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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    https://tinyurl.com/y9h9zkdt


    For me, involved in the study of 8000 Indus Script Inscriptions, the significance of the stunning report is that the decipherment has proceeded on DNA validated lines, using lexemes from ancient Bharatiya languages treating the speech area as Meluhha, Indian sprachbund (speech union), not far from the Straits of Malaka (also spelled Macalla, cognate Meluhha, Mleccha)..


    Kalyanaraman

    Harappan site of Rakhigarhi: DNA study finds no Central Asian trace, junks Aryan invasion theory

    By Anubhuti Vishnoi, ET Bureau, June 13, 2018, 06.44 AM IST

    1
    The Aryan invasion theory holds forth that a set of migrants came from Central Asia armed with superior knowledge and arms and invaded the existing settlements to establish a more sophisticated civilisation in India and pushed the original inhabitants down south 
    The much-awaited DNA study of the skeletal remains found at the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi, Haryana, shows no Central Asian trace, indicating the Aryan invasion theory was flawed and Vedic evolution was through indigenous people. 

    The lead researchers of this soon-tobe published study — Vasant Shinde and Neeraj Rai — told ETthat this establishes the knowledge ecosystem in the Vedic era was guided by “fully indigenous” people with limited “external contact”. 

    “The Rakhigarhi human DNA clearly shows a predominant local element — the mitochondrial DNA is very strong in it. There is some minor foreign element which shows some mixing up with a foreign population, but the DNA is clearly local,” Shinde told ET. He went on to add: “This indicates quite clearly, through archeological data, that the Vedic era that followed was a fully indigenous period with some external contact.” 

    According to Shinde’s findings, the manner of burial is quite similar to the early Vedic period, also known as the Rigvedic Era. The pottery, the brick type used for construction and the general ‘good health’ of the people ascertained through the skeletal remains in Rakhigarhi, he said, pointed to a well-developed knowledge system that evolved further into the Vedic era. The study has, in fact, noted that some burial rituals observed in the Rakhigarhi necropolis prevail even now in some community over thousands of years. .. 

    Shinde, who is the vice-chancellor of the Deccan College, Pune, was the lead archaeologist in the study while Rai, who is the head of the ancient DNA laboratory at Lucknow’s Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, did the DNA study. 

    MINOR TRACES OF IRANIAN STRAINS 
    According to Rai, the evidence points to a predominantly indigenous culture that voluntarily spread across other areas, not displaced or overrun by an Aryan invasion. “The condition of the human skeletons, the burial...all show absence of palaeo-pathology symptoms which could indicate ailments due to lack of medical care. The persons here were healthy; denture morphology showed teeth free of any infection; bones are healthy, as is the cranium,” Rai told ET.

    He also discounted the notion of any violent conflict. “There are no cuts and marks which would be associated with a population subjected to warfare. All this indicates that the people were receiving well-developed healthcare and had full-fledged knowledge systems.” The excavations in Rigvedic phase, he said, corroborate this. “This points to greater continuity rather than to a new Aryan race descending and bringing superior knowledge systems to the region,” Rai said. 

    The Rakhigarhi study, he said, while showing absence of any Central Asian/Steppe element in the genetic make-up of the Harappan people, does indicate minor traces of Iranian strains which may point to contact, not invasion. 

    The Aryan invasion theory holds forth that a set of migrants came from Central Asia armed with superior knowledge and arms and invaded the existing settlements to establish a more sophisticated civilisation in India and pushed the original inhabitants down south. Rakhigarhi is one of the biggest Harappan civilisation sites spread across 300 hectares in Hisar, Haryana. It’s estimated to be 6,000 years old and was part of the mature phase of the Harappan period. 

    Rai disclosed that 148 independent skeletal elements from Rakhigarhi were screened for the presence of DNA molecules at the Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology in Hyderabad. Of the 148 skeletal remains, only two samples yielded any relevant DNA material. 

    Meanwhile, hectic last-minute efforts are on to get additional genetic details of the DNA material. One of the DNA samples recently faced contamination in a Seoul laboratory and efforts are on to segregate it. Samples were sent to laboratories in Seoul and Harvard for establishing accuracy. The contamination, Rai said, is unlikely to have any major bearing on the study’s primary findings. 

    https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/harappan-site-of-rakhigarhi-dna-study-finds-no-central-asian-trace-junks-aryan-invasion-theory/articleshow/64565413.cms


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    https://tinyurl.com/yd4c9634

    A parallel for the eight Baghpat anthropomorphs reading occurs on Mohenjo-daro copper tablets which treat two pictorial motifs as synonyms. 

    The pictorial motifs are of a hunter and claws of a crab circumscribed by a pair of pipal leaves. 

    The pictorial motifs are treated as synonyms on B19 and C6 because the obverse of the copper tablets carry an identical Indus Script Inscription.

    kamāṭhiyo'soldier, hunter' (onB19) is a synonym of kamaṭha 'fig leaf' (on C6) PLUS semantic determinant: kamaṭha 'crab'. (Two leaves: dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'). Both pictorial motifs read rebus:  kammaṭa 'mint'. Eight identical copper bas-relief anthropomorphs on the Baghpat coffin signify a guild of 'mintwork' artisans.





    I suggest that the copper anthropomorph on the lid of the wooden coffin of Baghpat is a variant of these pictorial motifs signifying a ficus leaf circumscribed by two horns of the crown. The dagger shown on the waist-belt is a semantic determiannt of the person as a hunter, soldier: kamāṭhiyo 'soldier, hunter' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'. The eminence of the person is signified by eight repetitions of the same anthropomorph pictorial motif to signify that the eminent persin is a śreṣṭhin श्रेष्ठिन् 'foreman of a smithy guild with eight goldsmith/ironsmith members in the guild'. 
    Image result for baghpat anthropomorph

    Horn: Ta. kōṭu (in cpds. kōṭṭu-) horn, tusk, branch of tree, cluster, bunch, coil of hair, line, diagram, bank of stream or pool; kuvaṭu branch of a tree; kōṭṭāṉ, kōṭṭuvāṉ rock horned-owl (cf. 1657 Ta. kuṭiñai). Ko. ko·ṛ (obl.ko·ṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwṛ (obl. kwṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn. Ga. (Oll.) kōr (pl. kōrgul) id. Go. (Tr.) kōr (obl. kōt-, pl. kōhk) horn of cattle or wild animals, branch of a tree; (W. Ph. A. Ch.) kōr (pl. kōhk), (S.) kōr (pl. kōhku), (Ma.) kōr̥u (pl. kōẖku) horn; (M.) kohk branch (Voc. 980); (LuS.) kogoo a horn. Kui kōju (pl. kōska) horn, antler. (DEDR 2200)

    Rebus: Paš. kuṛ. kṓri ʻdaggerʼ < *kāri IIFL iii 3, 97 with (?).(CDIAL 2711)

    kōḍu 'horn' is semantically reinforcedby the determinative hieroglyph of 'dagger' which reads kṓri ʻdaggerʼ 
    kamaṭha 'ficus' leaf; kamaṭa 'dwarf' rebus: kamāṭhiyo 'archer, soldier' 

    Eight such bas-relief copper anthropomorphs are shown on the lid of the wooden coffin, suggesting a guild of goldsmiths (Note: the person venerated in a special coffin may have been a guild-master or chief or eminent artisan).श्रेष्ठिन् m. a warrior of high rank Ja1takam.; m. an eminent artisan , the head or chief of an association following the same trade or industry , the president or foreman of a guild (alsof(इनी). a female artisan &c Hariv. Ka1v. VarBr2S. &c; m. a distinguished man , a person of rank or authority AitBr. S3a1n3khBr. KaushUp.; mfn. having the best , best , chief W. (Monier-Williams)
    Image result for baghpat anthropomorphImage result for baghpat anthropomorphImage result for baghpat anthropomorph
    Image result for baghpat anthropomorph
    kamaṭha  'crab' (Skt.) 
    kamāṭhiyo=archer; kāmaṭhum =a bow; kāmaḍī, kāmaḍum=a chip of bamboo (G.) kāmaṭhiyo bowman; an archer(Skt.) 
    kamaṛkom= fig leaf (Santali) kamarmaṛā (Has.), kamaṛkom(Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.) kamaṭha = fig leaf, religiosa (Skt.) dula ‘two' Rebus: dul 'cast metal ’Thus, cast loh ‘copper casting’ infurnace: baṭa= wide-mouthed pot; baṭa= kiln (Te.) kamaṭa, kammaṭamu 'a portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.) kammaīḍu 'a goldsmith, a silversmith (Telugu) Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)

    Vikalpa: Fig leaf ‘loa’; rebus: loh ‘(copper) metal’. loha-kāra ‘metalsmith’ (Sanskrit). loa ’fig leaf; Rebus: loh ‘(copper) metal’ The unique ligatures on the 'leaf' hieroglyph may be explained as a professional designation: loha-kāra 'metalsmith'kāruvu  [Skt.] n. 'An artist, artificer. An agent'.(Telugu)

    B19 copper plate epigraph: hunter-blacksmith: कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ कौटिलिकः 1 A hunter.-2 A blacksmith. कौटिलिक [p= 315,2] m. (fr. कुटिलिका Pa1n2. 4-4 , 18) " deceiving the hunter [or the deer Sch.] by particular movements " , a deer [" a hunter " Sch.Ka1s3. f. ( Pa1n2. 4-4 , 18कुटिलिका crouching , coming stealthily (like a hunter on his prey ; a particular movement on the stage) Vikr. कुटिलिक " using the tool called कुटिलिका " , a blacksmith ib. कुटिलक [p= 288,2] f. a tool used by a blacksmith Pa1n2. 4-4 , 18 Ka1s3.mfn. bent , curved , crisped Pan5cat.
    Same inscription as on B19 sets of copper plates appears on C6 sets of copper plates but with a distinct hieroglyph-multiplex of ficus PLUS crab (pincers, tongs) on the obverse of the copper plate.

    C6 copper plate epigraph: ficus PLUS pincers: metalsmith: लोह--कार [p= 908,3] m. a worker in iron , smith , blacksmith R. Hit. Hieroglyph component: loa 'ficus glomerata' Rebus: loha 'copper, iron' Hieroglyph component: kāru pincers, tongs. Rebus: khār खार् । लोहकारः 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

    Since loha  signifies 'copper' and kammaa signifies 'mint' this hieroglyph multiplex on the obverse of C6 set of copper plate inscriptions (ficus PLUS crab+pincers) should more precisely signify semantically: mint-master, coppersmith.

    The text of the epigraph common to both sets of copper plates (B16, hunter and C9 ficus+crab/pincers) has hieroglyph-multiplexes

     Inscription message: Supercargo bronze cast metal, ingots (of different shapes), metal implements smithy/forge On C9 set of copper plates, these come from लोहकारः lohakAra kammaa the mint-master, coppersmith's workshop. On B16 set of copper plates, these come from कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ bronze worker's (smithy/forge). 

      mū̃h ‘ingot’ (Santali) PLUS (infixed) kolom 'sprout, rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' Thus, ingot smithy 

    Notes: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' Ellipse is split into two curves of parenthesis:  (  ) Thus, dula 'cast metal' signified by the curves joined into an ellipse. 

      mū̃h ‘ingot’ (Santali) dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' Thus, cast metal ingot.
    dhollu 'drummer' (Western Pahari) Rebus: dul 'cast metal' 
    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron' 
    kolimi 'smithy, forge' j̈asta, dasta 'five' (Kafiri) jasta, sattva 'zinc'

    dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast (metal)’ PLUS kana, kanac = corner (Santali); Rebus: kañcu = bronze (Telugu) Thus, cast bronze or bronze casting.
    This is a hieroglyph-multiplex: slant PLUS notch: DhAL 'slanted' Rebus: DhALako 'large ingot' PLUS खांडा (p. 202) [ khāṇḍā ] A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi) khaṇḍa id. (Santali)

      kolom 'rice-plant, sprout' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'

      goṭ 'seed, rounded object' Rebus: खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi)
     The 'curve' hieroglyph is a splitting of the ellipse. kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. 

    Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'  Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl°lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984)

    rimofjar.jpgkaṇḍa kanka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇīka ‘account (scribe)’karṇī‘supercargo’.
    kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar’.

     

    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/nfm5pbc

    meRed bica ‘iron stone ore’, lo ‘copper ore’

    V326 (Orthographic variants of Sign 326) V327 (Orthographic variants of Sign 327)
    Sign 51 Variants. It is seen from all these variants, that the semantic focus signified by the orthography is on the 'scorpion's pointed stinger'

    These are two glyphs of the script with unique superscripted ligatures; this pair of ligatures does not occur on any other ligatured glyph in the entire corpus of Indus script inscriptions. Orthographically, Sign 51 glyph is a ‘scorpion’; Sign 327 glyph is a ‘ficus glomerata leaf’. The glosses for the ‘sound values’ are, respectively: bica ‘scorpion’ (Santali), lo ‘ficus’ (Santali). 


    Dravidian proof of Indus Script has been refuted. See link:  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/a-four-hieroglyph-multiplex-of.html This note provides additional evidence to support this refutation by providing decipherment of inscriptions which are signified by the 'scorpion''fish' or 'ficus' hieroglyphs of Indus Script. The context of life-activity of the artisans is work in a mint, metalwork.

    The inscription on the seal starts with 'scorpion' hieroglyph on modern impression of seal M-414 from Mohenjo-daro. After CISI 1:100. This sign is followed by a hieroglyph multiplex signifyinjg: rimledss pot PLUS ficus leaves PLUS infixed crab hieroglyphs. The terminal sign is 'fish' hieroglyph. 

    Rebus-metonymy readings in Meluhha cipher (mlecchita vikalpa) are of the three sets of hieroglyph multipexes: 1. meed-bica 'iron (hematite) stone ore' 2. bhaTa loh kammaṭa 'furnace copper mint, coiner' 3. aya 'alloy metal'.

    Note: The 'ficus' hieroglyph is signified by two glosses: vaTa 'banyan' loa 'ficus glomerata'. Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' loha 'copper, iron'.

    m-857 Seal. Mohenjo-daro The four hieroglyph multiplex on Mohenjo-daro seal m-857 signifies: 1. meed-bica = 'iron (hematite) stone ore' 2. dhatu karava karNI 'supercargo of mineral ore', scribed. (The one-horned young bull PLUS standard device is deciphered as: kondh 'young bull' Rebus: kondh 'turner'; koD 'horn' Rebus: koD 'workshop'; sangaDa 'lathe' Rebus: sangAta 'collection of materials, i.e. consignment or boat load. 

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/a-four-hieroglyph-multiplex-of.html

    On Mohenjo-daro seal m-414, the 'scorpion' sign is followed by a hieroglyph multiplex which is explained by Asko Parpola: 


    Many variants of Sign 123 (Parpola corpus) are identified signifying, according to Parpola [quote] a three-branched 'fig-tree' and of its ligature with the 'crab' sign, where the middlemost branch has been omitted to accommodate the inserted 'crab' sign. (After Parpola, Asko, 1994, Deciphering the Indus Script, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 235).

    Parpola illustrates the 'crab' hieroglyhph with the following examples from copper plate inscriptions (Note: there are 240 copper plates with inscriptions from Mohenjo-daro):


    Copper tablets from Mohenjo-daro providing a 'pictorial translation' of the Indus sign 'crab inside fig tree' (After Parpola 1994: 234, fig. 13.13)


    Variants of 'crab' hieroglyph (After Parpola 1994: 232, cf. 71-72)

    The hieroglyph-multiplex, thus orthographically signifies two ficus leaves ligatured to the top edge of a wide rimless pot and a crab hieroglyph is inscripted. In this hieroglyph-multiplex three hieroglyph components are signified: 1. rimless pot, 2. two ficus leaves, 3. crab. baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'; loa 'ficus' Rebus: loha 'copper, iron'; kamaDha 'crab' Rebus: kammaTa 'coiner, mint'.

    Examples are:

    Modern impression of Harappa Seal h-598
    Modern impression of seal L-11 Lothal


    The third sign is a 'fish' hieroglyph.

    (http://www.harappa.com/script/script-indus-parpola.pdf Asko Parpola, 2009k,'Hind leg' + 'fish': towards further understanding of the Indus Script, in: SCRIPTA, volume 1 (September 2009): 37-76, The Hummn Jeongeum Society)

    Annex A: loa 'ficus glomerata' Rebus: loha 'copper, iron'

    Parpola also presents a figure of a pot with ficus leaves hieroglyph. A painted goblet with the 'three-branched fig tree' motif from Nausharo I D, transitional phase between the Early and Mature Harappan periods (c. 2600-2550 BCE) (After Samzun 1992: 250, fig.29.4 no.2)


    lauha = made of copper or iron (Gr.S’r.); metal, iron (Skt.); lo_haka_ra = coppersmith, ironsmith (Pali); lo_ha_ra = blacksmith (Pt.); lohal.a (Or.); lo_ha = metal, esp. copper or bronze (Pali); copper (VS.); loho, lo_ = metal, ore, iron (Si.)

    Ficus glomerata: loa, kamat.ha = ficus glomerata (Santali); rebus: loha = iron, metal (Skt.) kamat.amu, kammat.amu = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.) kammat.i_d.u = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Te.) kampat.t.tam coinage coin (Ta.);kammat.t.am kammit.t.am coinage, mint (Ma.); kammat.a id.; kammat.i a coiner (Ka.)(DEDR 1236)


    Sumerian cylinder seal showing flanking goats with hooves on tree and/or mountain. Uruk period. (After Joyce Burstein in: Katherine Anne Harper, Robert L. Brown, 2002, The roots of tantra, SUNY Press, p.100)Hence, two goats + mountain glyph reads rebus: meḍ kundār 'iron turner'. Leaf on mountain: kamaṛkom 'petiole of leaf'; rebus: kampaṭṭam 'mint'. loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali) Rebus: lo ‘iron’ (Assamese, Bengali); loa ‘iron’ (Gypsy). The glyphic composition is read rebus: meḍ loa kundār 'iron turner mint'. kundavum = manger, a hayrick (G.) Rebus: kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) This rebus reading may explain the hayrick glyph shown on the sodagor 'merchant, trader' seal surrounded by four animals.Two antelopes are put next to the hayrick on the platform of the seal on which the horned person is seated. mlekh 'goat' (Br.); rebus: milakku 'copper' (Pali); mleccha 'copper' (Skt.) Thus, the composition of glyphs on the platform: pair of antelopes + pair of hayricks read rebus: milakku kundār 'copper turner'. Thus the seal is a framework of glyphic compositions to describe the repertoire of a brazier-mint, 'one who works in brass or makes brass articles' and 'a mint'. 


    Etyma from Indo-Aryan languages: lōhá 'copper, iron'

    11158 lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ. *lōhala -- , *lōhila -- , *lōhiṣṭha -- , lōhī -- , laúha -- ; lōhakāra -- , *lōhaghaṭa -- , *lōhaśālā -- , *lōhahaṭṭika -- , *lōhōpaskara -- ; vartalōha -- .Addenda: lōhá -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md.  ʻ metal ʼ.†*lōhaphāla -- or †*lōhahala -- . lōhakāra 11159 lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, °rī -- f., °raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1] Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., °rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh° m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ. Addenda: lōhakāra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m.

    lōhaghaṭa 11160 *lōhaghaṭa ʻ iron pot ʼ. [lōhá -- , ghaṭa -- 1]
    Bi. lohrā°rī ʻ small iron pan ʼ. 
    11160a †*lōhaphāla -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , phāˊla -- 1] WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl m. ʻ an agricultural implement ʼ Him.I 197; -- or < †*lōhahala -- . lōhala 11161 lōhala ʻ made of iron ʼ W. [lōhá -- ] G. loharlohariyɔ m. ʻ selfwilled and unyielding man ʼ.

    lōhaśālā 11162 *lōhaśālā ʻ smithy ʼ. [lōhá -- , śāˊlā -- ]
    Bi. lohsārī ʻ smithy ʼ. 
    lōhahaṭṭika 11163 *lōhahaṭṭika ʻ ironmonger ʼ. [lōhá -- , haṭṭa -- ] P.ludh. lōhṭiyā m. ʻ ironmonger ʼ. 11163a †*lōhahala -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , halá -- ] WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl ʻ an agricultural instrument ʼ; rather < †*lōhaphāla -- . lōhi 11164 lōhi ʻ *red, blood ʼ (n. ʻ a kind of borax ʼ lex.). [~ rṓhi -- . -- *rudh -- ] Kho. lei ʻ blood ʼ (BelvalkarVol 92 < *lōhika -- ), Kal.rumb. lū˘i, urt. lhɔ̈̄i. lṓhita 11165 lṓhita ʻ red ʼ AV., n. ʻ any red substance ʼ ŚBr., ʻ blood ʼ VS. [< rṓhita -- . -- *rudh -- ] Pa. lōhita -- in cmpds. ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ blood ʼ, °aka -- ʻ red ʼ; Pk. lōhia -- ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ blood ʼ; Gy. eur. lolo ʻ red ʼ, arm. nəxul ʻ blood, wound ʼ, pal. lúḥră ʻ red ʼ, inhīˊr ʻ blood ʼ, as. lur ʻ blood ʼ, lohri ʻ red ʼ Miklosich Mund viii 8; Ḍ. lōya ʻ red ʼ; Ash. leu ʻ blood ʼ, Wg. läi, Kt. lūi, Dm. lōi; Tir. ləwī, (Leech) luhī ʻ red ʼ, lọ̈̄i ʻ blood ʼ; Paš.  f. ʻ blood ʼ, Shum. lúī, Gmb. lūi, Gaw. ; Bshk. lōu ʻ red ʼ (AO xviii 241 < *lohuta -- ); S. lohū m. ʻ blood ʼ, L. lahū m., awāṇ. làū; P. lohī ʻ red ʼ, lohūlahū m. ʻ blood ʼ; WPah.jaun. loī ʻ blood ʼ, Ku. loilwe, B. lau, Or. lohunohula(h)una(h)ulaa, Mth. lehū, OAw. lohū m., H. lohūlahūlehū m., G. lohī n.; OM.lohivā ʻ red ʼ Panse Jñān 536; Si. lehe ʻ blood ʼ, le ʻ red ʼ SigGr ii 460; Md.  ʻ blood ʼ. -- Sh. lēl m. ʻ blood ʼ, lōlyŭ ʻ red ʼ rather < *lōhila -- . lōhitaka -- . Addenda: lṓhita -- : Kho. lei ʻ blood ʼ BKhoT 70, WPah.kṭg. lóu m., Garh. loi, Md. leilē.

    lōhitaka 11166 lōhitaka ʻ reddish ʼ Āpast., n. ʻ calx of brass, bell- metal ʼ lex. [lṓhita -- ] K. lŏy f. ʻ white copper, bell -- metal ʼ. lōhittara 11167 *lōhittara ʻ reddish ʼ. [Comp. of *lōhit -- ~ rōhít -- . - *rudh -- ] Woṭ. latúr ʻ red ʼ, Gaw. luturá: very doubtful (see úparakta -- ) lōhila 11168 *lōhila ʻ red ʼ. [lōhá -- ] Wg. lailäi -- štä ʻ red ʼ; Paš.chil. lēle -- šiṓl ʻ fox ʼ; Sv. lohĩló ʻ red ʼ, Phal. lohíluləhōilo; Sh.gil. jij. lēl m. ʻ blood ʼ, gil. lōlyŭ, (Lor.)loilo ʻ red, bay (of horse or cow) ʼ, pales. lēlo swã̄ṛə ʻ (red) gold ʼ. -- X nīˊla -- : Sh.gil. līlo ʻ violet ʼ, koh. līlṷ, pales. līˊlo ʻ red ʼ. -- Si. luhullūlā ʻ the dark -- coloured river fish Ophiocephalus striatus ʼ? -- Tor. lohūrlaūr, f. lihīr ʻ red ʼ < *lōhuṭa<-> AO xviii 241? lōhiṣṭha 11169 *lōhiṣṭha ʻ very red ʼ. [lōhá -- ] Kal.rumb. lohíṣṭ, urt. liūṣṭ ʻ male of Himalayan pheasant ʼ, Phal. lōwīṣṭ (f. šām s.v. śyāmá -- ); Bshk. lōīˊṭ ʻ id., golden oriole ʼ; Tor.lawēṭ ʻ male golden oriole ʼ, Sh.pales. lēṭh.

    lōhī 11170 lōhī f. ʻ any object made of iron ʼ Kāv., ʻ pot ʼ Divyāv., lōhikā -- f. ʻ large shallow wooden bowl bound with iron ʼ,lauhā -- f. ʻ iron pot ʼ lex. [lōhá -- ]
    Pk. lōhī -- f. ʻ iron pot ʼ; P. loh f. ʻ large baking iron ʼ; A. luhiyā ʻ iron pan ʼ; Bi. lohiyā ʻ iron or brass shallow pan with handles ʼ; G.lohiyũ n. ʻ frying pan ʼ.


    lōhōpaskara 11171 *lōhōpaskara ʻ iron tools ʼ. [lōhá -- , upaskara -- 1]
    N. lokhar ʻ bag in which a barber keeps his tools ʼ; H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- ). laúkika -- , laukyá -- see *lōkíya -- . 
    laulāha 11172 laulāha m. ʻ name of a place ʼ Stein RājatTrans ii 487.
    K. lōlav ʻ name of a Pargana and valley west of Wular Lake ʼ.


    11172a laúha -- ʻ made of copper or iron ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ red ʼ MBh., n. ʻ iron, metal ʼ Bhaṭṭ. [lōhá -- ] Pk. lōha -- ʻ made of iron ʼ; L. lohā ʻ iron -- coloured, reddish ʼ; P. lohā ʻ reddish -- brown (of cattle) ʼ. lauhabhāṇḍa -- , *lauhāṅga -- . lauhakāra -- see lōhakāra -- . Addenda: laúha -- [Dial. au ~ ō (in lōhá -- ) < IE. ou T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 74]

    lauhabhāṇḍa 11173 lauhabhāṇḍa n. ʻ iron pot, iron mortar ʼ lex. [laúha -- , bhāṇḍa -- 1] Pa. lōhabhaṇḍa -- n. ʻ copper or brass ware ʼ; S. luhã̄ḍ̠iṛī f. ʻ iron pot ʼ, L.awāṇ. luhã̄ḍā; P. luhã̄ḍālohṇḍā, ludh. lō̃hḍā m. ʻ frying pan ʼ; N. luhũṛe ʻ iron cooking pot ʼ; A. lohorā ʻ iron pan ʼ; Bi. lohãṛā ʻ iron vessel for drawing water for irrigation ʼ; H. lohaṇḍāluh° m. ʻ iron pot ʼ; G. loḍhũ n. ʻ iron, razor ʼ, pl. ʻ car<-> penter's tools ʼ, loḍhī f. ʻ iron pan ʼ. -- X *lōhōpaskara<-> q.v. lauhāṅgika 11174 *lauhāṅgika ʻ iron -- bodied ʼ. [láuha -- , áṅga -- 1] P. luhã̄gī f. ʻ staff set with iron rings ʼ, H. lohã̄gī f., M. lohã̄gīlavh°lohãgī f.; -- Bi. lohãgālahaũgā ʻ cobbler's iron pounder ʼ, Mth.lehõgā.

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    I present in this monograph some images gleaned from media reports (including archaeologists' comments). Comments on eight copper anthropomorphs in bas-relief on the top lid of a wooden coffin have been presented and discussed in other monographs-- in the context of Indus Script Hypertext tradition pointing to the anthropomorphs as signifiers of guild-master of gold-/iron-smiths. See:

    Baghpat anthropomorph with horned pipal leaf, dagger, Indus Script hypertexts lohār, kammaṭīḍu 'ironsmith, goldsmith', kamāṭhiyo 'soldier, śreṣṭhin श्रेष्ठिन् 'foreman of kammaṭa 'mint' guild'https://tinyurl.com/yd4c9634

    The focus of this monograph is on the following images which point to a an artisan guild engaged in metalwork/mint:

    1. A suggested reconstruction of the Baghpat chariot with two-solid-wheels and a flagpost atop the charioteer's box (three chariots were discovered)
    2. Sword and dagger found near the burials (the nature of the metal and dimensions of the artifacts are not specified); the weapons point to the owners as warriors who rode on two-solid-wheeled chariots



    3. Two bone combs with unique Indus Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts Notes:
    Image of a zebu (bos indicus) is ligatured to one comb; Dotted circles are incised on the second comb. I suggest that these are a continuum of the Indus Script Cipher tradition. 


    Sign 176 wich has the shape of a comb is frequently on used Indus Script Corpora to signify:
    khareḍo'a currycomb' (Gujarati) Rebus: kharādī‘turner’ (Gujarati);karaḍā 'hard alloy';खरडा kharaḍā'daybook' (wealth accounting ledger of metalwork processes).




    The rebus Meluhha signifiers are:

    The dotted circles on one comb are comparable to similar dotted circles which appear on a comb discovered at Tell Abraq (ca 2200 BCE). Dotted circle is an Indus Script hypertext which reads rebus: dāya 'one in dice', dhāū'strand' rebus dhāˊtu 'ore of red colour' PLUS vrtta, vaṭṭa 'circle'; thus, together rebus expression: धावड dhāvaḍa, 'iron smelter'; dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ (Marathi).

    In a remarkable semantic determinative, a zebu (bos indicus) bull is ligatured to the second comb. The rebus readings of zebu are:  पोळ [pōḷa] zebu; a bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large rebus:पोळ [pōḷa]'magnetite, ferrite ore'. Thus, the comb with a zebu ligatured on the edge of the comb signifies पोळ [pōḷa]'magnetite, ferrite ore'. khareḍo'a currycomb' rebus: 1. [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi); 2.
    kharādī‘turner’ (Gujarati); 3.खरडा kharaḍā also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book (Marathi). Vikalpa (alternative reading) kanasi 'comb'; rebus: kã̄sī'gong';
    कांसें kāṃsēṃ n (कांस्य S) Bell metal: also queen's metal, or any amalgam of zinc and copper; कासार or कांसार kāsāra or kāṃsāra m (कांस्यकार S) A caste or an individual of it. They are braziers or workers in white or bell metal. 2 (By mispronunciation of or mistake for कांचार) A maker of or stringer of glass bangles (Marathi).

    Thus, the comb with Indus Script hypertext/hieroglyphs signifies a daybook of wealth accounting ledger related to iron-/metal-work, work ofकांसारa brazier in particular.

    This comb discovered in Tell Abraq (ca. 2200 BCE) has two Harappa Script hieroglyphs: 1. dotted circles; and 2. tabernae montana 'mountain tulip' Rebus readings: 1.Hieroglyph: dotted circles: dāntā 'ivory' dāya 'one in dice', dhāū'strand' rebus dhāˊtu 'ore of red colour' PLUS vrtta, vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus: धावड dhāvaḍa, 'iron smelter' 2. Hieroglyph: tagaraka 'tabernae montana, mountain tulip' rebus: tagara 'tin'. Thus, two mineral ores are signified by the two hieroglyphs: ferrite, copper ores and tin ore (cassiterite). See:

    Dotted circles, tulips and tin-bronze revolution of 4th millennium BCE documented in Harappa Script http://tinyurl.com/z3x7zev

     




    "The excavation, which began in March, has also unearthed eight burial sites and several artefacts, including three coffins, antenna swords, daggers, combs, and ornaments, among others. The three chariots found in burial pits indicate the possibility of “royal burials” while other findings confirm the population of a warrior class here, officials said."
    Bronze Age chariot India
    The swords and daggers confirm the existence of a warrior population.

    Beside the dead man was buried his sword | Sanjay AhlawatBeside the dead man was buried his sword | Sanjay Ahlawat
    [quote]
    “Even the impressions of the shroud on the coffin were clear,” says Manjul. He believes this to be a royal funeral site. The dig unearthed eight skeletons; some were secondary burials with just the bones collected together. Another coffin, less elaborate, appears to be of a princess or queen. An armlet of semi-precious stones adorned her left arm, and there were even gold beads near the skull, perhaps hair decoration. Beside the coffin, they found a well-preserved comb made of bone, carved to resemble a peacock. A copper mirror completed the grooming kit. Apart from human remains, the site also had burials of a dog and a bird. They also found partial evidence of another chariot. [quote]


    ASI Excavation site

    ASI excavation site 

    The finds from the contemporary Harappan civilisation | Archaeological Survey of India via The Print.in 

    The finds from the contemporary Harappan civilisation | Archaeological Survey of India via The Print.in

     
    Unearthed artifact from the contemporary Harappan civilisation | Archaeological Survey of India
     

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    AHURA "MAZDĀ"'LORD WISDOM'?

    F. B. J. KUIPER
    Indo-Iranian Journal
    Vol. 18, No. 1/2 (JUNE/JULY 1976), pp. 25-42
    Published by: Brill
    Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/24652589
    Page Count: 18 

















     

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    https://tinyurl.com/y95esn22

    The remarkable finds at Baghpat of a coffin burial, use of Indus Script Hypertexts and of three chariots point to two parallels provide indicators for further researches and field-work archaeological investigations.
    This monograph is organized in the following sections:
    Section 1. Iron smelting in Khasi Hills, Meghalaya
    Section 2: Nazimaruttash kudurru and Aleppo citadel of storm-gods
    1. Iron smelting in Khasi hills (Meghalaya) two thousand years ago points to the need to re-evaluate the Tin-Bronze Age of Sarasvati Civilization in the context of iron smelting in Ganga basin ca 1800 BCE and Copper Hoard Culture of the Ganga-Yamuna doab as a continuum of Sarasvati Civilization Bronze Age. Particular attention is invited to the articles by: 1. Gullapalli, P., Early metal in South India: copper and iron in megalithic contexts. J. World Prehist. , 2009,22 , 439–459; and 2. Possehl, Gregory L., and Praveena Gullapalli, 1999. The Early Iron Age in South Asia. pp. 153–175 in: Pigott, Vincent C. (ed.), The archaeometallurgy of the Asian Old World. (MASCA Research Papers in Science and Archaeology, University Museum Monograph, volume 16.) Philadelphia: The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. The researches of Praveena Gullapalli and Gregory Possehl point to evidences of iron-working, together with Tin-Bronze working in Sarasvati Civilization.
    2. R̥gveda and  Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa evidence of Gautama  Rāhugaṇa migrating from Kurukshetra (Sarasvati Basin) to Sadanira (Karatoya) river confluence of Ganga-Brahmaputra suggests that the Tin-Bronze Age of Sarasvati Civilization extended into the Brahmaputra River Basin. This evidence together with the evidence of iron smelting in Khasi Hills points to the need for further archaeometallurgical investigations on the contributions by ancient Indians using the iron ore resources of the country and possible trade contacts with the Ancient Far east.

    3. Discoveries at the archaeological site of Aleppo which provide some parallels with artifacts discovered in Baghpat.
    Section 1. Iron smelting in Khasi Hills, Meghalaya
    Two thousand years of iron smelting in the Khasi Hills, Meghalaya, North East India
    • March 2013
    • Current science 104(6):761-768
    • Pawel ProkopPawel Prokop
    • Ireneusz Suliga
    • Abstract
      Radiocarbon dating of charcoal from iron slag revealed evidence of continuous iron smelting in the Khasi Hills, Meghalaya, NE India spanning the last two millennia. The slag layer, which is dated to 2040 ± 80 years BP (353 BC–AD 128), is the earliest iron smelting site studied in the entire region of NE India. The presence of wüstite, fayalite, glass and metal iron, together with spinels such as hercynite in the slag, indicates that it was an acid product of a bloomery iron-making process. The relative isolation of the Khasi people, who inhabited a highly elevated plateau, is evidence of the indigenous origin of this manufacturing technology, although diffusion of knowledge through cultural and technical contacts or population migration cannot be excluded.
       
      Location of the Khasi Hills in Meghalaya. Distribution of sampling sites (white squares) and other sites of iron smelting (white dots) is indicated on the basis of reports from the 19th century

    • RESEARCH COMMUNICATIONS
      CURRENT SCIENCE, VOL. 104, NO. 6, 25 MARCH 2013

      Two thousand years of iron smelting in
      the Khasi Hills, Megh
      alaya, North East
      India
      Pawel Prokop1,
      * and Ireneusz Suliga2
      1
      Department of Geoenvironmental Research,
      Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization,
      Polish Academy of Sciences, Jana 22, 31-018 Kraków, Poland
      2
      Faculty of Metals Engineering and
      Computer Science for Industry,
      AGH University of Science and Technology, al. A. Mickiewicza 30,
      30-059 Kraków, Poland 

      THE discussion on the early development of iron metal-lurgy in India has been shaped by two primary concepts.The first assumed a diffusive spread of iron smelting technology related to the migration of the Aryans, an Indo-European speaking people, who entered the Indian subcontinent from the northwest 1–3. The second concept postulates that there was an independent origin and development of iron-ore mining, extraction and manufac- turing technology, founded on the raw materials that were
      contemporaneously available in India 4–7
      .
      However, in both cases, North East (NE) India was not taken into consideration. The reason for this was the difficulties involved in archaeological exploration of areas of hilly terrain with frequent
      heavy rain and dense vegeta-tion cover, as well as evidence of the strong material, linguistic and genetic connection of the region with cultures of East Asia and Southeast Asia, at least from the Neolithic period 8–10

      These are clearly visible in the case of the central part of Meghalaya, which is inhabited by the Khasi, an Austro-Asiatic speaking people, representing the remnants of an ancient migration from Southeast Asia11,12
      .
      No demonstrable archaeological evidence of the Iron Age in Meghalaya has yet been found, although the first British naturalists who visited Meghalaya in the early19th century described the iron industry that had developed in the upper part of the Khasi Hills13–17

      The remnants of former iron-ore excavation and iron manu-facturing, visible today in the landscape of the Khasi Hills, indicate that it could be the result of prolonged occupation by the Meghalaya inhabitants. Metallurgical tradition was also accompanied by the erecting of megalithic memorial monuments, bearing similarities to other megalithic sites in India frequently associated with the Copper–Bronze or Iron Age
      18,19
      .
      The aim of this communication is to estimate the temporal extent of iron smelting in the Khasi Hills and to present an analysis of the technological process of iron production development during that time. This study inte-grates field observations with laboratory analysis of sam-ples from the raw materials and products, supplemented by reconstructions based on historical reports of iron smelting given by eye witnesses from the early 19th century. 

      Meghalaya is one of the rainiest inhabited environ-ments on earth, with more than 11,000 mm of precipita-tion recorded annually in Cherrapunji20,21. 

      This small state is a hilly plateau uplifted to about 1900 m above the Bengal Plain in the south and the Brahmaputra valley in the north (Figure 1). The basement of the plateau is formed by gneisses and quartzites with granite intrusions representing a source of iron-ore 22–24

      The upper part of the plateau in the Khasi Hills, 1000 m asl, is deforested, severely eroded and overgrown by grass 25. 

      Only the smallpatches of broadleaved hill forest (sacred groves) that remain, protected through the ages by the people for reli-gious and cultural reasons, are evidence that the plateaumust once have been covered by forest in the past 26 . 

      Historical reports from the British adinistration of the Khasi Hills were used as sources of information concerning the spatial distribution of iron metallurgy sites in the The principal source of iron-ore in the Khasi Hills were the granite outcrops. The ore, primarily titaniferous mag-
      netic oxide (Fe 2+(Fe3+,Ti)2O4), is a colluvial sand that results from the weathering of granite. Wet chemical analysis of colluvial sand from the granite area in Nonk-grem, the most important centre of iron-ore extraction15,indicates that it contained 10–12% by weight of ironoxides (FeO, Fe2O3). The operation of washing the decomposed granite in local streams enriched the content of iron oxides up to 35% by weight. About 65% by weight constituted gangue silicate minerals, which were mainly quartz and potassium feldspar.

      The only fuel used for smelting was charcoal. The best charcoal was produced from local oak species, but in cases where there was a lack of a hardwood other kinds of trees were used for carbonization 16 . The smelting was performed in above-ground bloomery furnaces that could
      hold 0.3–0.5 m3of ore and charcoal in alternate layers.The fire inside was blown by large bellows, from whichthe air was conducted by kaolin clay tuyeres. The tem-perature inside the furnace was controlled by regulating the rate of operation of the bellows. Most interesting from the technological point of view was the intentional preparation and use of slag-ore lumps.Analysis of sections indicates that it contained slag core wrapped up with a mixture of iron-ore and charcoal, which was heated before smelting in the furnace. The slag core additionally favoured the scorification of the gangue, thereby increasing the efficiency of the metallurgical process. 
      The hot porous mass of iron, extracted from the furnace, was immediately shaped into circular lumps andthen split into two with an axe. The split was opened by a couple of wedges and the hot mass was inserted into a trough full of pounded dross to cool. The weight of the lump obtained during a single smelt reached about 6.5 kg.The technology applied permitted up to 15 smelts daily from the same furnace15,17. In most cases, the crude iron,as obtained from the smelting furnaces, was taken tomarket or carried to other villages, where it was manufac-tured into tools. The lumps were placed in the fire and after eight re-heatings and beats, a new tool was formed.The loss of weight arising from impurities of the iron as it comes from the smelting reached about 43% (ref. 17). The manufacturing of iron by the bloomery process generates substantial quantities of waste products in the form of slag.Traces of the iron industry are still visible in the Khasi Hills as deposits of washed sand with charcoal, clay tuyeres and slag. Lithological analysis of deposits containing iron slag, combined with radiocarbon dating of charcoal from four sites scattered in the upper part of the plateau, helped determine the temporal range of iron smelting (Figure 3, Table 1). However, it is important to note that because of the effects of high rainfall, settlement development and road construction, most of the originally deposited remnants of former iron smelting have been destroyed or re-deposited. Therefore, only a few sites located in areas with less rainfall, mainly between Shillong and Nongkrem, are valuable for con-
      tinuous reconstruction of metallurgy development in theKhasi Hills.The Shillong site (27°37′09′′N, 91°53′49′′E, 1500 m asl)is located within the quartzite area on the top of an elongated hill. Several slags up to 20 cm in size were scattered on the surface of a cultivated field over an area oftens of square metres. Remains of a broken quartzite megalith were visible near
      the investigated site. Excavation up to the quartzite bedrock did not reveal any traces of iron smelting below ground level.The Nongkrem site (25°29′34′′N, 91°52′54′′E, 1750 masl) is located within the granite area in the valley bottom. This is the main centre of the former iron-ore exca-vation15,17. The section cut by an adjacent road exposed washed sandy deposits containing charcoal and several layers of slag with broken clay tuyeres. The upper part of the section has a well-developed soil horizon about 50 cm thick. The middle part of the section, up to a depth of
      240 cm, is loamy sand with gravels and layers of slag with diameter between 1 and 10 cm. The charcoal extracted from the slag layer at a depth of 80 cm was dated at 245±25 yearsBP. The lower part is a coarse-grained weathered cover in situ along with partially weathered granite boulders. Several iron slags reaching



       


      15–20 cm in diameter were found at a depth of 270 cm. Charcoal extracted from one of these slags was dated at 2040 ±80 years BP.The Raitkteng site (25°18′00′′N, 91°42′40′′E, 1450 mamsl) is located within a sandstone area at the base of a small hill overgrown by grasses.A section is exposed by a local sand–clay quarry. The skeletal soil covers a 10 cm thick slag layer, stretching over an area of at least several hundreds of square metres. The radiocarbon age of char-coal extracted from the top of this layer was determinedto be 240±60 yearsBP. The bottom of the  profile pre-sents loamy sand with a horizon of charcoal dated at 1110± 30 yearsBP. Relatively large charcoal particles up to 0.5 cm in size probably indicate the main phase of de-forestation. 
      The Cherrapunji site (25°16′12′′N, 91°44′15′′E, 1300 mamsl) is located within a sandstone area at the base of a small hill overgrown by grasses. Several sandstone mega-liths are scattered in the neighbourhood. Many slags up to20 cm in size were found over an area covering tens of square metres. Excavation up to the sandstone bedrock  did not yield traces of iron smelting below ground level.The Cherrapunji location, similar to the Raitkteng site,was probably one of the main iron smelting centres in this region 15,16. However, in the 19th century, slag deposits from both sites were used as material for construction of the Cherrapunji–Shillong road. 
      Slags are the most abundant and best-preserved productof traditional iron smelting and thus are a staple of archaeometallurgical research in the Khasi Hills. Their composition and structure are closely related to the mate-rials used and the conditions of the metallurgical process.The samples from the Shillong and Raitkteng sites rep-resent tap slags, as indicated by the smooth surfaces and pronounced flow structures, composed of multiple fingers of tap slag welded together (Figure 4); evidently, it wasvery fluid.The samples from Nongkrem and Cherrapunji are from the lower part of the furnace and are extremely inhomo-geneous, incorporating numerous inclusions of unreduced or partially reduced ore. Evidently, it was not very fluid at furnace temperatures, because the surfaces are rough and broken surfaces show many cavities from entrapped gas. The slag was rapidly chilled producing very fine structure throughout. In a thin section, slags from Shillong, Raitkteng and Cherrapunji are almost entirely composed of fayalite (Fe2SiO4) in a glass matrix, with dendrites of wüstite (FeO). Wüstite dendrites differ in size reflecting local diversity of slag crystallization. Within the fayalite, her-cynite (FeAl2O4), fusible eutectics (FeOFe2SiO4), mullite(Al6Si2 O13 ) and occasional iron droplets were also crys-tallized. As the slags contain abundant hercynite, the ore must also have contained alumina or aluminosilicate clayminerals in particles too small to be visible in a thin sec-tion. Analysis shows that tuyeres were produced from kaolin clay with quartz sand and heated at low tempera-tures, making possible the poor transition of kaolinite into mullite.

        
      The slag from the Nongkrem site has a more compli-cated microstructure. Iron oxide (56–67% FeO) and sili-con oxide (up to 20% SiO2) are predominant in all the slags with an increased contribution of titanium (TiO2) inthe presence of other phases (Figure 4f: 1–4; Table 2). 
      Apart from fayalite and dendrites of wüstite, visible

      phases have also been identified using the EDS method as a composition of Ti–Fe–O, Fe–Al–O (Figure 4f: 4) andAl–Si–K–O (Figure 4f: 3).Evidence of substantial bloomery smelting has been found in the appearance, microstructure, composition and excavation context of slag, char
      coal and tuyeres, as well as in the surviving 19th century descriptions of iron manufacturing in the Khasi Hills. Iron was produced inthe Khasi Hills over the last two millennia. The Nongkrem site, one of the main sources of iron-ore, was continuously in use for smelting from early in the 1st
      century AD to the middle of the 19th century. The conti-nuity of iron production is confirmed by thick deposits of washed sand with several layers of slag, as well as radio-carbon dating of charcoal from the lowermost and uppermost layers of the slag. Similar features of sedimen-
      tation continuity reveal all deposits of colluvial sandswith charcoal in this part of the Khasi Hills24
      The location of the lower layer of slag almost on the granite boul-ders in Nongkrem, was dated at 2040±80 yearsBP(353 BC–AD128), making it the earliest studied iron smelting site in the Khasi Hills and consequently, in the whole of NE India. The direct reduction process of iron smelting declined after the advent of processes for mak-ing liquid steel on a large scale in the 19th century28
      .
      Official statistics shows that iron was the main export ar-ticle from the Khasi Hills in 1858 (ref. 29), but it does not appear in the statistics prepared in 1876 (ref. 30). The low ore content in the granite rocks and consequent high cost of obtaining it, were additional factors in the rapid collapse of iron smelting in the plateau. This is also con- firmed by radiocarbon dating of charcoal from the top slag layers in Nongkrem and Raitkteng.The results of a study of chemical and phase composition and the microstructure of iron smelting slags, reveal that they are an acid product of a bloomery iron-making process. The process of iron-ore reduction is governed byobjective physical, chemical and thermodynamic rules and cannot be unique by itself. It is carried on in the same material-energetic system: ore + reducer (charcoal, CO, H2), at a suitable temperature. Therefore, despite covering such a vast expanse of land and spanning two millennia,there was little fundamental variability in the resulting products: bloomery iron and fayalitic slag. Specific to the iron smelters’ skills are the materials used, metallurgical devices and the technology of the reduction process that influence the conditions of slag formation.Metallurgical slag from the Khasi Hills reveals typicalheterogeneity for ancient metallurgy, related to incomplete reactions following premature termination of the smelting process or local gradients in oxygen supply in the furnace. Further complications arise from post-process alterations, beginning with rapid oxidation and the rate of crystallization during the removal of liquid slag from the furnace (tapping)31,32
      .
      The microstructure and phase composition show that fayalite and fine wüstite dendrites are dominant compo-nents of iron slag. The presence of wüstite shows that an ideal operation was not attained and that more metal that could have been recovered in the smelting process33
      Additional constituents such as hercynite and identified phases Ti–Fe–O, Fe–Al–O and Al–Si–K–O are derived from aluminium and titanium minerals in the ore. This kind of slag constitutes strong evidence for the practice of bloomery iron smelting in the Khasi Hills34
      .
      The study reveals that both the oldest and youngest analysed slags have high iron content of above 55% (Table 2), similar to slags from furnaces found in many parts of Eurasia 35 . We have no indication that any great changes in technology occurred during the 2000 years of Khasi iron-making. As long as supplies of charcoal and ore remained abundant and bloomery iron was the superior market product, it is possible that producers had no motivation to seek change. However, it is important to mention that as slag from previous blooms had high iron content, it was recycled in the form of slag-ore lumps into the furnace with new ore. This technological innovation has not been described in ot her areas of India so far. Only a small portion of smelted iron was manufactured into tools, such hoes, hammers and arrow heads for the local market. The larger portion was transported in the form of impure lumps and sold in the Bengal Plain (today Bangladesh). There, in the villages along the rivers, iron was used for the production of nails for fastening the planks of boats 17. Allen29, using calculations from custom gates, estimated that the quantity of exported iron from the Khasi Hills was about 1700–2400 tonnes annually.The smelting of iron in the Khasi Hills, which exceeded considerably the needs of the local inhabitants, shows standardization of manufacturing related to mass produc-tion in a seemingly efficient technological system. Standardization may be a sign of more established technologies, when the main engineering parameters have been locally modified and accepted by both producers and consumers 36. 
      The above evidence for bloomery smelting in the ancient Khasi Hills, throughout the last two millennia, raises important questions regarding its origin. Meghalaya is inhabited by two ethnic groups representing the remnants of Neolithic migration. It is assumed that the Khasi and Jaintia groups, belonging to the Austro-Asiatic language family, migrated from Southeast Asia and spread up to the lower Ganges around 3000 BC(ref. 11). Later on, the present-day population of the Garo group, belonging to the Sino-Tibetan language family, migrated southwards from their original homeland in China37. The archaeological record of this period and specifically, the shouldered celts and the cord-impressed potteries found in Meghalaya, confirm close affinity with the materials found in South China and Southeast Asia. However, there was no evidence of Copper–Bronze or Iron Age in Meghalaya, or any relationship to subsequent migration
      or cultural contacts with East Asia. In contrast, the Khasi and Jaintia groups had occasional contacts with the Indo-European speaking people living in the Bengal lowlands. 

      Iron technologies appeared in Southeast Asia around the 5th century BC (refs 38, 39). The production of iron by the bloomery process has led to suggestions that iron technologies were transferred by some means from the west or north38,40. Recent evidence shows that bloomeries
      were used in China, migrating from the West as early as the 8th century BC , before being replaced by the locally developed cast-iron production around the 4thcentury BC (ref. 41). Therefore, despite Neolithic migration of ancient farmers from the southeast to the Khasi Hills, the iron-making technology was probably invented independently or alternatively, could have been introduced from the West. 
      The relative isolation of the Khasi people, who inhabited a highly elevated plateau, suggests the indigenous origin of manufacturing technology. On the other hand, given their trade contacts with surrounding lowlands, one cannot exclude the possibility of the diffusion of iron-production   knowledge, which is known to have reached the lower Ganges and Brahmaputra, close to the western border of the plateau, about 700 years BC (ref. 42). Diffusion of technological practices does not necessarily imply movement of people. However, several colonization waves in the Early Medieval Period forced local Austro-Asiatic language-speakers to move eastwards from the lower Ganges towards the surrounding Meghalaya low-lands43. Radiocarbon dating of charcoal and the results of chemical, microstructure and phase composition of iron-ore and slags, indicate that the smelting of iron in the Khasi Hills was initiated at least 2000 years ago and continued up to the middle of the 19th century. Large-scale metallurgic production was the response to the demand for iron from the adjacent lowlands, which did not have iron-ore resources.
      Although we know when iron smelting first began to appear in the Khasi Hills, we do not know how the metal- workers came to possess knowledge of making iron. The relative isolation of the Khasi people, who inhabited a  highly elevated plateau, is evidence of the indigenous origin of manufacturing technology. On the other hand, given their trade contacts with the surrounding lowlands, one cannot exclude the possibility of the diffusion of iron-production knowledge from the West. 
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      Hazra, S., Saha, P., Ray, J. and Podder, A., Simple statistical and mineralogical studies as petrogenetic indicator for Neoproterozoic Mylliem porphyritic granites of East Khasi Hills, Meghalaya, Northeastern India. J. Geol. Soc. India
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      Prokop, P. and Bhattacharyya, A., Reconnaissance of Quaternary sediments from Khasi Hills, Meghalaya.
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      ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. This paper is the outcome of a bilateral project agreed between the Indian National Science Academy and Pol-ish Academy of Sciences. We thank Prof. S. Singh and Dr H. J. Syiem-lieh, Department of Geography,
      North-Eastern Hill University,Shillong for help in organizing our fieldwork.

      Two thousand years of iron smelting in the Khasi Hills, Meghalaya, North East India. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/261191818_Two_thousand_years_of_iron_smelting_in_the_Khasi_Hills_Meghalaya_North_East_India
      Section 2: Nazimaruttash kudurru and Aleppo citadel of storm-gods
      Reference to storm-gods in Aleppo citadel provides a parallel with Maruts in R̥gveda. The name Nazimaruttash may be in memory of the Maruts, storm divinities. The Nazimaruttash kudurru stone is a boundary stone (kudurru) of Nazimaruttaš, a Kassite king of Babylon, ca. 1307–1282 BC (short chronology). It was found at Susa and is now displayed at the Louvre."Nazimaruttash's kudurru does not use registers. Instead, graphic symbols are used. Nineteen deities are invoked to curse the foolhardy individual who seeks to desecrate it. Some are represented by symbols, such as a goat-fish for Enki or a bird on a pole for Papsukkal, a spear-head for Marduk or an eight-pointed star for Ishtar. Shamash is represented by a disc."https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazimarutta%C5%A1_kudurru_stone
      "...text of Nazimaruttash and other similar documents that have recently been discovered prove that the presence of the figures and emblems of the gods upon the stones is to be explained on another and far more simple theory. They were placed there as guardians of the property to which the kudurru referred, and it was believed that the carving of their figures or emblems upon the stone would ensure their intervention in case of any attempted infringement of the rights and privileges which it was the object of the document to commemorate and preserve. A photographic reproduction of one side of the kudurru of Nazi-maruttash is shown in the accompanying illustration. There will be seen a representation of Gula or Bau, the mother of the gods, who is portrayed as seated on her throne and wearing the four-horned head-dress and a long robe that reaches to her feet. In the field are emblems of the Sun-god, the Moon-god, Ishtar, and other deities, and the representation of divine emblems and dwelling-places is continued on another face of the stone round the corner towards which Grula is looking. The other two faces of the document are taken up with the inscription. "http://www.gutenberg.org/files/17321/17321-h/v1c.htm

    https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/35/Kudurru_of_Nazi-Maruttash.jpgKudurru of Nazi-Maruttaš (Kudurru Sb. 21, a later stone copy of clay original.) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazi-Maruttash#/media/File:Kudurru_of_Nazi-Maruttash.jpg The Kudurru stones of Nazi Maruttash depict the image of Scorpio that is referred to as Bica in Assamese to mean Iron-stone ore.

    Luwian has been deduced as one of the likely candidates for the language spoken by the Trojans. (Melchert, H. Craig, ed. The Luwians. Boston: Brill, 2003, pp. 265-70 with ref. Watkins, C.1994. ‘The Language of the Trojans.’ In Selected Writings, ed. L. Oliver et al., vol. 2. 700–717. Innsbruck. = Troy and the Trojan War. A Symposium held at Bryn Mawr College, October 1984, ed. M. Mellink, 45–62. Bryn Mawr.; Watkins, C. 1995. How to Kill a Dragon: Aspects of Indo-European Poetics. New York and Oxford, pp. 144–51)."After the 1995 finding of a Luwian biconvex seal at Troy VII, there has been a heated discussion over the language that was spoken in Homeric Troy. Frank Starke of the University of Tübingen recently demonstrated that the name of Priam, king of Troy at the time of the Trojan War, is connected to the Luwian compound Priimuua, which means "exceptionally courageous". (Starke, Frank. 'Troia im Kontext des historisch-politischen und sprachlichen Umfeldes Kleinasiens im 2. Jahrtausend. Studia Troica 7:446–87.) "The certainty is growing that Wilusa/Troy belonged to the greater Luwian-speaking community," but it is not entirely clear whether Luwian was primarily the official language or it was in daily colloquial use...The two varieties of Proto-Luwian or Luwian (in the narrow sense of these names), are known after the scripts in which they were written: Cuneiform Luwian (CLuwian) and Hieroglyphic Luwian (HLuwian). There is no consensus as to whether these were a single language, or two closely related languages... Hieroglyphic Luwian is the corpus of Luwian texts written in a native script, known as Anatolian hieroglyphs.(Melchert, H. Craig , 1996, "Anatolian Hieroglyphs", in Daniels, Peter T.; Bright, William, The World's Writing Systems, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press) Once thought to be a variety of the Hittite language, "Hieroglyphic Hittite" was formerly used to refer to the language of the same inscriptions, but this term is now obsolete. The dialect of Luwian hieroglyphic inscriptions appears to be either Empire Luwian or its descendant, Iron Age Luwian."

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luwian_language

    Hieroglyphic Luwian is a unique writing system and has no parallels with Indus Script writing system. But, there are sculptural friezes discovered in Aleppo which have parallels with the anthropomorphs discovered on the lid of a wooden coffin at Baghpat. In particular, the similarities are vivid in the following pairs of images from Aleppo and from Baghpat.

    I suggest that the comparable images are drawn in the Indus Script hypertext tradition.

    Aleppo bull-man with raised hands and hair plaits dhai'strand, plait' rebus: dhau'red ore, mineral ore'dhatu, id.; eraka 'upraised hand' rebus: eraka 'moltencast'arka'gold, copper'dhangra'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'.

    Baghpat anthropomorph with horns of a bovine + Pipal leaf + dagger on waistbelt (one of eight)

    Image result for baghpat anthropomorph 

    Aleppo bull-drawn chariot accompanied by a soldier with a sword on waist-belt

    Baghpat chariot (reconstructed drawing)

    Bronze Age chariot India

    Baghpat sword and dagger

    Friday, May 04, 2012

    King Taita's Inscription at Aleppo

    (Guest post by A.D. Riddle.)
    Since 1996, Kay Kohlmeyer has conducted excavations at the storm-god temple atop the citadel of Aleppo.
    Aleppo Storm-god Temple (Gonnella, Khayyata and Kohlmeyer 2005: 112).

    In 2003, a Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription was discovered in the temple which belonged to a king named Taita. We first mentioned the inscription last March. Now, full publication of the inscription by J. D. Hawkins has appeared in the latest issue of Anatolian Studies (vol. 61 [2011]: 35-54). The inscription is in the Hieroglyphic Luwian script and is designated ALEPPO 6 (there are other Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions from the temple, some also by Taita). The 11-line inscription is positioned behind a relief of Taita who faces the storm-god.
    Relief of Taita with Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscription (Kohlmeyer 2009: 198).
    The text of the inscription names Taita, the king of Palistin, and mentions his honoring the image of the storm-god of Aleppo. The majority of the inscription is given to ordering the kinds of offerings that should be brought, depending on whether (1) one is a king, prince, country-lord, or river-land lord, or (2) one is a lower-level ruler of some sort.
    Drawing of ALEPPO 6 (Hawkins 2011: 42).

    In our first post, there was a brief discussion of an article by Charles Steitler, in which he suggests identifying Taita with Toi/Tou, the king of Hamath mentioned in the Bible (2 Sam 8:9-11; 1 Chr. 18:9-11). At this time, there are three issues which make it hard to know for certain if Taita is Toi/Tou. First, it is hard to say why the additional -ta element at the end of Taita would have dropped off. Steitler identifies this element in other Hurrian personal names, but as far as I understand, it is not known for sure what it means, and if we do not know what it means, then we cannot explain why it would be lost. Second, Steitler suggests the shift in vowels from a to ō can be explained by the "Canaanite shift," but this shift is thought to have taken place in the 14th century B.C., long before David, Toi/Tou, 2 Samuel or 1 Chronicles. (A friend has pointed me to an article by Joshua Fox [1996] which discusses a similar Phoenician vowel shift, but it is not clear to me how Phoenician would explain the change when moving from Luwian [or Hurrian] to Hebrew.) Third, Hawkins originally dated Taita to 900-700 B.C., and later adjusted this to sometime in the 11th and 10th centuries B.C., so pinning down the date is an issue for whether Taita could be Toi/Tou. But now, with the publication of ALEPPO 6, this last question concerning chronology has taken a new twist.

    In the new article by Hawkins, he makes two modifications to his previous historical reconstruction. First, he is more confident about dating Taita to ca. 1200 B.C. (11th century B.C.). This date is reached on the basis of (1) archaic features noted in the paleography of the ALEPPO 6 inscription, (2) radiocarbon dating of the storm-god temple phase associated with Taita, and (3) stylistic comparison of the sculptures from the Taita phase of the storm-god temple with the sculptures at the temple of 'Ain Dara. Second, the archaic features in the ALEPPO 6 inscription indicate it is earlier than the other Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions connected with Taita which were found at Shaizar and Muhradah (about 13 miles northwest of Hamah, Syria). Hawkins suggests the possibility of two kings named Taita: Taita I and Taita II. But because the inscriptions of Aleppo, Shaizar, and Muhradah share many similarities—Taita's name and title, and unique epigraphic features—Hawkins believes that Taita I and Taita II were separated by perhaps not more than a single generation, with Taita II possibly being the grandson of Taita I. Thus, Taita I who was responsible for the Aleppo inscription would have ruled in the 11th century B.C., and Taita II would have ruled in the early 10th century B.C.

    It will be interesting to see how the historical picture continues to change as more information is obtained from excavations and studies, and then, what light this might shed on the time of David and our understanding of biblical history.

    Image sources
    Gonnella, Julia; Wahid Khayyata; and Kay Kohlmeyer.
    2005    Die Zitadelle von Aleppo und der Tempel des Wettergottes: Neue Forschungen und Entdeckungen. Münster: Rhema.

    Hawkins, J. D.
    2011    “The inscriptions of the Aleppo temple.” Anatolian Studies 61: 35-54.

    Kohlmeyer, Kay.
    2009    “The Temple of the Storm God in Aleppo during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages.” Near Eastern Archaeology 74/4: 190-202.


    Hittite Monuments 
    Empire Period
    1480 to 1200 BCE

    Neo-Hittite Period
    1200 to 712 BCE 

    Pictures taken by me or my associates (Bilgin, Anıl, Süer, Yazıcı) can be used for non-commercial and academic
    purposes with a reference to this website (contact me for higher resolution images or for any other question).
    Citation: Tayfun Bilgin, www.hittitemonuments.com, (v. 1.53) 

    Hittites Monuments is an experimental site, built with an aim to provide visual references to all major Hittite monuments. The locations listed below are the sites that has monuments belonging to the times of Hittite/Luwian civilization and culture. The text list below divides the sites in two chronological groups. This is definetely not a complete list, nor the listed sites may have complete information. Some pages are still missing information or images. As time permits I continue to update the pages with more information. I would appreciate any comments, feedback, and information. -Tayfun Bilgin


    Click on Aleppo on the map provides to the following information. 

    Aleppo
    Aleppo (Halab, Halep) came under Hittite rule in 15th century BCE. In 14th century BCE, after his Syrian campaing, Suppiluliuma I installed his son Telipinu as the ruler of Aleppo. Telipinu was succeeded by his son Talmi-Sharruma. During the empire period, the city was overshadowed by Karkamis, which was the main administrative center of the Hittites in Syria. Aleppo was the center of the Storm-God cult in Syria.
    Aleppo survived the attacks of the Sea Peoples as a Neo-Hittite city state beyond 1200 BCE. Excavations in the Aleppo citadel revealed remains of a Storm-god temple with multiple orthostats which date to post empire period, possibly around 11th to 10th centuries. The city came under Assyrian rule in the 9th century BCE.
    A dedicatory inscription of Talmi-Sharruma (ALEPPO 1) is the only monumental inscription from the Empire period. Until the Syrian civil war most of the orthostats from Neo-Hittite period were still visible in the citadel while some others were in the Aleppo Museum. A large stele of Storm-god, which was excavated in Babylon at the palace complex of Nabuchadnezzar II in 1899 (last row of pictures below), was apparently carried away from Aleppo as a trophy. The stele is currently in Istanbul Archaelogy Museum.
    Talmi-Sharruma inscription (ALEPPO 1)




    http://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo01.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo01b.jpg




    Aleppo Citadel - Temple of Storm God




    http://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo02.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo03.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo04.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo05.jpg




    http://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo06.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo07.jpg




    http://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo08.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo09.jpg
    http://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo10.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo11.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo12.jpg




    Storm God Stele (BABYLON 1)




    http://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo13.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo13b.jpg
    http://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo13c.jpghttp://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo13c.jpg





    http://www.hittitemonuments.com/aleppo/aleppo13d.jpgLiterature:
    Gonnella, J., W. Khayyata, K. Kohlmeyer, Die Zitadelle von Aleppo und der Tempel des Wettergottes: Neue Forschungen und Entdeckungen. Münster: Rhema, 2005.
    Hawkins, J. D. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, Vol 1,Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000: 235-38, 388-97, 562 and plts. 206, 209-12, 320.
    Hawkins, J. D. "Cilicia, the Amuq, and Aleppo: New Light in Dark Age,"Near Eastern Archaeology 72.4, Dec. 2009: 164-173.
    Hawkins, J. D. "The inscriptions of the Aleppo Temple,"AnSt61, 2011: 35-54.
    Kohlmeyer, K. “The Temple of the Storm God in Aleppo during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages.” Near Eastern Archaeology 74.4, 2009: 190-202.
    Laroche, E. 1956. "L'inscription hittite d'Alep,"Syria 33: 131-141 (ALEPPO 1)
    Image sources:
    Gertrude Bell, 1909, University of Newcastle Gertrude Bell Project (www.gerty.ncl.ac.uk)
    Dick Osseman, 2009, Aleppo Citadel Gallery.
    Kay Kohlmeyer, NEA 74.4, 2009.
    Bora Bilgin, 2006.
    Bora Bilgin, Ertuğrul Anıl, 2011.
    Robert Koldewey, Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichung der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft I, Leipzig 1900.










































    Literature:

    Gonnella, J., W. Khayyata, K. Kohlmeyer, Die Zitadelle von Aleppo und der Tempel des Wettergottes: Neue Forschungen und Entdeckungen. Münster: Rhema, 2005.
    Hawkins, J. D. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, Vol 1,Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000: 235-38, 388-97, 562 and plts. 206, 209-12, 320.
    Hawkins, J. D. "Cilicia, the Amuq, and Aleppo: New Light in Dark Age,"Near Eastern Archaeology 72.4, Dec. 2009: 164-173.
    Hawkins, J. D. "The inscriptions of the Aleppo Temple,"AnSt61, 2011: 35-54.
    Kohlmeyer, K. “The Temple of the Storm God in Aleppo during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages.” Near Eastern Archaeology 74.4, 2009: 190-202.
    Laroche, E. 1956. "L'inscription hittite d'Alep,"Syria 33: 131-141 (ALEPPO 1)
    Image sources:
    Gertrude Bell, 1909, University of Newcastle Gertrude Bell Project (www.gerty.ncl.ac.uk)
    Dick Osseman, 2009, Aleppo Citadel Gallery.
    Kay Kohlmeyer, NEA 74.4, 2009.
    Bora Bilgin, 2006.
    Bora Bilgin, Ertuğrul Anıl, 2011.
    Robert Koldewey, Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichung der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft I, Leipzig 1900.


    The temple of the storm god in Aleppo during the late bronze and early iron ages

    ArticleinNear Eastern Archaeology 72(4):190-202 · December 2009

    Abstract
    The temple of the Storm God has sat at the top of the citadel mound of the ancient city of Aleppo in Syria for four and a half millennia, buried for nearly three of those beneath later architectural remains. A German expedition working on the citadel since 1996 has recovered the plan of the temple in all its phases, from the Early Bronze through the Iron Ages. Most spectacular are the high quality reliefs, dating to various periods of the temple's life and carved in different styles, that decorated the temple and the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions that accompanied them. These finds provide important artistic, religious, and historical data for the period of the Hittite domination and the subsequent Neo-Hittite period in the region.

    https://www.researchgate.net/publication/295379770_The_temple_of_the_storm_god_in_aleppo_during_the_late_bronze_and_early_iron_ages





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    Why the Chariot discovered in Baghpat excavation is a game-changer in the understanding of Indian History?

    • By Krishna Baalu June 11, 2018
    • By Krishna Baalu June 11, 2018

    Uttar Pradesh ASI has unearthed first-ever physical evidence of Copper Bronze Age Chariots in Baghpat. This is a sensational discovery by ASI by all counts and will set to change the hitherto held perceptions of ancient Indian History in totality. The excavation is a path-breaking discovery heralding a golden chapter in the ancient Indian History and Culture. The excavated shafts unearthed three royal Chariots and royal burial sites, with battlefield weapons and other related paraphernalia near Baghpat in Western Uttar Pradesh. 

    It is the first ever Chariot that has been found since the Indus Valley Civilization’s exploration was started in the 1920s. The significance of the discovery lies in the fact that it will not only challenge the Marxist historiography with regards to IVC but also pose a serious challenge to Aryan ‘invasion theory’, a staple of Marxist historiography. Even in Indus Valley sites, figurines of Bullock Carts were found, but not a Chariot. Chariot is used in battles by Royals. Some of the salient features of this discovery are:

    The relics suggest the existence of a two-wheeled open vehicle that may have been driven by one person. The wheels rotated on a fixed axle linked by a draft pole to the yoke of a pair of animals. The axle was attached with a superstructure consisting of a platform protected by side-screens and a high dashboard. The wheels and the pole have been found decorated with copper triangles, symbolic of the rays of the sun.

    The copper plated anthropomorphic figures -having horns and peepal-leafed crowns -found on the coffins that indicated a possibility of ‘royal burial’. For the first time in the entire sub-continent, this kind of a coffin has been unearthed. The cover is highly decorated with eight anthropomorphic figures. The sides of the coffins are also decorated with floral motifs. While coffins have been discovered during past excavations in Harappa, Mohenjo-Daro and Dholavira (Gujarat) but these were not laden with such ornamental copper decorations.

    The swords, daggers, shields and a helmet confirmed the existence of a warrior population, and the discovery of earthen and copper pots, semi-precious and steatite beads, combs, and a copper mirror from the burial pits point towards a sophisticated craftsmanship and lifestyle.

    “It is confirmed that they were a warrior class. The swords have copper-covered hilts and a medial ridge making it strong enough for warfare. We have also found shields, a torch and daggers” said S K Manjul, director of Delhi-based Institute of Archaeology.

    What these findings can ultimately establish?

    Prima facie, based on the contents of the discovery, some significant facts can be noted.
    It can be observed that the present site at Sanauli Village is just 36 KM from the Harappan site at Alamgirpur.

    Harappan era has been divided into five phases

    1) Ravi / Hakra (3300-2800BC)
    2) Early Harappa (2800-2600BC)
    3) Mature (2600-1900BC)
    4) Transitional (1900-1800BC)
    5) Late Harappa (1800-1300BC).
    Now the present findings were identified with ‘Mature’ period. Also, the present excavation site is in the proximity of Alamgirpur, which is a Harappan site considered to be at the eastern border of Indus Valley Civilization’s extent. This area near Meerut is also known as ‘Parasaram ka -Khera’. This is a truly a thrilling factor for the reason that in Alamgirpur an artefact (a vessel) bearing a ‘bear head’ was also found. If this is believed to be a symbolic representation of ‘Jambavan’ of Ramayana, it has some sensible connection with Parasurama as the trio Jhambavan, Parushuram and Hanuman were considered immortals. In fact, Jambavan is also mentioned in Mahabharata.

    Bijnor which is 90 KM from Alamgirpur is mentioned in Mahabharata associated with the King Vidhura. There is Vidhura Kutir in Bijnor. Bijnor, being part of IVC, the present findings of ‘Chariots’, anthropomorphic figures and ‘Antenne Swords’ are all indicative of a distinguished Royal story closely resembling Mahabharata’s events. Bijnor is known as “Vyghraprastha’ and was founded by Pandavas.

    Next, the ‘Chariot’ discovery would potentially change the hitherto held concept of the existence of ‘Horses’ in IVC. Horse bones were found in another IVC site, Surkotada in Kutch Gujarat some years ago. Royal Chariots were drawn by horses and with one single charioteer. This was also explained by the archaeologist.

    “The wheels of the chariots rotated on a fixed axle linked by a draft pole to the yoke of a pair of animals. The superstructure attached to the axle contains a platform, protective side screens and a dashboard. The wheels and the pole are decorated with copper motifs symbolising the rays of the sun. Although the experts are yet to be certain on whether the chariots were pulled by bulls or horse, they are of the opinion that it was probably horses”

    As the Chariot relics were found in a Royal burial with battlefield weapons, the Chariot was obviously drawn by horses. It cannot be driven by bulls. Going by the built of the chariots, it must be a speed vehicle and combating in nature, and hence ‘slow’ moving bulls to be its yankers, cannot be even imagined.

    Hence the discovery of a well-built Chariot makes the archaeologists rethink the historiography of ‘Mature’ period of IVC.

    “This is the very first-time such evidence has ever been recovered. The coffins and chariots are something we haven’t encountered before. This discovery is not only important in the context of India but the world”, according to SK Manjul.

    This discovery further strengthens the fact that the entire region of Baghpat and Bijnor which is identified as IVC eastern region were booming under a large Kingdom, with Royal dominion, customs and practices. The ‘Anthropomorphic figurines, decorative weapons, decorated Chariot wheels, advanced alchemic, metallurgy and the geographic region’s ancient habitats perfectly matching with the events described in Hindu mythology etc indicates to Mahabharata heritage to the present discovery. However, the Leftists reaction to the Baghpat discovery is rather repulsive and more than stunning.
    The Print asked the opinion of Mrs Ruchika Sharma on the Baghpat discovery, an unknown history doctoral scholar at JNU. She says the ASI has to clarify its findings. “We should first obtain clarity on why ASI is calling them chariots. It isn’t uncommon for a late Harappan site to have bullock carts. There is already Evidence of such terracotta carts,” she said. This history doctoral scholar should understand that ‘bullock carts’ will not be decorated with copper motifs. The wheels will not be carved with design patterns, and Bullock carts will not be found along with battlefield weapons. The chariot was found in a Royal burial.

    I expected this news, at least this time, on the first page of our national dailies. But, the Baghpat discovery appeared on the 11th page of TOI Bangalore. A proud moment for all Indians, a moment to commemorate, yet for the leftists, it is another shock after the NASA findings on Ram Sethu

    Retd Central Govt officer-Ex Superintendent Customs and Central Excise-Telugu, Tamil, Kannda-residing in Hyderabad/Bangalore-writing, poetry, travel, History, Hinduism, right politics Activist 'CFTR' (Citizens for true secularism' HR for Hindus

    https://rightlog.in/2018/06/baghpat-chariot-01/

    Indians used chariots 4,000 years ago, ASI unearths evidence in UP 

    PTI Sanauli June 6, 2018 UPDATED: June 6, 2018 10:32 IST

    Copper-Bronze age chariots
    ASI has unearthed the 'first-ever' physical evidence of Copper-Bronze age chariots. Photo: AajTak

    The "first ever" physical evidence of chariots dating 2000 BC - 1800 BC have been found by the Archeological Survey of India (ASI) during a trial excavation in Sanauli village near Baghpat in Uttar Pradesh.

    Decorated with copper motifs, the findings of the Copper-Bronze age have opened up further research opportunities into the area's civilisation and culture.
    The three-month long excavation, which started in March this year, has unearthed eight burial sites and several artifacts including three coffins, antenna swords, daggers, combs, and ornaments, among others.
    The three chariots found in the burial pits could remind one of the familiar images of horse-drawn carriages from mythological television shows.
    The relics suggest the existence of a two-wheeled open vehicle that may have been driven by one person.
    "The wheels rotated on a fixed axle linked by a draft pole to the yoke of a pair of animals. The axle was attached with a superstructure consisting of a platform protected by side-screens and a high dashboard," S K Manjul, director of Delhi-based Institute of Archaeology, said.
    The wheels and the pole have been found decorated with copper triangles, symbolic of the rays of the sun.
    Manjul termed the digging drive a "path-breaking" one, also because of the copper plated anthropomorphic figures -- having horns and peepal-leafed crowns -- found on the coffins, that indicated a possiblity of "royal burials".
    "For the first time in the entire sub-continent we have found this kind of a coffin. The cover is highly decorated with eight anthropomorphic figures. The sides of the coffins are also decorated with floral motifs," Manjul said.
    While coffins have been discovered during past excavations in Harappa, Mohenjo-daro and Dholavira (Gujarat), but never with copper decorations, he added.
    The findings also shed light on the noteworthy progress the Indian civilisation had made at the time, making it at par with the 2000 BC Mesopotamia.
    "We are now certain that when in 2000 BC, the Mesopotamians were using chariots, swords, and helmets in wars, we also had similar things."
    The swords, daggers, shields and a helmet confirmed the existence of a warrior population, and the discovery of earthen and copper pots, semi-precious and steatite beads, combs, and a copper mirror from the burial pits point towards a "sophisticated" craftsmanship and lifestyle.
    "It is confirmed that they were a warrior class. The swords have copper-covered hilts and a medial ridge making it strong enough for warfare. We have also found shields, a torch and daggers," the archaeologist said.
    The current site lies 120 meters from an earlier one in the village, excavated in 2005, where 116 burials were found along with antenna swords and pottery.
    While it was difficult to ascertain the exact race of the latest buried remains, Manjul asserted that the chariots and coffins did not belong to the Harappan civilisation.
    "The findings of the 2005 excavation -- pottery, beads and other cultural material -- were similar to those of the Harappan civilisation."
    Manjul said the similarities could have been an outcome of the migration of the Harappans to the Yamuna and the upper planes during the late mature Harappan era.
    However, the recent findings were "completely different" from the ancient civilisation.


    https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/indians-used-chariots-4-000-years-ago-asi-unearths-evidence-in-up-1251650-2018-06-06

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    https://tinyurl.com/y9s4vcr4

     

    Wheel: Meluhha bronze-age hieroglyph of the Ancient Near East and Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization

    Bronze Age chariot India

    Bronze model. Chariot box. Chanhu-daro. ca. 2000 BCE. This model with X on the side of the chariot box compares with the chariot-box shown on Ur Standard.

    Sumerian war chariot on the Standard of Ur


    Terracotta spokes painted on wheels and axle. ca. 2500 BCE. Bhirrana. On the specimens found at Kalibangan and Rakhigarhi, the spokes of the wheel are shown by painted lines radiating from the central hub to the periphery, and in the case of specimens from Banawali these are executed in low relief.
    Bronze chariot. Daimabad, Maharashtra. 2000 BCE?
     

    The flow (diffusion) of the civilization is from Sarasvati basin to lower Sindhu areas and thereafter to upper Sindhu regions.
    Elamite chariot ca 2500 BCE drawn by four onagers with primitive and painful harnessing. 
    A mythical chariot to carry the sun across the sky. Gold leaf on bronze, ca. 1500 BCE.

    Bronze chariot model ca. 2500-2250 BCE
    Chariot box on Standard of Ur; chariot has solid wheels; chariot drawn by onagers.
     
     
     


    Meluhha hieroglyph. Spoked wheel. Focus on the nave of wheel. Occurs four times on Dholavira sign board with ten hieroglyphs which adorned the northern gateway, as an advertisement hoarding, welcoming entry into the citadel.


    Another prayer by Tukulti-Ninurta on a fire-altar:

    Altar, offered by Tukulti-Ninurta I, 1243-1208 BCE, in prayer before two deities carrying wooden standards, Assyria, Bronze 

    Another view of the fire-altar pedestal of Tukulti-Ninurta I, Ishtar temple, Assur. Shows the king standing flanked by two standard-bearers; the standard has a spoked-wheel hieroglyph on the top of the staffs and also on the volutes of the altar frieze.The mediation with deities by king is adopted by Assurnasirpal II.
    The two standards (staffs)  are topped by a spoked wheel. āra 'spokes' Rebus: āra 'bronze'. cf. erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada) Glyph: eraka

    This rebus reading is consistent with the prayer offered to the karaṇḍa 'hard alloy';
    karandi 'fire god' (Remo)

    Glyphic element: erako nave; era = knave of wheel. Glyphic element: āra ‘spokes’. Rebus: āra ‘brass’ as in ārakūṭa (Skt.) Rebus: Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal); eraguni to melt (DEDR 866) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) Glyphic element: kund opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali) Rebus: kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295). 


    arkám. ʻ flash, ray, sun ʼ RV. [√arc] Pa. Pk. akka -- m. ʻ sun ʼ, Mth. āk; Si. aka ʻ lightning ʼ, inscr. vid -- äki ʻ lightning flash ʼ.(CDIAL 624) அருக்கன் arukkaṉ, n. < arka. Sun; சூரி யன். அருக்க னணிநிறமுங் கண்டேன் (திவ். இயற். 3, 1).(Tamil) agasāle ‘goldsmithy’ (Kannada) అగసాలి [ agasāli ] or అగసాలెవాడు agasāli. n. A goldsmith. కంసాలివాడు. (Telugu) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada) cf. eruvai = copper (Tamil) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tulu) Rebus: eraka = copper (Ka.) eruvai = copper (Ta.); ere - a dark-red colour (Ka.)(DEDR 817). eraka, era, er-a = syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada) akka, aka (Tadbhava of arka) metal; akka metal (Te.) arka = copper (Skt.) erako molten cast (Tulu)  

    करडी karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower: also its seed.

    Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' of arka 'copper'. 
    Photograph of excavation site. Shows three culd stands in situ in Room 6 of Ishtar temple of Tukulti-Ninurta I at Ashur. Courtesy: Vorderaslatisches Museum.

    Andrae, 1935, 57-76, pls. 12, 30 1. Jakob-Rust, in Vorderaslatisches Museum 1992, 160, no. 103; Andrae, 1935, 16, figs. 2,3.
    करंडा [karaṇḍā] A clump, chump, or block of wood. 4 The stock or fixed portion of the staff of the large leaf-covered summerhead or umbrella. करांडा [ karāṇḍā ] m C A cylindrical piece as sawn or chopped off the trunk or a bough of a tree; a clump, chump, or block.

    Rebus: fire-god: @B27990.  #16671. Remo <karandi>E155  {N} ``^fire-^god''.(Munda)

    [quote]Description: Although the cult pedestal of the Middle Assyrian king Tukulti-Ninurta mentions in its short inscription that it is dedicated to the god Nuska, the relief on the front that depicts the king in a rare kind of narrative, standing and kneeling in front of the very same pedestal was frequently discussed by art-historians. More strikingly on top of the depicted pedestal there is not the lamp, the usual divine symbol for the god Nuska, but most likely the representation of a tablet and a stylus, symbols for the god Nabû. (Klaus Wagensonner, University of Oxford)[unquote] http://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=pedestal_tukulti_ninurta

    No, it is not a representation of a tablet and a stylus, but a chump, a block of wood, karaṇḍā read rebus: karandi 'fire-god' (Munda). Thus, the chump is the divine symbol of fire-god.

    The hieroglyphs on the fire-altar confirm the link to metallurgy with the use of 'spoked-wheel' banner carried on one side of the altar and the 'safflower' hieroglyph flanking the altar worshipped by Tukulti-Ninurta. It is rebus, as Sigmund Freud noted in reference to the dream. 'I have revealed to Atrahasis a dream, and it is thus that he has learned the secret of the gods.' (Epic of Gilgamesh, Ninevite version, XI, 187.)(Zainab Bahrani, 2011, The graven image: representation in Babylonia and Assyria, Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, p. 185).

    Cylinder seal with kneeling nude heroes, ca. 2220–2159 b.c.; Akkadian  Mesopotamia Red jasper H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm)  Metropolitan Museum of Art - USA 
    Four flag-posts(reeds) with rings on top held by the kneeling persons define the four components of the iron smithy/forge.  

    The key hieroglyph is the hood of a snake seen as the left-most hieroglyph on this rolled out cylinder seal impression. I suggest that this denotes the following Meluhha gloss: paṭam n. < phaṭa. ‘cobra's hood’  phaṭa n. ʻ expanded hood of snake ʼ MBh. 2. *phēṭṭa -- 2. [Cf. phuṭa -- m., °ṭā -- f., sphuṭa -- m. lex., °ṭā -- f. Pañcat. (Pk. phuḍā -- f.), sphaṭa -- m., °ṭā-- f., sphōṭā -- f. lex. and phaṇa -- 1. Conn. words in Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 386]1. Pk.  phaḍa -- m.n. ʻ snake's hood ʼ, °ḍā -- f., M. phaḍā m., °ḍī f.2. A. pheṭphẽṭ. (CDIAL 9040). Rebus: ‘sharpness of iron’: padm (obl.padt-) temper of iron (Kota)(DEDR 3907); patam‘sharpness, as of the edge of a knife’ (Tamil) Alternative complementary reading: <naG bubuD>(Z)  {N} ``^cobra''.  |<naG> `?'.  ^snake.  *IA<naG>.  ??is IA form <naG> or <nag>?  #23502. nāgá1 m. ʻ snake ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ elephant ʼ BhP. [As ʻ ele- phant ʼ shortened form of *nāga -- hasta -- EWA ii 150 with lit. or extracted from nāga -- danta -- ʻ elephant tusk, ivory ʼ < ʻ snake -- shaped tusk ʼ].
    1. Pa. nāga -- m. ʻ snake ʼ, NiDoc. nāǵa F. W. Thomas AO xii 40, Pk. ṇāya -- m., Gy. as.  JGLS new ser. ii 259; Or. naa ʻ euphem. term for snake ʼ; Si. nay,nayā ʻ snake ʼ. -- With early nasalization *nāṅga -- : Bshk. nāṅg ʻ snake ʼ. -- Kt. Pr. noṅ, Kal. nhoṅ ʻ name of a god < nāˊga -- or ← Pers. nahang NTS xv 283. 2. Pa. nāga -- m. ʻ elephant ʼ, Pk. ṇāya -- m., Si. nā. śiśunāka -- . (CDIAL 7039) Rebus: nāga2 n. ʻ lead ʼ Bhpr. [Cf. raṅga -- 3] Sh. naṅ  m. ʻ lead ʼ  (< *nāṅga -- ?), K. nāg m. (< *nāgga -- ?).(CDIAL 7040) cf. annaku, anakku 'tin' (Akkadian) நாகம் nākam  Black lead; காரீயம். (பிங்.) 9. Zinc; துத்தநாகம். (பிங்.) 10. A prepared arsenic; பாஷாணவகை (Tamil).

    There is a possibility that the hieroglyph was intended to convey the message of an alloying metal like lead or tin or zinc which had revolutionised the bronze age with tin-bronzes, zinc-copper brass and other alloys to substitute for arsenical copper to make hard weapons and tools.  It is instructive that zinc was called tuthunāg which might have referred to the sublimate of zinc and calamine collected in the furnaces in Zawar. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/02/metallurgists-of-mewad-meluhha.html

    The phrase tuthunāg as a synonym for zinc or pewter indicates that the gloss nāg meant 'alloying mineral' to create a hard bronze -- a substitute for arsenical bronze which was in short supply in the Ancient Near East and in Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. And, hence, the recurring hieroglyph of a serpent on hundreds of cylinder seals and artifacts including those with Indus writing -- to denote an alloying mineral to create bronzes.
    At Ahed excavation site statues of the Gods of both Hindu and Jain religion are found. Of particular importance is the statue of Parvati a deity of importance to Dravidians. Also the Nag- Nagini statue indicates the presence of Naga people around Ahed those days. 

              May notice the image of fish on the top of the figure which probably is the symbol of Bhil Meena tribe.

    Thanks to DMR Sekhar from whose blogpost I have obtained this image. 



    I suggest that the fish hieroglyph on the top register of the Nag-Nagini statue is ayo 'fish' (Munda) Rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)

    Naga and Nagini are also hieroglyphs. 

    Hieroglyph: nāgá1 m. ʻ snake ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ elephant ʼ BhP. [As ʻ ele- phant ʼ shortened form of *nāga -- hasta -- EWA ii 150 with lit. or extracted from nāga -- danta -- ʻ elephant tusk, ivory ʼ < ʻ snake -- shaped tusk ʼ]. 1. Pa. nāga -- m. ʻ snake ʼ, NiDoc. nāǵa F. W. Thomas AO xii 40, Pk. ṇāya -- m., Gy. as.  JGLS new ser. ii 259; Or. naa ʻ euphem. term for snake ʼ; Si. naynayā ʻ snake ʼ. -- With early nasalization *nāṅga -- : Bshk. nāṅg ʻ snake ʼ. -- Kt. Pr. noṅ, Kal. nhoṅ ʻ name of a god < nāˊga -- or ← Pers. nahang NTS xv 283. 2. Pa. nāga -- m. ʻ elephant ʼ, Pk. ṇāya -- m., Si. nā. śiśunāka -- .(CDIAL 7039). నాగము [ nāgamu ] nāgamu. [Skt. from నగ a hill.] n. Lit: That which pertains to a mountain. A serpent, పాము. Particularly, a cobra. An elephant, ఏనుగునాకిని a female supernatural being, a goddess, దేవతాస్త్రీనాకులు nākulu. n. The celestials, the gods. R. v. 35. 176. నాకేశుడు nāk-ēsuḍu. n. A name of Indra. நாகர்¹ nākar
    n. < nāka. Celestials; தேவர். வழுத்த வரங்கொடுப்பர் நாகர் (நான்மணி. 62).
     (Tamil) నాగు, నాగులు, నాగువు or నాగుబాము nāgu. n. A cobra. నాగము.(Telugu) நாகம்² nākam
    n. < nāga. 1. Cobra. See நல்லபாம்பு. நன்மணியிழந்த நாகம் போன்று (மணி. 25, 195). 2. Serpent; பாம்பு. (பிங்.) ஆடுநாக மோட (கம்பரா. கலன்காண். 37).
    Rebus: நாகம்² nākam n. < nāga.  A prepared arsenic; பாஷாணவகை;  Black lead; காரீயம். (Tamil) nāga2 n. ʻ lead ʼ Bhpr. [Cf. raṅga -- 3Sh. naṅ m. ʻ lead ʼ (< *nāṅga -- ?), K. nāg m. (< *nāgga -- ?).(CDIAL 7040). నాగసింధూరము [ nāgasindhūramu ] nāga-sindhūramu. [Skt.] n. A red calx of lead. (Telugu) cf. anakku 'tin' (Akkadian), an alloying ore to create tin-bronzes.

    The semantics of nāga as 'arsenic' or 'lead' are instructive in the context of the Ayad river image of Naga-Nagini and fish hieroglyphs. Arsenic or lead are alloying ores with copper to create ayas 'alloy metal'. Thus, ayas may have denoted arsenical copper or tin-bronze or zin-brass.

    A hypothesis can be posited that nāga or anakku connoted such an alloying metal (tin or zinc or even lead or nickel -- until the distinctive nature of the alloying mineral was recognised) to take the bronze age with the revolution of alloys to harden copper in minerals such as the copper sulfides, chalcopyrite and chalcocite, copper carbonates, azurite and malachite and the copper oxide mineral cuprite.


    The leftmost hieroglyph shows ingots in a conical-bottom storage jar (similar to the jar shown on Warka vase, delivering the ingots to the temple of Inanna). Third from left, the overflowing pot is similar to the hieroglyph shown on Gudea statues. Fourth from left, the fish hieroglyph is similar to the one shown on a Susa pot containing metal tools and weapons. (Picture credit for the Susa pot with 'fish' hieroglyph: Maurizio Tosi).
    This is an announcement of four shops, पेढी (Gujarati. Marathi). पेंढेंrings Rebus: पेढीshop.āra ‘serpent’ Rebus; āra ‘brass’. karaa 'double-drum' Rebus: karaa 'hard alloy'.
    Specific materials offered for sale/exchange in the shop are: hard alloy brass metal (ayo, fish); lokhaṇḍ (overflowing pot)metal tools, pots and pans, metalware; arka/erka  copper; kammaa (a portable furnace for melting precious metals) coiner, mint  Thus, the four shops are: 1. brass alloys, 2. metalware, 3. copper and 4. mint (services).
    erãguḍu bowing, salutation (Telugu) iṟai (-v-, -nt-) to bow before (as in salutation), worship (Tamil)(DEDR 516). Rebus: eraka, eaka any metal infusion (Kannada.Tulu) eruvai‘copper’ (Tamil); eredark red (Kannada)(DEDR 446).
    puṭa Anything folded or doubled so as to form a cup or concavity; crucible. Alternative: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati)
    Allograph: ढाल [ ḍhāla ] f (S through H) The grand flag of an army directing its march and encampments: also the standard or banner of a chieftain: also a flag flying on forts &c. ढालकाठी [ ḍhālakāṭhī ] f ढालखांब m A flagstaff; esp.the pole for a grand flag or standard. 2 fig. The leading and sustaining member of a household or other commonwealth. 5583 ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- . 1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f. (CDIAL 5583).
    They are four Glyphs: paṭākā ‘flag’ Rebus:pāṭaka, four quarters of the village.
    kã̄ḍ reed Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’. 
    1. Pk. kamaḍha -- , °aya -- m. ʻ bamboo ʼ; Bhoj. kōro ʻ bamboo poles ʼ. 2. N. kāmro ʻ bamboo, lath, piece of wood ʼ, OAw.  kāṁvari ʻ bamboo pole with slings at each end for carrying things ʼ, H. kã̄waṛ, °ar, kāwaṛ, °ar f., G. kāvaṛf., M. kāvaḍ f.; -- deriv. Pk. kāvaḍia -- , kavvāḍia -- m. ʻ one who carries a yoke ʼ, H. kã̄waṛī, °ṛiyā m., G. kāvaṛiyɔ m. 3. S. kāvāṭhī f. ʻ carrying pole ʼ, kāvāṭhyo m. ʻ the man who carries it ʼ. 4. Or. kāmaṛā, °muṛā ʻ rafters of a thatched house ʼ; G. kāmṛũ n., °ṛī f. ʻ chip of bamboo ʼ, kāmaṛ -- koṭiyũ n. ʻ bamboo hut ʼ. 5. B. kāmṭhā ʻ bow ʼ, G. kāmṭhũ n., °ṭhī f. ʻ bow ʼ; M. kamṭhā, °ṭā m. ʻ bow of bamboo or horn ʼ; -- deriv. G. kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ. 6. A. kabāri ʻ flat piece of bamboo used in smoothing an earthen image ʼ. 7. kã̄bīṭ, °baṭ, °bṭī,  kāmīṭ, °maṭ, °mṭī,  kāmṭhī, kāmāṭhī f. ʻ split piece of bamboo &c., lath ʼ.(CDIAL 2760). kambi f. ʻ branch or shoot of bamboo ʼ lex. Pk. kaṁbi -- , °bī -- , °bā -- f. ʻ stick, twig ʼ, OG. kāṁba; M. kã̄b f. ʻ longitudinal division of a bamboo &c., bar of iron or other metal ʼ. (CDIAL 2774). कंबडी [ kambaḍī ] f A slip or split piece (of a bamboo &c.)(Marathi)
    The rings atop the reed standard: पेंढें [ pēṇḍhēṃ ] पेंडकें [ pēṇḍakēṃ ] n Weaver's term. A cord-loop or metal ring (as attached to the गुलडा of the बैली and to certain other fixtures). पेंडें [ pēṇḍēṃ ] n (पेड) A necklace composed of strings of pearls. 2 A loop or ring. Rebus: पेढी (Gujaráthí word.) A shop (Marathi)Alternative:koiyum [ko, koṭī  neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (Gujarati) Rebus: ācāri koṭṭya = forge, kammārasāle (Tulu)

    Six curls shown on the hairstyle of carriers of flagposts:

    Allograph: The six curls on the kneeling person’s head denote an copper-brass smelter:

    erugu = to bow, to salute or make obeisance (Telugu) Rebus: eraka ‘copper’.
    Glyphs: six (numeral) + ring of hair: आर [ āra ] A term in the play of इटीदांडू,--the number six. (Marathi) आर [ āra ] A tuft or ring of hair on the body. (Marathi) Rebus:  arā ‘brass’.


    मेढा mēḍhā A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) bhaa ‘six (hair-curls)’ Rebus: bha‘furnace’.  

    saman = to offer an offering, to place in front of; front, to front or face (Santali) Rebus: samobica, stones containing gold (Mundari)samanom = an obsolete name for gold (Santali) [bica‘stone ore’ (Munda): meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda]
      
    Shamash. Relief image on the Tablet of Shamash, British Library room 55. Found in Sippar (Tell Abu Habbah), in Ancient Babylonia ; it dates from the 9th century BC and shows the sun god Shamash on the throne, in front of the Babylonian king Nabu-apla-iddina (888-855 BC) between two interceding deities. The text tells how the king made a new cultic statue for the god and gave privileges to his temple.

    Šamaš ';Sun' (Akkadian) (As shown in the cuneiform text on Sit Shamshi bronze). Cognates in Meluhha --Indian sprachbund:

    शुष्णः [शुष्-नः कित् Uṇ.3.12] 1 The sun. -2 Fire. शुष्मन् m. 1 Fire; Śi.14.22; सार्धं तेनानुजेनाप्रतिहतगतिना मारुतेनेव शुष्मा Śiva B.2.68; ऋतुशुष्ममहोष्मभिः N.17.168. 1Strength, prowess. -2 Light, lustre. (Sanskrit) شعاعه s̱ẖuœā-œaʿh, s.f. (3rd) (from شع) Light, splendor, lustre, rays of the sun, radiance, sunshine, etc. Pl. يْ ey. پلوشه palos̱ẖaʿh, s.f. (3rd) A ray of light, as of the sun, a lamp, etc. Pl. يْ ey. (Pashto)



    Mohenjo-daro seal. M428b The ‘rays of the sun’ hieroglyph of this Mohenjodaro seal also recurs on early punch-marked coins of India. Rebus reading: arka ‘sun’; agasāle ‘goldsmithy’ (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tulu) Rebus: eraka = copper (Ka.) eruvai = copper (Ta.); ere - a dark-red colour (Ka.)(DEDR 817). eraka, era, er-a = syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.)

    Thus, the four flag-posts may be read rebus denoting -- in Meluhha hieroglyphs -- the repertoire and stock-in-trade of bronze-age artisans of Ancient Near East -- dealing in metalware, copper tools and weapons, alloys and ingots.

    Rebus readings (from l. to r.):

    ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (Gujarati)
    uṛu ʻ boatman ʼ (Oriya)
    lokhãḍ ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’(Gujarati)
    ayo ‘metal, alloy’ (Gujarati)
    These rebus readings of hieroglyphs are consistent with the reading of the hieroglyphs on Tukulti Ninurta altar: prayers to fire-god  karandi (Hieroglyph: करडी [karaḍī]'safflower'); and arka'copper metal' (Hieroglyph: eraka, 'nave of wheel').

    This consistency in semantics between sacredness and smithywork is exemplified by the Kota language (Meluhha) gloss: kole.l with two meanings: smithy, temple.

    So, I suggest Tukulti Ninurta I was offering prayers to the fire-god karandi and announcing the technological contributions made to the bronze-age evolution by using the 'nave of wheel' hieroglyph to denote eraka'nave of wheel' Rebus: arka, eraka'moltencast copper' traded across the Tin Road from Assur to Kanesh.



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    https://tinyurl.com/y9zpzwnm

    EB Havells provides an architectural appreciation of Indian art with reference to the pointed arch. He misses out on the significant hieroglyphs and profound messages communicated on ancient art of Bharhut and Sanchi.

    This monograph demonstrates that the temple is defined in the ancient Indian tradition with exquisite and precise hieroglyphs to signify the worship of the cosmic dance signified by artisanal work in a smithy/forge during the Tin-Bronze revolution.
     
    Why are trees and elephant shown atop the temple sculptural panel of Bharhut? I suggest that they are Indus Script hypertexts. karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'; kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. kole.l 'smithy, forge' rebus: kole.l 'temple' (Kota language). Thus, the kole.l temple which is a smithy/forge is signified by the hypertexts to signify iron and smelting operations of metalwmiths.
     
    A panel from Bharhut stupa depicting temple with arched gateway and hemispherical dome
    Dated: ~2nd century BCE

    click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB) 
    Pasenadi pillar, outer face
    click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB) 
    Pasenadi pillar, outer face, detail. 
    Pasenati
    click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB)
    Pasenadi pillar, outer face. Greater detail 

    The 'srivatsa' hypertext signifies: dula 'pair' rebus:dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭda 'mint'.

    पट्टः paṭṭḥ ट्टम् ṭṭamपट्टः ट्टम् 1 A slab, tablet (for writing upon), plate in general; शिलापट्टमधिशयाना Ś.3; so भालपट्ट &c. -2 A royal grant or edict; पटे वा ताम्रपट्टे वा स्वमुद्रोपरिचिह्नितम् । अभिलेख्यात्मनो वंश्यानात्मानं च महीपतिः ॥ Y.1.319. paṭṭakḥ
    पट्टकः 1 A plate of metal used for inscriptions or royal edicts. -2 A bandage. -3 A document; (also n.) paṭṭikā पट्टिका 1 A tablet, plate; as in हृतपट्टिका. -2 A document.Rebus: paṭṭalā
    पट्टला A district, community. paṭh पठ् 1 P. (पठति, पठित) 1 To read or repeat aloud, recite, rehearse; यः पठेच्छृणुयादपि. -2 To read or recite paṭhitiḥ पठितिः f. N. of a figure of speech. *prastarapaṭṭaʻ stone slab ʼ. [prastará -- , paṭṭa -- 1]Ku. pathrauṭī f. ʻ pavement of slates and stones ʼ.(CDIAL 8858) Rebus: బత్తుడు battuḍu. n. A worshipper. భక్తుడు. The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as వడ్లబత్తుడు a carpenter.   பத்தர்² pattar
    , n. < T. battuḍu. A caste title of goldsmiths; தட்டார் பட்டப்பெயருள் ஒன்று.

    click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB) 
    Pasenadi pillar, Dharmacakra  dām 'garland' Rebus; dhamma 'dharma'. 
     
    Sanchi sculptural frieze. Cobra hood. phaḍā 'serpent hood' Rebus: phaḍā 'metals manufactory'Ta. paṭṭaṭai, paṭṭaṟai anvil, smithy, forge. Ka. paṭṭaḍe, paṭṭaḍi anvil, workshop. Te. paṭṭika, paṭṭeḍa anvil; paṭṭaḍa workshop.(DEDR 3865)

    click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB) 
    Pasenadi pillar, Nāga 
    click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB) 
    Top of Pillar. Ox-hide ingot, face (within arch) 
    A
    click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB)

    An artisan entering through arch. Archway is decorated with ox-hide ingot. The platform has square coins stacked and spread out. dhalako; rebus: 'a large metal ingot (Gujarati) kārṣāpaṇá m.n. ʻ a partic. coin or weight equivalent to one karṣaʼ. [karṣa -- m. ʻ a partic. weight ʼ Suśr. (cf. OPers. karša -- ) and paṇa -- 2 or āpana -- EWA i 176 and 202 with lit. But from early MIA. kā̆hā°]
    Pa. kahāpaṇa -- m.n. ʻ a partic. weight and coin ʼ, KharI. kahapana -- , Pk. karisāvaṇa -- m.n., kāhāvaṇa -- , kah° m.; A. kaoṇʻ a coin equivalent to 1 rupee or 16 paṇas or 1280 cowries ʼ; B. kāhanʻ 16 paṇas ʼ; Or. kāhā̆ṇaʻ 16 annas or 1280 cowries ʼ, H. kahāwan, kāhan, kahān m.; OSi. (brāhmī) kahavaṇa, Si. kahavuṇa, °vaṇuvaʻ a partic. weight ʼ.(CDIAL 3080)


    click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB) 
    Monkey jataka.kuṭhāru 'monkey' rebus: kuṭhāru कुठारुः 'armourer'
    https://www.photodharma.net/Guests/Kawasaki-Bharhut/Bharhut.htm

    HINDU AND SARACENIC ART—THE POINTED ARCH—THE MIGRATIONS OF CRAFTSMEN—THE FIRST MUHAMMADAN INVADERS OF INDIA
    By Havells E.B.

    THE student who tries to thread his way through the some- what bewildering mazes of Indian art is often confused by the classifications and analysis of European writers. First, by the Græco-Roman or Gândharan theory of the inspiration of Buddhist sculpture; next by a misunderstanding of the whole theory of Indian art in the medieval or Puranic period, and by the sectarian classification of Buddhist-Hindu architecture; and thirdly by the attribution of the masterpieces of painting and architecture in the Muhammadan period to the superior creative and constructive genius of Islâm, or, as in one notable instance, the Tâj Mahall, to the art of Europe.


    All of these misconceptions have their root in one fixed idea, the belief that true æsthetic feeling has always been wanting in the Hindu mind, and that everything really great in Indian art has been suggested or introduced by foreigners.

    Fergusson, though generally far in advance of his time in the appreciation of Indian art, was by no means free from these prejudices, and his analysis of Indian architecture of the Muhammadan period confirms the general belief of the present day that between Hindu and Saracenic ideals there is a great gulf fixed, and that the zenith of Mogul architecture in the reigns of Jahângir and Shah Jahân was only reached by throwing off the Hindu influences which affected the so-called “mixed” styles of Indo-Muhammadan
    art. Fergusson distinctly declares that “there is no trace of Hinduism in the works of Jahângir and Shah Jahân.”1 Though he does not lend his great authority to the legend I have discussed in detail elsewhere, which makes the Tâj Mahall the creation of an Italian adventurer in Shah Jahân’s service, he treats all of Jahângir’s and Shah Jahân’s buildings as not being of Indian origin, but as entirely conceived by architects of Western Asia, and suggests Samarkand, rebuilt by Timûr (A.D. 1393-1404), as the locality which would throw light on “the style which the Moguls introduced into India.”
    This persistent habit of looking outside of India for the origins of Indian art must necessarily lead to false conclusions. One may find primitive types, or any of the forms and symbols which Indian artists moulded to their own desires, and trace them back to their archaic roots in Chaldæa, Babylon, Assyria, Persia, or Greece; but for the vital creative impulse which inspired any period of Indian art, whether it be Buddhist, Jain, Hindu, or Muhammadan, one will only find its source in the traditional Indian culture planted in Indian soil by Aryan philosophy, which reached its highest artistic expression before the Mogul dynasty was established, and influenced the greatest works of the Muhammadan period as much as any others. The TâJ, the Motî Masjid at Agra, the Jâmi’ Masjid at Delhi, and the splendid Muhammadan buildings at Bijâpur were only made possible by the not less splendid monuments of Hindu architecture at Mudhera, Dabhoi, Khâjuraho, Gwalior, and elsewhere, which were built before the Mogul Emperors and their Viceroys made use of Hindu genius to glorify the faith of Islâm.

    The Anglo-Indian and the tourist have been taught to admire the former and to extol the fine æsthetic taste of the Moguls; but the magnificent architectural works of the preceding Hindu period, when Indian sculpture and painting were at their zenith, but rarely attract their attention, though in massive grandeur and sculpturesque imagination they surpass any of the Mogul buildings. Even the term “Mogul” architecture is misleading, for as a matter of fact there were but few Mogul builders in India. The great majority of the builders employed by the Moguls—includin
    g not only the humbler artisans but the masterminds which directed them—were Indians, or of Indian descent. Some were professed Muhammadans, but many were Hindus. Mogul architecture does not bear witness, as we assume, to the finer æsthetic sense of Arab, Persian, or Western builders, but to the extraordinary synthetical power of the Hindu artistic genius.
    The truth of this statement can be demonstrated not only from documentary evidence, which may or may not be trustworthy, but from the incontrovertibl
    e record of the buildings themselves. Western writers have been so eager to seize upon the divergences between Muhammadan and Hindu civilisation, that the common basis which underlies them both generally fails to impress them. Even the main point of difference which divided Muhammadans and Hindus—the use of anthropomorphic symbols—was not by any means essential to Hinduism; and but for the differences, sectarian and racial, which drove many Hindus into the service of Musulmân states beyond the north-west frontier, the Muhammadan conquest of Hindustan would have been hardly possible.
    The fundamental antagonism between Hindu and Musulmân religious beliefs which we so often assume, never existed at any time. The basis of Muhammad’s idealism was the concept of the Unity of the Godhead —“There is One God”—which is only a condensation of the Hindu concept of the Godhead manifesting Itself in all things animate and inanimate. To the simple-minded Arab, either a mariner on the wide ocean or living in tents in the vast expanse of the lonely desert, the idea of the Divine Unity made an irresistible appeal: it sufficed to explain that infinite vastness of sky and earth and sea which surrounded him everywhere by day and night. His whole instinct of art creation was to draw everything in pure outline silhouetted against the sky, as he saw things in the glare of the open desert by day, or in the mysterious splendour of star- and moon-light, like the rocky coasts of Arabia seen from ships at sea.

    All Arab design, whether in architecture, in the forms of domestic utensils, or in surface decoration, was distinguished by this feeling for pure outline and colour, rather than by a plastic treatment of surfaces or the massing of forms for contrast of light and shade in which the Hindu architectural genius especially asserted itself. Practically all Saracenic symbolism in architecture was borrowed directly or indirectly from India, Persia, Byzantium, or Alexandria, though devout Muhammadans put their own reading into the symbols they borrowed, just as the early Christians did with those they borrowed from paganism.

    Even the pointed arch only acquired from India the religious significance which eventually led the Saracenic builders to adopt it as their own, through the contact of the Arabs with the Buddhists of Western Asia; and thus the very feature by which all Western writers have distinguished Saracenic architecture from the indigenous architecture of India was originally Indian. If this proposition is opposed to all architectural authority in Europe at the present day, it is only because Western writers, through treating Indo-Muhammadan
    architecture as a subdivision of the Saracenic schools of Egypt, Spain, Arabia, and Persia, have left out of account the great mass of historical evidence bearing upon the arts of the West which is afforded by the architectural monuments of India.
    It is of course a recognised fact that a certain type of the pointed arch was in use in Egypt and in Asia Minor even before the days of Buddhism, and long before the Hegira. But the mihraâb of Muhammadan mosques—the niche in the wall of the sanctuary—and all its religious associations from which the structural application of Saracenic arches started, was not in any way connected with this early type.

    The permanent mosques of the first Arab disciples of the Prophet, like the churches of the early Christians, were in most cases not buildings specially constructed for their own ritual, but those belonging to rival creeds reconsecrated for the worship of Allah. When the Arabs started on their career of conquest, the first objects of their iconoclastic zeal were the temples and monasteries of the hated idolaters—the Buddhists of Western Asia. After smashing the images and breaking as much of their sculptured ornamentation as offended against the injunctions of their law, the buildings with the empty niches the—quondam Buddhist shrines—remaini
    ng in their solid walls were often converted into mosques.
    The hallowed associations of generations of Buddhist worshippers still clung to these desecrated shrines, and the doctors of Islâm found it necessary to explain them in a Muhammadan sense. Hence the mihraâb—the niche of the principal image of Buddha—came to indicate the direction of the holy city of Mecca; it was traced in the sand or woven in the prayer-mat as a symbol of the faith. The idea appealed strongly to the Arab race, for every mariner saw the mihrâb in the bow of his ship and every desert nomad in the door of his tent. The sentiment of devotion which the image in the niche formerly inspired in the worshipper was thus transferred to the niche itself, and especially to the arch of the niche. The arrangement of niches in Muhammadan houses and palaces (Plate CII) was a secular adaptation of the shrines of Buddhist monasteries. Here, then, was the psychological germ of the pointed style of architecture Saracenic and Gothic or of the idealism which was the motive force behind it.

    All the forms of the pointed arch which characterise Saracenic buildings in the West are found in the niches of the temples of the various Brahmanical sects in India which inherited the early Buddhist traditions. Remove the images and the sculptured ornament of the niches, and you find the ordinary Arab arch, the stilted arch, the foliated arch, etc. The process of adaptation by which Indian arches were converted into Saracenic, begun by the Arabs in Western Asia in the first centuries after the Hegira, were continued in successive centuries by all the Muhammadan invaders of India—Arab, Afghan, Turk, and Mongol.

    The contemptuous name which Arabian historians gave to all the temples of the infidel in India—Boud-khân
    a, or “Buddha-house” is one of the many proofs of the early connections of Buddhism with Islâm. Buddhist influence penetrated much farther west than the borders of Asia and Europe. Professor Flinders Petrie has found evidences of the presence of Asoka’s missionaries at Alexandria; and the resemblance of the so-called horse-shoe arch in Moorish palaces and mosques of the eighth century A. D. and later to the lotus-leaf arches of the seventh-century Buddhist chapter-house at Ajantâ (Plate I) can easily be accounted for by the presence of the Indian craftsman in Egypt. Seeing that Indian mariners carried on a regular trade with Egypt even before the third century B.C., it is reasonable to assume that Indian craftsmen often found their way there in later times. No Western structural process by which this form of arch, derived from bent cane or bambu, might have been evolved independently is known to archæologists.
    Modern European writers who try to trace the derivation of architectural style entirely from constructive or technical processes would do well to note that the pointed arch in Arab architecture was a purely religious symbol before it became a distinctive structural feature in Saracenic building. The symbolic idea connected with the pointed arch preceded the general use of it as an organic structural feature in place of the round arch and horizontal beam. It appealed to the devout Musulmân not because it was architecturally
    useful and beautiful, but because it symbolised the two fundamental concepts of his faith God is One, and Muhammad is His Prophet. It was the architectonic symbol of the hands joined in prayer; it pointed the way to Mecca and to Paradise, and demonstrated mathematically the divine truth that all things converge towards and meet in the One the inverse of the Hindu proposition.
    M. Prisse d’Avennes, in his work “L’Art Arabe,” adopts the ingenious theory put forward by M. Salzmann that the different varieties of the Arab dome and the characteristic “stalactite” pendentives which supported them were originally derived from the form and structure of the water-melon. He places sections of the latter and details of Arab buildings in Cairo side by side to show the striking similarity between them. We can very well admit the similarity without adopting the conclusion which the author derives from it—a conclusion which ignores entirely the religious idealism which lies behind both Saracenic and Hindu art. If the Arab domes and pendentives were derived from naturalistic motifs only we should see the resemblance more marked in the earlier examples than in the later. As a matter of fact there is no such resemblance in any of the earliest existing examples; the illustrations given by M. Prisse d’Avennes are all of late date, and merely indicate that some Arab builders, struck by the similarity between their traditional architectural forms and the structure of the water-melon, made the resemblance more complete. When a Hindu recognised a resemblance between his sacred symbols and any natural forms he dedicated the latter to the deity represented by the symbol. Thus the bel tree and many others became sacred to Siva on account of the resemblance between its compound leaves and the three-pronged trident of Mahâdeva ; but the latter symbol was not derived from the natural forms.

    There is nothing to show that the Arabs attached any religious significance to the water-melon, either before or after the time of Muhammad. On the other hand, the pointed arch, or mihrâb, was a religious symbol before it was used architecturally
    by the Arabs. The so-called stalactite pendentive is simply an agglomeration of miniature mihrâb niches2 geometrically arranged to perform the structural purpose for which it was intended. The pointed domes, pendentives, and other characteristic features of pure Saracenic architecture are therefore not to be derived from any natural motifs, but simply from the application of their religious symbolism to all the ancient constructive forms, Roman, Byzantine, Egyptian, Babylonian, Assyrian, Phoenician, Buddhist, and Hindu, used by the builders of the many different races and creeds whom the Arabs employed.
    For understanding the development of architecture in different countries it is most important to realise that the conventional nomenclature now given to different styles is apt to be very misleading unless we recognise the very cosmopolitan organisation of the building craft in the Middle Ages as well as in previous periods. No class of society has stood so strongly for religious tolerance and the principle of the universal brotherhood of man as the master-builders
    , and none have done more for the spread of civilisation, peace, and goodwill among all men. However bitter religious and racial animosities might be, the building fraternity knew none of them. Pagan craftsmen built for Christian, Christian for Musulmân, Buddhist for Jain and Hindu, Hindus for every sect. The same rule applied to craftsmen of different races. In times of peace the master-builders wandered far and wide in search of lucrative employment wherever it might be found. In times of war their lives were often the only ones that were spared by the victors in battle or in the sack of cities, for their services were highly valued by all combatants, even by barbarian marauders like the Huns and Mongols. Every new city that was founded or great monument that was built drew to it builders and craftsmen even from far-distant countries. Thus we read of an architect from Ferghâna in Central Asia building the Nilometer in Egypt, of Chinese craftsmen assisting in the building of Baghdad, of Indian craftsmen in Japan, and of Persian architects employed in Cairo. If the master-builders of the East had left written records of their travels, we should probably know many Indian Marco Polos who journeyed westwards as well as eastwards when Buddhism was spreading its civilisation all over Asia.
    When therefore we speak of Arab architecture and Arab art, it is necessary to remember that few builders and craftsmen were Arab by race: we simply mean the different phases of art and architecture which were evolved in different countries and by different races under the influence of Arab culture. Dr. Gustave le Bon distinguishes twelve different styles of Arab architecture, of which the only two which can be considered pure i.e.—not dominated by Byzantine, Romanesque, Persian, or Hindu influences—are an Egyptian style, represented by the series of mosques dating from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, and a Spanish style, represented by Saracenic buildings in Seville and Grenada. But even in Egypt and Spain, the sources of inspiration of all that is typical of pure Arab art and architecture were in India, Mesopotamia, Persia, and Central Asia.

    Though Saracenic and Indian art had this much in common, it is essential to remember that if India, from the time of Asoka down to the early centuries of the Christian era, had borrowed much artistic material from the countries with which she had had intimate commercial and political relations from time immemorial—Meso
    potamia, Persia, and Central Asia—she was at the time of the Muhammadan invasions no longer a borrower, but a lender. Buddhist art had spread all over Western Asia in the previous centuries, and Buddhist-Hindu art was at its zenith when India received the first shock of the Muhammadan invasions. As the armies of Islâm, largely recruited from Tartary and Central Asia, came nearer to the north-west frontier of India, Saracenic art came into closer contact with Buddhist-Hindu civilisation and became more and more impregnated with Indian influences, until at last Arab, Persian, and Central Asian art lost their own individual identity as creative forces, and merged themselves into different local phases of Indian art of which the æsthetic basis was essentially Hindu, and only Arab, Mogul, and Muslim in a political, ritualistic, and dogmatic sense.
    History was, as usual, repeating itself in this; for exactly similar circumstances had arisen in the early centuries of the Christian era, when the art of Gandhâra, from being a provincial phase of Buddhist art with a strongly developed Græo-Roman dialect, became gradually Indianised and merged itself into the Indian æsthetic synthesis. The Saracenic art which came into India had likewise been Indianised before it crossed the Indus; for it was upon the basis of Buddhist-Hindu civilisation that the two earliest styles of Indo-Muhammadan
    architecture, which Fergusson calls the Ghaznavide and the Pathân, had been built. It was in the Gandhâra country that Mahmûd of Ghaznî and his successors had the centre of their power, and Indian builders were employed in constructing “the palaces and public buildings, mosques, pavilions, reservoirs, aqueducts, and cisterns’ with which Mahmûd’s capital was adorned “beyond any city in the East.’ The builders were not the fighting Afghans, but descendants of the peaceful Buddhist builders adapting their art structurally as well as decoratively to the needs of a militant instead of a monastic community, and to the symbolism of a monotheistic creed.
    The Muhammadan invaders of Hindustan certainly did not have the same opinion with regard to the inferiority of Hindu art and architecture, as compared with their own, which is commonly held by Europeans to-day. The Arabs, before they came to India as conquerors, had drunk deeply at many sources of Hindu culture; and though they detested Hindu sculpture and painting on religious grounds, they had the highest respect for the skill of Indian architects and artists. Alberuni, the Arab historian who visited India in the beginning of the eleventh century and knowing all the architectural splendour of Baghdad at the height of its glory, before it was laid waste by the Mongols, expressed his astonishment at and admiration for the works of Hindu builders. “Our people,” he said, “when they see them, wonder at them and are unable to describe them, much less to construct anything like them.”

    With this we may compare the admiration of a later Musulmân writer, Abûl Fazl, Akbar’s chronicler, for Hindu painting. “It passes our conception of things: few indeed in the whole world can compare with them.” Alberuni’s contemporary, the great Sultan Mahmûd of Ghazni, in spite of his detestation of Hindu idolatry, could not refrain from expres ing his admiration for Hindu builders. Ferishta tells us that after the sack of Mathurâ he wrote to the Governor of Ghaznî extravagantly extolling the magnificence of the buildings and the city. “There are here,” he said, “a thousand edifices as firm as the faith of the faithful; nor is it likely that this city has attained its present condition but at the expense of many millions of deenars nor could such another be constructed under a period of two centuries.”3 When he returned to Ghaznî he brought back 5,300 Hindu captives, doubtless the greater number of them masons and craftsmen, for building the magnificent mosque of marble and granite known by the name of the Celestial Bride, which he caused to be built to commemorate his triumphs. Seeing how great the reputation of Hindu craftsmen was, and since we know that Hâroûn-al-Rashî
    d renewed the ancient intercourse of Mesopotamia with India and had Indian ambassadors at his Court, we may safely assume that Indian builders, artists, and craftsmen were among those of other nations which the great Khalif and his successors employed in the building of Baghdad, just as Timur, the founder of the Mogul dynasty, used them five centuries later in the building of Samarkand.
    When the Muhammadan dynasties Arab, Turk, or Mongol established themselves firmly in Hindustan, the reversion of what we may call the pure Saracenic or Arabian characteristics
    to the old Indian or Buddhist-Hindu types becomes more and more evident. The stern simplicity of the Pathân fortress style, which at first sight seems so very un-Indian in conception, gave way to the luxury and elaboration of Akbar’s and Jahângir’s palaces. Of the thirteen local divisions of Indo-Muhammadan architecture enumerated by Fergusson, those of Gujerat, Gaur, and even that of Jaunpur, in spite of its pointed arches, are so conspicuously Hindu in general conception and in detail that it is evident at first glance that the builders and craftsmen must have been almost entirely Indian, and probably many of them Hindus. The Jâmi’ Masjid and other mosques of Ahmadâbâd are, as Fergusson says, “Hindu or Jain in every detail,” only here and there an arch is inserted, not because it is “wanted constructively, but because it was a symbol of the faith.” At first sight the essential Indianness of the remaining Indo-Muhammadan styles, as classified by Fergusson, is not so apparent. In two of the most important, namely the Mogul and Bijâpur styles, Fergusson and all other writers have ignored the Hindu element entirely and treated them both as foreign to India. Here, I think, they are as mistaken as the archæological experts who have attributed the inspiration of Indian sculpture to the Græco-Roman craftsmen of Gandhâra. It is Indian art, not Arab, Persian, or European, that we must study to find whence came the inspiration of the Tâj Mahall and great monuments of Bijâpur. They are more Indian than St. Paul’s Cathedral and Westminster Abbey are English.
    1. History of Indian Architecture,” vol. ii. p. 288 (edit. 1910).
    2. The structure of the stalactite pendentives was in all probability derived from the use of semi-cylindrica
    l tiles, set in mortar, in place of brick corbelling, or arches, for the support of light domes
    3. Ferishta, Briggs’s translation, vol. i. p. 59.

    Link: http://architexturez.net/doc/az-cf-167086
     

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    Preface

    Definition of terms

    Archaeology is the study of human activity through the recovery and analysis of material culture. . The archaeological record consists of artifacts, architecture, biofacts or ecofacts, and cultural landscapes. Archaeology can be considered both a social science and a branch of the humanities, (sometimes as a sub-field of anthropology). https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archaeology

    Architecture is both the process and the product of planning, designing, and constructing buildings or any other structures.Architectural works, in the material form of buildings, are often perceived as cultural symbols and as works of art. Historical civilizations are often identified with their surviving architectural achievements. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Architecture 

    Divine is sacred and holy. due to their transcendental origins or because their attributes or qualities are superior or supreme relative to things of the Earth. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Divinity

    Temples are dwelling places of the divine and for worship of divinities, with religious activities of prayers. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Temple

    Panagla Prousiotissa Greek Orthodoxy Monastery
    monastery-panagia-hozoviotissa-2

    monastery-panagia-hozoviotissa-3
    Panagia Prousiotissa Greek Orthodox Monastery "High above the Aegean Sea on the island of Amorgos, the most eastern of the Greek Cycladic Islands, lies the spectacular Byzantine monastery of Panagia Hozoviotissa. Visible only from the sea as a patch of bright white, it clings to the cliff side 300 meters above the sea level. The monastery was built in the 11th century in order to protect a 9th century religious icon of the Virgin Mary from marauding pirates. The icon, which is on public display inside the monastery, is believed to have mysteriously arrived on the shore below on an unmanned boat from Palestine."http://www.amusingplanet.com/2014/07/the-monastery-of-panagia-hozoviotissa.html
     
    The Holy Icon Panagia of Prousiotissa according to tradition was painted by the hand of St. Luke the Evangelist. Since the year 829, this Holy Icon of the Theotokos has been kept in a church that still stands in the city of Proussa, now the Turkish city of Brusa, which is near present day Istanbul. Many miracles have taken place before this icon in the Church. The only known accurate replica of this miracle working icon had resided at the Monastery of Prousos in Greece. In late June 2008 the replica was transported by clergy of the monastery and of the Metropolis of Karpenisi to the United States and placed permanently at the Monastery of Panagia Prousiotissa in Troy, North Carolina.
    A number of monasteries have been dedicated to this icon including:Panagia Prousiotissa Monastery Proussos (Greece)Panagia Prousiotissa Greek Orthodox Monastery, Troy, NC USA)

    Ancient Hindu Thought about temples occurs in 

    1. archaeological site of Mohenjo-daro (ziggurat), 
    2. finds of Śivalinga in Harappa and 
    3. finds of  Śivalinga in Candi Seto, Candi Sukuh atop ziggurats (mountain-tops)
    3. artifacts of Bhirrana (Dancing girl hypertext on a potsherd;Indus Script seals). Do they provive glimpses into Ancient Hindu religious thought?

    Characterist components of ancient Hindu architecture of a heap of earth, a stupa as a temple.

    dhatu is mineral, garbha is interior; thus, the expression dhāṭugarbha (pronounced in Meluhha as dagoba) is 'earth containing in interior, mineral ore'. 

    As a metaphor for a temple, dagoba for ancient metalworkers of Indian sprachbund (speech union), such earth which contained the mineral ores constituted the sanctum sanctorum of the temple.

    Origin and etymology of dagoba: Singhalese dāgoba, dāgaba, from Pali dhātugabbha, from Sanskrit dhātugarbha, literally, having relics inside, from dhātu element, elemental bodily substance, relics (from dadhāti he places) + garbha womb, interior (Merriam-Webster)

    Strand, element, ore: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā] Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatuʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāuʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāuʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuāʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍīʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6733)

    Smithy, forge, temple: Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·lsmithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānāto mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānāto forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge.  (DEDR 2133)

    Ko. kole·lsmithy, temple in Kota village.  (DEDR 2133) kōvil temple; kōṉāṭu a division of the Chola country; kōcar name of certain chieftains mentioned in the Sangam literature and connected with the Tuḷu country. Ma.kō, kōn, kōmān king; kōyil, kōvil palace, temple;kōyilakam palace; kōnma, kōymaroyal authority. Ko. ko·na·ṛ the plains; ko·na·ṭo·n, ko·na·ṭo·r man, men of the plains. Te. kōyila, kōvela temple. Pa. kōcking. Ga. (S) kōsu id. ? Kur. kōhā great, big, haughty, important, eminent in rank, etc.; kōhar elders, grandees, chiefs; (Hahn) koghāgreat one, elder relative; koghar elders.  (DEDR 2127)

    गर्भ   m. ( √ग्रभ् = ग्रह् , " to conceive " ; √2. गॄ Un2. iii , 152) the womb RV. AV. &c; the inside , middle , interior of anything , calyx (as of a lotus) MBh. VarBr2S. &c (ifc.f(आ). , " having in the interior , containing , filled with " S3a1n3khS3r. RPra1t. MBh. &c ); any interior chamber , adytum or sanctuary of a temple &c VarBr2S. RTL. p.445 (Monier-Williams) garbhāgāra n. ʻ inner chamber ʼ Kathās. [gárbha -- , agāra -- ]Aś. man. grabhagara -- , gir. gabhāgāra -- , kāl. gabhāgāla<-> ʻ inner apartment ʼ; G. gabhārɔ m. ʻ inmost sanctuary of a temple ʼ, M. gābhār, gābhārā m. (CDIAL 4060)

    धातु--गर्भ m. (with Buddh. ) receptacle for ashes or relics , a Dagaba or Dagoba (Sinhalese corruption of पालि Dhatu-gabbha) MWB. xxxv

    शिखर m.n. a point , peak (of a mountain) , top or summit (of a tree) , edge or point (of a sword) , end , pinnacle , turret , spire MBh. Ka1v. &c 

    The semantic structure of two metalwork temples is vividly displayed on Sit-Shamshi Bronze Model with an Akkadian inscription.  SeeAnnex:Significance of linga and 4 spheres on Sit Shamshi bronze and Meluhha hieroglyphs on Candi Sukuh lingasit shamshi musée du louvre parís tabla de bronce que parece resumir ... The morning ablutions offered to the Sun Divinity are signified in front of two ziggurat images flanked by eight globules on either side.In my view, the bronze model is a narrative of metallurgical work in a smithy/forge by artisans who were governed by an ancient thought of the divine, represented in a temple with hieroglyphs/hypertexts expressed in Meluhha (Ancient Indian sprachbund, speech union)..

     
    Remains of Sarasvati Civilization Ziggurat at Mohenjo-Daro
    "A ziggurat (/ˈzɪɡəræt/ZIG-ə-rat; Akkadian: ziqqurat, D-stem of zaqāru"to build on a raised area") is a type of massive stone structure built in ancient Mesopotamia. It has the form of a terraced compound of successively receding stories or levels. Notable ziggurats include the Great Ziggurat of Ur near Nasiriyah, the Ziggurat of Aqar Quf near Baghdad, the now destroyed Etemenanki in Babylon, Chogha Zanbil in Khūzestān and Sialk."https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ziggurat

    Comparable structures

     
    Chogha Zanbil, Elam Ziggurat  
    Ziggurat of Ur

    Shape of lingam found at Harappa is like the summit of Mt. Kailas, Himalayas. Plate X(c), Lingam in situ in trench Ai (MS Vats, 1940, Exxcavations at Harappa, Vol. II, Calcutta). In trenches III and IV two more stone lingams were found. (MS Vats, opcit., Vol. I, pp. 51-52). 

    Photograph from Malleret, L., L'archaeologie du delta du Mekong, Paris, 1959
    Ekamukhalinga from Vat Sak Sampou








     
     
     
                         "The JaiyA ekamukhalinga is divided into three parts in accordance with the prescriptions in the Siva Agamas. The base, BrahmabhAga, is cubic in form and is 47.8 cms. High. The middle section, the ViSNubhAga, is octagonal in shape and is approximately 43 cm. High. The topmost section, the RudrabhAga, is cylindrical and is approximately 51 cms high, while the superimposed face measures 29.5 cms from the bottom of the chin to the top of the jaTA. The two lower sections of the linga would not normally be visible, since they would be enclosed in the pedestal (pIThikA)...One of the singular features of these pre-Angkorian mukhalingas is the fusing of the jaTA with the filet on the gland of the RudrabhAga (fig.2)...There is, however, an ekamukhalinga from Vat Sak Sampou (fig. 3) which displays a coiffure which is very muh like that worn on the JaiyA linga.” (O'Connor, SJ, 1961, An ekamukhalinga from Peninsular Siam,  The Journal of the Siam Society. The Siam Society. pp. 43-49).
     

    Bhirrana. Sarasvati River Basin
     
    Seals found at Bhirrana, with animals such as a deer, a three-headed animal, a one-horned young bull (unicorn), and a bull. These seals have typical Indus Script Hieroglyphs/Hypertexts constituting wealth accounting ledgers of metalwork. The red potsherdwith the engraving resembling the Dancing Girl bronze figurine of Mohenjodaro, found at Bhirrana. Terracotta horns.


    Why is a 'dancing girl' glyph shown on a potsherd discovered at Bhirrana? Because, dance-step is a hieroglyph written as hypertext cipher.viśvakarma tradition which created this exquisite cire perdue bronze statue of Mohenjo-daro lives on in many of India even today. The bronzes of Nataraja śiva as a cosmic dancer attest to this tradition.


    Forge scene stele.  Forging of a keris or kris (the iconic Javanese dagger) and other weapons. The blade of the keris represents the khaNDa. Fire is a purifier, so the blade being forged is also symbolic of the purification process central theme of the consecration of gangga sudhi specified in the inscription on the 1.82 m. tall, 5 ft. dia.  lingga hieroglyph, the deity of Candi Sukuh. 

    The sculptural of Candi Sukuh narrative depicts Bhima as the blacksmith in the left forging the metal holding a steel sword on his right hand, Ganesha in the center with a dance-step (med 'dance step' rebus: meD 'iron'), and Arjuna in the right operating bellows

    Ganesa as dancer on a Candi Sukuh sculpture in the context of smelting processes to produce steel swords.

    karibha 'elephant's trunk' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron' PLUS meD 'step' rebus: meD 'iron, metal, copper'.



    http://image.shutterstock.com/z/stock-photo-ancient-erotic-temple-candi-sukuh-bali-indonesia-47654149.jpg 
    Candi Sukuh. Another temple is Candi Ceto. Both has Siva temples.

    On top of the Mt.Lawu fortification of Candi Sukuh stood this 1.82m. tall linga.

    The Lingga discovered at Candi Sukuh on the slopes of Mt. Lawu in Central Java and now in the  National Museum in Jakarta; note the keris. (from c.j. van der Vlis report of 1843).



    Candi Cetho. Lingga shows a pair of balls at the top of the penis -- to be read rebus as Meluhha hieroglyph composition: lo-khaNDa, penis + 4 balls; Rebus: iron, metalware.

    The four balls of the penis are also clearly shown on a 6 ft. tall linga inscribed with 1. a sword; and 2. inscription in Javanese, referring to 'inauguration of the holy ganggasudhi...'

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/sekkizhar-periya-puranam-candi-sukuh.html Histoire ancienne des Etats hindouises along the Tin Road from Haifa to Hanoi. NaMo, Obama, announce United Indian Ocean States.

    lo 'penis' Rebus: loh 'copper, metal'

    Hieroglyphs: gaṇḍa 'swelling' gaṇḍa 'four' gaṇḍa 'sword'
    Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi)

    Together, hieroglyphs: lo + gaṇḍa. Rebus: लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] 'metalwork'

    Metaphor: Sh. K.ḍoḍ.  m. ʻ light, dawn ʼ; L. awāṇ.  ʻ light ʼ; P. lo f. ʻ light, dawn, power of seeing, consideration ʼ; WPah. bhal. lo f. ʻ light (e.g. of moon) ʼ.(CDIAL 11120). + kaṇṭa 'manliness'. Metaphorical rendering of the effulgence (sun and moon) associated with the pillar of light yielding the imagery of an representation of a fiery pillar with unfathomable beginning, unreachable end, thus of infniity of Mahadeva representing the paramaatman for the aatman in search of nihs'reyas (moksha), from Being to Becoming, the way earth and stones transmute into metal in the smelter and smithy, kole.l 'smithy, temple'.

    Bharatiyo, 'metalcasters' (Gujarati) are awestruck by this parallel with the cosmic energy replicated in the energies of the smelter, fire-altar and smithy. Hence, the veneration of the linga + 4 spheres as the essence of every phenomenon on cosmos, on the globe, of the world. These hieroglyphs and related metaphors thus yield the gestalt of Bharatiyo, 'metalcasters' (Meluhha). This enduring metaphor finds expression in sculptures on many Hindu temples of Eurasia.

    The gloss gaṇḍu 'manliness' (Kannada); 'bravery, strength' (Telugu) is a synonym of the expression on Candi Suku linga inscription: 'sign of masculinity is the essence of the world'. Thus, the gloss lokhaṇḍa which is a direct Meluhha speech form related to the hieroglyph composition on Candi Suku inscription is the sign of masculinity. The rebus renderings of khandoba or kandariya mahadeva are elucidations of the rebus gloss: kaṇḍa, 'mahadeva S'iva or mahes'vara.' The hieroglyphs deployed on the 1.82m. tall stone sculpture of linga with the inscription and hieroglyphs of sword, sun, moon and four balls deployed just below the tip of the phallus are thus explained as Meluhha speech: lokhaṇḍa. The rebus rendering of the phrase is: lo 'light' and kaṇṭa 'manliness'. These attributes constitute the effulgence of the linga as the fiery pillar, skhamba venerated in Atharva Veda Skhamba sukta as the cosmic effulgence as the cosmic essence.

    gaṇḍa -- m. ʻ four' (Munda) गंडा[ gaṇḍā ] m An aggregate of four (cowries or pice). (Marathi) <ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  Syn. <cari>(LS4), <hunja-mi>(D).  *Sa., Mu.<ganDa> `id.', H.<gA~Da> `a group of four cowries'.  %10591.  #10511.<ganDa-mi>(KM)  {NUM} ``^four''.  |<-mi> `one'.  %10600.  #10520. Ju<ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  gaṇḍaka m. ʻ a coin worth four cowries ʼ lex., ʻ method of counting by fours ʼ W. [← Mu. Przyluski RoczOrj iv 234]S. g̠aṇḍho m. ʻ four in counting ʼ; P. gaṇḍā m. ʻ four cowries ʼ; B. Or. H. gaṇḍā m. ʻ a group of four, four cowries ʼ; M. gaṇḍā m. ʻ aggregate of four cowries or pice ʼ.(CDIAL 4001)

    gaṇḍa -- m. ʻswelling, boil, abscessʼ(Pali)

    Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi) खंडा [ khaṇḍā ] m A sort of sword. It is straight and twoedged. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended. खांडाईत [ khāṇḍāīta ] a Armed with the sword called खांडा. (Marathi)

    लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron.लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith.
    लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron.



    THE ARTEFACTS UNEARTHED include pottery and potsherds, an ivory comb, bone points and chert blades. THE EXCAVATION OF 2003-04 yielded inscribed copper celts.
     

    Göbekli Tepe was founded about 11,500 years ago. Its circular compounds on top of a tell are composed by massive T-shaped stone pillars decorated with abstract, enigmatic pictograms and animal reliefs. It is arguably world's oldest temple. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/G%C3%B6bekli_Tepe

    "The more important part in adressing the set of pyramids which Schoch was ascribing to Sundaland starts separately out of the Mesopotamian ziggurats and then continues to India. I am fairly convinced that this line (in blue) separately crossed the Pacific to introduce the specifically Eastern type of pyramid to the Americas. With the old-Atlantic pyramids there is one outstandingly old pyramid in Mexico, the Cuicuilco pyramid mentioned by Hapgood as a possible relic of the Ancient Sea Kings civilisation (However that opinion rests on some already-questioned radiocarbon dates which go as far back as 6000 BCE...." 
     "Thor Heyerdahl included in his Ra and Ra 2 Evidence the fact that pyramids had been discovered on the Canary Islands, a discovery he had a hand in. This is one of the half-dozen remaining pyramids at Guimar on the big island of Tenerife in the Canary Islands, off the NW coast of Africa. It may belong to the very old terraced-pyramid tradition also represented by Cuicuilco, below.These all seem to be broad low staged structures with Kivas (Circular pits and not "Houses") at the top."
    'In Peru this could include possibly the pyramid at Tiahuanaco (also resting on some indefinite dates). However, beginning with the Olmecs, the more usual temple mounds started to be built, and therefore in a culture already suspected to have Indian connections. By this time also, Mayan pyramids had started but in this case also, they were low mounds like mastabahs rather than really pyramids (since 2500-3000 BCE)"
    One of the Mayan "Serpent Balustrades": the same idea occurs at Angkor Wat using the local         7-headed Nagas.
    Tiruvanamala, India
    In Peru this could include possibly the pyramid at Tiahuanaco (also resting on some indefinite dates). However, beginning with the Olmecs, the more usual temple mounds started to be built, and therefore in a culture already suspected to have Indian connections. By this time also, Mayan pyramids had started but in this case also, they were low mounds like mastabahs rather than really pyramids (since 2500-3000 BCE.



    Initially thought to be a 'granary', this 27 part structure is found next to the famous Great Bath water tank. These 27 distinct parts are arranged in 3 rows of 9 each. What are they? For what purpose they were used? 


    In the aerial view shown above, the front structure named Buddha Vihar was formed 2000 years ago. That was not originally the Indus structure. The almost square shaped structure to the right was the original structure built at about 2600 BCE. http://frontiers-of-anthropology.blogspot.com/search/label/Indus%20Valley%20Seals

    Ziggurat (Stupa?) Mohenjo-daro


    Maize in Pre-Columbian India

    Carl L. Johannessen and Anne Z. Parker, "Maize Ears Sculptured in 12th and 13th Century A.D. India as Indicators of Pre-Columbian Diffusion,"Economic Botany 43 , 1989, 164-80, argue that stone carvings of maize ears exist in at least three pre-Columbian Hoysala stone block temples near Mysore, Karnataka state, India. Their article provides 16 photographs of a few of the sculptures in question.
    Johannessen has now made three large-scale color photographs available online at http://geography.uoregon.edu/carljohannessen/research.html (new URL, 10/06), with a brief discussion. These photos reveal considerable detail that is lost in the reduced scale black and white reproductions that appeared in the journal article. His photos are the source of the thumbnails on appearing this site, and may be viewed full size by clicking below:



    Further photographs appear in his 1998 article, "Maize Diffused to India before Columbus Came to America" (see references below).
    In his 1998 article "Pre-Columbian American Sunflower and Maize Images in Indian Temples: Evidence of Contact between Civilizations in India and America" (see references below), Johannessen goes on to cite several appearances of the sunflower, another New World crop, in pre-Columbian Indian temple sculptures. To view Figure 1 from that article, enlarged and in color on his website, click on the thumbnail below:







    The following review has been published in theMidwest Epigraphic Journal, vol. 12/13, 1998-99, pp. 43-44.
    An earlier version appeared in 1998 on the newsgroup sci.archaeology.

    "Much later watercraft depicted at Angkor seem to be of the same conformation with the extremely steep bow and stern. This would be a smaller craft for rowing and not sailing: I imagine Sundaland craft utilised both methods as necessary."http://frontiers-of-anthropology.blogspot.com/search/label/Angkor%20Wat



                                                  
       Above is a photograph of a carved panel from a Hindu-Buddhist temple in India, depicting the "Tree of Life" with probable encoded mushrooms, and a symbol very similar in shape to a the Maya glyph for Venus.
                       
                  
      Above is a limestone carving 1st century B.C. depicting the enlightenment of the Buddha. Note the possibility of what looks like Amanita mushrooms underneath the sacred bodhi-tree. Also note that at the base of the empty throne are the Buddha's footprints. .British Museum, London, Great Britain (from http://www.lessing-photo.com/dispimg.asp?i=03060124+&cr=714&cl=1 

    Pretty Ladies and Indus Script

    Sarasvati civilization, Mauryan images


    This is an Indus Valley Seagoing vessel, presumably the sort of craft that would have made the long voyage.


    The originating port in India would have been like this. The period we are talking about is after the end of the Indus civilization proper and before the beginning of the next recognisable period of Indian history, the Mauryan, but with resemblances to each of those periods. The artwork of those different eras do show some continuity but with an increaed Greek influence after the time of Alexander the Great. The Tlatilco period would have ended well before then.
    Gordon Eckholm was the main author who brought cultural diffusion back into the mainstream of Science in the 1960s with articles published in the Scientific American and other journals. Basically he recognised that the use of various decorative motifs were common to the high-culture areas of India and the Mayan lands of the New World, including "cherubic"figures, sea monsters or makaras with spouts of water or vines issuing out of their mouths, lotuses and decorative bands with double-lined borders and decorative curls. In a collection of articles written about the state of Archaeology in 1964 published at Rice University and repeated
    in An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology, Eckholm and his asociates mentioned multiple probable transpacific contacts starting as early as the introduction of Pottery to South America from the Jomonic period of Japan as early as 3000 BC and then again intermittent cultural packages transmitted across the Pacific at later dates. 




    Tukulti Ninurta Altar with Indus Script hieroglyphs related to metalwork catalogue. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/12/meluhha-hieroglyphs-of-assur-assur.html
    करंडा [karaṇḍā] A clump, chump, or block of wood. 4 The stock or fixed portion of the staff of the large leaf-covered summerhead or umbrella. करांडा [ karāṇḍā ] m C A cylindrical piece as sawn or chopped off the trunk or a bough of a tree; a clump, chump, or block.

    Allograph: करडी karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower: also its seed.

    Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' of arka 'copper'. 

    Rebus: fire-god: @B27990.  #16671. Remo <karandi>E155  {N} ``^fire-^god''.(Munda)
    The hieroglyphs on the fire-altar confirm the link to metallurgy with the use of 'spoked-wheel' banner carried on one side of the altar and the 'safflower' hieroglyph flanking the altar worshipped by Tukulti-Ninurta. It is rebus, as Sigmund Freud noted in reference to the dream. 'I have revealed to Atrahasis a dream, and it is thus that he has learned the secret of the gods.' (Epic of Gilgamesh, Ninevite version, XI, 187.)(Zainab Bahrani, 2011, The graven image: representation in Babylonia and Assyria, Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, p. 185)
     
    Annex
    Significance of linga and 4 spheres on Sit Shamshi bronze and Meluhha hieroglyphs on Candi Sukuh linga

    The message of Sit Shamshi bronze, consistent with the Akkadian inscription is viewed as a metalwork catalog by bronze workers celebrating a gangga sudhi 'water purification' puja, a consecration also referred to on Candi Sukuh linga inscription.The gloss sudhi also indicates that the consecration is related to veneration of ancestors. Water purification is a metaphor for purification processes in metalwork, removing impurities from minerals to produce pure metal and also alloy metals. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-bronze-age-legacy_6.html

    Depicting water ablutions on sunrise or sunset in front of the four-step ziggurat: Susa. Sit-Shamshi (Musée du Louvre, París). 


    kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.) मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) Together: kolami meḍ 'smithy iron'. A pair of linga + 4 spheres is dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the reading: dul kolami meḍ 'iron casting smithy'. 

    Two devotees offer water ablutions to the Sun divinity at dawn and dusk. The Sun is symbolized by the Ziggurat temple flanked on either side by a linga-s and 4 spheres.

    What is the significance of the pair of linga and 4 spheres flanking a dagoba, ziggurat?  लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] 'metalwork' [Hieroglyphs: (lo + gaṇḍa) 'phallus + four, swelling'; Rebus: loh 'copper, metal' + kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi)]

    The sword hieroglyph, khaNDa reinforces the rebus reading as kanda 'fire-trench' used by metalcasters. Fire-trench PLUS smelter furnace constitute the tools of trade of metalcasters and are denoted by the hieroglyphs: membrum virile and kuThi, pudendum mulibre in Candi Sukuh, Central Java; read rebus: kanda 'fire-trench'; kuThi 'smelter'.

    The word dagoba is cognate with dhatu garbha, denoting the smelting of minerals (dhatu) in a smelter as a metaphor for the bearing of a child in month's womb (garbha). This imagery becomes the central presentation of an ancient Hindu kole.l temple; koil, 'temple' (Tamil), as a metaphor of creation in a cosmic dance. Hence, the hieroglyphs of linga + 4 spheres flank the ziggurat, dagoba. dhatu garba lit. means 'the womb of minerals (the earth)'. The Sit Shamshi bronze is a representation of the cosmic dance repeated on the earth with the work on dhatu, minerals yielding metals, pots and pans, tools and weapons. The metaphor of the divine as paramaatman, 'supreme divine' is born.

    The  imagery of linga and 4 spheres is paralleled on a 1.82m. tall linga of Candi Sukuh temple together with an inscription in Javanese and hieroglyphs of: kris sword-blade flanked by hieroglyphs of sun and crescent-moon. 

    The 1.8 metre lingga of Candi Sukuh has four such balls and also has an inscription (representing the vein of the phallus) that reads: ‘Consecration of the Holy Gangga sudhi in … the sign of masculinity is the essence of the world’

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/sekkizhar-periya-puranam-candi-sukuh.html

    sit shamshi musée du louvre parís tabla de bronce que parece resumir ...
    Three stakes on Sit-Shamshi bronze.
    Glyph: मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) Vikalpa: khuṇṭ ‘stump’. Rebus: khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Mu.) Thus, three jagged sticks on the Sit Shamshi bronze may be decoded as khũṭ kolami ‘smithy guild’ or, meḍ kolami 'iron (metal) smithy'. 'Iron' in such lexical entries may refer to 'metal'.

    The Candi Sukuh temple fortification on Mt. Lawu in Central Java is comparable to one of the 16  pyramids in Greece dated to 2720 BCE called Pyramid in Hellenicon, Greece (Fig. 7).

     http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/meluhha-hieroglyphs-and-candi-sukuh.html
    Photo 1: “True” pyramids on Gizeh plateau (Egypt): Cheops, Khefren and Mikeren pyramids are three out of 130 pyramids built in ancient Egypt; perfect orientation North-South, East-West
    Photo 2: Mayan pyramid in Tikal (Northern Guatemala), the highest pyramidal structure in Central America
    Photo 3: Candi Sukuh, Java, Indonesia, pyramidal temple
    Photo 4: Step stone pyramid in Mel, Mauritius
    Photo 5: Model of step Pyramid of Akapana in Bolivia, granite blocks were used in construction
    Photo 6: Step circular pyramid in Andon, Korea (one of three stone pyramids in Korea)
    Photo 7: Pyramid in Hellenicon, Greece, 2720 B.C.(one of the 16 pyramids in Greece)
    Photo 8: Pyramid in Sicily (one of five locations among the ancient pyramids in Italy)
    Photo 9: Guimar pyramid, Tenerife, Canary Islands, Spain, one of six step stone pyramids in Guimar; dozens of pyramidal structures in Tenerife and La Palma have been destroyed by modern civilization
    Photo 10: Pyramid of the Sun, Teotihuacan, Mexico, 1858, completely covered by soil and vegetation
    Photo 11: Pyramid of the Sun, Teotihuacan, Mexico, 1985, after the excavation
    Photo 12: Pyramid - Han Yang Ling Mausoleum, Xian, China, completely covered by soil and vegetation
    Photo 13: Pyramid - Han Yang Ling Mausoleum, Xian, China, Model of the pyramid in Museum,
    perfect orientation North-South, East-West
    Photo 14: Step pyramid in Kavachi region, Southern Peru, orientation towards the cardinal points,
    (total of 34 pyramids in this area, and 250
    Tucume pyramids on the North)
    Photo 15: Step pyramid in Saqqara, Egypt
    Photo 16: Nubian pyramids in Northern Sudan (total of 224 stone pyramids were built)
    Photo 17: Mahalatea step pyramid in Tahiti
    Photo 18: Red Pyramid in Egypt
    Photo 19: Bosnian Pyramid of the Sun, Visoko, Bosnia-Herzegovina, with it’s height of 220 meters - tallest pyramidal structure of the ancient World; preliminary report on the rectangular base: 440x660 meters
    http://www.cerchinelgrano.info/piramidi_bosnia.htm

    On top of the Mt.Lawu fortification of Candi Sukuh stood this 1.82m. tall linga.

    The Lingga discovered at Candi Sukuh on the slopes of Mt. Lawu in Central Java and now in the  National Museum in Jakarta; note the keris. (from c.j. van der Vlis report of 1843).



    Candi Cetho. Lingga shows a pair of balls at the top of the penis -- to be read rebus as Meluhha hieroglyph composition: lo-khaNDa, penis + 4 balls; Rebus: iron, metalware.

    The four balls of the penis are also clearly shown on a 6 ft. tall linga inscribed with 1. a sword; and 2. inscription in Javanese, referring to 'inauguration of the holy ganggasudhi...'

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/sekkizhar-periya-puranam-candi-sukuh.html Histoire ancienne des Etats hindouises along the Tin Road from Haifa to Hanoi. NaMo, Obama, announce United Indian Ocean States.

    lo 'penis' Rebus: loh 'copper, metal'

    Hieroglyphs: gaṇḍa 'swelling' gaṇḍa 'four' gaṇḍa 'sword'
    Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi)

    Together, hieroglyphs: lo + gaṇḍa. Rebus: लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] 'metalwork'

    Metaphor: Sh. K.ḍoḍ.  m. ʻ light, dawn ʼ; L. awāṇ.  ʻ light ʼ; P. lo f. ʻ light, dawn, power of seeing, consideration ʼ; WPah. bhal. lo f. ʻ light (e.g. of moon) ʼ.(CDIAL 11120). + kaṇṭa 'manliness'. Metaphorical rendering of the effulgence (sun and moon) associated with the pillar of light yielding the imagery of an representation of a fiery pillar with unfathomable beginning, unreachable end, thus of infniity of Mahadeva representing the paramaatman for the aatman in search of nihs'reyas (moksha), from Being to Becoming, the way earth and stones transmute into metal in the smelter and smithy, kole.l 'smithy, temple'.

    Bharatiyo, 'metalcasters' (Gujarati) are awestruck by this parallel with the cosmic energy replicated in the energies of the smelter, fire-altar and smithy. Hence, the veneration of the linga + 4 spheres as the essence of every phenomenon on cosmos, on the globe, of the world. These hieroglyphs and related metaphors thus yield the gestalt of Bharatiyo, 'metalcasters' (Meluhha). This enduring metaphor finds expression in sculptures on many Hindu temples of Eurasia.

    The gloss gaṇḍu 'manliness' (Kannada); 'bravery, strength' (Telugu) is a synonym of the expression on Candi Suku linga inscription: 'sign of masculinity is the essence of the world'. Thus, the gloss lokhaṇḍa which is a direct Meluhha speech form related to the hieroglyph composition on Candi Suku inscription is the sign of masculinity. The rebus renderings of khandoba or kandariya mahadeva are elucidations of the rebus gloss: kaṇḍa, 'mahadeva S'iva or mahes'vara.' The hieroglyphs deployed on the 1.82m. tall stone sculpture of linga with the inscription and hieroglyphs of sword, sun, moon and four balls deployed just below the tip of the phallus are thus explained as Meluhha speech: lokhaṇḍa. The rebus rendering of the phrase is: lo 'light' and kaṇṭa 'manliness'. These attributes constitute the effulgence of the linga as the fiery pillar, skhamba venerated in Atharva Veda Skhamba sukta as the cosmic effulgence as the cosmic essence.

    gaṇḍa -- m. ʻ four' (Munda) गंडा[ gaṇḍā ] m An aggregate of four (cowries or pice). (Marathi) <ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  Syn. <cari>(LS4), <hunja-mi>(D).  *Sa., Mu.<ganDa> `id.', H.<gA~Da> `a group of four cowries'.  %10591.  #10511.<ganDa-mi>(KM)  {NUM} ``^four''.  |<-mi> `one'.  %10600.  #10520. Ju<ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  gaṇḍaka m. ʻ a coin worth four cowries ʼ lex., ʻ method of counting by fours ʼ W. [← Mu. Przyluski RoczOrj iv 234]S. g̠aṇḍho m. ʻ four in counting ʼ; P. gaṇḍā m. ʻ four cowries ʼ; B. Or. H. gaṇḍā m. ʻ a group of four, four cowries ʼ; M. gaṇḍā m. ʻ aggregate of four cowries or pice ʼ.(CDIAL 4001)

    gaṇḍa -- m. ʻswelling, boil, abscessʼ(Pali)

    Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi) खंडा [ khaṇḍā ] m A sort of sword. It is straight and twoedged. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended. खांडाईत [ khāṇḍāīta ] a Armed with the sword called खांडा. (Marathi)

    लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron.लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith.
    लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron.











     


    Glosses
    ulkāˊ f. ʻ meteor, fire falling from heaven ʼ RV., ʻ fire- brand ʼ ŚBr.Pa. ukkā -- f. ʻ torch ʼ, Pk. ukkā -- f ʻ meteor, fire -- ball ʼ; B. ūk, ukā ʻ torch ʼ; Or. uka ʻ torch, flash of fire, meteor ʼ, ukiā ʻ sun's rays ʼ; Mth. ūk ʻ torch ʼ; H. ūk m. ʻ torch, blaze, meteor ʼ.(CDIAL 2362). Rebus: ukku 'steel' (Telugu) Ta. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender, melt (as the heart), be kind, glow with love, be emaciated; urukku (urukki-) to melt (tr.) with heat (as metals or congealed substances), dissolve, liquefy, fuse, soften (as feelings), reduce, emaciate (as the body), destroy; n. steel, anything melted, product of liquefaction; urukkam melting of heart, tenderness, compassion, love (as to a deity, friend, or child); urukkiṉam that which facilitates the fusion of metals (as borax). Ma. urukuka to melt, dissolve, be softened; urukkuka to melt (tr.); urukkam melting, anguish; urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel. Ko. uk steel.  Ka.urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te. ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh-(Voc. 262). Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.)rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel. (DEDR 661)

    Go<luGguj>(Z) [lUGguy']  {NB} ``male ^genitals, ^penis, ^scrotum''.(Munda etyma)

    Hieroglyph: loe 'penis' (Ho.) Rebus: loh 'copper, iron, metal' (Indian sprachbund, Meluhha)






    Hieroglyph: ``^penis'':So. laj(R)  ~ lij  ~ la'a'j  ~ laJ/ laj  ~ kaD `penis'.Sa. li'j `penis, esp. of small boys'.Sa. lO'j `penis'.Mu. lOe'j  ~ lOGgE'j `penis'.  ! lO'jHo loe `penis'.Ku. la:j `penis'.@(C289) ``^penis'':Sa. lOj `penis'.Mu. lOj `penis'.KW lOj@(M084) <lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL)  {N} ``^penis''.  #43901. <ului>(P),,<uluj>(MP)  {NB} ``^penis, male organ, male^genitals''.  Cf. <kOlOb>(P),<susu>(M) `testicle'; <kuLij>(M), <kuRij>(P) `vulva'.  *Sa., MuN<lO'j>, MuH, Ho<lo'e>,So.<laj-An>, U.Tem.<lo'> ??. %33271.  #33031.So<lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL)  {N} ``^penis''.
    <lohosua>(D)  {NI} ``^dance''.  #20141. 
    Rebus: lōká1 m.ʻ free space, world ʼ RV., ʻ space, territory ʼ, ŚBr., ʻ people ʼ Mn.Pa. lōka -- m. ʻ world ʼ; Aś.top. loke ʻthe people ʼ, shah. ia -- lokaṁ,jau. hida -- logaṁ ʻ this world ʼ; KharI. loo ʻplace ʼ; Pk. lōga -- , lōa -- m. ʻ world, people ʼ; Wg.  ʻwide open ground ʼ; S. lou m. ʻ tribe, family ʼ, loi f.ʻ place of residence, lover's village ʼ; L.khet.  ʻ village ʼ; OB. loa plural affix; OAw. loi m. ʻ people ʼ, H. loe, loī m.; OG. loi m. ʻ the world ʼ, Si. lov, lev (< nom. *lovi), lō.(CDIAL 11119)
    Rebus: <loha>(BD)  {NI} ``^iron''.  Syn. <luaG>(D).  *@.  #20131)  laúha -- ʻ made of copper or iron ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ red ʼ MBh., n. ʻ iron, metal ʼ Bhaṭṭ. [lōhá -- ] Pk. lōha -- ʻ made of iron ʼ; L. lohā ʻ iron -- coloured, reddish ʼ; P. lohā ʻ reddish -- brown (of cattle) ʼ.lōhá 11158 lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho.loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam.lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md.ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ.WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md.  ʻ metal ʼ. (CDIAL 11172).
    lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, °rī -- f., °raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1]Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., °rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh° m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ.WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m. (CDIAL 11159).lōhaghaṭa 11160 *lōhaghaṭa ʻ iron pot ʼ. [lōhá -- , ghaṭa -- 1]Bi. lohrā°rī ʻ small iron pan ʼ.*lōhaphāla -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , phāˊla -- 1]WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl m. ʻ an agricultural implement ʼ Him.I 197; -- or < †*lōhahala -- .(CDIAL 11160)lōhala ʻ made of iron ʼ W. [lōhá -- ]G. loharlohariyɔ m. ʻ selfwilled and unyielding man ʼ.(CDIAL 11161).*lōhaśālā ʻ smithy ʼ. [lōhá -- , śāˊlā -- ]Bi. lohsārī ʻ smithy ʼ. (CDIAL 11162).lōhahaṭṭika 11163 *lōhahaṭṭika ʻ ironmonger ʼ. [lōhá -- , haṭṭa -- ] P.ludh. lōhṭiyā m. ʻ ironmonger ʼ.†*lōhahala -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , halá -- ]WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl ʻ an agricultural instrument ʼ; rather < †*lōhaphāla -- .(CDIAL 11163).
    Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi) खंडा [ khaṇḍā ] m A sort of sword. It is straight and twoedged. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended. खांडाईत [ khāṇḍāīta ] a Armed with the sword called खांडा. (Marathi)
    kole.l 'temple' Rebus: kole.l 'smithy' (Kota)

    लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously. 

    लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith.
    लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's हाड or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. 4 Ardent and unyielding--a fever. 5 लोखंडी, in the sense Hard and coarse or in the sense Strong or enduring, is freely applied as a term of distinction or designation. Examples follow.
    लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] f (लोखंड) An iron boiler or other vessel. 2 A large scandent shrub, Ventilago Maderaspatana. Grah.
    लोखंडी काव [ lōkhaṇḍī kāva ] f A red ochre or earth.
    लोखंडी चुना [ lōkhaṇḍī cunā ] m A term for strong and enduring chunam-work.
    लोखंडी छाप [ lōkhaṇḍī chāpa ] m (Iron type.) A term, according to popular apprehension, for Leaden types and for Printing; in contrad. from दगडछाप Lithography.
    लोखंडी जर [ lōkhaṇḍī jara ] m (लोखंड & जर) False brocade or lace; lace &c. made of iron.

    शेणामेणाचा [ śēṇāmēṇācā ] a (Of dung and wax.) Weak, feeble, flimsy, slight, superficial, unsubstantial, soft, easy, yea and nay, milk and watery. A colloquialism expressing contempt or slight, and used of buildings, articles, business, animals, men.

    शेणामेणालोखंडाचा [ śēṇāmēṇālōkhaṇḍācā ] a (Of dung, of wax, and of iron.) That seems at first soft and easy, empty and unmeaning, and becomes gradually hard, difficult, significant, weighty, grievous, until at length it resembles iron;--as a work or a business, a speech, a treatment. 2 Weak and strong; flimsy and substantial; of which part is earthy, part adamantine; of a mixed character or confused quality;--as a building, a business.

    मेणा or ण्या[ mēṇā or ṇyā ] a (मेण) Smeared with a composition of wax, dregs of oil or ghee, ashes of burnt rags and cowdung &c. Used of टोपलें, सूप, पांटी, हरा &c.


    लोह  [ lōha ] n S Iron, crude or wrought.


    खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended.


    खांडेकरी  [ khāṇḍēkarī ] m A man armed with the sword called खांडा.

    खेंड [ khēṇḍa ] f A sort of sword with a rounded and weighty extremity.
    खंडोबा [ khaṇḍōbā ] m A familiar appellation of the god खंडेरावसोळा गुणांचा खं0 (Marathi)

    gōla1 m. ʻ ball ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. ʻ ball ʼ BhP., ʻ glans penis ʼ Sāy., °likā -- f. ʻ little ball ʼ SāmavBr. (CDIAL 4321) Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’(Tamil)


    *kaṇṭa3 ʻ backbone, podex, penis ʼ. Gy. eur. kanro m. ʻ penis ʼ (or < káṇṭaka -- ); Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼ; P. kaṇḍ f. ʻ back, pubes ʼ; B. kã̄ṭ ʻ clitoris ʼ(CDIAL 2670).
     
    Rebus: kāṇḍa. Water; sacred water (Samskritam. Tamil)
     
    Go<kanDa>(A)  {N} ``^sword''. Gu<ka~Da>  {N} ``^sword''.  *Des.<kaNDa>(GM) `sword'. Re<khanDa>(B)  {N} ``^sword''.  *Des.<khOnDa:>.<kanDa>(A)  {N} ``^sword''.  #15910. <ka~Da>  {N} ``^sword''.  *De.<kaNDa>(GM) `sword'.  @N0670.  #10791. <khanda>>:.  #16501.<pet = khanda>E145  {N} ``a ^sword worshipped as the symbol of an important local deity''.  @B28440.  #16512.<khanDa>(B)  {N} ``^sword''. *Des.<khOnDa:>.  @B07650.  #16521. Re<paTkaNDa>(F)  {N} ``sacred ^Great_^Sword worshipped in Remo ritual as the symbol of an important local diety''.  Cited also as <pet = khanda>E145.

    <kanda>(A)  {N} ``^saddle (between two ^hills)''.  ??in geography list.  #15900.

    <kanDuD>(Z)  {NB} ``^vagina, female ^sex_organ''.  *So.<kAnDoD>(Z)/<DoD> `frog'.  #15920.

    गंडा[ gaṇḍā ] m An aggregate of four (cowries or pice). (Marathi) <ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  Syn. <cari>(LS4), <hunja-mi>(D).  *Sa., Mu.<ganDa> `id.', H.<gA~Da> `a group of four cowries'.  %10591.  #10511.<ganDa-mi>(KM)  {NUM} ``^four''.  |<-mi> `one'.  %10600.  #10520. Ju<ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  gaṇḍaka m. ʻ a coin worth four cowries ʼ lex., ʻ method of counting by fours ʼ W. [← Mu. Przyluski RoczOrj iv 234]S. g̠aṇḍho m. ʻ four in counting ʼ; P. gaṇḍā m. ʻ four cowries ʼ; B. Or. H. gaṇḍā m. ʻ a group of four, four cowries ʼ; M. gaṇḍā m. ʻ aggregate of four cowries or pice ʼ.(CDIAL 4001)

    Psht. guṇḍ ʻ round ʼ, Pers. gunda ʻ ball of leaven ʼ, gund ʻ testicle ʼ < *gr̥nda -- NTS xii 263. -- See also gaḍu -- 1, gaṇḍu -- , *giḍa -- , *gilla -- , kanda -- ]1. Pa. gaṇḍa -- m. ʻ swelling, boil, abscess ʼ; Pk. gaṁḍa<-> m.n. ʻ goitre, boil ʼ, NiDoc. gaṁḍa(CDIAL 3997)

    Ancient Near east Anzu, falcon-shaped fire-altar Uttarakhand, turning aṁśú (Rigveda), ancu (Tocharian) in smithy.

    This explains the hieroglyph of eagle in Candi Sukuh sculptures which depict a winged eagle ligatured to a man's body.
    ... Candi Sukuh Karanganyar » Patung Garuda Candi Sukuh » Currently




    Syena-citi: A Monument of Uttarkashi  The first layer of  one kind of śyenaciti or falcon altar described in the Śulbasūtras, made of 200 bricks of six shapes or sizes, all of them adding up to a specified total area. 

    Distt.EXCAVATED SITE -PUROLA Geo-Coordinates-Lat. 30° 52’54” N Long. 77° 05’33” E Notification No& Date;2742/-/16-09/1996The ancient site at Purola is located on the left bank of river Kamal. 


    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/tablet-of-destinies.html

     

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    https://tinyurl.com/y7htk59s
     
    Gold Pendant From Harappa , Sarasvati Civilization ( Photo - National Museum Delhi )

    This 'heart' design on the body (to signify gold -- kundaa pure gold(Tulu) PLUS sack on the shoulder constitute hieroglyphs (semantic, phonetic determinants). खोंडरूं [ khōṇḍarūṃ ] n A contemptuous form of खोंडा in the sense of कांबळा-cowl.खोंडा [ khōṇḍā ] m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood. खोंडी [ khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.)


    Image result for offering stool vessel with ladles huntington indus seal


    m1656 Mohenjo-daro pectoral with two streams of water flowing out of pot. Hieroglyphs: overflowing pot, young bull, standard device. kaṇḍa = a pot of certain shape and size (Santali) Rebus: kaṇḍ = altar, furnace (Santali)

    ’Overflowing waterpot’ hieroglyphs

    One unique hieroglyph which is evidenced in Mesopotamia and also in Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization relates to the semantics of an ‘overflowing pot’, read rebus as metalware.

    Meluhha glosses: <lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'.  @B24310.  #20851. Re<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda etyma)Rebus: loh 'copper' (Sanskrit) <lua>(B),,<loa>(B)  {N} ``^iron''.  Pl. <-le>.  @B23760.  #21231.<lowa>(F)  {N} ``^iron''.  *Loan. @N501.  #21131. (Munda)

    காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < காண்டம்² kāṇṭam n. < ṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவாயதுக்கியகுங்குமக்காண்டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16).. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவாயதுக்கியகுங்குமக்காண்டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16) (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍa 'tools, weapons, vessels' (Marathi)

    lo ‘overflowing’  PLUS kand 'pot' Rebus: lōkhaṇḍa लोहोलोखंड 
    [lōhōlōkhaṇḍa] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general. (Marathi)
    kárikā f. ʻround protuberanceʼ Suśr.(CDIAL 2849); kanka ‘rim of jar’ (Santali) Rebus: kári 'supercargo' (Marathi) kárika ‘engraver, scribe, accountant’.

    kōnda 'young bull' rebus: ‘engraver', gaa f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus: jangaiyo  ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’; gaa f (Hindi) Goods taken from a shop, to be retained or returned.
     


    See:

     https://tinyurl.com/y8jozkty



     






     



    kod. 'one horn'; kot.iyum [kot., kot.i_ neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (G.)kamarasa_la = waist-zone, waist-band, belt (Te.)kot.iyum [kot., kot.i_ neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (G.) [cf. the orthography of rings on the neck of one-horned young bull]. Te. kōiya, kōe young bull; adj. male (e.g. e dūa bull calf), young, youthful;