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Itihāsa, Wealth and dated textiles of Ancient Bharat from early times, aha, Sarasvati Civilization, ca. 3300 BCE

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Painting on wooden panel discovered by Aurel Stein in Dandan Oilik, depicting the legend of the princess who hid silk worm eggs in her headdress to smuggle them out of China to the Kingdom of Khotan.
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http://arthistorysummerize.info/textiles-india-ancient-times/Slide6Textiles from ancient India
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Posted: 10 Oct 2018 01:45 PM PDT
On-line database for 14C-dated textiles (from early times until the end of 1rst millennium AD)

Overview and easy access

First of all it wants to give an overview on as well as easy access to reliably dated textiles from the 1st millennium BC and AD. This, actually, is a desideratum, since during the last decades, quite a number of textiles have been radiocarbon dated. However, the places of publication of these results frequently are rather hard to locate and only known to those who ordered or undertook the analyses. This is one of the foremost reasons why textiles – quite undeservingly – are still not being used as an historical source to the extent they could be.

The benefit for other textiles

Secondly: Sustained benefit of radiocarbon analysis is achieved when we can apply the datings also to related textiles bearing no such indicators as stratigraphy, dating inscriptions or radiocarbon analysis. These related textiles mostly are of a similar style, sometimes also showing analogies in technique or iconography. 

Trend-setter or old fashioned?

However, what is needed most is to know whether the radiocarbon dated textile in question is typical of its kind, representing the average life span of its group, or whether– by pure coincidence – we have a precursor, an unusually early item, or – in contrast – an old fashioned, unusually late one. 

The lonely highlight

In order to know for sure we need to have several (in strict statistical terms: ten!) samples safely dated. Collections, however, usually do not possess several textiles of one kind. Also, frequently there is the desire to have "highlights" being dated or unusual objects – which per se are difficult to compare with other textiles.

Look out for parallels

Therefore, it is essential to have parallels, i. e. several examples of one type dated, to improve progress in our ability to evaluate textiles historically and to make the most of the – still rather expensive – radiocarbon analyses. A type or group of textiles could consist of items which have in common an unusual iconographical feature or weaving structure (cf. "How to use – Parallels"). Consequently, it would be important and wise to first check parallels in other collections, get in touch with colleagues in charge and agree upon the analyses of related textiles, before the actual radiocarbon analysis is going to be undertaken. 

Communicate!

We want to facilitate, encourage and promote this important communication. Therefore, in the database you will find a column called "Parallels", which indicates whether one or several parallels to a particular textile have already been radiocarbon dated. If you find out that, e. g., two items parallel to your textile in question have already been dated it would be most valuable if you added an analysis of your textile. In this case, please, let us know that your textile belongs to such a group. 

Coordinate further radiocarbon analyses

Dear colleagues, we hope that many scholars of any kind of specialisation will start to integrate textiles into their different historical research and we hope that this homepage and its database help to spread the idea of coordinated radiocarbon analyses. 

How we started

The idea of this database project of shared information and joint decision on the question which textiles should be radiocarbon dated, was initiated by Antoine De Moor (Antwerp, Katoen Natie) and further developed by the team "textile-dates" in Bonn university, in collaboration with Mark van Strydonck from the Institut Royal du Patrimoine Artistique (IRPA KIK) in Brussels.
Posted: 10 Oct 2018 01:39 PM PDT
 [First posted in AWOL 7 March 2017, updated 10 October 2018]

Archaeological Textiles Newsletter - Archaeological Textiles Review
ISSN: 0169-7331
In the beginning of January 2018 ATR59 was sent out to the subscribers. This and back issues ATN 1-53 and ATR 54-58 are now available as print-on-demand from the University of Copenhagen webshop. The webshop has both an English and Danskinterface.
We hope the readers will appreciate the comprehensive and varied issues in print or as downloads on this homepage.
Please use ATR as a medium for distributing the growing amount of information on textile archaeology, and keep sending us articles and reviews. We encourage the contributors to submit their articles throughout the year to spread the editing workload.
The next deadline for contributions to the ATR 2018 Issue 60 is the 1st of May. Issue 60 will primarily include articles on evidence for knitting in Early Modern Europe, and we hope our readers will appreciate the importance of this long needed initiative and embrace the scientific impact and upgrade of this over-looked research direction. ATR60 will be published in autumn 2018.
You can keep up with events and news in textile archaeology on the Friends of ATR Facebook page. We have many followers, so please spread the word and also send us your news and announcements.


ATN 10ATN 20ATN 30ATN 40ATN 50
ATN 1ATN 11ATN 21ATN 31ATN 41ATN 51
ATN 2ATN 12ATN 22ATN 32ATN 42ATN 52
ATN 3ATN 13ATN 23ATN 33ATN 43ATN 53
ATN 4ATN 14ATN 24ATN 34ATN 44ATR 54
ATN 5ATN 15ATN 25ATN 35ATN 45ATR 55
ATN 6ATN 16ATN 26ATN 36ATN 46ATR 56
ATN 7ATN 17ATN 27ATN 37ATN 47ATR 57
ATN 8ATN 18-19ATN 28ATN 38ATN 48ATR 58
ATN 9ATN 29ATN 39ATN 49
  



The genetic makings of South Asia -- Metspalu et al

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The genetic makings of South Asia

South Asia is home for more than a billion people culturally structured into innumerable groups practicing different levels of endogamy. Linguistically South Asia is broadly characterized by four major language families which has served as access way for disentangling the genetic makings of South Asia. In this review we shall give brief account on the recent developments in the field. Advances are made in two fronts simultaneously. Whole genome characterisation of many extant South Asians paint the picture of the genetic diversity and its implications to health-care. On the other hand ancient DNA studies, which are finally reaching South Asia, provide new incites to the demographic history of the subcontinent. Before the spread of agriculture, South Asia was likely inhabited by hunter-gatherer groups deriving much of their ancestry from a population that split from the rest of humanity soon after expanding from Africa. Early Iranian agriculturalists mixing with these local hunter-gatherers probably formed the population that flourished during the blossoming of the Indus Valley Civilisation. Further admixture with the still persisting HG groups and population(s) from the Eurasian Steppe, formed the two ancestral populations (ANI and ASI), the north-south mixing pattern of whom is known today as the ‘Indian Cline’. Studies on natural selection in South Asia have so far revealed strong signals of sweeps that are shared with West Eurasians. Future studies will have to fully unlock the aDNA promise for South Asia.

Affirmation of Vedic ātman in early Bauddham texts (AR Wells, 1983)

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The early buddhist affirmation of self (ātman) in the logic, parables and imagery of the Pāli Nikāyas

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Religious Studies in the University of Canterbury

by A. R. Wells University of Canterbury 1983

https://ir.canterbury.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10092/12709/Wells_1983_thesis.pdf;sequence=1

https://www.scribd.com/document/390706005/The-early-buddhist-affirmation-of-self-%C4%81tman-in-the-logic-parables-and-imagery-of-the-P%C4%81li-Nik%C4%81yas-AR-Wells-1983

Project to ensure perennial supply of water to Saraswati river -- Himachal & Haryana sign MoU for Adi Badri Dam Project

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Posted at: Apr 18, 2018, 12:02 AM; last updated: Apr 18, 2018, 12:02 AM (IST)

State, Haryana to ink pact for Adi Badri Dam in July

Project to ensure perennial supply of water to Saraswati river
Pratibha Chauhan
Tribune News Service
Shimla, April 17

Having thrashed out the long-pending inter-state issues, Himachal and Haryana have agreed to sign a memorandum of agreement (MoU) on July 15, paving the way for the Adi Badri Dam, which will ensure perennial supply of water to the Saraswati river.
All issues pending between Himachal and Haryana were discussed at a meeting between the Chief Secretaries of the two states on Tuesday. It is for the first time that the two states decided to resolve the issues.
Chief Secretaries of Himachal Vineet Chawdhry and Haryana DS Dhesi discussed several pending issues, including that of a permanent membership for Himachal in the Bhakra Beas Management Board (BBMB). Senior bureaucrats from both states also attended the meeting.“Issues concerning the protection of rights of people residing in two border villages in Sirmaur district and creating infrastructure for them were discussed,” said Chief Secretary Vineet Chawdhry.
He added that they had decided to sign the MoU on July 15 so that the interests of both states were protected and the rights of people remained intact.
Haryana has agreed to fund the construction of the 5.2-km road, connecting the two villages, which will be submerged due to the coming up of the Adi Badri Dam. The state has also conceded to Himachal’s demand that the drinking and irrigation rights of villagers of Himachal will remain protected even after the dam comes up.
The state on its part raised the issue of construction of the Panchkula bypass, which is crucial for the industrial hub of Baddi-Barotiwala-Nalagarh, where almost 80 per cent of Himachal’s industry is concentrated. “Haryana has informed that the work for the construction of the road has already been awarded and the bypass will be readied within the next two years,” said Chawdhry.
Regarding the land acquisition for the laying of the Baddi rail line, Haryana has informed that out of the 52 acres, 27 acres is government land, while the remaining is privately owned. They have assured that the work would be expedited so that the rail line could be expanded.
Posted at: Aug 25, 2018, 1:01 AM; last updated: Aug 25, 2018, 1:01 AM (IST)

A Pehowa temple with a difference

A Pehowa temple  with a difference
Male devotees queue up at the Kartekeya temple at Pehowa in Kurukshetra.
Vijay Sabharwal
Across India there are various places of worship where the entry of women is barred. One such place is the Kartekeya temple situated on the banks of the ancient Saraswati river at Pehowa, 22 km from Kurukshetra. This temple celebrates the Brahmacharya (celibacy) of Lord Kartekeya (son of Lord Shiva) and women are not allowed to enter here. This ancient structure is situated near the Pehowa tirath and said to be from the 5th century. 
A legend goes that any woman who enters the shrine will attract a curse. It states that when Kartikeya was meditating, Lord Indra got jealous that Lord Brahma might give Kartikeya more powers than him. So, he planned to distract Kartikeya by sending the most beautiful ‘apsaras’. Kartikeya got angry and pronounced a curse that any woman who comes to this place of worship (to distract him from his meditation) shall turn into a stone.
However, Subhash Polsatya and Ashish Chakrapani, eminent 'purohits' of the Pehowa tirath, narrate an alternative legend to clarify the prohibitory edict: When Ganesha was declared the winner of the their father’s empire by riding a rat around Lord Shiva, Kartekeya got angry with his mother, Parvati.  In the fit of anger he declared that his father was the donor of his bones, while he drew only his skin from his mother. Being upset over the help Parvati provided to Ganesha, Kartekeya removed his skin here and pronounced a curse that any woman who sees him in this form will get widowed in her next seven births.
Asked whether any woman had ever objected to the gender-specific practices at the temple, the priests say that women themselves believe in the old traditions and do not enter the temple premises. So, none has ever questioned the practice of prohibiting the entry of women into the temple.
Subhash says that, in accordance with the Hindu traditions, after offering the ‘Pind-dan’ of a dead male family member at the Pehowa tirath, men are taken to the Kartekeya temple nearby to offer mustered oil to cool the deity, while the accompanying women wait outside.  

Pooja Chanwaria, Sub-Divisional Magistrate, Pehowa, confirms that she has never received any complaint relating to the restriction on women's entry into the Kartekeya temple. It may be that devotees coming here have the knowledge about the cultural and religious belief relating to the temple. 
(The writer is a
journalist based at Kurukshetra)

Haryana asked to clear objectives for nod to Sarasvati river project

Excavation work was done in Sirsa and Fatehabad of Haryana and parts of Rajasthan.
Published: 07th October 2018 10:23 AM  |   Last Updated: 07th October 2018 10:23 AM
NEW DELHI: The environment ministry has advised Haryana to come up with clear objectives for getting sanction to its project of reviving and rejuvenating the mythological Sarasvati river.The state government began digging work to trace the river at Kurukshetra in 2015.
Subsequently, the Irrigation and Water Resources Department of Haryana approached the Environment Appraisal Committee (EAC) for environmental appraisal for River Valley and Hydroelectric Projects for construction of  the Adi Badri Dam on Somb river and its piped link to Sarasvati river and reservoir at an estimated cost of about Rs 108.70 crore.
But, the EAC observed that the project’s aim is not clear as it was mentioned that indirect irrigation is involved and diversion of water during monsoon period shall be carried out to rejuvenate Sarasvati Nadi. 
“Therefore, the EAC advised that the project proponent should firm-up the objectives of the project clearly at the first instance and come back to Ministry. The project cannot be accepted in the present form as it is not having any definite objective,” said the minutes of the meeting accessed by The Sunday Standard. 

Excavation work was done in Sirsa and Fatehabad of Haryana and parts of Rajasthan. Besides earmarking `50 crore for the project, Haryana has roped in the Indian Space Research Organisation, the National Institute of Hydrology, the National Remote Sensing Centre and the Geological Survey of India to speed up work.
The proposal submitted by Haryana mentions that the Sarasvati, the holiest river of India, has retained its sacred character — right from the Rig Vedic age to the present day.“The Sarasvati river system in the Vedic period includes the  rivers  like  the Ghaggar,  the Markanda,  the Chautang,  the Sutlej  and  the Yamuna. From  the  studies  by  various  eminent  researchers  for  the  past  several  years, it  has been clear that the Yamuna as well as the Sutlej were tributaries of the Sarasvati,” said Haryana’s pre-feasibility report.
While there are varied views on existence of Sarasvati, Haryana claimed around 3700 BC, due to tectonic disturbances, the Yamuna was diverted to its present course and the Sutlej shifted to the west from Ropar, resulting in disappearance of the Sarasvati.  Haryana claimed Adi Badri dam and Sarasvati reservoirs would also help in recharging ground water.
■ Project involves construction of 33.4 m high and 160 m long dam and a 8.82 km-long pipe link to Sarasvati reservoir 
■ The catchment area of Somb Nadi up to Adi Badri dam is about 29.50 km 
■ About 31.16 HA of forestland diversion is involved in the project


Chaneti Stupa, Yamunanagar, Haryana

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Chaneti Stupa:

Chaneti Bauddam Stupa is situated 3 km away from Jagadhri. It is round in shape, made of bricks, 8 meters in height, in the area of about 100 sq meters, is an old Buddhist Stupa

Srughna, It was visited by Chinese traveller, Hiuen Tsang in the 7th century while travelling from Thanesar (Kurukshetra), he described the city as possessing a large Buddhist vihara and a grand stupa dating to the time of the Mauryan emperor, Ashoka. Alexander Cunningham identified the lost city with the village of Sugh (or Sugha) situated 5 kilometres from Yamunanagar in the state of Haryana (near Yamuna river).
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An inscribed pot with Indus Script Hypertext described in archaeological context by Mortimer Wheeler (BBC video) is a metalwork sale proclamation

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https://tinyurl.com/y8aexctzhttps://tinyurl.com/y8aexctz                                                                                                                  The inscription on the pot described by Mortimer Wsheel in a BBC documentary is a proclamation that inscribed (authenticated) brass ingots, inscribed metal castings from furnace are offered for barter (sale) and contained in the storage pot. The reference to this pot in an archaeological context is detailed by Mortimer Wheeler from -16:31 to -15:44 of the video presented herein.

An old documentry on Mohenjo Daro by BBC.



Sir Mortimer Wheeler's 1957 tour of Mohenjo-daro, although outdated in many ways, has some great footage, close shots of Indus objects, and an engaging host. Gripping to Indus fans.


The documentary provides a remarkable evidence on an artifact with Indus Script inscription which is a Hypertext.

The Indus Script Inscription is imprinted (from a seal) on a pot which has been used as a storage pot on the Mohenjo-daro market for sale.

Clearly, the inscription is a description of the item offered for sale and held in the pot.
A storage pot on the left front of this photograph has an Indus Script inscription -- a proclamation of product on sale held in the pot.
The inscription on the small pot is presented on this enlarged image of the small storage pot.

What does the Indus Script Hypertext which has two hypertexts signify?
This signifies brass ingot dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kuṭi 'curve kuṭika— 'bent' MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin).
Sign 15 This is composed of Sign 12 and Sign 342 This Hypertext Sign 15 signifies kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka ‘smelting furnace account (scribe)’. 

Thus, the two hypertexts together signify a proclamation that inscribed (authenticated) brass ingots, inscribed metal castings are offered for barter (sale) and contained in the storage pot.

Identifying Meluhha gloss for parenthesis hieroglyph or (  ) split ellipse:  குடிலம்¹ kuṭilam, n. < kuṭila. 1. Bend curve, flexure; வளைவு. (திவா.) (Tamil) In this reading, the Sign 12 signifies a specific smelter for tin metal: kuṭi 'woman water-carrier'  rebus: rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/ kuṭila, 'tin (bronze)metal; kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Samskritam) See: http://download.docslide.us/uploads/check_up03/192015/5468918eb4af9f285a8b4c67.pdf

It will be seen from Sign 15 that the basic framework of a water-carrier hieroglyph (Sign 12) is superscripted with another hieroglyph component, Sign 342: 'Rim of jar' to result in Sign 15. Thus, Sign 15 is composed of two hieroglyph components: Sign 12 'water-carrier' hieroglyph; Sign 342: "rim-of-jar' hieroglyph (which constitutes the inscription on Daimabad Seal 1).

kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decodedkaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace scribe'
Daimabad Seal 1 (Sign 342: Two hieroglyph components: jar with short-neck and rim-of-jar) -- distringuished from broad-mouthed rimless pot which is another Sign hieroglyph.

Each hieroglyph component of Sign 15 is read in rebus-metonymy-layered-meluhha-cipher:  Hieroglyph component 1: kuṭi 'woman water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/kuṭila, 'tin metal'. Hieroglyph component 2: kanka, kārṇī-ka 'rim-of-jar' rebus: kanka, kārṇī-ka m. ʻsupercargo of a shipʼ 'scribe'.

Ligatured hieroglyph 15 using two ligaturing components: 1. water-carrier; 2. rim-of-jar. The ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph connotes: furnace account (scribe). Together with the glyph showing ‘water-carrier’, the ligatured glyphs of kuṭi ‘water-carrier’ + ‘rim-of-jar’ can thus be read as: kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka ‘smelting furnace account (scribe)’. 

Sign 342
Sign 12Vaiiants of Sign 12



 This hypertext signifies the hypertext reads: dul kuṭila 'cast brass' (from) bhaṭa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.

bhaṭa'warrior' Rebus: bhaṭa'furnace'.PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kuṭi 'curve kuṭika— 'bent' MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin). Thus, the hypertext reads: dul kuṭila 'cast brass' (from) bhaṭa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.

The two parenthetical marks which constitute the circumscript around the ''warrior' hieroglyph are a split lozenge or oval shape Sign 373which is an Indus Script Sign.
Sign 373 signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. 

The sign occurs on a zebu, bos indicus to signify a crucible steel cake since poa 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: poa'magnetite, ferrite ore'.

Decipherment of Harappa zebu figurine with oval spots: magnetite ingots http://tinyurl.com/o75bok6 wherein a zebu figurine with oval spots has been presented.

 

I submit that these oval spots signify पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake' explained also as mūhā mẽht = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali) 


See: Indus Script hypertext पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa ‘magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake' https://tinyurl.com/y9so6ubv

पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel' = ukku 'wootz steel' derived from Vedic utsa 'spring'; eraka, urku 'moltencast'





Image result for zebu ingot shape bharatkalyan97
Slide 33. Early Harappan zebu figurine with incised spots from Harappa. Some of the Early Harappan zebu figurines were decorated. One example has incised oval spots. It is also stained a deep red, an extreme example of the types of stains often found on figurines that are usually found in trash and waste deposits. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 1.8 x 4.6 x 3.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow) http://www.harappa.com/figurines/33.html

The oval spots are shaped like the copper ingots shown on this photograh of Maysar, c. 2200 BCE:
Maysar c.2200 BCE Packed copper ingots INGOTS
mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)

Another artifact which compares with the described shape of mūhā mẽṛhẽt 'steel ingot' is shown in the characteristic oval shape of a crucible steel buttton.
Related imageCrucible steel button. Steel smelted from iron sand in a graphite crucible.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Crucible_steel_button.jpg
Decipherment of the Harappa figurine on Slide 33:

 पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu' Rebus: magnetite, citizen.(See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/zebu-archaeometallurgy-legacy-of-india.html )
 mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)
 
खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. (Marathi)

The figurine signifies ingots of  पोळ [pōḷa], ‘magnetite’. This is a metalwork catalogue message in Indus Script Corpora.

The following proverb indicates the exalted status of the zebu, bos indicus which read rebus as  पोळ‘magnetite, ferrite ore’ is the life-sustaining wealth of the artisans:  ज्याची खावी पोळी त्याची वाजवावी टाळी. Of whom you eat the salt, him laud and exalt. टाळी (p. 196) ṭāḷī f (ताल S)  Beating the hands together.

There is a remarkable expression in Tamil which signifies the homonymous writing of similar sounding words as pictures in Indus Script. The expression is: போலியெழுத்து pōli-y-eḻuttun. < id +. 1. Syllable or letter resembling another in sound, as அய் for அவ் for  ஓர் எழுத்துக் குப் பிரதியாகஅவ்வொலியில் அமையும் எழுத்து. (நன். 124.) 2. Letter substituted for another different in sound, as in சாம்பர் for சாம்பல்ஓர் எழுத்துக்குப் பிரதியாக வரும் எழுத்து. (நன்.)


போலியெழுத்து pōli-y-eḻuttu can thus be translated as rebus writing of Indus Script.


I suggest that since the majestic dewlap is the most characteristic feature of the zebu, the following etyma reinforce the identification of zebu,bos indicus as पोळ   pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large: पोळी   pōḷī fig. A dewlap. पोळी पिकणें g. of s. To begin to fare sumptuously; to get into good living.


The oval-shaped incised spots on the zebu figurine signify crucible steel cakes and hence may be calledपोळ   pōḷa   पोळें   pōḷēṃ   पोळा   pōḷā  पोळी   pōḷī f. n C A cake-form or flat honeycomb;  fig. Any squeezed and compressed cakeform body or mass. पोळी (p. 305) pōḷī f A plain wheaten cake: also a cake composed of rice-flour boiled and rolled up with wheaten. 2 The cake-form portion of a honeycomb. 3 fig. Any squeezed and compressed cakeform body or mass. 4 Cotton steeped in a dye of lác, lodhra &38;c., flattened into the form of a cake, and dried;--forming afterwards, with water, a sort of red ink. 5 fig. A dewlap. पोळी पिकणें g. of s. To begin to fare sumptuously; to get into good living.

The smelting processes involved in making such crucible steel cakes are expressed by the following semantics of cognate words: अहारोळी   ahārōḷī f (अहार & पोळी) A cake baked on embers.पोळणें   pōḷaṇēṃ v i To catch, burn, singe; to be seared or scorched.  पोळा   pōḷā A kindled portion flying up from a burning mass, a flake.  पोळींव   pōḷīṃva p of पोळणें Burned, scorched, singed, seared. पोळभाज   pōḷabhāja f (पोळणें&38; भाजणें To burn &38;c.) In agriculture. A comprehensive term for the operations connected with the burning of the ground.


The cultural significance  attached to the crucible steel cake may be seen from the practice of offering a cake atop the Holi festival fire which is called : होळीची पोळी (p. 527) hōḷīcī pōḷī f The right (of villagers, esp. of the मुखत्यार पाटील) of first placing a पोळी (or cake) upon the pile which is kindled at the close of the festival of the होळी. 2 The cake so designated and applied.

दुपोडी पोळी (p. 237) dupōḍī pōḷī f (दुपूडपोळी) A पोळी or stuffed cake doubled up. Sign 294  is a doubling of a curve. dula'two' rebus: dul'metal casting' PLUS kuṭi'curve kuṭika— 'bent' MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin).

Indus Script hypertexts on a lid or cover dish signify मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt dhāvaḍ 'iron smelter', kolimi 'smithy, forge'

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Thanks to Geza Varga for highlighting this plate (cover dish)_ with Indus Script Hypertexts.
There are two types of Indus Script inscriptions on pots and cover dishes: 1. nikṣepavarta lipi and 2. utkṣepavarta lipi (Lalitavistara lists 64 types of writing systems including these two).



I suggest that Indus Script writing system can be classified, consistent with the expressions recorded in lalita Vistara into these two categories.

1. utkṣepavarta lipi (bas relief writing on copper plate of Indus Script wealth accounting
ledgers
2. nikṣepavarta lipi (incised writing on copper plate of Indus Script inscription, wealth-accounting ledgers)

See:  


See: Mohenjo-daro Priest statue is R̥gveda Potr̥ 'purifier priest', Indus Script dhāvaḍ 'smelter' http://tinyurl.com/llvrtwu 

Three types of dotted circles are shown, ending up with the recurrent trefoil or three dotted circles fused together. So, the words used for the hieroglyphs are semantically related to 'dot' PLUS 'circle'.
The dotted circle hypertext also is shown on the fillet worn on the forehead and on the right shoulder of the priest. The neatly shaven and trimmed beard of the priest shows that some metal razor may have been used to trim the beards of Sarasvati's artisans.
 Single strand (one dotted-circle)

Two strands (pair of dotted-circles)

Three strands (three dotted-circles as a trefoil)
Dot
 dāya 'one in throw of dice' signifies dhāi 'strand' mlecchita vikalpa dhāi 'red mineral ore'. 
Circle
vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1]1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ(CDIAL 12069)
Source: 
Translation: dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ) (Marathi)(CIAL 6773)
Hieroglyph: dhāˊtu n. *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ - S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)

Thus, together, dot + circle read: dhāvaḍ ‘iron smelter’.
priest2.JPG
Thus, the trefoils on the cover dish signify tri-dhātu'three mineral ores' and the person being venerated is a  dhāvaḍ ‘iron smelter’.
Bukharan markhor in captivity at the Los Angeles Zoo

The lid of a pot is Hieroglyph ḍhaṁkaṇa'lid' rebus dhakka'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' 

The cover dish or lid of pot shows a markhor with wavy horns. miṇḍā́l'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati) Rebus: meḍ'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med'copper' (Slavic languages) मृदु mṛdumẽṛhẽt,'iron' (Sanskrit. Santali)

The long curved horn of markhor is a semantic determinative: मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)

Markhor shoulder is ligatured to a hump of a zebu, bos indicus. पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'magnetite, Fe3O4, ferrite ore'.

The tail of markhor is a variant of Sign 162
kolom'rice-plant' rebus: kolimi'smithy, forge'

The way line between the legs of markhor signifies flow of water:  lo'overflow', kāṇḍa'sacred water'. rebus: लोखंड [lōkhāṇḍā ] 'metalwork' 

Thus, the narrative on the cover dish or lid of a pot signifies the metallurgical repertoire of a smelter who produced bright metal articles in a smithy/forge and worked with an iron smelter.

Exhibition on Vietnam Hindu Cham Brahman Community Opens Kate festival 2018 in Ninh Thuan

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YrX0Vyv1iAI (3:04) Vietnam's most important ancient ruin? My Son Cham Temples

Published on Mar 23, 2016


My Son, around an hour from Hoi An, was once the most sacred site of the mighty Cham kingdom that ruled central and southern Vietnam for 1000 years. It may well be the most important ancient ruin in the country.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GGRpeBDzcok (19:57)

Treasures of Champa Kingdom

Exhibition on Kate festival 2018 opens in Ninh Thuan

VNA PRINT
At Kate festival (Source: baomoi)

Ninh Thuan (VNA) – An exhibition featuring the 2018 Kate Festival, the most important annual celebration of the ethnic Cham Brahman community, opened in the central province of Ninh Thuan on October 8.  
On the occasion, Mukha Linga and Po Long Girai statues, along with Nandin, Patil, and Banal sacred bulls, costumes, and musical instruments were introduced to the public, contributing to maintaining, preserving, and upholding values of national cultural heritage.

Le Xuan Loi, Director of the Research Centre for Cham Culture in Ninh Thuan, said the display aims to popularise the unique culture of the Cham ethnic group in Ninh Thuan amongst domestic and foreign visitors.

On the occasion of Kate festival 2018, antique collectors from across the nation and abroad donated 14 valuable objects of different materials and dates to the centre, which offer visitors an insight into the iron casting, pottery making, and fabric weaving of the Cham people. 
Since 2010, the centre has received over 900 valuable artifacts from antique collectors. –VNA  

Cham people in Ninh Thuan celebrate Kate festival

VNAPrint

(Photo: VNA)
Ninh Thuan (VNA) - The ethnic Cham Brahman people in the central province of Ninh Thuan on October 19 began their celebration of the Kate festival, their most important event in the year.
The same day, a ceremony to receive a certificate recognising the Kate festival as a national intangible heritage was also held.
Thousands of Cham people along with visitors participated in various activities of the festival in Po Inungar shrine, Po Klong Girai and Po Rome towers. The festival was attended by Indian Ambassador to Vietnam Parvathaneni Harish and his spouse, local authorities and representatives from the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism.
On the occasion, many delegations from the Party Committee, the People’s Council and the Vietnam Fatherland Front of Ninh Thuan province visited and presented gifts to dignitaries and policy beneficiaries in the locality.
Falling on the first day of the seventh month of the Cham calendar, Kate is the most popular Cham festival in Ninh Thuan. It reminds the ethnic Brahman community of their ancient gods and delivers wishes for bumper harvests and the growth of all beings.  
The Cham people have several distinctive festivals including the Ramuwan, the Rija Nugar, and the Chabun.
There are about 153,000 Cham people in Vietnam, approximately 72,500 of them live in Ninh Thuan. Over 43,000 Cham people, scattered across 12 communes in seven districts of Ninh Thuan, follow the Brahmin religion.-VNA


Balamon Cham Brahmins Of Vietnam


That the Sanatana Dharma spread world-wide is a fact.
Equally true is that the Varnas of Hindus spread (Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras).
The Kingdoms of Vietnam , Bali,Cambodia,  and Indonesia trace their ancestry to Sanatana Dharma.
Fiji has Manu’s Portrait in the Parliamentary Hall.


Brahmins' Attitude.jpg
Brahmins’ Attitude.

Australian Aborigines perform Shiva’s Third Eye dance and some of them wear Srivaishnava marks on their forehead even today.
Lord Rama’s Kingdom was spread over this area.
Tamil Kings who were the followers of Santana Dharma also conquered these Nations ans established their rule there.
The left their mark, social, cultural and religious.
This may by noticed by looking at the Hindu Temples in these regions and the cultural similarities in the region.
These intermingled Buddhism, which arrived here later and what we have a curious mixture of Hindu and Buddhist practices in the area.
However the Brahmin group maintained a `distinct identity and they still live there.
The Champa civilization was located in the more southern part of what is today CentralVietnam, and was a highly Indianized Hindu Kingdom, practicing a form of ShaiviteHinduism brought by sea from India. Mỹ Sơn, a Hindu temple complex built by the Champa is still standing in Quang Nam province, in Vietnam.
The Champa were conquered by theVietnamese and today are one of the many ethnic minorities of Vietnam. Hindu temples are known as Bimong in Cham language and the priests are known as Halau Tamunay Ahier.
The Balamon Hindu Cham people of Vietnam make up only 25% of the overall Cham population (the other 75% are Muslims or Cham Bani). Of these, 70% belong to the Nagavamshi Kshatriya caste (pronounced in Vietnamese as “Satrias”), and claim to be the descendants of the Champa Empire. A sizeable minority of the Balamon Hindu Cham are Brahmins.
In any case a sizable proportion of the Balamon Hindu Cham are considered Brahmins.
Hindu temples known as Bimong in the Cham language and the priests Halau Tamunay Ahier.
The exact number of Tamil Hindus in Vietnam are not published in Government census, but there are estimated to be at least 50,000 Balamon Hindus, with another 4,000 Hindus living in Ho Chi Minh City; most of whom are of Indian (Tamil) or of mixed Indian-Vietnamese descent. The Mariamman Temple is one of the most notable Tamil Hindu temples in Ho Chi Minh City. Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan Provinces are where most of the Cham ethnic group (~65%) in Vietnam reside according to the last population census. Cham Balamon (Hindu Cham) in Ninh Thuan numbered 32,000 in 2002 inhabiting 15 of 22 Cham villages.[27] If this population composition is typical for the Cham population of Vietnam as a whole then approximately 60% of Chams in Vietnam are Hindu
Citation.

Eureka moment. Like the storage pot described by Mortimer Wheeler in a Mohenjo-daro marketplace, Indus Script Hypertexts on Susa storage pot from Meluhha describe contents: metalware

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https://tinyurl.com/yd64r2at

See: 

 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2017/05/indus-script-examples-of-paired-sabda.html Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/l4uxwhn

https://www.facebook.com/srini.kalyanaraman/posts/10156201554499625

Below the rim of the Susa storage pot, the contents are described in Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts: 1. Flowing water; 2. fish with fin; 3. aquatic bird tied to a rope Rebus readings of these hieroglyphs/hypertexts signify metal implements from the Meluhha mint.




Clay storage pot discovered in Susa (Acropole mound), ca. 2500-2400 BCE (h. 20 ¼ in. or 51 cm). Musee du Louvre. Sb 2723 bis (vers 2450 avant J.C.)

The hieroglyphs and Meluhha rebus readings on this pot from Meluhha are: 1. kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: khāṇḍā 'metal equipment'; 2. aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy'; khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaṭ a 'mint, coiner, coinage' 3.  करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa‘duck’ (Samskrtam) rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'; PLUS 4. meṛh 'rope tying to post, pillar’ rebus meḍ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic)

Susa pot is a ‘Rosetta stone’ for Sarasvati Script


Water (flow)

Fish fish-fin

aquatic bird on wave (indicating aquatic nature of the bird), tied to rope, water

kāṇḍa 'water'   rebus: kāṇḍa 'implements

The vase a la cachette, shown with its contents. Acropole mound, Susa.[20]

It is a remarkable 'rosetta stone' because it validates the expression used by Panini: ayaskāṇḍa अयस्--काण्ड [p= 85,1] m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.). The early semantics of this expression is likely to be 'metal implements compared with the Santali expression to signify iron implements: meď 'copper' (Slovāk), mẽṛhẽt,khaṇḍa (Santali)  मृदु mṛdu,’soft iron’ (Samskrtam).

Santali glosses.

Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs painted on the jar are: fish, quail and streams of water; 

aya 'fish' (Munda) rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda) khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint' Thus, together ayo kammaṭa, 'metals mint'

baṭa 'quail' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.

karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा karaḍā 'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c'. (Marathi) PLUS meRh 'tied rope' meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formeḍinto an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end;  mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)

Thus, read together, the proclamation on the jar by the painted hieroglyphs is: baṭa meṛh karaḍā ayas kāṇḍa 'hard alloy iron metal implements out of the furnace (smithy)'.


This is a jar closed with a ducted bowl. The treasure called "vase in hiding" was initially grouped in two containers with lids. The second ceramic vessel was covered with a copper lid. It no longer exists leaving only one. Both pottery contained a variety of small objects form a treasure six seals, which range from Proto-Elamite period (3100-2750 BCE) to the oldest, the most recent being dated to 2450 BCE (First Dynasty of Ur).


Therefore it is possible to date these objects, this treasure. Everything included 29 vessels including 11 banded alabaster, mirror, tools and weapons made of copper and bronze, 5 pellets crucibles copper, 4 rings with three gold and a silver, a small figurine of a frog lapis lazuli, gold beads 9, 13 small stones and glazed shard.


"In the third millenium Sumerian texts list copper among the raw materials reaching Uruk from Aratta and all three of the regions Magan, Meluhha and Dilmun are associated with copper, but the latter only as an emporium. Gudea refers obliquely to receiving copper from Dilmun: 'He (Gudea) conferred with the divine Ninzaga (= Enzak of Dilmun), who transported copper like grain deliveries to the temple builder Gudea...' (Cylinder A: XV, 11-18, Englund 1983, 88, n.6). Magan was certainly a land producing the metal, since it is occasionally referred to as the 'mountain of copper'. It may also have been the source of finished bronze objects." 


"Susa... profound affinity between the Elamite people who migrated to Anshan and Susa and the Dilmunite people... Elam proper corresponded to the plateau of Fars with its capital at Anshan. We think, however that it probably extended further north into the Bakhtiari Mountains... likely that the chlorite and serpentine vases reached Susa by sea... From the victory proclamations of the kings of Akkad we also learn that the city of Anshan had been re-established, as the capital of a revitalised political ally: Elam itself... the import by Ur and Eshnunna of inscribed objects typical of the Harappan culture provides the first reliable chronological evidence. [C.J. Gadd, Seals of ancient style found at Ur, Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932; Henry Frankfort, Tell Asmar, Khafaje and Khorsabad, OIC, 16, 1933, p. 50, fig. 22). It is certainly possible that writing developed in India before this time, but we have no real proof. Now Susa had received evidence of this same civilisation, admittedly not all dating from the Akkadian period, but apparently spanning all the closing years of the third millennium (L. Delaporte, Musee du Louvre. Catalogues des Cylindres Orientaux..., vol. I, 1920pl. 25(15), S.29. P. Amiet, Glyptique susienne,MDAI, 43, 1972, vol. II, pl. 153, no. 1643)... B. Buchanan has published a tablet dating from the reign of Gungunum of Larsa, in the twentieth century BC, which carries the impression of such a stamp seal. (B.Buchanan, Studies in honor of Benno Landsberger, Chicago, 1965, p. 204, s.). The date so revealed has been wholly confirmed by the impression of a stamp seal from the group, fig. 85, found on a Susa tablet of the same period. (P. Amiet, Antiquites du Desert de Lut, RA, 68, 1974, p. 109, fig. 16. Maurice Lambert, RA, 70, 1976, p. 71-72). It is in fact, a receipt of the kind in use at the beginning of the Isin-Larsa period, and mentions a certain Milhi-El, son of Tem-Enzag, who, from the name of his god, must be a Dilmunite. In these circumstances we may wonder if this document had not been drawn up at Dilmun and sent to Susa after sealing with a local stamp seal. This seal is decorated with six tightly-packed, crouching animals, characterised by vague shapes, with legs under their bodies, huge heads and necks sometimes striped obliquely. The impression of another seal of similar type, fig. 86, depicts in the centre a throned figure who seems to dominate the animals, continuing a tradition of which examples are known at the end of the Ubaid period in Assyria... Fig. 87 to 89 are Dilmun-type seals found at Susa. The boss is semi-spherical and decorated with a band across the centre and four incised circles. [Pierre Amiet, Susa and the Dilmun Culture, pp. 262-268].

. This monograph presented the framework for Mlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher) with examples of animal hieroglyphs as rebus representations of metalwork wealth repository.

More examples of this cipher from Indus Script Corpora are presented.

Black drongo bird
Black Drongo (Dicrurus macrocercus) IMG 7702 (1)..JPG
A Black drongo in Rajasthan state, northern India

పసి (p. 730) pasi pasi. [from Skt. పశువు.] n. Cattle. పశుసమూహము, గోగణము. The smell of cattle, పశ్వాదులమీదిగాలి, వాసన. పసిపట్టు pasi-paṭṭu. To scent or follow by the nose, as a dog does a fox. పసిగొను to trace out or smell out. వాసనపట్టు. మొసలి కుక్కను పసిపట్టి when the crocodile scented the dog. పసులు pasulu. n. plu. Cattle, గోవులు. పసిగాపు pasi-gāpu. n. A herdsman, గోపకుడు పసితిండి pasi-tinḍi. n. A tiger, పెద్దపులి. పసులపోలిగాడు pasula-pōli-gāḍu. n. The Black Drongo or King crow, Dicrurusater. (F.B.I.) ఏట్రింత. Also, the Adjutant. తోకపసులపోలిగాడు the Raquet-tailed Drongo shrike. Jerdon. No. 55. 56. 59. కొండ పనులపోలిగాడు the White bellied Drongo, Dicrurus coerulescens. వెంటికపనుల పోలిగాడు the Hair-crested Drongo, Chibia hottentotta. టెంకిపనుల పోలిగాడు the larger Racket-tailed Drongo, Dissemurus paradiseus (F.B.I.) పసులవాడు pasula-vāḍu. n. A herdsman, గొల్లవాడు. 

"With short legs, they sit upright on thorny bushes, bare perches or electricity wires. They may also perch on grazing animals."(Whistler, Hugh (1949). Popular handbook of Indian birds (4th ed.). Gurney and Jackson, London. pp. 155–157.) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_drongo

Hieroglyph: eagle పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)(Telugu) पोळ pōḷa 'zebu'& pōlaḍu 'black drongo' signify polad 'steel

Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealA zebu bull tied to a post; a bird above. Large painted storage jar discovered in burned rooms at Nausharo, ca. 2600 to 2500 BCE. पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel'; पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' of Sarasvati Script corpora is rebus:pōlāda'steel', pwlad (Russian), fuladh (Persian) folādī (Pashto) 
pōḷa 'zebu' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore) pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: pōḷad 'steel' The semantics of bull (zebu) PLUS black drongo bird are the reason why the terracotta bird is shown with a bull's head as a phonetic determinative to signify 'steel/magnetite ferrite ore'. పోలడు (p. 820) pōlaḍu , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)  rebus: pōlaḍu 'steel' (Russian. Persian) PLUS
wings/plumage


http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2018/10/an-inscribed-pot-with-indus-script.html

See:  

https://tinyurl.com/y8aexctz    https://tinyurl.com/yajea5yx                                                                                                              The inscription on the pot described by Mortimer Wheeler in a BBC documentary is a proclamation that inscribed (authenticated) brass ingots, inscribed metal castings from furnace are offered for barter (sale) and contained in the storage pot. The reference to this pot in an archaeological context is detailed by Mortimer Wheeler from -16:31 to -15:44 of the video presented herein.

An old documentry on Mohenjo Daro by BBC.



Sir Mortimer Wheeler's 1957 tour of Mohenjo-daro, although outdated in many ways, has some great footage, close shots of Indus objects, and an engaging host. Gripping to Indus fans.


The documentary provides a remarkable evidence on an artifact with Indus Script inscription which is a Hypertext.

The Indus Script Inscription is imprinted (from a seal) on a pot which has been used as a storage pot on the Mohenjo-daro market for sale.

Clearly, the inscription is a description of the item offered for sale and held in the pot.
A storage pot on the left front of this photograph has an Indus Script inscription -- a proclamation of product on sale held in the pot.
The inscription on the small pot is presented on this enlarged image of the small storage pot.

What does the Indus Script Hypertext which has two hypertexts signify?
This signifies brass ingot dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kui 'curve;  kuika— 'bent' MBh. Rebus: kuila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) bhaṭa ‘warrior’ rebus: baṭa‘iron’ (Gujarati)
Sign 15 This is composed of Sign 12 and Sign 342 This Hypertext Sign 15 signifies kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka ‘smelting furnace account (scribe)’. 

Thus, the two hypertexts together signify a proclamation that inscribed (authenticated) brass metal (iron) ingots, inscribed metal castings are offered for barter (sale) and contained in the storage pot.


Identifying Meluhha gloss for parenthesis hieroglyph or (  ) split ellipse:  குடிலம்¹ kuṭilam, n. < kuṭila. 1. Bend curve, flexure; வளைவு. (திவா.) (Tamil) In this reading, the Sign 12 signifies a specific smelter for tin metal: kuṭi 'woman water-carrier'  rebus: rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/ kuṭila, 'tin (bronze)metal; kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Samskritam) See: http://download.docslide.us/uploads/check_up03/192015/5468918eb4af9f285a8b4c67.pdf

It will be seen from Sign 15 that the basic framework of a water-carrier hieroglyph (Sign 12) is superscripted with another hieroglyph component, Sign 342: 'Rim of jar' to result in Sign 15. Thus, Sign 15 is composed of two hieroglyph components: Sign 12 'water-carrier' hieroglyph; Sign 342: "rim-of-jar' hieroglyph (which constitutes the inscription on Daimabad Seal 1).

kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decodedkaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace scribe'
Daimabad Seal 1 (Sign 342: Two hieroglyph components: jar with short-neck and rim-of-jar) -- distringuished from broad-mouthed rimless pot which is another Sign hieroglyph.

Each hieroglyph component of Sign 15 is read in rebus-metonymy-layered-meluhha-cipher:  Hieroglyph component 1: kuṭi 'woman water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/kuṭila, 'tin metal'. Hieroglyph component 2: kanka, kārṇī-ka 'rim-of-jar' rebus: kanka, kārṇī-ka m. ʻsupercargo of a shipʼ 'scribe'.

Ligatured hieroglyph 15 using two ligaturing components: 1. water-carrier; 2. rim-of-jar. The ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph connotes: furnace account (scribe). Together with the glyph showing ‘water-carrier’, the ligatured glyphs of kuṭi ‘water-carrier’ + ‘rim-of-jar’ can thus be read as: kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka ‘smelting furnace account (scribe)’. 

Sign 342
Sign 12Vaiiants of Sign 12



 This hypertext signifies the hypertext reads: dul kuṭila 'cast brass' (from) bhaṭa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.

bhaṭa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kuṭi 'curve kuṭika— 'bent' MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin). Thus, the hypertext reads:dul kuṭila 'cast brass' (from) bhaṭa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.

The two parenthetical marks which constitute the circumscript around the ''warrior' hieroglyph are a split lozenge or oval shape Sign 373which is an Indus Script Sign.
Sign 373 signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. 

The sign occurs on a zebu, bos indicus to signify a crucible steel cake since po'zebu, bos indicus' rebus:poa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'.

Decipherment of Harappa zebu figurine with oval spots: magnetite ingots http://tinyurl.com/o75bok6 wherein a zebu figurine with oval spots has been presented.

 

I submit that these oval spots signify पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake' explained also as mūhā mẽht = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali) 


See: Indus Script hypertext पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa ‘magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel cake' https://tinyurl.com/y9so6ubv

पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel' = ukku 'wootz steel' derived from Vedic utsa 'spring'; eraka, urku 'moltencast'





Image result for zebu ingot shape bharatkalyan97
Slide 33. Early Harappan zebu figurine with incised spots from Harappa. Some of the Early Harappan zebu figurines were decorated. One example has incised oval spots. It is also stained a deep red, an extreme example of the types of stains often found on figurines that are usually found in trash and waste deposits. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 1.8 x 4.6 x 3.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow) http://www.harappa.com/figurines/33.html

The oval spots are shaped like the copper ingots shown on this photograh of Maysar, c. 2200 BCE:
Maysar c.2200 BCE Packed copper ingots INGOTS
mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)

Another artifact which compares with the described shape of mūhā mẽṛhẽt 'steel ingot' is shown in the characteristic oval shape of a crucible steel buttton.
Related imageCrucible steel button. Steel smelted from iron sand in a graphite crucible.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Crucible_steel_button.jpg
Decipherment of the Harappa figurine on Slide 33:

 पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu' Rebus: magnetite, citizen.(See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/zebu-archaeometallurgy-legacy-of-india.html )
 mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)
 
खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. (Marathi)

The figurine signifies ingots of  पोळ [pōḷa], ‘magnetite’. This is a metalwork catalogue message in Indus Script Corpora.

The following proverb indicates the exalted status of the zebu, bos indicus which read rebus as  पोळ‘magnetite, ferrite ore’ is the life-sustaining wealth of the artisans:  ज्याची खावी पोळी त्याची वाजवावी टाळी. Of whom you eat the salt, him laud and exalt. टाळी (p. 196) ṭāḷī f (ताल S)  Beating the hands together.

There is a remarkable expression in Tamil which signifies the homonymous writing of similar sounding words as pictures in Indus Script. The expression is: போலியெழுத்து pōli-y-eḻuttun. < id +. 1. Syllable or letter resembling another in sound, as அய் for அவ் for  ஓர் எழுத்துக் குப் பிரதியாகஅவ்வொலியில் அமையும் எழுத்து. (நன். 124.) 2. Letter substituted for another different in sound, as in சாம்பர் for சாம்பல்ஓர் எழுத்துக்குப் பிரதியாக வரும் எழுத்து. (நன்.)


போலியெழுத்து pōli-y-eḻuttu can thus be translated as rebus writing of Indus Script.


I suggest that since the majestic dewlap is the most characteristic feature of the zebu, the following etyma reinforce the identification of zebu,bos indicus as पोळ   pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large: पोळी   pōḷī fig. A dewlap. पोळी पिकणें g. of s. To begin to fare sumptuously; to get into good living.


The oval-shaped incised spots on the zebu figurine signify crucible steel cakes and hence may be calledपोळ   pōḷa   पोळें   pōḷēṃ   पोळा   pōḷā  पोळी   pōḷī f. n C A cake-form or flat honeycomb;  fig. Any squeezed and compressed cakeform body or mass. पोळी (p. 305) pōḷī f A plain wheaten cake: also a cake composed of rice-flour boiled and rolled up with wheaten. 2 The cake-form portion of a honeycomb. 3 fig. Any squeezed and compressed cakeform body or mass. 4 Cotton steeped in a dye of lác, lodhra &38;c., flattened into the form of a cake, and dried;--forming afterwards, with water, a sort of red ink. 5 fig. A dewlap. पोळी पिकणें g. of s. To begin to fare sumptuously; to get into good living.

The smelting processes involved in making such crucible steel cakes are expressed by the following semantics of cognate words: अहारोळी   ahārōḷī f (अहार & पोळी) A cake baked on embers.पोळणें   pōḷaṇēṃ v i To catch, burn, singe; to be seared or scorched.  पोळा   pōḷā A kindled portion flying up from a burning mass, a flake.  पोळींव   pōḷīṃva p of पोळणें Burned, scorched, singed, seared. पोळभाज   pōḷabhāja f (पोळणें&38; भाजणें To burn &38;c.) In agriculture. A comprehensive term for the operations connected with the burning of the ground.


The cultural significance  attached to the crucible steel cake may be seen from the practice of offering a cake atop the Holi festival fire which is called : होळीची पोळी (p. 527) hōḷīcī pōḷī f The right (of villagers, esp. of the मुखत्यार पाटील) of first placing a पोळी (or cake) upon the pile which is kindled at the close of the festival of the होळी. 2 The cake so designated and applied.

दुपोडी पोळी (p. 237) dupōḍī pōḷī f (दुपूडपोळी) A पोळी or stuffed cake doubled up. Sign 294  is a doubling of a curve.dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kuṭi 'curve;  kuṭika— 'bent' MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin).

डमरु ḍamaru on ancient coins is Indus Script hypertext, ḍāṅro, ṭhākur ʻblacksmithʼ. ja ba ga ḍa da Ś ज ब ग ड द श्। Māheśvara Sūtrāṇi, phonemes of Samskr̥tam are alphabet songs in Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini

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https://tinyurl.com/yaajcnf2

Akṣarasamāmnāya, "recitation of phonemes". Each of the fourteen verses consists of a group of basic Sanskrit phonemes (i.e. either open syllables consisting either of initial vowels or consonants followed by the basic vowel "a") followed by a single 'dummy letter', or anubandha, conventionally rendered by capital letters in Roman transliteration and named 'IT' by Pāṇini.

Phonemes with a similar manner of articulation are put together as pratyāhāras (so sibilants in 13 śa ṣa sa R, nasals in 7 ñ m ṅ ṇ n M).

Examples:

pratyāhāras, consist of a phoneme-letter and an anubandha (and often the vowel a to aid pronunciation) .


pratyāhāra aC refers to ALL vowels (i.e., all of the phonemes before the anubandha C: i.e. a i u ṛ ḷ e o ai au); 


pratyāhāra haL refers to ALL consonants.


Sūtra 6.1.101 अकः सवर्णे दीर्घः aKaḥ savarṇe dīrghaḥ teaches that vowels (from the aK pratyāhāra) of the same quality come together to make a long vowel, so for instance dadhi and indraḥ make dadhīndraḥ, not *dadhyindraḥ


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BO4GVlJS21k&list=PL6q-PQJVJorxbr8JrPerDIBS2qyQIpJyC (7:13)



Parvati Vallabha Ashtakam | Damaru | Adiyogi Chants | Sounds of Isha


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=otHBhMBv4Gg (2:44

Damak dam damroo re baje new DJ 2017


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OKlL4bJe3Q8 (8:41)

Lord Shiva Sound of - Damaru


*ḍaṅka ʻ drum ʼ. 2. *ḍakka -- 4. [Cf. ḍakkārī -- ʻ lute ʼ lex.]

1. P. N. B. Or. H. M. ḍaṅkā m. ʻ drum ʼ; G. ḍaṅkɔ m. ʻ large kettledrum ʼ, M. ḍã̄kā m.
2. Pk. ḍakka -- m. ʻ a partic. musical instrument ʼ; G. ḍakkɔ m. ʻ drum ʼ; Si. ḍäkkiya ʻ tom -- tom ʼ.(CDIAL 5525)


 *ḍaṅgara1 ʻ cattle ʼ. 2. *daṅgara -- . [Same as ḍaṅ- gara -- 2 s.v. *ḍagga -- 2 as a pejorative term for cattle]1. K. ḍangur m. ʻ bullock ʼ, L. ḍaṅgur, (Ju.) ḍ̠ãgar m. ʻ horned cattle ʼ; P. ḍaṅgar m. ʻ cattle ʼ, Or. ḍaṅgara; Bi. ḍã̄gar ʻ old worn -- out beast, dead cattle ʼ, dhūr ḍã̄gar ʻ cattle in general ʼ; Bhoj. ḍāṅgar ʻ cattle ʼ; H. ḍã̄garḍã̄grā m. ʻ horned cattle ʼ.(CDIAL 5526)


डमरु m. ( L. )a sacred drum, shaped like an hourglass, used by the god शिव and by Buddhist mendicant monks for a musical accompaniment in chanting, cf. MWB. 384, 385 Ra1jat. ii , 99 Prab. iii , 14; surprise (Monier-Williams)


ḍamaru m. ʻ drum ʼ Rājat., ˚uka -- m. lex. 2. *ḍam- baru -- . [Onom. and perh. ← Mu. EWA i 460, PMWS 86]1. Pk. ḍamarua -- m.n.; L. awāṇ. P. ḍaurū m. ʻ tabor, small drum ʼ; Ku. ḍaũrḍaũru ʻ drum ʼ; M. ḍaurḍavrā m. ʻ hourglass -- tabor ʼ, ḍaurī m. ʻ itinerant musician ʼ.2. N. ḍambaruḍamaru ʻ small drum ʼ, A. ḍambaru, B. ḍamru, Or. ḍambaruḍamaru, H. ḍamrū m., G. M. ḍamru m.Other variants: K. ḍābürü f. ʻ large drum used for proclamations ʼ; -- Or. ḍempha ʻ shallow kettledrum ʼ; -- N. ḍamphu˚pho ʻ small drum or tambourine ʼ; B. ḍamphu ʻ drum ʼ; -- Ku. ḍãphṛī ʻ drum ʼ, ḍaphulo˚uwā ʻ small drum ʼ; N. ḍaph ʻ a partic. musical instrument played during Holi ʼ; G. ḍaph f.n. ʻ a kind of tabor ʼ; <-> G. ḍamkɔ m. ʻ drum ʼ.Addenda: ḍamaru -- . 1. WPah.J. ḍõru m. ʻ small drum ʼ, Garh. ḍɔ̃ru m., Brj. ḍaurū˘.2. *ḍambaru -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍɔmru m. id.*ḍambaru -- ʻ drum ʼ see ḍamaru -- Add2.(CDIAL 5531)


Rebus: blacksmith: N. ḍāṅro ʻ term of contempt for a blacksmith; N. ḍiṅgar ʻ contemptuous term for an inhabitant of the Tarai ʼ; Or. dhāṅgaṛ ʻ young servant, herdsman, name of a Santal tribe ʼ, dhāṅgaṛā ʻ unmarried youth ʼ, ˚ṛī ʻ unmarried girl ʼ, dhāṅgarā ʻ youth, man ʼ; H. dhaṅgar m. ʻ herdsman ʼ, dhã̄gaṛ˚ar m. ʻ a non -- Aryan tribe in the Vindhyas, digger of wells and tanks ʼ(CDIAL 5524)

Mth. ṭhākur ʻ blacksmith ʼ(CDIAL 5488)

Image result for damaru coin kausambiDamaru, drum of Śiva, which produces the sounds of phonemes of Samskr̥tam


In the post-Mauryan period at Kosambi (modern Allahabad district) cast copper coinage were found with and without punchmarks. Their coinage resemble the Damaru-drum (hour-glass shaped drum of Ancient Bharat). 


Image result for damaru coin kausambiKauśāmbi, 4.34g, 24.5 x 20.8 mm,  Damaru coin, 200 BCE

Obv: Humped bull to left with upraised leg; swastika; taurine and Ujjain type symbol

Rev: Tree in twelve chambered railing.


http://www.worldofcoins.eu/forum/index.php?topic=31930.0


The 'symbols' on this coin are Indus Script Hypertexts:


1. zebu, bos indicus Alternative (Vikalpa) 1: ḍaṅgar 'bull' rebus: ḍāṅro, ṭhākur ʻblacksmithʼ Alternative  पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel 

2. svastika sattva, 'svastika symbol' rebus: sattva'zinc', jasta'zinc, spelter; pewter'.
3. taurine Four arms: gaṇḍa 'four'; rebus:khaṇḍ'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware'.
4. tree on 12-chambered railing kuṭi'tree'Rebus:kuṭhi'smelter' (smithy) Ta. paṭṭai painted stripe (as on a temple wall), piebald colour, dapple.Ma. paṭṭa stripe. Ka. paṭṭe, paṭṭi id. Koḍ. paṭṭe striped or spotted (as tiger or leopard); paṭṭati n.pr. of dappled cow. Tu. paṭṭè stripe. Te. paṭṭe stripe or streak of paint; paḍita stripe, streak, wale.(DEDR 3877) Ta. pātti bathing tub, watering trough or basin, spout, drain; pattal wooden bucket; pattar id., wooden trough for feeding animals. Ka. pāti basin for water round the foot of a tree. Tu. pāti trough or bathing tub, spout, drain. Te. pādi, pādu basin for water round the foot of a tree(DEDR 4079)Rebus 1: pāṭaṇ maritime town, port: పట్ర paṭra paṭra. [Tel.] n. A village, a hamlet. పల్లెపట్ర villages and hamlets. H. iv. 108. paṭṭana n. ʻ town ʼ Kauṭ., °nī -- f. lex. 2. páttana -- n. MBh. [Prob. ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 383 and EWA ii 192 with ṭṭ replaced by IA. tt. But its specific meaning as ʻ ferry ʼ in S. L. P. B. H. does lend support to its derivation by R. A. Hall in Language 12, 133 from *partana -- (√pr̥ ~ Lat. portus, &c.). Poss. MIA. pattana -- , paṭṭana -- ʻ *ferry ʼ has collided with Drav. loanword for ʻ town ʼ] 1. Pa. paṭṭana -- n. ʻ city ʼ, °aka -- n. ʻ a kind of village ʼ; Pk. paṭṭaṇa -- n. ʻ city ʼ; K. paṭan m. ʻ quarter of a town, name of a village 14 miles NW of Śrinagar ʼ; N. pāṭan ʻ name of a town in the Nepal Valley ʼ; B. pāṭan ʻ town, market ʼ(CDIAL 7705)

Division of squares on railing: khaṇḍa 'division' rebus:.khaṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware'.


The tree on railing shown on Kauśāmbi coin occurs on many ancient coins of Eran. On one Eran coin, damaru symbol is shown on the obverse.

Image result for damaru coin kausambi
Eran, anonymous 1/2 AE karshapana,  five punch 'symbol type'
Weight:  5.35 gm., Dimensions: 20x19 mm. 'Ujjain symbol', Indradhvaja, railed tree, river, fishes. Blank reverse
Reference:  Pieper 482 (plate coin)

eran483
Eran, anonymous 1/2 AE karshapana,  four punch 'symbol type'
Weight:  5.70 gm., Dimensions: 20x20 mm.
The same type as previous coin but a damaru-in-damaru-shaped-enclosure on
the reverse.
Reference:  Pieper 483 (plate coin)


"The damaru revesre symbol might indicate that this type originates from Vidarbha. The Eran region is close to Vidarbha and a typological link is certainly possible. There even might have been a common rule for some time in Damabhadra's reign in the second part of the second century BCE. Mitchiner (MATEC p.1080) supports such a view...Eran and Vidisha, famous sites of great antiquity, were among the dominating urban centers of eastern Malwa in post-Mauryan Central India. Eran is situated on the south bank of the Bina river, a tributary of river Betwa, and Vidisha is on the east bank of the Betwa, approximately 50 miles away. Other major urban centers of eastern Malwa were Bhagila, Kurara and Nandinagara (Nadner). An early trade route connecting Pataliputra with Mathura passed through Eran-Vidisha lands. And while one trade route went from Kausambi in the Allahabad district to the eastern sea coast, another route connected Kausambi in a south-westerly direction with Bharhut, Eran, Vidisha, Ujjain, Mahismati and finally Broach on the western sea coast.


In contrast to the more or less exclusive use of die-struck local coins in western Malwa, dominated by the urban center of Ujjain, some local powers of eastern Malwa used die-struck coins, while others issued punchmarked copper coins during this post-Mauryan period. Traditionally, these coins have been assigned to "Eran" but they may have been issued in Vidisha or other neighbouring centers as well.
The Eran-Vidisha region is the source of an important series of attractive,well executed ancient punchmarked copper coins. These local coins of eastern Malwa developed in the post-Mauryan time when the political control of the region had fallen to local dynasts. The very distinctive local coinages, such as that of Eran and Vidisha in eastern Malwa or that of Ujjain in western Malwa, are an indication that these regions were practically independent when issuing these coins. One cannot fix the start of the local Eran-Vidisha punchmarked coppers precisely but the second part of the 2nd century BC is probable. The series came to an end when the Satavahanas incorporated Malwa into their growing empire around the middle of the 1st century BC.  A few Eran punchmarked coins with Satavahana inscriptions confirm the dynastic change in this region.Usually there are 4-5 different punches on an Eran coin. The maximum amount of punches is six and a few types have only two or three punches. The reverse of most specimens is blank but sometimes we see the remains of an old undertype. The commonest devices on Eran coins are elephant, horse, so-called Ujjain symbol, river, railed standard, railed tree and (lotus-)flower with eight petals. Sometimes we see also a bull,  a six-armed symbol, a taurine fixed in an open railing, a damaru in a damaru-shaped enclosure or a standard in a damaru-shaped enclosure. "


http://coinindia.com/galleries-eran1.html


Māheśvara Sūtrāṇi 

1. a i u
2.
3. e o
4. ai au C
5. ha ya va ra
6. la
7. ña ma a a na M
8. jha bha Ñ
9. gha ha dha
10. ja ba ga a da Ś
11. kha pha cha ha tha ca a ta V
12. ka pa Y
13. śa a sa R
14. ha L

. ण्।
२. ऋ ऌ क्।
३. ए ओ ङ्।
४. ऐ औ च्।
५. ह य व र ट्।
६. ल ण्।
७. ञ म ङ ण न म्।
८. झ भ ञ्।
९. घ ढ ध ष्।
१०. ज ब ग ड द श्।
११. ख फ छ ठ थ च ट त व्।
१२. क प य्।
१३. श ष स र्।
१४. ह ल्। 

देवनागरी 
1. ಣ್
2. ಲ್ರುಕ್
3. ಙ್
4. ಚ್ 
5. ಟ್
6. ಣ್
7. ಮ್ 
8.
9. ಷ್ 
10. ಶ್ 
11. ವ್
12. ಯ್
13. ರ್ 
14. ಲ್ 

ಕನ್ನಡ (Kannada)




Symposium announcement, July 2019 on 100 years of comparative Indo-european Linguistics

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RV 10.95.1 Translation (Griffith): 1. Ho there, my consort! Stay, thou fiercesouled- lady, and let us reason for a while together.
Such thoughts as these of ours, while yet unspoken in days gone by have never brought us comfort.

It is remarkable that Dr. Luka Repanšek Department of Comparative and General Linguistics, University of Ljubljana Dr. Sabine Ziegler President of the Indogermanische Gesellschaft refer to this r̥ca of speech in days gone by. Evidence for spoken forms of language are seen In Indus Script inscriptions.

Kalyanaraman

100 Years of Comparative Indo-European Linguistics at the University of Ljubljana – A “Ljubilee”

 

 
Dear friends and colleagues!
In 2019, the University of Ljubljana is celebrating its long-awaited centennial. Since the Faculty of Arts and with it Comparative Indo-European Linguistics (indoevropsko primerjalno jezikoslovje) as one of its earliest fields of study are the cornerstones of this leading Slovenian educational institution, it seems more than fit to pay the long tradition a deserved respect in the form of an international symposium that will bring together a wide array of scholars willing to honour the occasion with selected talks and papers on the issues of contemporary comparative Indo-European linguistics. The symposium will take place in Ljubljana in early June 2019 and is organised by the Chair of Comparative Indo-European Linguistics in Ljubljana and the Indogermanische Gesellschaft / Society for Indo-European Studies / Société des études indo-européennes as the Society’s annual Arbeitstagung.
Apart from the suggestive paraphrase of RVS X.95.1b there will be no general topic that would steer but certainly limit the creative mind. We welcome all papers that celebrate the inexhaustible power of the comparative method on the entire spectrum of Indo-European linguistics and on every level of linguistic enquiry. Especially appreciated, however, will be the individual contributions on those topics that boast a particularly long tradition of research and teaching endeavours in Ljubljana, viz. Indo-Iranian, Anatolian, Balto-Slavic, Celtic, Germanic, Albanian, Tocharian, Indo-European Trümmersprachen, onomastic languages (incl. Old European toponymy), the laryngeal theory, Indo-Uralic, and pre-Indo-European.
NB It is a particular pleasure to add that as an integral part of the symposium the XIIth International Workshop on Balto-Slavic Accentology (IWoBA XII) will again be held in Ljubljana, welcoming papers dealing with the diachronic issues of Balto-Slavic accentology. Note that in the frame-work of the meeting a comprehensive workshop on the different schools of thought in this complex field is also planned.
Proposals in the form of preliminary abstracts (200-300 words) for 30-minute papers in English, French, or German – the official working languages of the IG (for contributions planned for the IWoBA workshop also Russian, as is tradition), may be sent by 15 December 2018 to arbeitstagung@...-lj.si. The proposals will be peer-reviewed and the decision announced by the end of January 2019 at the latest. A publishable version of the abstracts with appended bibliography will be due by 30 March 2019. The conference Acta are planned to appear a year after the symposium.
Sincerely,
Dr. Luka Repanšek
Department of Comparative and General Linguistics,
University of Ljubljana
&
Dr. Sabine Ziegler
President of the Indogermanische Gesellschaft

Book announcement: proving the form and function of Indus Script Hypertexts (S. Kalyanaraman, 2018)

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https://tinyurl.com/y79ps9pk


Proving the form and function of Indus Script Hypertexts: Hyper Text Transfer Protocol (HTTP) of ca. 3300 BCE rebus Meluhha spoken metaphor is the cipher Kindle Edition

by S Kalyanaraman (Author)

Evidence from a pot held in a market street of Mohenjo-daro and a pot received in Susa from Meluhha provide the clue to understand the function of Indus Script Inscriptions. All inscriptions were wealth-accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues.
Proving the form and function of Indus Script Hypertexts: Hyper Text Transfer Protocol (HTTP) of ca. 3300 BCE rebus Meluhha spoken metaphor is the cipher by [Kalyanaraman, S]

Wealth accounting ledgers of Indus Script Hypertexts of Lakṣmi sculptural friezes with lotus, elephants

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https://tinyurl.com/yb9wkzbm

The hypertexts are wealth-accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues:

ibha, karibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron'
dula'pair' rebus: dul'metal casting'
tāmarasa'lotus' rebus: tāmra'copper'.
कर्णक kárṇaka, 'pericarp of lotus'karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra'helmsman'. 

Lakṣmi from Gaya. Śunga period.

Lakṣmi from Gaya. Showering abundance blessing from her lotus.
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Lakṣmi . Bharhut.
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Lakṣmi . Sanchi Stupa.

Файл:Coin of Azilises showing Gaja Lakshmi standing on a lotus 1st century BCE.jpg

Coin of Azilises showing Gaja Lakṣmi standing on a lotus 1st century BCE

Gold pendant of arka sun's rays Indus Script Hypertext on kõda young bull of Mohenjodaro pectoral signifies kundaṇa 'fine gold'

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https://tinyurl.com/y7osutjz

-- kār-kund'manager'.sãghāṛɔ'lathe' rebus jangadiyo'military guard'; kamaṭamu'portable furnace', kammata'mint'
-- kār-kunda 'manager'of lokhaṇḍa 'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware'. 


Gold Pendant. Harappa. National Museum, New Delhi
Sun's rays arka 'sun, rays of sun' rebus: arka 'copper, gold'eraka'moltencast'. 
Image result for pendant ndus scriptm1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral. The body of the young bull has the pictograph signified on the body. Arka flipped vertically and signified on the body of the young bull on pectoral, as shown below. The young bull signifies Hieroglyph: kõda 'young bull-calf'.  Rebus: kundaa 'fine gold'; kār-kund 'manager'. The overflowing pot signifies the goldsmith artisan's repertoire of metalwork professional competence: lokhaṇḍa 'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware' (Marathi)

I suggest that this pictograph signifies arka'sun's rys' rebus: arka'gold' Synonym: kundana 'fine gold'  (rebus reading of kõda'young bull-calf'. Rebus: kundaa 'fine gold' (Kannada).-- as a semantic determinative.


Hieroglyph 1: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati).Rebus:  Vajra Sanghāta 'binding together' (Varahamihira) *saṁgaḍha ʻ collection of forts ʼ. [*gaḍha -- ]L. sãgaṛh m. ʻ line of entrenchments, stone walls for defence ʼ.(CDIAL 12845). Rebus: jangaḍ 'wealth in treasury, accounting of mercantile transaction'; jangadiyo 'military guards carrying treasure into the treasury' (Gujarati). Hieroglyph 2: కమటము  kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి. "చ కమటము కట్లెసంచియొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్"హంస. ii. Rebus: kammata 'coiner, mint, coinage'.
Hieroglyph: खोंड (p. 216) [khōṇḍam A young bull, a bullcalf; खोंडा [ khōṇḍā ] m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood. खोंडरूं [ khōṇḍarūṃ ] n A contemptuous form of खोंडा in the sense of कांबळा-cowl (Marathi. Molesworth); kōḍe dūḍa bull calf (Telugu); kōṛe 'young bullock' (Konda)Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) kõda 'young bull-calf'. Rebus: kũdār'turner'; kundana 'fine gold' (Kannada).कुन्द [p= 291,2] one of कुबेर's nine treasures (N. of a गुह्यक Gal. ) L. کار کند kār-kund (corrup. of P کار کن) adj. Adroit, clever, experienced. 2. A director, a manager; (Fem.) کار کنده kār-kundaʿh.  (Pashto)
kāṇḍam காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools, pots and pans’ (Marathi) (B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. 
The expression signified by the overflowing pot is: lokhaṇḍa 'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware' (Marathi)

Sri Ayyappan is dharma Śāstā. Sri Kārtikeya is brahma Śāstā.

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Sri Ayyappan is dharma Śāstā. Sri Kārtikeya is brahma Śāstā. 

Śāstā means 'teacher'. Both are students who are teachers of devotees who are artisans. The teaching is that skill and learning should be adored. Every child is a spark from the divine anvil.

The tradition of Kārtikeya temple in Pehoa (Haryana, near Kurukṣetra), is that women are strictly forbidden in this temple which celebrates the brahmachāri form of Lord Kārtikeya. The devotees observe very strict rules during the months of Chaturmas (the months from āṣāḍha through Kārtik). https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kartikeya_Temple,_Pehowa 

brahmachāri means 'disciplined veda student', i.e. devoted to the sacred duty of learning. Devotees adore the disciplined students in Pehoa and Śabarimala temples. 

Court has no business to interfere in the celebrations by artisans celebrating a discplined student be it Pehoa or be it Śabarimala. Families adore a disciplined student as a divinity to be emulated in their earthly lives. 

Namaskaram. Kalyanaraman



Sabarimala: Justice downsizes Divinity
by Sandhya Jainon 16 Oct 2018
Sabarimala: Justice downsizes divinity

Its inclusive character notwithstanding, Sabarimala has several characteristics consistent with a denominational temple and should have been spared the humiliation that is currently agitating Ayyappaswami devotees across the country. In hundreds of Ayyappa temples, devotees are welcomed without distinction of gender, jati or even creed. At Sabarimala, Ayyappa, born from the union of Shiva and Vishnu as Mohini, takes the form of Naishtika Brahmachari (perennial celibate) and performs eternal tapas(meditation); hence women devotees of reproductive age (10 to 50 years) desist from disturbing him.

Hindu dharma celebrates divinity in its complex diversity. The same deity has different traits and is worshipped differently according to naama (name), rupa (form) and svarupa (essence). During the Navratras, Devi is worshipped in nine forms. At four major temples in Kerala, Ayyappa takes the form of a ‘kumar’ (teenager) at Sabarimala; a ‘balak’ (child) at Kulathupuzha; a grihastha (family man) with wives at Achankovil; and a ‘tapasvi’ (ascetic) in Aryankavu; these denote the four stages of human life.


Sabarimala is essentially a denominational temple within the Ayyappa panth (stream); it has special rules and regulations appropriate to the deity in that rupa and svarupa. These rules have been practiced without demur from time immemorial and correspond to settled usage and custom. Violation, as in 2006 when an actress in the prohibited age group entered the temple, defiles the sanctity of the temple according to the Agamas, and requires purification.


The denominational nature of the temple is established by the rigorous 41-day vrat (penance) that Ayyappa Himself prescribed when he directed a king to build the temple at the spot where his arrow landed after vanquishing a demon. This includes total abstinence, celibacy, and other forms of asceticism. A person starting tapas takes blessings from his parents, elders and Guru and dons a tulsi or rudraksha maala. The aim is to purify mind and body and establish the Oneness of all beings. On the pilgrimage, each devotee is addressed as ‘Swami’ as he has become pure. Justice D.Y. Chandrachud’s view that, “To suggest that women cannot undertake the 41-day vratham is to stereotype them”, mocks at the sanctity of custom. That this has caused religious hurt can be seen from the thousands of women pouring out on the streets of Kerala cities to protest the verdict.


Only those who conclude the vrat and carry the Irumudi kettu on their heads can cross the Srichakra and ascend the final 18 steps to the sannidhanam (sanctum), to the presence of Ayyappa. Irumudi is a twin bundle with offerings for the deity on one side, and the pilgrim’s humble necessities on the other. Other devotees worship through a side entrance. The 18 steps represent the stages of knowledge and consciousness, to supreme bliss at the feet of Ayyappaswami. The vrat and Irumudi distinguish Sabarimala as a religious denomination or section thereof which, under Article 26, has the right to manage its own affairs in matters of religion.


It is inexplicable why the Supreme Court refused to accept the balaka god as a minor and a juristic entity, a settled principle in Hindu Law. In the Ram Janmabhumi case, Ramlalla (infant Rama) is a minor and juristic entity entitled to the protection of the law and to be represented by a ‘best friend’. Hindu Gods own wealth and property because they are juristic entities. In 1988, recognising this principal, a London judge returned the Chola Nataraja of Pattur to India, ruling that so long as even one stone belonging to a temple built by a Chola chieftain remains in situ, the temple continues to exist in the eye of law and has the right to own property. Sabarimala is a living temple adhering to distinct agamas; it is incorrect to designate temples as ‘public spaces’ and deny the deity’s constitutional rights.


We may ask if it is wise to destroy the sanctity of Sabarimala to satisfy the iconoclastic urges (disguised as a quest for equality) of litigants whose locus standi is suspect? The principal activists behind the Indian Young Lawyers Association & Ors Versus The State of Kerala & Ors. [Writ Petition (C) No. 373 of 2006] have admitted that they were inspired by the furore over actress Jayamala’s unlawful entry into the temple.


The erstwhile royal family of Pandalam, where Ayyappa grew up, and People for Dharma are seeking a review of the verdict, on grounds that it “has the effect of Abrahamising the core of the Hindu faith, namely diversity, and altering its identity”. The organisation laments that the court failed to enquire if the traditional practice “is essential to the identity of the Sabarimala Ayyappa Temple”. Instead, it asked if it is essential to Hindu religion, when the Sanatana Dharma has no Book or Canon with uniform beliefs and practices.


The Sabarimala restrictions have been distorted as derogatory towards women in their fertile years. Different temples run according to distinct agamas. The menstrual cycle of Assam’s Devi Kamakhya is celebrated in the Ambubachi festival; Rajo, symbolising the menstruation of Mother Earth, is a major event in Odisha. The Mahadeo temple in Chengannur celebrates women’s fertility, and transgenders have divine status in Kottankulangara.


Only Justice Indu Malhotra, the sole dissenting voice, sifted the evidence clinically and observed that the restriction on women of a certain age group was not based on misogyny or menstrual impurity, but on the celibate nature of Ayyappaswami; “what constitutes an essential religious practice is for the religious community to decide”. She questioned the locus standi of non-believers approaching the Court and claiming the right to enter the Temple, even as there was no aggrieved petitioner from Kerala. Justice Malhotra warned that in a plural and diverse country, judges must be careful before labelling a practice as discriminatory on the basis of personal morality: “issues which are matters of deep religious faith and sentiment must not ordinarily be interfered with by courts.” In fact, Courts should not interfere unless a practice is “pernicious, oppressive, or a social evil”.


The apex Court’s equation of Sabarimala customs with untouchability as defined in Article 17 of the Constitution, which refers to birth-based discrimination against some castes was unfortunate. The Kerala Government’s decision to pass The Travancore-Cochin Hindu Religious Institutions (Amendment) Act, 2018 to allow appointment of non-Hindus to the Travancore Devaswom Board was the last straw.


The author is Senior Fellow, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library; the views expressed are personal



Suspending Disbelief: Magnetic Levitation in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, at Somnath (Gujarat), Multan मुल्तान (मूलस्थान Punjab) -- Dunstan Lowe (2016)

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Levitating Shiva Linga Somnath Kazvini Persian Geographer


There is no end to the skills of the Indians, especially in architecture .
They use all the principles of Nature.
One has a Temple where the shadow of the Spire  falls within the Base of the Gopuram.
Thanjavur Big Temple.

Shiva Linga ,Somnath,Gujarat,India.Jyotir linga
Shiva Linga ,Somnath,Gujarat,India.

Spring water flows the base of the Idol.a,Thiruvanaikkaval.,Tamil Nadu
Idols in many temples change colors during a day/once in fortnight.
The composition of the elements that go into the making of the idol is unique and it can not be deciphered even by Atomic analysis-Palani,Tamil Nadu.
Thirupati Balaji Idol Sweats every morning and His Body temperature is at 110 F.
Sikkil Singaaravelan Subrahmanya,Sikkil, Tamil Nadu  sweats on Skanda Shashti.
Cool breeze wafts in the hall while the entrance to the Hall is hot,Thiruvellarai,Tamil Nadu.
One can go on.
Now we can  add one more.
Somnath Shiva Linga at Somnath,Gujarat.
The Shiva Linga, which is  among the Twelve Jyotir Lingas in India levitated.
This is recorded , not by an Indian, but by a Persian geographer while describing Ghazini’s invasion and loot of India.
This is his report.

About 1263 A.D.

The famous temple at Somnath, with its celebrated idol which was destroyed by Mahmud of Ghazni, “the Image-Breaker,” when he sacked the city in 1025–1026 A.D., has been alluded to several times in the Mohammedan section of this History. An account of the wonders of the temple and the optical delusion in connection with the idol is given by the Persian geographer Zakariyah Kazvini, who wrote, however, in Arabic, about the year 1263 A.D. Kazvini, though not a traveller himself, drew upon the works of travellers for his geographical materials, and he gives the following interesting account of the famous Somnath shrine, over whose destruction, two centuries before, he rejoices with the Moslem joy that hailed the downfall of a house of idols….

‘Somnath is a celebrated city of India, situated on the shore of the sea and washed by its waves.
Among the wonders of the place was the temple in which was placed the idol called Somnath. This idol was in the middle of the temple without anything to support it from below, or to suspend it from above. It was regarded with great veneration by the Hindus, and whoever beheld it floating in the air was struck with amazement, whether he was a Mussulman or an infidel. The Hindus used to go on pilgrimage to it whenever there was an eclipse of the moon, and would then assemble there to the number of more than a hundred thousand. They believed that the souls of men used to meet there after separation from the body, and that the idol used, at its pleasure, to incorporate them in other bodies, in accordance with their doctrine of transmigration. The ebb and flow of the tide was considered to be the worship paid to the idol by the sea.
‘Everything that was most precious was brought there as offerings, and the temple was endowed with the taxes gathered from more than ten thousand villages. There is a river, the Ganges, which is held sacred, between which and Somnath the distance is two hundred parasangs. They used to bring the water of this river to Somnath every day, and wash the temple with it. A thousand Brahmans were employed in worshipping the idol and attending on the visitors, and five hundred damsels sang and danced at the door – all these were maintained upon the endowments of the temple. The edifice was built upon fifty-six pillars of teak, covered with lead. The shrine of tile idol was dark, but was lighted by jewelled chandeliers of great value. Near it was a chain of gold weighing two hundred mans. When a portion, or watch, of the night closed, this chain used to be shaken like bells to rouse a fresh lot of Brahmans to perform worship.
‘When Sultan Mahmud, the son of Sabuktagin, went to wage religious war against India, he made great efforts to capture and destroy Somnath, in the hope that the Hindus would then become Mohammedans. He arrived there in the middle of Zu-l-ka’da, 416 A. H. (December, 1025 A.D.). The Indians made a desperate resistance. They kept going in to the temple weeping and crying for help; and then they issued forth to battle and kept fighting till all were killed. The number of the slain exceeded fifty thousand. The king looked upon the idol with wonder, and gave orders for the seizing of the spoil and the appropriation of the treasures. There were many idols of gold and silver, and countless vessels set with jewels, all of which had been sent there by the greatest personages in India. The value of the things found in the temples of the idols exceeded twenty thousand thousand dinars.
When the king asked his companions what they had to say about the marvel of the idol, and of its staying in the air without prop or support, several maintained that it was upheld by some hidden support. The king directed a person to go and feel all around and above and below it with a spear, which he did, but met with no obstacle. One of the attendants then stated his opinion that the canopy was made of loadstone, and the idol of iron, and that the ingenious builder had skilfully contrived that the magnet should not exercise a greater force on any one side – hence the idol was suspended in the middle. Some inclined toward this explanation, others differed from it. Permission was obtained from the Sultan to remove some stones from the top of the canopy to settle the point. When two stones were removed from the summit, the idol swerved on one side; when more were taken away, it inclined still further, until at last it rested on the ground.’
By Kazvini Persian Biographer.
The following is another description by a Persian Traveler about the idol.
‘The idol has a human shape and is seated with its legs bent in a quadrangular posture on a throne made of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered with a red skin like morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are visible. Some believe that the body is made of wood, some deny this; but the body is not allowed to be uncovered to decide this point. The eyes of the idol are precious gems, and its head is covered with a crown of gold. It sits in a quadrangular position on the throne, its hands resting upon its knees, with the fingers closed, so that only four can be counted.’
al-Istakhri, who journeyed through India and other Mohammedan countries in the first half of the tenth century.
Somnath Location.

गुजरात के प्रभास पत्तन में सोमनाथ का मन्दिर (१८६९ का चित्र)
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 Published on Feb 25, 2018



Somnath Temple which has been plundered too many times is the first Jyothirlinga of Hinduism... Is the Shivlinga in Somnath original ???

The Somnath temple located in Prabhas Patan near Veraval in Saurashtra on the western coast of Gujarat, India, is the first among the twelve Jyotirlinga shrines of Shiva. It is an important pilgrimage and tourist spot. The temple is considered sacred due to the various legends connected to it. Somnath means “Lord of the Soma”, an epithet of Shiva.

Gates of Somnath
Citation and Reference.
http://www.ibiblio.org/britishraj/Jackson9/chapter05.html

https://ramanan50.wordpress.com/2016/07/26/levitating-shiva-linga-somnath-kazvini-persian-geographer/

Kent Academic Repository
Mirror: https://www.academia.edu/29920163/Suspending_Disbelief_Magnetic_and_Miraculous_Levitation_from_Antiquity_to_the_Middle_Ages
Image result for levitation magnets somnath multan
Lowe, Dunstan (2016) Suspending Disbelief: Magnetic Levitation in Antiquity and the Middle
Ages. Classical Antiquity, 35 (2). pp. 247-278.
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1525/ca.2016.35.2.247
Link to record in KAR
http://kar.kent.ac.uk/57768/
Document Version
Author's Accepted Manuscript
1
Dunstan Lowe
Suspending Disbelief:
Magnetic and Miraculous Levitation from Antiquity to the Middle Ages
Abstract:
Static levitation is a form of marvel with metaphysical implications whose long history
has not previously been charted. First, Pliny the Elder reports an architect’s plan to
suspend an iron statue using magnetism, and the later compiler Ampelius mentions a
similar-sounding wonder in Syria. When the Serapeum at Alexandria was destroyed, and
for many centuries afterwards, chroniclers wrote that an iron Helios had hung
magnetically inside. In the Middle Ages, reports of such false miracles multiplied,
appearing in Muslim accounts of Christian and Hindu idolatry, as well as Christian
descriptions of the tomb of Muhammad. A Christian levitation miracle involving saints’
relics also emerged. Yet magnetic suspension could be represented as miraculous in
itself, representing lost higher knowledge, as in the latest and easternmost tradition
concerning Konark’s ruined temple. The levitating monument, first found in classical
antiquity, has undergone many cultural and epistemological changes in its long and
varied history.

1. INTRODUCTION

Although recent scholarship has extensively explored the rich history of marvels
2
and miracles,1 suspended objects have never been systematically studied. The following
discussion pursues the theme of magnetic and miraculous suspension through European
(and Asian) history from classical antiquity to modern times, revealing a continuous
tension between secular and sacred physics. For the first time, this article assembles the
diverse historical sources on levitating objects from antiquity onward (some widely
acknowledged, others barely noted within their own disciplinary partitions), proposing
new interpretations of each.2 This requires a loosely chronological approach which, at the
risk of seeming naïve, will reveal crucial connections and developments from the
Hellenistic period to the modern era. The result is a strange new sidelight on scientific,
religious, and even political developments across Europe and beyond.
I am very grateful to Harry Hine for correcting some of my errors and offering insightful
remarks, to Mike Squire for art-historical advice and ideas, and to Thomas Habinek and
the journal’s referees for many valuable suggestions.
1 The bibliography on curiosity, wonder, and marvels in history is large and growing,
though Daston and Park 1998 remains key. See e.g. Hardie 2009 on antiquity
(specifically Augustan Rome, thus excluding magnetism); Kesneth 1991 on the
Renaissance; Evans and Marr 2006 on the Renaissance and Enlightenment.
2 For example, no two of the following have been connected in previous scholarship:
Ampelius’ statue at Magnesia, Aristotle’s coffin in Sicily, the Mercury at Trier, the
Cypriot cross, Dulaf’s golden temple, Illtud’s Welsh altar, the “Monastery of the Idol,”
the elephant at Khambhat.
3
The properties of magnets have intrigued intellectuals and entertained ordinary
people since the early classical period,3 though static suspension and many other ideas
about magnetism have little dependence on observed phenomena. Demonstrations in
antiquity of magnets’ power to attract ferrous substances—typically, suspending iron
rings in a chain, or covertly moving iron from beneath a surface of some other metal—
provoked amazement and curiosity.4 Medical uses of magnets are recorded from the
second century AD and magical ones from around the fourth century (their preternatural
ability to move objects without contact resembled the occult powers of spells, which is
why a demonstration alarmed Augustine).5 Beyond these limited uses magnetism held
3 On magnets in ancient science, see Fritzsche 1902, Rommel 1927, Radl 1988, Wallace
1996. Relevant passages include Pl. Ion 533d; Ar. De Anima 405a19 (on Thales);
Theophr. On Stones 5.29; Posidippus Lithica 12 Austin and Bastianini; Lucr. 6.910-16,
1042-47. Pliny draws his classification of five “Magnesian stones” (two non-magnetic)
from Sotacus, a third-century writer on minerals, and his account of how “Magnes” the
shepherd discovered magnets from the second-century author Nicander (HN 36.127-28).
4 Rings: Plato Ion 533d, Lucr. 6.910-16, Plin. HN 34.147; iron moved from below: Lucr.
6.1043-47, Aug. Civ. D. 21.4. Initiates into the cult of the Great Gods of Samothrace
received iron finger-rings, presumably for ritual use involving magnetism: see Blakely
2012.
5 Aug. Civ. D. 21.4. On medical applications, e.g. Dioscorides, De Materia Medica
5.130; Galen, De facultatibus (magnetite is astringent, like haematite), De simplici
medicina (magnetite is purgative); see Rommel 1927: col. 483-84. In late antiquity,
magical applications appear: magnets were placed inside figurines, seemingly to give
4
little more than curiosity value, lacking mechanical applications.6 Yet it is crucial to bear
in mind that although magnetic suspension rarely has a specific maker, magical marvels
are invariably crafted by scholars, not mere zealots. They give additional proof that
magic was compatible with science and technology in medieval thought.7
Importantly, although sources from the first to sixth centuries AD mention
magnetic repulsion, it was not understood until the twelfth century that magnets have
them agency (PGM IV.1807-10, 3142); an inscribed magnet prevents conception (PGM
XXIIa.11-12); and a magnet placed under a sleeping woman diagnoses her chastity (if
faithful she will cleave to her husband, or otherwise be ejected: Lithica 306-37). Some
authors use the analogy of magnetism to explain sympathetic magic (Plin. HN 34.42, Gal.
Peri Phusikon Dunameon 1.14.44-54).
6 The only documented mechanical use of magnetism is an expensive toy described by
Claudian that plays out a simple mythological scene, like some of Hero of Alexandria’s
automata: inside a golden shrine, an iron Mars slowly approaches a magnetic Venus until
he suddenly flies forward and they embrace (Carm. min. 29.22-51): see Wallace 1996:
181, Cristante 2001-2002. Some (e.g. James and Thorpe 1995: 154, McKeown 2013:
198) claim that Claudian describes a real temple, but whatever his own religious
standpoint (see Vanderspoel 1986), he would not celebrate a pagan ritual in verse at a
Christian court. Claudian came from Alexandria, like Hero the inventor.
7 On magic and science, see Sherwood 1947, Eamon 1983, Hansen 1986, Truitt 2004. On
artificial marvels, see Daston and Park 1998: 88-108. On how the aesthetics of the
marvelous relate to artistic theory and practice, see Mirollo 1991.
5
poles and can therefore both attract and repel.8 Yet they inspired fantasies involving
colossal invisible forces. One is the magnetic mountain that wrecks ships made with iron
nails. This appears in the geographical content of Pliny and Ptolemy, but also across Asia
as far as China, as well as in Arabic and European folktales.9 The epic poet Silius Italicus
says that the Aethiopians used their abundant magnets to extract iron ore without
touching it.10 A millennium later, the Roman d’Eneas endows Carthage with magnettopped
battlements for trapping iron-clad attackers like flypaper.11 Such fantasies may
legitimately be called science fiction.
With a sufficiently cross-disciplinary perspective, we can reconstruct a long
history for the grandest of magnetism fantasies: an apparatus for permanently suspending
an object in mid-air. Accounts of full-size monumental examples recur from classical
8 On magnetic repulsion see Wallace 1996: 184-85, with citations. Tellingly, when
Posidippus describes a stone that both attracts and repels iron he only compares it to a
magnet, insofar as it attracts (Bing 2005: 264-65). Knowledge of the compass is first
attested in Europe by Guiot of Provins (1180) and Alexander Neckam (c. 1190); Peter
Peregrinus of Maricourt published the first extended treatise in 1269. The earliest known
description is Chinese (Shen Kuo, Dream Pool Essays, AD 1088).
9 Tuczay 2005: 273-74, with citations; see also Lecouteux 1984, 1999; Marzolph and van
Leeuwen 2004. The legendary Virgil visits a magnetic mountain in the Wartburgkrieg (c.
1287), Reinfried von Braunschweig (c. 1300), and later sources.
10 solis honor ille, metallo / intactum chalybem vicino ducere saxo (Sil. Pun. 3.265-67).
Ore processing, rather than mining, is probably meant.
11 Anon. Roman d’Eneas 427-40.
6
antiquity to the late medieval period. Whether authors portray levitation as mechanical,
magical, or something in between,12 they never deny its possibility. In reality Earnshaw’s
Theorem of 1839, stating that stable levitation against gravity using only ferromagnetic
materials cannot work on any scale, stands uncontested. Nonetheless, we have culturally
and geographically diverse accounts of levitating monuments from the first century AD
to the late Middle Ages and beyond. I propose that these deserve recognition as a genre
of architectural fantasy that offers new insights into the history of science, as well as the
history of interaction between religious cultures.
Magnetic levitation endows inert matter with spectacular properties, inviting
comparison with divine miracles and magic. It also shares features with real and
imaginary automata, though this is somewhat paradoxical, since the inert matter is
spectacular precisely because it does not move: unlike the other magnetic fantasies
mentioned above, levitation never involves traction. (Accordingly, I shall use the terms
“levitation” and “suspension” interchangeably.) It is sometimes regarded positively, as an
open demonstration of engineering and artistic skill, but more often negatively, as a
secret trick for faking a divine miracle.
As object of wonder, the suspended monument embodies potentiality: not only in
the obvious sense that what went up has not (yet) come down, but in other senses too. As
an architectural installation or localized miracle it is by definition non-portable and
cannot, like most artificial wonders or holy relics, be brought from the periphery to the
center of scholarly, religious, or popular experience. As physics, static levitation is
12 From antiquity to the Middle Ages, some discourses on magnetism (e.g., mageia,
Hermeticism, alchemy) resist the modern distinction between natural and supernatural.
7
theorized but unrealized: it never appears in treatises upon magnets or architecture, nor
even descriptions of magnets in lapidaries, and nobody proposes to recreate it. As
miracle, meanwhile, static levitation becomes evidence of God’s power in nature, and
even a test of spiritual intelligence.13 In the Middle Ages, reports of magnetism
proliferate and the miraculous version emerges. Perhaps the iconoclasm controversies
partly account for this, since the suspended monument proves capable of oscillating
between fraud and miracle more easily than any other legendary object.
2. ALEXANDRIA: THE POTENTIAL ARSINOE AND THE FALLEN HELIOS
Our earliest reference to a magnetic monument (and likewise, elsewhere, to a
magnetic mountain) is a report in Pliny the Elder that has resisted interpretation, despite
nuanced treatments of his larger intellectual project.14 He mentions a design by “the
13 “Some Christian writers…saw skepticism concerning wonders as the hallmark of the
narrow-minded and suspicious peasant” (Daston and Park 1998: 62); cf. Eamon 1983:
195, Bynum 2011 passim. The comeuppance of such a peasant in Lifris’ Life of Cadoc is
discussed below.
14 See e.g. Healy 1999: 158, Carne 2013: 108. On artificial wonders in Pliny, see Isager
1991 and Beagon 2011, neither of whom mention the present passage.
8
architectus Timochares,” for a temple in which an iron cult statue of Ptolemy II’s late
sister-wife Arsinoe would be suspended in the air:15
Using magnetic stone (Magnete lapide), the architect Timochares had begun
to vault a temple (templum concamarare) to Arsinoe at Alexandria, so that the
iron statue in it would seem to hang in the air (pendere in aëre videretur). This
was interrupted by his own death and by that of King Ptolemy, who had
commissioned it for his own sister.
Pliny’s videretur (“would seem”) means only that magnetism would create a
lifelike impression of flight. It is unclear whether he envisages contactless “true
levitation,” or “pseudo-levitation” in which magnetic attraction pulls against a physical
tether. Although neither could work, the latter might have seemed more feasible, since it
can be achieved using a scale model. Ptolemy II could access fabulous quantities of
precious metal and stone, and without any means of measuring magnetic field strength,
“Timochares” could have miscalculated the properties of magnetite.16 It is not impossible
that “Timochares” planned to achieve true levitation. Vitruvius credits a nearcontemporary
“Dinocrates” with an equally astonishing plan to sculpt Mount Athos into a
15 Plin. HN 34.148. The death of Ptolemy II, the alleged date of the project, was in 246
BC.
16 Even with today’s artificial supermagnets, thousands of times more powerful, such a
monument would require precision engineering and impractically large quantities of
metal to achieve suspension across even a few inches of air.
9
Rushmore-like statue, holding a city in its left hand and pouring a river from a dish in its
right.17 Alexander the Great rejected this proposal and built Alexandria instead because
Athos provided no arable land, Vitruvius says. Other, completed Ptolemaic projects
combined innovation and artistry with engineering on an unprecedented scale, including
the largest tower, automaton, and galley ever designed.18 Magnets were relatively rare
and hence semi-precious despite their dull appearance,19 which may have encouraged
artisans to consider their uses as architectural ornaments. Importantly, architectus often
means simply “inventor” and an Arsinoeion did exist at Alexandria, so Pliny’s term
concamarare probably means adding magnetite to the existing temple, not constructing
something anew. Such a plan might have won Ptolemaic sponsorship; later readers
certainly found it plausible, since Ausonius in the fourth century AD reports it as
completed.20 A temple suspending a statue using magnets would suit the contemporary
17 Vitruv. 2. praef. 2. On the programmatic implications of this anecdote, and a
discussion of the uncertainty over the architect’s name, see McEwen 2003: 91-102.
18 The Pharos: Adler 1901, Thiersch 1909, Picard 1952; the Nysa statue in Ptolemy II’s
coronation parade: Athen. Deipn. 5.198-99; the “Forty”: Plut. Demetr. 43.4-5, Athen.
Deipn. 5.203e-204b.
19 Theophrastus calls them rare (De Lapidibus 5.29). The belief that rubbing magnets
with garlic destroyed their power (Lehoux 2003) might be indirect proof of their value if
nobody thought the easy test worth the risk, as with goat’s-blood breaking diamonds
(Plin. HN 20.2) or vinegar dissolving pearls (Hor. Sat. 2.3.239-42, Plin. HN 9.59, Suet.
Cal. 37).
20 Auson. Mos. 314-17. 
10
taste for creative engineering, as did another high-tech memorial to Arsinoe, the musical
drinking-horn made by Ctesibius.21
The idea of a levitating statue could also reflect the Alexandrian milieu in more
subtle ways, having potential links with motifs in Egyptian religious art, as well as recent
developments in Greek physics. The Egyptians pictured the heavens as a curved ceiling
(or even, in the Pyramid Texts, an iron slab supported on four columns),22 and spangled
their own ceilings with stars.23 Egyptian tradition also represented pharaohs ascending to
heaven after death, and likewise Callimachus describes Arsinoe being taken up by the
Dioscuri to become the Pole Star,24 which stands at the center of the turning sky. The
“lock of Berenice” narrative a generation later shows how astronomy could contribute to
Ptolemaic self-fashioning. All this lends credence to Deonna’s suggestion that the
21 Ctesibius’ cornucopia is known only through an epigram by Hedylus (Athen. Deipn.
11.497d-e).
22 On the image of heaven as vault, see Couprie 2011: 1-13. As iron slab in the Pyramid
Texts, see Budge 1904: 1.156-57. Homer’s heaven is iron (Od. 15.329, 17.565) or bronze
(Il. 17.425, Od. 3.2) and supported by pillars (Od. 1.52-54).
23 Constructed vaults only rarely appear before the Ptolemies, but excavated chambers
frequently had curved ceilings. Whether flat or curved, they were commonly decorated
with the starry goddess Nut and other sky symbols. On the use of the star-spangled
canopy (“uraniskos”) in Greek cults of celestial deities, see Crane 1952; in later art, see
Lehmann 1945, Swift and Alwis 2010.
24 Callimachus fr. 228 Pfeiffer, with scholion. On Arsinoe as Pole Star, see Green 2004:
248. The Mendes Stele records that Arsinoe “ascended to heaven.”
11
planned monument represented Arsinoe’s catasterism.25 If the vault depicted the sky,
Pliny’s otherwise unknown “Timochares” may be a misspelling of Timocharis, a
contemporary Alexandrian astronomer whose achievements involved tracking and
mapping the constellations.26 If he proposed to decorate the vaulted ceiling over Arsinoe
with an accurate star-map, an ekphrastic epigrammatist might easily describe this as
placing the catasterized thea philadelphus “in the sky,” a phrase open to misconstruction
by later readers.27
Third-century Alexandria was also a likely context for thought experiments about
bodies suspended between countervailing forces, for philosophers and engineers alike.
Both Chrysippus and Archimedes would be active in the decades after Arsinoe died, circa
270 BC,28 and Ptolemy himself had been tutored by Strato of Lampsacus, a specialist in
cosmology.29 The Stoics had recently developed a new explanation for the earth’s poise
25 Deonna 1914: 106.
26 On the confusion over Timocharis and related names, see Fabricius, Pauly-Wissowa
Realencyclopädie s.v. “Deinochares.” Pliny’s reference to Ptolemy Philadelphus’ death
implies that “Timochares” died around 246 BC.
27 Unfortunately translation from Latin to Greek is highly unlikely, so we cannot explain
the whole concept of magnetic levitation as a translation error involving some lost
epigram whereby Arsinoe or the ceiling went from s􀆯d􀆟r􀆟a “celestial, star-spangled” to
􀇶 􀇧􀇡􀇴􀇨􀇤  made of iron  ἵcf. 􀇶􀇬􀇧􀇪􀇴 􀇷􀇬􀇵  magnet”: Philod. Sign. 9, Strab.15.1.38).
28 Timocharis is thought to have lived c. 320-260 BC, Archimedes c. 287-212,
Chrysippus c. 279-206.
29 Diog. Laert. 5.3.1.
12
at the center of the cosmos (besides its own symmetry): the dynamic force of pneuma
acting equally upon it from all directions.30 Sambursky points out that the term isobares,
“equal weight,” used by Chrysippus also appears in proposition 1.3 of Archimedes’ On
Floating Bodies, which states that a solid immersed in fluid of equivalent volume neither
sinks nor rises.31 Suggestively, our late antique source for Chrysippus’ terminology
replaces push with pull, comparing the static earth to an object pulled by cords in all
directions with equal force.32 Perhaps a Hellenistic author imagined a magnet-clad arch
as a thought experiment, illustrating either a principle of hydrostatics or the Stoic cosmos,
which generated an urban myth for paradoxographers and ultimately Pliny. These are
only speculations, but it is tempting to derive “Timochares” and his magnetism from
known facts about the cultural climate of Ptolemaic Alexandria.
In some ways, Pliny establishes norms for later descriptions of magnetic
levitation, but in others he is unique. His description is the last to mention a potential
monument. It is also among the minority that specify a designer and date of construction,
30 Sambursky 1959: 109.
31 Sambursky 1959: 111. Archimedes himself was reportedly an astronomer’s son and
owned two orreries (probably heliocentric, cf. his Sand-reckoner): see Jaeger 2008.
32 Achilles Isagoge 4 = von Arnim VSF 2.555, probably third century AD (Sambursky
1959: 109). Independently, in the early twelfth century, Bruno of Segni directly compares
the earth’s suspension (by God) with that of a magnetic statue (Sententiae 3 = PL
165.983d).
13
and the only to do so without scorn.33 Pliny’s brevity led to centuries of uncertainty about
how static levitation should work. Yet several features become near-universal: all later
accounts describe true (contactless) levitation, not pseudo (tethered). Generally, the
suspended object is not a magnet,34 and just as Pliny’s reference to a vault (concamarare)
implies multiple magnets holding the object at a focal point, most later sources mention a
vault or dome, despite one-magnet, two-magnet, and four-magnet configurations. Finally,
virtually every magnetic monument is, like Pliny’s, portrayed as one of a kind.35 This
makes the levitating artifact the sole remnant of a lost skill, suspended in time as well as
space; since relics represent loss of another kind, Christian levitation-miracles supply
equally evocative remnants.
After Pliny we turn to late antiquity, when faith comes to the fore and the longest
and most coherent tradition about magnetic levitation begins, based on the historic temple
of Serapis at Alexandria. It has an obvious link to the “Timochares” tale, being set in the
same city. The Serapeum complex, built by Ptolemy III, was thoroughly destroyed by
Christians around AD 391 following the Theodosian decrees. After this event, numerous
historians report that an iron image of Helios had been suspended within using
magnetism. They mention it after describing the Serapis cult-statue, a dazzling colossus
of multiple precious stones and metals. Both descriptions imbue the ruined site of
33 The exceptions (discussed below) are Gehazi’s and Jeroboam’s idols, Yablunus’
“Monastery of the Idol,” and the mausoleum of “Magus” of Muhammad in Embrico.
34 The unique exception is the idol ascribed to Gehazi in the Talmud.
35 Gehazi’s idol is again exceptional, being compared to those of Jeroboam.
14
worship with sinful exoticism. This combination recurs in much later tales of similar
wonders, gratifying the imagination while sharpening the moral lesson of righteous
destruction.. The earliest account appears in Tyrannius Rufinus, who specifies only a
single magnet:36
There was also another kind of deception, namely the following: the magnet is
known to be of such a nature that it seizes upon and attracts iron. A craftsman
(artifex) had with very skilful hand fashioned an iron image of the Sun
(signum Solis) for this very purpose, so that the stone—we have said that it
has the property of attracting iron—was fixed in the ceiling-coffers above (in
laquearibus fixus). When the image had been placed precisely under the ray
and balanced (sub ipso radio ad libram), and by force of nature the stone
attracted the iron, the image seemed to the people to have risen up and be
hanging in the air (in aëre pendere). And in case this was betrayed by a
sudden fall, the treacherous ministers used to say, “The Sun has risen, so that
bidding farewell to Serapis, he may go off to his own place.”
Rufinus’ description is evidently fantastical, but the circumstantial details make it sound
as if some mechanical trick were indeed used. Schwartz has plausibly suggested that
Rufinus transposed this and other elements from the earlier destruction of the moon-god
Sîn at Carrhae (the medieval “Harran,” discussed below).37 Christopher Jones recently
36 Rufinus Ecclesiastical History 2.23.
37 Schwartz 1966. Pola1ski 1998: 122-28 contests certain aspects.
15
offered new reasons to identify this with a temple that contained “secret devices of the
ceiling” and many iron statues.38 In any case, Ptolemaic Alexandria had been home to the
inventors Ctesibius, Philo, and later Hero, who recorded how to create apparently
supernatural effects such as self-opening temple doors.39 Rufinus may represent a
repurposed version of Pliny’s “Timochares” anecdote, but in any case, Christian authors
for centuries to come treated the Sun-image as an important detail of the Serapeum’s
destruction. For Pliny (and Ampelius, as we shall soon see) the magnetic monument was
an end in itself, edifying and entertaining, resembling his larger distillation of world
knowledge. Rufinus gave it much deeper implications as an instrument with a purpose,
like most artificial wonders whether magical or technological. For the Christian
chroniclers it was a faith-machine, generating false belief until its magnetic workings
were physically or intellectually exposed. Conversely, we shall find that in some accounts
of levitation in the second millennium (both Christian and non-Christian), the magnetic
workings are themselves the belief-sustaining miracle. This reflects the view prevailing in
38 Jones 2013; Libanius Or. 30.44-45. If so, Theodoret’s claim that a female corpse—
disemboweled for omens by the occultist Julian—was found inside the Carrhae temple
“suspended by the hair” (􀋪􀇭 􀇷 􀇰 􀇷􀇴􀇬􀇺 􀇰 􀇼􀇴􀇪􀇯􀇠􀇰􀇲􀇰, Church History 3.21 = PG
82.1119) might well derive from magnetic suspension: decades earlier, Ausonius
described Arsinoe’s statue as magnetically suspended “by its iron-clad hair” (affictamque
trahit ferrato crine puellam, Mosella 317). 
39 Hero Pneumatica 1.17, 38-39. It may also be relevant that Manetho, a Ptolemaic
authority on the Serapis cult, dubbed magnetite “the bone of Horus”—often identified as
the sun-god—and iron “the bone of Typhon” (Plut. De Is. et Os. 62).
16
High Middle Age Christendom that the supernatural or inexplicable is evidence of God’s
power in nature.40 Indeed, as I shall demonstrate later, magnetism would directly inspire a
Christian relic-powered form of miracle.
Repeated mentions of the Serapeum Helios throughout the Middle Ages, with
occasional changes, shed light on how magnetic levitation was thought to work. Probably
the most widely read report after Pliny’s appears in Augustine’s City of God. It was
written soon after 410, only postdating Rufinus’ history by a few years, yet several details
are different. Augustine passingly describes magnetic levitation as a false miracle
achieved “in a certain temple” (in quodam templo):41
The marvels that they call “contrivances” (mirifica, quae 􀇯􀇪􀇺􀇤􀇰􀇡􀇯􀇤􀇷􀇤 
appellant), made by human skill through manipulating God’s creation, are so
many and so great that those who don’t know better think them divine. So it
happened that in a certain temple, where magnets were placed in the ground
and the vault in proportion to their size [in solo et camera proportione
magnitudinis positis], an iron statue was suspended in mid-air between the
two stones. To those unaware of what was above and below, it hung as if by
divine power.
40 See Bynum 2011, whose discussion on the materiality of saints’ bodies may in some
respects be extended to physical matter in general. On the cult of relics in eastern
Christendom, see recently Hahn and Klein 2015.
41 Augustine Civ. D. 21.6. Isid. Orig. 16.4 merely repeats Augustine and Pliny.
17
Augustine goes on to say that supposed miracles such as this levitating statue—his use of
the Greek 􀇯􀇪􀇺􀇤􀇰􀇡􀇯􀇤􀇷􀇤 collectively secularizes non-Christian mirifica—are not proofs
of divine power but simple tricks using either mechanisms or magic. Although he almost
certainly means the Helios statue at Alexandria, he specifies magnets both above and
below it, contradicting Rufinus. This alternative guess at the workings of magnetic
suspension is also impossible,42 but marginally more plausible than one magnet pulling
against gravity. Perhaps a shared source had envisaged the multiple-magnet, focal-point
model and Augustine’s version is more faithful than Rufinus’. In the second quarter of
the fifth century, Augustine’s student Quodvultdeus repeats Rufinus’ one-magnet
configuration but seems to derive his account from an independent source. He does not
name the statue but calls it a quadriga (four-horse chariot); Helios was usually
represented driving a quadriga. The tale of its destruction has also become dramatized:43
At Alexandria in the temple of Serapis this was offered as “proof” of a spirit
(hoc argumentum daemonis fuit): an iron chariot with no plinth to support it
and no hooks attaching it to the walls, hanging in the air (in aëre pendens). It
stunned everyone and, to mortal eyes, seemed to display divine assistance,
although in fact a magnet attached to the vault in that spot (eo loco camerae
affixus), which kept the iron joined to it and hanging, was holding up the
42 Even if the poles were aligned, gravity and air currents would instantly dislodge the
statue.
43 Quodvultdeus De promissionibus et praedictionibus dei 38 = PL 51 834c (attributed
there to Prosper of Aquitaine, but see e.g. Radl 1988).
18
entire assemblage (totam illam machinam sustentabat). Accordingly, when
one inspired servant of God had figured this out (id intellexisset), he sneaked
the magnet away (subtraxit) from the vault and instantly the whole display
collapsed and broke apart. This showed that it was not divine, as a mortal man
had proved (firmaverit).
In Quodvultdeus, the single magnet is small and portable enough for an iconoclast to
remove without detection, essentially a magic talisman whose spell breaks when it is
removed from its place of concealment. Quodvultdeus also mentions the vault, like
Augustine, whereas Rufinus has the magnet embedded in the coffers of the ceiling. Two
ninth-century texts show further changes. Haymo of Halberstadt faithfully reproduces
Rufinus’ account but adds that the statue is huge, gilded, and suspended between two
magnets (Augustine-style).44 Conversely, Haymo’s Byzantine near-contemporary George
the Monk describes the “statue of wickedness” (􀇨 􀇧􀇲􀇵 􀇭􀇤􀇭􀇲􀇸􀇴􀇦􀇢􀇤􀇵) as hanging from
one magnet in the coffers (Rufinus-style). In George the iron is far more hidden, and the
magnet’s strength is more enormous, since the statue is now bronze with iron merely
nailed inside its head. The Suda quotes George’s description verbatim in the tenth
44 lapidibus magnetibus in solo et camera…simulacrum ferreum deauratum mirae
magnitudinis (Epitome of the Sacred History 8 = PL 118.873c). Bruno of Segni follows
this description closely (Sententiae 3 = PL 165.983d).
19
century, and Cedrenus paraphrases it closely in the eleventh.45 Only in the early twelfth
(AD 1118) does Michael Glycas introduce a new variation:46
In that temple there was a statue that hung irresistibly aloft; for pieces of iron
were fastened around it—the statue, of course—in a circle, and magnets
fastened directly opposite them, and it was suspended between the floor and
the roof. For being drawn equally from four directions, and not leaning
anywhere, it was forced to hang in mid-air.
Although we know little about the sources for these historical notices of the Serapeum
Helios, they clearly vary according to how the properties of magnets are imagined.47 In
retrospect, based on this later consensus that magnetic forces are hugely stable and
powerful, the ambition ascribed to “Timochares” could well be true. Our sources disagree
on how the Helios was suspended: Rufinus claims that it hung from a magnet above, as if
on an invisible chain, whereas Augustine’s statue, probably the same one, is the first to
have magnets pulling up and down simultaneously. (Even for someone who believed in
stable suspension from one magnet, the second would serve to prevent the object from
45 George the Monk Chronicon 2.584.18-2.585.6; Suda s.v. 􀇐􀇤􀇦􀇰 􀇷􀇬􀇵; Cedrenus
Compendium Historiarum 325b Niebuhr = PG 121.620.
46 Michael Glycas Chronicle 4.257 = PG 158.433.
47 Descriptions of magnetic monuments seem unconcerned with the brief remarks on
magnetism by classical philosophers (see Radl 1988), which concern only the nature of
the force, not the factors affecting its strength or the effects of competing forces.
20
swinging.) Finally, Quodvultdeus’ magnet is a small, removable talisman, which
completes the transformation of the levitating statue: a putative engineering challenge in
the Hellenistic age, with the properties of magnets on show, becomes a magic-based
religious fraud in late antiquity, with the properties of magnets kept secret. As we shall
see, later medieval accounts transfer the false miracle from paganism to other religions.
The variations between arrangements of magnets tell us much about
contemporary theories of magnetism. In Rufinus and Quodvultdeus, magnets hold objects
at fixed lengths by pulling against gravity, whereas in most sources, two or more magnets
pull simultaneously. However, in most accounts, magnetically suspended objects cannot
be dislodged by force, and only move when the magnet is extracted.48 It is doubtful that
the invisible forces in magnetic monuments were ever imagined as “elastic,” i.e. as
varying by distance, since as we shall see in later sources, multiple magnets emphatically
prevent the suspended object from any movement. Carefully positioned magnets are
consistently pictured as generating unbreakable chains, not fields, which is why the
suspended object’s shape and weight hardly matter. Rufinus’ remark that the Serapeum
priests were afraid of the statue falling is not based, as one might expect, on the fear that
it might easily shift from its exact position. Rufinus’ priests are only as afraid as they
would be for any statue hanging from a chain.
48 The coffin of St. Paulinus is an interesting case: it no longer levitates because some
unbelievers wickedly pushed it to the ground (post multos annos a quibusdam infidelibus
depressum subsedit, Gesta Treverorum 43 = PL 154.1164). However, it was suspended
by God rather than by magnets (see discussion below), so it is not an exception to the
rule.
21
3. INVISIBLE BONDS AS BASIS FOR CHRISTIAN MIRACLES
Invisible suspension reappears in the fourth and fifth centuries in the form of
Christian miracles, which do not involve magnets, but deserve discussion as they
reinforce the “invisible chains” hypothesis by imitating suspension by ropes. One
example appears in Rufinus’ narrative of how an unnamed woman, later identified with
St. Nina, converted the Caucasian kingdom of Iberia.49 The third column of the Iberians’
inaugural church seemed impossible to lift and was abandoned overnight. Next morning
they found it hanging perpendicular, one foot above its pedestal, and before the rejoicing
crowd it sank into position (the remainder were easily erected). It behaved as if moved by
an invisible crane. Likewise, miraculous suspensions of demoniacs during exorcism, first
attested in Hilary of Poitiers and three near-contemporaries,50 mimic a torture method
documented in martyrology.51 It differs sharply from the voluntary aerobatics of sorcerers
49 Tyrannius Rufinus Historia Ecclesiastica 1.10 = PL 481c-482c.
50 Hilary of Poitiers Contra Constantium 8.2-10; Jerome Vita Hilarionis 13.6, Epistles
108.13; Sulpicius Severus Dialogi 3.6.2-4; Paulinus of Nola Carmen 23.82-95. Two later
Greek examples are divergent: in Palladius a demoniac levitates during exorcism, swells,
and emits water (Historia Lausiaca 22), and in Sozomen another levitates (without
specified Christian agency) and taunts John the Baptist (Historia Ecclesiastica 7.24.8).
51 Wi;niewski (2002: 373-74) makes this point cautiously but convincingly, quoting a
sixth-century description of a demoniac shouting confessions while hanging by his
22
like Simon Magus, who resemble birds (or rather Icarus, whose pride led to a fall).52 The
four early sources consistently describe demoniacs hanging before saints upside down,
specifying that their clothes are supernaturally held upward to cover their nakedness.
Decades earlier, Eusebius’ description of martyrdoms at Thebais mentioned the “cruel
and shameful spectacle” of women indecently suspended by one foot from pulleys
(􀇯􀇤􀇦􀇦􀇟􀇰􀇲􀇬􀇵 􀇷􀇬􀇶 􀇰).53 This implies that these miraculous levitations of humans came
about because martyrdom was sublimated into exorcism. As saints torture demons into
confessing, the demoniac hangs temporarily from invisible ropes, just as metal objects
hang more permanently from invisible chains.54
elbows over a saint’s cinerary urn, like criminals “condemned to flogging on nooses”
(tendiculis iudicum sententia verberari, Anon. Vita Patrum Iurensium 42). Wi;niewski
also quotes Augustine comparing the tormented status of demons (physically celestial,
spiritually terrestrial) with suspension head-downwards (Civ. D. 9.9).
52 Anon. Acts of Peter; cf. Iamblichus De mysteriis Aegyptiorum 3.5.112.3-5. Demons
were imagined as native to the air. Gregory of Tours (Liber Miraculorum 24 = PL
71.735c) combines exorcism with aerobatics: the saint extracts a confession by lifting
someone by the feet and dropping him on his head (cf. Constantius of Lyons Vita
Germani 7.18-37).
53 Eusebius Historia Ecclesiastica 8.9. It may be relevant that in Sophronius’ seventhcentury
Life of Mary of Egypt, Zosimas clothes Mary’s nakedness immediately before her
levitation that closely resembles exorcism (Life 15 = PG 87.3708d).
54 The same principle underlies a later class of miracle (attributed to Goar, Aicandrus,
Aldhelm, Dunstan, and others) in which saints accidentally cause garments to levitate by
23
4. SYRIA: NIKE AND BELLEROPHON
Our second-earliest classical source concerning levitation (after Pliny) is
frequently overlooked, but will prove very significant. It is a brief notice in a catalogue of
the world’s wonders from Ampelius’ book of facts for boys, probably written in the
fourth century AD. Unlike the Arsinoe monument, it is described as real and is located in
a different prosperous Hellenic city:55
At Magnesia-under-Sipylus there are four columns. Between these columns is
an iron Victory, hanging without any suspension (pendens sine aliquo
vinculo), bobbing in the air (in aëre ludens); but every time there is wind or
rain (quotiens ventus aut pluvia fuerit), it does not move.
Ampelius does not actually mention magnets, but his ultimate source probably did, since
the levitating Nike is both made of iron and located at Magnesia, reputed origin of
Magnesia lapis or magnetite.56 That source was probably a Hellenistic Greek
hanging them on a sunbeam. This is modelled on the use of wooden perches as coatracks:
the first recorded example (Waldelbert’s expanded Life of St. Goar) makes this explicit.
55 Ampelius Liber Memorialis 8.9.
56Ancient sources already show uncertainty over which Magnesia (those in Thessaly, on
the Maeander in the province of Syria, and under Mount Sipylus in the province of Asia)
24
paradoxography from Alexandria.57 Like Erotes, Nikai were commonly portrayed in
flight and sometimes used as metal pendants in jewelry: suspending Nike aloft, perhaps
using a concealed bracket, would be a reasonable continuation of Greek sculptors’ efforts
to represent her alighting weightlessly, as in the famous Paionian and Samothracian
statues. We hear of a sizeable mechanically suspended Nike statue at Pergamum in the
first century BC.58 It seems likely that Ampelius’ “four columns” means a tetrapylon,
since there is at least one Hellenistic parallel for a goddess statue thus installed.59
exported magnetite. Its other early names, “Heraclean stone” and “Lydian stone”
(Rommel 1927: col. 475), offer little help because there were also several Heracleas. This
may be the most overdue application of magnetometry to any ancient enigma.
57 von Rohden 1875: 3-29.
58 In the theater at Pergamum, which is far north of Magnesia but still within the
Hellenistic province of Asia, a suspended Nike was employed to lower a crown onto
Mithridates Eupator (Plut. Sull. 11). On nikai as pendants in jewelry, see LIMC s.v. Nike.
59 At least one tetrapylon in Hellenistic Syria contained a goddess statue, although no
exact parallel for a Nike image survives. When Seleucus destroyed the city of Antigonia
in the second century BC, he installed a statue of Antigonia’s Tyche inside a tetrapylon at
Antioch (Malalas 8.201). This is probably the Tyche shown sitting between two pairs of
columns on Antiochene coin-issues, especially of the second and third centuries AD
(LIMC s.v. Antiocheia). Other Syrian cities including Anjar, Palmyra, and Aphrodisias
gained tetrapyla between the second and fourth centuries AD; Palmyra’s tetrakionion
could have housed four statues, although none survive. That of Aphrodisias bears reliefs
of Nikai and Erotes in flight. An Aphrodite statue in fifth-century Gaza occupied a plinth
25
Meanwhile, his description of the Nike, which even wobbles (when touched?), matches
the model I have established for magnetic forces as invisible chains (especially sine
aliquo vinculo).60
Despite sharing the recurrent assumption that magnets work like chains, Ampelius
is best treated separately from the “mainstream” tradition about Alexandria that I have
outlined, because he seems to preserve an independent tradition concerning the Near East
that surfaces again many centuries later. This late resurgence has two points of contact
with Ampelius’ brief notice, one geographic, the other thematic. In the High Middle Ages
we hear of a new levitating monument: a giant airborne statue of Bellerophon riding
Pegasus. Scholars have traced its evolution from what was probably a genuine monument
from classical antiquity into a world wonder.61 This begins with Cosmas of Maiuma’s
eighth-century commentary on Gregory of Nazianzus’ poems.62 Gregory alludes to the
at a crossroads, perhaps within another tetrapylon (􀇳􀇨􀇴  􀇷  􀇭􀇤􀇮􀇲􀈀􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇰
􀇷􀇨􀇷􀇴􀇟􀇯􀇹􀇲􀇧􀇲􀇰...􀋪􀇳􀇟􀇰􀇼 􀇥􀇼􀇯􀇲  􀇮􀇬􀇫􀇢􀇰􀇲􀇸, Mark the Deacon Vita Porphyrii 59). Classical
Magnesia-under-Sipylus (modern Manisa) remains largely unexcavated.
60 Pliny describes both a “rocking stone” at Harpasa (cautes stat horrenda uno digito
mobilis, eadem, si toto corpore inpellatur, resistens, HN 2.98, cf. Ap. Rhod. Argon.
1.1304-1308) and the colossal Zeus at Tarentum, said to revolve on its axis and as
resisting force despite yielding to manual pressure (mirum in eo quod manu, ut ferunt,
mobilis ea ratio libramenti est, ut nullis convellatur procellis, HN 34.40).
61 Reinach 1912, Deonna 1914, Rushforth 1919.
62 Eckhardt 1949: 80 wrongly derives pseudo-Bede’s levitating Bellerophon from Prosper
of Aquitaine (i.e. Quodvultdeus).
26
Seven Wonders rather obliquely and Cosmas only gets some of them right; for example,
he knows that one of the two statues is the Colossus of Rhodes, but seems unaware of the
Zeus at Olympia. Perhaps because Cosmas is a native of Damascus in Syria and more
familiar with the near East, a different statue comes to mind:63
􀋦􀇦􀇤􀇮􀇯􀇤 􀇳􀇟􀇮􀇬􀇰 􀋪􀇶􀇷 􀇰 􀇷  􀋪􀇰 􀇖􀇯􀈀􀇴􀇰  􀇷􀇲  􀇆􀇨􀇮􀇮􀇨􀇴􀇲􀇹􀇿􀇰􀇷􀇲􀇸, 􀇳􀇨􀇴 􀋪􀇶􀇷 􀇰 􀋪􀇳  
􀇺􀇡􀇯􀇤􀇷􀇲􀇵 􀋪􀇳  􀇷 􀇰 􀇫􀇟􀇮􀇤􀇶􀇶􀇤􀇰 􀇳􀇴􀇲􀇭􀈀􀇳􀇷􀇲􀇰 􀇷􀇲  􀇷􀇨􀇢􀇺􀇲􀇸􀇵,  􀇷􀇨 􀇔􀇡􀇦􀇤􀇶􀇲􀇵
􀇳􀇳􀇲􀇵 􀇯􀇬􀇭􀇴 􀇰 􀇳􀇬􀇶􀇫􀇨􀇰 􀇷􀇲  􀇳􀇲􀇧 􀇵 􀇭􀇤􀇷􀇨􀇺􀇿􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇵, 􀇳􀇲􀇮􀇮􀇟􀇭􀇬􀇵 􀇯 􀇰 􀋶􀇴􀇠􀇯􀇤
􀇶􀇤􀇮􀇨􀇸􀇲􀈀􀇶􀇪􀇵 􀇶􀇸􀇰􀇨􀇳􀇿􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇵 􀇺􀇨􀇬􀇴􀇿􀇵∙ 􀇳􀇴􀇲􀇼􀇫􀇲􀈀􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇵 􀇧  􀇶 􀇰 􀇥􀇢 , 􀇯􀇠􀇰􀇼􀇰 􀇳􀇟􀇦􀇬􀇲􀇵
􀇭􀇤  􀋚􀇭􀇴􀇟􀇧􀇤􀇰􀇷􀇲􀇵. 
The second “statue” is that of Bellerophon in Smyrna, which is on a carriage
above the sea pointing out over the wall. Pegasus the horse is attached
discreetly behind one hoof, rocking slightly many times when a hand follows
along with it, but remaining firm and unshaken when shoved with force.
No such statue is attested elsewhere. I suggest that Gregory or his source wrote “Syria”
(􀇖􀇸􀇴􀇢 ), not “Smyrna” (􀇖􀇯􀈀􀇴􀇰 ), since a likely site for such a statue was Syria’s
maritime city of Bargylia, which derived its name from Bargylus, Bellerophon’s friend
killed by Pegasus.64 Cosmas’ Bellerophon is wondrous because deceptively resilient.65
63 Cosmas Commentarii in sancti Gregorii Nazanzieni carmina = PG 38.545-46.
64 Steph. Byz. s.v. 􀇆􀇤􀇴􀇦􀈀􀇮􀇬􀇤 (quoting Apollonius of Aphrodisias’ Karika, c.AD 200).
According to Ampelius, Syria’s Mount Bargylus had another wondrously resilient
27
This probably reminded later readers of magnetic monuments locked in place by invisible
chains, especially Ampelius’ Nike, which wobbled but stayed put. That would explain
why, in the tenth-century Seven Wonders of the World, the statue “at Smyrna” is now
made of iron and magnetic stones “in the vaults” (archivolis) suspend it in equilibrium (in
mensura aequiparata consistit), even though it weighs around 5000 pounds.
This Bellerophon is no longer poised to leap from a cliff-top, but airborne within
Smyrna. It has apparently merged with Ampelius’ levitating Nike; indeed, Magnesiaunder-
Sipylus was only twenty miles northeast of Smyrna, enjoying sympolity with it.
The magnets are fixed in the conventional “vaults,” probably meaning vertical
suspension; but the non-vertical hinc et inde implies horizontal suspension between two
or more magnets, for which the only precedent is Ampelius. In the twelfth century, the
well-read pilgrim “Master Gregory” attempts to reconcile his reading of the Seven
Wonders with what he personally saw at Rome. Despite following his source closely,
artwork: a lamp outside a temple of Venus that burned constantly, resisting wind and rain
(quam neque ventus extinguit, nec pluvia aspargit: Ampelius Liber Memorialis 8, cf.
Aug. Civ. D. 21.6).
65 Reinach 1912 and Deonna 1914: 102 believe that this statue somehow oscillated in a
socket. I suggest instead that the effect was achieved by embedding a metal armature
deep into the base, and Cosmas means that Pegasus wobbled or vibrated when shoved,
but was never dislodged.
28
Gregory relocates the Bellerophon to Rome on the basis of a textual error,66 which (since
he observed nothing like it there) obliged him to consider it a thing of the past.
Pseudo-Bede’s and Gregory’s Bellerophons hang between multiple magnets Ampeliusstyle,
not from a single magnet Rufinus-style, nor as a pair above and below Augustinestyle.
However, Gregory’s wording suggests that his occupies the focal point inside a
round-topped Roman archway. 67 It is tempting to see this focal-point arrangement as the
reason why levitating statues usually hang within vaults (and as we shall see, domes). It
may even be what our earliest sources intended, though descriptions vary over time.
5. NEAR EASTERN IDOL-WORSHIP AND THE TOMBS OF SAINTS
66 As Rushforth 1919: 43-44 shrewdly observes, Gregory must have read the Seven
Wonders (or something similar) not with in Smyrna civitate, “in the city of Smyrna,” but
with the variant in summa civitate, “over the top of the City.” (I have already suggested
that Smyrna was itself a corruption of Syria.) Meanwhile the name Bellerophon has been
corrupted to “Belloforon” and the weight tripled to 15000 Roman libra (the lower weight
of 5000 is realistic for a full-size iron equestrian statue. Estimating one libra at 328.9g
makes 5000 libra around 1640 kg; the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius, which is
over-life-size and made of heavier bronze, weighs 1920 kg: Marabelli 1994: 2).
67 Magnets exert equal forces “in the arches of the vault” (in arcus voltura, Rushforth’s
emendation of in arcus involsura).
29
During the first millennium AD, the ancient cultures of the Levant—or rather, the
reflections of their cultural heirs—yield a handful of allusions to levitation that differ
from those in our Greek and Latin sources. The Midrash (c.AD 200) reports among
hypotheses about how Gehazi sinned that “Some say he set up a lodestone according to
the sin of Jeroboam and made it stand between heaven and earth.”68 Jeroboam had
erected two golden calves as cult-objects in Bethel and Dan (II Kings viii.3); according to
the Babylonian Gemara (c.AD 500), he deployed magnets to hold these in mid-air.
Although the mechanical details differ,69 these remarks agree with the Serapeum
chroniclers (and many later reports of magnetic suspension) that idolaters successfully
created false miracles using magnetism. More surprisingly, a theory ascribed elsewhere
in the Gemara to the third-century Rabbi Jose ben Hanina involves a sacred usage.70
When asked how David could wear the gold Ammonite crown weighing one Babylonian
talent (around 30 kg: 2 Samuel xii.30), the Rabbi suggests that a magnetic stone held it
above his head.71
68 Tractate Sotah fol. 47a (trans. Robert Travers Herford).
69 The first passage is the only known pre-modern description of a magnet itself
levitating, instead of suspending other objects. The second passage also differs from
Greek and Roman accounts because it neither indicates where the magnets were placed
nor suggests that the golden calves contained iron.
70 Gemara Avodah Zarah fol. 44a.
71 This is probably inspired by the suspension of a heavy crown (from a chain inside an
arch) over the Sassanian monarch at Ctesiphon: see Erdmann 1951: 114-17.
30
To these three Talmudic examples we may add an Arabic one. Ibn Wahshiyya’s
translation of The Nabatean Agriculture in the early tenth century AD explains that when
Tammuz was murdered, Babylon’s statues all assembled in the temple of the Sun to
mourn him, whereupon the large golden Sun figure, normally suspended between heaven
and earth, came down among them. The date and authorship of The Nabatean Agriculture
itself is very uncertain, let alone this particular fable, but influences from late antique and
medieval Greek agronomic texts (mediated through the context of medieval Iraq) have
been detected elsewhere.72 This Babylonian Sun-statue could therefore derive partly from
the Alexandrian one, even though its levitation is a supernatural miracle with no mention
of magnets.73 Meanwhile, it is a golden idol, like Jeroboam’s calves, hangs “between
heaven and earth,” like Gehazi’s magnet, and is neutral or positive in character, like
David’s golden crown. These allusions all envisage non-Jewish peoples suspending
golden objects in the air, without mentioning vaults, iron, or extant monuments, but are
otherwise heterogeneous. Perhaps Western reports of magnetic suspension influenced
some or all of these Semitic reports of levitating gold objects, but indirectly at best. They
have no obvious bearing on its recurrent associations with the Near East.
72 The relevant passage is reported in Maimonides Guide for the Perplexed 29. The
Nabatean Agriculture and its interpretative problems are discussed in Hämeen-Anttila
2002–2003.
73 Two other tenth-century Muslim writers, describing India, mention a suspended idol
and golden temple without mentioning magnetism (Abu Dulaf and Al-Mas’udi, discussed
below), though no connection with Ibn Wahshiyya can be made.
31
After Ibn Wahshiyya, many other Muslim scholars report non-Muslims
worshipping levitating objects, in which the relationship between trick and miracle
remains close. The first and fullest reference to a levitating tomb of a Christian saint or
sage on Sicily comes from Ibn Hawqal in the late tenth century:74
The great city of Balarm (Palermo)…contains a large mosque for assembly,
which was the church of Rome before the conquest, and where there is an
impressive shrine. I have heard from a logician that the philosopher (hakim) of
the Greeks, Arastutalis (Aristotle), was suspended in a wooden coffin within
this chapel, which Muslims have converted into a mosque. The Christians
honored his tomb and went there to receive healing, because they had seen
how the Greeks had regarded and revered him. He also told me that he lies
suspended between heaven and earth so that people can beg him to send rain
or bestow a cure, or for all other important matters in which it is essential to
address God in the highest and propitiate him: in case of misfortune,
destruction, or civil war. And there I saw a wooden coffin which was probably
his tomb.
74 Ibn Hawqal Surat al-‘Ard, translation adapted from Vanoli 2008: 247-48.
32
Palermo had been Arab-controlled since AD 831, so Ibn Hawqal’s informer was telling a
tale set more than two centuries in the past.75 This imagined veneration of Aristotle
reflects mutual Christian and Muslim respect for him in the tenth century, when Sicily
was pre-eminent in Aristotelian scholarship. These remains, surely belonging to a
Christian saint, become those of Galen or Socrates in later Muslim references.76 As a
Greek hakim occupying a suspended coffin, Aristotle represents occult Hermetic
knowledge reimagined as Christian hierolatry. The hakim-saint purportedly received
intercessory prayers while poised between heaven and earth, neatly encapsulating Sicily’s
cultural melting pot. On Cyprus, another “frontier island,” Christian-Muslim interactions
proved less harmonious. The silver-clad wooden cross of the Good Thief, which St.
Helena brought to Stavrovouni Monastery, was miraculously suspended before the gaze
of several pilgrims who recorded the experience.77 Felix Faber’s description is fullest: the
75 The eleventh-century Book of Curiosities says only that Christians at Palermo used to
pray to “a piece of wood” for rain (Savage-Smith 2014: 457), indicating that it was not
revered during Arab occupation.
76 In the thirteenth century, the Tunisian author Ibn al-Shabb􀆗t says that Sicily is where
Ğ􀆗l􀆯n􀇌s (Galen) is buried; in the fifteenth century, al-B􀆗kuw􀆯 says it was Sukrat
(Socrates): citations in Vanoli 2008: 249-50.
77 Daniel the Traveler Puteshestive igumena Daniila; Wilbrand of Oldenburg Itinerarium
terrae sanctae 30 (Itinera Hierosolymitana Crucesignatorum III p. 230); Ogier
d’Anglure Le Saint Voyage de Jherusalem 295; Felix Faber Evagatorium 36B-37B.
These visits occurred respectively in AD 1106, 1211, 1395, and 1480. Around 1370,
Guillaume de Machaut attested its fame in verse (Prise d’Alexandrie 291-98).
33
cross hung within a blind window, its arms and foot reaching into oversized recesses.
Like Cosmas’ Bellerophon (and Ampelius’ Nike) it wobbled when touched,78 and was
probably suspended on a concealed metal bracket. But we have two Muslim retorts to
Christian polemics that denounce it as a trick involving magnets. In mid-twelfth-century
Cordoba, Al-Khazraji pours scorn on reputed miracles, the second of which is a cross
hanging in mid-air. He calls this no miracle, merely a trick (h􀆯la) achieved using magnets
hidden inside the church walls.79 In 1321, Al-Dimashqi confirms the identification by
including in a similar list “the cross in Cyprus, suspended in mid-air using magnets.”80
These denunciations of idolaters tricking spectators with magnetism match those in the
Talmud. However, as we have seen, Christianity possessed its own long tradition of such
denunciations.
In the early sixth century, Cassiodorus passingly alludes to an otherwise unknown
iron Cupid that hung in a temple of Diana “without any attachment”: Helios has probably
been replaced here with a better-known flying god, and the Serapeum with the better-
78 ut dicunt, nullo innitens adminiculo, in aëre pendet, et fluctuat; quod tamen non
videtur de facili (Wilbrand of Oldenburg Itinerarium terrae sanctae 30 = IHC III p. 230);
“quant l’en y touche elle bransle fort” (Ogier d’Anglure Le Saint Voyage de Jherusalem
295).
79 Al-Khazraji Maqami al-sulban (Triumph over the Cross), framed as a retort to an anti-
Muslim priest called Al-Quti (“The Goth”), cited in Vanoli 2008: 257.
80 Ibn Ali Talib Al-Dimashqi Response to the Letter from the People of Cyprus 54r.
34
known temple of Ephesus.81 By contrast, a much later European source endows a
different flying god—Mercury—with a similar statue using a direct Christian model. The
relevant passages of the eleventh- or twelfth-century Gesta Treverorum spin tall tales of
Treveri’s historic remains,82 aiming to establish that the town (briefly the Western
Empire’s capital in the fourth century) had both a longer history and more splendid
monuments than Rome.83 Treveri’s include a temple with a hundred statues and a vast
iron Mercury in flight. These correspond to wondrous monuments in High Middle Age
accounts of Rome: the “Salvatio Romae” statue-group, and the aforementioned iron
Bellerophon.84 The Mercury hung inside an arch with magnets above and below
(Augustine-style). The author forestalls doubt by including a documentary letter from an
eyewitness, as well as a Latin inscription clearly aimed at readers, not observers: Ferreus
in vacuis pendet caducifer auris, “The iron caduceus-bearer hangs in thin air.”85
81 mechanisma…fecisse dicitur…ferreum Cupidinem in Dianae templo sine aliqua
alligatione pendere (Variae 1.45.10).
82 PL 154.1094-95, 1122.
83 The Gesta contributes to a High-Middle-Age rebranding of Trier as “the second Rome”
(Hammer 1944). Its comically majestic antiquities include a marble Jupiter
commemorating how taxes withheld by five Rhenish cities were “extracted by thunder
and celestial terror” (fulmine et caelesti terrore extorto, Gesta 23 = PL 154.1122).
84 Note the competitive emphasis on the size and weight of the Mercury statue (mirae
magnitudinis, 1094-95; magni ponderis, 1122).
85 This hexameter has strongly Ovidian features, especially his characteristic epithet
caducifer (compare metrical parallels: Ars Am. 1.473 ferreus adsiduo consumitur anulus
35
I suggest that this story is best compared with a Christian miracle, narrated later in
the self-same text, concerning St. Paulinus of Treveri whose coffin was suspended from
iron chains. When the Norman marauders of AD 882 ripped these away, it remained
hanging in mid-air, only sinking to rest years later when some unbelievers pushed it
downward, incurring doom in the process.86 For this semi-fantasized crypt, as for the
purely fantasized Mercury-temple, a fictive document is “quoted” extensively.87 Another
correspondence is that numerous fellow martyrs surround Paulinus. In an irreverent
reimagining of local legend these became the hundred pagan statues, while Paulinus’
levitating wooden coffin became the levitating iron Mercury, hanging on the invisible
“chains” of magnets. It is just possible that Christian relics really were suspended on
chains in the High Middle Ages; most reports of chain-hung coffins are dubious, since
usu, cf. Am. 1.6.27, 1.7.50, 2.5.11, 2.19.4; Met. 8.820 adflat et in vacuis spargit ieiunia
venis; Fast. 4.605 Tartara iussus adit sumptis Caducifer alis, cf. Met. 2.708, 8.627). It is
tempting to see in caducifer a pun on caducum ferrum, “iron ready to fall.” Embrico
shows Ovidian influence too: Cambier 1961: 376 notes that the lines Nam si vixisset opus
atque loqui potuisset / “Materiam vici!” diceret artifici allude to Ovid’s comment on the
sumptuous temple of the Sun, materiam superabat opus (Met. 2.5). South Germany’s
early twelfth-century Ovidian renaissance (Conte 1994 [1987]: 360) is the mutual context
for Embrico and the Gesta.
86 Gesta 43 = PL 154.1164. This narrative combines miraculous suspension with the
topos of the saint’s coffin becoming immobile, signifying his desire to remain on site.
87 A verbose lead tablet incorporating a prophecy about the Normans: Gesta 42 = PL
154.1161.
36
they appear in travelers’ tales, but a suspended reliquary appeared at Nuremberg in the
fifteenth century.88 However, a levitating tomb of any material has no Christian
88 On suspended ostrich-eggs and similar objects in Eastern medieval churches and
mosques, see Green 2006; in sacred art, Flood 2001:15-58. Two twelfth-century Jewish
periegetes claim that the prophet Daniel’s remains could be seen in a shining glass or
bronze coffin in Susa, hanging from iron chains under a bridge over the Choaspes to shed
blessings on both banks: Benjamin of Tudela Itinerary (Adler 1907: 52-53), Petachiah of
Regensburg Travels (Benisch 1856: 38-41). In the same century (c. AD 1170),
Barbarossa donated the four-meter-wide gilt chandelier hanging from 25 meters of chain
in Aachen Cathedral. Al-Harawi, in his late twelfth- or early thirteenth-century Guide to
Knowledge of Pilgrimage Places, claimed that Rome’s largest church kept St. Peter’s
remains “within a silver ark hanging by chains from the ceiling” (trans. Lee 1829: 161).
This may be a garbled account of Constantine’s thirty-pound gold chandelier, which hung
over St. Peter’s bronze-clad tomb (according to the Liber Pontificalis, and is shown
hanging on chains on the Pola Casket). Robert of Clari, narrating Constantinople’s fall in
1204, claims that a shroud and a tile imprinted with Jesus’ face hung in gold vessels from
silver chains (83). From the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries, a casket of relics including
the spear of Longinus (when not ceremonially displayed) hung on two chains in
Nuremberg’s Holy Ghost Hospital Church (Kahsnitz et al. 1986: 179-80). It is relevant
that when a fourteenth-century source claims that Muhammad’s embalmed foot occupies
a golden casket at Bladacta, the three large magnets suspending it are “in the chains
hanging above it” (a tribus magnis lapidibus calamitis in cathenis pendentibus super
eam, Anon. Liber Nicolay fol. 353 verso, quoted in Eckhardt 1949: 85).
37
precedent, and I would instead connect it with Ibn Hawqal’s earlier report that a wooden
coffin once hung in mid-air. It is also notable that the historical Paulinus died in AD 358
during exile in Phrygia, returning in the damask-wrapped cedarwood coffin where he
remains today.89 Paulinus himself therefore links the levitating Mercury in Trier’s
fanciful Gesta (or should that be geste?) back to the late classical Near East. This may
reflect a broader European tendency to associate artificial marvels with the East.90
The “sacred physics” of the Stavrovouni cross and the coffins at Palermo and
Trier consistently resembles magnetic suspension because, I propose, medieval
Christendom substituted holy relic-matter for iron as the “active ingredient” of suspended
objects.91 This finally lets us explain an enigmatic monument in the eleventh-century
Norman Life of St. Illtud which, like Rome’s Bellerophon, found its way into a list of
wonders.92 It combines the levitating tombs of Ibn Hawqal and the Gesta Treverorum
89 The rectangular coffin has no chains but its iron fittings have eyelets on the sides,
probably for ring handles.
90 “In general, the marvels of art came from Africa and Asia, lands believed far to surpass
Europe not only in natural variety and fertility, but also in fertility of human imagination”
(Daston and Park 1998: 88).
91 This also explains the ninth-century claim that inserted relics held Hagia Sophia’s
dome upright (Diegesis 14).
92 On this episode, and our sources, see Evans 2011. Illtud’s altar is the longest and the
only man-made or Christian item in the De Mirabilibus Britanniae, appended to some
manuscripts of the Historia Brittonum, which cannot be securely dated before the twelfth
38
with another class of miraculous object, the miraculously buoyant altars attributed to
several Celtic saints.93 In the longer version, two strangers sail to Illtud’s cave, bringing
him a saint’s corpse with an altar above his face, “supported by God’s favor” (Dei nutu
fulcitur). Illtud buries the saint, who requested anonymity to avoid being sworn upon, and
builds a church around the altar, still levitating “to the present day” (usque in hodiernum
diem).94 Church altars stood over a saint’s tomb wherever possible, and likewise portable
altars (wood, metal, or stone) featured a compartment for saints’ relics.95 Further
confirmation of the parallel with Paulinus’ coffin comes in the fates of two empiricists
who later examined this altar. The first passes a withy underneath the altar and proves its
levitation, but dies within a month, as does the second who looks underneath and is
blinded; they resemble the doubters at Trier, who pushed Paulinus’ levitating tomb
downward and later fell sick. Lifris claims extensive cultural property for Cadoc,
including descent from Roman emperors, burial in Italy, travels in Jerusalem, and
century. These idiosyncrasies imply that it was culled from a hagiography, apparently a
lengthier version of the extant Life.
93 Patrick, Brynach, Carannog, and Padarn’s disciple Nimmanauc (Evans 2011: 59, 63-
64).
94 De Mirabilibus Britanniae 10, cf. Life of Illtud 22.
95 An extant example (c. 690) was found with the body of St. Cuthbert at Durham
Cathedral. In 714, Jonas of Fontenelle described another, owned by St. Wulfram
(altare…in medio reliquiae continens sanctorum in modum clypei, quod, secum dum iter
ageret vehere solitus erat). In 787, the Second Council of Nicaea stipulated that every
new altar must contain saints’ relics.
39
interactions with King Arthur. These also include the relic-powered levitating monument,
which brought this Christianized version of magnetic suspension as far west as Wales.
6. THE TOMB OF MUHAMMAD
The iron Bellerophon, perhaps too fanciful and arbitrary for belief, apparently
faded from memory after pseudo-Bede and Gregory. But in the High Middle Ages, in a
politically charged context and with enough plausibility to retain credence across Europe
until the sixteenth century, the tomb of Muhammad becomes history’s most notorious
magnetic monument.96 Eckhardt astutely traces its development through anti-Muslim
polemics back to the early twelfth-century Vita Mahumeti by Embrico of Mainz, but
claims that Embrico borrowed the motif directly from Pliny and Rufinus, which I shall
show to be incorrect.97 In Chant 16, a magician installs Muhammad’s corpse in a
sumptuous temple using this trick:
Thus the lofty creation (opus elatum), furnished with a single magnet,
stood in the center which was shaped like an arch.
Muhammad is carried under this and put in a tomb,
96 Gibbon 1789: 6.262 finds it still necessary to deny that Muhammad’s tomb was
suspended by magnets.
97 Eckhardt 1949. The vita auctoris has since been discovered, correcting the
misattribution to Hildebert of Lavardin.
40
Which, in case you should ask, had been made from bronze.
And indeed, because [the magnet] pulls together such a mass of bronze (tam
grandia contrahat aera),
The tomb in which the king lay was lifted up.
And there he hung, by the power of the stones.
Therefore the ignorant public, after they saw the prodigy of the tomb,
Took as fact what was merely a show (rem pro signo tenuerunt),
Believing—miserable people—that Muhammad made it happen (per
Mahumet fieri).
Embrico goes on to say that the tomb hangs “without a chain” (absque catena), by
“magic” (ars magica). Gautier de Compiègne repeats most of the same details in his Otia
de Machomete,98 also composed early in the 1100s, although he explains the magnetic
trick differently:
…For, as they say, the vessel in which the remains
of Muhammad lie buried seems to hang,
So that it is seen suspended in the air without support,
But no chain pulls on it from above either.
Therefore, if you should ask them how come it does not fall,
They think (in their delusion) it is by the powers of Muhammad.
98 Verses 1057-77. Alexandre du Pont’s thirteenth-century Li Romans de Mahon
faithfully follows Gautier (1902-15) and adds no new details.
41
But in fact the vessel is clad in iron on all sides,
And stands in the center of a square house,
And there is adamant-stone99 in the four parts of the temple,
At equal distances in one direction or another;
By natural force it draws the bier towards itself equally,
So that the vessel cannot fall on any side.
Importantly, Embrico specified that the coffin (tumulum, tumba) was bronze, like the
statue in George the Monk without its iron nail. However, Gautier clearly has an
independent source. He omits the dazzling wealth and moves the shrine from Libya to
Mecca.100 He also specifies that the tomb has iron all around, and that four magnets
balance it horizontally, not just one suspending it inside an arch. I suggest that Gautier’s
99 Gautier’s term adamas reflects the confusion in Old French between the homonyms
aymant < Lat. adamas “adamant, diamond” and aymant < Lat. amans “lover, magnet”
(von Lippmann 1971 [1923]: 182, 194, 213).
100 Muhammad’s tomb is actually at Al-Masjid al-Nabaw􀆯, but the confusion between
Islam’s two oldest sites of pilgrimage is understandable. In the thirteenth century,
Cardinal Rodrigo Ximénez claimed that the sacred Black Stone embedded in the Kaaba
was a magnet (Historia Arabum 3, published in van Erpe 1625), perhaps taking literally
Nasir Khusraw’s remark in the Safarnama that the Qarmatians thought the stone was a
“human magnet” and would draw crowds when relocated. Al-Mas’udi says much the
same about a temple at Multan in India (Muruj adh-dhahab wa ma’adin al-jawhar
63.1371).
42
independent source also informed Glycas’ description of the Serapeum some sixty years
earlier, which diverged from earlier descriptions by adding the same details. Both specify
a four-magnet configuration and explicitly state that this prevents the iron-girt idol from
tipping over.101 Whatever this shared source may be, it strongly resembles Ampelius’
description of the Nike bobbing between four columns. Apparently this (or a text from
the same chain of transmission) circulated in the twelfth century, causing both Gautier
and Glycas to diverge from their immediate models.
A third twelfth-century poem, Graindor’s Chanson d’Antioche (c. AD 1180), can
reveal more about Muhammad’s tomb.102 Graindor drew on an earlier chanson by a
shadowy “Richard the Pilgrim,” very likely adding fantastical elements. These include
the erection of a Muhammad-statue above a tent, so nicely balanced upon four magnets
that a fan rotated it:
On the top [of the tent] the Sultan had an idol set up (fist mestre…un aversier),
Made all in gold and silver, finely carved.
If you had seen it, without a word of a lie
101 Compare 􀇶􀇲􀇧􀇸􀇰􀇟􀇯􀇼􀇵 􀇦 􀇴 􀇷􀇨􀇷􀇴􀇤􀇯􀇨􀇴􀇿􀇫􀇨􀇰 􀋫􀇮􀇭􀇿􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇰, 􀇭􀇤  􀇯  􀋮􀇺􀇲􀇰 􀇳􀇲􀇸 􀇭􀇤  􀇰􀇨􀈀􀇶􀇨􀇬􀇵
(Glycas Chronicle 4.257 = PG 158.433) with pendere res plena quod pendeat absque
catena, nec sic pendiculum quod teneat tumulum (Graindor Chanson d’Antioche 1143-
44).
102 Allusions to Muhammad’s magnetic suspension in subsequent chansons de geste (e.g.
Les Quatre Fils Aymon 9613-16: iron statue; Le Bâtard de Bouillon 1364-66: golden
statue) are brief and add little.
43
You could not see or even imagine a finer sight:
It was large and shapely, with a proud face.
The Sultan Emir ordered it to be lowered:
Four pagan kings run to embrace it,
Erecting it in position (le font metre et drecier) upon four magnets,
So that it does not tilt or lean in any direction.
Muhammad was in the air, rotating (si prist à tournoier),
Because a fan (uns ventiaus) moved him and set him rotating

Muhammad was in the air, by the power of the magnet (par l’aimant vertus),
And pagans revere him and offer him their salutes.
Sansadoine denounces the false cult, punches the idol to the ground, and overleaps its
belly, much as Quodvultdeus’ inspired Christian destroys the Helios in the Serapeum.103
The precious metals and absence of iron recall Embrico, but the four magnets preventing
it from tipping (quatre aimans…qu’il ne puist cliner ne nule part ploier) recall Gautier.
The suspension above magnets (de sor) and the fan-powered rotation are entirely new,
probably inspired by a description of the panemone windmill. Many scholars assume that
our version of the Chanson, despite postdating Embrico and Gautier, represents an earlier
phase involving a suspended idol based on classical accounts, later supplanted by
103 The statue’s precious materials and proud appearance may recall the Alexandrian cultstatue
of Serapis, whose description routinely accompanies that of the magnetically
levitating Sun statue from Rufinus onwards.
44
Muhammad’s real body.104 I suggest that the partly “classicizing” variant involving an
idol and magnets (which nonetheless contains no iron and lacks any direct model) is
actually later: the suspension of the prophet’s own remains came first, directly
counterfeiting Christian relic-powered suspension. Geographic proximity does not in
itself prove oral or literary influence, but seems particularly relevant in this case. Embrico
wrote at Mainz, Gautier at Marmoutier; around the same time, the anonymous monk (or
monks) behind the Gesta Treverorum wrote at Trier. These three towns form an
approximate triangle less than a hundred miles wide in the northeast Holy Roman
Empire, and although the Gesta is hard to date, it belongs to a Latin literary scene whose
coherence is implied by Gautier’s obvious dependence on Embrico. I suggest that relicmiracles,
and not classical reports about Alexandria, are the true model for Muhammad’s
magnetically levitating tomb, which ironically makes the same accusation against
Muslims that Al-Khazraji and Al-Dimashqi were almost simultaneously hurling against
Christians.
One late thirteenth-century author reclaims Muhammad’s suspended tomb for
Christendom using a different fantastical setting. The Account of Elysaeus of the 1280s105
is an interpolated version of the Letter of Prester John, containing a description of St.
Thomas’ tomb.106 This occupies a mountain in central India where, when the Indus
104 E.g. Tolan 1996.
105 Thus Zarncke 1876: 120.
106 The tomb description (except its levitation) was extracted from the anonymous De
adventu patriarchae Indorum ad Urbem sub Calixto papa secundo (AD 1122).
45
annually recedes, Thomas’ incorruptible hand is used to dispense the Eucharist (closing
its grip to reveal any person’s guilt):107
Now, the apostle is in a church on that same mountain, and he is entombed in
an iron tomb (in tumulo ferreo tumulatus); and that tomb rests in the air by the
power of four precious stones. It is called adamans; one is set in the floor, a
second in the roof, one at one corner of the tomb, and another in the other.
Those stones truly love iron (isti vero lapides diligunt ferrum): the lower one
prevents him from rising, the upper one from sinking, and those at the corners
prevent him from moving this way or that. The apostle is in the middle.
The iron coffin locked in position, the four magnets, and the term adamas (here
adamans) are recognizable from Gautier. As irreverently as when Paulinus’ relic-miracle
was separately transferred onto both Muhammad and the iron Mercury, only in reverse,
the author transfers Muhammad’s magnets onto a saint’s tomb, albeit in an exotic Eastern
setting. The ease with which Muhammad’s false miracle is reclaimed for a Christian
context shows how closely it was patterned on Christian relic-miracles in the first place.
The author takes a positive attitude to magnetic suspension by turning it from miraclesubstitute
to miracle in itself, unconsciously echoing our earliest pagan sources, and to be
echoed in turn centuries later.
107 Account of Elysaeus 16-17. The relevant portion (16-17) is published in Zarncke 1876:
123-24.
46
7. ASIA AND INDIA: GNOSTIC, HINDU, AND BUDDHIST WONDERS
At the time when magnetic suspension was giving rise to a form of relic-miracle
in Western Europe, which would later contribute to the fantasy of Muhammad’s tomb,
Muslim sources were already counting it among the marvels of India. I shall demonstrate
that whereas very early Asian sources attribute self-levitation to holy individuals in
Hinduism and Buddhism, and Sanskrit medical texts describe the properties of magnets,
Muslim descriptions of magnetic suspension show the influence of Western antiquity.108
The remarkable result is that just as eastward-facing Christians ascribed the technique to
Muslims, eastward-facing Muslims were simultaneously ascribing it to other non-
Muslims. Independent channels of transmission had produced such ironies before, yet
this branch of the tradition (in which the Eastern dome replaced the Western arch or
vault) flourished for centuries longer, relocating and evolving. Always in the margins,
magnetic levitation illuminates the thought of many ages: from Hellenistic and Roman
learning, across a spectrum of medieval Christian beliefs, into medieval and later Islam.
As I shall show, a Hindu appropriation finally brought it into the modern era.
108 On Hellenic (largely Hellenistic) influences on medieval Islam, see Peter 1988. Any
evidence contradicting this Eurocentric model would of course be very important. I have
only found one thirteenth-century Sanskrit example of magnet folklore, not involving
levitation. In Hemadri’s Chaturvarga Chintamani, Shukracharya creates a mountain-like
magnet to divert the gods’ iron-tipped arrows from the besieged daityas; Indra’s lightning
shatters it, distributing magnetite worldwide.
47
The earliest Muslim references to suspended monuments arise from allegory and
fables. Later, these develop into reports anchored to Indian cities, in exegetical genres
such as travel writing and historiography. The latter resemble many earlier pagan and
Christian sources, especially those concerning the Serapeum, which served as a template
for the idolatrous splendor of Hinduism and Buddhism. One early reference, redolent of
Gnostic allegory, appears in Al-Mas’udi’s tenth-century world history. He describes an
ancient seven-sided “Sabian” (Harranian) temple on China’s borders—meaning at the
world’s end—containing a well inside which all past and future knowledge may be seen.
It is also crowned with a radiant gemstone that kills anyone who approaches it or
attempts to destroy the temple. Al-Mas’udi says that according to “certain sages,” the
effect was created using magnets regularly placed around the temple.109 India attracted
curiosity and wonder among Muslim intellectuals, a fact exploited later in the tenth
century by Abu Dulaf al-Yanbu’i in his first risala (letter), which blends gleaned
knowledge with Mandevillean fantasy. He counts among India’s wonders a solid-gold
temple, reputedly levitating somewhere between Makrana and Kandhar (over 700 miles
apart).110 This statement is cited by a contemporary geographer, and another geographer
three centuries later, implying that levitation could feature among “wonders of the East”
109 Al Mas’udi 67 (de Meynard 1914: 69-71). For commentary on the Gnostic symbolism
of this and other temples, see Corbin 1986: 132-82.
110 Dulaf’s temple in the sky probably derives from the splendid city built for Kay Kavus,
Persia’s legendary shah, “between heaven and earth” (al-Tabari Tar􀆯kh 1.602), or
alternatively the vimanas of Hindu myth.
48
without mention of magnets or other rationalizations.111 In the same text, Dulaf describes
the “idol” at Multan as not merely suspended in the air, but a hundred cubits distant from
both floor and ceiling, itself a hundred cubits tall.112 Whether Dulaf read about a smaller
suspended statue is unknown, but this has an air of satirical exaggeration, much like
Lucian’s hundred-cubit footprint of Heracles.113 Dulaf is the earliest known Muslim
scholar to locate a suspended statue in India, as his successors would do for centuries to
come, though at different locations.
Another Muslim echo of Western accounts of the Serapeum is denouncing
magnetic suspension as religious fraud. The first trace of this is Al-Mas’udi’s claim that
the Hindu temple at Multan contained magnets.114 Three centuries later (AD c. 1220), a
catalog of fraudulent miracles in Al-Jawbari’s “Book of Selected Disclosure of Secrets”
includes a levitating iron statue, in India’s “Monastery of the Idol” (deir al-sanam).115
This seems to be an adaptation of the iron Helios in the Serapeum, being not only
suspended under a dome—the Eastern answer to a vault—but also ascribed to a Greek
hakim, this time Apollonius (“Yablunus”).116 Apollonius was also (as “Balinas”) the
111 Ibn Al-Nadim Kitab al-Fihrist 347; Yaqut al-Hamawi Mu–jam Al-Buldan 3.457.
112 MS. Rishbad f. 192a.
113 Lucian Ver. Hist. 1.4. Scythia’s Heracles footprint was two cubits long (Hdt. 4.82).
114 Al-Mas’udi 63.1371 (on “Mandusan”), cited by Vanoli 2008: 25.
115 Al-Jawbari Kit􀆗b al-mukht􀆗r f􀆯 kashf al-asr􀆗r (The Meadows of Gold and Mines of
Gems) chapter 4, cited in Wiedemann 1970: 359.
116 Apparently here, as often in medieval Islam, the wonder-working Apollonius of Tyana
is confused with the astronomer Apollonius of Perge.
49
purported author of a near-contemporary hermetic text, which described another
allegorical seven-sided temple.117 This suggests that the magnetic marvels of both the
“Monastery of the Idol” and the allegorical Harranian temple may ultimately derive from
Byzantine historians’ reports of the Serapeum.118
Although magnetism as religious fraud starts to appear in these High Middle Age
Muslim accounts of unreal Asian temples (particularly those of Al-Mas’udi and Al-
Jawbari), it features more prominently in later descriptions of real ruined temples. This is
the strongest indication that the suspension motif itself passed from European texts
through Muslim mediation into India, where it served many of the same cultural
functions, especially since another iconolatry-iconoclasm conflict was under way. The
great ruined Hindu temple of Somnath becomes, so to speak, the first Serapeum of Indian
historiography. Somnath was destroyed in 1025, but around 1263 (decades after Al-
Jawbari and his “Monastery of the Idol”), the Persian geographer Zakariya Al-Qazvini
endowed it with splendors as lavish as those described in Rufinus or the Chanson
d’Antioche. These include a suspended statue that initiates a drama of empirical
analysis:119
117 Heptagonal temples, one side for each known “planet,” suggest the astronomical
mysticism of Harranian culture: see Van Bladel 2009.
118 “Balinas” Book of the Seven Idols (Kitab al-Asnam al-Saba), cited and discussed in
Al-Jaldaki Al-Burhan. This heptagonal temple contains seven talking statues representing
the planets, whose sermons initiate the reader into alchemy.
119 Al-Qazvini, trans. Eliot and Dowson 1871 = 2.63 Wüstenfeld.
50
This idol was in the middle of [Somnath] temple without anything to support
it from below, or to suspend it from above. It was regarded with great
veneration by the Hindus, and whoever beheld it floating in the air was struck
with amazement, whether he was a Mussulman or an infidel.… When the king
[Sultan Mahmoud of Ghazni] asked his companions what they had to say
about the marvel of the idol, and of its staying in the air without prop or
support, several maintained that it was upheld by some hidden support. The
king directed a person to go and feel all around and above and below it with a
spear, which he did, but met with no obstacle. One of the attendants then
stated his opinion that the canopy was made of loadstone, and the idol of iron,
and that the ingenious builder had skilfully contrived that the magnet should
not exercise a greater force on any one side—hence the idol was suspended in
the middle.… Permission was obtained from the Sultan to remove some
stones from the top of the canopy to settle the point. When two stones were
removed from the summit, the idol swerved on one side; when more were
taken away, it inclined still further, until at last it rested on the ground.
In this version of the focal-point model (in a dome, as in Al-Jawbari), removing the
stones does not topple the statue instantly. Instead it dangles lower without falling, until
reaching the ground, as if numerous chainlike bonds were progressively detached from
highest to lowest. Although no connection with the Serapeum is visible here, a similar
story among the Muslim Bohra of Gujarat confirms it. In this story of uncertain date, set
less than 250 miles away at Khambhat around a century later, Moulai Yaqoob visits a
51
Brahmin temple and removes four magnets suspending an iron elephant (Ganesh?) inside.
This, with other feats, causes mass conversion to Islam.120 This story of a false miracle
exposed resembles that of Somnath in its setting, but in other respects strongly resembles
that of Alexandria as told by Quodvultdeus.121 Yaqoob follows in the footsteps of the
“servant of Christ,” who validates his own new faith by dislodging the hidden magnets
supporting the old one.
Since the early nineteenth century, a similar tale of magnetic levitation has been
told much further east, about Konark’s thirteenth-century Sun Temple on the Bay of
Bengal. This owes much to the earlier accounts of Eastern temples in Muslim
geographies and other prose genres, but has emerged from oral tradition and,
furthermore, remains current today. Konark probably fell into disuse after the sixteenthcentury
Afghan conquest of Odisha, and by the eighteenth century its tall vimana
(sanctum) had almost completely collapsed. A local tale recorded in the mid-nineteenth
century claimed that its capstone had been a massive magnet that frequently caused
shipwrecks on the nearby coast (presumably defending it from attack by sea), until a band
of Muslims landed further away and stole it to prevent this effect, thereby desanctifying
120 During the reign of “Sadras Singh” (Siddharaj Jaisingh, AD 1094-1143), Yaqoob
visited a Brahmin temple containing the elephant: see Forbes 1856: 343-44. A summary
of Bohra legends is provided by Jivabhai 1882: 328-45. Yaqoob and Graindor’s righteous
iconoclast seem independently derived from a shared source.
121 One detail points to a later retelling of Quodvultdeus’ story: the four magnets, seen in
High Medieval texts (Glycas, Gautier, Graindor, Account of Elysaeus).
52
the temple.122 In more recent variants this capstone suspended a cult-statue in mid-air, as
at Somnath, and it was the Portuguese or British who removed it.123 This tale seems to
merge Al-Mas’udi’s deadly gemstone with the shipwrecking magnetic mountain; the
copious iron clamps and girders in Konark’s masonry probably seemed like evidence,
especially if some were magnetized by lightning.124 The tradition of suspended
monuments being destroyed, previously communicated from Christian to Muslim
chroniclers, survives at Konark in a final, post-colonial inversion. This temple magnet
was no fraud, nor mere spectacle, but an immensely powerful weapon, as even its
destroyers had to acknowledge.
It is instructive to compare the legends of Somnath and Khambhat with that of
Konark. All explain why the miraculous object is absent from any extant ruins, but the
first two condemn deception, whereas the last praises ingenuity. At Somnath and
Khambhat, pious myth-busters expose the marvel as a heathen trick by destroying it, as in
Quodvultdeus. At Konark it remains a cultural treasure, as in the earliest pagan sources
and the Christian Account of Elysaeus, although spoilt by impious vandals, like the relicpowered
tomb of Paulinus. This shows that for suspended monuments across a range of
cultural contexts, the epistemological statuses of trick and miracle remained closely
122 Stirling 1825: 327.
123 For a recent version involving the Portuguese, see Gupta 2012: 463. Further variants
may be found online.
124 Compare the magnetized ironwork pieces obtained from church spires at Mantua
(Gilbert 1893 [1600]: 214-15), Rimini, Aix (Brewster 1837: 9), and Chartres (Lister
1699: 80-84).
53
related, even interchangeable. I have shown that there are many continuities among
accounts of suspended monuments, but perhaps this changeability itself is their most
enduringly transcultural property.
8. CONCLUDING REMARKS
Static suspension has recurrently given foreign wisdom ostentatious material
forms. In collected lore, travelers’ tales, and religious denunciations from the Hellenistic
period to the present and from Western Europe to the Far East, this mutable “wonder of
the world” represents hidden knowledge inspiring faith, usually false, sometimes true.
The suspended artifact is usually a cult-object: a sacred statue or, later, a holy person’s
remains. The notable exception is the statue of Bellerophon, which is better associated
with other flying beings from pagan myth: Helios, Nike, Cupid, and Mercury. However,
the medieval tradition of divinely or magnetically levitating relics, most notoriously
Muhammad’s body, does not (as some have claimed) come straight from Pliny and other
classical sources. Instead it follows centuries of relic-miracles imitating magnetic
monuments, including the coffins of Sicily and Trier, the cross on Cyprus, and the altar of
Illtud. The idea of suspending relics from chains may have assisted this development.
Descriptions of objects (for example in the Talmud, Ibn Wahshiyya, and Ibn Hawqal)
with phrases meaning “between heaven and earth,” which can metaphorically denote
things high above ground as in the Greek “Meteora,” could also have been misunderstood
to mean miraculous levitation.
54
Although the oral traditions so important for the study of marvels lie all but
hidden, this collation of glimpses from erudite channels has brought historical
developments to light. Our starting-points Pliny and Ampelius are both brief and
paradoxographic, but probably represent earlier texts of the Hellenistic period
documenting either scientific developments, or the growing taste for marvels, or both.
From late antiquity onward, Rufinus and his successors describe the Helios in the
Serapeum (possibly transferred from Carrhae) as a trick. They imagine the workings of
magnetism in varying ways, describing different numbers of magnets under a vault or
coffered ceiling, and circulate the classical concept eastward from Constantinople.
Separately from the Serapeum tradition, a Bellerophon statue mentioned by Cosmas
becomes a magnetically suspended monument in Rome through progressive reinventions.
Meanwhile, the invisible chains of magnetic monuments inspire a form of Christian relicmiracle,
possibly influenced by actual suspensions of Christian relics on chains,125 just as
other suspension-miracles imply invisible ropes. This (and not the Alexandrian Helios or
Arsinoe) ultimately leads to the fantasy that Muhammad’s tomb was magnetically
suspended. The fanciful Mercury statue at Trier and St. Thomas’ coffin both “remagnetize”
relic-miracles in similar ways. Medieval Muslim authors show an equally
broad, though somewhat refracted, range of attitudes to static suspension. Some locate
examples in a marvelous East, with or without domes containing magnets; others cite
magnetic suspension to refute Christian relic-miracles; still others attack Hindu idolatry
125 The medieval travelers who report chain-hung relics are Christian (Robert of Clari on
Constantinople), Jewish (Benjamin and Petachiah on Susa), and Muslim (Al-Harawi on
Rome).
55
by claiming that Muslims exposed magnetic suspension in now-ruined Indian temples
(Multan, Khambhat, Somnath). The last category of tales echoes Quodvultdeus’ account
of the Serapeum. The latest reported magnetic monument is Konark, still renowned
among some Hindus, which reasserts magnetism as a true miracle and powerful
technology whose destruction was impious.
For historians of the marvelous in religious, scientific, and folkloric contexts, one
of the most striking aspects of the suspended monument tradition is that until now it was
virtually invisible. One might even say that it never existed. Despite the chains of
influence linking antiquity to the Middle Ages and the modern era, our sources barely
acknowledge one another and almost without exception (even including Christian relicmiracles)
envisage one unique example. The result is an enduring disconnectedness,
mirroring the physical phenomenon on the epistemological level. Furthermore, world
religions ascribe magnetic levitation-frauds to one another in an unwitting chorus:
Christians accuse pagans and Muslims, Jews accuse idolaters, Muslims accuse Christians
and Hindus. This shows common ground not shared by our two earliest authorities, the
Roman compilers Pliny and Ampelius, who describe without comment. Rufinus’ late
antique report of the Helios in the recently destroyed Serapeum is what turned magnetic
levitation into both a means of scientific rationalization and a tool of religious polemic.
This not only ensured rapid circulation in early Latin chroniclers and lasting popularity
among Byzantine Greeks, but led to ongoing migrations and evolutions throughout the
Middle Ages and beyond.
The re-emergence of static suspension as a Christian relic-miracle, replacing iron
and magnetite with sacred wood and bone, is not as marked a change as one might think.
56
Non-ferromagnetic substances appeared in earlier sources, showing that empirical
phenomena held little sway over any suspended monument. Although iron predominates,
alternatives included the suspended objects of gold in the Talmudic and purportedly
Babylonian sources, Dulaf’s hundred-cubit idol and golden temple, Embrico’s tomb of
bronze, and Graindor’s composite idol. The chroniclers who pictured the Serapeum
Helios with a small talisman-like magnet and a concealed iron nail may reveal why this
is. For those whose magnetic theory has an empirical foundation, however indirect, the
suspended object must be made of iron, but for most it is a form of sympathetic magic,
whose power can be used on mostly or entirely non-ferrous objects (for example, in the
magical papyri, figurines or people). Given that heavy iron objects hanging unsupported
already seemed absurd, it was a short step from there to other metals, and (for Christians)
to the potent and imperishable matter of holy relics.
I have shown that the static suspension motif migrated eastward after antiquity,
which is apt enough since it had frequently pointed in that direction. The Alexandrian
branch of the tradition held its place, although the Serapeum became the template for
other locations, notably in India. The other and less continuous branch, starting from
Ampelius, tended to locate levitating monuments in the Roman provinces of the Near
East (especially Syria).126 Later descriptions of magnetic monuments clustered further
East: tales of Muhammad’s tomb and statue postdating the First Crusade are set in Libya,
Antioch, and Mecca; the Harranian temple is towards China; even the Mercury at Treveri
126 Ampelius places the Nike in Magnesia-under-Sipylus and Cosmas locates the
Bellerophon in Smyrna, though I have suggested that it might well have stood at
Bargylia.
57
playfully reimagined the coffin of St. Paulinus with its Near Eastern provenance of
“Phrygia.” Finally, Dulaf’s golden temple, St. Thomas’ tomb, the “Monastery of the
Idol,” Multan, Somnath, Khambhat, and Konark are all located in India.127 If Alexandria
were not so familiar to the educated elite of the Roman Empire, we might conclude that
the entire history of magnetic levitation is dominated by Orientalism. It is better to say
that suspended monuments are symptoms of speculation: not only about science, magic,
and religion, but also about unfamiliar cultures, especially those subjected to conquest
and ruination. Over many centuries of such speculation the motif spread across Europe
and Asia.
University of Kent
d.m.lowe@kent.ac.uk
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Kent Academic Repository



Lowe, Dunstan (2016) Suspending Disbelief: Magnetic Levitation in Antiquity and the Middle

Ages. Classical Antiquity, 35 (2). pp. 247-278.

DOI

https://doi.org/10.1525/ca.2016.35.2.247

Link to record in KAR

http://kar.kent.ac.uk/57768/

Document Version

Author's Accepted Manuscript

1

Dunstan Lowe

Suspending Disbelief:

Magnetic and Miraculous Levitation from Antiquity to the Middle Ages

Abstract:

Static levitation is a form of marvel with metaphysical implications whose long history

has not previously been charted. First, Pliny the Elder reports an architect’s plan to

suspend an iron statue using magnetism, and the later compiler Ampelius mentions a

similar-sounding wonder in Syria. When the Serapeum at Alexandria was destroyed, and

for many centuries afterwards, chroniclers wrote that an iron Helios had hung

magnetically inside. In the Middle Ages, reports of such false miracles multiplied,

appearing in Muslim accounts of Christian and Hindu idolatry, as well as Christian

descriptions of the tomb of Muhammad. A Christian levitation miracle involving saints’

relics also emerged. Yet magnetic suspension could be represented as miraculous in

itself, representing lost higher knowledge, as in the latest and easternmost tradition

concerning Konark’s ruined temple. The levitating monument, first found in classical

antiquity, has undergone many cultural and epistemological changes in its long and

varied history.



1. INTRODUCTION



Although recent scholarship has extensively explored the rich history of marvels

2

and miracles,1 suspended objects have never been systematically studied. The following

discussion pursues the theme of magnetic and miraculous suspension through European

(and Asian) history from classical antiquity to modern times, revealing a continuous

tension between secular and sacred physics. For the first time, this article assembles the

diverse historical sources on levitating objects from antiquity onward (some widely

acknowledged, others barely noted within their own disciplinary partitions), proposing

new interpretations of each.2 This requires a loosely chronological approach which, at the

risk of seeming naïve, will reveal crucial connections and developments from the

Hellenistic period to the modern era. The result is a strange new sidelight on scientific,

religious, and even political developments across Europe and beyond.

I am very grateful to Harry Hine for correcting some of my errors and offering insightful

remarks, to Mike Squire for art-historical advice and ideas, and to Thomas Habinek and

the journal’s referees for many valuable suggestions.

1 The bibliography on curiosity, wonder, and marvels in history is large and growing,

though Daston and Park 1998 remains key. See e.g. Hardie 2009 on antiquity

(specifically Augustan Rome, thus excluding magnetism); Kesneth 1991 on the

Renaissance; Evans and Marr 2006 on the Renaissance and Enlightenment.

2 For example, no two of the following have been connected in previous scholarship:

Ampelius’ statue at Magnesia, Aristotle’s coffin in Sicily, the Mercury at Trier, the

Cypriot cross, Dulaf’s golden temple, Illtud’s Welsh altar, the “Monastery of the Idol,”

the elephant at Khambhat.

3

The properties of magnets have intrigued intellectuals and entertained ordinary

people since the early classical period,3 though static suspension and many other ideas

about magnetism have little dependence on observed phenomena. Demonstrations in

antiquity of magnets’ power to attract ferrous substances—typically, suspending iron

rings in a chain, or covertly moving iron from beneath a surface of some other metal—

provoked amazement and curiosity.4 Medical uses of magnets are recorded from the

second century AD and magical ones from around the fourth century (their preternatural

ability to move objects without contact resembled the occult powers of spells, which is

why a demonstration alarmed Augustine).5 Beyond these limited uses magnetism held

3 On magnets in ancient science, see Fritzsche 1902, Rommel 1927, Radl 1988, Wallace

1996. Relevant passages include Pl. Ion 533d; Ar. De Anima 405a19 (on Thales);

Theophr. On Stones 5.29; Posidippus Lithica 12 Austin and Bastianini; Lucr. 6.910-16,

1042-47. Pliny draws his classification of five “Magnesian stones” (two non-magnetic)

from Sotacus, a third-century writer on minerals, and his account of how “Magnes” the

shepherd discovered magnets from the second-century author Nicander (HN 36.127-28).

4 Rings: Plato Ion 533d, Lucr. 6.910-16, Plin. HN 34.147; iron moved from below: Lucr.

6.1043-47, Aug. Civ. D. 21.4. Initiates into the cult of the Great Gods of Samothrace

received iron finger-rings, presumably for ritual use involving magnetism: see Blakely

2012.

5 Aug. Civ. D. 21.4. On medical applications, e.g. Dioscorides, De Materia Medica

5.130; Galen, De facultatibus (magnetite is astringent, like haematite), De simplici

medicina (magnetite is purgative); see Rommel 1927: col. 483-84. In late antiquity,

magical applications appear: magnets were placed inside figurines, seemingly to give

4

little more than curiosity value, lacking mechanical applications.6 Yet it is crucial to bear

in mind that although magnetic suspension rarely has a specific maker, magical marvels

are invariably crafted by scholars, not mere zealots. They give additional proof that

magic was compatible with science and technology in medieval thought.7

Importantly, although sources from the first to sixth centuries AD mention

magnetic repulsion, it was not understood until the twelfth century that magnets have

them agency (PGM IV.1807-10, 3142); an inscribed magnet prevents conception (PGM

XXIIa.11-12); and a magnet placed under a sleeping woman diagnoses her chastity (if

faithful she will cleave to her husband, or otherwise be ejected: Lithica 306-37). Some

authors use the analogy of magnetism to explain sympathetic magic (Plin. HN 34.42, Gal.

Peri Phusikon Dunameon 1.14.44-54).

6 The only documented mechanical use of magnetism is an expensive toy described by

Claudian that plays out a simple mythological scene, like some of Hero of Alexandria’s

automata: inside a golden shrine, an iron Mars slowly approaches a magnetic Venus until

he suddenly flies forward and they embrace (Carm. min. 29.22-51): see Wallace 1996:

181, Cristante 2001-2002. Some (e.g. James and Thorpe 1995: 154, McKeown 2013:

198) claim that Claudian describes a real temple, but whatever his own religious

standpoint (see Vanderspoel 1986), he would not celebrate a pagan ritual in verse at a

Christian court. Claudian came from Alexandria, like Hero the inventor.

7 On magic and science, see Sherwood 1947, Eamon 1983, Hansen 1986, Truitt 2004. On

artificial marvels, see Daston and Park 1998: 88-108. On how the aesthetics of the

marvelous relate to artistic theory and practice, see Mirollo 1991.

5

poles and can therefore both attract and repel.8 Yet they inspired fantasies involving

colossal invisible forces. One is the magnetic mountain that wrecks ships made with iron

nails. This appears in the geographical content of Pliny and Ptolemy, but also across Asia

as far as China, as well as in Arabic and European folktales.9 The epic poet Silius Italicus

says that the Aethiopians used their abundant magnets to extract iron ore without

touching it.10 A millennium later, the Roman d’Eneas endows Carthage with magnettopped

battlements for trapping iron-clad attackers like flypaper.11 Such fantasies may

legitimately be called science fiction.

With a sufficiently cross-disciplinary perspective, we can reconstruct a long

history for the grandest of magnetism fantasies: an apparatus for permanently suspending

an object in mid-air. Accounts of full-size monumental examples recur from classical

8 On magnetic repulsion see Wallace 1996: 184-85, with citations. Tellingly, when

Posidippus describes a stone that both attracts and repels iron he only compares it to a

magnet, insofar as it attracts (Bing 2005: 264-65). Knowledge of the compass is first

attested in Europe by Guiot of Provins (1180) and Alexander Neckam (c. 1190); Peter

Peregrinus of Maricourt published the first extended treatise in 1269. The earliest known

description is Chinese (Shen Kuo, Dream Pool Essays, AD 1088).

9 Tuczay 2005: 273-74, with citations; see also Lecouteux 1984, 1999; Marzolph and van

Leeuwen 2004. The legendary Virgil visits a magnetic mountain in the Wartburgkrieg (c.

1287), Reinfried von Braunschweig (c. 1300), and later sources.

10 solis honor ille, metallo / intactum chalybem vicino ducere saxo (Sil. Pun. 3.265-67).

Ore processing, rather than mining, is probably meant.

11 Anon. Roman d’Eneas 427-40.

6

antiquity to the late medieval period. Whether authors portray levitation as mechanical,

magical, or something in between,12 they never deny its possibility. In reality Earnshaw’s

Theorem of 1839, stating that stable levitation against gravity using only ferromagnetic

materials cannot work on any scale, stands uncontested. Nonetheless, we have culturally

and geographically diverse accounts of levitating monuments from the first century AD

to the late Middle Ages and beyond. I propose that these deserve recognition as a genre

of architectural fantasy that offers new insights into the history of science, as well as the

history of interaction between religious cultures.

Magnetic levitation endows inert matter with spectacular properties, inviting

comparison with divine miracles and magic. It also shares features with real and

imaginary automata, though this is somewhat paradoxical, since the inert matter is

spectacular precisely because it does not move: unlike the other magnetic fantasies

mentioned above, levitation never involves traction. (Accordingly, I shall use the terms

“levitation” and “suspension” interchangeably.) It is sometimes regarded positively, as an

open demonstration of engineering and artistic skill, but more often negatively, as a

secret trick for faking a divine miracle.

As object of wonder, the suspended monument embodies potentiality: not only in

the obvious sense that what went up has not (yet) come down, but in other senses too. As

an architectural installation or localized miracle it is by definition non-portable and

cannot, like most artificial wonders or holy relics, be brought from the periphery to the

center of scholarly, religious, or popular experience. As physics, static levitation is

12 From antiquity to the Middle Ages, some discourses on magnetism (e.g., mageia,

Hermeticism, alchemy) resist the modern distinction between natural and supernatural.

7

theorized but unrealized: it never appears in treatises upon magnets or architecture, nor

even descriptions of magnets in lapidaries, and nobody proposes to recreate it. As

miracle, meanwhile, static levitation becomes evidence of God’s power in nature, and

even a test of spiritual intelligence.13 In the Middle Ages, reports of magnetism

proliferate and the miraculous version emerges. Perhaps the iconoclasm controversies

partly account for this, since the suspended monument proves capable of oscillating

between fraud and miracle more easily than any other legendary object.

2. ALEXANDRIA: THE POTENTIAL ARSINOE AND THE FALLEN HELIOS

Our earliest reference to a magnetic monument (and likewise, elsewhere, to a

magnetic mountain) is a report in Pliny the Elder that has resisted interpretation, despite

nuanced treatments of his larger intellectual project.14 He mentions a design by “the

13 “Some Christian writers…saw skepticism concerning wonders as the hallmark of the

narrow-minded and suspicious peasant” (Daston and Park 1998: 62); cf. Eamon 1983:

195, Bynum 2011 passim. The comeuppance of such a peasant in Lifris’ Life of Cadoc is

discussed below.

14 See e.g. Healy 1999: 158, Carne 2013: 108. On artificial wonders in Pliny, see Isager

1991 and Beagon 2011, neither of whom mention the present passage.

8

architectus Timochares,” for a temple in which an iron cult statue of Ptolemy II’s late

sister-wife Arsinoe would be suspended in the air:15

Using magnetic stone (Magnete lapide), the architect Timochares had begun

to vault a temple (templum concamarare) to Arsinoe at Alexandria, so that the

iron statue in it would seem to hang in the air (pendere in aëre videretur). This

was interrupted by his own death and by that of King Ptolemy, who had

commissioned it for his own sister.

Pliny’s videretur (“would seem”) means only that magnetism would create a

lifelike impression of flight. It is unclear whether he envisages contactless “true

levitation,” or “pseudo-levitation” in which magnetic attraction pulls against a physical

tether. Although neither could work, the latter might have seemed more feasible, since it

can be achieved using a scale model. Ptolemy II could access fabulous quantities of

precious metal and stone, and without any means of measuring magnetic field strength,

“Timochares” could have miscalculated the properties of magnetite.16 It is not impossible

that “Timochares” planned to achieve true levitation. Vitruvius credits a nearcontemporary

“Dinocrates” with an equally astonishing plan to sculpt Mount Athos into a

15 Plin. HN 34.148. The death of Ptolemy II, the alleged date of the project, was in 246

BC.

16 Even with today’s artificial supermagnets, thousands of times more powerful, such a

monument would require precision engineering and impractically large quantities of

metal to achieve suspension across even a few inches of air.

9

Rushmore-like statue, holding a city in its left hand and pouring a river from a dish in its

right.17 Alexander the Great rejected this proposal and built Alexandria instead because

Athos provided no arable land, Vitruvius says. Other, completed Ptolemaic projects

combined innovation and artistry with engineering on an unprecedented scale, including

the largest tower, automaton, and galley ever designed.18 Magnets were relatively rare

and hence semi-precious despite their dull appearance,19 which may have encouraged

artisans to consider their uses as architectural ornaments. Importantly, architectus often

means simply “inventor” and an Arsinoeion did exist at Alexandria, so Pliny’s term

concamarare probably means adding magnetite to the existing temple, not constructing

something anew. Such a plan might have won Ptolemaic sponsorship; later readers

certainly found it plausible, since Ausonius in the fourth century AD reports it as

completed.20 A temple suspending a statue using magnets would suit the contemporary

17 Vitruv. 2. praef. 2. On the programmatic implications of this anecdote, and a

discussion of the uncertainty over the architect’s name, see McEwen 2003: 91-102.

18 The Pharos: Adler 1901, Thiersch 1909, Picard 1952; the Nysa statue in Ptolemy II’s

coronation parade: Athen. Deipn. 5.198-99; the “Forty”: Plut. Demetr. 43.4-5, Athen.

Deipn. 5.203e-204b.

19 Theophrastus calls them rare (De Lapidibus 5.29). The belief that rubbing magnets

with garlic destroyed their power (Lehoux 2003) might be indirect proof of their value if

nobody thought the easy test worth the risk, as with goat’s-blood breaking diamonds

(Plin. HN 20.2) or vinegar dissolving pearls (Hor. Sat. 2.3.239-42, Plin. HN 9.59, Suet.

Cal. 37).

20 Auson. Mos. 314-17. 

10

taste for creative engineering, as did another high-tech memorial to Arsinoe, the musical

drinking-horn made by Ctesibius.21

The idea of a levitating statue could also reflect the Alexandrian milieu in more

subtle ways, having potential links with motifs in Egyptian religious art, as well as recent

developments in Greek physics. The Egyptians pictured the heavens as a curved ceiling

(or even, in the Pyramid Texts, an iron slab supported on four columns),22 and spangled

their own ceilings with stars.23 Egyptian tradition also represented pharaohs ascending to

heaven after death, and likewise Callimachus describes Arsinoe being taken up by the

Dioscuri to become the Pole Star,24 which stands at the center of the turning sky. The

“lock of Berenice” narrative a generation later shows how astronomy could contribute to

Ptolemaic self-fashioning. All this lends credence to Deonna’s suggestion that the

21 Ctesibius’ cornucopia is known only through an epigram by Hedylus (Athen. Deipn.

11.497d-e).

22 On the image of heaven as vault, see Couprie 2011: 1-13. As iron slab in the Pyramid

Texts, see Budge 1904: 1.156-57. Homer’s heaven is iron (Od. 15.329, 17.565) or bronze

(Il. 17.425, Od. 3.2) and supported by pillars (Od. 1.52-54).

23 Constructed vaults only rarely appear before the Ptolemies, but excavated chambers

frequently had curved ceilings. Whether flat or curved, they were commonly decorated

with the starry goddess Nut and other sky symbols. On the use of the star-spangled

canopy (“uraniskos”) in Greek cults of celestial deities, see Crane 1952; in later art, see

Lehmann 1945, Swift and Alwis 2010.

24 Callimachus fr. 228 Pfeiffer, with scholion. On Arsinoe as Pole Star, see Green 2004:

248. The Mendes Stele records that Arsinoe “ascended to heaven.”

11

planned monument represented Arsinoe’s catasterism.25 If the vault depicted the sky,

Pliny’s otherwise unknown “Timochares” may be a misspelling of Timocharis, a

contemporary Alexandrian astronomer whose achievements involved tracking and

mapping the constellations.26 If he proposed to decorate the vaulted ceiling over Arsinoe

with an accurate star-map, an ekphrastic epigrammatist might easily describe this as

placing the catasterized thea philadelphus “in the sky,” a phrase open to misconstruction

by later readers.27

Third-century Alexandria was also a likely context for thought experiments about

bodies suspended between countervailing forces, for philosophers and engineers alike.

Both Chrysippus and Archimedes would be active in the decades after Arsinoe died, circa

270 BC,28 and Ptolemy himself had been tutored by Strato of Lampsacus, a specialist in

cosmology.29 The Stoics had recently developed a new explanation for the earth’s poise

25 Deonna 1914: 106.

26 On the confusion over Timocharis and related names, see Fabricius, Pauly-Wissowa

Realencyclopädie s.v. “Deinochares.” Pliny’s reference to Ptolemy Philadelphus’ death

implies that “Timochares” died around 246 BC.

27 Unfortunately translation from Latin to Greek is highly unlikely, so we cannot explain

the whole concept of magnetic levitation as a translation error involving some lost

epigram whereby Arsinoe or the ceiling went from s􀆯d􀆟r􀆟a “celestial, star-spangled” to

􀇶 􀇧􀇡􀇴􀇨􀇤  made of iron  ἵcf. 􀇶􀇬􀇧􀇪􀇴 􀇷􀇬􀇵  magnet”: Philod. Sign. 9, Strab.15.1.38).

28 Timocharis is thought to have lived c. 320-260 BC, Archimedes c. 287-212,

Chrysippus c. 279-206.

29 Diog. Laert. 5.3.1.

12

at the center of the cosmos (besides its own symmetry): the dynamic force of pneuma

acting equally upon it from all directions.30 Sambursky points out that the term isobares,

“equal weight,” used by Chrysippus also appears in proposition 1.3 of Archimedes’ On

Floating Bodies, which states that a solid immersed in fluid of equivalent volume neither

sinks nor rises.31 Suggestively, our late antique source for Chrysippus’ terminology

replaces push with pull, comparing the static earth to an object pulled by cords in all

directions with equal force.32 Perhaps a Hellenistic author imagined a magnet-clad arch

as a thought experiment, illustrating either a principle of hydrostatics or the Stoic cosmos,

which generated an urban myth for paradoxographers and ultimately Pliny. These are

only speculations, but it is tempting to derive “Timochares” and his magnetism from

known facts about the cultural climate of Ptolemaic Alexandria.

In some ways, Pliny establishes norms for later descriptions of magnetic

levitation, but in others he is unique. His description is the last to mention a potential

monument. It is also among the minority that specify a designer and date of construction,

30 Sambursky 1959: 109.

31 Sambursky 1959: 111. Archimedes himself was reportedly an astronomer’s son and

owned two orreries (probably heliocentric, cf. his Sand-reckoner): see Jaeger 2008.

32 Achilles Isagoge 4 = von Arnim VSF 2.555, probably third century AD (Sambursky

1959: 109). Independently, in the early twelfth century, Bruno of Segni directly compares

the earth’s suspension (by God) with that of a magnetic statue (Sententiae 3 = PL

165.983d).

13

and the only to do so without scorn.33 Pliny’s brevity led to centuries of uncertainty about

how static levitation should work. Yet several features become near-universal: all later

accounts describe true (contactless) levitation, not pseudo (tethered). Generally, the

suspended object is not a magnet,34 and just as Pliny’s reference to a vault (concamarare)

implies multiple magnets holding the object at a focal point, most later sources mention a

vault or dome, despite one-magnet, two-magnet, and four-magnet configurations. Finally,

virtually every magnetic monument is, like Pliny’s, portrayed as one of a kind.35 This

makes the levitating artifact the sole remnant of a lost skill, suspended in time as well as

space; since relics represent loss of another kind, Christian levitation-miracles supply

equally evocative remnants.

After Pliny we turn to late antiquity, when faith comes to the fore and the longest

and most coherent tradition about magnetic levitation begins, based on the historic temple

of Serapis at Alexandria. It has an obvious link to the “Timochares” tale, being set in the

same city. The Serapeum complex, built by Ptolemy III, was thoroughly destroyed by

Christians around AD 391 following the Theodosian decrees. After this event, numerous

historians report that an iron image of Helios had been suspended within using

magnetism. They mention it after describing the Serapis cult-statue, a dazzling colossus

of multiple precious stones and metals. Both descriptions imbue the ruined site of

33 The exceptions (discussed below) are Gehazi’s and Jeroboam’s idols, Yablunus’

“Monastery of the Idol,” and the mausoleum of “Magus” of Muhammad in Embrico.

34 The unique exception is the idol ascribed to Gehazi in the Talmud.

35 Gehazi’s idol is again exceptional, being compared to those of Jeroboam.

14

worship with sinful exoticism. This combination recurs in much later tales of similar

wonders, gratifying the imagination while sharpening the moral lesson of righteous

destruction.. The earliest account appears in Tyrannius Rufinus, who specifies only a

single magnet:36

There was also another kind of deception, namely the following: the magnet is

known to be of such a nature that it seizes upon and attracts iron. A craftsman

(artifex) had with very skilful hand fashioned an iron image of the Sun

(signum Solis) for this very purpose, so that the stone—we have said that it

has the property of attracting iron—was fixed in the ceiling-coffers above (in

laquearibus fixus). When the image had been placed precisely under the ray

and balanced (sub ipso radio ad libram), and by force of nature the stone

attracted the iron, the image seemed to the people to have risen up and be

hanging in the air (in aëre pendere). And in case this was betrayed by a

sudden fall, the treacherous ministers used to say, “The Sun has risen, so that

bidding farewell to Serapis, he may go off to his own place.”

Rufinus’ description is evidently fantastical, but the circumstantial details make it sound

as if some mechanical trick were indeed used. Schwartz has plausibly suggested that

Rufinus transposed this and other elements from the earlier destruction of the moon-god

Sîn at Carrhae (the medieval “Harran,” discussed below).37 Christopher Jones recently

36 Rufinus Ecclesiastical History 2.23.

37 Schwartz 1966. Pola1ski 1998: 122-28 contests certain aspects.

15

offered new reasons to identify this with a temple that contained “secret devices of the

ceiling” and many iron statues.38 In any case, Ptolemaic Alexandria had been home to the

inventors Ctesibius, Philo, and later Hero, who recorded how to create apparently

supernatural effects such as self-opening temple doors.39 Rufinus may represent a

repurposed version of Pliny’s “Timochares” anecdote, but in any case, Christian authors

for centuries to come treated the Sun-image as an important detail of the Serapeum’s

destruction. For Pliny (and Ampelius, as we shall soon see) the magnetic monument was

an end in itself, edifying and entertaining, resembling his larger distillation of world

knowledge. Rufinus gave it much deeper implications as an instrument with a purpose,

like most artificial wonders whether magical or technological. For the Christian

chroniclers it was a faith-machine, generating false belief until its magnetic workings

were physically or intellectually exposed. Conversely, we shall find that in some accounts

of levitation in the second millennium (both Christian and non-Christian), the magnetic

workings are themselves the belief-sustaining miracle. This reflects the view prevailing in

38 Jones 2013; Libanius Or. 30.44-45. If so, Theodoret’s claim that a female corpse—

disemboweled for omens by the occultist Julian—was found inside the Carrhae temple

“suspended by the hair” (􀋪􀇭 􀇷 􀇰 􀇷􀇴􀇬􀇺 􀇰 􀇼􀇴􀇪􀇯􀇠􀇰􀇲􀇰, Church History 3.21 = PG

82.1119) might well derive from magnetic suspension: decades earlier, Ausonius

described Arsinoe’s statue as magnetically suspended “by its iron-clad hair” (affictamque

trahit ferrato crine puellam, Mosella 317). 

39 Hero Pneumatica 1.17, 38-39. It may also be relevant that Manetho, a Ptolemaic

authority on the Serapis cult, dubbed magnetite “the bone of Horus”—often identified as

the sun-god—and iron “the bone of Typhon” (Plut. De Is. et Os. 62).

16

High Middle Age Christendom that the supernatural or inexplicable is evidence of God’s

power in nature.40 Indeed, as I shall demonstrate later, magnetism would directly inspire a

Christian relic-powered form of miracle.

Repeated mentions of the Serapeum Helios throughout the Middle Ages, with

occasional changes, shed light on how magnetic levitation was thought to work. Probably

the most widely read report after Pliny’s appears in Augustine’s City of God. It was

written soon after 410, only postdating Rufinus’ history by a few years, yet several details

are different. Augustine passingly describes magnetic levitation as a false miracle

achieved “in a certain temple” (in quodam templo):41

The marvels that they call “contrivances” (mirifica, quae 􀇯􀇪􀇺􀇤􀇰􀇡􀇯􀇤􀇷􀇤 

appellant), made by human skill through manipulating God’s creation, are so

many and so great that those who don’t know better think them divine. So it

happened that in a certain temple, where magnets were placed in the ground

and the vault in proportion to their size [in solo et camera proportione

magnitudinis positis], an iron statue was suspended in mid-air between the

two stones. To those unaware of what was above and below, it hung as if by

divine power.

40 See Bynum 2011, whose discussion on the materiality of saints’ bodies may in some

respects be extended to physical matter in general. On the cult of relics in eastern

Christendom, see recently Hahn and Klein 2015.

41 Augustine Civ. D. 21.6. Isid. Orig. 16.4 merely repeats Augustine and Pliny.

17

Augustine goes on to say that supposed miracles such as this levitating statue—his use of

the Greek 􀇯􀇪􀇺􀇤􀇰􀇡􀇯􀇤􀇷􀇤 collectively secularizes non-Christian mirifica—are not proofs

of divine power but simple tricks using either mechanisms or magic. Although he almost

certainly means the Helios statue at Alexandria, he specifies magnets both above and

below it, contradicting Rufinus. This alternative guess at the workings of magnetic

suspension is also impossible,42 but marginally more plausible than one magnet pulling

against gravity. Perhaps a shared source had envisaged the multiple-magnet, focal-point

model and Augustine’s version is more faithful than Rufinus’. In the second quarter of

the fifth century, Augustine’s student Quodvultdeus repeats Rufinus’ one-magnet

configuration but seems to derive his account from an independent source. He does not

name the statue but calls it a quadriga (four-horse chariot); Helios was usually

represented driving a quadriga. The tale of its destruction has also become dramatized:43

At Alexandria in the temple of Serapis this was offered as “proof” of a spirit

(hoc argumentum daemonis fuit): an iron chariot with no plinth to support it

and no hooks attaching it to the walls, hanging in the air (in aëre pendens). It

stunned everyone and, to mortal eyes, seemed to display divine assistance,

although in fact a magnet attached to the vault in that spot (eo loco camerae

affixus), which kept the iron joined to it and hanging, was holding up the

42 Even if the poles were aligned, gravity and air currents would instantly dislodge the

statue.

43 Quodvultdeus De promissionibus et praedictionibus dei 38 = PL 51 834c (attributed

there to Prosper of Aquitaine, but see e.g. Radl 1988).

18

entire assemblage (totam illam machinam sustentabat). Accordingly, when

one inspired servant of God had figured this out (id intellexisset), he sneaked

the magnet away (subtraxit) from the vault and instantly the whole display

collapsed and broke apart. This showed that it was not divine, as a mortal man

had proved (firmaverit).

In Quodvultdeus, the single magnet is small and portable enough for an iconoclast to

remove without detection, essentially a magic talisman whose spell breaks when it is

removed from its place of concealment. Quodvultdeus also mentions the vault, like

Augustine, whereas Rufinus has the magnet embedded in the coffers of the ceiling. Two

ninth-century texts show further changes. Haymo of Halberstadt faithfully reproduces

Rufinus’ account but adds that the statue is huge, gilded, and suspended between two

magnets (Augustine-style).44 Conversely, Haymo’s Byzantine near-contemporary George

the Monk describes the “statue of wickedness” (􀇨 􀇧􀇲􀇵 􀇭􀇤􀇭􀇲􀇸􀇴􀇦􀇢􀇤􀇵) as hanging from

one magnet in the coffers (Rufinus-style). In George the iron is far more hidden, and the

magnet’s strength is more enormous, since the statue is now bronze with iron merely

nailed inside its head. The Suda quotes George’s description verbatim in the tenth

44 lapidibus magnetibus in solo et camera…simulacrum ferreum deauratum mirae

magnitudinis (Epitome of the Sacred History 8 = PL 118.873c). Bruno of Segni follows

this description closely (Sententiae 3 = PL 165.983d).

19

century, and Cedrenus paraphrases it closely in the eleventh.45 Only in the early twelfth

(AD 1118) does Michael Glycas introduce a new variation:46

In that temple there was a statue that hung irresistibly aloft; for pieces of iron

were fastened around it—the statue, of course—in a circle, and magnets

fastened directly opposite them, and it was suspended between the floor and

the roof. For being drawn equally from four directions, and not leaning

anywhere, it was forced to hang in mid-air.

Although we know little about the sources for these historical notices of the Serapeum

Helios, they clearly vary according to how the properties of magnets are imagined.47 In

retrospect, based on this later consensus that magnetic forces are hugely stable and

powerful, the ambition ascribed to “Timochares” could well be true. Our sources disagree

on how the Helios was suspended: Rufinus claims that it hung from a magnet above, as if

on an invisible chain, whereas Augustine’s statue, probably the same one, is the first to

have magnets pulling up and down simultaneously. (Even for someone who believed in

stable suspension from one magnet, the second would serve to prevent the object from

45 George the Monk Chronicon 2.584.18-2.585.6; Suda s.v. 􀇐􀇤􀇦􀇰 􀇷􀇬􀇵; Cedrenus

Compendium Historiarum 325b Niebuhr = PG 121.620.

46 Michael Glycas Chronicle 4.257 = PG 158.433.

47 Descriptions of magnetic monuments seem unconcerned with the brief remarks on

magnetism by classical philosophers (see Radl 1988), which concern only the nature of

the force, not the factors affecting its strength or the effects of competing forces.

20

swinging.) Finally, Quodvultdeus’ magnet is a small, removable talisman, which

completes the transformation of the levitating statue: a putative engineering challenge in

the Hellenistic age, with the properties of magnets on show, becomes a magic-based

religious fraud in late antiquity, with the properties of magnets kept secret. As we shall

see, later medieval accounts transfer the false miracle from paganism to other religions.

The variations between arrangements of magnets tell us much about

contemporary theories of magnetism. In Rufinus and Quodvultdeus, magnets hold objects

at fixed lengths by pulling against gravity, whereas in most sources, two or more magnets

pull simultaneously. However, in most accounts, magnetically suspended objects cannot

be dislodged by force, and only move when the magnet is extracted.48 It is doubtful that

the invisible forces in magnetic monuments were ever imagined as “elastic,” i.e. as

varying by distance, since as we shall see in later sources, multiple magnets emphatically

prevent the suspended object from any movement. Carefully positioned magnets are

consistently pictured as generating unbreakable chains, not fields, which is why the

suspended object’s shape and weight hardly matter. Rufinus’ remark that the Serapeum

priests were afraid of the statue falling is not based, as one might expect, on the fear that

it might easily shift from its exact position. Rufinus’ priests are only as afraid as they

would be for any statue hanging from a chain.

48 The coffin of St. Paulinus is an interesting case: it no longer levitates because some

unbelievers wickedly pushed it to the ground (post multos annos a quibusdam infidelibus

depressum subsedit, Gesta Treverorum 43 = PL 154.1164). However, it was suspended

by God rather than by magnets (see discussion below), so it is not an exception to the

rule.

21

3. INVISIBLE BONDS AS BASIS FOR CHRISTIAN MIRACLES

Invisible suspension reappears in the fourth and fifth centuries in the form of

Christian miracles, which do not involve magnets, but deserve discussion as they

reinforce the “invisible chains” hypothesis by imitating suspension by ropes. One

example appears in Rufinus’ narrative of how an unnamed woman, later identified with

St. Nina, converted the Caucasian kingdom of Iberia.49 The third column of the Iberians’

inaugural church seemed impossible to lift and was abandoned overnight. Next morning

they found it hanging perpendicular, one foot above its pedestal, and before the rejoicing

crowd it sank into position (the remainder were easily erected). It behaved as if moved by

an invisible crane. Likewise, miraculous suspensions of demoniacs during exorcism, first

attested in Hilary of Poitiers and three near-contemporaries,50 mimic a torture method

documented in martyrology.51 It differs sharply from the voluntary aerobatics of sorcerers

49 Tyrannius Rufinus Historia Ecclesiastica 1.10 = PL 481c-482c.

50 Hilary of Poitiers Contra Constantium 8.2-10; Jerome Vita Hilarionis 13.6, Epistles

108.13; Sulpicius Severus Dialogi 3.6.2-4; Paulinus of Nola Carmen 23.82-95. Two later

Greek examples are divergent: in Palladius a demoniac levitates during exorcism, swells,

and emits water (Historia Lausiaca 22), and in Sozomen another levitates (without

specified Christian agency) and taunts John the Baptist (Historia Ecclesiastica 7.24.8).

51 Wi;niewski (2002: 373-74) makes this point cautiously but convincingly, quoting a

sixth-century description of a demoniac shouting confessions while hanging by his

22

like Simon Magus, who resemble birds (or rather Icarus, whose pride led to a fall).52 The

four early sources consistently describe demoniacs hanging before saints upside down,

specifying that their clothes are supernaturally held upward to cover their nakedness.

Decades earlier, Eusebius’ description of martyrdoms at Thebais mentioned the “cruel

and shameful spectacle” of women indecently suspended by one foot from pulleys

(􀇯􀇤􀇦􀇦􀇟􀇰􀇲􀇬􀇵 􀇷􀇬􀇶 􀇰).53 This implies that these miraculous levitations of humans came

about because martyrdom was sublimated into exorcism. As saints torture demons into

confessing, the demoniac hangs temporarily from invisible ropes, just as metal objects

hang more permanently from invisible chains.54

elbows over a saint’s cinerary urn, like criminals “condemned to flogging on nooses”

(tendiculis iudicum sententia verberari, Anon. Vita Patrum Iurensium 42). Wi;niewski

also quotes Augustine comparing the tormented status of demons (physically celestial,

spiritually terrestrial) with suspension head-downwards (Civ. D. 9.9).

52 Anon. Acts of Peter; cf. Iamblichus De mysteriis Aegyptiorum 3.5.112.3-5. Demons

were imagined as native to the air. Gregory of Tours (Liber Miraculorum 24 = PL

71.735c) combines exorcism with aerobatics: the saint extracts a confession by lifting

someone by the feet and dropping him on his head (cf. Constantius of Lyons Vita

Germani 7.18-37).

53 Eusebius Historia Ecclesiastica 8.9. It may be relevant that in Sophronius’ seventhcentury

Life of Mary of Egypt, Zosimas clothes Mary’s nakedness immediately before her

levitation that closely resembles exorcism (Life 15 = PG 87.3708d).

54 The same principle underlies a later class of miracle (attributed to Goar, Aicandrus,

Aldhelm, Dunstan, and others) in which saints accidentally cause garments to levitate by

23

4. SYRIA: NIKE AND BELLEROPHON

Our second-earliest classical source concerning levitation (after Pliny) is

frequently overlooked, but will prove very significant. It is a brief notice in a catalogue of

the world’s wonders from Ampelius’ book of facts for boys, probably written in the

fourth century AD. Unlike the Arsinoe monument, it is described as real and is located in

a different prosperous Hellenic city:55

At Magnesia-under-Sipylus there are four columns. Between these columns is

an iron Victory, hanging without any suspension (pendens sine aliquo

vinculo), bobbing in the air (in aëre ludens); but every time there is wind or

rain (quotiens ventus aut pluvia fuerit), it does not move.

Ampelius does not actually mention magnets, but his ultimate source probably did, since

the levitating Nike is both made of iron and located at Magnesia, reputed origin of

Magnesia lapis or magnetite.56 That source was probably a Hellenistic Greek

hanging them on a sunbeam. This is modelled on the use of wooden perches as coatracks:

the first recorded example (Waldelbert’s expanded Life of St. Goar) makes this explicit.

55 Ampelius Liber Memorialis 8.9.

56Ancient sources already show uncertainty over which Magnesia (those in Thessaly, on

the Maeander in the province of Syria, and under Mount Sipylus in the province of Asia)

24

paradoxography from Alexandria.57 Like Erotes, Nikai were commonly portrayed in

flight and sometimes used as metal pendants in jewelry: suspending Nike aloft, perhaps

using a concealed bracket, would be a reasonable continuation of Greek sculptors’ efforts

to represent her alighting weightlessly, as in the famous Paionian and Samothracian

statues. We hear of a sizeable mechanically suspended Nike statue at Pergamum in the

first century BC.58 It seems likely that Ampelius’ “four columns” means a tetrapylon,

since there is at least one Hellenistic parallel for a goddess statue thus installed.59

exported magnetite. Its other early names, “Heraclean stone” and “Lydian stone”

(Rommel 1927: col. 475), offer little help because there were also several Heracleas. This

may be the most overdue application of magnetometry to any ancient enigma.

57 von Rohden 1875: 3-29.

58 In the theater at Pergamum, which is far north of Magnesia but still within the

Hellenistic province of Asia, a suspended Nike was employed to lower a crown onto

Mithridates Eupator (Plut. Sull. 11). On nikai as pendants in jewelry, see LIMC s.v. Nike.

59 At least one tetrapylon in Hellenistic Syria contained a goddess statue, although no

exact parallel for a Nike image survives. When Seleucus destroyed the city of Antigonia

in the second century BC, he installed a statue of Antigonia’s Tyche inside a tetrapylon at

Antioch (Malalas 8.201). This is probably the Tyche shown sitting between two pairs of

columns on Antiochene coin-issues, especially of the second and third centuries AD

(LIMC s.v. Antiocheia). Other Syrian cities including Anjar, Palmyra, and Aphrodisias

gained tetrapyla between the second and fourth centuries AD; Palmyra’s tetrakionion

could have housed four statues, although none survive. That of Aphrodisias bears reliefs

of Nikai and Erotes in flight. An Aphrodite statue in fifth-century Gaza occupied a plinth

25

Meanwhile, his description of the Nike, which even wobbles (when touched?), matches

the model I have established for magnetic forces as invisible chains (especially sine

aliquo vinculo).60

Despite sharing the recurrent assumption that magnets work like chains, Ampelius

is best treated separately from the “mainstream” tradition about Alexandria that I have

outlined, because he seems to preserve an independent tradition concerning the Near East

that surfaces again many centuries later. This late resurgence has two points of contact

with Ampelius’ brief notice, one geographic, the other thematic. In the High Middle Ages

we hear of a new levitating monument: a giant airborne statue of Bellerophon riding

Pegasus. Scholars have traced its evolution from what was probably a genuine monument

from classical antiquity into a world wonder.61 This begins with Cosmas of Maiuma’s

eighth-century commentary on Gregory of Nazianzus’ poems.62 Gregory alludes to the

at a crossroads, perhaps within another tetrapylon (􀇳􀇨􀇴  􀇷  􀇭􀇤􀇮􀇲􀈀􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇰

􀇷􀇨􀇷􀇴􀇟􀇯􀇹􀇲􀇧􀇲􀇰...􀋪􀇳􀇟􀇰􀇼 􀇥􀇼􀇯􀇲  􀇮􀇬􀇫􀇢􀇰􀇲􀇸, Mark the Deacon Vita Porphyrii 59). Classical

Magnesia-under-Sipylus (modern Manisa) remains largely unexcavated.

60 Pliny describes both a “rocking stone” at Harpasa (cautes stat horrenda uno digito

mobilis, eadem, si toto corpore inpellatur, resistens, HN 2.98, cf. Ap. Rhod. Argon.

1.1304-1308) and the colossal Zeus at Tarentum, said to revolve on its axis and as

resisting force despite yielding to manual pressure (mirum in eo quod manu, ut ferunt,

mobilis ea ratio libramenti est, ut nullis convellatur procellis, HN 34.40).

61 Reinach 1912, Deonna 1914, Rushforth 1919.

62 Eckhardt 1949: 80 wrongly derives pseudo-Bede’s levitating Bellerophon from Prosper

of Aquitaine (i.e. Quodvultdeus).

26

Seven Wonders rather obliquely and Cosmas only gets some of them right; for example,

he knows that one of the two statues is the Colossus of Rhodes, but seems unaware of the

Zeus at Olympia. Perhaps because Cosmas is a native of Damascus in Syria and more

familiar with the near East, a different statue comes to mind:63

􀋦􀇦􀇤􀇮􀇯􀇤 􀇳􀇟􀇮􀇬􀇰 􀋪􀇶􀇷 􀇰 􀇷  􀋪􀇰 􀇖􀇯􀈀􀇴􀇰  􀇷􀇲  􀇆􀇨􀇮􀇮􀇨􀇴􀇲􀇹􀇿􀇰􀇷􀇲􀇸, 􀇳􀇨􀇴 􀋪􀇶􀇷 􀇰 􀋪􀇳  

􀇺􀇡􀇯􀇤􀇷􀇲􀇵 􀋪􀇳  􀇷 􀇰 􀇫􀇟􀇮􀇤􀇶􀇶􀇤􀇰 􀇳􀇴􀇲􀇭􀈀􀇳􀇷􀇲􀇰 􀇷􀇲  􀇷􀇨􀇢􀇺􀇲􀇸􀇵,  􀇷􀇨 􀇔􀇡􀇦􀇤􀇶􀇲􀇵

􀇳􀇳􀇲􀇵 􀇯􀇬􀇭􀇴 􀇰 􀇳􀇬􀇶􀇫􀇨􀇰 􀇷􀇲  􀇳􀇲􀇧 􀇵 􀇭􀇤􀇷􀇨􀇺􀇿􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇵, 􀇳􀇲􀇮􀇮􀇟􀇭􀇬􀇵 􀇯 􀇰 􀋶􀇴􀇠􀇯􀇤

􀇶􀇤􀇮􀇨􀇸􀇲􀈀􀇶􀇪􀇵 􀇶􀇸􀇰􀇨􀇳􀇿􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇵 􀇺􀇨􀇬􀇴􀇿􀇵∙ 􀇳􀇴􀇲􀇼􀇫􀇲􀈀􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇵 􀇧  􀇶 􀇰 􀇥􀇢 , 􀇯􀇠􀇰􀇼􀇰 􀇳􀇟􀇦􀇬􀇲􀇵

􀇭􀇤  􀋚􀇭􀇴􀇟􀇧􀇤􀇰􀇷􀇲􀇵. 

The second “statue” is that of Bellerophon in Smyrna, which is on a carriage

above the sea pointing out over the wall. Pegasus the horse is attached

discreetly behind one hoof, rocking slightly many times when a hand follows

along with it, but remaining firm and unshaken when shoved with force.

No such statue is attested elsewhere. I suggest that Gregory or his source wrote “Syria”

(􀇖􀇸􀇴􀇢 ), not “Smyrna” (􀇖􀇯􀈀􀇴􀇰 ), since a likely site for such a statue was Syria’s

maritime city of Bargylia, which derived its name from Bargylus, Bellerophon’s friend

killed by Pegasus.64 Cosmas’ Bellerophon is wondrous because deceptively resilient.65

63 Cosmas Commentarii in sancti Gregorii Nazanzieni carmina = PG 38.545-46.

64 Steph. Byz. s.v. 􀇆􀇤􀇴􀇦􀈀􀇮􀇬􀇤 (quoting Apollonius of Aphrodisias’ Karika, c.AD 200).

According to Ampelius, Syria’s Mount Bargylus had another wondrously resilient

27

This probably reminded later readers of magnetic monuments locked in place by invisible

chains, especially Ampelius’ Nike, which wobbled but stayed put. That would explain

why, in the tenth-century Seven Wonders of the World, the statue “at Smyrna” is now

made of iron and magnetic stones “in the vaults” (archivolis) suspend it in equilibrium (in

mensura aequiparata consistit), even though it weighs around 5000 pounds.

This Bellerophon is no longer poised to leap from a cliff-top, but airborne within

Smyrna. It has apparently merged with Ampelius’ levitating Nike; indeed, Magnesiaunder-

Sipylus was only twenty miles northeast of Smyrna, enjoying sympolity with it.

The magnets are fixed in the conventional “vaults,” probably meaning vertical

suspension; but the non-vertical hinc et inde implies horizontal suspension between two

or more magnets, for which the only precedent is Ampelius. In the twelfth century, the

well-read pilgrim “Master Gregory” attempts to reconcile his reading of the Seven

Wonders with what he personally saw at Rome. Despite following his source closely,

artwork: a lamp outside a temple of Venus that burned constantly, resisting wind and rain

(quam neque ventus extinguit, nec pluvia aspargit: Ampelius Liber Memorialis 8, cf.

Aug. Civ. D. 21.6).

65 Reinach 1912 and Deonna 1914: 102 believe that this statue somehow oscillated in a

socket. I suggest instead that the effect was achieved by embedding a metal armature

deep into the base, and Cosmas means that Pegasus wobbled or vibrated when shoved,

but was never dislodged.

28

Gregory relocates the Bellerophon to Rome on the basis of a textual error,66 which (since

he observed nothing like it there) obliged him to consider it a thing of the past.

Pseudo-Bede’s and Gregory’s Bellerophons hang between multiple magnets Ampeliusstyle,

not from a single magnet Rufinus-style, nor as a pair above and below Augustinestyle.

However, Gregory’s wording suggests that his occupies the focal point inside a

round-topped Roman archway. 67 It is tempting to see this focal-point arrangement as the

reason why levitating statues usually hang within vaults (and as we shall see, domes). It

may even be what our earliest sources intended, though descriptions vary over time.

5. NEAR EASTERN IDOL-WORSHIP AND THE TOMBS OF SAINTS

66 As Rushforth 1919: 43-44 shrewdly observes, Gregory must have read the Seven

Wonders (or something similar) not with in Smyrna civitate, “in the city of Smyrna,” but

with the variant in summa civitate, “over the top of the City.” (I have already suggested

that Smyrna was itself a corruption of Syria.) Meanwhile the name Bellerophon has been

corrupted to “Belloforon” and the weight tripled to 15000 Roman libra (the lower weight

of 5000 is realistic for a full-size iron equestrian statue. Estimating one libra at 328.9g

makes 5000 libra around 1640 kg; the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius, which is

over-life-size and made of heavier bronze, weighs 1920 kg: Marabelli 1994: 2).

67 Magnets exert equal forces “in the arches of the vault” (in arcus voltura, Rushforth’s

emendation of in arcus involsura).

29

During the first millennium AD, the ancient cultures of the Levant—or rather, the

reflections of their cultural heirs—yield a handful of allusions to levitation that differ

from those in our Greek and Latin sources. The Midrash (c.AD 200) reports among

hypotheses about how Gehazi sinned that “Some say he set up a lodestone according to

the sin of Jeroboam and made it stand between heaven and earth.”68 Jeroboam had

erected two golden calves as cult-objects in Bethel and Dan (II Kings viii.3); according to

the Babylonian Gemara (c.AD 500), he deployed magnets to hold these in mid-air.

Although the mechanical details differ,69 these remarks agree with the Serapeum

chroniclers (and many later reports of magnetic suspension) that idolaters successfully

created false miracles using magnetism. More surprisingly, a theory ascribed elsewhere

in the Gemara to the third-century Rabbi Jose ben Hanina involves a sacred usage.70

When asked how David could wear the gold Ammonite crown weighing one Babylonian

talent (around 30 kg: 2 Samuel xii.30), the Rabbi suggests that a magnetic stone held it

above his head.71

68 Tractate Sotah fol. 47a (trans. Robert Travers Herford).

69 The first passage is the only known pre-modern description of a magnet itself

levitating, instead of suspending other objects. The second passage also differs from

Greek and Roman accounts because it neither indicates where the magnets were placed

nor suggests that the golden calves contained iron.

70 Gemara Avodah Zarah fol. 44a.

71 This is probably inspired by the suspension of a heavy crown (from a chain inside an

arch) over the Sassanian monarch at Ctesiphon: see Erdmann 1951: 114-17.

30

To these three Talmudic examples we may add an Arabic one. Ibn Wahshiyya’s

translation of The Nabatean Agriculture in the early tenth century AD explains that when

Tammuz was murdered, Babylon’s statues all assembled in the temple of the Sun to

mourn him, whereupon the large golden Sun figure, normally suspended between heaven

and earth, came down among them. The date and authorship of The Nabatean Agriculture

itself is very uncertain, let alone this particular fable, but influences from late antique and

medieval Greek agronomic texts (mediated through the context of medieval Iraq) have

been detected elsewhere.72 This Babylonian Sun-statue could therefore derive partly from

the Alexandrian one, even though its levitation is a supernatural miracle with no mention

of magnets.73 Meanwhile, it is a golden idol, like Jeroboam’s calves, hangs “between

heaven and earth,” like Gehazi’s magnet, and is neutral or positive in character, like

David’s golden crown. These allusions all envisage non-Jewish peoples suspending

golden objects in the air, without mentioning vaults, iron, or extant monuments, but are

otherwise heterogeneous. Perhaps Western reports of magnetic suspension influenced

some or all of these Semitic reports of levitating gold objects, but indirectly at best. They

have no obvious bearing on its recurrent associations with the Near East.

72 The relevant passage is reported in Maimonides Guide for the Perplexed 29. The

Nabatean Agriculture and its interpretative problems are discussed in Hämeen-Anttila

2002–2003.

73 Two other tenth-century Muslim writers, describing India, mention a suspended idol

and golden temple without mentioning magnetism (Abu Dulaf and Al-Mas’udi, discussed

below), though no connection with Ibn Wahshiyya can be made.

31

After Ibn Wahshiyya, many other Muslim scholars report non-Muslims

worshipping levitating objects, in which the relationship between trick and miracle

remains close. The first and fullest reference to a levitating tomb of a Christian saint or

sage on Sicily comes from Ibn Hawqal in the late tenth century:74

The great city of Balarm (Palermo)…contains a large mosque for assembly,

which was the church of Rome before the conquest, and where there is an

impressive shrine. I have heard from a logician that the philosopher (hakim) of

the Greeks, Arastutalis (Aristotle), was suspended in a wooden coffin within

this chapel, which Muslims have converted into a mosque. The Christians

honored his tomb and went there to receive healing, because they had seen

how the Greeks had regarded and revered him. He also told me that he lies

suspended between heaven and earth so that people can beg him to send rain

or bestow a cure, or for all other important matters in which it is essential to

address God in the highest and propitiate him: in case of misfortune,

destruction, or civil war. And there I saw a wooden coffin which was probably

his tomb.

74 Ibn Hawqal Surat al-‘Ard, translation adapted from Vanoli 2008: 247-48.

32

Palermo had been Arab-controlled since AD 831, so Ibn Hawqal’s informer was telling a

tale set more than two centuries in the past.75 This imagined veneration of Aristotle

reflects mutual Christian and Muslim respect for him in the tenth century, when Sicily

was pre-eminent in Aristotelian scholarship. These remains, surely belonging to a

Christian saint, become those of Galen or Socrates in later Muslim references.76 As a

Greek hakim occupying a suspended coffin, Aristotle represents occult Hermetic

knowledge reimagined as Christian hierolatry. The hakim-saint purportedly received

intercessory prayers while poised between heaven and earth, neatly encapsulating Sicily’s

cultural melting pot. On Cyprus, another “frontier island,” Christian-Muslim interactions

proved less harmonious. The silver-clad wooden cross of the Good Thief, which St.

Helena brought to Stavrovouni Monastery, was miraculously suspended before the gaze

of several pilgrims who recorded the experience.77 Felix Faber’s description is fullest: the

75 The eleventh-century Book of Curiosities says only that Christians at Palermo used to

pray to “a piece of wood” for rain (Savage-Smith 2014: 457), indicating that it was not

revered during Arab occupation.

76 In the thirteenth century, the Tunisian author Ibn al-Shabb􀆗t says that Sicily is where

Ğ􀆗l􀆯n􀇌s (Galen) is buried; in the fifteenth century, al-B􀆗kuw􀆯 says it was Sukrat

(Socrates): citations in Vanoli 2008: 249-50.

77 Daniel the Traveler Puteshestive igumena Daniila; Wilbrand of Oldenburg Itinerarium

terrae sanctae 30 (Itinera Hierosolymitana Crucesignatorum III p. 230); Ogier

d’Anglure Le Saint Voyage de Jherusalem 295; Felix Faber Evagatorium 36B-37B.

These visits occurred respectively in AD 1106, 1211, 1395, and 1480. Around 1370,

Guillaume de Machaut attested its fame in verse (Prise d’Alexandrie 291-98).

33

cross hung within a blind window, its arms and foot reaching into oversized recesses.

Like Cosmas’ Bellerophon (and Ampelius’ Nike) it wobbled when touched,78 and was

probably suspended on a concealed metal bracket. But we have two Muslim retorts to

Christian polemics that denounce it as a trick involving magnets. In mid-twelfth-century

Cordoba, Al-Khazraji pours scorn on reputed miracles, the second of which is a cross

hanging in mid-air. He calls this no miracle, merely a trick (h􀆯la) achieved using magnets

hidden inside the church walls.79 In 1321, Al-Dimashqi confirms the identification by

including in a similar list “the cross in Cyprus, suspended in mid-air using magnets.”80

These denunciations of idolaters tricking spectators with magnetism match those in the

Talmud. However, as we have seen, Christianity possessed its own long tradition of such

denunciations.

In the early sixth century, Cassiodorus passingly alludes to an otherwise unknown

iron Cupid that hung in a temple of Diana “without any attachment”: Helios has probably

been replaced here with a better-known flying god, and the Serapeum with the better-

78 ut dicunt, nullo innitens adminiculo, in aëre pendet, et fluctuat; quod tamen non

videtur de facili (Wilbrand of Oldenburg Itinerarium terrae sanctae 30 = IHC III p. 230);

“quant l’en y touche elle bransle fort” (Ogier d’Anglure Le Saint Voyage de Jherusalem

295).

79 Al-Khazraji Maqami al-sulban (Triumph over the Cross), framed as a retort to an anti-

Muslim priest called Al-Quti (“The Goth”), cited in Vanoli 2008: 257.

80 Ibn Ali Talib Al-Dimashqi Response to the Letter from the People of Cyprus 54r.

34

known temple of Ephesus.81 By contrast, a much later European source endows a

different flying god—Mercury—with a similar statue using a direct Christian model. The

relevant passages of the eleventh- or twelfth-century Gesta Treverorum spin tall tales of

Treveri’s historic remains,82 aiming to establish that the town (briefly the Western

Empire’s capital in the fourth century) had both a longer history and more splendid

monuments than Rome.83 Treveri’s include a temple with a hundred statues and a vast

iron Mercury in flight. These correspond to wondrous monuments in High Middle Age

accounts of Rome: the “Salvatio Romae” statue-group, and the aforementioned iron

Bellerophon.84 The Mercury hung inside an arch with magnets above and below

(Augustine-style). The author forestalls doubt by including a documentary letter from an

eyewitness, as well as a Latin inscription clearly aimed at readers, not observers: Ferreus

in vacuis pendet caducifer auris, “The iron caduceus-bearer hangs in thin air.”85

81 mechanisma…fecisse dicitur…ferreum Cupidinem in Dianae templo sine aliqua

alligatione pendere (Variae 1.45.10).

82 PL 154.1094-95, 1122.

83 The Gesta contributes to a High-Middle-Age rebranding of Trier as “the second Rome”

(Hammer 1944). Its comically majestic antiquities include a marble Jupiter

commemorating how taxes withheld by five Rhenish cities were “extracted by thunder

and celestial terror” (fulmine et caelesti terrore extorto, Gesta 23 = PL 154.1122).

84 Note the competitive emphasis on the size and weight of the Mercury statue (mirae

magnitudinis, 1094-95; magni ponderis, 1122).

85 This hexameter has strongly Ovidian features, especially his characteristic epithet

caducifer (compare metrical parallels: Ars Am. 1.473 ferreus adsiduo consumitur anulus

35

I suggest that this story is best compared with a Christian miracle, narrated later in

the self-same text, concerning St. Paulinus of Treveri whose coffin was suspended from

iron chains. When the Norman marauders of AD 882 ripped these away, it remained

hanging in mid-air, only sinking to rest years later when some unbelievers pushed it

downward, incurring doom in the process.86 For this semi-fantasized crypt, as for the

purely fantasized Mercury-temple, a fictive document is “quoted” extensively.87 Another

correspondence is that numerous fellow martyrs surround Paulinus. In an irreverent

reimagining of local legend these became the hundred pagan statues, while Paulinus’

levitating wooden coffin became the levitating iron Mercury, hanging on the invisible

“chains” of magnets. It is just possible that Christian relics really were suspended on

chains in the High Middle Ages; most reports of chain-hung coffins are dubious, since

usu, cf. Am. 1.6.27, 1.7.50, 2.5.11, 2.19.4; Met. 8.820 adflat et in vacuis spargit ieiunia

venis; Fast. 4.605 Tartara iussus adit sumptis Caducifer alis, cf. Met. 2.708, 8.627). It is

tempting to see in caducifer a pun on caducum ferrum, “iron ready to fall.” Embrico

shows Ovidian influence too: Cambier 1961: 376 notes that the lines Nam si vixisset opus

atque loqui potuisset / “Materiam vici!” diceret artifici allude to Ovid’s comment on the

sumptuous temple of the Sun, materiam superabat opus (Met. 2.5). South Germany’s

early twelfth-century Ovidian renaissance (Conte 1994 [1987]: 360) is the mutual context

for Embrico and the Gesta.

86 Gesta 43 = PL 154.1164. This narrative combines miraculous suspension with the

topos of the saint’s coffin becoming immobile, signifying his desire to remain on site.

87 A verbose lead tablet incorporating a prophecy about the Normans: Gesta 42 = PL

154.1161.

36

they appear in travelers’ tales, but a suspended reliquary appeared at Nuremberg in the

fifteenth century.88 However, a levitating tomb of any material has no Christian

88 On suspended ostrich-eggs and similar objects in Eastern medieval churches and

mosques, see Green 2006; in sacred art, Flood 2001:15-58. Two twelfth-century Jewish

periegetes claim that the prophet Daniel’s remains could be seen in a shining glass or

bronze coffin in Susa, hanging from iron chains under a bridge over the Choaspes to shed

blessings on both banks: Benjamin of Tudela Itinerary (Adler 1907: 52-53), Petachiah of

Regensburg Travels (Benisch 1856: 38-41). In the same century (c. AD 1170),

Barbarossa donated the four-meter-wide gilt chandelier hanging from 25 meters of chain

in Aachen Cathedral. Al-Harawi, in his late twelfth- or early thirteenth-century Guide to

Knowledge of Pilgrimage Places, claimed that Rome’s largest church kept St. Peter’s

remains “within a silver ark hanging by chains from the ceiling” (trans. Lee 1829: 161).

This may be a garbled account of Constantine’s thirty-pound gold chandelier, which hung

over St. Peter’s bronze-clad tomb (according to the Liber Pontificalis, and is shown

hanging on chains on the Pola Casket). Robert of Clari, narrating Constantinople’s fall in

1204, claims that a shroud and a tile imprinted with Jesus’ face hung in gold vessels from

silver chains (83). From the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries, a casket of relics including

the spear of Longinus (when not ceremonially displayed) hung on two chains in

Nuremberg’s Holy Ghost Hospital Church (Kahsnitz et al. 1986: 179-80). It is relevant

that when a fourteenth-century source claims that Muhammad’s embalmed foot occupies

a golden casket at Bladacta, the three large magnets suspending it are “in the chains

hanging above it” (a tribus magnis lapidibus calamitis in cathenis pendentibus super

eam, Anon. Liber Nicolay fol. 353 verso, quoted in Eckhardt 1949: 85).

37

precedent, and I would instead connect it with Ibn Hawqal’s earlier report that a wooden

coffin once hung in mid-air. It is also notable that the historical Paulinus died in AD 358

during exile in Phrygia, returning in the damask-wrapped cedarwood coffin where he

remains today.89 Paulinus himself therefore links the levitating Mercury in Trier’s

fanciful Gesta (or should that be geste?) back to the late classical Near East. This may

reflect a broader European tendency to associate artificial marvels with the East.90

The “sacred physics” of the Stavrovouni cross and the coffins at Palermo and

Trier consistently resembles magnetic suspension because, I propose, medieval

Christendom substituted holy relic-matter for iron as the “active ingredient” of suspended

objects.91 This finally lets us explain an enigmatic monument in the eleventh-century

Norman Life of St. Illtud which, like Rome’s Bellerophon, found its way into a list of

wonders.92 It combines the levitating tombs of Ibn Hawqal and the Gesta Treverorum

89 The rectangular coffin has no chains but its iron fittings have eyelets on the sides,

probably for ring handles.

90 “In general, the marvels of art came from Africa and Asia, lands believed far to surpass

Europe not only in natural variety and fertility, but also in fertility of human imagination”

(Daston and Park 1998: 88).

91 This also explains the ninth-century claim that inserted relics held Hagia Sophia’s

dome upright (Diegesis 14).

92 On this episode, and our sources, see Evans 2011. Illtud’s altar is the longest and the

only man-made or Christian item in the De Mirabilibus Britanniae, appended to some

manuscripts of the Historia Brittonum, which cannot be securely dated before the twelfth

38

with another class of miraculous object, the miraculously buoyant altars attributed to

several Celtic saints.93 In the longer version, two strangers sail to Illtud’s cave, bringing

him a saint’s corpse with an altar above his face, “supported by God’s favor” (Dei nutu

fulcitur). Illtud buries the saint, who requested anonymity to avoid being sworn upon, and

builds a church around the altar, still levitating “to the present day” (usque in hodiernum

diem).94 Church altars stood over a saint’s tomb wherever possible, and likewise portable

altars (wood, metal, or stone) featured a compartment for saints’ relics.95 Further

confirmation of the parallel with Paulinus’ coffin comes in the fates of two empiricists

who later examined this altar. The first passes a withy underneath the altar and proves its

levitation, but dies within a month, as does the second who looks underneath and is

blinded; they resemble the doubters at Trier, who pushed Paulinus’ levitating tomb

downward and later fell sick. Lifris claims extensive cultural property for Cadoc,

including descent from Roman emperors, burial in Italy, travels in Jerusalem, and

century. These idiosyncrasies imply that it was culled from a hagiography, apparently a

lengthier version of the extant Life.

93 Patrick, Brynach, Carannog, and Padarn’s disciple Nimmanauc (Evans 2011: 59, 63-

64).

94 De Mirabilibus Britanniae 10, cf. Life of Illtud 22.

95 An extant example (c. 690) was found with the body of St. Cuthbert at Durham

Cathedral. In 714, Jonas of Fontenelle described another, owned by St. Wulfram

(altare…in medio reliquiae continens sanctorum in modum clypei, quod, secum dum iter

ageret vehere solitus erat). In 787, the Second Council of Nicaea stipulated that every

new altar must contain saints’ relics.

39

interactions with King Arthur. These also include the relic-powered levitating monument,

which brought this Christianized version of magnetic suspension as far west as Wales.

6. THE TOMB OF MUHAMMAD

The iron Bellerophon, perhaps too fanciful and arbitrary for belief, apparently

faded from memory after pseudo-Bede and Gregory. But in the High Middle Ages, in a

politically charged context and with enough plausibility to retain credence across Europe

until the sixteenth century, the tomb of Muhammad becomes history’s most notorious

magnetic monument.96 Eckhardt astutely traces its development through anti-Muslim

polemics back to the early twelfth-century Vita Mahumeti by Embrico of Mainz, but

claims that Embrico borrowed the motif directly from Pliny and Rufinus, which I shall

show to be incorrect.97 In Chant 16, a magician installs Muhammad’s corpse in a

sumptuous temple using this trick:

Thus the lofty creation (opus elatum), furnished with a single magnet,

stood in the center which was shaped like an arch.

Muhammad is carried under this and put in a tomb,

96 Gibbon 1789: 6.262 finds it still necessary to deny that Muhammad’s tomb was

suspended by magnets.

97 Eckhardt 1949. The vita auctoris has since been discovered, correcting the

misattribution to Hildebert of Lavardin.

40

Which, in case you should ask, had been made from bronze.

And indeed, because [the magnet] pulls together such a mass of bronze (tam

grandia contrahat aera),

The tomb in which the king lay was lifted up.

And there he hung, by the power of the stones.

Therefore the ignorant public, after they saw the prodigy of the tomb,

Took as fact what was merely a show (rem pro signo tenuerunt),

Believing—miserable people—that Muhammad made it happen (per

Mahumet fieri).

Embrico goes on to say that the tomb hangs “without a chain” (absque catena), by

“magic” (ars magica). Gautier de Compiègne repeats most of the same details in his Otia

de Machomete,98 also composed early in the 1100s, although he explains the magnetic

trick differently:

…For, as they say, the vessel in which the remains

of Muhammad lie buried seems to hang,

So that it is seen suspended in the air without support,

But no chain pulls on it from above either.

Therefore, if you should ask them how come it does not fall,

They think (in their delusion) it is by the powers of Muhammad.

98 Verses 1057-77. Alexandre du Pont’s thirteenth-century Li Romans de Mahon

faithfully follows Gautier (1902-15) and adds no new details.

41

But in fact the vessel is clad in iron on all sides,

And stands in the center of a square house,

And there is adamant-stone99 in the four parts of the temple,

At equal distances in one direction or another;

By natural force it draws the bier towards itself equally,

So that the vessel cannot fall on any side.

Importantly, Embrico specified that the coffin (tumulum, tumba) was bronze, like the

statue in George the Monk without its iron nail. However, Gautier clearly has an

independent source. He omits the dazzling wealth and moves the shrine from Libya to

Mecca.100 He also specifies that the tomb has iron all around, and that four magnets

balance it horizontally, not just one suspending it inside an arch. I suggest that Gautier’s

99 Gautier’s term adamas reflects the confusion in Old French between the homonyms

aymant < Lat. adamas “adamant, diamond” and aymant < Lat. amans “lover, magnet”

(von Lippmann 1971 [1923]: 182, 194, 213).

100 Muhammad’s tomb is actually at Al-Masjid al-Nabaw􀆯, but the confusion between

Islam’s two oldest sites of pilgrimage is understandable. In the thirteenth century,

Cardinal Rodrigo Ximénez claimed that the sacred Black Stone embedded in the Kaaba

was a magnet (Historia Arabum 3, published in van Erpe 1625), perhaps taking literally

Nasir Khusraw’s remark in the Safarnama that the Qarmatians thought the stone was a

“human magnet” and would draw crowds when relocated. Al-Mas’udi says much the

same about a temple at Multan in India (Muruj adh-dhahab wa ma’adin al-jawhar

63.1371).

42

independent source also informed Glycas’ description of the Serapeum some sixty years

earlier, which diverged from earlier descriptions by adding the same details. Both specify

a four-magnet configuration and explicitly state that this prevents the iron-girt idol from

tipping over.101 Whatever this shared source may be, it strongly resembles Ampelius’

description of the Nike bobbing between four columns. Apparently this (or a text from

the same chain of transmission) circulated in the twelfth century, causing both Gautier

and Glycas to diverge from their immediate models.

A third twelfth-century poem, Graindor’s Chanson d’Antioche (c. AD 1180), can

reveal more about Muhammad’s tomb.102 Graindor drew on an earlier chanson by a

shadowy “Richard the Pilgrim,” very likely adding fantastical elements. These include

the erection of a Muhammad-statue above a tent, so nicely balanced upon four magnets

that a fan rotated it:

On the top [of the tent] the Sultan had an idol set up (fist mestre…un aversier),

Made all in gold and silver, finely carved.

If you had seen it, without a word of a lie

101 Compare 􀇶􀇲􀇧􀇸􀇰􀇟􀇯􀇼􀇵 􀇦 􀇴 􀇷􀇨􀇷􀇴􀇤􀇯􀇨􀇴􀇿􀇫􀇨􀇰 􀋫􀇮􀇭􀇿􀇯􀇨􀇰􀇲􀇰, 􀇭􀇤  􀇯  􀋮􀇺􀇲􀇰 􀇳􀇲􀇸 􀇭􀇤  􀇰􀇨􀈀􀇶􀇨􀇬􀇵

(Glycas Chronicle 4.257 = PG 158.433) with pendere res plena quod pendeat absque

catena, nec sic pendiculum quod teneat tumulum (Graindor Chanson d’Antioche 1143-

44).

102 Allusions to Muhammad’s magnetic suspension in subsequent chansons de geste (e.g.

Les Quatre Fils Aymon 9613-16: iron statue; Le Bâtard de Bouillon 1364-66: golden

statue) are brief and add little.

43

You could not see or even imagine a finer sight:

It was large and shapely, with a proud face.

The Sultan Emir ordered it to be lowered:

Four pagan kings run to embrace it,

Erecting it in position (le font metre et drecier) upon four magnets,

So that it does not tilt or lean in any direction.

Muhammad was in the air, rotating (si prist à tournoier),

Because a fan (uns ventiaus) moved him and set him rotating



Muhammad was in the air, by the power of the magnet (par l’aimant vertus),

And pagans revere him and offer him their salutes.

Sansadoine denounces the false cult, punches the idol to the ground, and overleaps its

belly, much as Quodvultdeus’ inspired Christian destroys the Helios in the Serapeum.103

The precious metals and absence of iron recall Embrico, but the four magnets preventing

it from tipping (quatre aimans…qu’il ne puist cliner ne nule part ploier) recall Gautier.

The suspension above magnets (de sor) and the fan-powered rotation are entirely new,

probably inspired by a description of the panemone windmill. Many scholars assume that

our version of the Chanson, despite postdating Embrico and Gautier, represents an earlier

phase involving a suspended idol based on classical accounts, later supplanted by

103 The statue’s precious materials and proud appearance may recall the Alexandrian cultstatue

of Serapis, whose description routinely accompanies that of the magnetically

levitating Sun statue from Rufinus onwards.

44

Muhammad’s real body.104 I suggest that the partly “classicizing” variant involving an

idol and magnets (which nonetheless contains no iron and lacks any direct model) is

actually later: the suspension of the prophet’s own remains came first, directly

counterfeiting Christian relic-powered suspension. Geographic proximity does not in

itself prove oral or literary influence, but seems particularly relevant in this case. Embrico

wrote at Mainz, Gautier at Marmoutier; around the same time, the anonymous monk (or

monks) behind the Gesta Treverorum wrote at Trier. These three towns form an

approximate triangle less than a hundred miles wide in the northeast Holy Roman

Empire, and although the Gesta is hard to date, it belongs to a Latin literary scene whose

coherence is implied by Gautier’s obvious dependence on Embrico. I suggest that relicmiracles,

and not classical reports about Alexandria, are the true model for Muhammad’s

magnetically levitating tomb, which ironically makes the same accusation against

Muslims that Al-Khazraji and Al-Dimashqi were almost simultaneously hurling against

Christians.

One late thirteenth-century author reclaims Muhammad’s suspended tomb for

Christendom using a different fantastical setting. The Account of Elysaeus of the 1280s105

is an interpolated version of the Letter of Prester John, containing a description of St.

Thomas’ tomb.106 This occupies a mountain in central India where, when the Indus

104 E.g. Tolan 1996.

105 Thus Zarncke 1876: 120.

106 The tomb description (except its levitation) was extracted from the anonymous De

adventu patriarchae Indorum ad Urbem sub Calixto papa secundo (AD 1122).

45

annually recedes, Thomas’ incorruptible hand is used to dispense the Eucharist (closing

its grip to reveal any person’s guilt):107

Now, the apostle is in a church on that same mountain, and he is entombed in

an iron tomb (in tumulo ferreo tumulatus); and that tomb rests in the air by the

power of four precious stones. It is called adamans; one is set in the floor, a

second in the roof, one at one corner of the tomb, and another in the other.

Those stones truly love iron (isti vero lapides diligunt ferrum): the lower one

prevents him from rising, the upper one from sinking, and those at the corners

prevent him from moving this way or that. The apostle is in the middle.

The iron coffin locked in position, the four magnets, and the term adamas (here

adamans) are recognizable from Gautier. As irreverently as when Paulinus’ relic-miracle

was separately transferred onto both Muhammad and the iron Mercury, only in reverse,

the author transfers Muhammad’s magnets onto a saint’s tomb, albeit in an exotic Eastern

setting. The ease with which Muhammad’s false miracle is reclaimed for a Christian

context shows how closely it was patterned on Christian relic-miracles in the first place.

The author takes a positive attitude to magnetic suspension by turning it from miraclesubstitute

to miracle in itself, unconsciously echoing our earliest pagan sources, and to be

echoed in turn centuries later.

107 Account of Elysaeus 16-17. The relevant portion (16-17) is published in Zarncke 1876:

123-24.

46

7. ASIA AND INDIA: GNOSTIC, HINDU, AND BUDDHIST WONDERS

At the time when magnetic suspension was giving rise to a form of relic-miracle

in Western Europe, which would later contribute to the fantasy of Muhammad’s tomb,

Muslim sources were already counting it among the marvels of India. I shall demonstrate

that whereas very early Asian sources attribute self-levitation to holy individuals in

Hinduism and Buddhism, and Sanskrit medical texts describe the properties of magnets,

Muslim descriptions of magnetic suspension show the influence of Western antiquity.108

The remarkable result is that just as eastward-facing Christians ascribed the technique to

Muslims, eastward-facing Muslims were simultaneously ascribing it to other non-

Muslims. Independent channels of transmission had produced such ironies before, yet

this branch of the tradition (in which the Eastern dome replaced the Western arch or

vault) flourished for centuries longer, relocating and evolving. Always in the margins,

magnetic levitation illuminates the thought of many ages: from Hellenistic and Roman

learning, across a spectrum of medieval Christian beliefs, into medieval and later Islam.

As I shall show, a Hindu appropriation finally brought it into the modern era.

108 On Hellenic (largely Hellenistic) influences on medieval Islam, see Peter 1988. Any

evidence contradicting this Eurocentric model would of course be very important. I have

only found one thirteenth-century Sanskrit example of magnet folklore, not involving

levitation. In Hemadri’s Chaturvarga Chintamani, Shukracharya creates a mountain-like

magnet to divert the gods’ iron-tipped arrows from the besieged daityas; Indra’s lightning

shatters it, distributing magnetite worldwide.

47

The earliest Muslim references to suspended monuments arise from allegory and

fables. Later, these develop into reports anchored to Indian cities, in exegetical genres

such as travel writing and historiography. The latter resemble many earlier pagan and

Christian sources, especially those concerning the Serapeum, which served as a template

for the idolatrous splendor of Hinduism and Buddhism. One early reference, redolent of

Gnostic allegory, appears in Al-Mas’udi’s tenth-century world history. He describes an

ancient seven-sided “Sabian” (Harranian) temple on China’s borders—meaning at the

world’s end—containing a well inside which all past and future knowledge may be seen.

It is also crowned with a radiant gemstone that kills anyone who approaches it or

attempts to destroy the temple. Al-Mas’udi says that according to “certain sages,” the

effect was created using magnets regularly placed around the temple.109 India attracted

curiosity and wonder among Muslim intellectuals, a fact exploited later in the tenth

century by Abu Dulaf al-Yanbu’i in his first risala (letter), which blends gleaned

knowledge with Mandevillean fantasy. He counts among India’s wonders a solid-gold

temple, reputedly levitating somewhere between Makrana and Kandhar (over 700 miles

apart).110 This statement is cited by a contemporary geographer, and another geographer

three centuries later, implying that levitation could feature among “wonders of the East”

109 Al Mas’udi 67 (de Meynard 1914: 69-71). For commentary on the Gnostic symbolism

of this and other temples, see Corbin 1986: 132-82.

110 Dulaf’s temple in the sky probably derives from the splendid city built for Kay Kavus,

Persia’s legendary shah, “between heaven and earth” (al-Tabari Tar􀆯kh 1.602), or

alternatively the vimanas of Hindu myth.

48

without mention of magnets or other rationalizations.111 In the same text, Dulaf describes

the “idol” at Multan as not merely suspended in the air, but a hundred cubits distant from

both floor and ceiling, itself a hundred cubits tall.112 Whether Dulaf read about a smaller

suspended statue is unknown, but this has an air of satirical exaggeration, much like

Lucian’s hundred-cubit footprint of Heracles.113 Dulaf is the earliest known Muslim

scholar to locate a suspended statue in India, as his successors would do for centuries to

come, though at different locations.

Another Muslim echo of Western accounts of the Serapeum is denouncing

magnetic suspension as religious fraud. The first trace of this is Al-Mas’udi’s claim that

the Hindu temple at Multan contained magnets.114 Three centuries later (AD c. 1220), a

catalog of fraudulent miracles in Al-Jawbari’s “Book of Selected Disclosure of Secrets”

includes a levitating iron statue, in India’s “Monastery of the Idol” (deir al-sanam).115

This seems to be an adaptation of the iron Helios in the Serapeum, being not only

suspended under a dome—the Eastern answer to a vault—but also ascribed to a Greek

hakim, this time Apollonius (“Yablunus”).116 Apollonius was also (as “Balinas”) the

111 Ibn Al-Nadim Kitab al-Fihrist 347; Yaqut al-Hamawi Mu–jam Al-Buldan 3.457.

112 MS. Rishbad f. 192a.

113 Lucian Ver. Hist. 1.4. Scythia’s Heracles footprint was two cubits long (Hdt. 4.82).

114 Al-Mas’udi 63.1371 (on “Mandusan”), cited by Vanoli 2008: 25.

115 Al-Jawbari Kit􀆗b al-mukht􀆗r f􀆯 kashf al-asr􀆗r (The Meadows of Gold and Mines of

Gems) chapter 4, cited in Wiedemann 1970: 359.

116 Apparently here, as often in medieval Islam, the wonder-working Apollonius of Tyana

is confused with the astronomer Apollonius of Perge.

49

purported author of a near-contemporary hermetic text, which described another

allegorical seven-sided temple.117 This suggests that the magnetic marvels of both the

“Monastery of the Idol” and the allegorical Harranian temple may ultimately derive from

Byzantine historians’ reports of the Serapeum.118

Although magnetism as religious fraud starts to appear in these High Middle Age

Muslim accounts of unreal Asian temples (particularly those of Al-Mas’udi and Al-

Jawbari), it features more prominently in later descriptions of real ruined temples. This is

the strongest indication that the suspension motif itself passed from European texts

through Muslim mediation into India, where it served many of the same cultural

functions, especially since another iconolatry-iconoclasm conflict was under way. The

great ruined Hindu temple of Somnath becomes, so to speak, the first Serapeum of Indian

historiography. Somnath was destroyed in 1025, but around 1263 (decades after Al-

Jawbari and his “Monastery of the Idol”), the Persian geographer Zakariya Al-Qazvini

endowed it with splendors as lavish as those described in Rufinus or the Chanson

d’Antioche. These include a suspended statue that initiates a drama of empirical

analysis:119

117 Heptagonal temples, one side for each known “planet,” suggest the astronomical

mysticism of Harranian culture: see Van Bladel 2009.

118 “Balinas” Book of the Seven Idols (Kitab al-Asnam al-Saba), cited and discussed in

Al-Jaldaki Al-Burhan. This heptagonal temple contains seven talking statues representing

the planets, whose sermons initiate the reader into alchemy.

119 Al-Qazvini, trans. Eliot and Dowson 1871 = 2.63 Wüstenfeld.

50

This idol was in the middle of [Somnath] temple without anything to support

it from below, or to suspend it from above. It was regarded with great

veneration by the Hindus, and whoever beheld it floating in the air was struck

with amazement, whether he was a Mussulman or an infidel.… When the king

[Sultan Mahmoud of Ghazni] asked his companions what they had to say

about the marvel of the idol, and of its staying in the air without prop or

support, several maintained that it was upheld by some hidden support. The

king directed a person to go and feel all around and above and below it with a

spear, which he did, but met with no obstacle. One of the attendants then

stated his opinion that the canopy was made of loadstone, and the idol of iron,

and that the ingenious builder had skilfully contrived that the magnet should

not exercise a greater force on any one side—hence the idol was suspended in

the middle.… Permission was obtained from the Sultan to remove some

stones from the top of the canopy to settle the point. When two stones were

removed from the summit, the idol swerved on one side; when more were

taken away, it inclined still further, until at last it rested on the ground.

In this version of the focal-point model (in a dome, as in Al-Jawbari), removing the

stones does not topple the statue instantly. Instead it dangles lower without falling, until

reaching the ground, as if numerous chainlike bonds were progressively detached from

highest to lowest. Although no connection with the Serapeum is visible here, a similar

story among the Muslim Bohra of Gujarat confirms it. In this story of uncertain date, set

less than 250 miles away at Khambhat around a century later, Moulai Yaqoob visits a

51

Brahmin temple and removes four magnets suspending an iron elephant (Ganesh?) inside.

This, with other feats, causes mass conversion to Islam.120 This story of a false miracle

exposed resembles that of Somnath in its setting, but in other respects strongly resembles

that of Alexandria as told by Quodvultdeus.121 Yaqoob follows in the footsteps of the

“servant of Christ,” who validates his own new faith by dislodging the hidden magnets

supporting the old one.

Since the early nineteenth century, a similar tale of magnetic levitation has been

told much further east, about Konark’s thirteenth-century Sun Temple on the Bay of

Bengal. This owes much to the earlier accounts of Eastern temples in Muslim

geographies and other prose genres, but has emerged from oral tradition and,

furthermore, remains current today. Konark probably fell into disuse after the sixteenthcentury

Afghan conquest of Odisha, and by the eighteenth century its tall vimana

(sanctum) had almost completely collapsed. A local tale recorded in the mid-nineteenth

century claimed that its capstone had been a massive magnet that frequently caused

shipwrecks on the nearby coast (presumably defending it from attack by sea), until a band

of Muslims landed further away and stole it to prevent this effect, thereby desanctifying

120 During the reign of “Sadras Singh” (Siddharaj Jaisingh, AD 1094-1143), Yaqoob

visited a Brahmin temple containing the elephant: see Forbes 1856: 343-44. A summary

of Bohra legends is provided by Jivabhai 1882: 328-45. Yaqoob and Graindor’s righteous

iconoclast seem independently derived from a shared source.

121 One detail points to a later retelling of Quodvultdeus’ story: the four magnets, seen in

High Medieval texts (Glycas, Gautier, Graindor, Account of Elysaeus).

52

the temple.122 In more recent variants this capstone suspended a cult-statue in mid-air, as

at Somnath, and it was the Portuguese or British who removed it.123 This tale seems to

merge Al-Mas’udi’s deadly gemstone with the shipwrecking magnetic mountain; the

copious iron clamps and girders in Konark’s masonry probably seemed like evidence,

especially if some were magnetized by lightning.124 The tradition of suspended

monuments being destroyed, previously communicated from Christian to Muslim

chroniclers, survives at Konark in a final, post-colonial inversion. This temple magnet

was no fraud, nor mere spectacle, but an immensely powerful weapon, as even its

destroyers had to acknowledge.

It is instructive to compare the legends of Somnath and Khambhat with that of

Konark. All explain why the miraculous object is absent from any extant ruins, but the

first two condemn deception, whereas the last praises ingenuity. At Somnath and

Khambhat, pious myth-busters expose the marvel as a heathen trick by destroying it, as in

Quodvultdeus. At Konark it remains a cultural treasure, as in the earliest pagan sources

and the Christian Account of Elysaeus, although spoilt by impious vandals, like the relicpowered

tomb of Paulinus. This shows that for suspended monuments across a range of

cultural contexts, the epistemological statuses of trick and miracle remained closely

122 Stirling 1825: 327.

123 For a recent version involving the Portuguese, see Gupta 2012: 463. Further variants

may be found online.

124 Compare the magnetized ironwork pieces obtained from church spires at Mantua

(Gilbert 1893 [1600]: 214-15), Rimini, Aix (Brewster 1837: 9), and Chartres (Lister

1699: 80-84).

53

related, even interchangeable. I have shown that there are many continuities among

accounts of suspended monuments, but perhaps this changeability itself is their most

enduringly transcultural property.

8. CONCLUDING REMARKS

Static suspension has recurrently given foreign wisdom ostentatious material

forms. In collected lore, travelers’ tales, and religious denunciations from the Hellenistic

period to the present and from Western Europe to the Far East, this mutable “wonder of

the world” represents hidden knowledge inspiring faith, usually false, sometimes true.

The suspended artifact is usually a cult-object: a sacred statue or, later, a holy person’s

remains. The notable exception is the statue of Bellerophon, which is better associated

with other flying beings from pagan myth: Helios, Nike, Cupid, and Mercury. However,

the medieval tradition of divinely or magnetically levitating relics, most notoriously

Muhammad’s body, does not (as some have claimed) come straight from Pliny and other

classical sources. Instead it follows centuries of relic-miracles imitating magnetic

monuments, including the coffins of Sicily and Trier, the cross on Cyprus, and the altar of

Illtud. The idea of suspending relics from chains may have assisted this development.

Descriptions of objects (for example in the Talmud, Ibn Wahshiyya, and Ibn Hawqal)

with phrases meaning “between heaven and earth,” which can metaphorically denote

things high above ground as in the Greek “Meteora,” could also have been misunderstood

to mean miraculous levitation.

54

Although the oral traditions so important for the study of marvels lie all but

hidden, this collation of glimpses from erudite channels has brought historical

developments to light. Our starting-points Pliny and Ampelius are both brief and

paradoxographic, but probably represent earlier texts of the Hellenistic period

documenting either scientific developments, or the growing taste for marvels, or both.

From late antiquity onward, Rufinus and his successors describe the Helios in the

Serapeum (possibly transferred from Carrhae) as a trick. They imagine the workings of

magnetism in varying ways, describing different numbers of magnets under a vault or

coffered ceiling, and circulate the classical concept eastward from Constantinople.

Separately from the Serapeum tradition, a Bellerophon statue mentioned by Cosmas

becomes a magnetically suspended monument in Rome through progressive reinventions.

Meanwhile, the invisible chains of magnetic monuments inspire a form of Christian relicmiracle,

possibly influenced by actual suspensions of Christian relics on chains,125 just as

other suspension-miracles imply invisible ropes. This (and not the Alexandrian Helios or

Arsinoe) ultimately leads to the fantasy that Muhammad’s tomb was magnetically

suspended. The fanciful Mercury statue at Trier and St. Thomas’ coffin both “remagnetize”

relic-miracles in similar ways. Medieval Muslim authors show an equally

broad, though somewhat refracted, range of attitudes to static suspension. Some locate

examples in a marvelous East, with or without domes containing magnets; others cite

magnetic suspension to refute Christian relic-miracles; still others attack Hindu idolatry

125 The medieval travelers who report chain-hung relics are Christian (Robert of Clari on

Constantinople), Jewish (Benjamin and Petachiah on Susa), and Muslim (Al-Harawi on

Rome).

55

by claiming that Muslims exposed magnetic suspension in now-ruined Indian temples

(Multan, Khambhat, Somnath). The last category of tales echoes Quodvultdeus’ account

of the Serapeum. The latest reported magnetic monument is Konark, still renowned

among some Hindus, which reasserts magnetism as a true miracle and powerful

technology whose destruction was impious.

For historians of the marvelous in religious, scientific, and folkloric contexts, one

of the most striking aspects of the suspended monument tradition is that until now it was

virtually invisible. One might even say that it never existed. Despite the chains of

influence linking antiquity to the Middle Ages and the modern era, our sources barely

acknowledge one another and almost without exception (even including Christian relicmiracles)

envisage one unique example. The result is an enduring disconnectedness,

mirroring the physical phenomenon on the epistemological level. Furthermore, world

religions ascribe magnetic levitation-frauds to one another in an unwitting chorus:

Christians accuse pagans and Muslims, Jews accuse idolaters, Muslims accuse Christians

and Hindus. This shows common ground not shared by our two earliest authorities, the

Roman compilers Pliny and Ampelius, who describe without comment. Rufinus’ late

antique report of the Helios in the recently destroyed Serapeum is what turned magnetic

levitation into both a means of scientific rationalization and a tool of religious polemic.

This not only ensured rapid circulation in early Latin chroniclers and lasting popularity

among Byzantine Greeks, but led to ongoing migrations and evolutions throughout the

Middle Ages and beyond.

The re-emergence of static suspension as a Christian relic-miracle, replacing iron

and magnetite with sacred wood and bone, is not as marked a change as one might think.

56

Non-ferromagnetic substances appeared in earlier sources, showing that empirical

phenomena held little sway over any suspended monument. Although iron predominates,

alternatives included the suspended objects of gold in the Talmudic and purportedly

Babylonian sources, Dulaf’s hundred-cubit idol and golden temple, Embrico’s tomb of

bronze, and Graindor’s composite idol. The chroniclers who pictured the Serapeum

Helios with a small talisman-like magnet and a concealed iron nail may reveal why this

is. For those whose magnetic theory has an empirical foundation, however indirect, the

suspended object must be made of iron, but for most it is a form of sympathetic magic,

whose power can be used on mostly or entirely non-ferrous objects (for example, in the

magical papyri, figurines or people). Given that heavy iron objects hanging unsupported

already seemed absurd, it was a short step from there to other metals, and (for Christians)

to the potent and imperishable matter of holy relics.

I have shown that the static suspension motif migrated eastward after antiquity,

which is apt enough since it had frequently pointed in that direction. The Alexandrian

branch of the tradition held its place, although the Serapeum became the template for

other locations, notably in India. The other and less continuous branch, starting from

Ampelius, tended to locate levitating monuments in the Roman provinces of the Near

East (especially Syria).126 Later descriptions of magnetic monuments clustered further

East: tales of Muhammad’s tomb and statue postdating the First Crusade are set in Libya,

Antioch, and Mecca; the Harranian temple is towards China; even the Mercury at Treveri

126 Ampelius places the Nike in Magnesia-under-Sipylus and Cosmas locates the

Bellerophon in Smyrna, though I have suggested that it might well have stood at

Bargylia.

57

playfully reimagined the coffin of St. Paulinus with its Near Eastern provenance of

“Phrygia.” Finally, Dulaf’s golden temple, St. Thomas’ tomb, the “Monastery of the

Idol,” Multan, Somnath, Khambhat, and Konark are all located in India.127 If Alexandria

were not so familiar to the educated elite of the Roman Empire, we might conclude that

the entire history of magnetic levitation is dominated by Orientalism. It is better to say

that suspended monuments are symptoms of speculation: not only about science, magic,

and religion, but also about unfamiliar cultures, especially those subjected to conquest

and ruination. Over many centuries of such speculation the motif spread across Europe

and Asia.

University of Kent

d.m.lowe@kent.ac.uk

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The wonder that was Kashmir -- Subhash Kak

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The wonder that was Kashmir

Kashmir, before the advent of Islam, was a vibrant seat of learning and made staggering contributions to Indic culture in fields as diverse as arts, sciences, literature and philosophy.


The wonder that was Kashmir
Posted On: 29 Jul 2016



Subhash Kak is a scientist and a Vedic scholar, whose research has spanned the fields of information theory, cryptography, neural networks, and quantum information. He is the inventor of a family of instantaneously trained neural networks (for which he received a patent) for which a variety of artificial intelligence applications have been found. He has argued that brain function is associated with three kinds of language: associative, reorganizational, and quantum. His discovery of a long-forgotten astronomy of ancient India that has been called “revolutionary” and “epoch-making” by scholars. In 2008-2009, he was appointed one of the principal editors for the ICOMOS project of UNESCO for identification of world heritage sites. He is the author of 12 books which include “The Nature of Physical Reality,” “The Architecture of Knowledge,” and “Mind and Self.” He is also the author of 6 books of verse. The distinguished Indian scholar Govind Chandra Pande compared his poetry to that of William Wordsworth.

5714 words


Kashmir’s geographical location partly explains its cultural history. It may be that its natural beauty and temperate climate are the reasons that Kashmiris have a strong tradition in the arts, literature, painting, drama, and dance. Its relative isolation, the security provided by the ring of mountains around it, and its distance from the heartland of Indian culture in the plains of North India, might explain the originality of Kashmiri thought. Its climate and the long winters may explain the Kashmiri fascination for philosophical speculation.

Kashmir is at the centre of the Puranic geography. In the Puranic conception, the earth's continents are arranged in the form of a lotus flower. Mt. Meru stands at the center of the world, the pericarp or seed-vessel of the flower, as it were, surrounded by circular ranges of mountains. Around Mt. Meru, like the petals of the lotus, are arranged four island continents (dvipas), aligned to the four points of the compass: Uttarakuru to the north, Ketumala to the west, Bhadrashva to the east, and Bharata or Jambudvipa to the south. The meeting point of the continents is the Meru mountain, which is the high Himalayan region around Kashmir, Uttarakuru represents Central Asia including Tocharia, Ketumala is Iran and lands beyond, Bhadrashva is China and the Far East. Kashmir’s centrality in this scheme was the recognition that it was a meeting ground for trade and ideas for the four main parts of the Old World. In fact it became more than a meeting ground, it was the land where an attempt was made to reconcile opposites by deeper analysis and bold conception.

Kashmir’s nearness to rich trade routes brought it considerable wealth and emboldened Kashmiris to take Sanskrit culture out of the country as missionaries. Kashmiris also became interpreters of the Indian civilization and they authored many fundamental synthesizing and expository works. Some of these works are anonymous encyclopedias, for many other works the author’s name is known but the details of the life and circumstances in Kashmir are hardly remembered.

Kalhana’s Rajatarangini (River of Kings), written in about 1150, provides a narrative of successive dynasties that ruled Kashmir. Kalhana claimed to have used eleven earlier works as well the Nilamata Purana. Of these earlier books only the Nilamata Purana survives. The narrative in the Rajatarangini becomes more than mere names with the accession of the Karkota dynasty in the early seventh century.

The political boundaries of Kashmir have on occasion extended much beyond the valley and the adjoining regions. According to Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese traveler, the adjacent territories to the west and south down to the plains were also under the direct control of the king of Kashmir. With Durlabhavardhana of the Karkota dynasty, the power of Kashmir extended to parts of Punjab and Afghanistan. It appears that during this period of Kashmiri expansion, the ruling elite, if not the general population, of Gilgit, Baltistan, and West Tibet spoke Kashmiri-related languages. Later, as Kashmir’s political power declined, these groups were displaced by Tibetan-speaking people.


In the eighth century, Lalitaditya (reigned 725-761), conquered most of north India, Central Asia and Tibet. His vision and exertions mark a new phase of Indian empire-building. Kashmir had become an important player in the rivalries amongst the various kingdoms of north India.

The jostling of the Kashmiri State within the circle of the north Indian powers led to an important political innovation. The important Vishnudharmottara Purana, believed to have been written in Kashmir of the Karkota kings, recommends innovations regarding the rajasuya and the ashvamedha sacrifices, of which the latter in its medieval interpretations was responsible for much warfare amongst kings. In the medieval times the horse was left free to roam for a year and the king’s soldiers tried to establish the rule of their king in all regions visited by the horse, leading to fighting. The Vishnudharmottara Purana replaced these ancient rites by the rajyabhisheka (royal consecration) and surapratishtha (the fixing of the divine abode) rites.

This essay presents an overview of the most important Kashmiri contributions to Indian culture, emphasizing some of the lesser known aspects of these contributions. Specifically, we consider the contributions to the arts, sciences, literature, and philosophy. Our historical assessment of Kashmiri culture is hampered by the nature of our records. The texts and objects of art do not always indicate their provenance and the connections with Kashmir emerge only from indirect evidence. We are on sure ground when we come to Buddhist sources, the texts of the Kashmir Shaivism, and the names mentioned in the Rajatarangini and other early narratives.

Early Period
During the Vedic period, Kashmir appears to be an important region because it appears that the Mujavant mountain, the region where Soma grew, was located there. It is possible that in the Vedic era a large part of the valley was still under a lake. Kalhana’s history begins with the Mahabharata War, but it is very hazy with regard to the events prior to the Mauryan Emperor Ashoka.

The great grammarian Panini lived in northwest Punjab not too far from Kashmir and the university at Taxila (Takshashila) was also close to the valley. At the time of Hiuen Tsang, Takshashila was a tributary to Kashmir. It is generally accepted that Patanjali, the great author of the Mahabhashya commentary on Panini’s Ashtadhyayi, was a Kashmiri, as were a host of other grammarians like Chandra. According to Bhartrihari and other early scholars, Patanjali also made contributions to Yoga (the yoga-sutras) and to Ayurveda. It is believed that Patanjali's mother was named Gorika and he was born in Gonarda. He was educated in Takshashila and he taught in Pataliputra. From the textual references in his works, it can be safely said that he belonged to 2nd century BC.

The Charaka Samhita of Ayurveda that has come down to us is due to the editing of Dridhabala from Kashmir, who also added seventeen chapters to the sixth section and the whole of the eighth section. Patanjali may have been involved in this editing process. But it is likely that the identity of the Kashmiris as a distinct group had not solidified in the Vedic period and to speak of ethnicity at that time is meaningless.

In any event, Kashmir of these early times was a part of the larger northwest Indian region of which Takshashila was a center of learning. The early levels of buildings in Takshashila have been traced to 800 BC. The first millennium BC was a period of great intellectual activity in this part of India and attitudes that later came to be termed Kashmiri were an important element of this activity. Amongst these attitudes was a characteristic approach to classification in the arts and the interest in grammar.

Panini’s grammar remains one of the greatest achievements of the human intellect. It described the grammar of the Sanskrit language by a system of 4,000 algebraic rules, a feat that has not been equaled for any other language to this day. It also set the tone for scientific studies in India with their emphasis on algorithmic explanations. Patanjali’s commentary on the Panini grammar was responsible for the exaltation of its reputation. It appears that Panini arose in the same intellectual climate that characterized Kashmir during its Classical period.

Drama and Music: The Natya Shastra
An early name seen as belonging to Kashmir is Bharata Muni of the Natyashastra. The indirect reasons for this identification are that the rasa idea of the Natyashastra was discussed by many scholars in Kashmir. Another reason is that the Natyashastra has a total of 36 chapters and it is suggested that this number may have been deliberately chosen to conform to the theory of 36 tattvas which is a part of the later Shaivite system of Kashmir. Many descriptions in this book seem especially true for Kashmir. The bhana, a one-actor play described by Bharata is still performed in Kashmir by groups called bhand pather (bhana patra, in Sanskrit).

All Indian classical danceforms are heavily influenced by the principles of Natyashastra

It should be mentioned here parenthetically that a few scholars take Bharata to be a Southerner. It is also interesting that there exist some very close connections between Kashmir and South India in the cultural tradition like the worship of Shiva, Pancharatra, Tantra, and the arts. Recently, when I pointed this out to Vasundhara Filliozat, the art historian who has worked on Karnataka, she said that the inscriptional evidence indicates a continuing movement of teachers from Kashmir to the South and that Kashmir is likely to have been the original source of many of the early Shaivite, Tantric, and Sthapatya Agamas.

Bharata Muni's Natya Shastra not only presents the language of creative expression, it is the world's first book on stagecraft. It is so comprehensive that it lists 108 different postures that can be combined to give the various movements of dance. Bharata's ideas are the key to proper understanding of Indian arts, music and sculpture. They provide an insight into how different Indian arts are expressions of a celebratory attitude to the universe. Manomohan Ghosh, the modern translator of the Natya Shastra, believes that it belongs to the 5th century BC. He bases his assessment on the archaic pre-Paninian features of the language and the fact that Bharata mentions the arthashastra of Brihaspati and not that of the 4th century BC Kautilya.

The term natya is synonymous with drama. According to Bharata, the natya was created by taking elements from each of the four Vedas: recitation (pathya) from the Rigveda, song or melody (gita) from the Samaveda, acting (abhinaya) from the Yajurveda, and sentiments (rasa) from the Atharvaveda. By this synthesis, the Natya Shastrabecame the fifth Veda, meant to take the spirit of the Vedic vision to the common man. Elsewhere, Bharata says: “The entire nature of human beings as connected with the experiences of happiness and misery, and joy and sorrow, when presented through the process of histrionics (abhinaya) is called natya.”

Five of the thirty-six chapters of the Natya Shastra are devoted to music. Bharata speaks of the 22 shrutis of the octave, the seven notes and the number of shrutis in each of them. He explains how the vina is to be tuned. He also describes the dhruvapada songs that were part of musical performances.

The concept of rasa, enduring sentiment, lies behind the aesthetics of the Natya Shastra. There are eight rasas: heroism, fury, wonder, love, mirth, compassion, disgust and terror. Bharata lists another 33 less permanent sentiments. The artist, through movement, voice, music or any other creative act, attempts to evoke them in the listener and the spectator. This evocation helps to plumb the depths of the soul, thereby facilitating self-knowledge.

The algorithmic approach to knowledge became the model for scientific theories in the Indic world, extending from India to the east and Southeast Asia. The ideas of the Natya Shastra were in consonance with this tradition and they provided an overarching comprehensiveness to sculpture, temple architecture, performance, dance and story-telling. But unlike other technical shastras that were written for the scholar, Bharata's work influenced millions directly. For these reasons alone, the Natya Shastra is one of the most important books ever written.

To appreciate the pervasive influence of the Natya Shastra, just consider music. The comprehensiveness of the Natya Shastra forged a tradition of tremendous pride and resilience that survived the westward movement of Indian musical imagination through the agency of itinerant musicians. Several thousand Indian musicians, of which Kashmiri musicians are likely to have been a part, were invited by the fifth century Persian king Behram Gaur. Turkish armies used Indians as professional musicians.

Bharata stresses the transformative power of creative art. He says, “It teaches duty to those who have no sense of duty, love to those who are eager for its fulfillment, and it chastises those who are ill-bred or unruly, promotes self-restraint in those who are disciplined, gives courage to cowards, energy to heroic persons, enlightens men of poor intellect and gives wisdom to the learned.”

Our life is spent learning one language or another. Words in themselves are not enough, we must learn the languages of relationships, ideas, music, games, business, power, and nature. There are some languages that one wishes did not exist, like that of evil. But evil, resulting from ignorance that makes one act like an animal, is a part of nature and it is best to recognize it so that one knows how to confront it. Creative art show us a way to transcend evil because of its ability to transform. This is why religious fanatics hate art.

Cosmology and Science: The Yoga Vasishtha
Another book from Kashmir which has had enduring influence over Indian thought is the Yoga Vasishtha (YV). Professing to be a book of instruction on the nature of consciousness, it has many fascinating passages on time, space, matter and cognition. They are significant not only in telling us about thinking in Kashmir, they summarize Indian ideas of physics, available to us through a variety of sources that are not widely known outside scholarly circles. Starting with a position that seeks to unify space, time, matter, and consciousness, an argument is made for relativity of space and time, cyclic and recursively defined universes, and a non-anthropocentric view.

Within the Indian tradition it is believed that reality transcends the separate categories of space, time, matter, and observation. In this function, called Brahman, inhere all categories including knowledge. The conditioned mind can, by “tuning” in to Brahman, obtain knowledge, although it can only be expressed in terms of the associations already experienced by the mind. In this tradition, scientific knowledge describes as much aspects of outer reality as the topography of the mindscape. Connections (bandhu) between the outer and the inner are assumed: we can comprehend reality only because we are already equipped to do so. In other words, innate, primitive, a priori ideas give rational organization to our fragmentary sensations.

The Yoga-Vasishtha (YV) is over 29,000 verses long, and it is traditionally attributed to Valmiki, author of the epic Ramayana, which is over two thousand years old. But scholars believe it was composed in the early centuries in Kashmir. The historian of philosophy Dasgupta dated it about the sixth century AD on the basis that one of its verses appears to be copied from one of Kalidasa’s plays, considering Kalidasa to have lived around the fifth century. But new theories support the view that the traditional date of Kalidasa is 50 BC. This means that the estimates regarding the age of YV are further muddled and it is possible that this text could be 2000 years old.

YV may be viewed as a book of philosophy or as a philosophical novel. It describes the instruction given by Vasishtha to Rama of the Ramayana. Its premise may be termed radical idealism and it is couched in a fashion that has many parallels with the notion of a participatory universe, where the actions of the conscious agents have a bearing on future evolution.

Its most interesting passages from the scientific point of view relate to the description of the nature of space, time, matter, and consciousness. It should be emphasized that the YV ideas do not stand in isolation. Similar ideas are to be found in the earlier Vedic books. At its deepest level the Vedic conception is to view reality in a unitary manner; at the next level one may speak of the dichotomy of mind and matter. Ideas similar to those found in YV are also encountered in the Puranic and Tantric literature. But the clarity and directness with which these ideas are described in YV is unique.

Roughly speaking, the Vedic system speaks of interconnectedness between the observer and the observed. The Vedic system of knowledge is based on a tripartite approach to the universe where connections exist in triples in categories of one group and across groups: sky, atmosphere, earth; object, medium, subject; future, present, past; and so on. Beyond the triples lies the transcendental ``fourth''. Three kinds of motion are alluded to in the Vedic books: these are the translational motion, sound, and light which are taken to be ``equivalent'' to earth, air, and sky. The fourth motion is assigned to consciousness; and this is considered to be infinite in speed. It is most interesting that the books in this Indian tradition speak about the relativity of time and space in a variety of ways. The Puranas speak of countless universes, time flowing at different rates for different observers and so on.

Universes defined recursively are described in the famous episode of Indra and the ants in Brahmavaivarta Purana, the Mahabharata, and elsewhere. These flights of imagination are to be traced to more than a straightforward generalization of the motions of the planets into a cyclic universe. They must be viewed in the background of an amazingly sophisticated tradition of cognitive and analytical thought. The YV argues that whereas physical nature is taken to be analyzable it is defined only in relation to observers. Consciousness is considered a more fundamental category. But YV is not written as a systematic text. Its narrative jumps between various levels: psychological, biological, and physical, as is traditional in Indian texts. Not surprisingly, given the Vedic emphasis on rta, YV accepts the idea that laws are intrinsic to the universe. But do these laws remain constant? There is some suggestion that the laws of nature in an unfolding universe also evolve.

According to YV, new information does not emerge out of the inanimate world but it is a result of the exchange between mind and matter. It accepts consciousness as a kind of fundamental field that pervades the whole universe. One might speculate that the parallels between YV and some recent ideas of physics are a result of the degree of abstraction that is common to both; or one might assert that the parallels are a reflection of the inherent structure of the mind.

It appears that the Kashmiri understanding of physics was informed not only by astronomy and terrestrial experiments but also by speculative thought and by meditation on the nature of consciousness. Unfettered by either geocentric or anthropocentric views, this understanding unified the physics of the small with that of the large within a framework that included metaphysics. YV ideas do not represent a break with the older Vedic thought; they are an amplification of the basic themes informed by advances in the unfolding understanding of the astronomy and other physical sciences.

This was a framework consisting of innumerable worlds (solar systems), where time and space were continuous, matter was atomic, and consciousness was atomic, yet derived from an all-pervasive unity. The material atoms were defined first by their subtle form, called tanmatra, which was visualized as a potential, from which emerged the gross atoms. A central notion in this system was that all descriptions of reality are circumscribed by paradox. The universe was seen as dynamic, going through ceaseless change.

Tantra: Shaivism and Vaishnavism
The Kashmiri approach to the world is uniquely positive. There is a celebration of nature and beauty for the objective world is also a representation of Brahman (Lord). This approach is part of the Kashmiri tantric thought in both its strands of Shaivism and Vaishnavism. The Tantras stress the equivalence of the universe and the body and look for divinity within the person.

Although the Vaishnavite Panchratra now survives only in South India, the earliest teachers looked to Kashmir as the seat of learning and spiritual culture. The Pancharatra ontology and ritual are described in the Kashmirian Vishnudharmotta Purana. According to this theology, the king was enjoined to build a temple for the rites to be performed to celebrate his victory over his opponents. These rites marked his union with Vishnu. This represented an important milestone in the conceptualization of the role of the king in Indic thought.

According to Kalhana, the worship of Shiva in Kashmir dates prior to the Mauryan King Ashoka. The Tantras were enshrined in texts known as the Agamas, most of which are now lost. The pinnacle of the Tantric Shaiva tradition is the Trika system. The great spiritual master and scholar Abhinavagupta (c. 975-1025) describes the goal of the Shaiva discipline is to find freedom. In this freedom, the adept becomes one with Shiva, transcending all oppositions and polarities. The jivanamukta (the liberated person) experiences the freedom of Shiva in a blissful and unitary vision of the all-pervasiveness of the Absolute.

Two very interesting ideas in Kashmir Shaivism are that of recognition and of vibration. In the philosophy of Recognition, it is proposed that the ultimate experience of enlightenment consists of a profound and irreversible recognition that one’s own true identity is Shiva himself. The doctrine of Vibration speaks of the importance of experiencing spanda, the vibration or pulse of consciousness. Every activity in the universe, as well as sensations, cognitions, emotions ebbs and flows as part of the universal rhythm of the one reality, Shiva.

Contributions to Buddhism
Kashmir became an early centre of Buddhist scholarship. In the first century, the Kushan emperor Kanishka chose Kashmir as the venue of a major Buddhist Council comprising of over 500 monks and scholars. At this meeting the previously not-codified portions of Buddha’s discourses and the theoretical portions of the canon were codified. The entire canon (the Tripitaka) was inscribed on copper plates and deposited in a stupa. The Buddhist schools of Sarvastivada, Mahayana, Madhyamika, and Yogachara were all well developed in Kashmir. It also produced famous Buddhist logicians such as Dinnaga, Dharmakirti, Vinitadeva, and Dharmottara.

Kashmiris were tireless in the spread of Buddhist ideas to Central Asia. Attracted by Kashmir’s reputation as a great centre of scholarship, many Buddhists came from distant lands to learn Sanskrit and train as translators and teachers. Amongst these was Kumarajiva (344-413), the son of the Kuchean princess who, when his mother became a nun, followed her into monastic life at the age of seven. He came to Kashmir in his youth to learn the Mahayana scriptures from Bandhudatta. Later he became a specialist in Madhyamika philosophy. In 383, Chinese forces seized Kucha and carried Kumarajiva off to China. From 401 he was at the Ch'in court in the capital Chang'an (the modern Xi'an), where he taught and translated Buddhist scriptures into Chinese. More than 100 translations are attributed to him. His works include some of the most important titles in the Chinese Buddhist canon. Kumarajiva's career had an epoch-making influence on Chinese Buddhist thought, not only because he translated important texts that were previously unknown, but also because he did much to clarify Buddhist terminology and philosophical concepts. He and his disciples established the Chinese branch of the Madhyamika, known as the San-lun, or "Three Treatises school."

Kumarajiva’s contemporary, the Kashmiri Buddhabhadra also went to China to translate the Buddhist texts. The Kashmiri Buddhasena translated a major Yogachara text into Chinese. Hiuen Tsang, the famous Chinese pilgrim, came to Kashmir in 631, staying for two years. Many famous Buddhist Tantric teachers were associated with Kashmir. According to some Tibetan sources, Naropa and Padmasambhava (who introduced Tantric Buddhism into Tibet) were Kashmiris. The Tibetan script is derived from the Kashmiri Sharada script, It was brought into Tibet by Thonmi-Sambhota, who was sent to Kashmir during the reign of Duralabhavardhana (seventh century) to study with Devatitasimha.

Architecture and Painting
The uniqueness of the Kashmiri idiom in artistic expression has been recognized by historians. The ancient temple ruins in Kashmir are some of the oldest standing temples in India today (7th – 9th Centuries) and would have been among the most magnificent temples ever made in India. The sculptures found here are significant and exquisite.

The Martanda temple, built by Lalitaditya, is one of the earliest and yet largest stone temples to have been built in Kashmir. The temple is rectangular in plan, consisting of a mandapa and a shrine. Two other shrines flank the mandapa. It is enclosed by a vast courtyard by a peristyle wall with 84 secondary shrines in it. The columns of the peristyle are fluted. Each of the 84 niches originally contained an image of a form of Surya. The number 84, as 21x4, appears to have been derived from the numerical association of 21 with the sun.

Lalitaditya also built a huge chaitya in the town of Parihasapura which housed an enormous Buddha. Only the plinth of this huge monument survives, although one of the paintings at Alchi is believed to be its representation. There was also an enormous stupa in Parihasapura built by Lalitaditya’s minister Chankuna, which may have even been larger than the chaitya. The Parihasapura monuments became models for Buddhist architecture from Afghanistan to Japan.

Ruins of Avantipura (Creative Commons License)
The Pandrethan temple, as well as the Avantipur complex, provide us further examples of the excellence of Kashmiri architecture and art. Kashmiri ivories and metal images are also outstanding and are generally considered to be among the best anywhere in the world.

Kashmir also had a flourishing tradition of painting, which must have been used to decorate the temples walls. The earliest surviving examples of these paintings come from Gilgit and date from about 8th century. Representing a highly developed style, these paintings must be seen as belonging to a very old tradition. Kashmiri craftsmen were long famed for their work and their hand can be seen in many works of art in Central Asia and Tibet.

Although references to paintings in ancient Kashmiri literature are scattered, and because all records of painting in the Valley were destroyed after the advent of Islam, it is possible to piece together this tradition from the paintings that are preserved in the Buddhist temples of Ladakh and Tibet. The Tibetan scholar Rinchen Sangpo (950 - 1055) claimed to have visited Kashmir thrice to obtain the services of 75 Kashmiri craftsmen, painters and teachers to build and decorate one hundred and eight temples in Western Tibet. According to the 16th century Tibetan scholar Lama Taranath, author of a history of Buddhism in India, there existed in the 9th century India four principal school of art: eastern, middle country, Marwar, and the Kashmiri.

Boddhisattva Padmapani at Ajanta

The discovery of Gilgit manuscript paintings has deepened our understanding of Kashmiri painting. Although usually assigned to the Kashmir school of the 9th century, on stylistic grounds they may date even earlier as their nearest parallels are found in the 8th century stone sculpture of Pandrethan. Painted figures of Boddhisattva Padmapani from Gilgit demonstrates the mingling of the Gandharan and the Gupta Indian conventions with local elements. The faces are typical Gandharan while the iconography and spirit is purely Indian. After Lalitaditya, Kashmiri style appears to have changed somewhat and it endured till 10-11th century. This phase is the most developed stage of Kashmiri art with its fame spreading into the remote Himalayas.

The 9th century complex of Avantipura built by King Avantivarman (855-883 AD) is an amalgam of various earlier prevalent forms of India and regions beyond. The best example of this style is found in the bronzes dated to 9th to 11th century cast by Kashmiri craftsmen for Tibetan patrons. The style of such bronzes presents a remarkable affinity to the wall-paintings dating to 10-11th century decorated in the Buddhist temples of Western Tibet.

The wall paintings of Mang nang and manuscript painting of Thaling discovered in Western Tibet are generally accepted to have been created by Kashmiri painters. Stylistically, they are a pictorial translation of contemporary Kashmiri bronzes. In the treatment of costumes and ornaments, the artists have meticulously executed the finest details of diaphanous and embroidered garments and intricate design. These wall paintings present a final stage of progression of the Kashmiri style which reminds something related to the distant Ajanta.

One of the best sites to see the Kashmiri painting style is in the five temples comprising the dharma-mandala at Alchi in Ladakh, which escaped destruction that other Ladakhi temples suffered at the hands of a Ladakhi king who embraced Islam. The earliest of these buildings is the ‘Du-khang where one can see astonishingly well preserved mandalas that document the Kashmiri Buddhist pantheon as well as the Buddhist representation of the Hindu pantheon.

The Sum-tsek, a three-level building next to the ‘Du-khang presents the native architectural tradition, characterized by piled-up rock walls faced with mud plaster, decorated with delicate wood carvings of the Kashmiri style. Triangular forms are a part of the pillars and other architectural elements in a style that corresponds to the motifs found on the stone monuments of Kashmir. The plan of the building contains three extensions on the east, north, and west where gigantic two-storied images of Avalokiteshvara, Maitreya and Manjushri to remove impurities in speech, mind, and body were situated. Elsewhere in the building is a most interesting painting of Prajnaparamita, identified by the book and the rosary she holds. A tall structure depicted on her sides appears to be the famous chaitya built by Lalitaditya at Parihasapura.

According to the historian of art Susan Huntington,

“Kashmir served as a source of imagery and influence for the northern and eastern movements of Buddhist art. The Yunkang caves in China, the wall paintings from several sites in Inner Asia, especially Qizil and Tun-huang, the paintings from the cache at Tun-huang, and some iconographic manuscripts from Japan, for example, should be evaluated with Kashmir in mind as a possible source. A full understanding of the transmission of Buddhist art through Asia is dependent on developing a greater knowledge of Kashmiri art.”

Dance and Music
Kalhana, while speaking of Lalitaditya, narrates a charming story of how the king discovered the ruins of an old temple where he had a new temple built. While exercising his horse, Lalitaditya saw two beautiful , gazelle-eyed girls sing and dance every day at the same time. Upon questioning they told him that they were dancing girls who danced at the spot on the instructions of their mothers. Lalitaditya had the place dug up and he found two decayed temples with closed doors. Inside were images of Rama and Lakshmana. Clearly the tradition of temple dancing was an old one.

The paintings in Kashmiri style bring to us a clear idea of the temple dances which prevailed in Kashmir at the time when these paintings were made (10th–11th Centuries). Indian classical dance in its different forms was born out of the tradition of dancing before the Lord in the temples. This representation of the dance forms enriches our knowledge of the culture of Kashmir and its close integrity to the rest of India. Kalhana mentions many kings who were interested in dance and music.

The only extant complete commentary on the Natya Shastra is the one by Abhinavagupta. The massive thirteenth-century text Sangitaratnakara ("Ocean of Music and Dance"), composed by the Kashmiri theorist Sharngadeva, is one of the most important landmarks in Indian music history. It was composed in south-central India shortly before the conquest of this region by the Muslims and thus gives an account of Indian music before the full impact of Muslim influence. A large part of this work is devoted to marga, that is, the ancient music that includes the system of jatis and grama-ragas. Sharngadeva mentions a total of 264 ragas.

Literature
We return to rasa, mentioned by Bharata Muni as the essence of artistic expression. In the poetic tradition, it is mentioned by Bhatta Lollata of the 9th century, the oldest commentator on the Natya Shastra whose views have come down to us. Other authors such as Shankuka, Bhatta Nayaka, Bhatta Udbhatta, Rudratta, Vamana also wrote on rasa. Kshemendra, the polymath, had his own theory of poetics. Abhinavagupta speaks of nine rasas, where rasaof peace represents the addition to the eight enumerated by Bharata.

The 9th century scholar Anandavardhana wrote the Dhvanyaloka, the “Light of Suggestion”, which is a world-class masterpiece of aesthetic theory. He rejected the earlier theories of alankara and guna by Bhamaha and Dandin according to which ornamental qualities and figures of speech distinguished poetry from ordinary speech. Anandavardhana said that the difference was a quality called dhvani which communicates meaning by suggestion indirectly. Anandavardhana was a member of the court of the king Avantivarman.

Anandavardhana was the first to note that rasa cannot be communicated directly. If one were to say that “so-and-so and his wife are very much in love,” we fail to express the nature of the love. This can be done only by dhvani, or suggestion. Abhinavagupta, who lived about a hundred years after Anandavardhana, added important elements to the dhvani theory. His famous commentary on the Dhvanyaloka is called the Lochana.

The Western classical tradition of criticism has nothing equivalent to the concepts of rasa and dhvani. These ideas provide unique insights into Indic literature and they can also be useful in the appreciation of non-Indic literatures. Abhinavagupta, wrote on philosophy, poetry, tantra, as well as aesthetics. His book Tantraloka (Light of the Tantras) is one of the most important on the subject. In all, he wrote more than sixty works. Kshemendra was a philosopher, poet, and a pupil of Abhinavagupta. Among his books is the Brihatkathamanjari which is a summary of Gunadhya’s Brihatkatha in 7,500 stanzas. Somadeva’s Kathasaritasagara is another version of Gunadhya’s Brihatkatha. Somadeva’s collection of stories has influenced the birth of fiction elsewhere. These stories were written for the queen Suryamati, the wife of king Ananta (1028-1063). The number of stanzas, not counting the prose passages, exceeds 22,000.

Sharda Peeth in Pakistan occupied Kashmir (Creative Commons License)

The classic arts and the sciences of Kashmir came to an abrupt end when Islam became the dominant force in Kashmir in the fourteenth century. Sculpture, painting, dance, music could no longer be practiced. After the political situation had become stable, the subsequent centuries saw emphasis on devotion and its expression through the Kashmiri language as in the poetry of Lalleshvari. The creative urges at the folk level found expression in the works of the craftsmen of wood and textiles.

But Kashmiri ideas lived on through the arts that transformed expression in Central and East Asia, and through Tantra and aesthetics that shaped attitudes in the rest of India. Many Kashmiris emigrated to other parts; the musicologist Sharngadeva and the poet Bilhana being just two such people. Although Kashmir had sunk to a state of misery, outsiders continued to pay homage to the memory of Kashmir as the land of learning, and Sharada, the presiding goddess of Kashmir became synonymous with Sarasvati.

Banner Image: Pahalgam Valley (Courtesy: Ankur P | Flickr)
http://www.pragyata.com/mag/the-wonder-that-was-kashmir-217

Devi Śāradā in Kashmir -- Pratyasha Rath

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Śāradā Pīṭha Perspective -- Ravinder Pandita (March, 2017)

Sharda Peeth or the Sharda Temple in POK is considered to be the basic seat of learning of Hindus in India and Asia. The dialect of Sharda oftenly called Sharda lipi (a form of Hindi) was the fundamental dialect of Brahmin scholars for a long time, till Hindi (Devnagiri) took over, finally. Kashmiri Pandits are not naïve to this seat of learning. In the post partition era we see Swami Nand Lal Ji as on the Saints of Kashmir who carried some of the idols during the War of partition and salvaged some of the whole lost. In fact, at the time of partition Swami Nand Lal Ji migrated on horses carrying idols from Sharda to Tikker and a few of these stone idols are lying at Devibal in Baramulla besides Tikker in Kupwara. The pilgrimage those days would be organised by Mela Ram a renowned forest lesse in Kupwara for Swami Lal Ji of Kashi- Mathura fame. Recently a Pakistan based scholar Ms Rukhsana Khan has undertaken the archaeological part of it and tried to go deep into the historical facts. It takes us back to Maharaja Ranbir Singh’s era and the fact that Jammu Haveli’s still exist there besides other temples and natural carvings like Ganesh Ghati . The year 2015 was marked as rewriting of history when Rukhsana Khan and her team unearthed antiques and has eversince worked on preservation of culture on Sharda Project. It used to be a University once upon a time, set up by Adi Shakracharya . Although it is not clear as to when the construction of this temple was done, however in Emperor Lalitaditya ‘s period the present style of temple was built in 724 AD.

After Vajpayee-Musharaf meeting at Islamabad during SAARC conference from 4 to 6 January 2004 a number of CBMs between the two parts of Kashmir were initiated to normalize the situation, create friendly relations and encourage the peace process. These include the cease fire on LOC, opening of two roads across the LOC via Poonch-Rawalakote and Uri-Srinagar, meeting of divided families, and start of trade ventures etc. Accordingly Kashmiri Pandits and other religious organizations of state demanded for the opening of Sharda Shrine of POK for religious tourism so that they could have Darshan of this old temple and annual yatra of the Shrine could be revived as it was conducted before partition in the month of August. The then president of Pakistan Parvaiz Musharaf accepted the demands of the minorities of J&K in principle and sanctioned Rs. 8 crores in 2006 for creation of infrastructural facilities near the Shrine so that pilgrims could be allowed to visit. As per the information received through internet, POK government constructed some tourist huts, community centres, youth hostel and cafeteria near the Shrine but no attention was paid towards the revival of the Shrine which is in deteriorating condition. The Muslim natives of the village Sharda and adjoining areas still call the monument as Sharda Mai (Sharda Goddess). Dr. Ghulam Azhar a noted historian of POK writes in one of his research article that Sharda Shrine is the oldest monument of POK which needs preservation and restoration. The Shrine was an important pilgrim centre in the past. The ruins of the old monuments are sufficient to narrate the old glory and glamour of this Shrine.

Sharda Shrine is about 207 kilometers in the north of Muzafarabad in POK. The Shrine is situated in between 340.48’latitude and 740.14′ longitude. The spot is linked with motorable road leading from Muzafarabad via Neelam valley, Kundal Shai, Jagran Valley, Athmaquam, Neelam township and Dwarian. The Sharda Temple is located near the confluence of Kishan Ganga river (Neelam river) and Madhumati stream in an open ground. It is a breath taking spot with full greenery, multicolour flowers, springs, forest belt surrounded by snow clad peaks of Sharda and Narda hills of Nanga Parbat range which divides POK from Galgit-Baltistan.

Before independence the annual Yatra of Sharda Temple was conducted from the ancient time. During Dogra rule after 1846 this Yatra had become a regular feature. The Yatra of Sharda Devi was started on Shukal Pakash during the month of August (Bhadun). The devotees would start their yatra on 4th Bhadun and on 8th they were taking dip in the Sharda Kund on the bank of Madhumati River and after giving Sharad of their Pitras (died relatives) they were having the Darshan of Sharda Goddess. Mostly Kashmiri Pandits were conducting the Yatra after traveling hundreds of miles on foot. Mr. C.E Bats, the author of the Gazetter of the Kashmir who had visited the spot in 1872 AD writes that the Sharda Tempe is situated in the confluence of river Madhumati and Kishan Ganga. The temple is approached by a stair case about nine feet wide of steep stone steps some 63 in numbers having on either side a massive balustrade. The entrance was through a double porch way at the south-west corner of enclosure. The walls of the enclosure are about 30 feet high. In the middle of the walls in the north side is an arched recess which contains Lingum. The Cella about 23 feet square stands on the elevated plinth about four feet from the present level of ground. The entrance is on the west side facing the porch way. On each of the other three sides of Cella, a single roof has y been erected over the building for the protection by the order of Colonel Gundu, the Late Zaildar of Muzafarabad. The interior of the temple is square and perfectly plain. On the ground lies a large rough slab of unpolished stone which is said to have been disturbed by Raja Manzoor Khan of Karnah in search of treasure. In those days the Shrine was venerated by both Hindus and Muslims. There was also a fort constructed by Dogras with 60 Dogra Constables stationing for the protection of Shrine and defence of the area. The ancient Shrine is about 400 yards in the south of the fort. The temple was also renovated by Colonel Gundu, the Zaildar of Muzafarabad in 1867 AD.

In the ancient time Sharda was famous in all over India. The historic facts reveal that near the Shrine there was a Budhist University established during the period of Emperor Ashoka (273BC) known as Sharda Peeth, to spread the teachings and thoughts of Budhism in Kashmir and other hilly regions. The foundation of Sharda Peeth was laid on the bank of Madhumati River. The fourth Budhist council was summoned at this place by Emperor Kanishka in 141 AD. In Sharda University, a Sharda script was invented by the Budhist monks and scholars which was the amalgation of local dialects and understandable to the common people. Therefore with the help of this script Budhism was spreaded in Kashmir, Himachal, Tibet and Nepal. However with the downfall of Budhism in India the glory and glamour of Sharda Peeth got also vanished and it became a part of the history.

Kalhana writes in Raj Tringani that in 11th century AD it was a temple of Sharda Goddess. Historian Belhana writes in Vikrama Chiriter that he has been educated only due to the blessings of Sharda Goddess whose crown was formed with the gliterring gold collected from the river Madhumati. Al Bruni who had visited India in 1036 AD writes in his book ‘India’ that there is a great image of Sharda and devotees assemble here for the pilgrim. Abu-ul-Fazal in Aain-e-Akbari writes that on the bank of Madhumati in Drava area of Muzafarabad there is a stone temple of Sharda Devi. Every month on the Shukal Pakash the image of the Sharda starts showing miracles. The temple is respected by large population. Therefore it appears that upto 16th century AD this temple was having great religious importance.

Juna Raj the writer of Raj Tringani Juna Raj written during the rule of Sultan Zain-ul-Ab Din of Kashmir (1420-1472 AD) records in his book that Sultan Zain-ul-Ab Din was undertaking religious pilgrim to Hindu Shrine and participating in Hindu rituals. Juna Raj also recorded that Sultan had visited Sharda temple in 1422 AD along with the Yatris. After taking bath in Madhumati stream he entered the temple but he felt annoyed on the wickedness of the priest and devotees and lost faith in the Goddess Sharda. The Goddess Sharda did not manifested herself. Sultan also slept in the temple during the night hours. But he could not see the miracles of the Goddess.

C.E Bats writes that during his visit of Sharda Devi in 1772 AD there was a Lingum and not image of Goddess Sharda. Maharaja Gulab Singh had got the temple renovated during 1846-1856 AD. He had also appointed a Brahmin priest to look after this historic temple, constructed a fort near the temple and posted 60 constables for the protection of Sharda Shrine and the area. Therefore the devotees started visiting the Shrine regularly and the ancient Yatra was revived. The devotees start their Yatra on 4th Bhadun and on 8th Bhadun they were taking dip in the Sharda Kund in the Madhumati stream and have the Darshana of the temple. This Yatra remained in vogue during Dogra period upto 1947. After the turmoil of 1947 when Kashmir was divided into two parts this important Shrine had gone under the occupation of Pakistan. For the last 62 years the Shrine remains unattended and is in ruins. But now there is a great demand from the minority population of Jammu and Kashmir state for the restoration of Sharda temple and start of the Yatra. This will be another CBM between the two parts of the Kashmir.

APMCC ( All Parties Migrants Co-ordination Committee) , a frontline organisation of Kashmiri Hindus has been well acclaimed for reclamation of Temples and shrines across the valley numbering about 600, besides reviving pilgrimages / yatras to Gangbal, Dineshwar, Kaunsar Nag etc. In the trouble torn valley. In its 6 point charter the first 2 demands are Reopening of Sharda Pilgrimage and Setting up of Sharda University in J&K state. APMCC organised a seminar on 8th. Jan’2016 at Press Club of India, New Delhi and held deliberations with Rukhsana Khan on video conferencing. Other participants spoke on Sharda Re-opening were Retd. Lt. Gen. Ata Hasnain, Journalist Awadhesh Kumar, Utpal Koul Historian, Vinod Pandit Chairman APMCC and the seminar was anchored and moderated by Ravinder Pandita. Some protests for re-opening at Jantar Mantar were also held later. In this regard Ravinder Pandita also met Central Cabinet ministers Dr. Jitender Singh, Gen. V K Singh, MOS Home Haribai Parthabai and requested their intervention for Re-opening of Sharda and allow a pilgrimage on the lines of Nankana Sahib, where Sikhs are allowed to take a jatha every year in Lahore. Several seminars , protests in this regard were held in New Delhi and other places to highlight this demand.

It was by efforts of Ravinder Pandita Head APMCC Delhi and Save Sharda Committee Kashmir with Civil society of Neelum Valley and Sharda residents that recently flowers were offered on 2nd. Nov. There at the the revered shrine with the help of locals ,first time since 1947. APMCC a frontline Kashmiri pandit organistaion has been demanding Re-opening of Shrine as well as setting up of Sharda University in J&K since long. The local Save Sharda Committee was approached by Ravinder Pandita and Photo of Mata Sharda will be installed there soon. Mohammed Rayees , Arif Khan , local Sarpanch and Principal Sharda School have been instrumental in getting us the lost glory of ‘Sharda Mai’ commonly known and called by local populace. This effort between 2 civil societies will go along way in confidence building, interaction and preservation of culture. The soil and flowers received from Sharda were recently displayed at Abhinav Thetre Jammu on 8th. January during Annual APMCC awards function. The function was chaired by ChanderPrakash Ganga Hon’ble minister for Industries and commerce, Ms Priya Sethi Minister for tourism, Bollywood actress Preeti Sapru, Hon’ble MLCs Surinder Ambaradar and Ramesh Arora and Retd. Lt. Gen, Ata Hasnain, debator and orator. Ms. Laxmi Kaul a prominent activist of UK also attended the function. On the occasion tilak was applied to all the participants of the soil brought from Sharda by Regd. Post sent by Rayees Mohammed, a Kashmiri settled there. It was a poignant and a emotional scene that Sharda soil has been received and obeisance paid first time after the partition in 1947.

It was a historical moment on 3rd. March ‘2017 that Save Sharda Committee(Regd.) managed to install Photo with frame of Sharda Mai in the temple premises through the Civil Society members of POK. This has been done first time since independence and needs be applauded. Now that SAVE SHARDA COMMITTEE KASHMIR (regd.) has come into being since 2017, things have started rolling for the early Re-opening of pilgrimage. The Committee headed by Ravinder Pandita has taken up the issue with all concerned ministries and Ruling Govt. heads in New Delhi and things have started progressing. The Committee is demanding ratification of LOC permit rules for facilitating travel of J&K hindus and an annual pilgrimage to Sharda Peeth on the lines of Nankana Sahib yatra by Sikhs to Lahore, every year. Save Sharda Committee Kashmir (Regd.) has approached Govt. of Pakistan as well as AJK Government and also Supreme courts of both the governments. The issue has been taken up at all the Shankracharya Mutts in India and the committee has presented the pious soil & flowers got from Sharda Peeth in Pakistan to all mutt heads. The committee has met Minister of Social Justice & Empowerment Sh. Vijay Sampla, Minister of skill development Sh. Anant Kumar Hegde, Minister of minorities Sh. Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, MoS PMO Dr. Jitendra Singh, NSA Sh. Ajit Doval, former Foreign minister Sh. Salman Khurshid, former water resources minister Prof. Saifuddin Soz and many other ministries and briefed them about the issue and it may not be out of place to mention here that all the dignotries have acclaimed the move to re-open Sharda Peeth again ! The recent landmark judgement by Supreme court of POK for preservation of Sharda peeth received here last month has set the ball rolling officially from the other side. Jai Sharda !!

Points to ponder: 
FACILITATION OF DIALOGUE WITH PAKISTAN GOVT. FOR PILGRIMAGE TO SHARDA TEMPLE IN POK.
  • 1. If a permit is valid for a Kashmiri to undertake trade,meet relatives and friends and vice-versa , why a VISA for Kashmiri Hindu to make a pilgrimage. It seems to be a clear discrimination with same nationals and state subjects.
  • 2. APMCC has applied amongst various kashmiri pandit organizations for pilgrimage to Sharda Peeth , despite Pakistani Govt. having no objection in allowing the pilgrims, why does Govt. Of India have the objection.
  • 3. Why hasn’t a pilgrimage been allowed since partition i.e, 1947, despite requests by kashmiri Hindus to allow pilgrimage once in a year as allowed in the case of Sikh community, where a Jatha ( Group) is allowed to do pilgrimage in Nankana Sahib, Gurdwara in Pakistan.
  • 4. Will the Govt. of India under the leadership of PM Modi allow such a pilgrimage, once Bus route to Lahore, Train via Wagah border near Amritsar and trade routes at 5 locations in J&K allow such facilitation.
SETTING UP OF SHARDA UNIVERSITY IN J&K


Setting up of Sharda University in J&K on the lines of Baba Ghulam Shah University in Rajouri-Poonch belt and Islamic University in Avantipora in the Kashmir valley. Why will Govt. not allow setting up of Sharda University, considered to be fundamental seat of learning despite persistent demand by APMCC and Save Sharda Committee. Revival of Sharda pilgrimage and setting up of Sharda University would be foundation for rehabilitation of displaced kashmiri pandits, keeping in view their socio-religious and economic aspirations in mind.
http://www.shehjar.com/content/2766/1.html



PERSPECTIVE

The Lost Goddess – Devi Sharada


The mythology of Daksha Yagya remains central to the origin and the substanance of the Shakta form of worship and particularly to the establishment of the Shakti Peethas across the sub-continent. It is believed that when a distraught Mahadeva performed the Rudra Tandava with the corpse of his wife Sati on his shoulders, her body disintegrated and fell across the Indian subcontinent. Each area in which a part of her body fell, became a Shakti Peetha where the Devi was consecrated in some form. The number of Shakti Peethas in India are often a topic of contention, but there is no ambiguity about the 18 Maha Shakti Peethas where the divine mother is worshipped in her various forms. Adi Shankaracharya in his Ashta Dasa Shakti Peetha Strotam laid down the names of the 18 Maha Shakti Peethas spread across multiple states of India and Sri Lanka. Each of these deities including the Ma Biraja in Odisha, Ma Kamarupa in Gauhati, Ma Jwalamukhi in Himachal Pradesh and Ma Shankari Devi in Sri Lanka are still worshipped in their respective temples and devotees throng their abode through the course of the year.
It is that time of the year when we are remembering Shakti, the divine mother, the Sri Mata and celebrating the divinity embedded in the female form all across the country. The 18 Maha Shakti Peethas along with the numerous Devi temples spread across the length and breadth of the country are resplendent in the glory of the Adi Shakti that resides there. But, in the midst of all this, there is one Maha Shakti Peetha, a temple central to the Shakta tradition, the temple where the Devi resided as the Goddess of knowledge and learning that remains far away from the celebrations. The temple lies abandoned, the Vigraha of the Devi destroyed and the stories of the temple as the centre of learning and education gradually being pushed into the pages of history. And while we celebrate, it is important to relive and remember the enormity of what we have lost and resolve to regain the lost Goddess.
Namaste Sharda Devi, Kashmira Puravasini,

Twamaham Prarthate Nityam, Vidya Danancha Dehime
One of the 18 Maha Shakti Peethas lies at the base of the Shamshabari range at the confluence of the rivers Madhumati and Kishanganga. Nestled at the base of the beautiful mountain range in her homeland of Kashmir, was the Goddess of Knowledge, Devi Sharda. The belief that the right hand of Devi Sati, the hand symbolic of writing and learning fell in this holy land also made it the abode of the Goddess Saraswati in the form of Sharda. It is said that Kashmir at a point was known as Sharda Desha and the temple was a hub of learning and erudition. The small village of Sharda did not just have the temple of the Devi but was also home to one of the largest universities in Central Asia. The Sharda script which is native to Kashmir is named after this form of Shakti.
Kashmir is known as one of the oldest Shaiva Kshetras but there is a strong Shakta tradition in the state which is often ignored. And this Shakta tradition owes its origin to the presence of Devi Sharda. The earliest mention of the shrine can be traced to the Nilamata Purana which particularly elaborates on the various tirthas and peethas of Kashmir. The Sharada Mahatmya tells us the story of Muni Shandilya worshipping Sharada Devi. Kalhana’s Rajatarangini also has a detailed description of the Goddess and the shrine at the confluence of the two rivers. One of the most vivid accounts of the temple has been provided by Aurel Stein who has translated Kalhan’s Rajatargini in a chapter titled, ‘The shrine of Sharda’.
But today, the abode of Devi Sharda lies desecrated and abandoned in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. After the mass migration of Kashmiri Hindus from PoK, the temple was completely cut off from the devotees and gradually started falling into disrepair. The temple lies unattended since decades, the deity or Vigraha of the Goddess is long gone and the earthquake of 2005 has even made the structure absolutely vulnerable. There are even instances of theft which have come to light with one of the Kundas from the temple being located at the Abbas Institute of Medical Sciences, Muzaffarabad. Unlike the other big Shakti Peeth in Hinglaj, Balochistan, Hindus of Pakistan have almost completely stopped visiting the shrine of Devi Sharda. Once the seat of learning and education, the tiny village of Shardi, has almost become a footnote in the tumultuous history of Kashmir. The one thing that keeps the allure and the longing of the shrine alive are the stories and oral traditions that pass down generations in Kashmiri Hindu households.
But, even oral traditions are dwindling with time. The last devotees who visited this Maha Shakti Peeth did so before independence and the collective memory of the shrine is at a risk of getting lost. One of the last documented accounts of the temple is by nonagenarian Shambhunath Thusu. It is unclear whether he has seen the temple but he has provided a thorough description of the Vigraha. The Vigraha is a naturally occurring stone plinth about six feet long and seven feet wide. Another old timer account of the temple also provides a similar account and states that there was an entrance of the Western side of the temple and a Shiva Lingam outside the sanctum sanctorum. Another account came from Justice S.N Katju who visited the temple in 1935. He added that “the steps leading to temple were twisted like an earthquake had battered them”. The details are sparse now and the images available make it difficult to imagine the temple in its days of glory.
Brigadier Ratan Kaul in his paper ‘Abode of Goddess Sharda at Shardi’ discusses the elaborate preparations for the Sharda Peeth Yatra which used to happen regularly before 1947. He has drawn from the accounts of Pandit Bhawani Kaul and Pandit Harjoo Fehrist who had undertaken multiple pilgrimages to Shardi in the late 1800s and whose accounts survived as oral traditions in Kashmiri Hindu households. The pilgrimage used to take 9-10 days on foot from Sri Nagar and pilgrims used to keep joining the group as they passed through major halting locations.
One of the most recent accounts of the visit to the Sharda Peeth is provided by A.R Nazki in the book ‘Cultural Heritage of Kashmiri Pandits’. Nazki visited the Peeth from Muzaffarabad in PoK in the year 2007 and in the chapter titled ‘In search of Roots’, he describes the treacherous yet tranquil terrain to Shardi made even more inaccessible after the earthquake of 2005. Mr. Nazki describes the state of ruin of the temple and details out all that has been able to bear the neglect of decades. He writes of the faint inscriptions in the Sharda script on the entry pillar of the temple and remnants of quarters where the Pujaris must have lived in the days gone by. Only the left half of the archway stands and the door and the roof of the temple are no longer there. The university which used to thrive at Sharda has no remains and apparently there used to be a pond with healing water in the compound which has since dried up. Nazki writes, “The building presented a picture of ruin and is a victim of neglect, its academic and instructional importance appear to be only a dream”.
The cultural sociologist, Ann Swidler in her famous article, ‘Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies’ talked about a tool kit of habits and styles which people use to strategize their actions. Religious beliefs and practises are a major part of that tool kit which determine our actions, behaviors and decisions. Hence, our religious practises define us on a daily basis and alienation from that has a profound impact on the way we imagine ourselves. The cultural moorings of a community cannot be understood without understanding the way in which they have developed with the help of their religious beliefs and practises. This is just one of the ways of assessing what being cut off from essential religious beliefs and practises is like.
The enormity of the loss of losing the Temple of Devi Sharda needs to be put into perspective especially because it has been nearly 7 decades since the temple has fallen into disrepair and abandonment. Our temples are the link to our heritage, our shared history and our identity. When I started reading and learning about the temple, I could only go back to what I know and relate easily to. How would it feel to be a practising Hindu in Odisha and not have the temple in Puri to visit or to see it desecrated? Or to be a Sikh residing in India and never being able to visit Nankana Sahib and seeing it in disarray? How would it feel to be cut off from a physical manifestation of your identity and culture and see it in ruins out of your reach? How would it feel to celebrate Basant Panchami with the Goddess of Knowledge being uprooted from her home for decades? How would it feel to celebrate nine days of Shakti. knowing that we have been alienated from drawing our strength from our roots? Whether you measure this in religious or cultural terms or just in terms of collective identity, this is a loss beyond measure.
I met Dr. Sushma Jatoo, a Sanskrit scholar working with the IGNCA and asked her about the extent of the desecration of the temple. She refused to use the word desecration but admitted that the Vigraha of the Goddess is no longer present in the temple and the shrine remains unattended. Sometimes, semantics is the only way of keeping memory alive and the importance of Devi Sharda in the everyday lives of Kashmiri Hindus could be gauaged from Dr. Jatoo’s reluctance to use the word ‘desecration’. Desecration implies profaning or polluting something beyond repair and probably to the Kashmiri Hindus like Dr. Jatoo, there is no way that the temple of their beloved Goddess can be profaned. In the face of all that the Hindus of Kashmir have borne, even language is a form of resisting complete erasure.
Therefore, Hindus and Kashmiri Hindus in particular wait for the recovery of the temple. And that would begin by ending the alienation of the temple and beginning to revive the temple again. But, the Neelum valley is one of the most disturbed areas in the current political atmosphere and the government of Pakistan is against issuing visas to any Indian citizens to visit the area. It is against these odds that a group called the ‘Save Sharda Committee’ comprising of Kashmiri Pandits have started a campaign to revive the pilgrimage to Sharda Peeth. The demand is along the lines of the pilgrimage to Nankana Sahib in Pakistan which allows the Sikh community staying in India to remain rooted to their identity and culture. Together with another group called the All Pandits Migrants Coordination Committee (APMCC), the activists have already met the ex-CM Mehbooba Mufti and are planning to petition to the Prime Minister. They have also reached out to the MoS PMO and MP from J&K Mr. Jitendra Singh, the Minorities Affairs Minister Mr. Muqhtar Abbas Naqvi and the Shankaracharya of Shringeri Mutt with their demands.
Our deities live with us. Not just their legends. Our temples sustain our communities. They don’t just turn into museums or relics. The Goddess of Kashmir is lost. Much like the Hindus in her home are. Look closely and you will see that abandoned home, those lost days of glory, that struggle to stay alive through collective memory. Look closely and you will hear the stories and the chants but you will not be able to experience them. That is what being uprooted and lost feels like.
The Goddess needs to get her home back.

Much like her devotees in her homeland in Kashmir need their homes back.
(The only efforts being made in this regard are the efforts of the Save Sharda Committee led by Mr. Ravindar Pandita and APMCC to begin the Sharda Peeth pilgrimage. In the current political situation, it is a tall task, but we can do our bit to ensure that the activists do not walk alone with their demands. )
The author had won a sponsorship from IndicToday in order to attend the National Seminar On Shakti Worship in India. This is an essay written based on her experience at the seminar.
Bibliography
Ahmad, Q. J., & Samad, A. (2015). Sarda Temple and the stone temples of Kashmir in perspective: A review note. Pakistan Heritage.
Ashraf, M. (2007). The Shrine of Sarada. Greater Kashmir.
Godbole, S. (n.d.). The Sharda temple of Kashmir. Retrieved from Kashmir.
Kaul, B. R. (n.d.). Abode of Goddess Sharda at Shardi.
Nazki, A. R. (2009). In search of roots. In S. S. Toshkhani, & K. Warikoo, Cultural Heritage of Kashmiri Pandits. Pentagon Press.
Rehman, F. u., Fida Gardazi, S. M., Iqbal, A., & Aziz, A. (2017). Peace and Economy beyond faith: A case study of Sharda temple. Pakistan Vision .
Singh, D. (2015). Reinventing Agency, Sacred Geography and Community Formation: The Case of Displaced Kashmiri Pandits in India. The Changing World Religion Map.
Swidler, A. (1986). Culture in action: Symbols and Strategies . American Sociological Review, Vol 51.
http://www.indictoday.com/perspective/the-lost-goddess-devi-sharada-kashmir/

Sharda Peeth: An iconic shrine too far

Updated: January 10, 2016, 10:46 PM IST
   


As part of their daily worship, Kashmiri Hindus utter the phrase""Namastey Sharada Devi Kashmir Pur Vasini Tvam Ham Prartheye Nityam Vidya Danam Che De hi mey" (Salutations to you, O Sharada, O Goddess, O one who resides in Kashmir. I pray to you daily, please give me the charity of knowledge). It is only when the All Parties Migrants Coordination Committee (APMCC) organized a recent seminar and press brief on Sharda Peeth and expressed its desire to request the State Government and the Government of India to demand opening of the shrine to religious tourism that I decided to deeply educate myself on the issue. Anything one touches in Jammu & Kashmir brings an element of fascination because hidden far into the nooks and crevices of its mountain ranges are amazing theories, stories and facts.
All these years I used to fly over the Shamshabari Range, visiting Tithwal and Keran without an iota of an idea of the existence of a near derelict shrine at the western base of the Range near the confluence of the Rivers Kishanganga (known as Neelum in PoK) and Madhumati. The exact location to most will hardly gel except to hard core army men who have had the privilege to serve in this sub sector. Here is how you get there. From Muzaffarabad a road goes to the Neelum Valley and is aligned at the north edge of the river. Between Athmuqam and Dudniyal lies the confluence of the two rivers and there exists this ancient temple of Goddess Ma Saraswati (also known as Sharda). It is said that Kashmir was once known as Sharda Desh and was the center of learning of Vedic works, scriptures and commentaries. Although there are different accounts recorded it is evident that a very bustling intellectual community existed in and around the area where the shrine is located. ‘Sharda Peetham’ (Centre for Advanced studies) was the nerve center of learning and it was the Sharda script which was in use. The shrine did not have a deity but a very large plinth/slab and outside there was a Shivling (symbolic idol of Lord Shiva). Sharda Temple had the main girdle of 22 feet diameter. It had an entrance door on the west. The other entrances had arches over them, and these arches were 20 feet in height. The main entrance had footsteps. On both sides of the porch, there were two square shaped pillars, 16 feet high and 2'6" x 2'6" in sectional size carved out of a solid stone block. The construction inside the temple was very plain and unadorned. The temple is situated on a hillock, on the right bank of river Madhumati. An annual fair used to be conducted here. All the information here is courtesy Mr Bamzai, a Kashmiri Pandit scholar who was one of the last to visit the shrine before the partition 1947.
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Although the shrine and the Peeth were suppressed during the Muslim rule it was Sultan Zainul Abedin, also known as Budshah, in whose rule it received royal support. Thereafter in 1846 Maharaja Gulab Singh undertook the repairs, maintenance and sustenance of the shrine through the placement of a priest. After 1947 it is known that Hindus from Pakistan visited the shrine which was also being maintained by the Pakistan Archeological Department. The 8th Oct 2005 earthquake which affected Pakistan Occupied Kashmir very adversely also had its impact on the Sharda shrine. The status after the earthquake was not known until now when Ms Rukhsana Khan a Pakistani researcher has undertaken to unravel more details. It is learnt that the University of Muzaffarabad has instituted study of the shrine and the Sharda culture.
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The one obstacle to the further revival of the Sharda site is the permission which is denied to Kashmiri Hindus to visit it. There is an apparent reason for this. The Neelum Valley is one of the most sensitive sub sectors in the vicinity of the Line of Control (LoC). From Kel in the North via Athmuqam and Dudniyal to Tithwal (our side) the valley is under the complete domination of the Indian fortified positions along the LoC. There is a cartographic bulge on the eastern side called the Bugina Bulge which is a swathe of territory hugging the slopes of the Shamashabari. This is the sub sector of the Pakistan side which is used for launch pads to infiltrate terrorists into the Kupwara sector of Kashmir. Strategically it is also very important because the foothold that the Pakistan Army has in Bugina Bulge is tenuous; it can be rolled aside at will by the Indian Army if the latter wishes to alter the alignment of the LoC. The Neelum Valley Road running at the valley floor is already dominated by the Indian Army and this domination will be completely reinforced should Bugina Bulge fall into Indian hands. It will impose a heavy penalty on the logistics maintenance of some of the areas north of Shamashabari held by Pakistan.
It is for these reasons that Pakistan is extremely wary of giving access to any visiting Indian media people or others to the Neelum Valley.
APMCC, led by two very passionate gentlemen, Mr Vinod Pandit and Mr Ravinder Pandita, has been instrumental in making serious attempts at reviving ancient Kashmiri culture. One of the methodologies that they have been employing is the revival of some ancient yatras to important shrines which are tucked away in the lap of nature. Among these are the yatras to Gangabal and to Konsarnag. The State Government has been hesitant for various reasons especially due to security concerns. There is a political element to it which is also sensitive because there have been demands about limiting the foot fall of the most revered Hindu yatra to Shri Amarnathji shrine.
In the same spirit of openness in issuing visas for visits to Ajmer Sharif for Pakistani devotees or for Nankana Saheb in Pakistan for Sikh devotees; also in the spirit of the proposed enhancement of religious tourism to important shrines the Kashmiri Hindu community has been vociferously demanding permission to visit the Sharda site. The need for revival of an annual mela (pilgrim fair) at the shrine has been projected. However, the Pakistani authorities are unlikely to relent for two reasons. Firstly, Neelum Valley is strategically too important a location unless there is a convincing change of strategic climate between India and Pakistan. Secondly, unless the State Government itself promotes some of the yatras the revival proposal for Sharda yatra will hardly sound convincing.
The Kashmiri Hindu community justifiably feels that with its almost negligible presence in Kashmir its rich heritage in terms of shrines and yatras would get completely diluted. It is making a brave effort towards the retention of its unique culture. The Sharda Peeth Yatra may as yet be a shrine too far but definitely the opening up of ancient yatras within Kashmir to a degree beyond than just symbolism would be a very positive step towards the integration of cultures.
It is to be appreciated that Muzaffarabad University and research scholars like Ms Rukhsana Khan have displayed much enthusiasm towards the Sharda site. If nothing else Government of Pakistan must be prevailed upon to carry out more extensive repairs of the shrine and the fort complex near it. However, physical repairs and maintenance can never match the emotions of devotees. An escorted delegation of just a few representatives of the Kashmiri Hindu community traveling via Keran (Kupwara) would pose little security risk for the Pakistan Army and would actually add to good will.
APMCC needs support and its campaign needs to be given some weight because only with such things will the reciprocal reintegration of Kashmiri society begin.

Russian Orthodox Church cuts ties with Constantinople

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Russian Orthodox Church cuts ties with Constantinople

Religious schism driven by political friction after Ukraine church granted independence

Bartholomew I of Constantinople (left) with the Russian Orthodox leader, Patriarch Kirill. Photograph: Osman Orsal/Reuters
The Russian Orthodox Church has announced it will break off relations with the Patriarchate of Constantinople in a religious schism driven by political friction between Russia and Ukraine.
The Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church elected on Monday to cut ties with the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, which is viewed as the leading authority for the world’s 300 million Orthodox worshippers.
The split is a show of force by Russia after a Ukrainian church was granted independence.
Last week Bartholomew I of Constantinople, the “first among equals” of eastern Orthodox clerics, granted autocephaly (independence) to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, which previously answered to Moscow.
If Monday’s decision is a lasting one, the loss of the powerful and wealthy Russian church will be a serious blow to the global church. It also marks an important new facet for the rift between Russia and Ukraine, who have become bitter enemies since the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbass.
Metropolitan Hilarion of Volokolamsk, the Moscow patriarchate’s head of external church relations, announced the Russian church’s decision on Monday and said Russia hoped the Patriarchate of Constantinople would change its mind.
“Until that happens, until all these unlawful decisions made by Constantinople are in force, we won’t be able to communicate with the church which today finds itself in the midst of a schism,” he said, according to reports of his remarks.
The global Orthodox churches collectively represent 300 million people. But there are fewer than 3,000 of the Orthodox faithful in Istanbul.
The Russian Orthodox Church represents a majority of Orthodox Christians and commands huge wealth and power. Its leader, Patriarch Kirill, is closely allied to Vladimir Putin, the Russian president, who he has described as “a miracle of God”.
Rivalry between the Russian church and patriarch of Constantinople has been a feature of eastern Orthodoxy. Kirill has objected to Bartholomew’s close relationship with the Roman Catholic church and Pope Francis.
Ukraine’s government had lobbied strongly for autocephaly as part of a larger break from Russian influence in the country’s affairs.
“Autocephaly is part of our pro-European and pro-Ukrainian state strategy,” the Ukrainian president, Petro Poroshenko, said in a statement last week. He also called Moscow’s loss of control over the Ukrainian Orthodox Church “the fall of the ‘third Rome’ as the most ancient conceptual claim of Moscow for the global domination”.
Russia’s Orthodox Church already had a tense relationship with the religious authorities in Istanbul.
In the summer of 2016 the first global gathering of the 14 self-governing Orthodox churches since the year 787 almost collapsed before it opened because of disagreements over the agenda. Several churches – including the Russians – threatened to boycott the “holy and great council”, which had been 55 years in the planning.
The Patriarch of Constantinople has sought to repair relations with the Roman Catholic church, which broke from eastern Orthodoxy almost a millennium ago, in 1054.

So, SC erred in recognizing the nature of the shrine.as non-denominational. The Judgement should be reviewed suo moto and frozen.

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Mala Araya tribals to file review plea

The Mala Araya community is believed to have established the shrine, which was taken over by the Pandalam royal family and later by the Travancore Devaswom Board (TDB).

Published: 16th October 2018 09:10 AM 
Express News Service


THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: In a fresh twist to the Sabarimala temple controversy, the Mala Araya tribal community will file a review petition against the Supreme Court verdict that allowed women of all ages to enter the hill shrine.
The Mala Araya community is believed to have established the shrine, which was taken over by the Pandalam royal family and later by the Travancore Devaswom Board (TDB).The Akhila Thiruvithamkoor Mala Araya Maha Sabha (ATMAMS) will file the petition through P N Vijayakumar, former district judge and chairman of the Kerala State Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.Sabha general secretary K K Gangadharan said the state government decision to not file a review petition against the SC verdict has disappointed community members.
“Several rituals and customs of the temple, including the age bar, are part of tribal culture and traditions. They should not be altered,” he said. “The 41-day vruta or abstinence is part of the tribal culture. Women in our sect, as in most other tribal communities, would not visit temples during menstruation. The vruta and restrictions for women were part of our culture, which were approved by the Pandalam royals and the thantri.”
Until the previous decade, Mala Araya residences had a separate hut nearby where women would stay during their menstrual period and delivery, he said.Gangadharan said the Sabha will request the apex court to provide immunity for the age-old custom of restricting women of menstrual age at the shrine under the provisions of the Forest Rights Act.
The Sabha will also demand to reinstate the tribe’s rights at the shrine. They include the right to light the makaravilakku, conducting the then abhishekam (bathing the idol with forest honey) and pooja rights at sub-shrines like the Karimala temple on the Sabarimala trekking path.“The Pandalam royals and Thazhamon thantri family always honoured our culture. It was the TDB that did not show any regard for our rights and customs,” he said.
Gangadharan suspects that the portrayal of the age-old tradition as a rights issue is aimed at tarnishing the image of the shrine. “There is no ban, but a restriction. Last year, more than four lakh women visited the shrine,” he said.
http://www.newindianexpress.com/states/kerala/2018/oct/16/mala-araya-tribals-to-file-review-plea-1886088.html
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