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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    Candi Sukuh Śivalinga, smithy, श्येन śyena are Indus Script Hypertexts of metals wealth accounting ledgers of lokhaṇḍa, 'metalware', meḍ, 'dance step, iron' ahan-gār अहन्-गार् 'blacksmith', paṭṭaḍi, phaḍā 'smithy, metals manufactory'. A semantic expansion of meḍ into Schmidt is a common German occupational surname derived from the Germanword "Schmied" meaning "blacksmith" and/or "metalworker".

    This monograph translates the breath-taking sculptural Indus Script Hypertexts of Candi Sukuh and is a tribute to Stanley O'Connor who wrote the monograph, 'Metallurgy and Immortality at Caṇḍi Sukuh, Central Java' (1985). The Śivalinga of Candi Suku is a hypertext variant of the charioteer on Daimabad bronze chariot. The charioteer has a membrum virile, erect and protected by four cobra hoods. 

    This monograph deviates from the philosophical  framework provided by Stanley O'Connor linking metallurgical metaphors of purification in fire of minerals and metals the way immortality is achieved in Swarga, by Bhima who rescues his father, Pandu from the metals' cauldron of Hell into the bliss of Swarga waters, called Bhima Swarga. The focus is only on the adibhautika metaphors of metalwork recorded as wealth accounting ledgers in sculptural metaphors, in the Indus Script Hypertext Cipher tradition of mlecchita vikalpa (copper workers' writing system or cipher).

    These hypertexts are signifiers of metals manufactories of Candi Sukuh and Daimabad.


     The Indus Script Hypertexts on the Daimabad chariot are: 
    Hieroglyph: lo 'penis' Go<luGguj>(Z) [lUGguy']  {NB} ``male ^genitals, ^penis, ^scrotum''.(Munda etyma) loe 'penis' (Ho.) Hieroglyph:`^penis'':So. laj(R)  ~ lij  ~ la'a'j  ~ laJlaj  ~ kaD`penis'.Sa. li'j `penis, esp. of small boys'.Sa. lO'j `penis'.Mu. lOe'j  ~ lOGgE'j `penis'.  ! lO'jHo loe`penis'.Ku. la:j `penis'.@(C289) ``^penis'':Sa. lOj `penis'.Mu. lOj `penis'.KW lOj@(M084) <lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL)  {N} ``^penis''.  #43901.<ului>(P),,<uluj>(MP)  {NB} ``^penis, male organ, male^genitals''.  Cf. <kOlOb>(P),<susu>(M) `testicle'; <kuLij>(M), <kuRij>(P) `vulva'.  *Sa., MuN<lO'j>, MuH, Ho<lo'e>,So.<laj-An>, U.Tem.<lo'>??. %33271.  #33031.So
    <lO?Oj>D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL)  {N}`^penis''.<lohosua>(D)  {NI} ``^dance''.  #20141. lo-khaṇḍa, penis + gaṇḍa, 4 balls; Rebus: lokhaṇḍa 'iron, metalware.'Rebus: loh 'copper, iron, metal' (Indian sprachbund, Meluhha) लोह [p= 908,3]mfn. (prob. fr. a √ रुह् for a lost √ रुध् , " to be red " ; cf. रोहि , रोहिण &c ) red , reddish , copper-coloured S3rS. MBh.made of copper S3Br. (Sch.)made of iron Kaus3.m. n. red metal , copper VS. &c Rebus: <loha>(BD)  {NI} ``^iron''.  Syn. <luaG>(D).  *@.  #20131)  laúha -- ʻ made of copper or iron ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ red ʼ MBh., n. ʻ iron, metal ʼ Bhaṭṭ. [lōhá -- ] Pk. lōha -- ʻ made of iron ʼ; L. lohā ʻ iron -- coloured, reddish ʼ; P. lohā ʻ reddish -- brown (of cattle) ʼ.lōhá 11158 lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., .n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ 

    MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loaʻ steel ʼ; Kho.loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāˋā, P. lohā m. ( K.rām. olohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pā. jaun. lōh, paluhā, cur. cam.lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md.ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ (kc.) ɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md.  ʻ metal ʼ. (CDIAL 11172).lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, °rī -- f., °raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1]Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., °rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh° m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ.WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m. (CDIAL 11159).lōhaghaṭa 11160 *lōhaghaṭa ʻ iron pot ʼ. [lōhá -- , ghaṭa -- 1]Bi. lohrā°rī ʻ small iron pan ʼ.*lōhaphāla -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , phāˊla -- 1]WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl m. ʻ an agricultural implement ʼ Him.I 197; -- or < †*lōhahala -- .(CDIAL 11160) lōhala ʻ made of iron ʼ W. [lōhá -- ]G. loharlohariyɔ m. ʻ selfwilled and unyielding man ʼ.(CDIAL 11161).*lōhaśālā ʻ smithy ʼ. [lōhá -- , śāˊlā -- ]Bi. lohsārī ʻ smithy ʼ. (CDIAL 11162).lōhahaṭṭika 11163 *lōhahaṭṭika ʻ ironmonger ʼ. [lōhá -- , haṭṭa -- ] P.ludh. lōhṭiyā m. ʻ ironmonger ʼ.†*lōhahala -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , halá -- ]WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl ʻ an agricultural instrument ʼ; rather < †*lōhaphāla -- .(CDIAL 11163).
    Two black drongo birds perched atop either end of the axle rod: पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos primigenius indicus'  rebus: पोळ pōḷa, 'magnetite, ferrite ore' PLUS Hieroglyph: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian), fuladh (Persian) folādī (Pashto).पोलाद [ pōlāda ] n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel. (Marathi) bulad 'steel, flint and steel for making fire' (Amharic); fUlAd 'steel' (Arabic).

    Four hoods of cobra arch over membrum virile. Hypertext expression reads: lo gaṇḍa  phaḍa Rebus plaintext readings : 1. phaḍa lokhaṇḍa, 'metals manufacory,metalware,metal implements market (pun on the word paṇi, 'market'); 2.  lokhaṇḍa phaḍa 'metals manufactory, metal implements production,metals quarry'. 

    Reinforcement of semantics for upraised penis, for lobhar̥kanu  'rise of penis' (N.)(CDIAL 9365) rebus: bhaṭa  'furnace, smelter'  Thus, an alternative plain text is: bhaṭa  phaḍa lokhaṇḍ'furnace (for) metals manufactory, metal implements'.

    Curved stick held in his right hand: मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) rebus: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho.Mu.) 
    Animal standing atop the cart pole linked to the axle rod: Hieroglyph: कोला (p. 105) kōlā m (Commonly कोल्हा) A jackal. For compounds see under कोल्हे. कोल्हा (p. 105) kōlhā m A jackal, Canis aureus. Linn. कोल्हें (p. 105) kōlhēṃ n A jackal. Without reference to sex. Pr. अडलें कोल्हें मंगळ गाय Even the yelling jackal can sing pleasantly when he is in distress. कोल्हें Ta. kol working in iron, lacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi 
    (F.) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133)

    gaṇḍa set of four (Santali); rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar, furnace' (Santali) rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi) खंडा [ khaṇḍā ] m A sort of sword. It is straight and twoedged. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended. खांडाईत [khāṇḍāītaa Armed with the sword called खांडा. (Marathi)

    The word ‘Sukuh’ means ‘to go to war, go on a military expedition, wage war on, attack'. Candi Sukuh and Candi Ceto are temples -- divine blessings of pit-s for a military expedition supported by metal armour produced by artisans of Candi Sukuh & Candi Ceto smithy-forge. kole.l 'smithy, forge' is kole.l'temple' (Kota language).

    On the Bhima-Arjuna-Gaṇeśa dance step narrative of metalwork smithy sculptural frieze of Candi Sukuh are Indus Script traditions signified by hieroglyphs, in front of a smelter (kiln), on the left is Bhima bringing out a dagger from the furnace; Gaṇeśa in a dance step (meḍ 'step, dane' rebus: meḍ 'iron'; Arjuna working on the bellows (dhmakara,dhamaka 'bellows blower'); ayo, aya'fish' rebus: aya 'iron'ayas'alloy metal'.kaṇḍa 'sword' rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements'. लोखंड lōkhaṇḍa n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously.  लोखंडकाम lōkhaṇḍakāma n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith. लोखंडी  lōkhaṇḍī a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's हाड or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. लोखंडी  lōkhaṇḍī f (लोखंड) An iron boiler or other vessel. 

    गंडा[ gaṇḍā ] m An aggregate of four (cowries or pice). (Marathi) <ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  Syn. <cari>(LS4), <hunja-mi>(D).  *Sa., Mu.<ganDa> `id.', H.<gA~Da> `a group of four cowries'.  %10591.  #10511.<ganDa-mi>(KM)  {NUM} ``^four''.  |<-mi> `one'.  %10600.  #10520. Ju<ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  gaṇḍaka m. ʻ a coin worth four cowries ʼ lex., ʻ method of counting by fours ʼ W. [← Mu. Przyluski RoczOrj iv 234]S. g̠aṇḍho m. ʻ four in counting ʼ; P. gaṇḍā m. ʻ four cowries ʼ; B. Or. H. gaṇḍā m. ʻ a group of four, four cowries ʼ; M. gaṇḍā m. ʻ aggregate of four cowries or pice ʼ.(CDIAL 4001)

    Drawing of a Lingga with spheres

    This artifact was moved by Rafles to Jakarta and became the National Museum's inventory. Dutch Colonial Archaeological Report: HN Sieburg - Year 1841 Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia Inventory number: 37-903-48Manufacture: HN SieburghTitle: Drawing of a Lingga with spheresMaterial / technique: paper, pencilDimensions: 44 x 28 cm Date: 1841Picture of the almost 2 meters high Lingga, taken by Raffles Jakarta. It is now in the Museum Nasional in Jakarta. The Lingga comes from Candi Sukuh. According to the Cat. Groeneveldt 1887 p 114-116 representing the yoni a four spheres in which the fifth ball, the Lingga. However, the contemporary view that the Lingga belongs on top of the main temple which would represent an enormous yoni. The Lingga is a realistic phallus with four balls just below the summit. The four balls, the first set of four mountains surrounding Mount Meru can represent. The inscription reads: “Inauguration of the holy Ganggusudhi in […]. The symbol of masculinity is the essence of the world. On Saturday the Wuku Wayang.” It is followed by a chronogram with a date which translates to 1440. Further reliefs of a kris, an eight-pointed sun and a crescent. Signed in 1841 by HN Sieburgh

    About: SUKUH CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)

    Karanganyar Regency - Central Java

    Collection: Museum of Volkenkunde, Leiden.

    On the top register, a sword, hieroglyphs of sun and moon are inscribed to indicate that 'metals' are intended as the message.

    Hieroglyph: arka 'sun' (Kannada) Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper'<harke>(C),,<arke>(C)  {N} ``^moon''.  @S.  #6741. Rebus: arka 'gold'; agasAle 'goldsmithy' (Kannada) eraka 'moltencast' (Tulu) 'copper' (Kannada) 
    मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] 'polar' star' rebus: Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'. Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Munda)  Hieroglyph: OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ(CDIAL 3546) Rebus: koṭhār 'treasury, warehouse' कुठारु [p= 289,1] an armourer L.

    gaṇḍa -- m. ʻswelling, boil, abscessʼ(Pali) PLUS Go<luGguj>(Z) [lUGguy']  {NB} ``male ^genitals, ^penis, ^scrotum''.(Munda etyma)Hieroglyph: loe 'penis' (Ho.) Rebus: loh 'copper, iron, metal' (Indian sprachbund, Meluhha) Hieroglyph: ``^penis'':So. laj(R)  ~ lij  ~ la'a'j  ~ laJ/ laj  ~ kaD `penis'.Sa. li'j `penis, esp. of small boys'.Sa. lO'j `penis'.Mu. lOe'j  ~ lOGgE'j `penis'.  ! lO'jHo loe `penis'.Ku. la:j `penis'.@(C289) ``^penis'':Sa. lOj `penis'.Mu. lOj `penis'.KW lOj@(M084) <lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL)  {N} ``^penis''.  #43901. <ului>(P),,<uluj>(MP)  {NB} ``^penis, male organ, male^genitals''.  Cf. <kOlOb>(P),<susu>(M) `testicle'; <kuLij>(M), <kuRij>(P) `vulva'.  *Sa., MuN<lO'j>, MuH, Ho<lo'e>,So.<laj-An>, U.Tem.<lo'> ??. %33271.  #33031.So<lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL)  {N} ``^penis''.<lohosua>(D)  {NI} ``^dance''.  #20141. 

    Image result for eagle candi sukuhAnother metaphor of armour is the falcon. seṇa 'falcon' rebus: seṇa, aśani 'thunderbolt', āhan gar 'blacksmith'  PLUS kambha 'wing' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage[Metwork catalogues: ferrite ore, blacksmith mint] Alternate titles: sēnāpati m. ʻ leader of an army ʼ AitBr. [sḗnā -- , páti -- ]Pa. sēnāpati -- , °ika -- m. ʻ general ʼ, Pk. sēṇāvaï -- m.; M. śeṇvaī°vīśeṇai m. ʻ a class of Brahmans ʼ, Ko. śeṇvi; Si. senevi ʻgeneralʼ.(CDIAL 13589). The falcon is combined with cobra-hood: फडा (p. 313phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c. Ta. patam cobra's hood. Ma. paṭam id. Ka. peḍe id.Te. paḍaga id. Go. (S.) paṛge, (Mu.) baṛak, (Ma.) baṛki, (F-H.) biṛki hood of serpent (Voc. 2154). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9040, Skt. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā- id. For IE etymology, see Burrow, The Problem of Shwa in Sanskrit, p. 45.(DEDR 47) Rebus: phaḍa फड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers. paṭṭaḍiphaḍā 'smithy, forge, mint, metals manufactory for wealth'.

    పట్టడ paṭṭaḍa paṭṭaḍu. [Tel.] n. A smithy, a shop. కుమ్మరి వడ్లంగి మొదలగువారు పనిచేయు చోటు. 

    श्येन śyena m. a hawk , falcon , eagle , any bird of prey (esp. the eagle that brings down सोम to man) RV. (Monier-Williams). This words is expanded in the expression: aśáni f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ RV., °nī -- f. ŚBr. [Cf. áśan -- m. ʻ sling -- stone ʼ RV.] Pa. asanī -- f. ʻ thunderbolt, lightning ʼ, asana -- n. ʻ stone ʼ; Pk. asaṇi -- m.f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ; Ash. ašĩˊ ʻ hail ʼ, Wg. ašē˜ˊ, Pr. īšĩ, Bashg. "azhir", Dm. ašin, Paš. ášen, Shum. äˊšin, Gaw. išín, Bshk. ašun, Savi išin, Phal. ã̄šun, L. (Jukes) ahin, awāṇ. &circmacrepsilon;n (both with n, not ), P. āhiṇ, f., āhaṇaihaṇ m.f., WPah. bhad. ã̄ṇ, bhal. ´tildemacrepsilon;hiṇi f., N. asino, pl. °nā; Si. senaheṇa ʻ thunderbolt ʼ Geiger GS 34, but the expected form would be *ā̤n; -- Sh. aĩyĕˊr f. ʻ hail ʼ (X ?). -- For ʻ stone ʼ > ʻ hailstone ʼ cf. upala -- and A. xil s.v. śilā (CDIAL 910) A thunder-bolt maker is: ahan-gār अहन्-गार् (= ) m. a blacksmith (H. xii, 16).(Kashmiri) آهن āhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهن ګران āhan-garānآهن ربا āhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهن رباوي āhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنه.(Pashto). Such a blacksmith, maker of thunderbolt is shown as an anthropomorphic representation on a silver axe with two heads of 'falcons; dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'; thus, the hieroglyph/hypertext signifies a thunderblt jmetal caster; the associated hieroglyphs to signify metalwork are: kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' ; baḍhia = a castrated boar, a hog; rebus: baḍhi 'a caste who work both in iron and wood':

    Shaft-hole axhead with a bird-headed demon, boar,and dragon, late 3rd–early 2nd millennium BCE Central Asia (Bactria-Margiana) Silver, gold foil; 5 7/8 in. (15 cm) Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History | The Metropolitan Museum of Art
    The scene in bas relief The scene depicted Bhima as the blacksmith in the left forging the metal, Ganesha in the center, and Arjuna in the right operating the tube blower to pump air into the furnace.

    Pl. 1 Relief of smithy at Candi Sukuh, central Java. On the left, a smith forging a weapon. Person on left (Bhima) is surrounded by tools and weapons and is forging a sword.In the center, a dancing elephant-headed figure. Far right, an assistant operating the traditional double-piston bellows of Southeast Asia. 
    Ganapati, Maha Rakta "After the rise of Tantric BuddhismGanesha 
    became a Tantric wealth deity and is known as the "Lord of Provisions in Tibetan Tantrism". According to legend, Red Jambhala was in charge of the heavenly treasury that belonged to Lord Mahesvara’s son. Due to his extreme compassion, Red Jambhala had unfailingly answered the prayers of many worshippers. Enraged by Red Jambhala’s indiscriminate charity to both the good and evil, Dharma guardian Mahakala decapitated him. It was only after the wealth deity repents that Mahakala plants an elephant’s head on his neck and receives him as a retainer. 

    Meluhha hieroglyphs and Candi Sukuh hieroglyphs related to metalwork

    The relationship between Munda and Khmer languages in the family of Austro-Asiatic languages is as yet an unsettled research concern. In the context of Meluhha, it is clear that in Indian sprachbund from ca. 5th millennium BCE, Munda words were an integral component of the language union. FBJ Kuiper has demonstrated the presence of Munda words in Samskritam. Kuiper FBJ, 1948, Proto-Munda words in Sanskrit, ord-Hollandsche Uitg. Mij. in Amsterdam.See:

    It is possible that many of the Meluhha hieroglyphs and related metalwork glosses may also have been in vogue in the region characterised by the Khmer languages exemplified by Tantri Kamandaka in Javanese and in the Ganapati image of Candi Sukuh in Java, discussed in this note. 

    There are clear indicators that the Candi Sukuh hieroglyphs were comparable with metalwork hieroglyphs of Indus script corpora and with the art forms of Ganapati found over an extended area of Bharatam and neighbouring contact areas.

    Map of Bronze Age sites of eastern India and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2.Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6.Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa;8. Mohenjo-daro; 9.Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11.Navdatoli; 12.Inamgaon; 13. Non PaWai; 14. Nong Nor;15. Ban Na Di andBan Chiang; 16. NonNok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia,  Cambridge University Press].

    Pinnow’s map of Austro-AsiaticLanguage speakers correlates with bronze age sites. See:<b>Munda</b> (reddish) and Mon-Khmer languages  Map 1 (Bronze-age sites) correlates with Austro-Asiatic languages map 2. A focus on this area for areal linguistics will yield significant results to delineate the ancient structure and form of mleccha language. Santali and Munda lexicons and literature will be of considerable relevance with particular reference to cultural traditions and village festivals associated with the work on minerals and metals.
    LEAD Technologies Inc. V1.01Cham Art. "History has not been kind to Cham monuments and works of art: centuries of warfare and casual neglect have taken a significant toll on sites like My Sonand Po Nagar Nha Trang, while decorative pieces have been lost over time. Today, most Cham artifacts exist as sandstone or bronze sculptures, with a few decorative objects cast in other metals. Do we know anything about the other arts of the ancient Cham: painting, jewelry, basketry, textiles, pottery, or even calligraphy? Can sources from abroad or surviving steles allow us to reconstruct what other arts were practiced during Champa’s zenith (c. 600-900 CE)? " 

    Richly decorated Balinese kris hilt coated with gold, adorned with rubies 
    "The handle or hilt (hulu) is an object of art, often carved in meticulous details and made from various materials: precious rare types of wood to gold or ivory. They were often carved to resemble various Hindu gods and deities, although this became less common with the introduction of Islam. In Bali, kris handles are made to resemble demons coated in gold and adorned with semi precious and precious stones, such as rubies. In Java, kris handles are made in various types, the most common design being the abstract stylized representation of the human form. 
    The main monument of Sukuh temple.
    The walls of the monument which is Sukuh candi (15th cent. temple) in Indonesia (Java) have many bas-reliefs.  
    Rhinoceros/boarbaḍhia = a castrated 

    boar, a hog (Santali) baḍhi ‘a  caste who work both in iron and wood’ 

    (Santali) baṟea ‘merchant’  ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron' (Santali) 

    A headless life-sized male figure grasping penis
    Ko. geṇḍ kaṭ- (kac-) dog's penis becomes stuck in copulation. Ka. geṇḍe  penis
    Go. (Tr. Ph.) geṭānā, (Mu.) gēṭ- to have sexual intercourse; (Mu.) gēṭ sexual intercourse (Voc. 1181).(DEDR 1949). 

    So. laj(R)
      ~ lij
      ~ la'a'j
      ~ laJ/ laj
      ~ kaD `penis'.
    Sa. li'j `penis, esp. of small boys'.
    Sa. lO'j `penis'.
    Mu. lOe'j
      ~ lOGgE'j `penis'.  ! lO'j
    Ho loe `penis'.
    Ku. la:j `penis'.


    Sa. lOj `penis'.
    Mu. lOj `penis'.
    KW lOj
    @(M084) Rebus: lo 'copper' lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ]
    Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃un., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ. WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md.  ʻ metal ʼ.(CDIAL 11158)

    gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., °aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá --1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā. 2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., °ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., °ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← H. (CDIAL 4000). காண்டாமிருகம் kāṇṭā-mirukam , n. [M. kāṇṭāmṛgam.] Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Gujarati) Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi)

    *kartyā ʻ knife ʼ. 2. *kr̥tyā -- . [Cf. kr̥tí -- 2 and Psht. čāṛa ʻ knife ʼ < *kartyā -- EVP 19: √kr̥t1]
    1. Sh. kačí f. ʻ scissors ʼ, K. köċü f. ʻ betelnut scissors ʼ; N. kaciyā ʻ sickle ʼ, A. kāsi, B. kāci; Or. kaciā ʻ big scythe ʼ; Bi. kaciyā ʻ toothed sickle ʼ; H. kaciyā ʻ reapinghook ʼ.
    2. Pk. kiccā -- f. ʻ cutting ʼ. [Cf. Ir. *kartyā -- in Shgh. čā̤d ʻ knife ʼ](CDIAL 2866) Kol. (SR.) kaccī sword. Go. kacci (A.) sword, (SR.) iron sword; (Ch. Ma.) kacci, (Tr. W. Ph.) kaccī, (M.) kacci, kac, (Ko.) kas iron; (Mu.) kacc iron, iron blade (of spade) (Voc. 460).(DEDR 1096)

    Ta. katti knife, cutting instrument, razor, sword, sickle. Ma. katti knife. Ko. katy billhook knife; kati·r- (katrc-; < katy-tayr, katy-tarc-) to cut; kaṇkeyt, kaṇki·t sickle (for kaṇ, see 1166). To. kaṇ koty dagger-shaped knife burned with corpse (cf. 1166). Ka. katti knife, razor, sword. Koḍ. katti knife. Tu. katti, katte id. Te. katti knife, razor, sword. Go. (Ch.) katti cock's spur; (Elwin) kāti the knife attached to the cock's foot (Voc. 490). ? (DEDR 1204).

    karta2 m. ʻ *cutting ʼ (ʻ separation ʼ BhP.). [i.e. *kárta -- : √kr̥t1]S. katu m. ʻ a cut, cutting a nib ʼ; L. kaṭṭ m. ʻ deduction ʼ; N. kāṭ -- kuṭ ʻ cutting down ʼ, kāṭā -- kāṭkāṭ -- mārʻ slaughter ʼ; B. kāṭā -- kāṭi ʻ mutual slaughter ʼ; Or. kāṭa ʻ act of cutting, shape ʼ; H. kāṭā -- kāṭī f. ʻ cutting to pieces ʼ; M. kã̄t m. ʻ shavings of wood &c. ʼ; -- ext. with --r -- , -- l -- , -- ll -- : G. kātrī f. ʻ thin slice ʼ, kātḷũ n. ʻ round piece of sugar cane cut off ʼ, kātlī f. ʻ slice ʼ.(CDIAL 2852)

    Stone carvings and hieroglyphic writing at bas-relief walls in Candi Sukuh. The carvings indicate that the smithy was an armourer's workshop. kole.l (Kota) is both a smithy and a temple.For association of Ganesha with metalwork, see:  Multiplex as metaphor: ligatures on Indus Meluhha writing and Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization art forms of Bharatam Janam See: 
    Two stylized peacocks constituting an arch around some hieroglyphs in Candi Sukuh.  mora peacock; morā ‘peafowl’ (Hindi); rebus: morakkhaka loha, a kind of copper, grouped with pisācaloha (Pali). [Perhaps an intimation of the color of the metal produced which shines like a peacock blue feather.] moraka "a kind of steel" (Sanskrit) smāraka 'memorial' (Sanskrit)

    nāgá 'snake' Rebus: nāgá 'lead' dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' (Santali)

    kāṇḍam காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus:  khāṇḍā ‘metal tools,  pots and pans’ (Marathi)

    <lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'.  @B24310.  #20851. Re<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.   See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. 

    దళము [daḷamu] daḷamu. [Skt.] n. A leaf. ఆకు. A petal. A part, భాగము.  dala n. ʻ leaf, petal ʼ MBh. Pa. Pk. dala -- n. ʻ leaf, petal ʼ, G. M. daḷ n.(CDIAL 6214). <DaLO>(MP)  {N} ``^branch, ^twig''.  *Kh.<DaoRa>(D) `dry leaves when fallen', ~<daura>, ~<dauRa> `twig', Sa.<DAr>, Mu.<Dar>, ~<Dara> `big branch of a tree', ~<DauRa> `a twig or small branch with fresh leaves on it', So.<kOn-da:ra:-n> `branch', H.<DalA>, B.<DalO>, O.<DaLO>, Pk.<DAlA>.  %7811.  #7741.(Munda etyma) Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati)

    (After Fig. 17. Cult relief found in a well located in the Ashur temple at Ashur. Old Assyrian period, early 2nd millennium BCE, limestone, h. 52 ½ in. (1.36in) Vorderasiatisches Museum.)

    Witnessing an event, than interpreting a text. (O'Connor, Stanley J., 1985, Metallurgy and Immortality at Caṇḍi Sukuh, Central Java, Indonesia, Volume 39 (April 1985), 53--70.p. 65); '...iron working was  was a metaphor for spiritual transmutation in ancient Java. ' (p.54);'...iron working is both a craft and a spiritual exercise.' (p. 55); "Metallurgy, especially the complex and, to the pre-scientific mind, mysterious process by which ores are drawn from the living earth are reduced to a molten state, transformed into a rough iron mass of residual slag and iron chips by the smelter, and then purified, hardened in the presence of carbon, and forged into beautiful and useful objects by the smith, makes a fruitful analogue for the metamorphosis of the soul after death." (P.56).
    Pl. 2 Detail of Pl. 1 showing smith grasping tang of weapon with bare hand. Note the blade rests on the smith's knee. There is no hammer in the upraised hand.

    Pl. 3 The elephant-headed figure, almost crtainly Ganesha, wears a crown and carries a small animal, probably a dog (jackal looking backwards?)

    Pl. 4 Detail showing bone rosary or rattle carried by Ganesha.

    A relief of yoni–lingga on the floor of the Candi Sukuh's entrance
    Pl. 5 Phallus and vulva repreented, on the floor of the monumental gateway at Sukuh. (Portable furnace, bottom register of the standard device hieroglyph on over 1000 inscriptions of Indus script corpora?)

    Pl. 6 Linga discovered at Candi Sukuh and now in Museum Pusst, Jakarta (from CJ van der VLie, Report of 1843).Linga is six feet long, five feet in circumference. Old Javanese inscription: 'Consecration of the Holy Gangga sudhi...the sign of masculinity is the essence of the world.' Sword is carved in relief on the shaft of the linga.

    Metallurgy and Immortality at Caṇḍi Sukuh, Central Java by Stanley J. O'Connor, IndonesiaVolume 39 (April 1985), 53--70.
    Uchchhishta Ganapati,Nageswaraswamy Temple, Kumbakonam. The deities touch each other's genitalia.
    Uchchhishta Ganapati, Nanjangud
    "Uchchhishta Ganapati (Sanskritउच्छिष्ट-गणपतिUcchiṣṭa Gaṇapati) is an Tantric aspect of the Hindu god Ganesha (Ganapati). He is the primary deity of the Uchchhishta Ganapatya sect, one of six major schools of the Ganapatyas. He is worshipped primarily by heterodox vamachara rituals. He is depicted with a nude goddess, in an erotic iconography. He is one of the thirty-two forms of Ganesha, frequently mentioned in devotional literature.Herambasuta was one of the exponent of Uchichhishta Ganapati cult.
    The Kriyakramadyoti mentions that the god carries in his six hands: a lotus (in some descriptions, a blue lotus),pomegranate, theveena, an akshamala (rosary) and a rice sprig. (Satguru Sivaya Subramuniyaswami. Loving Ganesha. Himalayan Academy Publications. p. 66).


    Robert Hertz: A contribution to the study of collective representation of death
    R. Goris: The position of the blacksmiths, in: Bali: Studies in Life, Thought and Ritual, ed. JC Swellegebel (The Hague: van Hoeve, 1960), pp. 291-97.

    ED Baumann, De Mythe van der Manken God, quoted in RJ Forbes, Metallurgy in Antiquity (Leiden: Brill, 1950), p. 89 TheToraja of Sulawesi have a smith god who reforges souls.

    ulkāˊ f. ʻ meteor, fire falling from heaven ʼ RV., ʻ fire- brand ʼ ŚBr.Pa. ukkā -- f. ʻ torch ʼ, Pk. ukkā -- f ʻ meteor, fire -- ball ʼ; B. ūk, ukā ʻ torch ʼ; Or. uka ʻ torch, flash of fire, meteor ʼ, ukiā ʻ sun's rays ʼ; Mth. ūk ʻ torch ʼ; H. ūk m. ʻ torch, blaze, meteor ʼ.(CDIAL 2362). Rebus: ukku 'steel' (Telugu) Ta. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender, melt (as the heart), be kind, glow with love, be emaciated; urukku (urukki-) to melt (tr.) with heat (as metals or congealed substances), dissolve, liquefy, fuse, soften (as feelings), reduce, emaciate (as the body), destroy; n. steel, anything melted, product of liquefaction; urukkam melting of heart, tenderness, compassion, love (as to a deity, friend, or child); urukkiṉam that which facilitates the fusion of metals (as borax). Ma. urukuka to melt, dissolve, be softened; urukkuka to melt (tr.); urukkam melting, anguish; urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel. Ko. uk steel.  Ka.urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te. ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh-(Voc. 262). Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.)rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel. (DEDR 661)

     mēṇḍhra -- m. ʻ penis ʼ(Samskritam)(CDIAL 9606).Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.)

    ibha m. ʻ elephant ʼ Mn. Pa. ibha-- m., Pk. ibha--, iha--, Si. iba Geiger EGS 22: rather ← Pa.(CDIAL 1587).Rebus: ib 'iron' (Santali)

    WPah.kṭg. (kc.) mōr ʻ peacock ʼ.A. mairā ʻ peacock ʼ(CDIAL 9865). Rebus: mará m. ʻ *death ʼ (ʻ world of death ʼ AitUp.), maraka- m. ʻ epidemic ʼ. [√mr̥] Pk. mara -- m. ʻ death ʼ, Ash. mə́rə, Wg. mara (as ʻ god of death ʼ(CDIAL 9867).

    Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H. kolhā°lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ°lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā°lā m.(CDIAL 3615). Rebus: kol 'working in iron' (Tamil) Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka.kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace.Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhalito forge. (DEDR 2133)

    K. khāra -- basta f. ʻ blacksmith's skin bellows ʼ; -- S. bathī f. ʻ quiver ʼ (< *bhathī); A. Or. bhāti ʻ bellows ʼ, Bi. bhāthī, (S of Ganges) bhã̄thī; OAw. bhāthā̆ ʻ quiver ʼ; H. bhāthā m. ʻ quiver ʼ, bhāthī f. ʻ bellows ʼ; G. bhāthɔbhātɔbhāthṛɔ m. ʻ quiver ʼ (whence bhāthī m. ʻ warrior ʼ); M. bhātā m. ʻ leathern bag, bellows, quiver ʼ, bhātaḍ n. ʻ bellows, quiver ʼ; <-> (X bhráṣṭra -- ?) N. bhã̄ṭi ʻ bellows ʼ, H. bhāṭhī f. OA. bhāthi ʻ bellows ʼ (CDIAL 9424). Rebus: Pk. bhayaga -- m. ʻ servant ʼ, bhaḍa -- m. ʻ soldier ʼ, bhaḍaa -- m. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; Paš. buṛīˊ ʻ servant maid ʼ IIFL iii 3, 38; S.bhaṛu ʻ clever, proficient ʼ, m. ʻ an adept ʼ; Ku. bhaṛ m. ʻ hero, brave man ʼ, gng. adj. ʻ mighty ʼ; B. bhaṛ ʻ soldier, servant, nom. prop. ʼ,.kcch. bhaṛ ʻ brave ʼ; Garh. (Śrīnagrī dial.) bhɔṛ, (Salānī dial.) bhe ʻ warrior ʼ.G. bhaṛ m. ʻ warrior, hero, opulent person ʼ, adj. ʻ strong, opulent ʼ (CDIAL 9588).

    Tantri Reliefs on Javanese Candi by Robert L. Brown Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 118, Issue 1, 1998

    The Tantri reliefs of the title are scenes, carved in stone, depicting stories from (or relating to) those found in the Indian Pancatantra corpus of stories, animal fables usually teaching a moral lesson. These reliefs are on candis, or temples, in Java that date, beginning with two in central Java, from about 800 C.E. and end with a group of thirteen monuments in eastern Java that date from about 1340 to 1450. Thus, the reliefs' appearance is restricted to these two groups, among the many monuments in central Java, and to a short time frame. In addition, there is an odd five-hundred-year break between the two groups. These are the only instances in which such Pancatantra stories are depicted on monuments in South or Southeast Asia, making their appearance on the Javanese temples that much more intriguing.Marijke Klokke's book is very helpful in sorting out the questions regarding these Javanese Tantri reliefs, and she supplies - in a careful, thorough, and scholarly way - answers or hypotheses for many of them. The book is divided into two parts. The first, in seven chapters and 152 pages of text, is her discussion of the reliefs. The second part, of about one hundred pages, is a very handy catalog of the reliefs themselves, each discussed separately and with a small illustration. These reliefs are numbered consecutively and arranged by monument, which in turn are arranged chronologically. The major monuments are shown at the end in ground plans with the placement of each relief indicated by its number. The discussion for each relief is extremely thorough, giving a list of references where it has been published before, a description, a suggested identification, and often a detailed analysis and comparison of textual sources and other reliefs.The first part of the book is an introduction that lays out some of the major issues, most of which will continue to be a focus throughout the book, including most importantly the relationship of the reliefs to the textual sources. Klokke reviews the past scholarly literature that has dealt with the reliefs, and notes that her approach will be to consider the meaning of the reliefs in the context of the candis and, broadly, of Javanese culture, rather than to view each relief separately, as was very commonly done in the past. The second chapter is then devoted to a review of the literary sources. The stories are referred to as Tantri stories because the Old Javanese version of these stories, in a text named today Tantri Kamandaka, has a woman named Tantri telling the stories to her husband, a king. The royal nature of the stories will be a key in her interpretation of the candi reliefs.In Klokke's thorough search for relationships and sources for the Javanese Tantri Kamandaka, she comes to the surprising conclusion that this text, which dates to the Majapahit period (fourteenth to sixteenth centuries) - or just about the same time as the reappearance of the Tantri reliefs on eastern Javanese monuments - is most closely related in India to an obscure south Indian Sanskrit Pancatantra text, the Tantropakhyana, and its Tamil adaptation. Is this to be connected to Hertel's Tantrakhyayika? (cf. Renou, L'Inde classique, [Section]1812). Furthermore, the Javanese Tantri Kamandaka and the Indian texts share close relationships with Thai and Laotian Pancatantra versions. She points out that a similar pattern is found with the Old Javanese Ramayana Kakawin, the Javanese version of the Ramayana being related to a less well known Indian version but that appears also to have influenced other Southeast versions of the Ramayana.Before turning to her goal of discussing the reliefs in their architectural and cultural contexts in the final two chapters, Klokke provides three more chapters, in part in preparation for these final discussions, that are filled with interesting insights. Chapter III deals with art historical concerns of Javanese sculptural reliefs, their styles, iconography, figural types, and narrative conventions. This is, to my mind, the weakest chapter in the book (although this may be because, as an art historian, I expected something more sophisticated - for scholars from other fields it may be more helpful). I find particularly inadequate her discussion of the artistic narrative conventions, that is, the ways in which stories are depicted in sculptural relief. She identifies two methods, culmination and the episodic, the latter of which is divided into cyclic and continuous forms. By "culmination" she means that one narrative moment is used to represent the entire story. The episodic simply means that a series of moments are depicted, either in separate panels (cyclic form, as in a modern comic strip) or several moments in a single panel (continuous form). She then relates these conventions historically, suggesting that while the culmination method existed throughout Javanese art, the episodic was first in the cyclic form (as at Borobudur, ca. A.D. 800), then developed into a combined cyclic and continuous form in the late central Javanese period (as at Loro Jonggrang, ca. 850), and became "full-fledged continuous form" in the late east Javanese period (fourteenth-fifteenth c.). The Tantri reliefs always tended toward the culmination method, and were so exclusively in the central Javanese examples, while some became rather minimally episodic on the eastern Javanese candis.I find, first of all, that this classification is too simplistic and schematic, considering the very rich discussions of artistic narrative available, and that continue as a focus of innovative contemporary scholarship. And second, I do not understand why Klokke calls several of the central Javanese Tantri reliefs that depict several different moments in one panel (such as the Mendut "Geese and Tortoise") the culmination method (see her discussion pp. 71-72).Chapter IV is devoted to dating the monuments on which the Tantri reliefs are found. Chapter V then talks about the relationships between the artistic and literary traditions. This is a crucial chapter, as Klokke comes to conclusions about the relationships, influences, and sources of literary texts and the Tantri reliefs. Briefly, she feels that a variety of Pancatantra stories, in both literary and oral forms, were first brought to central Java in the eighth and ninth centuries, primarily from Gujarat. The reason the Central Javanese Tantri reliefs are all culmination method (that is, depicted in a single moment in a single panel) is, she suggests, because they were based on only the condensed form of the brief poetic sloka, stripped of narrative content - an idea I find highly unlikely, but it helps to explain why she is determined to force all the central Javanese examples, even those like the "Geese and Tortoise" mentioned above, into the culmination method. When the Pancatantra-like stories were first written in Old Javanese (the Tantri Kamandaka) in eastern Java in about the fourteenth century, the obscure south Indian Tantropakhyana was chosen as a guide because it, like the central Javanese reliefs, related ultimately to the same earlier Gujarati-linked stories. Thus, assuming a continuing story tradition between central and eastern Java over that five hundred-year gap, which she actually details using the reliefs, the eastern Javanese recognized, and thus chose as the model, the Tantropakhyana as already "part" of the tradition. While this is speculative, it is certainly well argued.Finally, the last two chapters (VI and VII) need to be read for their many details, but Klokke's overall argument as to the use and meaning of the reliefs on the candis can be rather simply stated. She finds that the stories were related to kingship, specifically to the teachings of what made a good or bad king. These stories were placed on monuments that had to do with the secular or this-worldly success of the king in making the kingdom fertile and plentiful. They were, she feels, organized on the monuments in a general left-right scheme, so that the left includes stories having to do with teaching about wickedness, the right with the good. There was also a vertical organization, so that the lower portion of the monument was more focused on the king's worldly duties, and thus were usually where the Tantri reliefs were placed. This interpretation of the stories applying to the mundane and materialistic has interesting implications for the central Javanese Tantri reliefs, which were placed on two Buddhist monuments. In conclusion, this is an informative and significant book that bears a close reading by scholars from various disciplines and fields.ROBERT L. BROWN UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELESCOPYRIGHT 1998 American Oriental Society

    See:  Parwwa Tantri Kamandaka, Pusat Dokumentasi, Dinas Kebudayaan Provinsi Bali

    Majapahit era in Indonesia has books such as Candidate Charcoal, Korawasrama, Babhulisah, Tantri Kamandaka, Pancatantra and temples such as Temple Brahu, Temple Gentong, Blitar, Tegalwangi Mice.

    Magic of Metal. Physical and spiritual powers of keris. Watch out, deadly curves!

    "No, this is not a traffic sign warning drivers of a dangerous winding road, but a rather inadequate description of keris, the traditional Indonesian dagger. Whether created by human hands or of supernatural origin, keris are believed to be physical manifestations of invisible forces. Forged in fire but symbolic of water, a keris represents a powerful union of cosmic complementary forces.
    A distinctive feature of many keris is their odd-numbers of curves, but they also have straight blades. Keris are like naga, which are associated with irrigation canals, rivers, springs, wells, spouts, waterfalls and rainbows. Some keris have a naga or serpent head carved near its base with the body and tail following the curves of the blade to the tip. A wavy keris is a naga in motion, aggressive and alive; a straight blade is one at rest, its power dormant but ready to come into action.
    Different types of whetstones, acidic juice of citrus fruits and poisonous arsenic bring out the contrast between the dark black iron and the light colored silvery nickel layers which together form pamor, damascene patterns on the blade. These motifs have specific names which indicate their special powers: udan mas (golden rain) is good for prosperity, wos wetah (unbroken rice grains) brings well-being.
    Three fingers remaining helps in making decisions; two fingers left are good for spiritual purposes. One and a half fingers left repel disaster and black magic; one finger remaining is suitable for agricultural prosperity. Half a finger left is useful for thieves; no finger remaining is good for making proposals. What’s going on here? Cutting off fingers for punishment? No, by measuring a keris from base to tip with four fingers of each hand alternating, the remaining length indicates how the keris is beneficial.
    The keris is an important family possession and considered to be an ancestral deity, as weapons often play critical roles in the rise and fall of families and fortunes in history. Heirloom keris have proper names which describe their power: Ki Sudamala is Venerable Exorcist and repels negative forces, Ki Baju Rante is Venerable Coat of Armor and spiritually protects one wearing it.
    In Bali, an heirloom keris and other such metal objects are presented offerings every 210 days on the day called Tumpek Landep, which means ‘sharp’. They are cleaned, displayed in temple shrines, and presented with incense, holy water, and red-colored food and flowers to honor Hindu god of fire Brahma. This is followed by prayers for a sharp mind to Sanghyang Pasupati, the deity who empowers sacred objects and defeats ignorance..."

    Suteja Neka ritually hammers a newkeris being made for the Pura Pandeblacksmith clan temple in Peliatan in June 2006
    Antique royal Balinese keris from Bangliwith 17 curves, demon-shaped handle inlaid with gold and encrusted with semi-precious stones
    Antique Balinese keris with chiseled figures of lion king Candapinggala fighting bull Nandaka from the TantriKamandaka fables
    Antique Balinese keris with 13 curves, new gold inlay of naga(water-serpent), demon-shaped gold handle encrusted with semi-precious stones
    "There are also 14 stories from the Tantri Kamandaka, these are Java animal fables used to represent characters that teach life lessons in wisdom & statecraft, the art of running a kingdom. The Tantri Kamandaka is interesting as it is very similar to the Arabian ‘A Thousand & One Nights’ story. It starts off with a king who orders his minister to find him a bride each night so his subjects can get drunk & have a wedding feast every day. On the last day the kingdom runs out of girls & so the minister’s own daughter, a girl named Tantri gives herself up. On their wedding night in order to avoid drunken horizontal-mumble, she tries to distract the king with these tales which later has a profound effect on the king who vows to change his ways, the moral here… if you have sex with a different woman every night you will probably get AIDS & die."

    Javanese Tantri Kamandaka (known also as Tantricarita, Tantravakya and Candapingala) is based on Pancatantra. Prof. C. Hooykaas brought out a Tantri edition in 1931. He opines that this book was written at about the same time as Durgasimha's Kannada version of the Pancatantra, that is, in the first half of the eleventh century CE.
    English translation:
    '"This work will, in all likelihood, be of interest to rulers; for the course of (princely) policy is made plain by stories of animals."

    Surya Majapahit[i] of Majapahit Empire from 1293 to around 1500 in Java, Indonesia.
    Expansion and decline of Majapahit Empire, started in Trowulan Majapahit in 13th century, expanded to much of Indonesian archipelago, until receded and fell in early 16th century.
    The graceful Bidadari Majapahit, golden celestialapsara in Majapahit style perfectly describes Majapahit as "the golden age" of the archipelago.
    Bas relief from Candi Penatarandescribes the Javanese-style pendopopavilion, commonly found across Java and Bali.
    Majapahit recognize the hierarchy classifications of lands within its realm:
    1. Bhumi: the kingdom, ruled by the king
    2. Nagara: the province, ruled by the rajya (governor), or natha (lord), or bhre (prince or duke)
    3. Watek: the regency, administered by wiyasa,
    4. Kuwu: the district, administered by lurah,
    5. Wanua: the village, administered by thani,
    6. Kabuyutan: the hamlet or sanctuary place.
    The officials in Majapahit courts are:
    • Rakryan Mahamantri Katrini, usually reserved for the king's heir
    • Rakryan Mantri ri Pakira-kiran, the board of ministers that conduct the daily administration
    • Dharmmadhyaksa, the officials of laws, state laws as well as religious laws
    • Dharmma-upapatti, the officials concerning religious affairs
    The statue of Harihara, the god combination of Shiva andVishnu. It was the mortuary deified portrayal ofKertarajasa. Originally located at Candi Simping, Blitar and the statue is now preserved at the National Museum of Indonesia. 
    Munda (reddish) and Mon-Khmer languages

    Pinnow map: Click to enlarge
    Austroasiatic Languages:
    Munda (Eastern India) and
    Mon-Khmer (NE India, mainland SE Asia, Malaysia, Nicobars)

    [Site maintained by Patricia Donegan and David Stampe]

  • Family tree and demographicsEthnologue index of AA languages.
  • Maps:
    • Austroasiatic languages map (in German) from H.-J. Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache, 1958: map (jpg-file); legend (jpg-file). Vietnamese is omitted.
    • Mainland SE Asian language maps compiled by David Bradley (part of Wurm & Hattori's Language Atlas of the Pacific Area (1981, 1983):
      • Southern SE Asia sheet: maplegendtext (continues on following sheet).
      • Northern SE Asia sheet: maplegendtext (continued from preceding sheet).
      • Combined Mainland SE Asia sheets: map (2.6mB).
  • Typology and Drift:
  • Bibliography:
  • Journals:
  • Lexicography:
    • Munda Lexical Archive, an ongoing copylefted archive of most of the lexical materials available from the non-Kherwarian Munda languages, assembled, analyzed, and arranged by Patricia J. Donegan & David Stampe. A detailed description with credits is forthcoming. For now see 00README. (A current snapshot of the whole is available for download as a zip archive:
      • Sora (Saora, Savara), data of G. V. Ramamurti, Verrier Elwin, H. S. Biligiri, David Stampe, Stanley Starosta, Bijoy P. Mahapatra, Ranganayaki Mahapatra, Arlene R. K. Zide, Khageswar Mahapatra, Piers Vitebsky, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
      • Gorum (Parengi), data of Arlene R. K. Zide et al.
      • Gutob (Gadaba), data of Norman H. Zide, Bimal Prasad Das, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
      • Remo (Bonda), data of Verrier Elwin, Frank Fernandez, S. Bhattacharya, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
      • Gta' (Didayi), data of Suhas Chatterji, P. N. Chakravarti, Norman H. Zide, Khageswar Mahapatra, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
      • Kharia, data of H. Floor, H. Geysens, H. S. Biligiri, Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow, et al.
      • Juang, data of Verrier Elwin, Dan M. Matson, Bijoy P. Mahapatra, Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow, et al.
      • Korku, data of Norman H. Zide, Beryl A. Girard, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
    • Santali, a growing selection of Paul Otto Bodding's 5-volume A Santal Dictionary (Oslo, Norske Videnskaps-Akademi, 1929-1936), input by Makoto Minegishi and associates, ILCAA, Tokyo, but so far of limited value since it is accessible only by searching for an exactly spelled Santali headword! .
  • Etymology:
    • Munda:
      • Comparative Munda (mostly North), rough draft ed. Stampe, based on Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1959) and Ram Dayal Munda's Proto-Kherwarian Phonology, unpublished MA thesis, University of Chicago, 1968.
      • Working files of South Munda lexical data by gloss assembled from collections of David Stampe, Patricia Donegan, H.-J. Pinnow, Sudhibhushan Bhattacharya, and Norman and Arlene Zide for a seminar by Stampe on Austroasiatic languages.
    • Indian Substratum: South Asia Residual Vocabulary Assemblage (SARVA), a compilation of ancient Indian words lacking apparent Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, or Austroasiatic origins, in progress by Franklin Southworth and Michael Witzel, with David Stampe.
    • Dravidian: Thomas Burrow and Murray B. Emeneau's A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2nd ed. 1984. Accessible by search on headwords or strings, through the Digital Dictionaries of South Asia project, U. Chicago.
    • Indo-Aryan: Sir Ralph Turner's A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages, London: Oxford University Press, 1962-66, with 3 supplements 1969-85. Accessible by search on headwords or strings, through the Digital Dictionaries of South Asia project, U. Chicago.
    • Sino-Tibetan: James A. Matisoff's STEDT (Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus) Project, at Berkeley. The first fruit of the project, Matisoff's Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman: System and Philosophy of Sino-Tibetan Reconstruction (University of California Publications in Linguistics 135), 2003, can be downloaded from California's eScholarship Repository as a searchable pdf file. On the STEDT site is an index of reconstructions and a first set of addenda and corrigenda for HPTB. Electronic publication of STEDT is planned in 8 semantically arranged fascicles.
  • Scanned images:
    • Munda: Sir George Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, Calcutta, 1904-1928, 7 vols, part of GICAS project at TUFS, Tokyo, pdf scanned images accessible by text search.
    • Sora: Anonymous, Language Hand-book Savara, Calcutta, Tea Districts Labour Association, 1927, iv, 137 pp.: pdf-file (4.9mB !).
    • Sora: G. V. Ramamurti, Sora-English Dictionary, Madras, 1938, xxxvi, 318 pp. (repr. Delhi, Mittal, 1983): pdf-file (21.9mB !).
    • SoraTabme Anosaijan (The New Testament in Sora), Bangalore: The Bible Society of India and Ceylon, 1965: pdf-file (36.8mB !).

    Last edited 11/27/2005. Corrections to David Stampe and Patricia Donegan, University of Hawai`i Dept. of Linguistics, Honolulu, Hawai`i 96825 USA.

    The eighteenth annual meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society (Kuala Lumpur, May 2008)

    Paul Sidwell

    Centre for Research in Computational Linguistics



    Is Mon-Khmer dead? Long live Austroasiatic!

    In reviewing the classification of Austroasiatic languages in the twentieth century, it is evident that cleanly identifying the constituency of a “Mon-Khmer” family within the phylum has never been satisfactorily resolved.  Initially narrowly defined, the putative membership of Mon-Khmer steadily expanded over time; perhaps the only consistent characteristic of alternative formulations was the lack of any claim to the Munda languages of India.  And, since the 1980s, this has been the generally received consensus view:  that Austroasiatic consists of the two principal clades Munda and Mon-Khmer.  

    Looking back, it is apparent that this view emerged absent a comprehensive Austroasiatic reconstruction, by researchers who relied on typological, lexical, and lexicostatistical considerations in making their classifications.  But this methodology, however reasonable, has created divisions that go far beyond simple language classification.  Over the last half century there has been an ongoing social separation between Mon-Khmer and Munda (mostly India-based) scholars; unfortunate if the existing classification paradigm is correct, but needless and harmful if it turns out that our attitudes and work practices have been framed around a model that is ultimately disproved.   

    While the Austroasiatic conferences held in India in 1977 and 2007 provided excellent opportunities for bridge-building, the three-decades gap between meetings is itself evidence of the conceptual fragmentation that has paralleled the geographic – as opposed to linguistic – distance between Munda and Mon-Khmer.  In fact, from the comparative-historical viewpoint there are no data that decisively indicate that all of the Mon-Khmer languages are closer to each other than any are to Munda.   Indeed, new and conflicting classification models have been advanced (e.g. Peiros 2004, Diffloth 2005), and it has been argued that the Munda languages are structurally innovative rather than archaic (e.g. Donegan & Stampe 2004).  It may well be that Munda is best viewed as a typologically variant Northern Mon-Khmer branch (for want of a better term).

    These considerations highlight just how precarious are our traditions of treating Munda as a distant cousin, while taking for granted the pairing of Mon and Khmer in a single sub-branch.  On the contrary, we should recognize Munda’s integral role in the comparative study of the Austroasiatic languages of Southeast Asia, and go on to ask if there is any true cladistic motivation that requires the term “Mon-Khmer” at all.  More importantly, even as we use modern resources and improved methods to help resolve technical issues of clades and branchings, it is equally imperative that we work to bring South Asian and Southeast Asian linguists together in an inclusive research community of Austroasiatic scholars.


    Diffloth, Gérard. 2005. The contribution of linguistic palaeontology to the homeland of Austro-asiatic. In: Sagart, Laurent , Roger Blench and Alicia Sanchez-Mazas (eds.). The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and GeneticsRoutledge/Curzon. pp79-82.

    Peiros, Iľja J. 2004. Genetičeskaja klassifikacija avstroaziatskix jazykov. Moskva: Rossijskij gosudarstvennyj gumanitarnyj universitet (doctoral dissertation).

    Donegan, Patricia and David Stampe. 2004. Rhythm and the Synthetic Drift of Munda, The Yearbook of South Asian Languages and Linguistics. Berlin and New York, De Gruyter. pp 3-36.

    Agastya: This statue of Agastya, who is credited with propagating Hinduism in Java, originated from Nagasari Temple from the Prambanan complex in Yogyakarta.Agastya: This statue of Agastya, who is credited with propagating Hinduism in Java, originated from Nagasari Temple from the Prambanan complex in Yogyakarta. - See more at: 

    See See: Brown, Robert L., 1991, Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, SUNY Press, Book News, Inc., Portland, OR. Essentially a collection of full plot summaries organized under country of origin and preceeded by brief historical introduction. Covers Britain, France, US, Austria-Germany-Hungary, and Spain. Indexed by author/composer/lyricist, and by song title. Includes a discography. Ganesk, the Indian, elephant-headed god worshipped by some Hindus as the principle god, and by many as a subsidiary god, gets a full measure of devotion from western scholars in 11 essays concerned primarily with his origins, rise to divinity, and spreading popularity. The topics include his protohistory, myth, metaphor; his wives; and his place in Sanscrit literature, Jainism, southeast Asia, Tibet, China, and Japan. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

    See: Itihasa of Bharatam Janam. Hinduized States of Far East. Non-existent Samskritam cosmopolis imagined theorization of Sheldon Pollock.

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    I suggest that the Varāha Bhutan mask of Kerala with a vividly protruding tongue out of the snout, signifies an alchemist.

    Varāha is  baḍhi, 'boar', vaḍraṅgi, vaḍlaṅgi, vaḍlavāḍu, baḍaga, vardhaki, 'worker in metal and wood'.

    The phaḍā, 'cobrahoods' signify that he is a member of a paṭṭaḍi, phaḍā'smithy, metals manufactory'.

    रसः [रस्-अच्] The tongue (as the organ of taste); वाण्यां च छन्दांसि रसे जलेशम् Bhāg.8.2.27; जितं सर्वं जिते रसे 11.8.21. Rebus: रसः  Gold. -3 A metal in a state of fusion. -वादः alchemy (Apte). 

    चषालः, गोधूम 'snout of a boar', wheat chaff (used to carburize molten metal, to harden the alloy with infusion of carbon). Rebus: caṣālḥ
    चषालः 1 A wooden ring on the top of a sacrificial post; चषालं ये अश्वयूपाय तक्षति Rv.1.162.6; चषालयूपत- च्छन्नो हिरण्यरशनं विभुः Bhāg.4.19.19. -2 An iron ring at the base of the post.

    The kalaśa or kumbha signify nidhi, wealth. medhā'yajna, dhanam'. Rebus: kumbha'gold'. See: 


    1. Bhutan Vārāha(boar) mask, North Kerala c. ~18th century Note details of headdress. Note Naga and Kumbham(with conical spire, also used in Stupa) mounted in alternate pattern.

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      1. Arguments in the Petition resume. Mr. Parasaran now argues for the Nair Service Society.
      kalyan97Tweet text

      2. Mr. Parasaran submits that Kerala is an educated society

    1. 3. Mr. Parasaran submits that 96% of the women in Kerala are educated. They are independent. It is a matrilineal society. Therefore to assume that the practice of the Temple is based on patriarchy is fundamentally incorrect

    2. 4. Mr. Parasaran submits that the practice of the Temple is not comparable to Sati. In fact, Sati itself has not connection to the Hindu faith.

    3. 5. Mr. Parasaran cites the examples of the wives of Dasaratha and Kunti to prove that they did not commit Sati after their husbands' death.

    4. 6. Therefore Mr. Parasaran submits that we should not approach the issue of with notions of patriarchy

    5. 7. Mr. Parasaran says that a right question will lead to the right answer, a wrong question will lead to the wrong answer.

    6. 8. Mr. Parasaran submits that if a person asks "can I smoke when I pray?" he will get a slap. But if he asks "can I pray as I smoke?" he will be appreciated.

    7. 9. Therefore, Mr. Parasaran says the right questions must be asked in this case for the Court to get the right answers.

    8. 10. Mr. Parasaran further submits that in this case he has to be even more careful and prepared because he is answerable not just to the Lordships but also the Lord above.

    9. 11. Mr. Parasaran is now reading out portions from the Shirur Mutt decision of the Supreme Court.

    10. 12. Mr. Parasaran submits that even democracies, especially democracies, must protect religion and tradition.

    11. 13. Mr. Parasaran submits that Hindu religion respects merit and wisdom wherever it comes from. He says for neeti, it is still Vidura neeti which is cited. That is the greatness of the faith.

    12. 14. Mr. Parasaran submits that while the court must listen to activist voices, it must equally listen to voices which seek to protect tradition.

    13. 15. Mr. Parasaran submits that the Legislature is Brahma, Executive is Vishnu and Shiva is judiciary because only Shiva's ardhanarishwara form epifies Article 14, equal treatment of both sexes.

    14. 16. Mr. Parasaran submits that Shiva is no Brahmachari, but even when his meditative state was sought to be disturbed by Kama Deva, he was reduced to ash because he failed to respect that state of Shiva.

    15. 17. Mr. Parasaran submits that we must not proceed with the presumption that the ancients knew nothing and that we know better in all aspects of life.

    16. 18. Mr. Parasaran that Lord Ayyappa's character as a Naishtika Brahmachari is protected by the Constitution.

    17. 19. Mr. Parasaran is placing reliance on the judgment of the Court in Tilkayat Govindaji Maharaj (1964).

    18. 20. Mr. Parasaran refutes the argument of the Petitioner that some women may die before they reach the age of 50, Mr. Parasaran says that a person carries her or his fate with him. That's not a legal consideration to reverse the tradition

    19. 21. Mr. Parasaran points out that there are thousands of ppl who register for Padi Pooja at , the consequence being that the pooja will be conducted in their name only long after their deaths.

    20. 22. Mr. Parasaran therefore submits that using death as an argument to upset the tradition is neither here nor there.

    21. 23. Mr. Parasaran submits that the basis of the practice is the celibate nature of the Deity, not misogyny. Devotees who visit the Temple too are expected to observe celibacy in letter and spirit. Hence, during the journey, company of women must be avoided.

    22. 24. Mr. Parasaran is reading out portions from the Sundarakanda of the Ramayana to explain the concept of Naishtika Brahmacharya.

    23. 25. Mr. Parasaran submits that Lord Ayyappa is a yogi. To define who a Yogi is, Mr. Parasaran is quoting Adi Sankara.

    24. 26. Mr. Parasaran submits that misogyny is not supported by Hindu Shastras nor is chastity the sole obligation of the woman. In fact, chastity is a greater obligation on the man and he is duty bound under the Shastras to give a pride of place to the woman

    25. 27. Mr. Parasaran submits that the practice in Sabarimala by no stretch of imagination is informed by misogyny. The only consideration is the nature of the Deity.

    26. 28. Mr. Parasaran now proceeds to address Article 25.

    27. 29. Mr. Parasaran submits that Article 25(2)(b) applies only to social reform, it still does not apply to matters of religion covered by Article 26 (b).

    28. 30. Justice Chandrachud wonders if Article 25(2)(b) applies to only Hindu institutions. Mr. Parasaran responds that the practice sought to be addressed by the said Article is peculiar only to Hindu institutions.

    29. 31. Arguments to continue post lunch.
    The arguments forwarded by Sr Adv Shri K.Parasaran in Sabarimala case from what I hear from my friends were outstanding. Wish they were recorded and shared to Law School students. It now requires a big leap in interpretation to handle his scholarly constitutional arguments.

    #SabarimalaCase:  Bar on Women Due To Celibate Nature Of Deity, Says Parasaran

    A view of the Supreme Court in New Delhi, India. (Sonu Mehta/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)
    The Supreme Court continued its hearing on a petition seeking the removal of ban on women entering into the Ayyappa temple at Sabarimala in Kerala on Wednesday (25 July). Senior advocate K Parasaran, appearing for the Nair Service Society, argued that Lord Ayyappa’s avatar as “Naishtika Brahmachari” is protected by the Constitution.
    Stating that democracies must protect religion, the senior counsel said and argued that the basis for the practice of barring women is due to the celibate nature of the deity and not misogyny. Hindu shastras do not support misogyny and chastity is a greater obligation on men, he said, adding that Article 25 (2) applies to only social reform and not matters of religion.
    During the hearing, Justice Rohinton Nariman, in his observation, agreed with Parasaran that Articles 25 (2) and 17 of the Constitution deal with caste-based untouchability and not gender. Even if it were to apply to women, it would be based on caste, he argued.
    The hearing will continue Thursday (26 July) with counsels of remaining respondents and intervenors arguing their points of view.
    Here are excerpts of the hearings:
    Updated: 25 July 4.15 pm
    Reading portions of the debates relating to Article 17, Parasaran says it clearly shows that the Article deals only with caste-based untouchability.
    He specifically shows the rejection of the amendment of Article 15 by the Constituent Assembly with respect to inclusion of religious places.
    Even if Article 25(2) applies to women, it is only with respect to social issues and not religious issues, he says. Article 25(2)(b) is at best an enabling provision for the legislature, it doesn't enable the judiciary.
    Parasaran says that there are several other famous Ayyappa Temples in Kerala which allow entry of women without age restrictions. Therefore, theSabarimala Temple is not a case of discrimination. Parasaran concludes his submissions.
    The Bench will hear the Counsels for the remaining respondents and intervenors on Thursday (26 July).
    Updated: 25 July 3.15 pm
    Justice Nariman asks: "Assume that we agree with your submissions, then please explain to us why can't the state fall back on 25(2) citing religious reform? Also what about the rights of women under Article 25(1)?“
    Parasaran says that the case that is being argued does not involve a social issue but a religious issue. By using 25(2), you will reform a religion out of its identity.
    Justice Nariman agrees with the submission of Parasaran on the inapplicability of Article 25(2) to the issue at hand.
    Parasaran walks the Court through judgements on rights of religious denominations and submits that by abolishing the practice, the very character of the religious institution will be irreparably altered affecting the rights of devotees under Article 25(1).
    Parasaran says that Constitutional law is his first love and that it is his privilege to argue in this matter when he has otherwise stopped taking up matters.
    Updated: 25 July 2.45 pm
    Parasaran resumes submissions post lunch. He says that women do not fall under the protection of Article 25(2).
    Justice Nariman wonders if scheduled caste women will be protected by Article 25(2). Parasaran disagrees and says 25(2) treats the community as a class, not on the basis of gender. He submits that even Article 15 does not apply to religious institutions which is evident from the language of the Article itself.
    Parasaran says that Article 25(2) deals only with secular aspects and right of entry of classes or sections. It does not, therefore, apply to religious aspects or right of entry based on gender.
    Parasaran says that if the intention of the Constituent Assembly was to include religion in Article 15, the makers would have.
    Justice Rohinton Nariman agrees with Parasaran's interpretation of Articles 15(2) and 25(2). Justice Nariman agrees that the object of Article 25(2) and Article 17 are the same i.e. to address caste-based untouchability and not gender.
    Updated: 25 July, 1.15 pm
    Parasaran says that misogyny is not supported by Hindu Shastras nor is chastity the sole obligation of the woman. In fact, chastity is a greater obligation on the man and he is duty bound under the Shastras to give a pride of place to the woman.
    He submits that the practice in Sabarimala by no stretch of imagination is informed by misogyny. The only consideration is the nature of the Deity.
    Referring to Article 25(2)(b), he says it applies only to social reform and does not apply to matters of religion covered by Article 26 (b).
    Justice Y V Chandrachud wonders if Article 25(2)(b) applies to only Hindu institutions. To this, Parasaran responds by saying that the practice sought to be addressed by the said Article is peculiar only to Hindu institutions.
    Hearings will continue post-lunch.
    Updated: 25 July, 12.45 pm
    Parasaran points out that thousands register for Padi Pooja atSabarimala Ayyappa temple, the consequence being that the pooja will be conducted in their name long after their death.
    Parasaran, therefore, says that using death as an argument to upset the tradition is neither here nor there. He argues that the basis of the practice is the celibate nature of the Deity, not misogyny. Devotees who visit the Temple too are expected to observe celibacy in letter and spirit. Hence, during the journey, company of women must be avoided.
    Parasaran reads out portions from the Sundarakanda of the Ramayana to explain the concept of Naishtika Brahmacharya.
    Update: 25 July, 12.00 pm
    Senior advocate K Parasaran has begun making his submissions on behalf of the Nair Service Society. He says that communities in Kerala are largely matriarch in nature and it is fundamentally incorrect to assume that the practices are patriarchal.
    Parasaran argues that Lord Ayyappa's character as a Naishtika Brahmachari is protected by the Constitution. He also says that the Sabarimala issue should not be approached with the notion of patriarchy.
    Parasaran submits that if a person asks "can I smoke when I pray?" he will get a slap. But if he asks "can I pray as I smoke?" he will be appreciated, adding that a right question will get a right answer.
    Parasaran further submits that in this case he has to be even more careful and prepared because he is answerable not just to the Lordships but also the Lord above.
    He says that even democracies, especially democracies, must protect religion and tradition.
    Parasaran refutes the argument of the petitioner that some women may die before they reach the age of 50, adding that a person carries her or his fate with him. “That's not a legal consideration to reverse the tradition,” he says.
    Update: July 24, 4.25 pm
    Singhvi concludes his argument opposing the petition to allow women’s entry into the Sabarimala Ayyappa temple.
    Parasaran will begin his arguments on behalf of the Nair Service Society.
    Update: July 24, 4.00 pm
    Senior advocate K Parasaran, who appears for the Nair Service Society opposing the entry of women into the temple, points out that the petitioner is not claiming a right of worship. They have filed the petition as a social issue. They can't even assert Article 25(1).
    Dr Singhvi says that the issue of evidence of tradition only after a trial is conducted before the Court exercises powers under Article 32. He submits that Moharram processions too could be objected to on grounds of notions of savagery or barbarism prevalent in 2018.
    Singhvi cites the practice of Aghoris to point to the diversity of Hindu practices and draws attention to Judaism's approach to menstruation. Justice Indu Malhotra acknowledges the example.
    Singhvi argues that if at all reform is called for, it has to come from within the community and says that several Hindu women understand and respect the tradition. It is not a practice imposed on women by patriarchal men.
    Justice Chandrachud observes that the acceptance by women could be the result of social conditioning. Singhvi responds that it is not true in this day and age and begins arguing on the Petitioner's contention on Article 14. He submits that the classification is intelligible and is intra-women, not men versus women.
    Justice Chandrachud asks why there is no puberty or andropause related restriction on men. Singhvi says that the comparison doesn't hold water since the condition is based on the celibate nature of the Deity.
    Justice Nariman asks if women can visit other Ayyappa Temples on menstratuating days, perhaps the restriction can be traced to patriarchy. Singhvi disagrees and says there is no evidence for this assumption.
    Singhvi submits that the Court cannot project notions of male chauvinism from other cases toSabarimala case without examining the evidence. He proceeds to address the Article 17 argument of the petitioner, to which the CJI says that the Article may not apply to this case
    Update: 24 July, 3.30 pm
    Singhvi places reliance on the Ratilal Panachand judgement of the Supreme Court and quotes examples of temples that place restrictions on the entry of men.
    He cites the Brahma Temple in Pushkar, a Parvathy Temple in Tamil Nadu, Attukal Bhagavathy Temple in Kerala, a Bhagavathy Temple in Kerala and a Temple in Bihar.
    Singhvi reiterates that all Mosques in India, except the Fatimid Bohri mosque, bar women from entering. He says that if the position of the petitioner were to accepted, it would affect practices at these temples also. Not all practices are based on misogyny.
    Update: 24 July, 2:15 pm
    Singhvi refers to Venkataramana Devaru judgment and submits that if the law protects even dietary prescriptions based on religion, it certainly protects practices relating to entry into temple and worship of the Deity
    Singhvi reads out extracts from judgements which emphasise the importance of Agamas.
    He submits that it is not for the Court to comment on the rationality of religious beliefs. That the belief exists and traditions based on the belief have been practiced for centuries is sufficient to merit protection under Article 26.
    Update: 24 July, 2.50 pm
    Singhvi resumes and submits that the Court cannot be invited without evidence to rule on facts that the practice in question is not longstanding. He takes the Court through judgements on what constitutes as essential religious practice and what constitutes a religious denomination.
    Reading out extracts from the Shirur Mutt decision, then reads out extracts from the 2014 Chidambaram temple judgement. Justice Nariman remarks: "What an outstanding judgement! Outstanding!"
    Justice Chandrachud asks if all classes of Hindus can worship atthe Sabarimala Ayyappa Temple and would the Temple still constitute a religious denomination.
    Singhvi submits that even if Ayyappa Devotees don't constitute a religious denomination, they have rights under Article 25 (freedom to practice religion).
    Update: 24 July, 1.15 pm
    Justice Nariman acknowledges that neither the state nor the temple board have said in their affidavits that the restriction is based on any notions of impurity associated with menstruation.
    Singhvi says that the Thanthri of the Ayyappa Temple is the last word on the religious practices observed by the Temple and where he is unsure, he has recourse to the practice of Devaprashnam.
    He reads out extracts from the judgement of the Kerala High Court. Justice Nariman points out that the High Court has held that Ayyappa devotees constitute a religious denomination under Article 26.
    The Chief Justice questions the assumption that Ayyappa devotees constitute a religious denomination, whereas Justice Nariman seems to agree that they indeed constitute a religious denomination.
    After reading out the evidence, Singhvi says that the documentary suggests that there is a practice on the basis of belief. For the judges to disagree with it, a trial must be conducted before the Court can set aside a long standing essential religious practice.
    Singhvi says that the burden is on the petitioner to show evidence to dispel the practice which they have not placed so far. He submits that a time-bound six month trial should be conducted so that all parties can lead evidence with respect to the practice, before a decision is taken.
    Justice Nariman points out that the one who asserts the custom must prove it. Singhvi says that he has already placed the evidence on record
    The Chief Justices says that Singhvi has to prove that Ayyappa devotees constitute a religious denomination.
    Arguments will continue post-lunch.
    Update: 24 July, 12:45 pm
    Justice Chandrachud wonders how could the court start with the unconstitutional assumption that women with reproductive capabilities are not capable of observing the 41-day penance.
    Singhvi says that the test under the law is not whether you can exclude women. The test is what does the practice prescribe. He points out that no woman is allowed to enter a Mosque in India, regardless of whether she is menstratuating or not. He says that the test is whether the practice is long established and if it is bonafide.The test is not whether the Court agrees the practice or not if it is established that Ayyappa devotees constitute a religious denomination and whether the practice is essential to the belief.
    Justice Chandrachud observes that after 1950 everything is subject to Constitutional ethos. Singhvi says that Constitutional ethos requires the court to apply the essentiality test.
    Justice Nariman observed that Constitutional morality is the compass which applies to all faiths and agrees with Singhvi that the bar of entry of women into Mosques too would fall "within this enquiry".
    Chief Justice Deepak Misra weighs in and observed that Article 26 protects only the essential religious practices of religious denominations. Singhi argues that if the restriction on entry has a nexus to the essential religious practice, it is also protected by Article 26.
    The Chief Justice observes that the first thing that needs to be looked into is whether the restriction on entry of women with reproductive capabilities constitutes an essential part of the religious practice of theAyyappa Temple in Sabarimala. Singhi then comes up with documents showing various aspects of the vow undertaken by the devotees before they start the journey to thetemple.
    Update: 24 July, 12.30 p
    Abhishek Manu Singhvi resumed his argument on the bar for women to enter Sabarimala Ayyappa temple. Arguing on behalf of the autonomous Travancore Devaswom Board (TDB), he says very Ayyappa devotee who observes the vow is himself treated as a Swami, which epifies the line Tat Tvam Asi.
    Intervening, Justice Rohington Nariman points out that the TDB had earlier submitted before the Kerala High Court that even menstruating women were permitted on the first five days of the relevant month (of the Malayalam calendar). He wonders what happens to the celibate nature of the deity when women are allowed during specified days of the year and asks if the practices is a recent one or an “immemorial one”.
    Placing the history of the temple before the apex court, Singhvi says the vow has to be observed for 41 days prior to visiting the shrine. Pointing out that the court, at this stage, is looking at all aspects afresh, he says is no basis for the assumption that the practice at Sabarimala is related to menstruation.He says that the language of the impugned notification of the age bar can be reworded to one which is based on women with reproductive capabilities as opposed to age.
    Singhvi also read out extracts from the history of theTemple and the celibate nature of the deity.
    A five-judge constitution bench comprising of Chief Justice Dipak Misra, Justices D Y Chandrachud, Rohinton F Nariman, A M Khanwilkar and Indu Malhotra is hearing the petition demanding the entry of women into Sabarimala temple.
    Sabarimala temple prohibits women aged between 10 to 50 years from entering. The matter is scheduled to be heard 11:30 am.
    Earlier, the apex court had observed that women have a constitutional right to enter temples. “The right to enter a temple is not dependent on a legislation. It is a constitutional right,” the bench had observed.
    Kerala government had informed the court that it supports entry of women into the temple, after opposing it in an affidavit filed in 2017.
    Read: Why Sabarimala Case Is Different From Triple Talaq Or Haji Ali Dargah
    The court has appointed senior advocate Raju Ramachandran as amicus curiae for the case. Ramachandran has spoken against prohibiting entry of women into temples, saying is violative of fundamental rights.
    Appearing for the Travancore Devaswom Board, Congress leader and senior advocate Abhishek Manu Singhvi had told the court that there were thousands of other Ayyappa temples across the country where there were no such restrictions. However, the Chief Justice intervened to say people flocked to Sabarimala because they believed in the deity. “If they (people, especially women) believe in the deity at Sabarimala, they must respect the traditions of the temple and observe its practices,” he had said.
    • Supreme COurt,
    • Ancient Indian temples,
    • Sabarimala Temple,
    • [Sabarimala] [ Day 5] “Court Cannot Reform A Religious Belief Out of Its Identity”, K.Parasaran Argues in Support of Ban On Women Entry By: Mehal Jain July 25, 2018 7:34 pm...

    • Read more at:
    • Parasaran made this submission before a Constitution Bench of Chief Justice Dipak Misra and Justices Rohinton Nariman, AM Kanwilkar, DY Chandrachud and Indu Malhotra hearing a batch of petitions challenging the ban on entry of women in the age group of 10 to 50 in this temple.
      Parasaran, appearing for Nair Society, one of the intervenors, said Sabarimala was a unique temple where other than Hindus, Christians, Muslims and even foreigners are allowed entry. But as per the custom and long tradition, women in the age of 10 to 50 are not allowed, as manifestation of God in this temple is a celibate.
      He submitted that if the court were to abolish the practice, the very character of the religious institution will be irreparably altered which affects the rights of devotees under Article 25(1).
      He submitted that the present case does not involve a social issue but a religious issue. By using 25(2), “your Lordship will reform a religion out of its identity” he cautioned the court.
      Parasaran said not only the perception of the worshipper but also what is being worshipped is also important. If a devotee feels that he is not worshipping the idol of a Brahmachari, he may not go to that temple.
      In all other Ayyappa temples in Kerala women are allowed entry without any discrimination.
      He said the concept is the presence of women in the age of 10 and 50 will disturb the penance of the Lord Ayyappa and hence the Lord himself does not want their presence.
      Parasaran said that Lord Ayyappa's character as a Naishtika Brahmachari is protected by the Constitution and judiciary can’t interfere with it.
      Referring to the observation made by Justice Chandrachud on Tuesday and the ban of women is due to the patriarchal system, Parasaran submitted that 96 per cent of the women in Kerala are educated and it is a matrilineal society. Therefore to assume that the practice of the Sabarimala Temple is based on patriarchy is fundamentally incorrect.
      Parasaran submitted that the basis of the practice is the celibate nature of the Deity, not misogyny. Devotees who visit the temple too are expected to observe celibacy in letter and spirit. Hence, during the journey, company of women must be avoided.
      He argued that misogyny is not supported by Hindu Shastras nor is chastity the sole obligation of the woman. In fact, chastity is a greater obligation on the man and he is duty bound under the Shastras to give a pride of place to the woman.
      Parasaran submitted that democracies must protect religion and tradition. He said that Hindu religion respects merit and wisdom wherever it comes from. He was of the view that while the court must listen to activist voices, it must equally listen to voices which seek to protect tradition
      Parasaran submitted that the Legislature is Brahma, Executive is Vishnu and Shiva is judiciary because only Shiva's ‘ardhanarishwara’ form edifies Article 14, equal treatment of both sexes.
      He said that Shiva is no Brahmachari, but even when his meditative state was sought to be disturbed by Kama Deva, he was reduced to ash because he failed to respect that state of Shiva.
      Cautioning the courts, the former Attorney General said “we must not proceed with the presumption that the ancients knew nothing and that we know better in all aspects of life.”
      Justices Nariman and Chandrachud wanted to know whether the State is bound to make laws under Article 25 (2) (b) of the Constitution to throw open Hindu temples to all classes of people including women without any age restriction.
      Parasaran said this right of State applies only to social reform, it still does not apply to matters of religion under by Article 26 (b). When the CJI asked the counsel as to why women are excluded, counsel said it was being done as per the religious practice and custom followed for years.
      Parasaran submitted that Article 25(2) deals only with secular aspects and right of entry of classes or sections. It does not therefore apply to religious aspects or right of entry based on gender
      He said that even if Article 25(2) applies to women, it is only with respect to social issues but not religious issues. He further submitted that Article 25(2)(b) is at best an enabling provision for the Legislature, it doesn't enable the judiciary to interfere with custom, which is an integral religious practice.
      When Justice Nariman pointed out that the notification restricting the entry of women of a particular age will violate the fundamental rights, Parasaran points out that the said provision requires the Tavancore Board to observe and maintain the practices of Temples under its administration. Arguments will continue on Thursday.
      Day 5 of the hearing in the Sabarimala Temple entry case witnessed gripping arguments on interpretation of constitutional provisions by veteran Senior Advocate K. Parasaran. Parasaran was appearing on behalf of Nair Service Society, which has interv...

      Read more at:
    “Over activism will create a ‘thrisanku heaven’”, he quipped in the meanwhile, alluding to the myth that the attempts of Viswamitra to build a heaven ended furtively as it happened to be in middle of earth and heaven, hanging in the middle reaching n...

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    Something drastic has to be done, says Rajaram. 

    Closing it down is an option and can be done by an Executive diktat. 

    Another is to send the students to a mandated gurukula for at least one semester to get immersed in dharma studies and tantrayukti method of research. Will the JNU faculty and students sit down together and debate the problems and prospects presented by Rajaram? Or, is it too drastic a suggestion?


    JNU: Problems and Prospects

    on 26 Jul 2018

    The Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) was established in 1968 as a centrally funded university, to be a premier national university. It claims to be India’s top university, though it does not specify on what grounds. In the United States where this writer taught for over twenty years, JNU graduates are not given high standing when being considered for admission. That distinction goes to graduates of IITs, IISc. and some older universities like Delhi, Mysore, Calcutta and others. It may not be entirely fair on my part to compare them as I was associated mostly with science and engineering programs in the U.S. But my inquiries at various humanities programs in the U.S. and U.K too showed no great appreciation for JNU.

    Even in India, the reputation of JNU is not the best, daily going from bad to worse. It seems to come into limelight only when there is a protest of some sort, often in support of unworthy causes. Some insiders, including students, have called JNU the hub of anti-national activities with some faculty members using students to promote their left-wing political agendas, at no cost to themselves. In effect, they were accused of using students as scapegoats - a serious charge, but worth looking into.

     To try to understand the phenomenon, I consulted two young JNU alumni know to me, who have gone on to have successful careers. One is a graduate of political science who obtained a Ph.D. from a foreign university and now works in the private sector. The other is an M.Phil. in economics, who has become a successful entrepreneur, forming a company of her own. Neither was a science or technology graduate, so there is no bias against humanities students or faculty.

     What they told me should be serious cause for concern. Over the years, JNU has deteriorated greatly and some students try to hang on as long as possible by getting some faculty members to support them. This way they are able to live in reasonable comfort on a generous scholarship amounting to as much as Rs. 30,000 per month and more. The problem, according to my sources, is that employment opportunities once they graduate are minimal to non-existent.

     JNU was started with the best of intentions, but its emphasis on humanities at the cost of the sciences and professions has taken a toll on the future of the students and of the university itself. And left-leaning faculty biases have turned the university into a Left-wing seminary, intolerant of alternate viewpoints.

     I was myself a scholarship student in the U.S., but the courses and duties were quite demanding. I not only had to maintain a high grade point average, I had serious work responsibility as well. This could include assisting students and reviewing publications, especially research papers sent for publication to scholarly journals. It was a valuable learning experience for I had to report regularly to my faculty advisor who would send an evaluation of my performance to the chairman. There was always a time limit within which I had to complete my course work and research. But upon completion (of Ph.D. in my case), my faculty advisor would try to find a position for me, usually at another university. I didn’t stay at the university, but went into high technology industry, but that was my choice.

     The faculty advisor would also be evaluated on the basis of the performance of his or her students. So there was accountability at all levels. There were occasional complaints that some faculty member would plagiarize his (or her) students’ work and publish it in his/her own name. It never happened to me though my research was well regarded both academically and in the hi-tech industry, including NASA.

    This kind of accountability appears to be lacking at JNU. Many of them, far too many to my taste, end up as junior faculty members at JNU itself. This is unhealthy, for the university will get to be filled with clones of its own aging faculty and get little in the way of fresh ideas. We already see signs of this in the history department at JNU. The other options are politics and NGOs calling themselves think tanks, which are continually in search of funding. There are simply few opportunities.

     As one who had contacts with several think tanks in the U.S., including the RAND Corporation and Stanford Research Institute (SRI International), I noticed that much of their funding comes from Government Agencies, notably the Department of Defence and the Armed Forces, and have specific goals. I was myself the recipient of funding from the U.S. Air Force and NASA. The NASA grant was specifically for automating mission control operations using artificial intelligence. They had no use for any ideology or political activism. At JNU, the situation seems to be the opposite of this, student activists are patronised mainly by political parties.

     At JNU, political activism appears to be excessive, but serves little or no purpose. It claims to support liberal causes, though it is difficult for an outsider like myself to see support for a convicted terrorist like Afzal Guru or the Tukde-Tukde Gang as liberal. Let us not forget that it was a supposedly liberal President Barrack Obama who ordered the killing of Afzal Guru’s hero, Osama bin Laden. No think tank is needed to support terrorists and anti-national interests. The political activists have little future in the real world of politics, but can at best be pawns of political parties, to be used and discarded.

    As far as I know, only one JNU graduate has made it big in politics, Nirmala Sitharaman, the current Defence Minister. Not many will make it to that level. I have to wonder though, if Ms. Sitharaman would be welcome as a speaker at the JNU today, no matter what anyone might say about Freedom of Expression.

     Here is another cause for concern: the implacable hostility to the armed forces and national security apparatus in general. They are demonised while Naxals and even Pakistan backed terrorists are glorified. This is what has turned the public against JNU.

     To get to the main point, what is at stake is the future of JNU, especially its students. They must be made to realise they have no future in serving as political activists and pawns of political parties. And the faculty should be made more accountable and made to serve as role models to their students. In this, the faculty have the greater responsibility. Some of them will say a university has a higher function than training employable graduates, and must pursue knowledge for its own sake. They can afford to say that because they already have comfortable jobs. It is like a rich man saying “money is not important in life.” But most students at JNU and elsewhere are not so fortunate. Their future lives are at stake.

    Something drastic has to be done for the prospects look bleak, especially for the students of JNU. And there may not be much time left. It may be now or never.

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    This monograph demonstrates the Indus Script hypertexts on early punch-marked coins with some unique hieroglyph compositions related to metalwork wealth accounting.
    Punch-marked coin symbols. Map of coin hoard finds.
    धातु (Rigveda) dhāu (Prakrtam) 'a strand' rebus: dhāū, dhāv 'red stone minerals'.  element, mineral ore; PLUS vrtta, vaṭṭa 'circle'. Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord, string; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11212. (DEDR 5220)  vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268]N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 11212)

    dhāī 'wisp of fibre' PLUS vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Thus, it is possible that the trefoil as a hieroglyph-multiplex was signified in parole by the expression dhā̆vaḍ 'strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'.

    1/8 Satamana. Gandhara Janapada. This image clearly demonstrates six strands --dhā̆vaḍ 'strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'. -- and relate the work of a smelter to a dotted circle which is dāya 'throw of one in dice' rebus: dhāi 'mineral ore'.

    A "bent bar" shatamana from the Kuru and Panchala janapada, c.500-350 BCE


    Two coins are shown below: 1. The first Indian coins of Apollodotus used Indian symbols. These coins associated the elephant with the Buddhist Chaitya or arched-hill symbol, sun symbols, six-armed symbol, and a river. The bull had a Nandipada in front. The symbol at the top of the bull is only a mint mark. These symbols disappeared soon after, and only the elephant and the bull remained. 2. Taxila coin
    The coin on l. shows the 'nandipada' glyph in front of a zebu, bos indicus. I suggest that this 'nandipada' is a variant of the hypertext shown on a Taxila coin shown juxtaposed. The coin on r. Triratna symbol on a Taxila coin, 185-168 BCE (detail). This so-called tri-ratna symbol also appears on Sanchi Torana next to the architect's statue. This torana sculptural frieze clearly demonstrates the hieroglyph components of the hypertext called 'triratna'. This is neither tri-ratna nor a nandipada but a composite expression in Meluhha to signify dula'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' + ayo'fish' rebus: aya'iron' ayas'alloy metal' + khambhaṛā 'fish-fin rebus: kammaṭa'mint, coiner, coinage'.: dul ayo kammaṭa'alloy metal casting mint' PLUS dala 'leaf petal' rebus:  ḍhālako = a large metal ingot PLUS karã̄ n.' pl.wristlets, bangles' Rebus: khār 'blacksmith, iron worker'. Thus, the hypertexts of Taxila coin and also the hypertexton coin of Apollodotus signify a Meluhha expression: khār 'blacksmith' PLUS (working on) dul ayo kammaṭa ḍhālako 'alloy metal casting mint and ingots'. This hypertext  gets repeated on the punch-marked coins together with the 'arrow' hieroglyph which signifies:  kaṇḍa'arrow' rebus:  khaṇḍa'equipment'.

    This variant expression including fish-fin tied together is clearly demonstrated in the 2nd century BCE dharmacakra of Amaravati. On this sculptural frieze of the wheel, the circumference of the spoked wheel is decorated with the 'fish-fin' hypertexts,together with the 'tri-ratna' orthographic variants.

    Emanating from the dotted circle in the middle are three strands ending with 1. Taxila coin hypertext; and 2. arrowheads. The rebus readings in Meluhha are: khār dul ayo kammaṭa ḍhālako AND khaṇḍa 'equipment', together with the dotted circle hypertext which signifies:  dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'. Thus, the entire composition on the vajra with ṣaṭkoṇa 'six spokes' is a metalwork catalogue, wealth accounting ledger.

    The first Indian coins of Apollodotus used Indian symbols. These coins associated the elephant with the Buddhist Chaitya or arched-hill symbol, sun symbols, six-armed symbol, and a river. The bull had a Nandipada in front. The symbol at the top of the bull is only a mint mark. These symbols disappeared soon after, and only the elephant and the bull remained. Source:

    Shatamanas double-sigloi, bent bars and fractions from Gandhara.Together, the expression signified by 1) a dotted circle or 2) six circles with six strand is dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelter' 

     मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda).

     *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goṟaṭe &c. listed DED 1722] K. goṭh f., dat. °ṭi f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠oṭu m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goṭi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goṭāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goṭā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goṭa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. goṭ f. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. goṭ m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ṭilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Ta. koṭṭai seed of any kind not enclosed in chaff or husk, nut, stone, kernel; testicles; (RS, p. 142, items 200, 201) koṭṭāṅkacci, koṭṭācci coconut shell. Ma. koṭṭa kernel of fruit, particularly of coconut, castor-oil seed; kuṟaṭṭa, kuraṭṭa kernel; kuraṇṭi stone of palmfruit. Ko. keṭ testes; scrotum. Ka. koṭṭe, goṟaṭe stone or kernel of fruit, esp. of mangoes; goṭṭa mango stone. Koḍ. koraṇḍi  id. Tu. koṭṭè kernel of a nut, testicles; koṭṭañji a fruit without flesh; koṭṭayi a dried areca-nut;koraṇtu kernel or stone of fruit, cashew-nut; goṭṭu kernel of a nut as coconut, almond, castor-oil seed. Te. kuriḍī dried whole kernel of coconut. Kol. (Kin.) goṛva stone of fruit. Nk. goṛage stone of fruit. Kur. goṭā any seed which forms inside a fruit or shell. Malt. goṭa a seed or berry. / Cf. words meaning 'fruit, kernel, seed' in Turner, CDIAL, no. 4271 (so noted by Turner). (DEDR 2069) A (गोटा) gōṭā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ (metal) (Marathi) खोट [khōṭa] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi). P. khoṭ  m. ʻalloyʼ  (CDIAL 3931) goa 'laterite ferrite ore'. goṭo m. ʻgold or silver lace' (Sindhi); goṭa m. ʻedging of gold braidʼ(Kashmiri)(CDIAL 4271) 

    Getting to Know Satavahana Coins – Symbols and Motifs
    Image Description: A1 – Chakra Symbol, A2 – Six Arched Hill/Chaitya, A3 – Moon, A4 – Triratna Symbol

    Spoked wheel as vajra: "Most importantly, both the Vedic description of Śakra/Indra as a Vajra-handed (Vajrapaṇi) destroyer of evil, who in the Vedas is the ahi, Vṛtya. However the vajra, itself survives into current modes of Buddhism where in the hands of Vajrapani bodhisattva, it is the destroyer of ignorance. Obviously, there is an undoubted continuity from the Vedic period to the present day. To establish basis for discussion: Part 1: asks the question is the Buddhist  Dharmachakra actually derived from a Vedic vajra and therefore a recognizable vajra in early Buddhist Art? Part 2: Is the six armed” PMC mark also derived from the Vedic vajra and therefore probably the line of continuity between the Vedic imagination of the Vajra and the Buddhist manifestation of the Vajra? Although there are varieties of descriptions in the Ṛg, Academic consensus seems to be that the vajra of Śakra/Indra was a wheel or discus (chakra), had 100 sharp edges, points or prominences. The term for the 100 prominences is śata parvan” and parvan is, at best, not very explicit. Some physical characteristics are: it is made of iron, gold, gold covered iron, it is long and thin, it is spiked, it is round with 1000 spokes and 100 knuckles (parvan)[RV.6.17.10] And in the Upaniṣaḍs it is occasionally known as six-sided” (saṭkoṇa) Other characteristics are: It can be thrown, it can by used as a club, sharpened, held in both hands, cut the enemy, split mountains in two…An interpretation of the Vedic description is a wheel with 1000 spokes and 100 knuckles (assuming that “parvan” refers to something that hits the opponent and as. often referred to is sharpenable, i.e., little blades of some sort or another.). This description seems to fit Dharmachakras in early Indic Art:

    “A wheel with 1000 spokes and 100 knuckles.
    The 'twisted rope' forms one concentric circle on this image. The outer-circumference of the spoked wheel is adorned with 'knuckles'. These images are: 1) dhāī˜'wisp of fibre in a twisted rope' (Lahnda) PLUS  meḍhi 'plait, twist' Rupaka, 'metaphor' or rebus reading:: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt'iron'. 2) मुष्टिका 'wrist, knuckles' rebus, rupaka: मुष्टिका 'goldsmith'. Thus, the two images, together, signify, iron ore (worked on by a smith, metalworker).. The nave and spokes of the wheel are: eraka'knave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'molten cast' PLUS arā 'spokes' rebus: āra'brass'.

    khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'. 
    A hypertext is orthographed with three arrows emanating from the dotted circle and three ‘twists’ emanating from the dotted circle, thus signifying six-armed semantic extensions. baa ‘six’ rebus:baa 'iron' bhaa ‘furnce’. kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ rebus: khaṇḍa ‘implements’  मेढा mēḍhā ‘twist’ rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic languages) medha ‘yajna, dhanam’. 
    Sanchi stupa 2 Vedika. Dharma Cakra in a corded band. ca. 120-80 BCE. size, ~ 15mm versus ~ 40cm, given the closeness of the two designs, " is inconceivable that the Sāñchī sculptor was unaware of the generic prototype of the design. In the context of the coins the vajra is a symbol of consummate military power. In Buddhism is is a symbol of the consummate power of the teachings to overcome egoistic cravings. Tentative conclusions: Part 1: The early Buddhist Dharmachakra with its many spokes and protrusions is conceptually identical to one of the primary forms of the Vedic vajra as described in the Ṛg Veda. Because it was quintessentially Brahmanical in origin, as a symbol of theBuddhist teachings it had several important characteristics. Among them the fact, the Brahmins of the day would recognize one of the most evocative symbols of their own religion and its material communication systems. Part 2: Based on the physical identification of the Buddhist Dharmachakras as vajras, it seems highly probable that the so called “6-armed figures” of PMC numismatics are also a vajra known in the literature as as saṭkoṇa. With kings carrying the name endings of -varman (armor) -gupta (protector) and in a later period, -endra (i.e., Indra), it is clear that they identified with the most powerful of all Brahmanical protectors, Indra. Therefore, the symbol is probably part of the royal regalia and a reference to military prowess. A detailed study of this mark and a profoundly associated “victory” symbol will be part of the full study."(John Huntington

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    This is an addendum to: This citation referred to an Apollodotus coin with Indus Script Hypertexts.

    This monograph reads and translates the Indus Script Hypertexts on Apollodotus and Maues coins (ca.2nd-1st cent. BCE)

    The legends in Greek and Kharoṣṭhī read: 
    Greeklegend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΟΔΟΤΟΥ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ, "of Saviour King Apollodotus".
    Rev: Zebu bull with Kharoshti legend 𐨨𐨱𐨪𐨗𐨯 𐨀𐨤𐨫𐨡𐨟𐨯 𐨟𐨿𐨪𐨟𐨪𐨯 (MAHARAJASA APALADATASA TRATARASA),"Saviour King Apollodotus".

    The Indus Script Hypertexts in addition to the Greek and Kharoṣṭhī legends are:

    1. Nandipada in front of 2. zebu, bos indicus, 3. arched-hill, 4. sun, 5 six-armed vajra, 6. elephant; and 7. a river. 

    These five Indus Script Hypertexts are read rebus (or, rūpaka, metaphors in Meluhha).

    1. Nandipada.  dul ayo kammaṭa 'alloy metal casting mint' PLUS dala 'leaf petal' rebus:  ḍhālako = a large metal ingot PLUS karã̄ n.' pl.wristlets, bangles' Rebus: khār 'blacksmith, iron worker'. The 'bangle' image may have a variant reading as a 'pebble, round stone' goṭā 'round pebble, stone' Rebus: goṭā ''laterite, ferrite ore''gold braid' खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi)  khoṭ f ʻalloy' (Lahnda)
    2.  poa 'zebu' rebus: poa 'magnetite ore'. 
    3.  ḍāngā = hill, dry upland (B.); ḍã̄g mountain-ridge' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
    4. arka 'sun' rebus; arka, eraka 'gold, copper', eraka 'molten cast'
    5. Six-armed vajra: dhā̆vaḍ 'strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'. -- and relate the work of a smelter to a dotted circle which is dāya 'throw of one in dice' rebus: dhāi 'mineral ore' PLUS arā 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass'.PLUS eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'molten cast' 
    6. karba, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron' ibbo 'merchant'
    7. River: kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā, khaṇḍa 'implements'.

    The first Indian coins of Apollodotus used Indian symbols. These coins associated the elephant with the Buddhist Chaitya or arched-hill symbol, sun symbols, six-armed symbol, and a river. The bull had a Nandipada in front. The symbol at the top of the bull is only a mint mark. These symbols disappeared soon after, and only the elephant and the bull remained.

    The 1st century CE Periplus of the Erythraean Sea describes numerous Greek buildings and fortifications in Barigaza, although mistakenly attributing them to Alexander (who never went this far south), and the circulation of Indo-Greek coinage in the region:
    "The metropolis of this country is Minnagara, from which much cotton cloth is brought down to Barygaza. In these places there remain even to the present time signs of the expedition of Alexander, such as ancient shrines, walls of forts and great wells." Periplus, Chap. 41
    "To the present day ancient Drachmae are current in Barygaza, coming from this country, bearing inscriptions in Greek letters, and the devices of those who reigned after Alexander the Great, Apollodotus I and Menander." Periplus Chap. 47
    Indian-standard coin of Apollodotus I (180–160 BC).Indian-standard coin of Apollodotus I (180–160 BC). Indian-standard coin of Apollodotus I.
    Obv: Sacred elephant with decorative belt and Greeklegend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΟΔΟΤΟΥ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ, "of Saviour King Apollodotus".
    Rev: Zebu bull with Kharoshti legend 𐨨𐨱𐨪𐨗𐨯 𐨀𐨤𐨫𐨡𐨟𐨯 𐨟𐨿𐨪𐨟𐨪𐨯 (MAHARAJASA APALADATASA TRATARASA),[6]"Saviour King Apollodotus".
    Actual size: 15 mm, 1.4 grams.

    Apollodotos I. c174-165 BC. AR Drachm of Indian weight standard. Elephant standing right; monogram below / Zebu bull standing right; monogram below.Drachm. Indian standard
    Grade: VF
    Reference: Bopearachchi Série 4G; SNG ANS 337ff.; MIG 207i

    Baktria, Graeco-Baktrian Kings. Apollodotos I. Circa 174-165 BC. AR Drachm of Indian
    weight standard (2.36 gm). Elephant standing right; monogram below / Zebu bull
    standing right; monogram below. Bopearachchi Série 4G; SNG ANS 337ff.; MIG 207i . VF,
    very light obverse graffiti.

    Indo-Greek: Apollodotus I, Silver "Indian" weight drachm, c. 174-165 BCE
    Weight: 2.38 gm., Dim: 15 x 16 mm., Die axis: 12 h
    Elephant walking right, Greek legend on three sides:
         monogram below /
    Humped bull standing right, Kharoshthi legend on three sides:
         maharajasa apaladatasa tratarasa
    Indo-Greek: Apollodotus I, Silver Attic weight hemidrachm, c. 174-165 BCE
    Weight: 1.74 gm., Diam: 14 mm., Die axis: 12 h
    Elephant walking right, Greek legend around:
    Humped bull walking right, Kharoshthi legend around:
         maharajasa apaladatasa tratarasa
    Baktria, Apollodotos I. Circa 174-165 BCE. AR Hemidrachm. Elephant walking right / Humped bull walking right. SNG ANS 299.GREEK KINGS of BAKTRIA. Apollodotos
    I. Circa 174-165 BC. AR Hemidrachm (1.50 gm). 
    Estimate $200. Sold For $132

    GREEK KINGS of BAKTRIA. Apollodotos I. Circa
    174-165 BC. AR Hemidrachm (1.50 gm). Elephant
    walking right / Humped bull walking right.
    Bopearachchi Série 2A; SNG ANS 299.

    The 'twisted rope' forms one concentric circle on this image. The outer-circumference of the spoked wheel is adorned with 'knuckles'. These images are: 1) dhāī˜ 'wisp of fibre in a twisted rope' (Lahnda) PLUS  meḍhi 'plait, twist' Rupaka, 'metaphor' or rebus reading:: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt 'iron'. 2) मुष्टिका 'wrist, knuckles' rebus, rupaka: मुष्टिका 'goldsmith'. Thus, the two images, together, signify, iron ore (worked on by a smith, metalworker).. The nave and spokes of the wheel are: eraka 'knave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'molten cast' PLUSarā 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass'.

    khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'. 

    A hypertext is orthographed with three arrows emanating from the dotted circle and three ‘twists’ emanating from the dotted circle, thus signifying six-armed semantic extensions. baa ‘six’ rebus:baa 'iron' bhaa ‘furnce’. kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ rebus: khaṇḍa ‘implements’  मेढा mēḍhā ‘twist’ rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic languages) medha ‘yajna, dhanam’. 

    Maues. Circa 125-85 BC. Æ (27mm, 9.23 g, 12h). Elephant advancing right with trunk and foreleg raised / Zebu standing right; monogram to right. Senior 14.1; HGC 12, 542. Fine, earthen dark green patina. karibha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus:karba 'iron' ib 'iron' po
    ḷa'zebu' rebus: poa 'magnetite ore'. (Indus Script tradition of metal-/mint-work).


    Obverse Elephant walking right, with raised trunk, within rectangular dotted border, Greek legend around: BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MEΓAΛOY MAYOY
    Reverse Humped bull standing right, monogram at right, Kharoṣṭhī legend around: Rajatirajasa mahatasa Moasa
    Date c. 90-57 BCE
    Weight 8.89 gm.
    Dimensions 24 x 24 mm.
    Die axis 12 o'clock
    Reference MIG 735, Sen 14.1

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    I suggest that the six arms of the 'vajra' hypertext on early punch-marked coins is a variant of the Indus Script Hypertext which signifies 'strands of a rope' or 'plaits of hair'. rūpaka, 'metaphor' or rebus translation is: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ'iron, metal'.  

    Thus a particular form of rūpaka 'metaphor' is rebus to signify similar sounding words. A word signifies a picture; a similar sounding word (homonym) signifies wealth accounting metalwork catalogue. This results in a writing system, a visual language, a mlecchita vikalpa'cipher of mleccha, copper workers'. This writing system or cipher is called Indus Script.

    rūpaka as a metaphor is a pun on the word pa which signified an early metal coin with a hypertext signified on the coin. रूप partic. coin (prob. a rupee) VarBr2S. derived from: रूप n. (perhaps connected with वर्प , वर्पस् ; ifc. f(). , rarely f().) any outward appearance or phenomenon or colour (often pl.) , form , shape , figure RV. &c(रूपेण ifc. in the form of ; रूपम्- √कृ or √ भू , to assume a form ; often ifc. = " having the form or appearance or colour of " , " formed or composed of " , " consisting of " , " like to " ; sometimes used after an adj. or p.p. to emphasize its meaning or almost redundantly cf. घोर-र्° ; or connected with a verb e.g. पचति-रूपम् , he cooks very well cf. Pa1n2. 8-1 , 57); nature , character , peculiarity , feature , mark , sign , symptom VS. &c रूपक mfn. having form , figurative , metaphorical , illustrating by figurative language (साहित्य-दर्पण)m. a partic. coin (prob. a rupee) Var. Pan5cat. &c; n. 
    (in rhet.a figure of speech , metaphor , comparison , simile (esp. one in which इव , वत् &c are omitted e.g. बाहु-लता , " a creeper-like arm " , पणि-पद्म, " a lotus-like hand " ; there are 3 or 4 varieties of रूपक e.g. the अर्ध-र्° , " partial metaphor " , खण्ड-र्° , " imperfect metaphor " , and ललाम-र्° , " flowery metaphor ") Ka1vya7d. Sa1h. &c (cf. IW. 458)(Monier-Williams)

    kārṣāpaṇa कार्षा* पणmn. (g. अर्धर्चा*दि ; cf. कर्ष्) " weighing a कर्ष " , a coin or weight of different values (if of gold , = 16 माष» कर्ष ; if of silver , = 16 पणs or 1280 Kowries , commonly termed a Kahan ; if of copper , = 80 रक्तिकाs or about 176 grains ; but accord. to some = only 1 पण of Kowries or 80 Kowries)Mn. viii , 136 ; 336 ; ix , 282; n. money , gold and silver (Monier-Williams)  kārṣāpaṇá m.n. ʻ a partic. coin or weight equivalent to one karṣa ʼ. [karṣa -- m. ʻ a partic. weight ʼ Suśr. (cf. OPers. karša -- ) and paṇa -- 2 or āpana -- EWA i 176 and 202 with lit. But from early MIA. kā̆hā˚] Pa. kahāpaṇa -- m.n. ʻ a partic. weight and coin ʼ, KharI. kahapana -- , Pk. karisāvaṇa -- m.n., kāhāvaṇa -- , kah˚ m.; A. kaoṇ ʻ a coin equivalent to 1 rupee or 16 paṇas or 1280 cowries ʼ; B. kāhan ʻ 16 paṇas ʼ; Or. kāhā̆ṇa ʻ 16 annas or 1280 cowries ʼ, H. kahāwankāhankahān m.; OSi. (brāhmī) kahavaṇa, Si. kahavuṇa˚vaṇuva ʻ a partic. weight kāˊrṣāpaṇika ʻ worth or bought for a kārṣāpaṇa ʼ Pāṇ. [kārṣāpaṇá -- ]Pa. kāhāpaṇika -- , Or. kāhāṇiã̄.(CDIAL 3080, 3081) "Kārshāpaṇa (Sanskrit: कार्षापण), according to the aṣṭādhyāyi of Panini, refers to ancient Indian coins current during the 7th and the 6th century BCE onwards, which were unstamped and stamped (āhata) metallic pieces whose validity depended on the integrity of the person authenticating them. Parmeshwari lal Gupta states that there is no proof that such coins were first issued by merchants and traders but adds that they did contribute to the development and spread of coin usage. 
    Kārshāpaṇas were basically silver pieces stamped with one to five or six rūpas ('symbols') originally only on the obverse side of the coins initially issued by the Janapadas and Mahajanapadas, and generally carried minute mark or marks to testify their legitimacy. Silver punch-marked coins ceased to be minted sometime in the second century BCE but exerted a wide influence for next five centuries...The English word, "Cash", is derived from the Sanskrit word, kārsha. The punch-marked coins were called "Kārshāpaṇa" because they weighed one kārsha each."

    The sun hypertext shown together with this 'twist, plait' hypertext is: arka,'sun' rebus: arka, eraka 'gold, copper, moltencast'. In Telugu, the pronunciation variant is:    అగసాలి  or అగసాలెవాడు agasāli [Tel.] n. A goldsmith. కంసాలివాడు. కంసాలి  or కంసాలవాడు kamsāli. [Tel.] n. A goldsmith or silversmith.కమసాలవాడు  Same as కంసాలి.

    The hypertexts of 'twisted rope in three strands' on thes punch-marked coins compare with the 'strand attached to a circle' on each of the six strands or plaits which constitute the six-armed hypertext emanating from a central dotted circle which is translated as: dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(Marathi) The expression dhā̆vaḍ  is composed of two words: dhāu 'strand' rebus: dhāu 'three red ores, minerals' PLUS vaṭa 'string'.  (Hieroglyph 'dot in circle': ya'throw of one in dice'). The strand or plait is translated as: meḍhi 'plait'S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L.  f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.मेढा [ mēḍhā ] meṇḍa A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) (CDIAL 10312). meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (P.)(CDIAL 10312)]. 
    Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.); med'copper' (Slavic languages)  मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal' (Skt. Santali)

    Compare the six circles with 'strands' with the 'three strands' on other punch-marked coins.

    Country India (ancient) (Maurya Empire)
    Type Common coin
    Years -322--185
    Value 1/4 Karshapana (0.25)
    Metal Silver
    Weight 2.5 g
    Diameter 12 mm

    Maurya Dynasty, period of Chandragupta/Bindusara (c.320-270 BC), G/H Series VA No. 509

    Silver punch-marked coins of mauryan period:

    Dwikarshapana (i.e., 2 Karshapana) (Sultanpur hoard)=108 grains (avg)
    Karshapana=32 ratti (53 grains) (3.3-3.5 grams)
    Ardha-karshapana (i.e., 1/2 Karshapana)
                                                          Lolapura hoard=26.5 grains (avg)
                                                          Pandya hoard=19-25 grains
    Pada (1/4 Karshapana) (Konkana hord)=12.9-14.7 grains

    Besides these, a copper currency was also prevalent.
    (Ref. Rekha Jain, Ancient Indian Coinage),10295.0.html 

    This hieroglyph, twist of three strands, signified on Punch-marked coins of Gandhara is traced to Harappa Script hieroglyph tradition. This signifies dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' meḍhi 'plait' rebus: meḍ‘iron’
     See Mohenjo-daro seal m1406

    m1406 Seal using tri-dhAtu 'three-stranded rope':  Rebus: tri-hAtu, three red ores.

    Hieroglyph:  धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu  *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)

    Rebus: M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु  primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam) Indus script hieroglyphs signify dhAtu 'iron ore', Dharwar, Ib names of places in India in the iron ore belt.

    S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L.  f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.मेढा [ mēḍhā ] meṇḍa A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) (CDIAL 10312). meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (P.)(CDIAL 10312)]. 

    Rebus: semantics 'iron': meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho)meṛed (Mundari);mẽṛed iron; enga meṛed soft iron; sanḍi meṛedhard iron; ispāt meṛed steel; dul meṛed cast iron; i meṛed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bica meṛed iron extracted from stone ore; bali meṛed iron extracted from sand ore; meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.)

    There are two Railway stations in India called Dharwad and Ib. Both are related to Prakritam words with the semantic significance: iron worker, iron ore.

    dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ (Marathi)(CDIAL 6773) PLUS kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' PLUS d, 'boatman, one who plays drums at ceremonies' Rebus:  mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron (metal)’ Alternative: dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) dolutsu 'tumble' Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. 

    A variant orthography shows a pair of three strands of twisted rope, signified as a total of six spokes emanating from a dotted circle in the centre (See image of Silver shatamana of Gandhara). 

    Six spokes: baṭa 'six' rebus:  bhaṭa 'furnace'.

    Rebus reading: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS meḍhi 'plait' meḍ ‘iron’ Thus, cast iron.

    PLUS dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(Marathi) The expression dhā̆vaḍ  is composed of two words: dhāu 'strand' rebus: dhāu 'three red ores, minerals' PLUS vaṭa 'string'. 
    Image result for gandhara punch-marked coin
    Silver Shatamana. Gandhara.

    Punch-marked coin of Ashoka. See comparable hieroglyph of 'twist, three plaits or strands' in the following examples of PMC symbols:

    A Survey of Late Hoards of Indian Punch-marked Coins ELIZABETH ERRINGTON

    The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-) Vol. 163 (2003), pp. 69-121 Published by: Royal Numismatic Society Stable URL:

    arka 'sun' rebus: erako 'moltencast' eraka 'copper' 
    kāca m. ʻloop' rebus: kāsa 'bronze'. dhAv 'strand' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral' PLUS kaNDa 'arrow' rebus:kaNDa 'implements. Thus, bronze implements.
    kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
    meḍhi 'plait' meḍ ‘iron’ PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'cast metal' Thus, dul meṛed 'cast iron'
    barad, balad 'ox' rebus: bharat' alloy of pewter, copper, tin' PLUS satthiya 'svastika' rebus: svastika 'pewter' jasta 'zinc'

    maraka 'peacock' rebus: maraka loha 'copper alloy' PLUS dang 'mountain range' rebus: dhangar'blacksmith' meḍhi 'plait' meḍ ‘iron’ goTa 'round pebble' rebus: goTa 'laterite, ferrite ore''gold braid' PLUS gaNDa 'four' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' PLUS kāca m. ʻloop' rebus: kāsa 'bronze'. Thur, laterite and bronze fire-altar.
    An example of what was very probably the earliest Indian coin: a large silver shatamana (double siglos or bent bar) issue, Gandhara, c.600-500 BCE (43mm long, 10mm wide)

    A slightly later silver karshapana, c.370-320 BCE, from Taxila
    1 satamana from Gandhara Janapada
    1 satamana from Gandhara Janapada, circa 5th century BC (NCC2014.39.1)
    1 shana or 1/8  satamana from Gandhara Janapada1 shana or 1/8 satamana from Gandhara Janapada, circa 5th century BC (NCC2014.39.3)
    1/4 shana from Gandhara Janapada
    1/4 shana from Gandhara Janapada, circa 5th century BC (NCC2014.39.4)
    "Many of us know about Afghanistan only from news reports. However, the country has a long and sometimes surprising history. In the first millennium BC, the region of northern Afghanistan and Pakistan was home to the Indian Janapada (kingdom) of Gandhara. At the crossroads of Asia and the Middle East, Gandhara was perfectly situated as a hub for trade and the export of cultures. We know that Gandhari merchants traded with Babylon and may have travelled as far west as Egypt and Ancient Greece.These silver coins attest to the kingdom’s trade connections and wealth. The weight of the coins is based on an Indian standard, the satamana, that is also related to the Babylonian shekel. The smaller stamps on the bar-coin are banker or merchant marks. These marks were probably made by someone testing the quality of the silver."

    Extraordinary iconographic details are seen on terracotta sculptures of Altyn Tepe inscribed with Harappa Script, on Gundestrup cauldron, and on Chandraketugarh hairstyles. 

    In all these three examples taken from across Eurasia, the plaits of hair are the key orthographic components.

    It is suggested that all three examples relate to Meluhha artisans who created these iconic metaphors to signify production of metal (iron) implements using smelters, smithy, forge. Meluhha metal explorers and metal workers had traversed these regions of Chandraketugarh, Altyn Tepe and a small peat bog called Rævemose (near the larger Borremose bog) in the Aarsparish of HimmerlandDenmar(56°49′N 9°33′E) where the Gundestrup Cauldren was discovered

    These are three distant regions. The time span over which the explorers have travelled far and wide is over 2 millennia
    but retaining the memories of their traditions retained in their Meluhha language repertoire, exemplified in Bharata sprachbund 
    of ca. 2500 BCE. 

    The Meluhha vocabulary (lexis) used is comparable to the Indo-European etyma presented by IE linguistic scholars, 
    though IE examples are taken from many regions of Eurasia including Prakrtam, Vedic, Indo-Aryan. 

    There is consensus among linguists that ancient Bharata was a linguistic area (sprachbund or language union) where speakers
    of many language families interacted and absorbed language features from one another and made the features their own. This is
    the justification for presenting etyma from many regions of ancient Bharata in this monograph, related to plaits of hair and
    rebus metalwork catalogues.

    pañcacūḍa, पञ्चचूड  Epithet of Rambha This expression signifies five hairknots:

    cūˊḍa 'hairknot'.  čui̦ya pl. ʻ curls ʼ, rus. čur ʻ plait of hair ʼ(Gypsy. SE Europe)(CDIAL 4883). pañcacūḍa are Kamboja (Meluhha); also an epithet which is used to describe sculptural representations of hairstyles of women (for e.g. sculptures of Chandraketugarh).

    A synonym for čur 'plait of hair' is: mEḍi plait (Kannada) rebus:  मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal' (Samskrtam. Santali.Mu.Ho).

     *mēṇḍhī ʻ lock of hair, curl ʼ. [Cf. *mēṇḍha -- 1 s.v. *miḍḍa -- ]
    S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔmiḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.(CDIAL 10312) Ta. miṭai (-v-, -nt-) to weave as a mat, etc. Ma. miṭayuka to plait, braid, twist, wattle; miṭaccal plaiting, etc.; miṭappu tuft of hair; miṭalascreen or wicket, ōlas plaited together. Ka. meḍaṟu to plait as screens, etc. (Hav.) maḍe to knit, weave (as a basket); (Gowda) mEḍi plait. Ga.(S.3miṭṭe a female hair-style. Go. (Mu.) mihc- to plait (hair) (Voc. 2850).(DEDR 4853) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.)

    Basket-maker: mēda m. ʻ a mixed caste, any one living by a degrading occupation ʼ Mn. [→ Bal. d ʻ boatman, fisher- man ʼ. -- Cf. Tam. metavar ʻ basket -- maker ʼ &c. DED 4178]k. mēa -- m., mēī -- f. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; S. meu m. ʻ fisherman ʼ (whence miāṇī f. ʻ a fishery ʼ), L.  m.; P. meũ m., f. meuṇī ʻ boatman ʼ. -- Prob. separate from S. muhāṇo m. ʻ member of a class of Moslem boatmen ʼ, L. mohāṇā m., °ṇī f.: see *mr̥gahanaka -- .(CDIAL 10320)

    meḍhā 'stake, yupa' rebus: medha 'yajña, nidhi'.

    मेध [p= 832,3] offering , oblation , any sacrifice (esp. ifc.ib. MBh. &c मेधा = धन Naigh. ii , 10.f. mental vigour or power , intelligence , prudence , wisdom (pl. products of intelligence , thoughts , opinions) RV. &c (Monier-Williams)
    the sprig inscribed on the exquisite terracotta image found at Altyn Tepe
    Votive figure from Altyn-Depe (the Golden Hill), Turkmenistan. Altyn-Depe is an ancient settlement of the Bronze Age (3,000 - 2,000 B.C.E.) on the territory of ancient Abiver. It's known locally as the "Turkmen Stonehenge". União Soviética.:
    Votive figure from Altyn-Depe (the Golden Hill), Turkmenistan. Altyn-Depe is an ancient settlement of the Bronze Age (3,000 - 2,000 B.C.E.) on the territory of ancient Abiver. It's known locally as the "Turkmen Stonehenge". União Soviética.

    I suggest that this figure has inscribed Indus Script hypertexts read rebus related to metal smelting of elements, aduru 'native metal' and metal implements work.

    Hieroglyph: kola 'woman' (Nahali) rebus: kol 'working in iron'

    Hieroglyph: Ka. (Hav.) aḍaru twig; (Bark.) aḍïrï small and thin branch of a tree; (Gowda) aḍəri small branches. Tu. aḍaru twig.(DEDR 67) Rebus: Ta. ayil iron. Ma. ayir, ayiram any ore. Ka. aduru native metal. Tu. ajirda karba very hard iron. (DEDR 192)

    Two hair strands signify: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS Hieroglyph 

    strand (of hair): dhāˊtu  *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV.,ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)

    Rebus: dhāvḍī  'iron smelting': Shgh. ċīwċōwċū ʻ single hair ʼ ; Ash. dro ʻ woman's hair ʼ, Kt. drū, Wg.drūdrū̃; Pr. ui ʻ a hair ʼ; Kho. dro(hʻ hair ʼ, (Lor.) ʻ hair (of animal), body hair (human) ʼ Orm. dradrī IIFL i 392 (semant. cf. Psht. pal ʻ fringe of hair over forehead ʼ < *pata -- (CDIAL 6623) drava द्रव [p= 500,3] flowing , fluid , dropping , dripping , trickling or overflowing with (comp.) Ka1t2h. Mn.MBh. Ka1v. fused , liquefied , melted W. m. distilling , trickling , fluidity Bha1sha1p. dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(CDIAL 6773)

    Three lines below the belly of the figure: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'

    Hieroglyph: kuṭhi  ‘vagina’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛi f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) kuhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuhi, kui (Or.; Sad. kohi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkui has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuhi = a factory; lil kuhi = an indigo factory (kohi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. kohī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuhī factory (A.); kohābrick-built house (B.); kuhī bank, granary (B.); koho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); kohīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; kohī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) ko = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 

    Hieroglyph: sprig: ḍāla 5546 ḍāla1 m. ʻ branch ʼ Śīl. 2. *ṭhāla -- . 3. *ḍāḍha -- . [Poss. same as *dāla -- 1 and dāra -- 1: √dal, √d&rcirclemacr;. But variation of form supports PMWS 64 ← Mu.]1. Pk. ḍāla -- n. ʻ branch ʼ; S. ḍ̠āru m. ʻ large branch ʼ, ḍ̠ārī f. ʻ branch ʼ; P. ḍāl m. ʻ branch ʼ, °lā m. ʻ large do. ʼ, °lī f. ʻ twig ʼ; WPah. bhal. ḍām. ʻ branch ʼ; Ku. ḍālo m. ʻ tree ʼ; N. ḍālo ʻ branch ʼ, A. B. ḍāl, Or. ḍāḷa; Mth. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, °ri ʻ twig ʼ; Aw. lakh. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, H. ḍāl°lām., G. ḍāḷi°ḷī f., °ḷũ n.2. A. ṭhāl ʻ branch ʼ, °li ʻ twig ʼ; H. ṭhāl°lā m. ʻ leafy branch (esp. one lopped off) ʼ.3. Bhoj. ḍāṛhī ʻ branch ʼ; M. ḍāhaḷ m. ʻ loppings of trees ʼ, ḍāhḷā m. ʻ leafy branch ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ twig ʼ, ḍhāḷā m. ʻ sprig ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ branch ʼ.*ḍāla -- 2 ʻ basket ʼ see *ḍalla -- 2.ḍālima -- see dāḍima -- .*ḍāva -- 1 ʻ box ʼ see *ḍabba -- .*ḍāva -- 2 ʻ left ʼ see *ḍavva -- .Addenda: ḍāla -- 1. 1. S.kcch. ḍār f. ʻ branch of a tree ʼ; WPah.kṭg. ḍāḷ m. ʻ tree ʼ, J. ḍā'l m.; kṭg. ḍaḷi f. ʻ branch, stalk ʼ, ḍaḷṭi f. ʻ shoot ʼ; A. ḍāl(phonet. d -- ) ʻ branch ʼ AFD 207.टाळा (p. 196) ṭāḷā ...2 Averting or preventing (of a trouble or an evil). 3 The roof of the mouth. 4 R (Usually टाहळा) A small leafy branch; a spray or sprig. टाळी (p. 196) ṭāḷī f R (Usually टाहळी) A small leafy branch, a sprig.ढगळा (p. 204) ḍhagaḷā m R A small leafy branch; a sprig or spray.   डगळा or डघळा (p. 201) ḍagaḷā or ḍaghaḷā m A tender and leafy branch: also a sprig or spray. डांगशी (p. 202) ḍāṅgaśī f C A small branch, a sprig, a spray. डांगळी (p. 202) ḍāṅgaḷī f A small branch, a sprig or spray.  डाहळा (p. 202) ḍāhaḷā लांख esp. the first. 2 (dim. डाहळी f A sprig or twig.) A leafy branch. Pr. धरायाला डाहळी न बसायाला सावली Used.

    Rebus: ḍhāla 'large ingot' (Gujarati)

    The rebus rendering of dhAU 'mineral' is seen on the following hypertexts of the Gundestrup Cauldron. Persons are seen holding three strands as if to plait into a triveNi 'three-plaited pigtail'. See also:

    Exterior plate f, with torc-wearing head

    The Gundestrup Cauldron
    In Chandraketugarh sculptures, women are shown with plaits of hair topped by metal implements/weapons. This is an iconographic pun or metaphor on the word mEḍi 'plaits of hair' rebus:   मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal' (Samskrtam. Santali.Mu.Ho). Thus, the signifiers are 'iron implements'.

    This is an extremely rare Sunga plaque, finely carved in ivory, of a fertility or mother divinity and her attendant.  An terracotta example in similar style is in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London.  Ivory artifacts commonly disintegrate with time and thus are inherently rare.  The plaque is about 7 cm in height, dates from about the 2nd Century BC

    Shree, divinity of wealth and fortune

    Female head (3.12") from Berachampa ('55-'56)
    Panchachuda, female figure with hair decoration
    Sculpture Shunga era.
    Panchacuda with dwarf female attendant holding a mirror,

    References from Mahabharata on pañcacūḍa, apsara

    Female figure with hair decoration (Chandraketugarh)

    Bhishma said, In this connection is cited the old history of the discourse between the celestial Rishi Narada and the celestial courtezan Panchachuda. Mbh.13.38.4252

    Thus addressed by him, the Apsara Panchachuda of sweet smiles consented to answer Narada's question. Mbh.13.38.4265

    Panchachuda said, Even if high-born and endued with beauty and possessed of protectors, women wish to transgress the restraints assigned to them. Mbh.13.38.4267

    Then comes the three-eyed Lord of Lima; then Skanda the generalissimo of the celestial forces; then Visakha; then Agni the eater of sacrificial libations; then Vayu the god of wind; then Chandramas; then Aditya the god of the sun, endued with effulgence; then the illustrious Sakra the lord of Sachi; and Yama with his spouse Dhumorna; and Varunawith GauriKuvera the lord of treasures, with his spouse Riddhi; the amiable and illustrious cow Surabhi; the great Rishi VisravasSankalpaOcean, Gangs: the other sacred Rivers; the diverse Maruts; the Valkhilyas crowned with success of penances; the island-born KrishnaNaradaParvataViswavasu; the Hahas; the HuhusTumvuruChitrasena; the celestial messenger of wide celebrity; the highly blessed celestial maidens; the celestial ApsarasUrvasiMenakaRambhaMisrakesiAlamvushaViswachiGhritachiPanchachudaTilottama, the Adityas, the Vasus, the Aswins, the PitrisDharma RighteousnessVediclore, PenancesDiksha, Perseverance in religious acts, the GrandsireDay and NightKasyapa the son of MarichiSukraVrihaspatiMangala the son of EarthVudhaRahuSanischara, the Constellations, the Seasons, the Months, the Fortnights, the YearGaruda, the son of Vinata, the several Oceans, the sons of Kadru, viz, the SnakesSatadruVipasaChandrabhagaSaraswatiSindhuDevikaPrabhasa, the lakes of PushkaraGangaMahanadiVenaKaveriNarmadaKulampuna VisalyaKaratoyaAmvuvahini.Mbh.13.165.13692

    Once in ancient times, the celestial Rishi Narada, having roamed over all the world, met the Apsara Panchachudaof faultless beauty, having her abode in the region of Brahman. Mbh.13.38.4253

    dakshinatah Kambojaanaam Vasisthaanaam,
    ubhayato Atri Kashyapaanaam mundah Bhriguh,
    panchachuda Angris. Bajasneyaanaameka manglarth shikhinoanyai/
    — (Chudakarma Samskaara, Paraskara GrhyaSutram 2.1.23, Commentary: Pt Harihar).

    Ethnicity and language of Kamboja

    The ancient Kambojas were probably of Indo-Iranian origin.They are, however, sometimes described as Indo-Aryans and sometimes as having both Indian and Iranian affinities.[The Kambojas are also described as a royal clan of the Sakas

    Based on Yaska's Nirukta and a "gathafrom Buddhist "Bhuridatta Jataka", one German scholarDr Ernst Kuhnhad opined in 1904 that the Kambojas spoke a language embodying specialities of both the Sanskrit as well asIranian languageand further as a part of their religious practicethe Kambojas considered it a religious duty to killsnakes and other poisonous insects [Das Volk Der Kamboja bei YaskaFirst Series of AvestaPahlavi and AncientPersian Studies in honour of the late Shams-ul-ulama Dastur Peshotanji Behramji SanjanaStrassberg & Leipzig1904pp 213 ffDr Ernst Kuhn.]
     Based on same NiruktaDr GAGrierson commented in 1911: "The Kambojasabarbarous tribe of north-western Indiaeither spoke Sanskrit with an infusion of Iranian words to which they gaveIndian inflexions or else they spoke a language partly Indo-Aryan and partly Iranian" [The Language of theKambojasJournal of Royal Asiatic Society 1911pp 801-02.] . Following Dr Grierson's investigations on theKambojasDr Kuhn published a summary of his article ("Das Volk Der Kamboja bei Yaska") in Englishin DrGrierson's support in the 1912 issue of the "Journal of Royal Asiatic Society", which included Dr Grierson'scomments as wellIt was pointed out that killing of some lower animals is indeed a Zoroastrian religious practicewhich is also attested from the passages in Mazdean books like the Videvad [ well as from the remarksof Herodotus [ Book I.140.about the Persian religion.
    The above disclosures from Bhuridatta Jataka completely changed scholarsviews including those of Dr Griersonon the KambojasThence-afterwardsthe scholar communityin generalstarted considering the Kambojas to bean undoubted tribe of the IraniansDr Grierson had to re-write: "This gathaby itselfestablishes a closeconnections between the ancient Kambojas and the ancient Iranians with whom the destruction of noxious orahramanic creatures was a duty...Beyond any reasonable doubt that the Kambojas were a tribe of the Iranians " [Journal of Royal Asiatic Society1912p 256.

    Mahabharata speaks of the YavanasKambojasDarunas etc as the fierce barbarians from Uttarapatha [
    :Sanskrit::uttarashchapare mlechchha jana bharatasattama. || 63 || :Yavanashcha sa Kamboja Daruna mlechchhajatayah. | :— " (MBH 6.11.63-64)".and further reckons them among the sinful peoplecharacterised by practicessimilar to those of chandalas and vultures i.e avaricious and greedy [
    :Sanskrit::uttara pathajanmanah kirtayishyami tanapi. | :Yauna Kamboja Gandharah Kirata barbaraih saha. || 43 |
    :ete papakritastata charanti prithivimimam. | :shvakakabalagridhrana.n sadharmano naradhipa. || 44 |
    :— "(MBH 12/207/43-44)".
    ] . Moreoveralong with numerous other "non-Vedictribes of north-westthe Kambojasare branded as fallen roguesleading sinful lives like those of the Dasyus [MBH 12.65.13-15.] .

    Majjhima Nikaya
    "Assalayanasutta" [Majjhima Nikaya II.149.of Majjhima Nikaya attests thatin the lands of YavanasKambojas andsome other frontier nationsthere were only two classes of people...Aryas and Dasas...the masters and slavesTheArya could become Dasa and vice versa [
    :Yona-Kambojesu annesu cha panchchantimesu janapadesu dvau vanna,:ayyo ceva daaso caayyo hutva daasohotidaaso hutva ayyo hoti ti.:— "(Majjhima Nikaya 43.1.3)" .] . This is also confirmed from Vishnu Purana whichaffirms the absence of "chatur-varna systemamong the Kiratas in the east and the YavanasKambojas etc in thepashchima or western people. [Vishnu Purana2.37.] .
    In Markandeya Purana [ Markendeya well as in Srimad Devi Bhagawatam [Devi Bhagawatam 5.28.1-12.] ["Devibhagavata Purana refers to the people of Kamboja janapada (Pamir-Badakhshanregion according to DrVSAgrawal or the region near Kandhar according to Dr DCSircaras Asuras/Demons (i.e. "Danavah sarveKambojah").the Kambojas are referred to as Asuras/Demons (i.e. "Danavah sarve Kambojah") and are included inthe army of Daityahs [Rājapūta Polity: Political System of the Early Medieval India1968p 15ABLAwasthi - Political science.] [Glory of the Divine Mother (Devi Mahatmyam), p 211Sri Sankaranarayanan.] . "Asurais foundas "Ahurain ancient Iranian traditionsThe Iranian were followers of "Ahura Mazda" (Zoroastrian religion), including the KambojasInitiallythe word Asura did not have the negative (demonicconnotation.
    These texts refer to a mythological war of the goddess Durga/Ambika with some Asura/Demonic clans of north-west like UdayudhasKambusKotiviryasKalakasDaurhritasKalkeyasMauryas etcThere is reference to eighty-four select warriors from the Kambu (Kambojaclan accompanied by numerous Kambu (Kambojafighters set on aferocious war with the deva forces of goddess Durga [Glory of the Divine Mother (Devi Mahatmyam), p 211SriSankaranarayanan.] . Dr Raychaudhury identifies the Maurya Asura clan of the above texts with the Maurya clan ofChandragupta Maurya [Poitical History of Ancient India1996p 4-5.] . Scholars including ABLAwasthiSwamiVijnanannanda etc have correctly identified the Asura "Kambu clanwith the "Kambojas of Hindukush"/NortheastAfghanistanand their allies "Kalkeyaswith the "Afridisetc [See: The Shrimad-Devi-Bhagawatamtrans: SwamiVijnanananda (1921-22), p 451Rājapūta Polity: Political System of the Early Medieval India1968p 15ABLAwasthi - Political science.] . The Kalakas have been identified with "Glausai or Glaukanikoiof the Greekslocatedon the upper courses of Hydaspes (Jhelum), Hydraotes (Raviand Akesines (Chenāb); and are the same asKalajas of the Mahabharata (i.eKalachas of Rajput chronicles) [Etudepp 102103VdeSaint MartinTheInvasion of India by Alexander the Great1896p 111John Watson M'Crindle.] .
    It is notable that the great Asura warrior king Shumbha