ rebus: karba ‘ironib ‘iron’ ibbo ‘merchant’ kaṇḍa ‘rhinoceros’ rebus; kaṇḍa ‘implements’ kuhāru ‘monkey’ rebus: kuhāru‘armourer’ dula ‘two’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’ dhangar ‘bull’ rebus; dhangar ‘blacksmith’. barada, balad 'ox' rebus: bharata,baran 'factitious alloy of copper, pewter, tin'.


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    CIPHER WAR

    After a century of failing to crack an ancient script, linguists turn to machines

    By 



    A collection of all known Indus symbols
     Courtesy of Bryan Wells. (Illustrated by James Bareham)

    In 1872 a British general named Alexander Cunningham, excavating an area in what was then British-controlled northern India, came across something peculiar. Buried in some ruins, he uncovered a small, one inch by one inch square piece of what he described as smooth, black, unpolished stone engraved with strange symbols — lines, interlocking ovals, something resembling a fish — and what looked like a bull etched underneath. The general, not recognizing the symbols and finding the bull to be unlike other Indian animals, assumed the artifact wasn’t Indian at all but some misplaced foreign token. The stone, along with similar ones found over the next few years, ended up in the British Museum. In the 1920s many more of these artifacts, by then known as seals, were found and identified as evidence of a 4,000-year-old culture now known as the Indus Valley Civilization, the oldest known Indian civilization to date.
    Since then, thousands more of these tiny seals have been uncovered. Most of them feature one line of symbols at the top with a picture, usually of an animal, carved below. The animals pictured include bulls, rhinoceros, elephants, and puzzlingly, unicorns. They’ve been found in a swath of territory that covers present-day India and Pakistan and along trade routes, with seals being found as far as present-day Iraq. And the symbols, which range from geometric designs to representations of fish or jars, have also been found on signs, tablets, copper plates, tools, and pottery.

    Though we now have thousands of examples of these symbols, we have very little idea what they mean. Over a century after Cunningham’s discovery, the seals remain undeciphered, their messages lost to us. Are they the letters of an ancient language? Or are they just religious, familial, or political symbols? Those hotly contested questions have sparked infighting among scholars and exacerbated cultural rivalries over who can claim the script as their heritage. But new work from researchers using sophisticated algorithms, machine learning, and even cognitive science are finally helping push us to the edge of cracking the Indus script.


    A collection of all known Indus symbols
     Courtesy of Bryan Wells. (Illustrated by James Bareham)

    CIPHER WAR

    After a century of failing to crack an ancient script, linguists turn to machines



    In 1872 a British general named Alexander Cunningham, excavating an area in what was then British-controlled northern India, came across something peculiar. Buried in some ruins, he uncovered a small, one inch by one inch square piece of what he described as smooth, black, unpolished stone engraved with strange symbols — lines, interlocking ovals, something resembling a fish — and what looked like a bull etched underneath. The general, not recognizing the symbols and finding the bull to be unlike other Indian animals, assumed the artifact wasn’t Indian at all but some misplaced foreign token. The stone, along with similar ones found over the next few years, ended up in the British Museum. In the 1920s many more of these artifacts, by then known as seals, were found and identified as evidence of a 4,000-year-old culture now known as the Indus Valley Civilization, the oldest known Indian civilization to date.

    Since then, thousands more of these tiny seals have been uncovered. Most of them feature one line of symbols at the top with a picture, usually of an animal, carved below. The animals pictured include bulls, rhinoceros, elephants, and puzzlingly, unicorns. They’ve been found in a swath of territory that covers present-day India and Pakistan and along trade routes, with seals being found as far as present-day Iraq. And the symbols, which range from geometric designs to representations of fish or jars, have also been found on signs, tablets, copper plates, tools, and pottery.
    Though we now have thousands of examples of these symbols, we have very little idea what they mean. Over a century after Cunningham’s discovery, the seals remain undeciphered, their messages lost to us. Are they the letters of an ancient language? Or are they just religious, familial, or political symbols? Those hotly contested questions have sparked infighting among scholars and exacerbated cultural rivalries over who can claim the script as their heritage. But new work from researchers using sophisticated algorithms, machine learning, and even cognitive science are finally helping push us to the edge of cracking the Indus script.





    Steatite seal with humped bull, Indus Valley, Mohenjo-Daro, 2500–2000 BC.
     Photo by CM Dixon/Print Collector/Getty Images

    Spanning from 2600 to 1900 BC, the Indus Valley Civilization was larger than the Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilizations, encompassing over 1 million square kilometers that stretched over present-day India and Pakistan. It featured sophisticated infrastructure including advanced water management and drainage systems, well-organized cities with street planning, and some of the first known toilets. The Indus people also hosted a massive trade network, traveling as far as the Persian Gulf. In fact, the first traces of the Indus people were rediscovered in the mid-19th century, when construction workers tasked with connecting two cities in modern-day Pakistan came across a massive supply of bricks among some old ruins. The workers used them to construct nearly 100 miles of railroad tracks. It would be some time before archaeologists realized those bricks came from the Indus Valley Civilization.
    Archeological digs revealed precious little: oddly and rather inconsistently with other Bronze Age civilizations, there is no evidence of powerful rulers or religious icons. We haven’t found any palaces or large statues, nothing like the ziggurats of Mesopotamia or the pyramids in Egypt. And we have very little indication of warfare, save for some excavated spearheads and arrowheads.

    In fact, we know almost nothing. “If you were to ask an archaeologist, they would not be able to tell you where the Indus Civilization came from with certainty, or how it ended, or what they were doing when they were around,” says epigrapher Bryan Wells. To us, the Indus Civilization is as mysterious as its symbols.
    This seal comes from the Indus Valley Civilization and is currently housed in the National Museum of New Delhi.
     Photo by Angelo Hornak / Corbis via Getty Images
    The Indus symbols are part of a slowly shrinking list of undeciphered ancient scripts. Scholars are still working on a number of writing systems found all over the world including Linear A and Cretan hieroglyphs (two scripts from ancient Greece), Proto-Elamite (writing from the oldest known Iranian civilization), a handful of Mesoamerican scripts, and the Rongorongo script of Easter Island. Some Neolithic symbols, with no known linguistic descendents, may never be deciphered. Other ancient scripts, such as Linear B, an early precursor to Greek, were eventually deciphered by charting out the signs, figuring out which marked the start of a phrase and which marked the end, how different syllables changed the meaning of a word, and how consonants and vowels were structured within a sentence. It’s not unlike what’s depicted in the alien sci-fi film Arrival — searching for patterns, testing out theories, and lots and lots of trial and error. Though there’s slightly less pressure on Indus scholars than on Arrival’s linguist — people aren’t quite as worried about ancient civilizations as they are about invading aliens.
    In the past, much of this work was done by hand. For Linear B, phonetic charts painstakingly eventually led to that language’s decipherment. Similar approaches have been tried with the Indus script as well. In the 1930s, the scholar G.R. Hunter worked out sign clusters that enabled him to figure out some of the structure embedded in the script. But Hunter failed to unlock the code.








    “There are several reasons why it’s been too difficult to decipher this script,” says Nisha Yadav, a researcher in the Department of Astronomy and Astrophysics at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research in Mumbai, India. “The first one is that the texts are really short.” An average artifact only has five symbols. The longest example excavated so far has 17. Such short texts make uncovering the writing’s structure difficult. “Complicating the problem is the fact that we don’t know the underlying language,” says Rajesh Rao, director of the National Science Foundation’s Center for Sensorimotor Neural Engineering and a professor in the Computer Science and Engineering Department at the University of Washington. “We don’t even know the language family that was spoken by people in that region at that time.” And once the civilization ended, it appears that its culture and writing system did, too. “We do not have any continuing cultural tradition,” says Yadav. Archaeologists have yet to find a multilingual text like the Rosetta Stone, which was key to deciphering Egyptian hieroglyphs.
    While our understanding of the Indus script remains minimal, it’s certainly not for lack of trying. “It’s often called the most deciphered script because there are around 100 decipherments,” says Wells, “but of course nobody likes any of them.” Many people have claimed to have cracked the script, often asserting it’s a precursor to a later language, but none of the decodings have held up. “I suppose the wackiest one is a tantric guru who meditated and got in touch with the great beyond, which told him what the script said,” says Wells.


    Steatite seal with Elephant, Indus Valley, Mohenjo-Daro, 2500–2000 BC.
     Photo by CM Dixon / Print Collector / Getty Images

    In order to decipher the Indus script, it’s important to ascertain what we’re looking at — whether the symbols stand for a language, or, like totem poles or coats of arms, just representations of things like family names or gods. “Given the amount of data we have, we cannot make any firm statement regarding the content of the script,” says Yadav. “I think what we’ve done is try to piece together whatever evidence we have to see if it leads us one way or the other,” says Rao. “And I think, at least from the work we’ve done, it seems like it’s more tailed towards the language hypothesis than not.” Most scholars tend to agree.
    In 2009, Rao published a study that examined the sequential structure of the Indus script, or how likely it is that particular symbols follow or precede other symbols. In most linguistic systems, words or symbols follow each other in a semi-predictable manner. There are certain dictating sentence structures, but also a fair amount of flexibility. Researchers call this semi-predictability “conditional entropy.” Rao and his colleagues calculated how likely it was that one symbol followed another in an intentional order. “What we were interested in was if we could deduce some statistical regularities or structure,” says Rao, “basically ruling out that these symbols were just juxtapositions of symbols and that there were actually some rules or patterns.”
    They compared the conditional entropy of the Indus script to known linguistic systems, like Vedic Sanskrit, and known nonlinguistic systems, like human DNA sequences, and found that the Indus script was much more similar to the linguistic systems. “So, it’s not proof that the symbols are encoding a language but it’s additional evidence hinting that these symbols are not just random juxtapositions of arbitrary symbols,” says Rao, “and they follow patterns that are consistent with the those you would you expect to find if the symbols are encoding language.”
    In a subsequent paper, Rao and his colleagues took all of Indus’ known symbols and looked at where they fell within the inscriptions they were found in. This statistical technique, known as a Markov model, was able to pinpoint specifics like which symbols were most likely to begin a text, which were most likely to end it, which symbols were likely to repeat, which symbols often pair together, and which symbols tend to precede or follow a particular symbol. The Markov model is also useful when it comes to incomplete inscriptions. Many artifacts are found damaged, with parts of the inscription missing or unreadable, and a Markov model can help fill in those gaps. “You can try to complete missing symbols based on the statistics of other sequences that are complete,” explains Rao.
    Yadav performed a similar analysis using a different type of Markov model known as an n-gram analysis. An example of an n-gram at work is the Google search bar. As you start typing a query the search bar fills in suggestions based on what you’ve typed, and as you type more words the suggestions change to fit the entered text. Yadav and her colleagues looked at both the probability of a particular symbol given the symbol preceding it — a bigram — and the probability of a particular symbol given the two symbols preceding it — a trigram. The resulting patterns sugges