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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    https://tinyurl.com/y8237zk9

    On one seal, a feeding trough is shown in front of a tiger; on another seal, a kneeling adorant is shown in front of a tiger.

    Both fronting hieroglyphs are hypertexts which signify: pattar  బత్తుడు 'feeding trough'; భక్తుడు. 'adorant, worshipper' rebus:  బత్తుడు battuḍu The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as వడ్లబత్తుడు a carpenter. 

    Image result for mohenjodaro seal onagerm290 Mohenjo-daro seal. Decipherment: kola 'tiger' Rebus; kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron' kole.l 'smithy, temple' kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattar 'guild of goldsmiths'. panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace'
    ṭāṅka ʻleg, thighʼ (Oriya) rebus:  ṭaṅka 'mint'
    khar 'ass, onager' (Kashmiri) rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' khāra-- basta f. ʻ blacksmith's skin bellows ʼ (Kashmiri)(CDIAL 9424)
    kharedo a currycomb (Gujarati) rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati) Rebus: kharada खरडें daybook.(Marathi)

    pāṭroṛo 'feeding trough' (Sindhi) on Indus Script Corpora rebus బత్తుడు battuḍu 'artificer' pattar 'goldsmith guild' https://tinyurl.com/y6vhrwsa which suggests a rebus reading of
    pāṭroṛo 'feeding trough' (Sindhi) rebus: பத்தர்² pattarn. < T. battuḍu. A guild or title of goldsmiths.பத்தர்pattar, n. perh. vartaka. Merchants; வியாபாரிகள். (W.) Vikalpa rebus readings may be: 

    paṭṭī 'inventory'; పట్ర  paṭra, patta 'village, hamlet, town'.

    Rebus 1: పట్టీ paṭṭī . [Tel.] n. A list or inventory, a roll of names పట్టి paṭṭi  A list. 


    Rebus 2: పట్ర  paṭra . [Tel.] n. A village, a hamlet. పల్లెపట్ర villages and hamlets. H. iv. 108. పట్రవాండ్లు paṭra-vānḍlu. n. plu. A certain caste skin to the Boyas. Also called ఏకరివాండ్లు. பட்டி¹ paṭṭi, n. prob. படு¹-. 1. [K. M. paṭṭi.] Cow-stall; பசுக்கொட்டில். (பிங்.) 2. [K. M. paṭṭi.] Sheep-fold; ஆட்டுக்கிடை. (W.) 3. A measure of land, as sufficient for a sheep-fold; நிலவளவு வகை. (J.) 4. [K. paṭṭi.] Cattle-pound; கொண் டித்தொழ. 5. [T. paṭra, K. paṭṭi.] Hamlet, village; சிற்றூர். (நாமதீப. 486). 6. Place; இடம். (பிங்.) 

    Ta.
     paṭṭi cow-stall, sheepfold, hamlet, village; paṭṭam sleeping place for animals; paṭṭu hamlet, small town or village; paṭṭiṉam maritime town, small town; paṭappu enclosed garden; paṭappai id., backyard, cowstall. Ma. paṭṭi fold for cattle or sheep. Ko. paṭy Badaga village. To. oṭy id. (< Badaga haṭṭi). Ka.paṭṭi pen or fold, abode, hamlet; paṭṭa city, town, village. Tu. paṭṭů nest. Te. paṭṭu abode, dwelling place. / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 7705, paṭṭana-.(DEDR 3868)

     
    paṭṭana n. ʻ town ʼ Kauṭ., °nī -- f. lex. 2. páttana -- n. MBh. [Prob. ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 383 and EWA ii 192 with ṭṭ replaced by IA. tt. But its specific meaning as ʻ ferry ʼ in S. L. P. B. H. does lend support to its derivation by R. A. Hall in Language 12, 133 from *partana -- (√pr̥ ~ Lat. portus, &c.). Poss. MIA. pattana -- , paṭṭana -- ʻ *ferry ʼ has collided with Drav. loanword for ʻ town ʼ]1. Pa. paṭṭana -- n. ʻ city ʼ, °aka -- n. ʻ a kind of village ʼ; Pk. paṭṭaṇa -- n. ʻ city ʼ; K. paṭan m. ʻ quarter of a town, name of a village 14 miles NW of Śrinagar ʼ; N. pāṭan ʻ name of a town in the Nepal Valley ʼ; B. pāṭan ʻ town, market ʼ; Or. pāṭaṇā°anā ʻ town, village, hamlet on outskirts of a big village ʼ; Bi. paṭnā ʻ name of a town ʼ; H. pāṭan m. ʻ town ʼ, G. pāṭaṇ n.; M. pāṭaṇ ʻ name of a town ʼ; Si. paṭuna ʻ town ʼ. -- Pa. paṭṭana -- n. ʻ harbour, port ʼ, Pk. paṭṭaṇa -- n.; H. paṭnīpā̆ṭaunīpāṭūnī m. ʻ ferryman ʼ; Si. paṭuna ʻ harbour, seaport ʼ.2. Pk. pattaṇa -- n. ʻ town ʼ, Si. patana. -- S. pataṇu m. ʻ ferry ʼ (whence pātaṇī m. ʻ ferryman ʼ, f. ʻ ferry boat ʼ); L. pattan, (Ju.) pataṇ m. ʻ ferry ʼ; P. pattaṇ ʻ ferry, landing -- place ʼ, pattaṇī°tuṇī m. ʻ ferryman, one who lives near a ferry ʼ; B. pātanī ʻ ferryman ʼ. (CDIAL 7705) பட்டிகை¹ paṭṭikain. cf. id. 1. Raft, float; தெப்பம். (திவா.) 2. Boat, dhoney; தோணி. (யாழ்அக.)


    FS 72 Fig. 108 Chanhudaro seal. Person kneeling under a tree facing a tiger[Chanhudaro Excavations, Pl. LI, 18] 6118  Seal T-A-T ID 1743

    Decipherment of Chanhudaro seal

    Kneeling adorant: భక్తుడు. 'adorant, worshipper' rebus:  బత్తుడు battuḍu The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as వడ్లబత్తుడు a carpenter. కడుపుబత్తుడు one who makes a god of his belly. L. xvi. 230.  Five categories of artificers: పాంచాలము pāñcālamu pānchālamu. [Skt.] पंचाळ  pañcāḷa m (पांचाल S q. v.) A common term for five castes--सोनार, सुतार, लोहार, कांसार, पाथरवट. These all wear the जानवें.  (Marathi) பஞ்சகம்மாளர் pañca-kammāḷarn. < pañcantaṭṭāṉ, kaṉṉāṉ, ciṟpaṉ, taccaṉ, kollaṉதட்டான், கன்னான், சிற்பன், தச்சன் கொல்லன் என்ற ஐவகைப் பட்ட கம்மாளர். (சங். அக.) அஞ்சுபஞ்சலத்தார் añcu-pañcalattār, n. < அஞ்சு + பஞ்சாளத்தார். Pañca-kammāḷar, the five artisan classes; பஞ்சகம்மாளர். (I. M. P. Cg. 371.) Rebus:phaḍa फड 'manufactory, company, guild' 


    Feeding trough in front of cattle (even wild animals)  pattar 'feeding trough' rebus: pattar, బత్తుడు battuḍu 'a guild, title of goldsmiths'. Ta. paṭṭai painted stripe (as on a temple wall), piebald colour, dapple.Ma. paṭṭa stripe. Ka. paṭṭe, paṭṭi id. Koḍ. paṭṭe striped or spotted (as tiger or leopard); paṭṭati n.pr. of dappled cow. Tu. paṭṭè stripe. Te. paṭṭe stripe or streak of paint; paḍita stripe, streak, wale.(DEDR 3877) Ta. pātti bathing tub, watering trough or basin, spout, drain; pattal wooden bucket; pattar id., wooden trough for feeding animals. Ka. pāti basin for water round the foot of a tree. Tu. pāti trough or bathing tub, spout, drain. Te. pādi, pādu basin for water round the foot of a tree(DEDR 4079)

    Rebus 1: pāṭaṇ maritime town, port: పట్ర paṭra paṭra. [Tel.] n. A village, a hamlet. పల్లెపట్ర villages and hamlets. H. iv. 108. P. pattaṇ ʻ ferry, landing -- place ʼ, pattaṇī°tuṇī m. ʻ ferryman, one who lives near a ferry ʼ; B. pātanī ʻ ferryman ʼ.(CDIAL 7705)

    maṇḍi 'kneeling position' Rebus: maṇḍā 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani) māa'shrine; mandil 'temple' (Santali).

    kola, kolum = a jackal (G.) kolhuyo (Dh.Des.); kulho, kolhuo (Hem.Des.); kroṣṭṛ (Skt.) kul seren = the tiger’s son, a species of lizard (Santali) kolo, koleā jackal (Kon.lex.) Rebus: kol metal (Ta.) kol = pan~calokam (five metals) (Ta.lex.) kol = pan~calokam (five metals); kol metal (Ta.lex.) pan~caloha =  a metallic alloy containing five metals: copper, brass, tin, lead and iron (Skt.); an alternative list of five metals: gold, silver, copper, tin (lead), and iron (dhātu; Nānārtharatnākara. 82; Man:garāja’s Nighan.t.u. 498)(Ka.) kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, an aboriginal tribe if iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali) kol = kollan-, kamma_l.an- (blacksmith or smith in general)(Ta.lex.) kollar = those who guard the treasure (Ta.lex.) cf. golla (Telugu) khol, kholi_ = a metal covering; a loose covering of metal or cloth (G.) [The semant. expansions to kollāpuri or kolhāpur and also to 'kollāppan.t.i' a type of cart have to be investigated further]. kol ‘working in iron, blacksmith (Ta.); kollan- blacksmith (Ta.);kollan blacksmith, artificer (Ma.)(DEDR 2133)

    dã̄ṭu = cross over; daṭ- (da.ṭ-t-) to cross (Kol.)(DEDR 3158) Rebus: dhātu ‘mineral’; rebus: dhatu = a mineral, metal (Santali)   

    gaṇḍe ‘to place at a right angle to something else, cross, transverse’; gaṇḍ gaṇḍ ‘across, at right angles, transversely’ (Santali) [Note: A slanted line Lahn.d.a writing of accounts connotes a quarter; a straight line connotes ‘one’.] Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) kāṇḍa ‘iron’ as in ayaskāṇḍa ‘excellent iron’ (Pan.Skt.) kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolimi ‘smithy’ (Te.)

    kuṭī 'tree', 'water carrier' (Semantic determinative) rebus: kuṭhī 'smelter'


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    Commonwealth of Bhāratam Janam (RV 3.53.12) of Bronze Age is posited 

    Indus Script inscriptions are a celebration of Yajña Varāha, deified artisans, seafaring Meluhha merchants, scribes of wealth accounting ledgers of Sarasvati Civilization


    I suggest that the orthography of an 'kneeling adorant' on Indus Script Corpora signifies: 

    Signs 45, 46 (ASI 1977 Corpus, Mahadevan)


    In Bhāratīya Itihāsa, the tradition of celebrating the role of artificers in community economic activities is exemplified by the expression: बारा बलुते bārā balutē m pl The body of officers or public servants of a village. बलोतें, बलोतेदार, बलोता or त्या  balōtē, mbalōtēdāra, balōtā or tyā Commonly बलुतें &c.  Most of these 12 artificers trace their roots in the traditions evolved in Sarasvati Civilization during the days of Tin-Bronze revolution of the Bronze Age.


    The most remarkable feature of the organization of economic activity in a community is that the wealth of the community is common wealth and equitably shared with the artisans who produce the wealth. This one feature alone explains the remarkable statistic that Ancient Indian in 1 CE accounted for 33% of global wealth (Gross Domestic Product, pace Angus Maddison's report to OECD to consider the formation of European Union). Most of the artificers were organized as guilds called śreṇi governed by śreṇi dharma, 'social responsibility' governed by the global ethic: tena tyaktena bhunjīthā'satisfaction of consumer preference through sacrifice, i.e. sharing.'

    See: Bhāratam Janam of Rigveda (RV 3.53) mean 'metalcaster folk' in transition from chalcolithic to metals age 

    http://tinyurl.com/pgt4le4 

    It is submitted that the expression भारतम् जनम् Bhāratam janam used in Rigveda (RV 3.53.12) may be interpreted as a reference to 'metalcaster folk'. This semantic (attested in etyma of Indian sprachbund) is explained in the context of the entire sukta with metaphors and references related to metalwork, chariots (perhaps even to war-trumpet, vāksasarparī). The full text of the sukta is appended with translation based on Sayana (and Wilson). It should be underscored that the expression भारतम् जनम् Bhāratam janam is the self-designation in Rigveda RV 3.53.12 indicating the life activities of the people of a maritime tract, seafaring merchants, as they were transiting from chalcolithic phase to metals age in urban living. 

    Bhāratam Janam are seafaring people.

    பாரதி² pārati , n. cf. பரதர்¹. Sailing vessel; மரக்கலம். (திவா.) பவப்புணரி நீந்தியாடப் பாரதிநூல் செய்த சிவப்பிரகாசக் குரவன் (சிவப். பிர. சோண. சிறப். பாயி.).பரதவர் paratavar, n. < bharata. 1. Inhabitants of maritime tract, fishing tribes; நெய்தனில மாக்கள். மீன்விலைப் பரதவர் (சிலப். 5, 25). 2. A dynasty of rulers of the Tamil country; தென் றிசைக்கணாண்ட ஒருசார் குறுநிலமன்னர். தென்பரத வர் போரேறே (மதுரைக். 144). 3. Vaišyas; வைசி யர். பரதவர் கோத்திரத் தமைந்தான் (உபதேசகா. சிவத்துரோ. 189) பாரதம்¹ pāratamn. < Bhārata. 1. India; இந்தியா தேசம். இமயகிரிக்குந் தென்கடற்கு மிடைப் பாகம் பாரதமே (சிவதரு. கோபுர. 51)

    ससर्परी [p= 1192,3] f. (prob. fr. √ सृप् , of unknown meaning , accord. to Sa1y. 
    वाच् ; accord. to others = " war-trumpet " , or " N. of a mystical cow ") RV.iii , 53 , 15 ; 16.

    15 Sasarpari, the gift of Jamadagnis, hath lowed with mighty voice dispelling famine.
    16 Sasarpari brought glory speedily to these, over the generations of the Fivefold Race. (Trans.Griffith)

    The prayer of Vis'vāmitra protects Bharata ,'metalcaster' people (rica 12) is preceded by the following expression in the sukta: 

    vajriṇe 'wielder of the thunderbolt, Indra'(rica 13)

    Apart from references to Soma and pressing of Soma with adri (stones), the following references link to work of artisans (metalworkers, in particular):

    bṛhatā rathena 'spacious chariot' (rica 1)
    yatrā rathasya bṛhato nidhānaṃ 'standing in vast chariot' (rica 5, repeated in rica 6)

    parazu...ukhA 'axe...cauldron' (rica 22)

    The expression referring to kIkata: kiṃ te kṛṇvanti kīkaṭeṣu gāvo nāśiraṃ duhre na tapanti gharmam (rica 14) is explained in Nirukta 6.32 as people who do not perform worship, who are nAstika and in regions inhabited by anArya (See translation and Sayana's commentary on RV 3.53.14 appended). This expression includes a reference to gharma which is a synonym of the vessel called MahAvIra. gharma is a cauldron , boiler , esp. the vessel in which the milk-offering to the अश्विन्s is boiled RV. AV. vii VS. viii , 61 AitBr. i SBr. xiv La1t2y.(Monier-Williams). This gharma, mahAvIra vessel is shown with a face engraving.

    Urn from Zarif Karuna, near Peshawar, with a human-like face including a big nose. Gandhara grave culture (Ghalegay V Period). Islamabad museum.

    Hieroglyph: múkha n. ʻ mouth, face ʼ RV., ʻ entrance ʼ MBh.Pa. mukha -- m.; Aś.shah. man. gir. mukhato, kāl. dh. jau. °te ʻ by word of mouth ʼ; Pk. muha -- n. ʻ mouth, face ʼ, Gy. gr. hung. muy m., boh. muy, span. muí, wel. mūīf., arm. muc̦, pal. mu', mi', pers. mu; Tir.  ʻ face ʼ; Woṭ.  m. ʻ face, sight ʼ; Kho. mux ʻ face ʼ; Tor.  ʻ mouth ʼ, Mai. mũ; K. in cmpds. mu -- ganḍ m. ʻ cheek, upper jaw ʼ, mū -- kāla ʻ having one's face blackened ʼ, rām. mūī˜, pog. mūī, ḍoḍ. mū̃h ʻ mouth ʼ; S. mũhũ m. ʻ face, mouth, opening ʼ; L. mũh m. ʻ face ʼ, awāṇ. mū̃ with descending tone, mult. mũhã m. ʻ head of a canal ʼ; P. mū̃h m. ʻ face, mouth ʼ, mū̃hã̄ m. ʻ head of a canal ʼ; WPah.śeu. mùtilde; ʻ mouth, ʼ cur. mū̃h; A. muh ʻ face ʼ, in cmpds. -- muwā ʻ facing ʼ; B. mu ʻ face ʼ; Or. muhã ʻ face, mouth, head, person ʼ; Bi. mũh ʻ opening or hole (in a stove for stoking, in a handmill for filling, in a grainstore for withdrawing) ʼ; Mth. Bhoj. mũh ʻ mouth, face ʼ, Aw.lakh. muh, H. muhmũh m.; OG. muha, G. mɔ̃h n. ʻ mouth ʼ, Si. muyamuva. -- Ext. -- l<-> or -- ll -- : Pk. muhala -- , muhulla -- n. ʻ mouth, face ʼ; S. muhuro m. ʻ face ʼ (or < mukhará -- ); Ku. do -- maulo ʻ confluence of two streams ʼ; Si. muhulmuhunamūṇa ʻ face ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 179.; -- --  -- : S. muhaṛo m. ʻ front, van ʼ; Bi. (Shahabad) mohṛā ʻ feeding channel of handmill ʼ. -- Forms poss. with expressive -- kkh -- : seemúkhya -- . -- X gōcchā -- s.v. *mucchā -- .mukhará -- , múkhya -- , maukhya -- ; *mukhakāṣṭha -- , *mukhaghāṭā -- , mukhacandra -- , *mukhajāla -- , *mukhanātha -- , mukhatuṇḍaka -- , *mukhatuttikā -- , *mukhadhara -- , mukhaśuddhi -- , *mukhahāra -- , mukhāgra -- , *mukhāñcala -- , *mukhānta -- , *mukhāyana -- ; amukhá -- , abhimukhá -- , āmukha -- , unmukha -- , *nirmukha -- ; adhōmukha -- , ūrdhvamukha -- , kālamukha -- , gṓmukha -- , caturmukha -- , *paścamukha -- , valīmukha -- , śilīmukha -- , saṁmukhá -- , *sāṁmukha -- , sumukha -- .Addenda: múkha -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) mū̃ (with high level tone) m. (obl. -- a) ʻ mouth, face ʼ; OMarw. muhaṛaü ʻ face ʼ.(CDIAL 10158)

    Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ (Munda) mũh ʻ opening or hole (in a stove for stoking, in a handmill for filling, in a grainstore for withdrawing) ʼ (Bihari)(CDIAL 10158)mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = copper; milakkha (Pali) mu~hu~ = face (S.); rebus: mu_ha ‘smelted ingot’ [mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking, in a handmill for filling, in a grainstore for withdrawing)(Bi.)] 
    Given the contextual references to artisanal work (metalwork, in particular), it is reasonable to infer that the expression Bhāratam Janam may be a reference to 'metalcaster people' as inferred from the following etyma of Indian sprachbund. The expression ima indra bharatasya putrā 'sons of bharata'(rica 24) need NOT refer to a particular person named 'bharata' but to a metalcaster, bharata, in general, as a collective designation.

    Roots of Bhāratam Janam have to be traced from the banks of Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu identifying their life-activity as metalworkers, metalcasters who made भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. भरताचें भांडें (p. 603) [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें.भरती (p. 603) [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत. (Marathi. Moleworth).

    Cognate etyma (semantics of alloy) of Indian sprachbund: bhāraṇ = to bring out from a kiln (G.)  bāraṇiyo = one whose profession it is to sift ashes or dust in a goldsmith’s workshop (G.lex.) In the Punjab, the mixed alloys were generally called, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin). In Bengal, an alloy called bharan or toul was created by adding some brass or zinc into pure bronze. bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (G.lex.) Bengali. ভরন [ bharana ] n an inferior metal obtained from an alloy of coper, zinc and tin. baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi)


    बलुतें balutēṃ n A share of the corn and garden-produce assigned for the subsistence of the twelve public servants of a village, for whom see below. 2 In some districts. A share of the dues of the hereditary officers of a village, such as पाटील, कुळकरणी &c.  बलुतेदार or बलुता balutēdāra or balutā or त्या m (बलुतें &c.) A public servant of a village entitled to बलुतें. There are twelve distinct from the regular Governmentofficers पाटील, कुळकरणी &c.; viz. सुतार, लोहार, महार, मांग (These four constitute पहिली or थोरली कास or वळ the first division. Of three of them each is entitled to चार पाचुंदे, twenty bundles of Holcus or the thrashed corn, and the महार to आठ पाचुंदे); कुंभार, चाम्हार, परीट, न्हावी constitute दुसरी or मधली कास or वळ, and are entitled, each, to तीन पाचुंदे; भट, मुलाणा, गुरव, कोळी form तिसरी or धाकटी कास or वळ, and have, each, दोन पाचुंदे. Likewise there are twelve अलुते or supernumerary public claimants, viz. तेली, तांबोळी, साळी, माळी, जंगम, कळवांत, डवऱ्या, ठाकर, घडशी, तराळ, सोनार, चौगुला. Of these the allowance of corn is not settled. The learner must be prepared to meet with other enumerations of the बलुतेदार (e. g. पाटील, कुळ- करणी, चौधरी, पोतदार, देशपांड्या, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, सुतार, कुंभार, वेसकर, जोशी; also सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, कुंभार as constituting the first-class and claiming the largest division of बलुतें; next न्हावी, परीट, कोळी, गुरव as constituting the middle class and claiming a subdivision of बलुतें; lastly, भट, मुलाणा, सोनार, मांग; and, in the Konkan̤, yet another list); and with other accounts of the assignments of corn; for this and many similar matters, originally determined diversely, have undergone the usual influence of time, place, and ignorance. Of the बलुतेदार in the Indápúr pergunnah the list and description stands thus:--First class, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, महार; Second, परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग; Third, सोनार, मुलाणा, गुरव, जोशी, कोळी, रामोशी; in all fourteen, but in no one village are the whole fourteen to be found or traced. In the Panḍharpúr districts the order is:--पहिली or थोरली वळ (1st class); महार, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, दुसरी or मधली वळ (2nd class); परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग, तिसरी or धाकटी वळ (3rd class); कुळकरणी, जोशी, गुरव, पोतदार; twelve बलुते and of अलुते there are eighteen. According to Grant Duff, the बलतेदार are सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, मांग, कुंभार, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, जोशी, भाट, मुलाणा; and the अलुते are सोनार, जंगम, शिंपी, कोळी, तराळ or वेसकर, माळी, डवऱ्यागोसावी, घडशी, रामोशी, तेली, तांबोळी, गोंधळी. In many villages of Northern Dakhan̤ the महार receives the बलुतें of the first, second, and third classes; and, consequently, besides the महार, there are but nine बलुतेदार. The following are the only अलुतेदार or नारू now to be found;--सोनार, मांग, शिंपी, भट गोंधळी, कोर- गू, कोतवाल, तराळ, but of the अलुतेदार & बलुते- दार there is much confused intermixture, the अलुतेदार of one district being the बलुतेदार of another, and vice versâ. (The word कास used above, in पहिली कास, मध्यम कास, तिसरी कास requires explanation. It means Udder; and, as the बलुतेदार are, in the phraseology of endearment or fondling, termed वासरें (calves), their allotments or divisions are figured by successive bodies of calves drawing at the कास or under of the गांव under the figure of a गाय or cow.) (Marathi).       


    బత్తుడు battuḍu Rebus: báḍḍhi वर्धकि, vaḍlaṅgi, baṛhaï, baḍaga, baḍhi, bāṛaï, varāha, 'title of five artisans' working in phaḍa फड, paṭṭaḍa 'metals manufactory'. A remarkable celebration and a tribute to the artificers ('five artisans') who created the wealth of the nation occurs in the tradition of veneration of  Yajña Varāha. I submit that Yajña Varāha is not only a Yajña Puruṣa exemplifying the knowledge system of the Veda tradition, but also a rebus Meluhha signifier of 'artificers': báḍhi 'castratedboar' rebus: báḍhi 'worker in iron and wood'. The pronunciation variants of the expression báḍhi in Bharatiya sprachbund (speech union) are seen in the semantics of cognate etyma across the sub-continent--báḍḍhi वर्धकि, vaḍlaṅgi, baṛhaï, baḍaga, baḍhi -- all words meaning 'artificers'.


    See: బత్తుడు battuu báḍḍhi वर्धकि, valagi, bahaï, baaga, bahi, bāaï, varāha, 'title of five artisans' phaफड, paṭṭaa 'metals manufactory' venerated in Indus Script https://tinyurl.com/yct26xc6   

        Image result for endless knot bharatkalyan97m478a FS 34 Fig. 77 Kino tree. generally within a railing or on a platform.

    kui 'tree'Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'bhaṭa 'worshipper' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' baṭa 'iron' (Gujarati) This hieroglyph is a phonetic deterinant of the 'rimless pot': baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron (Gujarati) bhaṭa 'a furnace'.  Hence, the hieroglyph-multiplex of an adorant with rimless pot signifies: 'iron furnace' bhaTa.


    bAraNe ' an offering of food to a demon' (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi. Bengali) The narrative of a worshipper offering to a tree is thus interpretable as a smelting of three minerals: copper, zinc and tin.

    Numeral four: gaNDa 'four' Rebus: kand 'fire-altar'; Four 'ones': koḍa ‘one’ (Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop'. Thus, the pair of 'four linear strokes PLUS rimless pot' signifies: 'fire-altar (in) artisan's wrkshop'. 

     

    Circumscript of two linear strokes for 'body' hieroglyph: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' koḍa ‘one’(Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop'. Thus, the circumscript signifies 'cast metal workshop'. meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron'.

     

    khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘turner’ (Gujarati) kharada खरडें daybook of (Products out of) Iron furnace


    Image result for shaft-hole axe bharatkalyan97

    kambha 'wing' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint' PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus; kol 'working in iron' PLUS baḍhia = a castrated boar, a hog; rebus: baḍhi 'artisans who work both in iron and wood' PLUS śyena, 'eagle' rebus 1) śeṇvi 'general', 2) sena 'thunderbolt'. (i.e. gaṇḍa 'hero' PLUS भेरुण्ड 'formidable').

    "Bronze Ax Head from Bactria, ca. 2000 BCE.....Bird-headed , boar and dragon, c.2300-1900 BCE.....A Magnificent and Highly Important Bactrian Silver and Gold Foil Shaft.....This shaft-hole axhead is a masterpiece of three-dimensional and relief sculpture. Expertly cast in silver and gilded with gold foil, it depicts a bird-headed hero grappling with a wild boar and a winged dragon. The idea of the heroic bird-headed creature probably came from western Iran, where it is first documented on a cylinder seal impression. The hero's muscular body is human except for the bird talons that replace the hands and feet. He is represented twice, once on each side of the ax, and consequently appears to have two heads. On one side, he grasps the boar by the belly and on the other, by the tusks. The posture of the boar is contorted so that its bristly back forms the shape of the blade. With his other talon, the bird-headed hero grasps the winged dragon by the neck. The dragon, probably originating in Mesopotamia or Iran, is represented with folded wings, a feline body, and the talons of a bird of prey.......Source: Shaft-hole axhead with a bird-headed demon, boar, and dragon [Central Asia (Bactria-Margiana)] (1982.5) | Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History | The Metropolitan Museum of Art"

    http://balkhandshambhala.blogspot.in/2012/12/bactrian-seals.html

    KSP_3901caṣāla,'snout' of Yajña Varāha is the embodiment of knowledge system signified by Devi Sarasvati, Vedic divinity vāk. 
    Sculptural friezes of 
    1. Sarasvati standing on the protruding tongue on Eran pratimā to signify Devi Sarasvati, Vedic divinity vāk; and 
    2. Sarasvati seated, playing the Veena, on Khajuraho pratimā centred on caṣāla,'snout' 
    caṣāla is godhuma 'wheat chaff' as a ring mounted on the yupa -- the fiery pillar of light and flame, skambha of Skambha Sukta AV X,7,8 -- of a Soma samsthā Yajña to infuse carbon element into molten metal to harden the alloy.


    The mahout atop Yajña Varāha pratimā is a sculptural frieze signifying a śilpi, artificer holding out a fan of sippi,'molluscs'. On the cheek of the boar, next to the eye, is shown a Gandharva carrying amr̥tam pot, to signify wealth-producing activities of the artisans.























    sīpī, बढई baḍhī, bāḍhi, baḍaga 'artificer, expert in iron, woodwork';  oḍ 'mason', oṛiyā 'navvy', signified as mollusc, boar, cobra-hood, adorant hypertexts on Indus Script.

    Yajña Varāha is the quintessential pratimā  -- a continuum in Indus Script Cipher tradition of hypertexts -- to signify the contributions made by the artificers of the civilization to the wealth of the nation during Tin-Boonze revolution of the Bronze Age.



    Rebus: 



    बढई baḍhī m ( H) A carpenter. वाढया vāḍhayā m (वर्द्धकि S through H) A carpenter. 2 An affix of honor to the names of carpenters. (Marathi) వడ్రంగి, వడ్లంగి, వడ్లవాడు (vaḍraṅgi, vaḍlaṅgi, vaḍlavāḍu or వడ్లబత్తుడు vaḍrangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. వడ్రంగము, వడ్లపని, వడ్రము or వడ్లంగితనము vaḍrangamu. n. The trade of a carpenter. వడ్లవానివృత్తి. వడ్రంగిపని. వడ్రంగిపిట్ట or వడ్లంగిపిట్ట vaḍrangi-piṭṭa. n. A woodpecker. దార్వాఘాటము. వడ్లకంకణము vaḍla-kankaṇamu. n. A curlew. ఉల్లంకులలో భేదము. వడ్లత or వడ్లది vaḍlata. n. A woman of the carpenter caste.బత్తుడు battuḍu. n. A worshipper. భక్తుడు. The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as వడ్లబత్తుడు a carpenter. కడుపుబత్తుడు one who makes a god of his belly. L. xvi. 230. (Telugu) பத்தர்² pattar, n. < T. battuḍu. A caste title of goldsmiths; தட்டார் பட்டப்பெயருள் ஒன்று.  ōḍra1 m. ʻ a tribe of Śūdras ʼ Mn., ʻ name of a people ʼ MBh., uḍra -- , auḍ°. 2. *auḍrika -- ʻ of that people ʼ. [S. Lévi JA 1923, 20 ff., EWA i 132] 1. Pk. oḍḍa -- , uḍ° m. ʻ the land of Utkala ʼ, uḍḍa -- m. ʻ a caste of well -- diggers ʼ; S. oḍru m. ʻ a caste that make mud walls, blockhead ʼ, L. oḍ̠ m.; P. oḍ m. ʻ a tribe that clear out watercourses or build houses ʼ; Ku. oṛwoṛ ʻ mason ʼ, N. oṛ; Or. oṛa ʻ an aboriginal inhabitant of Orissa ʼ; G. oḍ m. ʻ a caste of Hindus who dig and carry earth and build mud houses ʼ.2. oḍḍia -- ʻ pertaining to Utkala ʼ; B. oṛiyāuṛ° ʻ an inhabitant of Orissa ʼ, Or. oṛiā, Bhoj. oṛiyā; EH. (Chattisgarh) oṛiyā m. ʻ navvy ʼ.ōḍradēśa -- .Addenda: ōḍra -- 1 ʻ a tribe of Śūdras ʼ Mn.: WPak.kṭg. ōḍ m. ʻ carpenter, name of a caste ʼ; Garh. oḍ ʻ mason ʼ.(CDIAL 2549)  ōḍradēśa ʻ land of the Oḍras ʼ MW. [ōḍra -- 1, dēśá -- ]Or. oṛisā ʻ Orissa ʼ, H. uṛīsā m.(CDIAL 2551)

    śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut., śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- ]Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc. śilpiǵa, Pk. sippi -- , °ia -- m.; A. xipini ʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw. sīpī m. ʻ artisan ʼ; M. śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si. sipi -- yā ʻ craftsman ʼ.(CDIAL 12471)

     *sippī ʻ shell ʼ. [← Drav. Tam. cippi DED 2089] Pa. sippī -- , sippikā -- f. ʻ pearl oyster ʼ, Pk. sippī -- f., S. sipa f.; L. sipp ʻ shell ʼ, sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ, (Ju.) sip m., sippī f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ; P. sipp m., sippī f. ʻ shell, conch ʼ; Ku. sīpsīpi ʻ shell ʼ; N. sipi ʻ shell, snail shell ʼ; B. sip ʻ libation pot ʼ, chip ʻ a kind of swift canoe ʼ S. K. Chatterji CR 1936, 290 (or < kṣiprá -- ?); Or. sipa ʻ oyster shell, mother -- of -- pearl, shells burnt for lime ʼ; Bi. sīpī ʻ mussel shells for lime ʼ; OAw. sīpa f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ, H. sīp f.; G. sīp f. ʻ half an oyster shell ʼ, chīp f. ʻ shell ʼ; M. śīpśĩp f. ʻ a half shell ʼ, śĩpā m. ʻ oyster shell ʼ; -- Si. sippiya ʻ oyster shell ʼ ← Tam.(CDIAL 13417) śāṅkhika ʻ relating to a shell ʼ W. 2. *śāṅkhinī -- (śaṅkhinī -- f. ʻ mother -- of -- pearl ʼ Bālar.). [śaṅkhá -- 1]1. K. hāngi ʻ snail ʼ; B. sã̄khī ʻ possessing or made of shells ʼ.2. K. hö̃giñ f. ʻ pearl oyster shell, shell of any aquatic mollusc ʼ.(CDIAL 12380)



    Vishnu temple mandapa at Eran, Madhya Pradesh.jpgImage result for eran varaha

    Eran. Vidiśa Coins (2nd cent. BCE).Coin of Buddhagupta Malwa (476-495 CE); John Faithfull Fleet (1847 –1917), 1888, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol.3 (inscriptions Of The Early Gupta Kings) p.20 Eran inscription of Samudragupta; Eran Budhagupta inscription (5th cent. CE); 

    A sketch made in 1850 of 5th century Bhima pillar Eran.Maisey, Frederick Charles (1825-1892) - http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/apac/other/019wdz000000546u00026b00.html From the source Water-colour drawing by Frederick Charles Maisey of the pillar at Eran, taken from an album of 60 drawings, dated 1847-1854. Eran is an important Hindu site occupied from the second-first centuries BC onwards which attained importance during the Gupta period in the fourth-sixth centuries AD. The sandstone column at this site is more than 13 metres high and dates from AD 484. It has an inscription on its shaft from the reign of the ruler Budhagupta. The fluted capital supports a square block with seated lions at the corners and the figures of Vishnu and Garuda standing back to back and a wheel positioned behind their heads. The column is a symbol of the cosmic pillar, the axis mundi which links the human world with the world of the gods. It is therefore considered a symbol of the 'staff of Bhima'. Bhima is a hero of the epic of the Mahabharata who is worshipped for his terrible strength; his attribute is the mace (gada) which is also symbol of the cosmic pillar.
    Eran. Ruins with broken pillars in 1892.
    Paramātman Viṣṇu-- YajñVarāha rescues Pr̥thivī, Bhū, the Mother-earth.
    5th century Varāha boar statue with Pr̥thivī, personification of Earth divinity, R̥gveda devatā and i reliefs (over 720) on its body Henry Cousens (1893) - 
    From the source, Photograph of the statue of Varaha, standing amongst the ruins of the Varaha Temple at Eran, taken by Henry Cousens in c.1892-94. The town of Eran has been occupied from the second century BCE onwards. It is located in a naturally defensible position, in a bend in the Bina river. Eran was an important site during the Gupta period and the pieces shown in this photograph were sculpted at that time. In the background there is a statue of Viṣṇu. This colossal boar statue dates to the 5th century. It is completely covered with minature carved figures. It represents Viṣṇu in his boar incarnation lifting the earth, represented as the goddess Bhu, on one of his tusks. The demon Hiraṇyākṣa had pushed the earth under the waters and Viṣṇu saved it from being submerged.
    Varāha temple, Eran mint. Dimensions:  I13.83 feet (4.22 m) long, 11.17 feet (3.40 m) high and 5.125 feet (1.562 m) wide. Erakina is the capital of Erakina (Airikina) Pradeśor Airkina Viaya, is an administrative division of the Gupta empire. (Raychaudhuri, Hemchandra (1972) Political History of Ancient India, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, p.495).

    Catherine Becker (2010), Not Your Average Boar: The Colossal Varaha at Eran, An Iconographic InnovationArtibus Asiae, Vol. 70, No. 1, "To My Mind": Studies in South Asian Art History in Honor of Joanna Gottfried Williams. Part II (2010), pp. 123-149

    *ōḍā ʻ furrow ʼ. [Conn. with ṓḍha -- ʻ driven near ʼ ŚBr. very doubtful] S. oṛa f. ʻ drawn line, furrow ʼ; L. ōṛ, pl. ōṛã f. ʻ furrow ʼ, P. oṛ f., Or. oṛibā ʻ to plough a field once ʼ, oṛe cāsa ʻ one ploughing ʼ.(CDIAL 2545) 

    ஓடாவி ōṭāvi , n. prob. ஓடம்¹ + ஆள்வி. 1. Shipwright, boat builder; மரக்கலஞ்செய்வோன். (W.) 2. Carpenter; தச்சன். Ta. ōṭam boat, raft, float, vessel; ōṭāvi shipwright, boatbuilder. Ma. ōṭam boat;
    ōṭāyi shipbuilders; ōṭi a large seaboat (long and narrow, chiefly from the Laccadives). Ka. ōḍa boat. Tu. 
    ōḍa id. Te. ōḍa ship, vessel. Pa. ōḍa boat, trough. Go. (M.) ōḍa, (Ko. S.) ōṛa boat (Voc. 437); (Pat.) oda (i.e. ōḍa) donga. / Cf. Skt. hoḍa- boat, raft; Turner, CDIAL, no. 14174. (DEDR 1039) hōḍa m. ʻ raft, boat ʼ lex. [← Drav., Kan. ōḍa., &c. DED 876]H. hoṛī f., holā m. ʻ canoe, raft ʼ; G. hoṛī f. ʻ boat ʼ; M. hoḍī f. ʻ canoe made of hollowed log ʼ. -- See uḍupa -- .Addenda: hōḍa -- : Md. oḍi ʻ large kind of boat ʼ ← Drav. (CDIAL 14174)

    பத்தர்¹ pattar, n. 1. See பத்தல், 1, 4, 5. 2. Wooden trough for feeding animals; தொட்டி. பன்றிக் கூழ்ப்பத்தரில் (நாலடி, 257). 3. Cocoanut shell or gourd used as a vessel; குடுக்கை. கொடிக்காய்ப்பத்தர் (கல்லா. 40, 3).பத்தல் pattal, n. 1. A wooden bucket; மரத்தாலான நீரிறைக்குங் கருவி. தீம்பிழி யெந்திரம் பத்தல் வருந்த (பதிற்றுப். 19, 23). 2. See பத்தர்¹, 2. 3. See பத்தர்¹, 3. 4. Ditch, depression; குழி. ஆன்வழிப்படுநர் தோண்டிய பத்தல் (நற். 240). 5. A part of the stem of the palmyra leaf, out of which fibre is extracted; நாருரித்தற்கு ஏற்ற பனைமட்டையின் ஓருறுப்பு. (G. Tn. D. I, 221.)

    பத்தர்³ pattar, n. < bhakta. 1. Devotees, votaries; அடியார். பத்தர் சிக்கெனப் பிடித்த செல் வமே (திருவாச. 37, 8). 2. Persons who are loyal to God, king or country; அன்புடையார். தேசபத்தர். 3. A caste of Vīrašaiva vegetarians; வீரசைவரில் புலாலுண்ணாத வகுப்பினர். Loc.பத்தர்&sup4; pattar, n. < baddha. Persons subject to bondage, and pursuing worldly pleasures; இருவினைப்பந்தமுள்ள ஆன்மாக்கள். (அஷ்டா தச. தத்வத். பக். 16.)

    பத்தர்&sup5; pattar, n. perh. vartaka. Merchants; வியாபாரிகள். (W.) 



    பத்தராய்ப்பணிவார் pattar-āy-p-paṇi- vār, n. < பத்தர்³ +. Pious persons who render service to Šiva and His devotees, one of tokai-y-aṭiyār, q.v.; தொகையடியாருள் சிவபிரானுக்கும் சிவனடியாருக்கும் தொண்டுபுரியும் ஒருசாரார். (தேவா. 738, 10.)



    தக்ஷகன் takṣakaṉ
    , n. < takṣaka. 1. A divine serpent. See தக்கன்². 2. Artificer, carpenter; தச்சன். தச்சாசாரியம் taccācāriyam, n. < id. +. Status or position of a master-carpenter; தச் சத் தலைமை. (S. I. I. ii, 278, 17.) ترکانړ tarkāṟṟṉ, s.m. (5th) A carpenter. Pl. ترکانړان tarkāṟṟṉān. (Panjābī).(Pashto)chān 1 छान् । तक्षा m. a carpenter, a house carpenter (El., Śiv. 337, K.Pr. 41, 178, W. 14). His wife is chöñü 2 छा&above;ञू&below;, chāna-kŏlay छान-क्वलय् or chāna-bāy छान-बाय्. Of these the first is generally used as a kind of surname, added to the woman's proper name. Regarding the other two see below. As a title (e.g. Yēkar chān, Yēkar, the carpenter) the gen. of this word is chānunu छानुनु&below;. chāna-bāy chāna-bāy छान-बाय् । तक्षस्त्री f. a carpenter's wife. The word is honorific, cf. chāna-kŏlay bel. -kijü -किजू&below; or -kījü कीजू&below; । कार्यावशेषणम्् f. a carpenter's nail; the last and final nail put into a house by the builder, thus completing the work; met. in any work nearly completed the small amount remaining to be done. Kāshmīrī carpenters are constantly omitting a nail here or some work there in order that they may be recalled and get another job; this is called 'the carpenter's nail' (K.Pr. 41). -kŏlay क्वलय् । तक्षस्त्रीf. a carpenter's wife. This word is non-honorific. Cf. chāna-bāy ab. and Gr.Gr. 34. -koṭu -क&above;टु&below; । तक्षपुत्रः m. a carpenter's son; met. a real carpenter's son, a good carpenter (Gr.Gr. 132). -ṭhas ठस् । तक्षशब्दः m. carpenter's bang, the noise made by a carpenter when he hits a piece of wood with the back of his adze. -ṭŏkh ट्वख् । तक्षशब्दः m. (sg. dat. -ṭŏkas ट्वकस्), carpenter's hammering, the noise made by a carpenter when he hits an iron wedge or other similar article employed in splitting wood. (Kashmiri)

    *baddhi ʻ act of tying ʼ. [√bandh]S. ḇadhī f. ʻ unanimity, an even number ʼ.(CDIAL 9128)


      



    Pa. pathavi -- vaḍḍhanaka -- kamma -- n. ʻ work of sweeping the earth ʼ; Pk. vaḍḍhaṇī -- , °ṇiā -- f. ʻ broom ʼ, A. bārni, B. bāṛhan, Or. baṛhaṇibaṛhiṇā, (Gaṛjād) bāṛhuṇī, (Sambhalpur) bāṛhni (whence banneibā ʻ to sweep ʼ), Bi. baṛhanī, Mth. bāṛhan, Bhoj. bāṛhanī, H. baṛhnī, M. vāḍhṇīvāḍhvaṇ f.; -- N. baṛārnu ʻ to sweep ʼ, baṛār ʻ broom ʼ < Ap. vaḍḍhāraï ʻ causes to increase ʼ. -- Connexion, if any, is not clear with Paš. chil. barwṓṛ, kuṛ. bārwṓ ʻ broom ʼ, Shum. bóroṛ, Woṭ. byār f., Gaw. ḍaṇḍ -- bār ʻ large broom with handle ʼ, bāˊrik ʻ small broom ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 94.(CDIAL 11378)

    bāḍhi vaḍḍhaï 'carpenter': vardhaki m. ʻ carpenter ʼ MBh. [√vardh]Pa. vaḍḍhaki -- m. ʻ carpenter, building mason ʼ; Pk. vaḍḍhaï -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, °aïa -- m. ʻ shoemaker ʼ; WPah. jaun. bāḍhōī ʻ carpenter ʼ, (Joshi) bāḍhi m., N. baṛhaïbaṛahi, A. bārai, B. bāṛaï°ṛui, Or. baṛhaï°ṛhāi, (Gaṛjād) bāṛhoi, Bi. baṛa, Bhoj. H. baṛhaī m., M. vāḍhāyā m., Si. vaḍu -- vā.*vārdhaka -- .Addenda: vardhaki -- : WPah.kṭg. báḍḍhi m. ʻ carpenter ʼ; kṭg. bəṛhe\ibáṛhi, kc. baṛhe ← H. beside genuine báḍḍhi Him.I 135), J. bāḍhi, Garh. baṛhai, A. also bāṛhai AFD 94; Md. vaḍīnvaḍin pl.†*vardhakikarman -- .†*vardhakikarman -- ʻ carpentry ʼ. [vardhaki -- , kár- man -- ]Md. vaḍām ʻ carpentry ʼ.(CDIAL 11375)*vārdhaka ʻ pertaining to a carpenter ʼ. [vardhaki -- ]S. vāḍho m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, P. vāḍḍhībā° m. (< *vārdhika -- ?); Si. vaḍu ʻ pertaining to carpentry ʼ.vārdhanī -- see vardhanī -- .Addenda: *vārdhaka -- [Dial. a ~ ā < IE. o T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 73](CDIAL 11568)*varddhr̥ ʻ cutter, knife ʼ. [√vardh]*varddhrī -- : N. bāṛ ʻ blade of khukri ʼ; Bi. bāṛh ʻ bookbinder's papercutter ʼ; H. bāṛhbāṛ f. ʻ edge of knife ʼ, G. vāḍh f.; -- P. vāḍhbāḍh f. ʻ cutting edge ʼ poss. < *vārddhrī -- . Bi. badhrī°riyā°rābadhārū ʻ knife with a heavy blade for reaping with ʼ; <-> WPah.bhad. bardhāṇū ʻ to shear sheep ʼ < *badhār -- ṇūVARDH ʻ cut ʼ(CDIAL 11371) vardha1 m. ʻ a cutting ʼ W. [√vardh]S. vaḍhu m. ʻ a cut ʼ; L. vaḍḍh m. ʻ ears of corn remaining in a field after sheaves have been removed ʼ; P. vaḍḍhba° m. ʻ a cut in a piece of wood, chip, stubble of grain (wheat, maize, &c.) ʼ, vaḍḍhāba° m. ʻ cut, mark ʼ; G. vāḍh m. ʻ cut, wound, reaping a field ʼ; Si. vaḍa -- ya ʻ act of cutting off ʼ; -- K. broḍu m. ʻ septum of nose ʼ?(CDIAL 11372)  vardhaka in cmpd. ʻ cutting ʼ, m. ʻ carpenter ʼ R. [√vardh]Pa. cīvara -- vaḍḍhaka -- m. ʻ tailor ʼ; Kho. bardog°ox ʻ axe ʼ (early → Kal. wadók before v -- > b -- in Kho.); <-> Wg. wāṭ ʻ axe ʼ, Paš.dar. wāˊṭak(?).(CDIAL 11374)  vardhana1 n. ʻ cutting, slaughter ʼ Mn. [√vardh]S. vaḍhiṇī f. ʻ cutting ʼ, Si. väḍun.(CDIAL 11377) vardhayati1 ʻ cuts, divides ʼ Dhātup., vardhāpayati1 Weber. [√vardh]Pa. vaḍḍhāpēti ʻ cuts (moustache) ʼ; Kal.rumb. badhém ʻ I cut, shear ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) sōr -- bərdēk ʻ custom of cutting an infant's original hair ʼ; K.ḍoḍ. baḍṇō ʻ to cut ʼ, S. vaḍhaṇu; L. vaḍḍhaṇ ʻ to cut, reap ʼ; P. vaḍḍhṇāba° ʻ to cut, kill, bite ʼ; WPah. (Joshi) bāḍhṇu ʻ to cut ʼ; B. bāṛā ʻ to cut, mend, distribute food ʼ; Or. bāṛhibā ʻ to serve out food ʼ; H. bāḍhnā ʻ to cut, shear, divide ʼ; G. vāḍhvũ ʻ to cut ʼ, vadhervũ ʻ to cut, sacrifice ʼ; M. vāḍhṇẽ ʻ to serve out (food) ʼ (in sense ʻ to fill (a lamp with oil) ʼ rather < vardháyati2).(CDIAL 11381)

    बढ्या

    *vardhira ʻ axe, hammer ʼ. [Cf. *varddhr̥ -- . - √vardh]Kho. bəḍīˊr ʻ sledgehammer (?) ʼ (→ Gaw. bäḍíl), Bshk. baḍīˊr; Phal. baḍhīˊr ʻ axe (?), sledgehammer ʼ AO xviii 227: very doubtful.(CDIAL 11385)


      







































    KSP_3844The inscription is written under the neck of the boar, in 8 lines of Sanskrit in Brahmi script. Translation:
    Image result for eran varaha
    Inscription below the neck of Yajña Varāha pratimā
    Portrait of Toramana.

    Triumphant is the God who, in the likeness of a Boar, lifted up the earth; who, by blows of his hard snout, tossed the mountains aloft; the upholding pillar of that vast mansion, the threefold world.

    In the first year that the auspicious Toramana, sovereign of great kings, of extended fame and wide-spread effulgence, is governing the earth; on the tenth day of Phalguna; even so, in the year and month and on the day of his reign before mentioned, during the first watch of the said lunar day as circumstantiated of the great grandson of Indra Vishnu, —a Brahman saint, of the illustrious Maitrayaniya monarchs, who took delight in his duties, celebrated solemn sacrifices, and well read in the scriptures; grandson of Varuna Vishnu, who imitated the excellencies of his father; son of Hari Vishnu, who was the counterpart of his sire,
    and derived prosperity to his race, that is to say, of the great king Matrivishnu, who was departed to  elysium a most devout worshipper of Bhagavat, who, by the will of the Ordainer, acquired, like as a maiden sometimes elects her husband, the splendour of royalty; of fame recognized as far as the four oceans; of unimperfect wealth; victorious in many a battle over his enemies, — the younger brother, Dhanyavishnu, who did him due obeisance, and was revered because of his favour; whose righteous deeds have been notably unintermitted;— with purpose to advance the merit of his mother and father, in his dominions, in this town of Erakaina [Eran] has caused this substantial temple of the adorable Narayana, in form a boar, affectionately attached to the world, to be constructed. May happiness attend the kine, the Brahmans, the magnates, and all the subjects.
    — Eran boar inscription, Archaeological Survey Report, Translator: Hall
    Source: A. Cunningham (1880), Report of Tours in Bundelkhand and Malwa, Archaeological Survey of India, Volume 10, Calcutta, pages 84-85.

    हूण name of a people living in भारत-वर्ष (Monier-Williams) hunati (opt. hunēt Pañcar.) ʻ offers libation ʼ. [From pp. *huna -- ~ hutá -- (see prāhuṇa -- ). -- √hu]Pa. hunitabba -- ʻ to be sacrificed ʼ; Pk. huṇaï ʻ offers oblation ʼ, huṇia -- pp., huṇaṇa -- n.; MB. hune ʻ sacrifices ʼ ODBL 553, H. hunnā. (CDIAL 14139) hūṇa m. ʻ name of a barbarous people ʼ MBh.Pk. hūṇa -- , hōṇa -- m. ʻ a non -- Aryan people ʼ; Ku. huṇiyā ʻ Tibetan ʼ, A. hun.(CDIAL 14145) prāhuṇa -- , °aka -- m. ʻ guest ʼ Kathās., prāhuṇī -- , °ṇikā -- f., prāghuṇa -- , °ṇaka -- , °ṇika -- m. Kathās., prāghūrṇa -- , °ṇaka -- , °ṇika -- m. Pañcat. [Vṛddhi to *prahuṇa -- = prahuta -- n. ʻ hospitality ʼ Mn., i.e. ʻ one who receives hospitality ʼ (J. C. W.). -- Forms with -- gh -- infl. by ghūˊrṇati, cf. prāghūrṇa -- m. ʻ wanderer ʼ Pañcat. <-> √huPa. pāhuna -- , °aka -- m. ʻ guest ʼ, n. ʻ guest meal ʼ (pāhuneyya -- ʻ deserving to be a guest ʼ sanskritized as prāhavaṇīya -- BHSk.); Pk. pahuṇa -- , pāhuṇa -- , °ṇaya -- , °ṇia -- m. ʻ guest ʼ, L. parāhṇā, (Shahpur) parāhnapir° m.,P. parāhuṇā
    parauhṇāpāhuṇā m., WPah.jaun. pāŏṇā, (Joshi) prāwṇā, Ku. pauṇoN. pāhun -- sāl ʻ guest house ʼ, pāhunu ʻ guest ʼ, MB. pāhuna, Or. (Lariā) pahanā; Mth. pahunā ʻ guest, bridegroom ʼ; Bhoj. pāhun ʻ guest ʼ, Aw.lakh. pāhunā; H. pāhun m. ʻ guest ʼ (°nī f.), °nā m. ʻ guest, daughter's husband ʼ; Marw. pāhuṇo m. ʻ guest ʼ, °ṇī f., G. parɔṇɔ m., °ṇī f., parāṇɔ m., M. pāhuṇā°hoṇā m. -- Poss. X pathya -- see prārthya -- . *pricu -- ʻ flea ʼ see plúṣi -- . Addenda: prāhuṇa -- : WPah.kṭg. prauṇɔ m. ʻ guest ʼ, pauṇɔ, kc. °ṇo m., J. prāwṇā m., jaun. pāoṇā, Garh. pɔṇu.(CDIAL 8973) प्राघुण m. (Prakrit for प्रा*-घूर्ण ; cf. प्रहुण) a visitor , guest Katha1s.प्राहुण m. (fr. प्राघुण q.v.) a guest Katha1s. (Monier-Williams)

    Toramana and Mihirakula were the best known Hun kings in India, and a great deal of epigraphic evidence for both can be found there. Their coinage identifies them without a doubt as belonging to the Alkhan; yet their coinage is distanced stylistically from that of the Alkhan at the time of Khingila.
    Inscriptions show that the Huns under Toramana pushed from Punjab into Central India; the southernmost point with an inscription from Toramana (Fig. B) was Eran in Malwa (540 km south of New Delhi), a region that brought the Alkhan into contention with the Gupta emperors.
    In an inscription set at Gwalior (on the edge of the Ganges plain, 280 km south of New Delhi) Mihirakula is identified as the son of Toramana. The coinage corroborates this, as the numerous overstrikes prove that Mihirakula at least ruled after Toramana (Nr. 5).
    In 520 CE on his journey to the Buddhist sites of India (Fig. C), the Chinese pilgrim Song Yun encountered a Hun king in Punjab who had been at war with the king of Kashmir for three years and who might be identifiable as Mihirakula. Before 532 CE Mihirakula suffered a devastating defeat against Yasodharman, king of Malwa, signaling the demise of the Alkhan in India (Fig. D).
    Around the middle of the 6th century CE, the Alkhan successively pulled out of Punjab and Gandhara and back to Kabulistan, where they encountered the Nezak kings (showcase 11). A political or dynastic connection between the Alkhan and the Nezak is made evident in a series of drachms produced in Gandhara which show the Alkhan king with the bull-head crown of the Nezak (Nos. 9–11).
    Nearly parallel to the Alkhan in Gandhara and India, the Hephthalites in Bactria met their demise when they were defeated by the allied Sasanian and Western Turks in around 560 CE (showcase 10).

    COINS
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown; Brahmi inscription "King Lakhana Udayaditya" (= rising sun)
    Lakhana Udayaditya

    (End of the 5th / beginning of the 6th c. CE)
    DENOMINATION
    Drachm

    (Silver)
    MINT
    Gandhara
    OBVERSE
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown; Brahmi inscription "King Lakhana Udayaditya" (= rising sun)
    REVERSE
    Fire altar with two attendants
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown
    RULER
    Toramana

    (around 490 – 515 CE)
    DENOMINATION
    Copper coin
    MINT
    Punjab
    OBVERSE
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown
    REVERSE
    Cakra (wheel); below Brahmi inscription "Tora"
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown, left umbrella, right trident; Brahmi inscription "Mihirakula should be victorious"Fire altar with two attendants
    RULER
    Mihirakula

    (around 515 – 540 CE)
    DENOMINATION
    Drachm

    (Silver)
    MINT
    Punjab
    OBVERSE
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown, left umbrella, right trident; Brahmi inscription "Mihirakula should be victorious"
    REVERSE
    Fire altar with two attendants
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown (?); Brahmi inscription "His Excellence Mihirakula"Bull; Brahmi inscription "The bull should be victorious"
    RULER
    Mihirakula

    (around 515 – 540 CE)
    DENOMINATION
    Copper coin
    MINT
    Punjab
    OBVERSE
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown (?); Brahmi inscription "His Excellence Mihirakula"
    REVERSE
    Bull; Brahmi inscription "The bull should be victorious"
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown (?); Brahmi inscription "His Excellence Mihirakula"Bull; Brahmi inscription "The bull should be victorious"
    RULER
    Mihirakula

    (around 515 – 540 CE)
    DENOMINATION
    Copper coin
    MINT
    Punjab
    OBVERSE
    Bust with deformed skull and crescent moon crown (?); Brahmi inscription "His Excellence Mihirakula"
    REVERSE
    Bull; Brahmi inscription "The bull should be victorious"
    NOTES
    Overstruck on a coin of Toramana (see Nr. 2)
    Bust with deformed skull and winged crescent moon crown, points of a crescent moon behind the shoulders, left swastika with crescent moon, right fire altar; Brahmi inscription "Baysira Khotalika should be victorious"Fire altar with two attendants
    RULER
    Baysira Khotalika

    (1st half of the 6th c. CE)
    DENOMINATION
    Drachm

    (Silver)
    MINT
    Punjab
    OBVERSE
    Bust with deformed skull and winged crescent moon crown, points of a crescent moon behind the shoulders, left swastika with crescent moon, right fire altar; Brahmi inscription "Baysira Khotalika should be victorious"
    REVERSE
    Fire altar with two attendants
    Bust with winged crescent moon crown, left shell, right lotus; Brahmi inscription "His Excellence Narendra should be victorious"Fire altar with two attendants
    RULER
    Narendra

    (Mid-6th c. CE)
    DENOMINATION
    Drachm

    (Billon)
    MINT
    Punjab
    OBVERSE
    Bust with winged crescent moon crown, left shell, right lotus; Brahmi inscription "His Excellence Narendra should be victorious"
    REVERSE
    Fire altar with two attendants
    http://pro.geo.univie.ac.at/projects/khm/coins/coin158?ref=showcases/showcase9&language=en

    Image result for eran varaha


    RV_3,053.01a indrāparvatā bṛhatā rathena vāmīr iṣa ā vahataṃ suvīrāḥ |
    RV_3,053.01c vītaṃ havyāny adhvareṣu devā vardhethāṃ gīrbhir iḷayā madantā ||
    RV_3,053.02a tiṣṭhā su kam maghavan mā parā gāḥ somasya nu tvā suṣutasya yakṣi |
    RV_3,053.02c pitur na putraḥ sicam ā rabhe ta indra svādiṣṭhayā girā śacīvaḥ ||
    RV_3,053.03a śaṃsāvādhvaryo prati me gṛṇīhīndrāya vāhaḥ kṛṇavāva juṣṭam |
    RV_3,053.03c edam barhir yajamānasya sīdāthā ca bhūd uktham indrāya śastam ||
    RV_3,053.04a jāyed astam maghavan sed u yonis tad it tvā yuktā harayo vahantu |
    RV_3,053.04c yadā kadā ca sunavāma somam agniṣ ṭvā dūto dhanvāty accha ||
    RV_3,053.05a parā yāhi maghavann ā ca yāhīndra bhrātar ubhayatrā te artham |
    RV_3,053.05c yatrā rathasya bṛhato nidhānaṃ vimocanaṃ vājino rāsabhasya ||
    RV_3,053.06a apāḥ somam astam indra pra yāhi kalyāṇīr jāyā suraṇaṃ gṛhe te |
    RV_3,053.06c yatrā rathasya bṛhato nidhānaṃ vimocanaṃ vājino dakṣiṇāvat ||
    RV_3,053.07a ime bhojā aṅgiraso virūpā divas putrāso asurasya vīrāḥ |
    RV_3,053.07c viśvāmitrāya dadato maghāni sahasrasāve pra tiranta āyuḥ ||
    RV_3,053.08a rūpaṃ-rūpam maghavā bobhavīti māyāḥ kṛṇvānas tanvam pari svām |
    RV_3,053.08c trir yad divaḥ pari muhūrtam āgāt svair mantrair anṛtupā ṛtāvā ||
    RV_3,053.09a mahāṃ ṛṣir devajā devajūto 'stabhnāt sindhum arṇavaṃ nṛcakṣāḥ |
    RV_3,053.09c viśvāmitro yad avahat sudāsam apriyāyata kuśikebhir indraḥ ||
    RV_3,053.10a haṃsā iva kṛṇutha ślokam adribhir madanto gīrbhir adhvare sute sacā |
    RV_3,053.10c devebhir viprā ṛṣayo nṛcakṣaso vi pibadhvaṃ kuśikāḥ somyam madhu ||
    RV_3,053.11a upa preta kuśikāś cetayadhvam aśvaṃ rāye pra muñcatā sudāsaḥ |
    RV_3,053.11c rājā vṛtraṃ jaṅghanat prāg apāg udag athā yajāte vara ā pṛthivyāḥ ||
    RV_3,053.12a ya ime rodasī ubhe aham indram atuṣṭavam |
    RV_3,053.12c viśvāmitrasya rakṣati brahmedam bhārataṃ janam ||
    RV_3,053.13a viśvāmitrā arāsata brahmendrāya vajriṇe |
    RV_3,053.13c karad in naḥ surādhasaḥ ||
    RV_3,053.14a kiṃ te kṛṇvanti kīkaṭeṣu gāvo nāśiraṃ duhre na tapanti gharmam |
    RV_3,053.14c ā no bhara pramagandasya vedo naicāśākham maghavan randhayā naḥ ||
    RV_3,053.15a sasarparīr amatim bādhamānā bṛhan mimāya jamadagnidattā |
    RV_3,053.15c ā sūryasya duhitā tatāna śravo deveṣv amṛtam ajuryam ||
    RV_3,053.16a sasarparīr abharat tūyam ebhyo 'dhi śravaḥ pāñcajanyāsu kṛṣṭiṣu |
    RV_3,053.16c sā pakṣyā navyam āyur dadhānā yām me palastijamadagnayo daduḥ ||
    RV_3,053.17a sthirau gāvau bhavatāṃ vīḷur akṣo meṣā vi varhi mā yugaṃ vi śāri |
    RV_3,053.17c indraḥ pātalye dadatāṃ śarītor ariṣṭaneme abhi naḥ sacasva ||
    RV_3,053.18a balaṃ dhehi tanūṣu no balam indrānaḷutsu naḥ |
    RV_3,053.18c balaṃ tokāya tanayāya jīvase tvaṃ hi baladā asi ||
    RV_3,053.19a abhi vyayasva khadirasya sāram ojo dhehi spandane śiṃśapāyām |
    RV_3,053.19c akṣa vīḷo vīḷita vīḷayasva mā yāmād asmād ava jīhipo naḥ ||
    RV_3,053.20a ayam asmān vanaspatir mā ca hā mā ca rīriṣat |
    RV_3,053.20c svasty ā gṛhebhya āvasā ā vimocanāt ||
    RV_3,053.21a indrotibhir bahulābhir no adya yācchreṣṭhābhir maghavañ chūra jinva |
    RV_3,053.21c yo no dveṣṭy adharaḥ sas padīṣṭa yam u dviṣmas tam u prāṇo jahātu ||
    RV_3,053.22a paraśuṃ cid vi tapati śimbalaṃ cid vi vṛścati |
    RV_3,053.22c ukhā cid indra yeṣantī prayastā phenam asyati ||
    RV_3,053.23a na sāyakasya cikite janāso lodhaṃ nayanti paśu manyamānāḥ |
    RV_3,053.23c nāvājinaṃ vājinā hāsayanti na gardabham puro aśvān nayanti ||
    RV_3,053.24a ima indra bharatasya putrā apapitvaṃ cikitur na prapitvam |
    RV_3,053.24c hinvanty aśvam araṇaṃ na nityaṃ jyāvājam pari ṇayanty ājau ||

    3.053.01 Indra and Parvata, bring hither, in a spacious car, delightful viands (generative of) good progeny; partake, deities, of the oblations (offered)at (our) sacrifices, and gratified by the (sacrificial) food, be elevated by our praises. 

    3.053.02 Tarry a while contentedly, Maghavan (at our rite); go not away; for I offer to you (the libation) of the copiously-effused Soma; powerful Indra, I lay hold of the skirts (of your robe) with sweet-flavoured commendations, as a son (clings to the garment) of a father. 

    3.053.03 Adhvaryu, let us two offer praise; do you concur with me; let us address pleasing praise to Indra; sit down, Indra, on the sacred grass (prepared by) the institutor of the rite; and may our commendations be most acceptable to Indra. [Do you concur with me: prati me gr.n.i_hi; the Hota_ is supposed to speak to Adhvaryu to direct their joint performance of some part of the ceremony]. 

    3.053.04 A man's wife, Maghavan, is his dwelling; verily she is his place of birth; thither let your horses, harnessed (to your car), convey you; we prepare the Soma at the fit season; may Agni come as our messenger befor eyou. [His place of birth: ja_ya_ id astam sedu yonih: astam = gr.ham (gr.hin.i_ gr.ham ucyate iti smr.teh; na gr.ham gr.hamisya_hurgr.hi.n.o gr.hamucyate)]. 

    3.053.05 Depart, Maghavan; come Indra; both ways, protector, there is a motive for you whether it be standing in your vast chariot, or liberating your neighing steed. [Both ways: ubhayatra te artham: Indra's wife awaits his return, the Soma libation invites his stay; protectorL bhra_ta_ = lit., brother; but here explained as pos.aka, nourisher]. 

    3.053.06 When you have drunk the Soma, then, Indra, go home; an auspicious life (abides) pleasantly in your dwelling; in either (case) there is the standing in your car or liberating the steeds for provender. 

    3.053.07 These (sacrificers) are the Bhojas, of whom the diversified An:girasas (are the priests); and the heroic sons of the expeller (of the foes of the gods) from heaven, bestowing riches upon Vis'va_mitra at the sacrifice of a thousand (victims), prolong (his) life. [These sacrificers are the Bhojas: ime bhoja_ an:giraso viru_pa_: bhoja_ = ks.atriya descendants of Suda_s, suda_sah ks.atriya, ya_gam kurva_n.ah, instituting the sacrifice at which the latter, Medha_tithi, and the rest of the race of an:giras were their ya_jakas, or officiating priests; the expeller: rudra, his sons are the maruts; sacrifice of a thousand victims: sahasrasave = the as'vamedha]. 

    3.053.08 Maghavan becomes repeatedly (manifest) in various forms, practising delusions with respect to his own peculiar person; and invoked by his appropriate prayers, he comes in a moment from heaven to the three (daily rites), and, although observant of seasons, is the drinker (of the Soma) irrespective of season. 

    3.053.09 The great r.s.i the generator of the gods, the attracted by the deities, the overlooker of the leaders (at holy rites), Vis'va_mitra attested the watery stream when he sacrificed for Suda_s; Indra, with the Kus'ikas was pleased. [The generator of the gods: devaja_h = the generator of radiances or energies, tejasa_m janayita_; arrested the watery stream: astabhna_t sindhum arn.avam: he is said to have stopped the current of the confluence of the vipa_s/a_ and s'utudri rivers; indra with the kus'ikas was pleased: apriyayata kus'ikebhir Indra = kus'ikagotrotpannair r.s.ibhih saha, with the r.s.is of the kus'ika lineage, or it might be rendered, pleased by the Kus'ikas]. 

    3.053.10 Sages and saints overlookers of the leaders (of sacred rites), Kus'ikas, when the Soma is expressed with stones at the sacrifice, then exhilarating (the gods) with praises, sing the holy strain (aloud) like (screaming) swans, and, together with the gods, drink the sweet juice of the Soma. 

    3.053.11 Approach, Kus'ikas, the steed of Suda_s; animate (him), and let him loose to (win) riches (for the raja); for the king (of the gods) has slain Vr.tra in the East, in the West, in the North, therefore let (Suda_s) worship him in the best (regions) of the earth. 

    3.053.12 I have made Indra glorified by these two, heaven and earth, and this prayer of Vis'va_mitra protects the race of Bharata. [Made Indra glorified: indram atus.t.avam-- the verb is the third preterite of the casual, I have caused to be praised; it may mean: I praise Indra, abiding between heaven and earth, i.e. in the firmament]. 

    3.053.13 The Vis'va_mitras have addressed the prayer to Indra, the wielder of the thunderbolt; may he therefore render us very opulent. [The Vis'va_mitras: The bharatas, or descendants of Bharata, are descendants of Vis'va_mitra; Bharata is the son of S'akuntala_, the daughter of the sage, Visva_mitra (Maha_bha_rata A_diparva); Vasis.t.ha is the family priest of the Bharats and was the restorer to dominion from which they had been expelled by the Pan~ca_las]. 

    3.053.14 What do the cattle for you among the Ki_kat.as; they yield no milk to mix with the Soma, they need not the vessel (for the libation); bring them to us; (bring also) the wealth of the son of the usurer, and give us Maghavan, (the possessions) of the low branches (of the community). [The Ki_kat.as: (Nirukta 6.32) are people who do not perform worship, who are infidels, na_stikas; in countries inhabited by ana_ryas (ki_kat.a_ na_ma des'ona_ryaniva_sah); na tapanti gharma_n.i: harmyam = a house; gharma_n.i = a vessel termed maha_vi_ra used at the rite called pragr.hya: pragr.h ya_khya_ karmopa yuktam maha_vi_rapa_tram, which the cattle do not warm by yielding their milk to it; usurer: a_ bhara pramagandasya vedas: maganda = kusidin, or usurer, one who says to himself, the money that goes from me will come back doubled, and pra = a patronymic; low branches of the community: naica_s'a_kham, that which belongs to a low (ni_ca) branch, or class (s'a_kha); the posterity born of S'u_dras and the like]. 

    3.053.15 The daughter of Su_rya given by Jamadagni gliding everywhere and dissipating ignorance, has emitted a mighty (sound), and has diffused ambrosial imperishable food among the gods. [Given by Jamadagni: jamadagni datta_ = given by the r.s;is maintaining a blazing jamat-jvalat, fire, agni; mighty sound: the sound of thunder or the like in the sky; food among the gods: as the prayers or exclamation which accompanies the burnt offering]. 

    3.053.16 May she, gliding everywhere, quickly bring us food (suited) to the five races of men; may she, the daughter of the sun whom the grey-haired jamadagnis gave to me, (be) the bestower of new life. [Five races of men: pan~cajanya_su kr.s.t.is.u: five distinctions are restricted to human beings; hence, the reference may be to four castes and barbarians; daughter of the sun: paks.ya_, the daughter of Paks.a: paks.a nirva_hakasya, the distributor of the parts (of the year?), i.e. su_ryasya, of the sun; bestower of new life: navyam a_yur dadha_na, having new life or food: mama kurvan.a_ bhavatu]. 

    3.053.17 May the horse be steady, the axle be strong, the pole be not defective, the yoke not be rotten; may Indra preserve the two yoke-pins from decay; car with uninjured felloes, be ready for us. [The horses: ga_vau gaccheta iti ga_vau as'vau: ga_va_ implies those who go, or, in this place, horses; car be ready for us: Vis'va_mitra being about to depart from the sacrifice of Suda_s, invokes good fortune for his conveyance]. 

    3.053.18 Give strength, Indra, to our bodies; give strength to our vehicles; (give) strength to our sons and grandsons; that they may live (long); for you are giver of strength. 

    3.053.19 Fix firmly the substance of the khayar (axle), give solidity to the s'is'u (floor) of the car; strong axle, strongly fixed by us, be strong; cast us not from out of our conveyance. [khayar and s'is'u: khadirasya sa_ram is the text; khadira = mimosa catechu of which the bolt of the axle is made; while the s'im.s'apa, dalbergia sisu furnishes wood for the floor; these are still timber-trees in common use]. 

    3.053.20 May this lord of the forest never desert us nor do us harm; may we travel prosperously home until the stopping (of the car), until the unharnessing (of the steeds). [This lord of the forest: vanaspati, i.e. the timber of which the car is made]. 

    3.053.21 Indra, hero,possessor of wealth, protect us this day against our foes with many and excellent defences; may the vile wretch who hates us fall (before us); may the breath of life depart from him whom we hate. 

    3.053.22 As (the tree) suffers pain from the axe, as the s'imbal flower is (easily) cut off, as the injured cauldron leaking scatters foam, so may mine enemy perish. [The ellipse: as the tree is cut down by the axe, so may the enemy be cut down; as one cuts off without difficulty the flower of the s'imbal, so may he be destroyed; as the ukha_ (cauldron) when struck (prahata), and thence leaking (yes.anti_, sravanti_), scatters foam or breath from its mouth, so (dves.t.a madi_ya, mantra sa_marthyena prahatah san, phenam mukha_d udgirtu), may that hater, struck by the power of my prayer vomit foam fromhis mouth]. 

    3.053.23 Men, (the might) of the destroyer is not known to you; regarding him as a mere animal, they lead him away desirous (silently to complete his devotions); the wise condescend not to turn the foolish into ridicule, they do not lead the ass before the horse. [Legend: Vis'va_mitra was seized and bound by the followers of Vasis.t.ha, when observing a vow of silence. These were the reflections of the sage on the occasion: disparaging the rivalry of Vasis.t.ha with himself, as if between an ass and a horse: sa_yakasya = of an arrow;here explained, to destroy, avasa_naka_rin.ah; lodham nayanti = they lead the sage; lodha = fr. lubdham, desirous that his penance might not be frustrated, tapasah ks.ayo ma_ bhu_d iti, lobhena tus.n.i_m sthitam r.s.im pas'um manyama_na, thinking the r.s.i silent through his desire, to be an animal, i.e., stupid; another interpretation in Nirukta:lubdham r.s.im nayanti pas'um manyama_nah, they take away the desiring r.s.i, thinking him an animal; na ava_jinam va_jina_ ha_sayanti: va_jina = fr. vac, speed, with ina affix; interpreted as srvajn~a, all knowing; the contrary avajina = mu_rkha, a fool]. 

    3.053.24 These sons of Bharata, Indra, understand severance (from the Vasis.t.has), not association (with them); they urge their steeds (against them) as against a constant foe; they bear a stout bow (for their destruction) in battle. [Sons of Bharata: descendants of Vis'va_mitra whose enmity to the lineage of Vasis.t.ha is here expressed; the enmity reportedly occurred  on account of Vis'va_mitra's disciple the Ra_ja_ suda_s; Anukraman.ika_ states that Vasis.t.has hear not the  inimical imprecations: antya abhis'aparthas ta vasis.t.adevas.in.yah na vasis.t.hah s'r.n.vanti; Niruktam: sa vasis.t.hadves.i_ r.k-aham ca kapis.thalo vasi.s.hah atas tana nirbravi_mi, this and the previous verse are inimical to the Vasis.t.has and he is of the race of Vasis.t.ha, of the Kapis.t.hala branch]. 
    TORAMANA AND MIHIRAKULA - THE RISE AND FALL OF THE ALKHAN IN INDIA






    0 0

    https://tinyurl.com/y8nzcmsk

    Prologue

    At the outset, the possibility of survival of Indus Script Cipher in the Rongorongo script cannot be ruled out, considering the following:

    1. Indus Script hypertexts continue to be used on tens of thousands of punch-marked and cast coins of mints (dated from ca. 6th cent. BCE) from Taxila to Anurdhapura.
    2. The position analyses of 'sign clusters', 'pictorial motif clusters', the use of 'numeral signs' as words, the close connection between 'pictorial motifs' and 'signs' as seen on over 200 copper plate inscriptions of Indus Script point the writing system as rebus renderings of metalwork catalogues detailing resources such as minerals, metals, alloys, cire perdue casting, ingot casting, casting of metalware in moulds, work with smelters, furnaces, smithy/forge.
    3. The Kabul mss. with a string of over 200 signs seems to be consistent with the 'sign' strings on Indus Script inscriptions, pointing to the mss as a catalogue of catalogues.

    The possibility of Rongorongo writing system with a similar structure comparable to the Kabul mss, form, and function cannot be ruled out given the apparent orthographic parallels between 'rongorongo' hieroglyphs and 'Indus Script Hypertexts'. As suggested by Mayank Vahia, a good start will be to analyze the Rongorongo Script Corpus to identify 'hieroglyph' clusters and draw a venn diagram of relationships, if any, with preceding and succeeding 'hieroglyph' clusters. Such a cluster analysis may yield some semantic pointers, assuming that there is underlying language words may be rebus signifiers of 'hypertexts' and 'meanings' as was shown for Indus Script Corpora of now over 8000 inscriptions.

    The toughest part of the research effort will be to authenticate the orthography of each 'hieroglyph' of Rongorongo script, in comparison with the Indus Script hypertexts to indicate possible identical deployment of comparable 'hieroglyphs/hypertexts'. (Note: An example of a hypertext is a 'fish' hieroglyph superscripted with an inverted V or ^ glyph. This ^ glyph signifies in Indus Script a lid of a pot read as ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' (gveda).

    I agree with Dr.V. Ramachandran. The Rongorongo script should be investigated by researchers of civilization studies.


    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Centre

    The Rongorongo of Easter Island

    The Indus Valley Hypothesis



    "This hypothesis is due to Guillaume de Hevesy, a Hungarian living in Paris, who dabbled in comparative linguistics, and who noticed some resemblance between the Indus Valley seal inscriptions and the rongorongo. Hevesy jumped to the conclusion: the rongorongo originated in the Indus Valley civilization. The hypothesis, first published in 1932, was generally well received, and caused such a flurry of interest that as late as 1939 the Journal of the Polynesian Society would publish, under the title "The Panis of the Rig Veda and Script of Mohenjo Daro and Easter Island," a piece against which A. Carroll's decipherments are a model of sober, restrained scholarship."

    http://kohaumotu.org/rongorongo_org/theories/indus/intro.html

    The Easter Island Tablets: The Indus Valley Hypothesis

    H.D. Skinner on Hevesy


    Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol.41 (1932)


    NOTES AND QUERIES.

    ____

    [471] The Easter Island Script.
        In Nature [October lst, 1932, p. 502] appears the following note: "According to a letter from Sir Denison Ross in the Times of September 21st, M. Guillame Hevesy, a Hungarian resident in Paris, has discovered that a number of the signs of the pre-historic Indian script on seals from Mahenjo-daro also appear in the script of the Easter Island inscribed wooden tablets, while some of the Easter Island signs, not present on the Indian seals, are to be found in the proto-Elamic of Susa. It would now be interesting to hear whether there is any coincidence in the interpretation of the pre-historic Indian signs suggested by Sir Flinders Petrie (see Nature, September 17th, p. 429), and those suggested for the Easter Island script in the Report of the Committee of the Royal Anthropological Institute of which Mr. Sidney Ray was Chairman. The suggestion of a connexion between the two scripts is not the only attempt to find an affinity between Easter Island and this part of Asia. M. J. Hackin, of the Musée Guimet, has recently directed attention to the resemblance which has now been noted between the wooden statues, probably ancestral, which were objects of reverence among the Kafirs of Afghanistan before they were overwhelmed by Islam, of which examples are preserved in the Kabul Museum, and the well-known statues of Easter Island. The resemblances certainly are strong, although it might be argued that they do not go beyond what may be due to the limitations of all undeveloped technique. It must also be admitted that when the material which it is sought to bring into relation is so widely separated in date as in these instances, the comparison, in default of intervening links, carries more interest than conviction."
        A number of problems are raised in this paragraph. I can only say that the parallels figured in Sir Denison Ross's letter carry no conviction whatever.__H. D. SKINNER.

    Journal of the Polynesian Society, 1932, vol.41, p.323.

    The Easter Island Tablets: The Indus Valley Hypothesis

    N.M. Billimoria


    Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol.48 (1939)

    92

    THE PANIS OF THE RIG VEDA AND SCRIPT OF MOHENJO DARO AND EASTER ISLAND.

    ___
    BY N. M. BILLIMORIA

    Karachi, India.
    ___
    Read before the Sind Historical Society, on August lst, 1937, and extracted, with acknowledgements, front their Journal for January, 1938, vol. 3, part 2.
    ___
        THERE is no doubt that the script on seals at Mohenjo Daro and Harappa and the tablets found at Easter island are similar. An authority on archaeology says it is fortuitous. But Prof. M. G. Hevesy in a paper "Sur une Ecriture Oceanienne paraissant d'origine Neolethique" read before the Societe Prehistorique Francaise, has shown that 130 signs are similar__he has put several signs side by side to support his statement__that cannot have happened by chance.
        No two learned persons have agreed as to the use of the seals__much less has the script been read. Some assign the seals as mercantile marks__some say they are letters, bills of lading, I.O.Us.; Prof. Hevesy says as the seals were found in houses they were offerings to the deity, and the script, the name of the person making the gift to his animal deity.
        The seals have been studied by several savants like Prof. Langdon and Dr. Hunter of the Oxford University without success. They have agreed that it can be read from right to left, in many cases it was "boustrophedon"__manner of writing alternatively from right to left, and from the left to the right__or as the French Dictionary gives, "maniere d'ecrire alternativement de droite a gauche, et de gauche a droite sans discontinuer la ligne."
        I have prepared a thesis on "the Panis of the Rig Veda and the script of Mohenjo Daro and the Easter island" which may or may not be published__however, I give a precis of it.

    The Easter Island Tablets: Decipherments

    A. Carroll, M.A., M.D.


    In a long letter to the Journal of the Polynesian Society, dated 6 October 1892, A. Carroll, a medical practitioner of Sydney (Australia), explains how he deciphered the Easter Island writing, and gives his translation of a tablet given as "No.1, Long Tablet." The partial drawing of it which accompanies Carroll's letter identifies it as Tablet A (also known as Tahua or The Oar). Carroll's translation of side b starts on page 246, of side a onpage 249. This letter follows an earlier article by him, apparently written at the request of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, much shorter, in which he gave a partial translation of "a copy of the inscriptions kindly forwarded... by S. Percy Smith." What Carroll translated is uncertain. He refers to an "accompanying Plate" (p.104), but there is no accompanying plate in the reprint from which these texts were scanned. There is, however, a clear tracing of part of the Santiago Staff accompanying Carroll's explanatory letter of October 1892 (pp.233-253).
    Eventually, in 1897, Carroll was asked how his work was progressing. His lengthy answer is reproduced here.
    These texts are presented here as a curiosity, an interesting case in the pathology of decipherment, as Carroll's explanations of his method, of the structure of the writing, were fundamentally reasonable, until put to the test: the promised grammar and hieroglyphic dictionary never eventuated.
    Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol.1, 1892
    p.103 p.104 p.105 p.106
    p.233 p.234 p.235 p.236 p.237 p.238 p.239
    p.240 p.241 p.242 p.243 p.244 p.245 p.246
    p.247 p.248 p.249 p.250 p.251 p.252 p.253
    Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol.6, 1897
    query p.91 p.92 p.93


    Today, only 26 examples of Rongorongo text remain (with 3 disputed), each with letter codes inscribed on wooden objects, containing between 2 and 2320 simple and compound glyphs, with over 15,000 in all. Two of the tablets, C and S (above), have a documented pre-missionary provenance, though others may be as old or older. (1)


    Two Indus Valley seals with corresponding Rapa Nui symbols to illustrate the similarity between characters.
    (Extracted from Wikipedia May, 2013)
    This set of characters, extracted from the full set of Rongorongo glyphs is said to account for over 90% of all the known texts.


    Is there any reason to believe now that there might be a connection between the IVC script and the Easter Island Rongorongo?

    Some similarities have been found in the glyphs between Rongorongo and Indus writing. As well, the direction of writing (boustrophedon) might be the same/similar to Indus. In addition to the correlation of glyphs found by de Hevesy that I've seen so far, I wonder if there might be other correlations in glyphs - (upright) fish, fish with wings/arms, bearer, the epicene plural glyph, etc.

    Asked by Elango Cheran

    Asko Parpola
    There is no historical connection, only imaginary.

    Massimo Vidale
    No.

    Mayank Vahia
    I am not sure. Many of the signs that are common seem to be generic strokes and I am not convinced they are greatly similar. Also, causality of how the script reached there is also a big question. One needs to set up standards of comparison using parameters such as the statistical distribution of number of strokes per sign, stylistic similarity etc. and then compare it with environment and likely similarity of words etc. But this has not been done by us for want of time. The problem can be reasonably defined.

    Nisha Yadav
    Based on the discrepancy in the time period of existence of these two scripts and the vast distance between their places of occurrences the connection seems highly unlikely. However, further research can shed more light on this.

    Above: Easter Island Rapa Nui Rongorongo Mama Script 2 Sided Wooden Tablet. Image courtesy of J.S. Tribal.




    Despite the fact that both scripts were undeciphered (as they are to this day), separated by half the world and half of history (19,000 km (12,000 mi) and 4000 years), and had no known intermediate stages, Hevesy's ideas were taken seriously enough in academic circles to prompt a 1934 Franco–Belgian expedition to Easter Island led by Lavachery and Métraux to debunk them (Métraux 1939). The Indus Valley connection was published as late as 1938 in such respected anthropological journals as Man.


    You can see the original 1928 claims here: The_Eas ter_Island_script_and_the_Middle-Indus_seals 

    I do notice that any time this is debated, the same images are used for the comparison: the images made in the 1920's that have been since refuted for the inclusion of those spurious glyphs.

    There is a short book (21 paes) by Egbert Richter-Ushanas. The title is: ‘The inscribed tablets of easter island in the reading of Metoro and Ure  Publisher: Cuviller Verlag Gottingen.


    Issue 84 Summer 2017 Language at the end of the world by Jacob Mikanowski

    About the author: Jacob Mikanowski is a writer and critic based in Berkeley, California. His work has appeared in publications including Aeon, the Atlantic, the Guardian, the Los Angeles Review of Books, the New York Times, and Slate. Previously, he studied and taught European history and anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley.
    A crescent-shaped, wooden neck ornament from Easter Island made some time in the first half of the nineteenth century. The artifact, decorated with two bearded male heads on either end, contains a line of rongorongo glyphs along its bottom edge. Courtesy British Museum.

    "Of all the literatures in the world, the smallest and most enigmatic belongs without question to the people of Easter Island. It is written in a script—rongorongo—that no one can decipher. Experts cannot even agree whether it is an alphabet, a syllabary, a mnemonic, or a rebus. Its entire corpus consists of two dozen texts. The longest, consisting of a few thousand signs, winds its way around a magnificent ceremonial staff. The shortest texts—if they can even be called that—consist of barely more than a single sign. One took the form of a tattoo on a man’s back. Another was carved onto a human skull..."

    "A tablet with rongorongo inscription. The British Museum, which owns the object, dates it to the eighteenth or early nineteenth century. Courtesy British Museum."
    ...
    [quote]Guillaume de Hevesy, a Hungarian engineer resident in Paris, sparked an uproar in the 1930s when he discerned a genetic link between rongorongo and the equally undecipherable Indus script found at Mohenjo Daro. An industrious, though confused, Argentine professor tried to fit it into a graphic system spanning the entire Indo-Pacific. A German paleontologist found traces of rongorongo glyphs in the patterns of Sumatran ship fabrics. Peter Lanyon-Orgill, a polyglot and possibly insane Cornishman, found hints of them everywhere from Land’s End to Zimbabwe, and created his own journal to publicize his findings. One Swiss scholar believed they represented the remains of a Pacific empire that had sunk into the sea. A psychologist at Bard was convinced it arrived in Easter Island from Egypt, via the “Asiatic Script Bridge.” [unquote]
    ...
    "Page of diagrams of various motifs and glyphs observed by Katherine and Scoresby Routledge on their 1913–1915 Mana Expedition to Easter Island, during which they also visited Chile and the Juan Fernandez Islands. The bottom two rows depict sixteen glyphs from rongorongo boards. The page is signed by Henry Balfour, an archaeologist who accompanied them on their voyage; it is believed that the drawings are his. Courtesy British Museum."


    Igor Pozdniakov, Konstantin Pozdniakov "Rapanui Writing and the Rapanui Language: Preliminary Results of a Statistical Analysis" (2007)

    Waipi’O ValleyA Polynesian Journey from Eden to Eden


    Front Cover
    Xlibris Corporation25-Aug-2016













    “Prof. Spears! Look at this inscription!” Rongorongo makes an appearance in “The Stone Sentinels of Giant Island,” which initially appeared in April 1959 in the “House of Mystery” series published by DC Comics. In the comic, seen here in its 1971 reissue, Spears solves the riddle of rongorongo and saves the day.
    TheJournal of the Polynesian Society Volume 48 1939 > Volume 48, No. 189 > The Easter Island script and the Middle-Indus seals, p 60-69
    THE EASTER ISLAND SCRIPT AND THE MIDDLE-INDUS SEALS
    In the September 1938 number of our Journal, page 138 and on, was published a review of an article on the above subject in Anthropos, 1938, pages 218-239, by M. Métraux. As Sr. J. Imbelloni of the Museo Argentino de Ciencias Naturelles was referred to in the review, a copy was sent to him, in consequence of which a letter on the subject has been received from him, enclosing copy of a letter from Mr. G. R. Hunter to M. de Hevesy traversing the findings of M. Métraux, together with an article by himself dealing with those findings. As the gist of the letter from Mr. Hunter is included in the article, it has been thought necessary to publish here only the article, such publication seeming due not only to M. de Hevesy but also to M. Métraux.
    By the same mail which brought Sr. Imbelloni's letter I received also a letter from the Honorary Secretary of the Sind Historical Society, which, as it bears on the subject under consideration, it has been thought well to include following Sr. Imbelloni's article. The question asked in this letter has been answered, definitely though of necessity unsatisfactorily.
    The review in the September number referred to concludes with the words: “So closes, or opens, another chapter on the mystery of the Easter island tablets”; the indications are for an opening; not a closing.
    —Editor.
    RECENT DISCOVERIES IN THE MIDDLE-INDUS AREA AND THEIR RELATION TO THE EASTER ISLAND SCRIPT.
    RENEWED interest is being taken today in questions connected with the discovery by Sir John Marshall, shortly before 1928, of mysterious inscriptions, belonging to the late stone or early bronze period, in the ruins of- 61 Mohengio, Daro, and Harappa, the three most remote cities of the middle Indus.
    This discovery, and still more the other discovery that followed it in 1932, when Guillaume de Hevesy connected the script of these inscriptions with that of the mysterious tablets of Easter island—or as I prefer to call it by its native name, Rapanui—seemed so important in European scientific circles that the idea of an expedition to the island was mooted immediately, and very soon realized. The members were the archaeologist H. Lavachery, the ethnologist A. Métraux, and the physician I. Drapkin. Louis Watelin, originally chosen as leader of the expedition, unfortunately died on the voyage, in 1934, in Chilian waters.
    I need not here repeat what I have stated on various occasions about this discovery and the resulting controversies among ethnologists and epigraphers, starting from the 4th October, 1933, when I submitted this question to the Historical Committee. As my readers will easily remember, especially those who saw the large mural placards on which I gave large-scale reproductions of the series of inscriptions correlated by C. de Hevesy, I described in my lectures at Buenos Aires and Santiago the effect of the first sight of these discoveries on the South American public.
    The publications referred to discuss practically all the little we know about the famous “singing” or “rhythmic recitations” of the ancient hierophants of Rapanui during the annual festivals of the village of Anakena; about the genealogies of the island kings or ariki, which they were shown reading with the tablet in hand; about the school of wood-engravers or inscription-writers that formerly flourished on the north coast of Rapanui, and about many other topics which, today as yesterday, would furnish material for an interesting article.
    But my present purpose is to let my old friends know whether there is anything new to be said about the Proto-Hindu or Easter island inscriptions.
    In the Punjab the investigations show a slow but steady progress, in the sense that new collections of inscribed seals and amulets, mostly steatite, have been added to the many thousands already known. The epigrapher cannot in- 62 practice keep pace with the excavator, because years elapse between the discovery of the material and the publication of the symbols.
    Thus for instance the book of Sir John Marshall dated 1931 publishes only the seals known up to 1927, and Hunter's list issued in 1932 only those known up to April, 1931. The latter is the latest repository and is to be regarded as a supplement to Hunter's own book which bears the date 1934, although it was actually completed in 1929 and held up for five years awaiting the imprimatur of the Archaelogical Department of the Government of India. Persons not aware of this chronological anomaly, and starting with the fixed idea that Hevesy's notion was an absurdity, a purely subjective conviction, somewhat hastily accused Hevesy of reproducing symbols not to be found in Hunter's original plates. It has now been clearly established by Baron Heine-Geldern, as well as by Professor G. R. Hunter himself, that these critics based their conjectures on the 1934 book, without knowing that that collection is incomplete and out of date, and that there should be included in it the inscriptions of the article by Hunter published by the Asiatic Society of London in 1932.
    Now as regards the Indus inscriptions. Here the mystery remains impenetrable. In know of only one attempted interpretation, and that is unscientific, and better described as a “fervent improvisation.” Father H. Heras, S.J. has just published in the Journal of the University of Bombay a long article dedicated to the “Religion of Mohenjo Daro through its Inscriptions,” in which he offers an explanation of several texts without for the time being revealing the basis or methods used in deciphering. The little it is possible to discover about these methods from the article itself leaves us very sceptical. In support of the contention that these inscriptions are about things divine, Father Heras starts from the assumption that, of figures reproduced by him,
    - 63 
    the first, in as much as it has arms and legs detached from the torso in a dynamic attitude, signifies “man”; the second, in which the limbs are dropped and without vital force, signifies “superior being, god”; the third, with four arms, signifies “supreme being”; the fourth, “goddess mother”; the fifth, “hermaphrodite goddess,” etc. Here is an example of his translations: according to Heras the following inscription
    means: “The trees of the united canalized region of the Kavals (dedicated) to all the gods, whence came Minas, who was in the house.” It is not so much the queerness of the sentence that is noteworthy as the crudely ideographic intuition of the interpretation. There is another yet more absurd:
    which is supposed to mean “Enmai is to the fish and to the acacia as 8 is to 2,” a mathematical formula in which Heras recognizes an appellative of Siva “of the eight bodies.”
    These attempts of Father Heras are comparable to those of another learned jesuit, Father Anastasius Kircher, who during the Renaissance period made guesses at the Egyptian hieroglyphs which have since been satisfactorily deciphered.
    On the Pacific side also there is nothing new to report. The tablets of Rapanui remain undeciphered; some people even refuse to admit that they represent a script. That is the gist of the arguments put forward by Dr. Alfred Métraux in an article published in the review Anthropos, of which he has just sent me a separate copy from Honolulu, with a very friendly dedication. Interesting summaries of the same article have recently appeared at Buenos Aires.
    The arguments of Dr. Métraux comprise three distinct aspects. First, the statement that most of the analogies- 64 exist only in Hevesy's reproductions, whereas they disappear when compared with those of the original series, “this gentleman, moved by his enthusiasm, having slightly modified the original symbols, and accentuated similitudes which otherwise might perhaps never have suggested themselves.” Secondly, the statement that the tablets of Rapanui do not contain a script, but a certain number of “sacred symbols representing gods of the island and equally sacred things.” Thirdly, the statement that the civilization of Rapanui, which became extinct in the 19th century, can have no connection historically with that of the Punjab that flourished in 3,000 B.C. and is separated from it by 20,000 kilometres of ocean.
    I do not propose here to discuss fully these three central propositions of Dr. Métraux. I shall only point out that they are open to objection both from an internal and from an external point of view, i.e., in respect of their methods of proof, and in respect of the present state of the sciences of epigraphy, history, and ethnology.
    But there is a point in which a friendly intervention may be helpful both to Dr. Métraux and to M. de Hevesy, both of them friends of mine of long standing. Nor am I now thinking of the recognition of analogies in the two graphic systems. Every one has the right to refuse that; I partly did so myself before 1935. It is something more serious than that.
    In disputes of this kind one often says more than one means. Dr. Métraux devotes many paragraphs of both his articles to showing that Hevesy has altered some symbols and imagined others non-existent in Hunter's plates, also omitting to give precise references to those plates “by what may have been a prudent lapse of memory.” I am sure that Dr. Métraux never meant to bring an accusation of falsification, only to point out the scientific blindness that results from the effort to prove a preconceived theory.
    I regret having to say that accusers as well as accused can be struck with this brand of critical blindness. In short, in order to vindicate the moral and scientific integrity of Guillaume de Hevesy I feel obliged to publish the following facts:
    - 65 
    1. In a manuscript letter signed by Professor Hunter and addressed to M. de Hevesy, of which I possess a photographic copy, he says that, having carefully re-examined the list of symbols reproduced by the latter, “I have verified that in every case in which you have taken the symbols of my work, you have reproduced them with scrupulous and indeed remarkable exactitude.” (Italic words are in English in the original.)
    2. In the same letter Professor Hunter, who is at present at Ngapura, in India, remarks that Dr. Métraux has not taken the trouble to read the work from which the symbols were taken, i.e., his article in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, 1932, except for a foot-note to Anthropos, p. 222. In that foot-note he shows that he was under the misapprehension that the book of 1934 contained everything discovered up to that date.
    3. The well-known sinologist Baron Heine-Geldern has written from New York a postscript of several pages to his article in the same review (Anthropos), in which the chief accusations of Dr. Métraux are shown to be unfounded. The clear and careful analysis of Heine-Geldern constitutes not only a complete vindication of Guillaume de Hevesy, but also a proof of correlation between the two scripts. As regards the former point, the original unpublished MS. of Hevesy as read before the Paris Academy by Professor Pelliot is accompanied by full references to sources. Heine-Geldern, who has seen it, declares in so many words: “I can testify that in this MS. all the references to the sources from which Hevesy drew the Indus symbols and the Easter island symbols are given by him with scrupulous care.”
    After giving this strictly objective statement of the facts, I have a wish to add. I hope that the wish of the distinguished Viennese sinologist may soon be fulfilled, when he says: “I have no doubt that Dr. Métraux, after a more careful examination of the sources, will himself be the first to admit that his accusation are unjust, and spontaneously make the public apology to which M. de Hevesy is fully entitled.”
    One can find excuses for this unfortunate business in the fervour with which we all pursue the investigation of- 66 scientific novelties. I am sorry it has occupied so much of my space that I cannot now, with the modesty and caution necessary to the preservation of one's clarity of vision, formulate my own standpoint in regard to the questions raised by this article, that is to say: the transformation of the human figure into a bird profile, which is typical of the Easter Islanders; the proof that the tablets of Rapanui can contain nothing other than a script; the strong probability that that script cannot be dissociated from the canons of the scripts of antiquity; the illustration of the essential characteristics of boustrophedonic writing; and the inadequacy, in ethnological questions, of simplified arguments resting on mechanical “space and time” considerations.
    On some other occasion I may tackle these suggestive themes in conjunction with my readers, bearing in mind the misleading character of an absolute denial of ancient Melanesian populations whether in Easter island or in the rest of Polynesia.
    FROM N. M. BILLIMORIA, HON. SECRETARY, SIND HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
    Marston Road, Karachi, India, 12th December, 1938.
    You may be aware that the script on tablets found at Easter island is very similar to the script on seals found at Mohenjo Daro in Sind, India. I enclose two illustrations for comparison.
    In vol. 1, 1892, of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, Dr. A. Carrol has written an article on Easter island inscriptions, and on page 236 of that article he writes: “When I am printing the grammars and vocabularies, I will have each of the characters, and the separate parts of these characters, clearly shown, with the equivalent or value of each in the language in which it was intended to be written and read, and also with its equivalent or interpretation in English.”
    - 67 
    Will you please let me know if the Doctor has printed such grammar and vocabularies, and if they are available. Possibly they must have been printed in the Journal of your Society … If you can kindly give me all particulars on this point, viz. the script of tablets of the Easter island, I shall be really grateful.
    I am yours truly,
    (Sd) N. M. BILLIMORIA,
    Hon. Secretary and Treasurer Sind Historical Society.
    “All the particulars”—alas! no more could be given him than what had appeared in the Journal he evidently has seen. The accompanying are the two pages of signs sent by him.—Lever le rideau.
    —Editor.
    - 68 
    FIG. 1.
    - 69 
    FIG. 2.
    Corpus of Rongorongo texts                                                                       
    Surviving Rongorongo Corpus: The following images contain the complete known corpus of Rongorongo scripts. They have been named after the letters of the alphabet for ease, but each has its own individual name too.
    Text 'A' - 'Tahua'

    Text 'B' - 'Aruku Kurenda'.

    Text 'C' - 'Mamari'
    (Lunar calendar suspected from end of line 6 to beginning of line 9).

    Text 'D' - Échancrée (Notched)

    Text 'E' - 'Keiti'

    Text 'F' - 'Chauvet Tablet'

    Text 'G' - 'Small Santiago Tablet'

    Text 'H' - 'Large Santiago Tablet'

    Text 'I' - The Santiago Staff. Over 120cm long.

    Text 'J' - 'London (reimiro 1)'

    Text 'K' - Near Duplicate of 'G'

    Text 'L' - 'London (reimiro 2)'

    Text 'M' - 'Large Vienna Tablet'

    Text 'N' - 'Small Vienna Tablet'

    Text 'O' - 'The Berlin Tablet'

    Text 'P' - 'Large St Petersburg Tablet'

    Text 'Q' - 'Small St Petersburg Tablet'

    Text 'R' - 'Small Washington Tablet'

    Text 'S' - 'Large Washington Tablet'

    Text 'T' - 'Honolulu tablet 1' or 'Honolulu 3629'

    Text 'U' - 'Honolulu tablet 2 or Honolulu 3628'

    Text 'V' - 'Honolulu tablet 3 or Honolulu 3622'


    Text 'W' - Image Missing.


    Text 'X' - 'The Birdman'

    Text 'Y' - 'The Paris Snuffbox'

    Text 'Z' - 'Poike'

    See:  https://tinyurl.com/y9xnqm6d
    NUMERALS AND PHONETIC COMPLEMENTS IN THE KOHAU RONGORONGO SCRIPT OF EASTER ISLAND ALBERT DAVLETSHIN Russian State University for the Humanities Institute for Oriental and Classical Studies, Moscow

    https://swarajyamag.com/magazine/any-ape-can-reach-for-a-banana-but-only-a-human-can-reach-for-the-starsVS Ramachandran: The Sherlock Holmes of Neuroscience, April 4, 2017 “I am also interested in Indus script. Neurosurgeon Eric Altschuler and I were struck by the similarity between Indus script and the script of Easter Island called Rongorongo. About 20 of the signs are almost identical – but brushed aside as mere coincidence by scholars. I published an essay in the Indian Express suggesting an approach to decipherment. One could use a computer to see if the probability of two signs occurring in tandem is similar across the scripts. The scripts must be related despite being on opposite sides of the planet and separated by four millennia. Unfortunately, there is some evidence that about six of the most convincing examples in De Hevesy were fabricated. Someone should investigate.


    0 0

    https://tinyurl.com/ybed473f

    This is an addendum to:

    Corpus of Rongorongo texts and a compendium of views on links with Indus Script https://tinyurl.com/y8nzcmsk

    Moai, Ahu, Hotu are evocative words which enthrall a researcher into the human condition wonder how a group of human beings express themselves through 'sculptures' and 'hieroglyphs'. We do not know what the words mean. 

    Could these words be remembered phonemes from antiquity, lost in the mists of time? 

    Maybe, neuroscience researches related to sensory perceptions of vision and hearing -- e.g., 'documenting' meanings by linking 'images' and 'sounds' in the brain neural networks may provide some leads.

    There are cognate words in ancient languages of India, for e.g. 

    म a magic formula; N. of various gods (of ब्रह्मा , विष्णु , शिव , and यम)
    मा to measure out , apportion , grant RV.  ; 
    to help any one (acc.) to anything (dat.) ib. , i , 120 , 9  ; 
    to prepare , arrange , fashion , form , build , make RV.  ; 
    to show , display , exhibit (अमिमीत , " he displayed or developed himself " , iii , 29 , 11) ib.  ;  to be measured &c RV. &c &c Caus. , मापयति , °ते (aor. अमीमपत् Pa1n2. 7-4 , 93 Va1rtt. 2 Pat. ) , to cause to be measured or built , measure , build , erect Up. Gr2S.MBh. &c Desid. मित्सति , °ते Pa1n2. 7-4 , 54 ; 58 (cf. निर्- √मा): Intens. मेमीयते Pa1n2. 6-4 , 66. [cf. Zd. ma1 ; Lat. me1tior , mensus , mensura ; Slav. me8ra ; Lith. me3ra4.]

    hotr̥ होतृ m. (fr. √1. हु) an offerer of an oblation or burnt-offering (with fire) , sacrificer , priest , (esp.) a priest who at a sacrifice invokes the gods or recites the ऋग्-वेद , a ऋग्-वेद priest (one of the 4 kinds of officiating priest » ऋत्विज् , p.224; properly the होतृ priest has 3 assistants , sometimes called पुरुषs , viz. the मैत्रा-वरुण , अच्छा-वाक , and ग्रावस्तुत् ; to these are sometimes added three others , the ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , अग्नीध्र or अग्नीध् , and पोतृ , though these last are properly assigned to the Brahman priest ; sometimes the नेष्टृ is substituted for the ग्राव-स्तुत्RV. &c.
    आ- √ हु  P. A1. -जुहोति , -जुहुते (p. -ज्/उह्वान) to sacrifice , offer an oblation  ; 
    to sprinkle (with butter) RV. AV. TS. Hariv. (Monier-Williams)

    S. Kalyanaraman, Sarasvati Research Centre

    Manchester Museum had an exhibition which provides a way to organize and recreate the ancient lives of Moai. See photographs of 2015 exhibition. "Almost a year after it was first mooted and after six months’ hard work Making Monuments on Rapa Nui the Statues from Easter Island opened with a Private View on Tuesday evening. About 300 people attended the official opening to hear speeches from Dr Nick Merriman, Director of Manchester Museum, Prof Colin Richards, from the Department of Archaeology, and Mathias Francke, Chilean Deputy Ambassador, and to see the exhibition for the first time."

    https://ancientworldsmanchester.wordpress.com/tag/pukao/

    Abstract. This article explores the spatial, architectural and conceptual relationships between landscape places, stone quarrying, and stone moving and building during Rapa Nui’s statue-building period. These are central themes of the ‘Rapa Nui Landscapes of Construction Project’ and are discussed using aspects of the findings of our recent fieldwork. The different scales of expression, from the detail of the domestic sphere to the monumental working of quarries, are considered. It is suggested that the impressiveness of Rapa Nui’s stone architecture is its conceptual coherence at the small scale as much as at the large scale.

    How to Cite: Hamilton, S., (2013). Rapa Nui (Easter Island)’s Stone Worlds. Archaeology International. 16, pp.96–109. DOI: http://doi.org/10.5334/ai.1613"

    https://www.ai-journal.com/articles/10.5334/ai.1613/ (UCL Inst. of Archaeogy, Article by Sue Hamilton of 24 October 2013, embedded for ready reference)

    Ahu are stone platforms...Of the 313 known ahu, 125 carried moai... Ahu Tongariki, one kilometre (0.62 miles) from Rano Raraku, had the most and tallest moai, 15 in total...A paved plaza before the ahu. This was called marae...When a ceremony took place, "eyes" were placed on the statues. The whites of the eyes were made of coral, the iris was made of obsidian or red scoria. 

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Easter_Island#Stone_platforms

    Image result for moai eye obsidian polynesian

    Legend of Hotu Matua

    Hotu Matu'a was the legendary first settler and ariki mau ("supreme chief" or "king") of Easter Island. Hotu Matu'a and his two canoe (or one double hulled canoe) colonising party were Polynesians from the now unknown land of Hiva (probably the Marquesas). They landed at Anakena beach and his people spread out across the island, sub-divided it between clans claiming descent from his sons, and lived for more than a thousand years in their isolated island home at the southeastern tip of the Polynesian Triangle.
    Polynesians first came to Rapa Nui/Easter Island sometime between 300 CE and 800 CE. These are the common elements of oral history that have been extracted from island legends. Linguistic, DNA and Pollen analysis all point to a Polynesian first settlement of the island at that time, but it is unlikely that other details can be verified. During this era the Polynesians were colonizing islands across a vast expanse of the Pacific Ocean. Hotu Matua led his people from Hiva; linguistic analysis comparing Rapanui to other Polynesian languages suggests this was the Marquesas Islands.
    It is said that Hau-Maka had a dream in which his spirit travelled to a far country, to help look for new land for King Hotu Matu'a. In the dream, his spirit travelled to the Mata ki te Rangi (Eyes that look to the Sky). The island has also been called "Te Pito 'o te Kainga", which means "the Center of the Earth." Both islands are commonly said to be Easter Island.
    When Hau-Maka woke, he told the King. The King then ordered seven men to travel to the island from Hiva (a mythical land) to investigate. After they found the land, they returned to Hiva. The King and many more travelled to this new island.
    There are only 21 known tablets in existence, scattered in museums and private collections. Tiny, remarkably regular glyphs, about one centimeter high, highly stylized and formalized, are carved in shallow grooves running the length of the tablets. Oral tradition has it that scribes used obsidian flakes or shark teeth to cut the glyphs and that writing was brought by the first colonists led by Hotu Matua. Last but not least, of the twenty-one surviving tablets three bear the same text in slightly different "spellings", a fact discovered by three schoolboys of St Petersburg (then Leningrad), just before World War II.
    In 1868 newly converted Easter Islanders send to Tepano Jaussen, Bishop of Tahiti, as a token of respect, a long twine of human hair, wound around an ancient piece of wood. Tepano Jaussen examines the gift, and, lifting the twine, discovers that the small board is covered in hieroglyphs.
    The bishop, elated at the discovery, writes to Father Hippolyte Roussel on Easter Island, exhorting him to gather all the tablets he can and to seek out natives able to translate them. But only a handful remain of the hundreds of tablets mentioned by Brother Eyraud only a few years earlier in a report to the Father Superior of the Congregation of the Sacred Heart.
    Some say they were burnt to please the missionaries who saw in them evil relics of pagan times. Some say they were hidden to save them from destruction. Which side should we believe? Brother Eyraud had died in 1868 without having ever mentioned the tablets to anyone else, not even to his friend Father Zumbohm, who is astounded at the bishop's discovery. Monsignor Jaussen soon locates in Tahiti a laborer from Easter Island, Metoro, who claims to be able to read the tablets. He describes in his notes how Metoro turns each tablet around and around to find its beginning, then starts chanting its contents.
    The direction of writing is unique. Starting from the left-hand bottom corner, you proceed from left to right and, at the end of the line, you turn the tablet around before you start reading the next line. Indeed, the orientation of the hieroglyphs is reversed every other line. Imagine a book in which every other line is printed back-to-front and upside-down. That is how the tablets are written! Jaussen was not able to decipher the tablets.

    There are also many zoomorphic figures, birds especially, fish and lizards less often. The most frequent figure looks very much like the frigate bird, which happens to have been the object of a cult, as it was associated with Make-Make, the supreme god.
    When you compare the tablets which bear the same text, when you analyze repeated groups of signs, you realize that writing must have followed rules. The scribe could choose to link a sign to the next, but not in any old way. You could either carve a mannikin standing, arms dangling, followed by some other sign, or the same mannikin holding that sign with one hand. You could either carve a simple sign (a leg, a crescent) separate from the next, or rotate it 90 degrees counterclockwise and carve the next sign on top of it.
    All we can reasonably hope to decipher some day is some two to three lines of the tablet commonly called Mamari. You can clearly see that they have to do with the moon. There are several versions of the ancient lunar calendar of Easter Island.





    Petroglyphs

    On Easter Island, petroglyphs are located in every sector of the island where there are suitable surfaces. Favored locations are smooth areas of lava flow (called "papa" in Rapanui), or on smooth basalt boulders. Most of these surfaces occur along coastal areas and often are associated with major ceremonial centers. Some important ahu have, as part of their structure, elegantly carved basalt stones (pa'enga), with petroglyphs on them. Paintings survive in caves or in some of the stone houses at 'Orongo where they are protected against the weathering process.
    Thousands of petroglyphs, rock carvings, can be found on Easter Island. Many represent animals, notably birds or anthropomorphic birdmen. One of the most famous motifs on Easter Island is that of birdman - half-man, half bird image that was connected to cult events at the sacred site of 'Orongo. A bit of background on the culture is necessary to explain this unusual cult.
    After the demise of the statue building, in the last days before the invasion by Peruvian slave traders, there arose a cult of the Birdman (Tangata Manu). The birdman was seen as the representative on earth of the creator god Makemake, and eventually, this cult surpassed the traditional power of the king ariki.
    Once a year, representatives from each clan would gather at the ceremonial village of Orongo and swim to Motu Nui, a nearby Islet to search for the egg of the Sooty Tern. On his return, the competitor presented the egg to his representative who was then invested with the title of Tangata Manu. He then went down to Mataveri and from there was led in procession to the southwest exterior slope of Rano Raraku, where he remained in seclusion for a year. The Birdman ritual was still in existence when Europeans arrived on Easter Island - therefore historically documented. It was also featured quite prominently in Kevin Costner's film "Rapa Nui".
    In Hanga Roa -a sprawling and pleasant community where the island's 2,775 residents live because it's the only area on the island with electricity and running water. The most interesting souvenirs are miniature wood and stone carvings of moais, though some stone samples up to 6 feet tall are available.


    Stone fish hook from Rapa Nui (Horniman Museum and Gardens).Stone fish hook from Rapa Nui (Horniman Museum and Gardens).
    Obsidian mataa from Easter Island in Manchester Museum
    Obsidian mata’a from Easter Island in Manchester Museum
    "The final section of the exhibition explores the reasons for the decline of Rapanui culture. It skirts contentious explanations such as the eco-disaster theory. According to this theory the Rapanui chopped down all their trees or introduced deliberately or inadvertently rats which gnawed the seeds of nuts of the palm trees and ate seedlings and thereby prevented the palm forest regenerating. Some researchers have pointed to the large numbers of stone enclosures or manavai on the island as evidence that the Rapanui adapted to their new circumstances. However, if the large numbers of obsidian implements or weapons called mata’a are anything to go by, this later period in the island’s history following contact with Europeans was characterised by increasingly bitter warfare. The statues were toppled and there were fewer and fewer standing each time visits were made to the island. It’s been suggested that this happened at least in part because of lack of maintenance but the fact that statues were toppled and their heads broken off in the process suggests this was done intentionally by other clans on the island. Toppling and destroying a community’s stone statues would rob it of power and authority. Not everyone would agree with this reading, nor the suggestion that the Birdman race, only touched upon here, is a late innovation but then the main focus of this temporary exhibition is ‘monu-mentality’ and incidental topics such as RongoRongo script and the Birdman cult, however fascinating, are only mentioned in passing."

    All fifteen standing moai at Ahu Tongariki
    Fish petroglyph found near Ahu Tongariki
    Related image
    de Isla de Pascua, Moai at Anakena Beach. 
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    Ahu. Ceremonial shrine.
    Related image
    Ahu Akivi Isla de Pascua.

    Related imageImage result for easter island dnaEaster Island map showing Terevaka, Poike, Rano Kau, Motu Nui, Orongo, and Mataveri; major ahus are marked with moai

    Easter Island map showing Terevaka, Poike, Rano Kau, Motu Nui, Orongo, and Mataveri; major ahus are marked with moai. Easter Island is famous for its 887 extant monumental statues, called moai, created by the early Rapa Nui people.

    The island is dominated by hawaiite and basalt flows which are rich in iron and show affinity with igneous rocks found in the Galápagos Islands.( Baker, P. E.; Buckley, F.; Holland, J. G. (1974). "Petrology and geochemistry of Easter Island". Contributions to Mineralogy and Petrology. 44 (2): 85–100.)
    The northwest sector of Rano Raraku contains reddish ash.[51] According to Bandy, "...all of the great images of Easter Island are carved from" the light and porous tuff from Rano Raraku crater. A carving was abandoned when a large, dense and hard lithic fragment was encountered. However, these lithics became the basis for stone hammers and chisels. The Puna Pau crater contains an extremely porous pumice, from which was carved the Pukao "hats". The Maunga Orito (name of a dome of a volcano) obsidian was used to make the "mataa" spearheads.(Bandy, Mark (1937). "Geology and Petrology of Easter Island". Bulletin of the Geological Society of America48 (11): 1599–1602, 1605–1606, Plate 4.) Obsidian is a hard, dark, glass-like volcanic rock formed by the rapid solidification of lava without crystallization. "...moai were carved from compressed, easily worked solidified volcanic ash or tuff found at a single site on the side of the extinct volcano Rano Raraku. The native islanders who carved them used only stone hand chisels, mainly basalt toki, which lie in place all over the quarry. The stone chisels were sharpened by chipping off a new edge when dulled. While sculpting was going on, the volcanic stone was splashed with water to soften it. While many teams worked on different statues at the same time, a single moai took a team of five or six men approximately a year to complete. Each statue represented the deceased head of a lineage...The statues found mounted on ahu do not have wide bases and stone chips found at the sites suggest they were further modified on placement.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Easter_Island#cite_ref-52
     signature-stoneSignature stone.
    "There have been many, many centuries or millenniums of silt buildup around the earliest and most finely carved of the Easter Island statues, attesting to their very great-age. The statue shown to the left portrays a very refined belt and buckler arrangement at the waist, indicating a civilisation with advanced manufacturing and artistic skills. The centre picture shows silt buildup of somewhere in the vicinity of 20 to 24-feet. Such general depositing of blown sand, subsiding gravel, clay silts and humus over a vast surrounding area would have taken an incredibly long period of time to occur. The ancient statue to the right shows a three-masted sailing vessel design on its stomach. The Phoenicians of the Mediterranean (circa 1500 BC) used huge "round ship" cargo vessels that were larger than the sailing ships used by Christopher Columbus (1492 AD) when he sailed to the New World (the Americas). Expert commentary related to the advanced shipwright skills displayed by the Phoenicians and other contemporary civilisations states that there is no technical reason why they could not have sailed to the Americas 2000-years before Columbus. The additional fact that Phoenician writing, as well as Scandinavian Rune writing, etc., has been found in Peru, as elsewhere in the Americas, or that South American substances like tobacco and cocaine were used in large quantities by the Egyptians for medicinal purposes or embalming processes, shows that there was thriving ancient trade between the continents. Photos from Aku Aku, by Thor Heyerdahl, 1957."

    For Heyerdahl's observations about Easter Island: CLICK HERE  

    Image result for easter island dna

    Image result for easter island dna

    Today's research clears up some of the backstory of the first residents of Rapa Nui...backstory...get it? (Credit Terry Hunt)The massive carved Moai of Rapa Nui, or Easter Island, are as mysterious as the people who made them. (Credit Terry Hunt)

    Easter Island, or Rapa Nui, is best known for its giant carved moai. (Credit Terry Hunt)
    Science: DNA shows how Thor Heyerdahl got it wrong

    ·         Charles Arthur 

    ·         Thursday 8 January 1998 00:02 GMT

    Fifty years ago, Thor Heyerdahl and the Kon-Tiki expedition appeared to prove that ancient humans could have sailed west from South American to colonise the Pacific islands. But DNA evidence now shows that his theory was wrong. Charles Arthur, Science Editor, on the molecules that have upset a great adventure.


    In The Voyage of the `Kon-Tiki', the Norwegian archaeologist Thor Heyerdahl famously proved that early humans could have used the trade winds to sail from Peru to Easter Island - and thus be its first settlers. But although the tale of his replica raft and the voyage westward across the Pacific in August 1947 makes a stirring tale, his idea has now been proved to be wrong. Sorry, Thor: DNA analysis of the remains of the original settlers of islands all around the Pacific, including Easter Island, demonstrates that they actually came from South-East Asia.

    Dr Erika Hagelberg, of the department of genetics at Cambridge University, has spent the past eight years studying the mitochondrial DNA - passed down through the maternal line - of Polynesians, who moved into the western Pacific about 1,500 years ago, and the Melanesians, who were the first to migrate there during the Pleistocene era about 60,000 years ago.

    "There are two groups of populations which moved into the area, but both ultimately came from Asia," Dr Hagelberg said yesterday. "The Melanesians could have been one of the first migrations of modern humans out of Africa." They appear to have reached New Guinea, where they settled. The Polynesians then followed, and colonised New Zealand, Hawaii and Easter Island itself.

    Determining the origins of populations by analysing mitochondrial DNA is done by first assuming that mutations in the sequence of the DNA arise at a specific rate but differently for different people. So two populations which evolve apart will have dissimilar sequences of mitochondrial DNA. That means you can distinguish where the DNA found in skeletons originated from, by comparing it with that from modern-day populations and also ancient DNA of known origins. And in the case of Easter Island's original settlers, it turns out that their common ancestor comes from South-East Asia - not South America.

    Professor Heyerdahl has counter-claimed that the real first settlers cremated their dead, which would destroy any potential evidence. But Dr Hagelberg disputes this. "I can look at the DNA in the bones. I've examined a couple of hundred skeletons. It just takes patience and attention to detail."

    Her work was done in collaboration with teams in Oxford, Holland and Australia and presented yesterday at a seminar at the Natural History Museum, organised by the Natural Environment Research Council, looking at "ancient biomolecules".

    UCLA archaeologist digs deep to reveal Easter Island torsos

     | May 30, 2012

    Easter Island statue
    © Easter Island Statue Project
    Jo Anne Van Tilburg with two workers from her Rapa Nui team of diggers. © Easter Island Statue Project.
    There’s more to the world-famous heads of Easter Island than meets the eye.
    Ask archaeologist Jo Anne Van Tilburg, a research associate at the UCLA Cotsen Institute of Archaeology and director of its Rock Art Archive, who has been lecturing and writing about Easter Island’s iconic monolithic statues for years.
    As the director of the Easter Island Statue Project — the longest-continuous collaborative artifact inventory ever conducted on the Polynesian island that belongs to Chile — Van Tilburg has opened a window on one of the greatest achievements of Pacific prehistory on one of the most remote inhabited islands in the world.
    She and her team of resident Rapa Nui have spent nine years locating and meticulously documenting the nearly 1,000 statues on the island, determining their symbolic meaning and function, and conserving them using state-of-the-art techniques.
    After spending four months over the last two years excavating two of the statues and posting the results of their digs on the project’s website, Van Tilburg was surprised to discover that a large segment of the general public hadn’t realized that what they knew only as the Easter Island "heads" actually had bodies.
    The two "heads" in the quarry where Van Tilburg’s team dug are standing figures with torsos, truncated at the waist, that have become partially buried by eroded dirt and detritus over centuries.
    When Van Tilburg posted photos of the excavated statues on the project’s website about four months ago, the blogosphere lit up with surprise, generating a mass flurry of emails. Three million hits later, the Easter Island Statues Project (EISP) website crashed.
    "I was completely blindsided," said Van Tilburg, who is back in Los Angeles, but will return to Easter Island in October to continue excavating. "But now I quite understand it, because most of the photographs that are widely available on the Internet, and certainly in books, deal only with the very photogenic statues that are located on the slopes of the quarry in which they were carved."
    Buried to mid-torso, she said, the statues (which the Rapa Nui call moai, pronounced MO-eye) "do appear to be heads only. And, indeed, over the years, the statues were usually referred to as the Easter Island heads. But now people are aware they have bodies. I think that’s fabulous. I love it when good science can be turned into public information so quickly."
    While many of the statues were moved by their creators to ceremonial sites, about half of the statues remain in and around the quarry, the Rano Raraku volcano crater. Attempts have been made to excavate more than 90 of the 149 statues that are upright and buried to their torsos there. But the EISP’s two excavations are the first in that location to be methodically done and documented according to archaeological standards, Van Tilburg said. The excavations, which began in 2009, are funded by the Cotsen Institute, the Archaeological Institute of America and EISP.
    From her studies of these two statues, the archaeologist is convinced that the statues were partially buried naturally by eroded dirt, not by the Rapa Nui. She found approximately the same amount of dirt that partially buried the statues also filled the quarries located near where they stood.
    The excavations also revealed other facts about these megaton behemoths.
    While petroglyphs have been seen before on parts of the statues that were above ground, Van Tilburg’s excavations extended down to the base of the statues and revealed etched petroglyphs on the backs of the figures. She was especially intrigued by the repetition of crescent shapes that represent Polynesian canoes, she said.
    "What we found underneath the base of one of the statues was a signature stone, a basalt rock with an incised drawing of a crescent, or canoe motif" she said. Van Tilburg believes this was the mark of its carver or the family group to which the carver belonged.
    "Over time, it seems, more of these canoes were etched onto the statue in a constant repetition of identity reasserting who they were. As the community lost a sense of identity over time, perhaps they wanted to mark these statues as their own," she said.

    "Easter Island: The Mystery Solved"
    Explorer Thor Heyerdahl excavated this Easter Island statue in 1954-55. The UCLA project is the first, legally permitted archaeological project in the quarry since Heyerdahl's dig. Photo is from Heyerdahl's book, "Easter Island: The Mystery Solved."
    Between the two statues, the diggers also uncovered evidence of the technology that was used to move the large statues upright — one of the statues Van Tilburg worked on stood 21 feet (about two stories ) tall.
    "We found a round, deep post hole into which the Rapa Nui had inserted a tree trunk," she said. Van Tilburg said ropes were attached to the tree trunk and to the partially carved statue. "We found a rope guide that was actually carved into the bedrock near the statue." The Rapa Nui then used the tree trunk to raise the statue upright. Before the statue was upright, they carved its front. Once it stood erect, they finished the back, Van Tilburg explained.
    The excavation team also found about 800 grams of natural red pigment — nearly two pounds — in the burial hole, along with a human burial. Van Tilburg believes the pigment was used to paint the statues, just as the Rapa Nui used pigment to paint their bodies for certain ceremonies. The unusually large amount of pigment found indicates that it might have been used by a priest or chief, perhaps as part of mortuary practice, she said. Human bones were found throughout the dig, indicating that people buried their dead around the statues.
    To protect the statues from water damage, Van Tilburg’s team, which included Monica Bahamondez, director of Chile’s National Center of Conservation and Restoration, applied a chemical solution to the surface and then refilled the hole they had dug. Cotsen Research Associate Christian Fischer, working with the UCLA/Getty Master’s Program on the Conservation of Ethnographic and Archaeological Materials, aided in this effort.
    "Conservation is a really important part of what we’re doing," the archaeologist said. She said she hoped that Rapa Nui young people can be trained and employed to treat the remaining statues standing in the quarry. The Rapa Nui National Park, the agency in charge of this World Heritage site, and Van Tilburg and her team are planning together to make that a reality.
    "The entire staff that I work with on Easter Island are from Rapa Nui. I’m very proud of that," said Van Tilberg.
    To learn more about the Easter Island Statue Project and see more photos, including those of the Rapa Nui excavation team, go here. A 2009 story in Backdirt, a magazine from the UCLA Cotsen Archaeological Institute, focuses on the project to save the moai.

    Rapa Nui (Easter Island)’s Stone Worlds

    Author:


    Sue Hamilton 



    Abstract


    This article explores the spatial, architectural and conceptual relationships between landscape places, stone quarrying, and stone moving and building during Rapa Nui’s statue-building period. These are central themes of the ‘Rapa Nui Landscapes of Construction Project’ and are discussed using aspects of the findings of our recent fieldwork. The different scales of expression, from the detail of the domestic sphere to the monumental working of quarries, are considered. It is suggested that the impressiveness of Rapa Nui’s stone architecture is its conceptual coherence at the small scale as much as at the large scale.
    How to Cite: Hamilton, S., (2013). Rapa Nui (Easter Island)’s Stone Worlds. Archaeology International. 16, pp.96–109. DOI: http://doi.org/10.5334/ai.1613
    The remarkable nature of Rapa Nui (Easter Island) is so much more than its renowned colossal statues, known as moai. The moai are indisputably monumental; those set up on stone ceremonial platforms (ahu) are up to 10m in height (Fig. 1), while even larger statues, up to a vast 22m, remain at the statue quarry of Rano Raraku. However, what is most impressive and intellectually stimulating is the island-wide scale and interconnectivity of the architectural outcomes and meaning endowed in its prehistoric stone garnering, quarrying and construction activities (Hamilton et al., 2011). The ‘Rapa Nui Landscapes of Construction Project’ (LOC) is particularly concerned with the social and conceptual meanings of these construction undertakings and stone use. The Project was first reported in Archaeology International, when it was initially supported by a small grant from the British Academy (Hamilton, 2007). We are now two field seasons into a 4-year programme of AHRC-funded research. This AHRC project is based at UCL, in conjunction with co-investigators Colin Richards (University of Manchester) and Kate Welham (Bournemouth University), and our Project Partner, the University of the Highlands and Islands (led by Jane Downes). On the Island, the Project works with Rapa Nui elders and students and in close cooperation with CONAF (Chilean National Parks Authority, Rapa Nui) and MAPSE (the Island’s Museo Antropologico Padre Sebastian Englert).

    Fig. 1 



    Ahu Nau Nau, showing the canoe-shaped ahu platform, its poro (sea boulder) ramp and partly poro-paved plaza on the landward side, and Rano Raraku statues with pukao (‘hats’) in place.

    Living archaeology



    No archaeological fieldwork can or should be independent of the particular locale in which it takes place. Rapa Nui has a uniquely marooned island location, a difficult history and, today, a dynamic living community of c.5,000 persons. These three elements are at the core of any archaeological undertakings on the Island.


    Rapa Nui is a small South Pacific island of 164 square kilometres (Fig. 2) at the south-easternmost point of the Polynesian Triangle made between Hawai’i, Aukland Island and Rapa Nui. It is surrounded by an infinity of sea, lying some 2,000km from its nearest neighbour, Pitcairn Island, and 3,700km from the mainland, Central Chile. Language characteristics, material culture and genetic analysis of mitochondrial DNA of prehistoric skeletons (Hagelberg, 1995) all indicate that Rapa Nui was first colonised by eastward voyaging Polynesians. The debated origin point includes an island in the Marquesas group, and Mangareva amongst the possibilities (Flenley and Bahn, 2003: chapter 2). The arrival date of the founder population has been much disputed. Traditionally, on the basis of glottochronology, dated stratified finds and palaeo-environmental sequences, a ‘start’ date as early as c.AD 800 has been advanced. More recent radiocarbon dates, and a critique of the pre-existing sequences and dates, suggest a later date of around the 11th century AD for the arrival of Polynesian colonists (Flenley and Bahn, 2007a2007bHunt and Lipo, 2006Wilmhurst et al., 2010). Either way, the construction of Rapa Nui’s iconic monuments appears to have been fully established by AD 1200.

     


    Fig. 2 
    Map of Rapa Nui, showing the places mentioned in the text, including the statue roads; the area of red shading is the present-day town of Hanga Roa. The locations of some of the major image ahu (ahu with statues) around the coast are marked by black dots; >100 of the ahu around the coast may originally have had statues, but these are too numerous to depict here (Martinsson-Wallin, 1994).
    The Island’s extreme isolation, the suggested fragility of its fossil volcanic landscape and its low biodiversity, Polynesian-introduced rats and, following its discovery by Europeans in 1772, the imported diseases/epidemics that the outside world brought to the Island in the mid-late 19th century, have all variously been used to account for Rapa Nui’s cultural heights and troughs (Diamond, 2005Hunt and Lipo, 2007Sahlins, 1955). These include Rapa Nui’s remarkable cultural efflorescence during the statue-building period, the cessation of statue quarrying c.AD1650, with associated profound changes in the political system, and the disastrous plummet in population size, down from estimates of up to c.6,000 persons by the first European visitors to the 111 inhabitants recorded in the 1872 census (Flenley and Bahn, 2003: 169).

    Today, Rapa Nui is part of Chile, having been annexed in 1888. From 1903 until 1953 the island was rented for intensive sheep rearing. This resulted in the Rapa Nui population being forced off the land and being contained within the Island’s only settlement of Hanga Roa (Fig. 2). Paradoxically, this also resulted in the preservation of the Island’s remarkably continuous landscapes of stone archaeological features that are the mainstay of its tourist economy today. This landscape includes: ahu (Fig. 1); houses (including canoe-shaped houses: hare paenga); earthern cooking ovens with stone surrounds (umu); rock gardens and walled enclosures for plantings (manavai); chicken houses (hare moai); quarries and statue roads; and a substantial repertoire of petroglyphs. The great importance of this archaeological landscape was recognised by Chile in declaring Rapa Nui as a National Park in 1935. Since 1996 Rapa Nui has been designated a UNESCO Cultural Landscape. The first commercial air-flights to Rapa Nui began in the 1960s and have greatly increased in recent times. Approximately 70,000 tourists now visit Rapa Nui each year. Concurrently, there has been a major revival of interest in indigenous traditions and in fostering and maintaining Rapa Nui identity and independence. The Chilean government is now returning land to the Rapa Nui – and there is an urgent need to understand how the integrity of the archaeology across the Rapa Nui landscape can best be maintained as part of this important process.

    Rapa Nui thus has a living archaeology that is meaningful and integral to the present-day Rapa Nui community, their sense of identity and their understanding and use of the Island. LOC aims to work with the Rapa Nui community to provide training and help to record, investigate and conserve their own remarkable archaeological past. In doing so LOC hopes to build a framework of knowledge that concurrently elucidates research questions and works collaboratively with the Rapa Nui community and authorities to provide resources and information for presenting Rapa Nui’s pre-contact past. Several Rapa Nui students, supervised by Sorobael Fati, a Rapa Nui elder (Fig. 3), have worked regularly with us on our excavations, and last summer the Project set up a Bursary with UCL to bring a Rapa Nui university student studying archaeology to the UK, to join the Institute of Archaeology’s field training course at West Dean, West Sussex. Francisca Pakomio was the first recipient of this award (Fig. 3).
    Fig. 3 
    Rapa Nui colleagues. Clockwise from left: Sorobael Fati overlooking the 2013 excavations in the interior of Puna Pau (Colin Richards and Jane Downes are planning the deeply stratified quarry tip lines); Francisca Pakomio on the UCL Institute of Archaeology training excavation at West Dean, West Sussex; and Susana Nahoe, Archaeologist for CONAF Rapa Nui participating in our umu ceremony at the end of a Puna Pau excavation season (photos: M. Seager Thomas).
    In a similar ethos we are working with CONAF to assist monitoring and managing Rapa Nui’s archaeological landscape. In January/February 2013, we undertook a survey for CONAF of the south-west branch of the ‘statue road’ (Ara Moai), from Rano Raraku to Ahu Tetenga (Fig. 2): to verify and assess the archaeological context of its route; to study the state of preservation of the so-called ‘in transport statues’ along the route; and to make suggestions as to how best develop a tourist ‘Ara Moai’ trekking trail while protecting the archaeology of the route. This work has allowed us to consider the role and function of the ‘statue roads’ as connectors of the communities associated with the ahuat the coastline with Rano Raraku quarry.

    Some of LOC’s recent fieldwork work, its interpretative framework and how it is being developed to provide an integrated, island-wide understanding of the sites and monuments of the statue-building period, is discussed below.

    Landscape boundaries with other worlds



    Rapa Nui is triangular in shape and consists mainly of three extinct coalesced volcanoes: Terevaka, at an altitude of 507m, forms the bulk of the island, with two other volcanoes, Poike and Rano Kau, forming the eastern and southern tips (Fig. 2). Lesser cones and other volcanic features include the crater Rano Raraku, where the majority of the statues were carved, and the cinder cone of Puna Pau, where the red scoria statue ‘topknots’ or ‘hats’ (pukao) were quarried and also facing stones for the ahu platforms. There are three rano (freshwater crater lakes), at Rano Kau, Rano Raraku and Rano Aroi, near the summit of Terevaka, and a spring (puna) near Puna Pau. There are no permanent streams or rivers so that these sources of freshwater are exceptional in an otherwise waterless landscape; hence they have distinct phenomenological, as well as practical, qualities. There are also numerous volcanic caves, many below ground, that were used by the inhabitants for a range of activities and uses, including burial.


    The founder population may have transferred the conceptual importance of certain landscape places in Polynesian societies to Rapa Nui. In Polynesian cosmologies recurrent themes are: the importance of volcanoes and their crater vents as conduits between above-ground and interior worlds; concerns with boundaries between ‘outer’ and ‘inner’ worlds; and the idea that the spirits of the dead travelled homeward across the sea, westward to a point of ancestral origin (Williamson, 1933). We discuss these concerns in a Rapa Nui context below.




    The Puna Pau red ‘topknots’


    The Project’s focus of excavation has been in the Puna Pau quarry (Figs 3 and 4), which is situated in the south-west of the Island. More than 100 pukao (‘topknots’ or ‘hats’) of red scoria are known either from the Puna Pau quarry and its outer slopes or from ahu. They are all made of the coarse, porous, dark red lava that comes from Puna Pau and are monumental in their own right, being large squat cylinders up to 2.5m tall and likewise in diameter. Ours are the first ever excavations at Puna Pau and are important for dating and defining activity at the quarry. The obsidian hydration dates that we obtained from our excavations on the outside of the crater indicate quarrying activity there from the 14th-17th centuries AD. This is in line with the established and later periods of statue use at the ahu. Quarrying inside the crater may have started earlier, and we await obsidian hydration dates and radiocarbon dates for LOC’s recent (2012/13) excavations in Puna Pau’s interior.


    Fig. 4 
    Fieldwork at Puna Pau. Clockwise from top left: exterior of the Puna Pau crater, with the line of pukaomarking the main route out of the quarry (photo: M. Seager Thomas); tomography analysis of the exterior of Puna Pau (image: S. Ovenden); excavation of a pukao and associated ‘road surface’ on the exterior of Puna Pau (photo: A. Stanford); and laser scanned topography of Puna Pau (image: K. Welham).
    We have used laser scanning and Global Position Satellite survey to map the complex present-day topography of Puna Pau (Fig. 4). This complexity is the outcome of the reconfiguration of the exterior and interior of the cone by the major prehistoric quarrying activities that took place. Clearly, evidence of the earliest quarrying activities lies very deep below the present-day surface. We have used tomography (Fig. 4), a form of geophysical prospecting that provides sections through deeply accumulated strata, together with electro-conductivity and fluxgate magnetometry survey, to investigate the existence of both short-lived and more formalised routes through and out of the quarry for the roughed-out pukao.

    LOC’s first excavation trench was located on the quarry exterior where a line of quarried pukao runs down the side of the cone. This was where our tomography survey had previously isolated the possibility of a compact ‘road’ surface adjacent to the line of pukao (Hamilton, 2007: fig. 6). Excavation in the vicinity of one of these pukao did uncover an ancient road surface, with evidence that the pukao had been deliberately placed to the side of it, in a ramped hollow (Fig. 4). A finely-flaked obsidian adze had been placed, perhaps symbolically, underneath the base of this pukao. This suggests that the pukao running down the exterior of the Puna Pau cone were formally positioned as a monumental row marking a road/formal route-way into the quarry interior. The implication of this is that the quarry crater was meaningful in its own right – and that this was signalled by monumentally enhancing entry into it.

    Today, within Puna Pau’s interior, there are few remaining visible outcrops of workable scoria, the most pronounced of which form part of the southern slope, where a ‘rock-face’ revealing different bands of red scoria is visible. It appeared that some bands or strata had been exploited for pukao production and so this location was selected for one of the 2012/13 excavation trenches. This revealed the remains of bays from which the pukao were quarried and a carved pair of large ‘eyes’ above an emptied quarry bay (Fig. 5). The eyes have a diameter of c.0.18m, with slightly protruding eyeballs, and are 0.3m apart. They are of a size that means they can be seen from the lip of the crater prior to entering the quarry. These eyes add further to the idea that symbolism/sacred meaning was attached to the cinder cone and its associated quarrying activities.
    Fig. 5 
    Carved eyes at the Puna Pau and Rano Raraku quarries. Clockwise from top left: 3D-photogrammetry image of a single eye and pairs of lenticular and round carved eyes at Rano Raraku (A. Stanford); the pair of carved circular eyes in the interior of the Puna Pau crater; and a pair of carved lenticular eyes on the side of a Rano Raraku quarry bay (photos: M. Seager Thomas).
    Excavation of a second trench in the quarry interior, proximate to one of a group of pukaorough-outs lying on the present-day quarry surface, located a multi-surfaced road through the quarry that had already been picked up by our resistivity survey. Excavations there, and associated with the quarry face, have produced the first stratified assemblages of quarrying and working tools associated with pukao production. These tools comprise stone types from many locales across the Island and are indicative of island-wide networks of stone use.

    LOC’s recent work at Puna Pau therefore suggests several themes that we are exploring in other foci of our work on Rapa Nui. These include: the importance of eyes in Rapa Nui belief systems; the idea that quarry locales were potentially special places – to be travelled to, as much as being utilitarian places from which to garner products; and the interconnectivity of stone acquisition, use and meanings attached to Rapa Nui’s prehistoric stone architecture and its locations.

    The ‘eyes’ of Rano Raraku



    More than 1,000 moai are known, many of which remain at Rano Raraku, the statue quarry, either still attached to the rock or set up upright within the quarry (Fig. 6). Many others may have been completely buried by subsequent quarrying activities. This suggests that Rano Raraku, with its crater lake, was important not just as a source of freshwater and of stone for moai creation, but also as a place that connected with above-ground and below-ground ‘worlds’ (Hamilton et al., 2008Richards et al., 2011).


    Fig. 6 
    Rano Raraku statue quarry. Clockwise from left: statues remaining attached to the quarry rock on the crater exterior; the interior of Rano Raraku showing the crater lake and (at the right-hand bottom) the head and upper torso of a large in situ statue; and view of the exterior (photos: M. Seager Thomas).
    Rano Raraku has ‘eyes’ carved in association with its quarry bays and, in 2013, we undertook a review of these to see if they had any similarity in location or style to our Puna Pau ‘eyes’. We found one similar pair of circular, protruding eyes carved in a quarry face (Fig. 5), but the c.25 others that we noted were lenticular in shape and similar to the eyes of the Rano Raraku statues when placed on the ahu (Fig. 7). Adam Stanford of Aerialcam has documented these eyes using 3D photogrammetry. This provides a record for CONAF and, importantly, has identified eroded carvings of eyes that are no longer readily visible to the naked eye (Fig. 5). Both single examples and pairs of these lenticular eyes occur immediately above or on the sides of many of the Rano Raraku quarry bays, both inside and outside the quarry.

    Fig. 7 
    Detail of a Rano Raraku statue at Ahu Nau Nau, showing eye sockets and pukao ‘hat’ (photo: A. Stanford).

    This concern with eyes is interesting. It evokes ideas of the ‘living rock’ that are noted in Polynesian ethnography: for example, the red scoria of the Marquesas, quarried for stone for ceremonial platforms, was considered to be living and able to replenish itself (Linton, 1925: 165). The watching eyes in the rock faces of the Puna Pau and Rano Raraku craters may point to a conceptual relationship with the eyes of the statues. The Rano Raraku statues are ‘blind’ while remaining at the quarry – and during transport from the quarry (Fig. 8). It is only those set up on the ahu that have been given eye sockets (Fig. 7); occasional finds in their vicinity of lenticular coral irises, with scoria or obsidian pupils, suggest that the eyes of these moai were periodically activated by their insertion into the sockets (Martinsson-Wallin, 2007: 46–47). The statues on the ahu were placed looking inland – away from the sea – and thus towards their source where ‘seeing’ eyes are carved in the quarry faces. This suggests that there was a spatially integrated activation of places and material culture, through the ascription of sentinel attributes, to exert influences on the living.
    Fig. 8 
    Geophysical prospection of ‘road’ statues (top and centre); and (bottom) conservation survey of a ‘road’ moai showing ‘blind’ eye with a weathering pattern suggesting that it was once standing (photos: A. Stanford).

    Follow the statue roads

    Carl Lipo and Terry Hunt have used satellite imagery to map the so-called ‘statue roads’, with their recumbent roadside ‘in-transit’ statues, and describe them as emanating like ‘spokes from Rano Raraku’ (2005:7; Fig. 2). The first recorded sighting was of the south-west statue road by Katherine Routledge (1919:194), who suggested the likelihood of an arrangement of roads over the Island to account for the many Rano Raraku moai across it. Routledge provided an account of an approach to Rano Raraku with ‘at least five magnificent avenues on each of which the pilgrim was greeted at intervals by a stone giant guarding the way to the sacred mountain’ (1919:196). This idea was later superseded by the still popular view that the recumbent statues along the roads were abandoned in transit. Lipo and Hunt (2005) suggest that the bifurcating pattern of roads, as they run out from Rano Raraku, reflects the routes that the statues were taken along to different ahu. An alternative perspective is that the routes to Routledge’s ‘sacred mountain’ were as important as the transport of some statues away from Rano Raraku. There are indications from past fieldwork that some of the statues were set up along the roadside. One of Routledge’s (1919) excavations proximate to the road revealed a pit in which perhaps a moai once stood. Excavations by Thor Heyerdahl and Arne Skjølsvold of two moai along the south-west road (Heyerdahl et al., 1989) suggested the presence of a ‘statue platform’ behind each of two recumbent moai.


    Preliminary geophysical work by LOC in the vicinity of the recumbent moai along the south-west moai road suggests further evidence for stone plinths, congruent with the idea that the statues were originally set up as monuments beside it (Fig. 8). LOC’s conservation survey for CONAF, along 2km of the same road, systematically considered the weathering patterns of 16 ‘road-side’ moai and the weathering features that might be expected on statues that were originally set upright and had stood for some time before toppling (Hamilton et al., 2013). The weathering patterns on several of these moaisuggested that they had indeed been in an upright position for a prolonged period (Fig. 8); this analysis is on-going. This is suggested by such features as having minimal weathering under the chin, a weathered upper belly and a less weathered under belly, and weathering on the under-eye area due to water drip from the overhanging brow. Such weathering patterns would have been unlikely to occur on statues that were in a recumbent position from early on in their history beyond the quarry.

    LOC’s fieldwork therefore suggests that the roads were monumentalised as much for journeys to Rano Raraku as for the transport of statues from Rano Raraku. Our archaeological survey for CONAF, on an approximate 20m-wide strip either side of the south-west statue road, produced numerous architectural features of a more domestic nature: chicken houses; canoe-shaped houses; cooking ovens; manavai complexes; and numerous minor quarries for building stone. This denotes that the sacred and everyday worlds were in close physical proximity and that the constant or periodic demarcation between the two was the course of the road itself and its monumentalisation, rather than through an exclusion zone proximate to the road.






































































    Architectural metaphors at different scales

    Monumentality in stone on Rapa Nui is not restricted to the statues, the statue roads and the ahu on which the statues were set up. Its architecture of the statue-building period suggests a complex intertwining of themes of origin, ancestry and conceptually dangerous boundaries between different worlds that are expressed within the imprints of the smallest to the largest of Rapa Nui’s stone structures, and recur spatially from the ahu at the coast to the houses and rock gardens of the interior. LOC’s on-going research is exploring the interconnection between these places and their architecture. Here, an example of the repetition of shared themes at different architectural scales and formats is briefly outlined using ahu and hare paenga, and this will be developed in our future work.

    The island’s coastline is ringed with image ahu and the statues on the ahu are traditionally believed to represent the ancestors. The backs of the ahu platforms face the sea and have crematoria on their seaward side, and the statues on these platforms likewise have their backs to the sea. A few image ahu occur inland, but it is notable that the majority are located at the interface between land and sea. Many of the ahu platforms have canoe-shaped bases and all had a poro-paved (beach boulder) ramp at their front (Fig. 1). In front of the ahu were plazas, which are presumed to have been places for ceremonies. Near the ahu these plazas were paved with poro, and beyond, landward, they were cleared of land stone and levelled (Fig. 1). Ahu thus physically link land and sea with two sea metaphors: boat and sea boulders (Hamilton et al., 2011). The positioning of these ahu concurrently monumentalised, blocked and controlled the boundary between land and sea, with sea access being via a poro-paved ramp that is often located on one side of the ahu (Hamilton, 2010). Conceptually, ahu are located at the interface between the world of the living and that of the dead/ancestors, who were processed, deposited and monumentalised at the ahu. This land-edge location aligns with the Polynesian concept that on death the soul travels westward across the sea to the point of ancestral origin of the voyaging colonisers (Hamilton, 2010).

    We have likewise explored concepts of boundaries and interfaces between conceptual worlds for Rapa Nui’s hare paenga (Hamilton and Richards, in press). The hare paengaare often located just beyond and overlooking the ahu plaza, at the juncture with landscapes of the Island’s interior that are packed with domestic architecture and rock gardens. The hare paenga share the same visual, sea-related metaphors as the ahu in being boat-shaped in plan with poro pavements in front. Exceptionally, examples up to c.9m long and 1.6m high existed, as reported on during a brief visit by HMS Portland in 1853 (Richards, 2008: 86). In general, however, they have excessively substantial stone foundations with holes drilled at regular intervals to take light, stake superstructures. John Gilbert, Master of the Resolution, described them in 1774 as being covered with combinations of plantain and other leaves with rush and grass thatch, and as being from c.3.5m long and 1.2m in height at their centre (Richards, 2008: 17). Interestingly, the hare paenga foundations are made of the stones from many preceding houses, often five or six, and this can be tracked quite precisely via the mismatched combinations of stone widths, half pu (hole/s) and entrance stones reused in the main sections of the house foundations (Fig. 9). Hare paenga can thus be considered to be conceptually and physically ancestral houses with foundations of lineages of stone, just as ahu were places associated with lineages of ancestors.

     
    Hare paenga (canoe-shaped houses). Clockwise from top left: lay-out of the stone base of hare paenga(photo: A. Stanford); Mike Seager Thomas with one of the ‘house gods’ in the Island’s museum (MAPSE) store; and two hare paenga foundations comprising the foundation stones of several former hare paenga (photos: M. Seager Thomas).

    The hare paenga encountered by Pierre Loti in 1872 (2004: 69–73) are described as darkened/dim inside with – at certain times – sunbeams penetrating the ‘hole that serves as a door’. The entrance gaps of hare paenga are less than 50cm wide and entry required crawling on hands and knees to get through the diminished height of the entry point. Several accounts suggest that the hare paenga were used primarily for sleeping (e.g. Loti, 1872 [2004]: 73), but the larger ones may have been community/assembly houses (Metraux, 1971: 200). The excessive bulkiness of the foundation stones suggests that this curbing also had a conceptual role in protecting a key boundary between the exterior worlds of the living and the interior worlds of the sleeping/assembly (Hamilton and Richards, in press). Just as the seaward ramp down the side of an ahu was a conduit between the real and conceptual worlds of land and sea, with the last sight on going down the ramp being the eyes of the statues, entering and exiting a hare paenga appears to have been a graded and controlled transition. For the hare paenga this included a phenomenological transition from light to dark and from upright position to scrabbling on all fours – and vice versa on exit. The hare paenga entrance also appears to have been symbolically guarded. An illustration by Loti in (1872) shows two small statues either side of a hare paenga entrance and he describes one house entrance as being ‘guarded by two granite divinities with sinister expressions’ (Loti, 1872 [2004]: 69). Metraux (1940 [1971]: fig. 17) illustrates two small pillars on either side of a house entrance at Ahu Te Peu, which may have served a similar purpose, and mentions the existence of ‘small stone images’ of a similar size. This has led us to search for small stone statues of which there turn out to be a substantial number in the Island’s museum stores (Fig. 9).

    Thus, albeit at a different scale to the configuration of an ahu, or monumentalisation of the vents and cones and entry/exit routes of fossil volcanoes, the hare paenga may have shared a common, Island-wide cosmology in which the boundaries between different conceptual works were considered to be dangerous to the extent that they required to be marked and strengthened through architectural devices.
    Conclusion

    The above but touches upon some of the themes, findings and interpretative trails of LOC’s recent work on Rapa Nui. It is an interim observation with a number of samples waiting dating and further analysis/fieldwork to come. For the moment what this article hopes to express is an exemplification of the complexity of Rapa Nui’s archaeology and its ingenuity of expression that can only be fully revealed when studies have been carried out across multiple categories of architecture and activity. ‘Understanding’ this ingenuity benefits from its consideration within a Polynesian framework of cosmology. An integrated perspective on Rapa Nui’s archaeology and its use of stone par excellence is where the revelation of the weight of its exceptionality must surely lie.


















    Excavations and fieldwork were undertaken under a Permit issued by the Chilean Ministry of Culture (ORN No 1699 CARTA 720 DEL 31 del 01.2008), and with the support of the Rapa Nui Council of Elders, CONAF and MAPSE.

    We would like to thank the Island’s Governor, Carmen Cardinali Paoa, and Sonia Haoa Cardinali and Lili Gonzales, for their advice and guidance.

    Susanna Nahoe, CONAF’s archaeologist, and Francisco Torres H, Director of MAPSE, are Co-Directors of our project and have greatly assisted and advised us in undertaking work on the island. We would also like to thank Enrique Tucki of CONAF for his generous advice and assistance.

    The LOC Core Team comprises: Sue Hamilton (Principal Investigator), Colin Richards (Co-Investigator), Kate Welham (Co-Investigator), Jago Cooper (for 2012), Jane Downes, David Govantes, Mike Seager Thomas, Lawrence Shaw, Adam Stanford and Ruth Whitehouse.

    On Rapa Nui we would like to thank the following people who worked with us: Sorababel Fati (Excavation Supervisor) and Rapanui students: Joaquin Soler Hoti, Isaias Hey Gonzalez, Francisa Pakomio Villanueva, Tiki Paoa and Alejandro Tucki Castro.





























































































































    References

    1.              Diamond, J (2005). Collapse In: How Societies Chose to Fall or Succeed. New York: Penguin. (Viking Adult). 

    2.            Flenley, J R and Bahn, P (2003). The Enigmas of Easter Island. New York: Oxford University Press.  

    3.            Flenley, J R and Bahn, P (2007a). Ratted out. American Scientist 95(1): 4–5.  

    4.            Flenley, J R and Bahn, P (2007b). Conflicting view of Easter Island. Rapa Nui Journal 21(1): 11–13.  

    5.            Hagelberg, E (1995). Genetic affinities of prehistoric Easter Islanders: Reply to Langdon. Rapa Nui Journal 9: 16–19.  

    6.            Hamilton, S (2007). Rapa Nui Landscapes of Construction. Archaeology International 10: 49–53, DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/ai.1011 

    7.             Hamilton, S (2010). Back to the sea: Rapa Nui’s ahu seascapes In: Wallin, P and Martinsson-Wallin, H eds.  Migration, Identity and Culture. Gotland University Press, 11pp. 167–182.  

    8.           Hamilton, SNahoe, SRichards, C and Torres, H F (2008). Quarried away In: David, B and Tomas, J eds.  Handbook of Landscape Archaeology. Walnut Creek CA: Left Coast Press, pp. 176–186.  

    9.            Hamilton, S and Richards, C (). Dowd, M and Hensey, R eds.  In press Between realms: entering the darkness of the hare paenga in ancient Rapa Nui (Easter Island). The Archaeology of Darkness 

    10.     Hamilton, SSeager Thomas, M and Whitehouse, R (2011). Say it with stone: constructing with stones on Easter Island. World Archaeology 43(2): 167–190, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2011.586273 

    11.        Hamilton, SSeager Thomas, MStanford, AShaw, LWelham, K and Whitehouse, R(2013). LOC Preliminary Multi-scalar Survey of the South-west Section of the Ara Moai: including an assessment of conservation priorities and proposals for the establishment of a trekking route. Conducted for and report submitted to CONAF, Rapa Nui: February 2013 

    12.     Heyerdahl, TSkjølsvold, A and Pavel, P (1989). The ‘walking’ moai of Easter Island. Oslo: Occasional Papers 1, The Kon Tiki Museum, pp. 36–64.  

    13.      Hunt, T L and Lipo, C P (2006). Late colonization of Easter Island. Science 311: 1603–1606, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1121879 

    14.     Hunt, T and Lipo, C (2007). Rethinking Easter Island’s ecological catastrophe. Journal of Archaeological Science 34(3): 485–502.  

    15.      Linton, R (1925). Archaeology of the Marquesas Islands. Honolulu, Hawi,i: Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin. 23 

    16.     Lipo, C and Hunt, T (2005). Mapping prehistoric statue roads on Easter Island. Antiquity79(303): 158–168.  

    17.      Loti, P (1872). Diary of a cadet on the warship La Flore In: Altman, A M trans.  Easter Island 1864–1877, The Reports of Eugene Eyraud, Hippolyte Roussel, Pierre Loti, and Alphonse Pinart. Los Osos: Easter Island Foundation, pp. 63–103. (Julien Viaud) [2004]. 

    18.     Martinsson-Wallin, H (1994). Ahu: The Ceremonial Stone Structures of Easter Island. Uppsala: Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis.  

    19.     Martinsson-Wallin, H (2007). Aku Aku from Afar. Rapa Nui: Rapa Nui Press Museum Store.  

    20.   Metraux, A (1940). Ethnology of Easter Island. Honolulu, Hawaii: Bernice P Bishop Museum. [1971] Bulletin 1960 [reprint]. 

    21.     Richards, CCroucher, KPaoa, TParish, TTucki, E and Welham, K (2011). Road my body goes: recreating ancestors from stone at the great moai quarry of Rano Raraku, Rapa Nui (Easter Island). World Archaeology 43(2): 191–210, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2011.579483 

    22.   Richards, R (2008). Easter Island 1793 to 1861: Observations by Early Visitors before the Slave Raids. Los Osos, LA: Easter Island Foundation.  

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    This monograph demonstrates that the sacred symbol 'svastika' is traceable to Sarasvati Civilization of the Bronze Age 3rd millennium BCE attesting the production and use of zinc mineral to create metal alloys such as brass.

    This is a tribute to Thomas Wilson whose monuimental work of 1894 is unsurpassed in the history of anthropolotical and prehistoric studies. His work was abou the 'svastika'.

    The magnum opus by Thomas Wilson 3 Curator, Department of Prehistoric Anthropology, U.S. National Museum. reviewed the history of this glyph and concluded that it represented an object. 

    The glyph has been decoded rebus as representing zinc ore (zinc sulphide or zinc oxide) of 3rd millennium BCE Sarasvati Civilization Bronze Age. As an alloying mineral ore, zinc added luster and shine to the brass alloy giving it the hardness of an alloy and a golden appearance.

    Alfta Svani Lothursdottirwho transcribed the work in 2003 as a reprint added the following ‘Transcribers Note’:


    “This report presented by Thomas Wilson Curator, Department of Prehistoric Anthropology, US National Museum, in 1894, is here reproduced in the hope of educating our fellow Heathens as well as the general public about the Swastika, one of Heathenism’s oldest and most holy of symbols. Since this report was made long before the misuse of this holy symbol by the Nazi’s you will find an unprejudiced presentation of the Swastika and its history. Read on and learn the true history of this holy symbol.”


    Thomas Wilson’s work was written 1894, well before the discoveries reported from Mohenjo-daro and Harappa announcing a civilization of 3rd millennium BCE in ancient India.

    The cognate word satuvu has the semantics, 'strength, hardness'. This means, that zinc has the chemical characteristic of hardening soft copper when alloyed with copper to produce brass. So, the ancient word for zinc is likely to be sattva.

    kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) Rebus:  करडा karaḍā Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c.

    Thus, when zinc is added to copper, the mineral is hardened and becomes copper. This is signified by the following hypertext.
    Source: Thomas Wilson, 1894, Swastika, Library of Congress (embeddedd for ready reference)
    Two geese are shown, because dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, by casting sattva'zinc' and tamba'copper', the kāraṁḍa 'aquatic bird' rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy' of brass is produced.




    Or. ṭaü ʻ zinc, pewter ʼ(CDIAL 5992). jasta 'zinc' (Hindi) sathya, satva 'zinc' (Kannada) The hieroglyph used on Indus writing consists of two forms: 卍. Considering the phonetic variant of Hindi gloss, it has been suggested for decipherment of Meluhha hieroglyphs in archaeometallurgical context that the early forms for both the hieroglyph and the rebus reading was: sattvaatrápu n. ʻ tin ʼ AV.Pa. tipu -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; Pk. taü -- , taüa -- n. ʻ lead ʼ; P. tū̃ m. ʻ tin ʼ; Or. ṭaü ʻ zinc, pewter ʼ; OG. tarūaüṁ n. ʻ lead ʼ, G. tarvũ n. -- Si. tum̆ba ʻ lead ʼ GS74, but rather X tam̆ba < tāmrá --(CDIAL 5992)

    Examples of svastika on Indus Script
    Image result for svastika bharatkalyan97
    Image result for svastika bharatkalyan97
    Pictorial motif

    Five svastika explained: The Meluhha gloss for 'five' is: taṭṭal Homonym is:ṭhaṭṭha brass (i.e. alloy of copper + zinc). Glosses for zinc are: sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जसथ् ।रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas ज्तस), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ् ज़स््थ् ्or zasuth ज़सुथ ्। रप m. (sg. dat. zastas ु ज़्तस),् zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jastuvu; । रपू्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri). Hence the hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times. Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus: zinc (for) brass (or pewter).

    kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' kollan 'iron worker'

    dhollu 'drummer' rebus: dul 'metal casting'

    Text of inscription
    Sign 403 is a duplication of  dula 'pair, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS  Sign'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dul mũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot'.

    Sign 87 dula 'two' rebus; dul 'metal casting' (Semantic determinative)
    Sign 342 kaṇḍa kanka'rim of jar' (Santali): karṇaka rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus: karṇaka‘scribe, accountant’ (Te.); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: kaṇḍ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Thus, the 'rim of jar' ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account) karṇī 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.'

    Thus, the text message is: supercargo of brass metal castings and bun ingots.

    The inscription reads: smelter, brass worker working with metal casting (possibly cire perdue technique of lost-wax casting).


    Image result for svastika endless knot bharatkalyan97m1356 Copper plate. The endless knot and svastika
    sattva 'svastika hieroglyph' rebus: jasta 'zinc' PLUS meḍhā  'twist' rebus: mēdhā 'yajna, dhanam, wealth'.M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.मेढा [ mēḍhā ] meṇḍa A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) (CDIAL 10312).  Rebus: मेधा = धन (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क ii , 10). 


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    https://tinyurl.com/ybo3m9eg


    This is in continuation of: A tribute to Thomas Wilson. Svastika is zinc in Indus Script, added to copper to harden it and produce brass https://tinyurl.com/ycyjhdzj Meluhha rebus readings have been presented to sattuva 'svastika hieroglyph' rebus: sattuva, jasta'zinc, pewter'.


    Alchemists
     burned zinc in air to form what they called "philosopher's wool" or "white snow". 

    Image result for svastika indus script


    Pictorial motif: crocodile, fish: ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS karā 'crocodile' rebus: khār 'blacksmith'. Thus, ayakāra 'ironsmith'.

    Text message ofinscription including svastika:
    Sign 387 mũh 'ingot' (oval shape bun ingot) PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

    rim of jar: Sign 342kaṇḍa kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali): karṇaka rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe, accountant’ (Te.); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Thus, the 'rim of jar' ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account)karṇī  'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.'
    khareḍo 'a currycomb' Rebus: खरड kharaḍ 'scribe'करडा [ karaḍā ]Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. karaḍā खरडें 'daybook'. 
    kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'
    sattuva 'svastika hieroglyph' rebus: jasta 'zinc'.

    Thus, the text message is: ingots of smithy, forge with supercargo, accounted in zinc smelter daybook.





    A 1898 Yale University study map. Discovery sites of Svastika hieroglyphs.


    White lumped powder on a glass plateZinc chloride.

    "Brass, an alloy of copper and zinc in various proportions, was used as early as the third millennium BC in the AegeanIraq, the United Arab EmiratesKalmykiaTurkmenistan and Georgia, and the second millennium BCE in West IndiaUzbekistanIranSyria, Iraq, and Israel (Judea). Zinc metal was not produced on a large scale until the 12th century in India, though it was known to the ancient Romans and Greeks. The mines of Rajasthan have given definite evidence of zinc production going back to the 6th century BCE. To date, the oldest evidence of pure zinc comes from Zawar, in Rajasthan, as early as the 9th century CE when a distillation process was employed to make pure zinc.Various isolated examples of the use of impure zinc in ancient times have been discovered. Zinc ores were used to make the zinc–copper alloy brass thousands of years prior to the discovery of zinc as a separate element. Judean brass from the 14th to 10th centuries BC contains 23% zinc. Knowledge of how to produce brass spread to Ancient Greece by the 7th century BCE, but few varieties were made. Ornaments made of alloyscontaining 80–90% zinc, with lead, iron, antimony, and other metals making up the remainder, have been found that are 2,500 years old.A possibly prehistoric statuette containing 87.5% zinc was found in a Dacian archaeological site. The oldest known pills were made of the zinc carbonates hydrozincite and smithsonite. The pills were used for sore eyes and were found aboard the Roman ship Relitto del Pozzino, wrecked in 140 BCE.The manufacture of brass was known to the Romans by about 30 BC.They made brass by heating powdered calamine (zinc silicate or carbonate), charcoal and copper together in a crucible. The resulting calamine brass was then either cast or hammered into shape for use in weaponry.Some coins struck by Romans in the Christian era are made of what is probably calamine brass.Strabo writing in the 1st century BCE (but quoting a now lost work of the 4th century BCE historian Theopompus) mentions "drops of false silver" which when mixed with copper make brass. This may refer to small quantities of zinc that is a by-product of smelting sulfide ores.Zinc in such remnants in smelting ovens was usually discarded as it was thought to be worthless.The Berne zinc tablet is a votive plaque dating to Roman Gaul made of an alloy that is mostly zinc. The Caraka Samhita, thought to have been written between 300 and 500 AD,mentions a metal which, when oxidized, produces pushpanjan, thought to be zinc oxide.Zinc mines at Zawar, near Udaipur in India, have been active since the Mauryan period (c. 322 and 187 BCE). The smelting of metallic zinc here, however, appears to have begun around the 12th century CE. One estimate is that this location produced an estimated million tonnes of metallic zinc and zinc oxide from the 12th to 16th centuries.Another estimate gives a total production of 60,000 tonnes of metallic zinc over this period. The Rasaratna Samuccaya, written in approximately the 13th century AD, mentions two types of zinc-containing ores: one used for metal extraction and another used for medicinal purposes.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zinc#Alloys


    Zinc fragment sublimed and 1cm3 cube.jpgZinc ore.


    Harappa. Burial urn. Kenoyer Slide 164

    An oven for calcination of limestone

    maraka 'peacock' rebus:लोह -मारक  loha māraka a. calcining a metal. "The process of calcination derives its name from the Latin calcinare (to burn lime) due to its most common application, the decomposition of calcium carbonate (limestone) to calcium oxide (lime) and carbon dioxide, in order to create cement. The product of calcination is usually referred to in general as "calcine", regardless of the actual minerals undergoing thermal treatment. Calcination is carried out in furnaces or reactors (sometimes referred to as kilns or calciners) of various designs including shaft furnacesrotary kilnsmultiple hearth furnaces, and fluidized bed reactors.Examples of calcination processes include the following: decomposition of carbonate minerals, as in the calcination of limestone to drive off carbon dioxide; decomposition of hydrated minerals, as in the calcination of bauxite and gypsum, to remove crystalline water as water vapor...In alchemy, calcination was believed to be one of the 12 vital processes required for the transformation of a substance.Alchemists distinguished two kinds of calcination, actual and potential. Actual calcination is that brought about by actual fire, from wood, coals, or other fuel, raised to a certain temperature. Potential calcination is that brought about by potential fire, such as corrosive chemicals; for example, gold was calcined in a reverberatory furnace with mercury and sal ammoniac; silver with common salt and alkali salt; copper with salt and sulfur; iron with sal ammoniac and vinegar; tin with antimony; lead with sulfur; and mercury with aqua fortis.There was also philosophical calcination, which was said to occur when horns, hooves, etc., were hung over boiling water, or other liquor, until they had lost their mucilage, and were easily reducible into powder.

    Late Harappan Period dish or lid with perforation at edge for hanging or attaching to large jar. It shows a Blackbuck antelope with trefoil design made of combined circle-and-dot motifs, possibly representing stars. It is associated with burial pottery of the Cemetery H period, dating after 1900 BC. Credit Harappa.com

    Peacocks and stars with the image of a person in cartouche. Funerary urn of Late Harappan Cemetery H at Harappa. After Piggott 1950: 234, fig. 29
    [ mēḍha ] 'polarstar Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic languages)

    Figure of a person is ligatured within the body of the peacock with a wavy plume (first peacock on the right); The person shown within the circle is probably the depiction of the departed a_tman, who has, after cremation, become an ancestor. The stylized depiction of the arms is paralleled by the stylized depiction of arms (or horns?) of the copper anthropomorphs found in Copper Hoard Culture.

    The Munda word for peacock *mara'k/mara "cryer > peacock", later Sanskrit ma_ra (and Pali etc) 'death, God Death', the Munda peacock symbol = death, and the Cemetery H peacock pictures on urns with cremated bodies.

    Peacock and heaven (marak = peacock; merxa_ = sky, heaven ?may the soul go to heaven); Parji. marp- (mart-)= to lighten; Kurux. merxa_ = sky, heaven; Malto. mergu = sky, heaven; see Te. mer_umu = flash of lightning.

    (marak = peacock; sma_raka = remembrance; ji_van-ji_vaka = cry of the peacock, peacock; living, the dead goes with life).

    Hieroglyph: मरक [p= 789,3]  m. an epidemic , plague , mortality Var. Sus3r. (Monier-Williams. Samskritam)मारक māraka Any pestilential disease, plague, epidemic.' 


    Rebus: लोह -मारक a. calcining a metal. लोह lōha Made of copper, coppery. -3 Made of iron; भ्रमतश्च वराहस्य लोहस्य प्रमुखे समम् Mb.1. 135.23. -हः, -हम् 1 Copper. -2 Iron. -3 Steel. -4 Any metal; वस्तून्योषधयः स्नेहा रसलोहमृदो जलम् Bhāg.2. 6.24. -5 Gold; यथा सौम्यैकेन लोहमणिना Ch. Up.6.1.-(Samskritam)मोरकम् 1 A kind of steel.  मोरक [p= 835,3] n. a kind of steel L. (Samskrtam) Mora [the contracted, regular P. form of *Sk. mayūra, viâ *ma -- ūra>mora. See also Geiger, P.Gr. § 27 & Pischel, Prk. Gr. § 166. -- Vedic only mayūrī f. pea -- hen] a peacock J ii.275 Perhaps also as morakkha "a peacock's eye" at VbhA 63 (morakkhaka loha, a kind of copper, grouped with pisācaloha). It is more likely however that morakkha is distorted fr. *mauryaka, patronymic of mura, a local (tribal) designation (cp. murala), then by pop. etym. connected with mora peacock. With this cp. Sk. moraka "a kind of steel" BR. (Pali) mayūˊra m. ʻ peacock ʼ VS., in cmpds. RV., mayūrīˊ -- f. ʻ peahen ʼ RV. 2. *mōra -- . 3. *majjūra -- (< *mayyūra<-> with early eastern change -- yy -- > -- jj -- ?). [mayūka -- , marūka -- 1 m. lex. -- J. Bloch BSL 76, 16  Drav. (cf. DED 3793); J. Przyluski BSL 79, 100  Austro -- as. (cf. also Savara ˊrā ʻ peacock ʼ Morgenstierne); H. W. Bailey BSOAS xx 59, IL 21, 18 connects with Khot. murāsa -- as orig. an Indo -- ir. colour word. -- EWA ii 587 with lit.]1. Pa. mayūra -- m. ʻ peacock ʼ, Pk. maūra -- , maūla -- m.; Sh. (Lor.) maiyūr m. ʻ cock munāl pheasant ʼ; A. mairā ʻ peacock ʼ, B. maürmaur, Or. maïram., °rī f., Si. mayurāmiyurā.2. Pa. mōra -- m., mōrinī -- f., Aś.gir. mora -- , Pk. mōra<-> m., °rī -- f., K. mōr m., S. moru m., L. P. mōr m., Ku. Mth. Bhoj. mor, OAw. mora m., H. morm., °rī°rin f., OMarw. moraī f., G. M. mor m., Si. mōrā; <-> H. (dial.) mhormurhā m., Ko. mhōru.3. Aś.shah. man. majura -- , kāl. majula -- , jau. majūla -- , N. majurmujur, Or. (Bastar) mañjura, OAw. majūra m., Si. modaramonara.*mayūrapakala -- .Addenda: mayūˊra -- : WPah.kg. (kc.) mōr ʻ peacock ʼ.(CDIAL 9865)



    See: Bronze peacocks in the Vatican are made by Bharatam Janam and an Indus Script hieroglyph 'a type of steel'

    Related imageThe Samarra Bowl, Mesopotamia, Uruk Period, C. 4000 BCE

    http://archaicwonder.tumblr.com/post/140876555146/the-samarra-bowl-mesopotamia-uruk-period-c


    Centre-piece pictorial styled like 'svastika'. bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite, ferrite ore'.

    dhāḷ ‘a slope’; ‘inclination of a plane’ (G.); dhāḷako ‘large metal ingot’ (G.)

    ayo ‘fish’; rebus: ayas ‘metal’

    mora peacock; morā ‘peafowl’ (Hindi); rebus: morakkhaka loha, a kind of copper, grouped with pisācaloha (Pali). moraka "a kind of steel" (Sanskrit)

    gaṇḍa set of four (Santali); rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar, furnace’ (Santali)
    मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻbraid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ (CDIAL 10312). Rebus: mē̃ḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.) meṛha M. meṛhi F.’twisted, crumpled, as a horn’; meṛha deren ‘a crumpled horn’ (Santali) मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. 


           Samarra. Iraq. ca. 5000 BCE. A classic from Samarra, Iraq, circa 5000 bce. This neolithic town created a long line of splendid painted ceramics and female figurines (which start back in the pre-pottery era, so old is the tradition there). Here women stand in the quadrants, their hair whirling in the Four Winds, circled by a ring of scorpions. Scorpion Goddess is common in ancient Iraq and Iran as well as Egypt — Serqet, the companion of Auset (Isis) — and also known in Central America.



    Harappa, Indus River, Pakistan

    The women dancing with streaming hair, this time from Harappa, Pakistan. Also neolithic. As in Iraq and Iran, women in the Indus foothill villages painted many pots showing their ceremonial dances. But here, and also in Iran, the ibex and mountain goat are common themes. A Goddess connected with these animals is still revered by the Kalasha who keep alive very ancient forms of culture of this region.

    Kulli, Pakistan, before 3000 bce

    The Women’s Dance from Kulli, Pakistan. This image was so commonly repeated that it became highly abstracted into a few strokes over time. Artists emphasized the flowing hair and dynamic movement of the Round Dance, still performed by women in the Punjab and among Adivasi (Aboriginal) women in India. These ancient ceramic paintings, fragmentary as they are, speak of a deep history of neolithic village women that has been obscured and overlaid by so many layers that few ever know that it exists.
    http://www.sourcememory.net/veleda/?p=385


    Six women, curl in hair, six scorpions


    Centre-piece pictorial styled like 'svastika'. bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite, ferrite ore'.

    dhāḷ ‘a slope’; ‘inclination of a plane’ (G.); dhāḷako ‘large metal ingot’ (G.)

    ayo ‘fish’; rebus: ayas ‘metal’

    mora peacock; morā ‘peafowl’ (Hindi); rebus: morakkhaka loha, a kind of copper, grouped with pisācaloha (Pali). moraka "a kind of steel" (Sanskrit)

    gaṇḍa set of four (Santali); rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar, furnace’ (Santali)

    मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻbraid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ (CDIAL 10312). Rebus: mē̃ḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.) meṛha M. meṛhi F.’twisted, crumpled, as a horn’; meṛha deren ‘a crumpled horn’ (Santali) मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.


    kuhi ‘smelter, furnace’.
    kuire bica duljad.ko talkena, ‘they were feeding the furnace with ore’. (Santali) This use of bica in the context of feeding a smelter clearly defines bica as ‘stone ore, mineral’, in general.

    kuṭhi  ‘vagina’; rebus: kuṭhi  ‘smelting furnace bichā 'scorpion' (Assamese). Rebus: bica 'stone ore' as in meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.) dul 'pair, likeness' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' (Santali) Thus the hieroglyphs connote a smelter for smelting and casting metal stone ore.
    Seal impession from Ur showing a squatting female. L. Legrain, 1936, Ur excavations, Vol. 3, Archaic Seal Impressions. [cf. Rahmandheri seal with two scorpions flanking a similar glyph with legs apart – also looks like a frog]. kuṭhi ‘pudendum muliebre’ (Mu.) khoḍu m. ‘vulva’ (CDIAL 3947). Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Mu.) khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947),


    Glyph: kuhi = pubes. Hieroglyph: kuhi pubes (lower down than paṇḍe) (Santali)pudendum muliebre (Munda, Santali) Cognates: koṭṭha (m. nt.) [Sk. koṣṭha abdomen, any cavity for holding food, cp. kuṣṭa groin, and also Gr.ku/tos cavity, ku/sdos pudendum muliebre, ku/stis bladder = E. cyst, chest; Lat. cunnus pudendum. kuhi = the womb, the female sexual organ; sorrege kuhi menaktaea, tale tale gidrakoa lit. her womb is near, she gets children continually (H. kohī, the womb) (Santali.Bodding) kōṣṭha = anyone of the large viscera (MBh.); koṭṭha = stomach (Pali.Pkt.); kuṭṭha (Pkt.); kohī heart, breast (L.); koṭṭhā, kohābelly (P.); koho (G.); kohā (M.)(CDIAL 3545). kottha pertaining to the belly (Pkt.); kothā corpulent (Or.)(CDIAL 3510). koho [Skt. koṣṭha inner part] the stomach, the belly (Gujarat)  kūti = pudendum muliebre (Ta.); posteriors, membrum muliebre (Ma.); ku.0y anus, region of buttocks in general (To.); kūdi = anus, posteriors, membrum muliebre (Tu.)(DEDR 188). kūṭu = hip (Tu.); kua = thigh (Pe.); kue id. (Mand.); kūṭi hip (Kui)(DEDR 1885). gūde prolapsus of the anus (Ka.Tu.); gūda, gudda id. (Te.)(DEDR 1891). 

    Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛi f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) 

    Rebus: kuhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuhi, kui (Or.; Sad. kohi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkui has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuhi = a factory; lil kuhi = an indigo factory (kohi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. kohī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuhī factory (A.); kohābrick-built house (B.); kuhī bank, granary (B.); koho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); kohīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; kohī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) ko = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 
    kola ‘woman’ Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’
    kuṛī f. ʻ girl’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ Brass-worker catalog of implements and repertoire:There are five hieroglyphs on the cylinder seal (Figure 270): ‘dishevelled hair’, ‘pudendum muliebre’, ‘lizard’, ‘scorpion’, ‘woman’. bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite, ferrite ore'. A lizard is also shown in the field together with a scorpion (bica). <raca>(D)  {ADJ} ``^dishevelled'' (Mundarasāṇẽ n. ʻglowing embersʼ (Marathi). rabca ‘dishevelled’ Rebus: రాచ rāca (adj.) Pertaining to a stone (ore) (bica).kakra. 'lizard'; kan:gra 'portable furnace'. 
    "Faience button seal (H99-3814/8756-01) with swastika motif found on the floor of Room 202 (Trench 43), Harappa, 2000-01"
    Source: https://www.harappa.com/indus4/45.html
    The swastika on a Harappan tablet (left), and on pottery of the early historical era (top right: Rupar; bottom right: Ahichchhatra). (@ASI)
    Seal with swastika, fired quartz, from Mohenjo-daro, Pakistan, Indus Valley Civilisation, 19th century BC : Stock Photo
    Seal with swastika, fired quartz, from Mohenjo-daro, Pakistan, Indus Valley Civilisation, 19th century BCE
    https://www.gettyimages.in/detail/photo/seal-with-swastika-fired-quartz-from-high-res-stock-photography/150098020
    Image result for swastika indus scriptVariation of Svastika hieroglyph.
    Sign 148. There are over 50 Indus Script inscriptions in the Corpora using this hieroglyph either as 'sign' or as 'pictorial motif'.

    Field Symbol FS 82 Figs. 118, 119 in ASI 1977 Mahadevan Concordance

    Image result for swastika indus script
    Swastika device from Mongolia found in northwest China.  Dated circa 13th-14th century. Note the crosses also indicating Christian influence--almost certainly Nestorian in character.Svastika device from Mongolia found in northwest China. Dated circa 13th-14th century BCE
    https://www.pinterest.com/pin/416442296767078728/. 

    m1429 a

    m1429 prism tablet. Boat glyph as a Sarasvati hieroglyph on a tablet.Three sided molded tablet. One side shows a flat bottomed boat with a central hut that has leafy fronds at the top of two poles. Two birds sit on the deck and a large double rudder extends from the rear of the boat. On the second side is a snout nosed gharial with a fish in its mouth. The third side has eight glyphs of the Indus script.

    Side b has two birds, two trees ligatured to a boat, two ox-hide ingots infixed in the central hut on the boat 

    The hieroglyphs are: side a: eight sign glyphs including: body, rim of jar, two ingots, rim of jar, fish, three, graft infix ligature in ingot.side b: boat, two trees, two birds; side b: gharial (alligator), fish; Boat: kolam; rebus: kolami 'furnace'
    m1429b
    Sign 387
    The eighth (last glyph) from l. is: kolom = cutting, graft; to graft, engraft, prune; kolom dare kana = it is a grafted tree; kolom ul = grafted mango; kolom gocena = the cutting has died; kolom kat.hi hor.o = a certain variety of the paddy plant (Santali); kolom (B.); kolom mit = to engraft; kolom porena = the cutting has struck root; kolom kat.hi = a reed pen (Santali.lex.) ku_l.e stump (Ka.) [ku_li = paddy (Pe.)] xo_l = rice-sheaf (Kur.) ko_li = stubble of jo_l.a (Ka.); ko_r.a = sprout (Kui.)ko_le = a stub or stump of corn (Te.)(DEDR 2242). kol.ake, kol.ke, the third crop of rice (Ka.); kolake, kol.ake (Tu.)(DEDR 2154)kolma =  a paddy plant; kolma hor.o ‘ a variety of rice plant’ (Santali.lex.) [kural = corn-ear (Ta.)] Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.

    m1429a
    boat: kola 'boat'; rebus: kol 'pancaloha, alloy of five metals'; bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (G.) bagala = an Arab boat of a particular description (Ka.); bagala_ (M.); bagarige, bagarage = a kind of vessel (Ka.); rebus: ban:gala = a portable stove (Te.) =  kumpat.i = an:ga_ra s'akat.i_ = a chafing dish, a portable stove, a goldsmith's portable furnace (Te.) cf. ban:ga_ru, ban:ga_ramu 'gold' (Te.) Two birds: bat.a 'bird'; barea 'two' Rebus: barea 'merchant'
    bat.a = a kind of iron (G.lex.) bhat.a = a furnace, a kiln; it.a bhat.a a brick kiln (Santali)
    On either end of the central hut on the boat are two tree. kut.i 'tree'; kut.hi 'smelter furnace' (Santali)
    Side c
    fish + gharial: Hieroglyphs: aya 'fish'; karA 'crocodile; Rebus: ayakara 'blacksmith'
    kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace (Ka.); kolimi furnace (Te.); pit (Te.); kolame a very deep pit (Tu.); kulume kanda_ya a tax on blacksmiths (Ka.); kol, kolla a furnace (Ta.) kole.l smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.); kwala.l Kota smithy (To.); konimi blacksmith; kola id. (Ka.); kolle blacksmith (Kod.); kollusa_na_ to mend implements; kolsta_na, kulsa_na_ to forge; ko_lsta_na_ to repair (of plough-shares); kolmi smithy (Go.); kolhali to forge (Go.)(DEDR 2133).] kolimi-titti = bellows used for a furnace (Te.lex.) kollu- to neutralize metallic properties by oxidation (Ta.) kol = brass or iron bar nailed across a door or gate; kollu-t-tat.i-y-a_n.i large nail for studding doors or gates to add to their strength (Ta.lex.) kollan--kamma_lai < + karmas'a_la_, kollan--pat.t.arai, kollan-ulai-k-ku_t.am blacksmith's workshop, smithy (Ta.lex.) cf. ulai smith's forge or furnace (Na_lat.i, 298); ulai-k-kal.am smith's forge; ulai-k-kur-at.u smith's tongs; ulai-t-turutti smith's bellows; ulai-y-a_n.i-k-ko_l smith's poker, beak-iron (Ta.lex.) [kollulaive_r-kan.alla_r: nait.ata. na_t.t.up.); mitiyulaikkollan- mur-iot.ir.r.an-n-a: perumpa_)(Ta.lex.) Temple; smithy: kol-l-ulai blacksmith's forge (kollulaik ku_t.attin-a_l : Kumara. Pira. Ni_tiner-i. 14)(Ta.lex.) cf. kolhua_r sugarcane milkl and boiling house (Bi.); kolha_r oil factory (P.)(CDIAL 3537). kulhu ‘a hindu caste, mostly oilmen’ (Santali) kolsa_r = sugarcane mill and boiling house (Bi.)(CDIAL 3538).

    sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जसथ् ।रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas ज्तस), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ् ज़स््थ् ्or zasuth ज़सुथ ्। रप m. (sg. dat. zastas ु ज़्तस),् zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jastuvu; । रपू्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri). Hence the hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times. Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus: zinc (for) brass (or pewter). *ṭhaṭṭha1 ʻbrassʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass?]N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 1.Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār, °rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H.ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493).


    m1429B and two other tablets showing the typical composite hieroglyph of fish + crocodile. Glyphs: crocodile + fish ayakāra ‘blacksmith’ (Pali) kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) aya 'fish' (Munda) The method of ligaturing enables creation of compound messages through Indus writing inscriptions. kārua wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri); kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi).


    Pali: ayakāra ‘iron-smith’. ] Both ayaskāma and ayaskāra are attested in Panini (Pan. viii.3.46; ii.4.10). WPah. bhal. kamīṇ m.f.  labourer (man or woman) ; MB. kāmiṇā  labourer (CDIAL 2902) N. kāmi  blacksmith (CDIAL 2900). 


    Kashmiri glosses:



    khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji or -güjü - लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu - लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 - लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3] ), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu  लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun] ), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wānवान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.

    Thus, kharvaṭ may refer to an anvil. Meluhha kāru may refer to a crocodile; this rebus reading of the hieroglyph is.consistent with ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali) [fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Telugu)]


    Selected images (57) from Thomas Wilson's Swastika which demonstrate association of 'svastika' hieroglyph with
    metalwork, equipment, metalware,metal waapons
    See also: http://www.metaphysicspirit.com/books/The%20Swastika%20Vol.%20II.pdf Vol 2 of Thomas Wilson'swork.




























































    Ancient Greek gold disk with Hindu swastikas, 8th century B.C. At Greece’s Otagon Museum.

    Ancient Etruscan vase with Hindu Svastikas, present-day northern Italy.

    Hindu Svastika on an Armenian sculpture, along with the Armenian eternity sign- an ancient Armenian national symbol.

    9th cent. Viking sword. Inscribed sword. Inscription includes svastika hieroglyph.

    Lithuania. 5th cent. BCE

    Svastika at Zenkō-ji (善光寺) temple, Nagano, Japan

    Indian lady with Svastika tattoos. Image credit:


    Greek God Apollo, brother of goddess Artemis, with Svastika, depicted on an ancient Greek vase.


    Greek goddess Artemis with Svastika, C. 2600–2250 BC, found in the ruins of the great city of Troy.

    Artemis - one of the most venerated ancient Greek goddesses, with Hindu Svastikas. Greece, circa 700 B.C.E

    Source credits for images: twitter handle 


    Selected images (57) from Thomas Wilson's Swastika which demonstrate association of 'svastika' hieroglyph with
    metalwork, equipment, metalware,metal waapons




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    The latest kid on the anti-Hindu phobia block is a paper by Geologists A. Singh et al (2017) discussed in this note which lists 12 topics/comments on the paper. The paper has been prepared without objective and scientific rigour.
    I may add two more 13th and14th topics for further objective review and evaluation by geologists, apart from suggesting that the presently named Ghaggar River should be called Sarasvati River. 

    Call River Sarasvati Vedic River Sarasvati, given the evidence of R̥gveda, an authentic ancient human document. For ready reference, I embed a paper by Ashok Aklujkar (2014). I also invite reference to a comprehensive report in 127 pages by Central Ground Water Board on Palaeo-channels of NorthwestIndia, including River Sarasvati (URL given below).
    https://www.scribd.com/document/337811698/Aklujkar-A-Sarasvati-drowned-2014-pdf  Ashok Aklujkar, 2014, Sarasvati drowned, rescuing her from scholarly whirlpools. The paper is a succinct summary of Vedic references to the river.



    13. The Himalayan dynamics caused by the ongoing plate tectonics and consequent changes in the patterns of glacial accumulation and outflows in the vast and extensive Himalayan range pictured below:

    14. The interlinking of rivers in the perspective plan of NWDA after 25+ years of deliberation include the following links: 4. Ghagra-Yamuna; 5. Sarda - Yamuna; 6. Yamuna-Rajasthan; 7. Rajasthan-Sabarmati. These links have the potential to make the River Sarasvati flow upto Sabarmati using the glacial waters of Sarda river. This National Water Grid Project should be supported, as endorsed by the three-judge of the Hon'ble SC led by the then CJI Kapadia. In my view,this project should be undertaken as a priority National Mission to start a National Water Grid to ensure equitable distribution of Himalayan glacier waters. Mere floodwaters of Brahmaputra alone are enough to double the water flows in all rivers south of Vindhyas, making them all Jeevanadi, perennial rivers to unleash a revolution in water management in Bharat.

    There are four geological papers on the subject since 2012 to 2017 on Ghaggar-Hakra River (for those who are shy of mentioning the well-renowned and adored River Sarasvati):
    1. 
    Singh, A. et al. (2017). Counter-intuitive Influence of Himalayan River Morphodynamics on Indus Civilisation Urban Settlements. Nature Communications 8: 1617.
     2.
    Clift, P.D. et al. (2012). U-Pb Zircon Dating Evidence for a Pleistocene Sarasvati River and Capture of the Yamuna River. Geology 40: 211-214.
     3.
    Maemoku, H. et al. (2012). Geomorphological Constraints on the Ghaggar River Regime During the Mature Harappan Period. Geophysical Monograph Series 198: 97-106.
    4. 
    Giosan, L. et al. (2012). Fluvial Landscapes of the Harappan Civilization. PNAS 109: E1688-E1695.

    Conclusions of A.Singh et al (2017) paper:

    “In conclusion, our results firmly rule out the existence of a Himalayan-fed river that nourished Indus Civilisation settlements along the Ghaggar-Hakra palaeochannel. Instead, the relict Sutlej valley acted to focus monsoon-fed seasonal river flow as evidenced by very fine-grained sediments in the upper part of the valley-fill record. This and the potential to pond flood waters in the topographic depression38 formed by the valley likely offered favourable conditions that led Indus populations to preferentially settle along the incised palaeovalley. We find that river dynamics controlled the distribution of Indus sites in the region, but in the opposite sense to that usually assumed: it was the departure of the river, rather than its arrival, that triggered the growth of Indus urban settlements here. We posit that a stable abandoned valley, still able to serve as a water source but without the risk of devastating floods, is a viable alternative model for how rivers can nucleate the development of ancient urban settlements.”

    Some comments gathered from the ubiquitous internet of things, on the paper by A. Singh et al, the new kid on the group of geologists endowed with anti-Hindu phobia:
    Under a much camouflaged title the paper has questioned the existence of vedic Saraswati river, that has been proved by many foreign and Indian authors with many references to vedic, archeologic, scientific and latest study of satellite images. It has been proved beyond any doubt that Saraswati had flown as one of the major river systems in the Indian continent, however, the valid question remains how did it disappear and what are the main causes so that we can have a better understanding of paleoclimate, paleogeography and role of geodynamics on development and disappearance of river system that could provide clues to understand present conditions of river channels to manage our water resources and protect embankments in a much better scientific and sustained manner.
    This paper is authored by faculty members/researchers engaged at reputed places like IIT Kanpur, Imperial College London, academic institutes/professional organisations in Denmark and England.
    The following are the observations:
    1.      The paper abstract mentions Sutlej as the third largest Himalayan river; what about Brahmaputra, Ganga, Yamuna, and Indus. What is the criterion to say so.
    2.      The paper proves that the so called river Saraswati is actually Sutlej that abandoned its course 8000 years before present (BP) and later after 4000 years, the Indus valley civilization prospered along its paleo channel.
    3.      When there was so much of fertile land available around, why did people of Indus valley civilization decide to settle along dry channels of Sutlej after 4000 years.
    4.      The authors give a very ridiculous explanation that remaining areas were flood prone, so they decided to settle along dry river bed knowing very well that they are safe from flood.
    5.      By the same logic, all the flood prone areas like Kosi and other regions would have been deserted by now, as present civilization is much more skillful/smarter than people of Indus valley civilization.
    6.      Secondly when they decided to settle along dry river bed, where did they get water from ?
    7.      Normally if people are settling along dry river beds or partially dry river beds, first they will dig up wells along the channel. Numerous such wells can be seen along paleo-channels of Sambhar lake (Mendha river catchment) in Rajasthan.
    8.      Alternatively perhaps they had access to water Tanker. Any civilization needs water that is one of the main reason that great civilizations prospered along mega rivers. So the authors must show that Indus valley people had either wells or tankers. Since they have not mentioned about the former, according to them one would interpret they had water Tankers !!! Their explanation of monsoonal flow in patches in the paleo channel is self- contradictory as they have mentioned that Indian Summer Monsoon (ISM) had a declining trend. So they had Tankers !!!
    9.      Authors are dealing with river system near Himalaya, which is a world’s best known natural laboratory of active tectonics. However, they are completely silent on this important aspect and offer NO explanation of westward shifting of Sutlej at Ropar.
    10.   They have NO regards to vedic literature, perhaps they have not read it or do not have belief in it.
    11.  It is extremely painful to see how such paper with Indian authors could be published in a reputed foreign journal like Nature communication contradicting the age old belief, vedic literature, classic findings of reputed geologists like Oldhams (CF and RD in last two centuries), Prof. Dr. K S Valdiya and many other scientists like Prof. Yash Pal and his team from SAC, Dr. Baldev Sahai, Prof. J.R. Sharma, Prof. A.K. Gupta, ISRO CAZRI Centre, Govt. organisations like CGWB, WIHG, GSI, who have provided explanation with help of modern scientific tools. 
    12.  This is high time that scientists should not waste their time and energy in proving whether Saraswati was present or absent, they should rather find out the causes of its disappearance which is of paramount importance at the present. Second important aspect is that we must attempt to map all paleo channels of Saraswati and use them to recharge groundwater using flood water/excess water during Monsoon, so that over all there will augmentation of the precious ground water.

    .

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    This is a tribute to PC Ray, Paul Craddock, JS Kharakwal, Deborah Stein & AK Biswas. Evidence of Zinc in Indus Script inscriptions dates zinc production on an industrial scale to ca. 3rd millennium BCE.


    This monograph provides archaeological evidence for the successful decipherment of Indus Script. There are hypertexts of the Corpora which signify kole.l'smithy, forge' is kole.l'temple'.(Kota language)

    स्वस्तिक mn. a mansion or temple of a partic. form (वराह-मिहिर's बृहत्-संहिता


    svastikḥस्वस्तिकः -कः, -कम्  A mansion or temple of a particular form with a terrace in front. (Apte)


     Archaeo-metallurgical investigations match with literary evidences of early smelting of zinc in Sarasvati Civilization. Evidence from inscriptions with 'svastika' hieroglyph/hypertexts of Indus Script Corpora attesting the use of and trade in zinc by seafaring merchants of Meluhha dates early zinc processing from calamine ores, to 3rd millennium BCE.

    [quote]The temples in Jawar have never been the subject of scholarly investigation, perhaps because of the tendency to focus on royal patronage at state religious centers. The town is located along the Gomati River, some forty kilometers from the city of Udaipur. Tribal groups such as the Bhils and the Meenas have traditionally inhabited the area, at the southern reaches of Mewar. Traces of pilgrimage both to and from Jawar mark the site as an important Jain center from the end of the fourteenth century into the seventeenth century. Once settled at Jawar, the Jain community  built temples and installed both Jain and Vaisnavite deities. A prominent Jain named Dhanpal is remembered for sponsoring a lavish pratishta (installation ceremony) in the town in V.E. 1478, replete with multitudes of learned monks. Jawar lay along water routes used for trade with Gujarat, but was bypassed by the land routes that were more often used for the spread of politics and armies, with their foot soldiers, horses, and elephants. Jawar began to grow rapidly as a commercial center with the invention at the site of zinc smelting on a large scale in the fourteenth century. In the medieval period zinc had become a key component in the production of icons, at times comprising up to 30 percent of the metal content of religious icons. (3 For a chart showing the percentage of zinc in icons, see J.S. Kharakwal and L.K. Gurjar, “Zinc and Brass in Archaeological Perspective,” Ancient Asia 1 (2006): 12–13. Kharakwal and Gurjar also report (p. 13) that the Mughals had kharkanas (metal factories) for the production of “utensils, decorative pieces, guns, mortars,” and other items with zinc from Jawar. Finbarr Barry Flood has described the ritualized melting of icons as a measure of conquest in the medieval period across modern-day Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India; he argues that items were destroyed based on their monetary and symbolic value, not as a result of the indiscriminate destruction of all figural sculpture. Flood, “Gifts, Idolatry, and the Political Economy,” in Objects of Translation: Material Culture and Medieval “Hindu-Muslim” Encounter (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2009), 26–37.)… Jain financiers were the first to profit from this lucrative resource. Over time mining grew beyond a source of metal for luxury goods, household items, and religious icons, and became a way to finance war and provide metal for weapons [unquote]. (Deborah Stein, opcit., p.141)


    Zinc smelting is described in four ancient texts which date from 500 BCE to the late thirteenth century CE (D.P. Agrawal dates the texts as follows: Rasarnavam Rastantram (500–100 BCE), Rasratnakar (2nd century CE), Rasprakash Sudhakar (12th century CE), Rasratnasamuchchaya (late 13th century CE). D.P. Agrawal, Ancient Metal Technologyand Archaeology of South Asia: A Pan-Asian Perspective (New Delhi: Aryan Books International, 2000). The date of the earliest text 500 BCE indicates that several centuries should have preceded this date for the metalwork involving zinc attested in Indus Script Corpora with ‘svastika’ hieroglyphs/hypertexts.


    The thirteenth-century text Rasa-ratna-samuccaya, written by Vagabhatacarya, “gives two de tailed accounts of zinc distillation. In one the zinc ore was mixed with turmeric, Chebulic myrobalan (cherry-plum), resins, salts, soot, borax, marking nuts (cashew family), and acid juices. In the other recipe the ore was mixed with lac treacle, white mustard, the myrobalans, natron, borax, boiled with milk, clarified butter, and made into balls.” (The Rasa-ratna-samuccaya is the primary alchemical source for Jawar, since its date parallels the rise of industrial zinc production and the ensuing efflorescence of multi-sectarian temple production. The Rasa-ratna-samuccaya lists three different forms of distilling zinc, including the most complex with bays of inverted retorts. The Craddock mission in Jawar dated honeycomb-like clusters, each comprising thirty-six inverted retorts, as far back as the second century BCE in Jawar. Arun Kumar Biswas, “Brass and Zinc Metallurgy in the Ancient and Medieval World: India’s Primacy and the Technology Transfer to the West,” IJHS 41.2 (2006): 159–74; Arun Kumar Biswas, “Rasa-Ratna- Samuccaya and Mineral Processing State-of-Art in the 13th Century A.D. India,” IJHS 22.1 (1987): 29–46.; Craddock, Gurjar, and Hegde, “Zinc Production in Medieval India,” 211–17.)


    Craddock et al note: “The scale of production at Zawar [Jawar],” according to Craddock and others, “was enormous. The many hundreds of thousands of tons of debris suggest production of many tens of thousands of tons of zinc.” Perhaps, “a million tons of ore was exploited” at Jawar roughly during the thirteenth through the seventeenth century. (Craddock, Gurjar, and Hegde, “Zinc Production in Medieval India,” 215; Willies, Craddock, Gurjar, and Hegde, “Ancient Lead and Zinc Mining in Rajastan,”)

    Samoli inscription of 646 CE, records: “The Mahajana community, headed by Jentaka who had migrated from Vatanagara [modern Vasantgadh is in Sirohi State, sixteen miles from Samoli], started an agara, or mine, in Aranyakupagiri. Jentaka founded at this place a temple (devakulas) of Aranyavasini, which was noted for its eighteen vaitalikas [bards], hailing from different parts of the country, and was always crowded with rich and wealthy people.” (R.R. Halder, “Samoli Inscription of the Time of Siladitya, [Vikrama-Samvat] 703,” Epigraphia Indica 19 (1929): 97.


    “The Jain community produced at least five temples in Jawar. These structures closely skirt a long hill littered with zinc retorts still ensconced in neat rows and grids denoting large-scale production (fig. 4). At the base of the ridge with the zinc retorts lie two ruined temples which date to the early fifteenth century (Jain temple 3 and Jain temple 5).” “The surviving remnants of zinc production and the temples of Jawar provide tangible evidence for the negotiation of economic relationships – relationships initially built between mercantile Jains and the landed gentry, and later between Rajput kings and their Jain finance ministers.”(ibid., p.144, p.158)


    Deborah Stein presents a map of the temple layout comparing it to an industrial processing centre for zinc processing. "“In examining temples, scholars often focus on the historical processes – military victories, the devel-opment of new cultic centers, the evolution of dynastic styles – that led to their creation. Yet temple construction was often related to expanding economic networks and the development of new technologies. The site of Jawar, in southern Rajasthan, is a case in point. Jawar contains a number of templesthat were built between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuriesCE.” . What makes these temples inter-esting is that their emergence coincided with Jawar’s increasing importance as a site for the mining and smelting of zinc… Carbon-14dating has revealed Jawar as the site of“the earliest dated zinc mines in the world,” (P.T.Craddock,L.K.Gurjar, andK.T.M.Hegde, “Zinc Production in Medieval India,”

    World Archaeology15, 2,Indus-trial Archaeology(October 1983): 216), esti-mating that mining took place there as early as two thousand years ago.( Lynn Willies in association withP.T.Craddock,

    L.J.Gurjar, andK.T.M.Hegde, “Ancient Lead and Zinc Miningin Rajasthan, India,”World Archaeology

    16, 2(1984): 231.)… The thirteenth-century text Rasa-ratna-samuccaya, written by Vagabhatacarya,

    9“gives two detail-ed accounts of zinc distillation. In one the zinc ore was mixed with turmeric, Chebulic myrobalan (cherry-plum), resins, salts, soot, borax, marking nuts (cashew family), and acid juices. In the otherrecipe the ore was mixed with lac treacle, white mustard, the myrobalans, natron, borax, boiled withmilk, clarified butter, and made into balls.”( Craddock, Gurjar, and Hegde, “Zinc Production in Medieval India,” 211–17).” 


    “The Rasa-ratna-samuccaya …provides a plan for an alchemical laboratory (fig. 2) that demonstrates an interweaving of geomancy and the architectural placement of deities with directionality akin to that seen in a Hindu temple. The rectangular structure has two east-west rows of equipment. In the exact center of the four directions, a ·iva liπgam is placed. On one side of the liπgamis the raw materials and products storage area and beyond that a transmutation bay. On the other side of the liπgam is a station for sharp instruments, another for stone instruments, and finally a furnace bay. The entrance on the western wall is flanked by a washing bay and a drying bay. The eastern wall is left for Bhairava, a malevolent form of ·iva. This deity, beloved of the lohar, or iron-workers caste, and the tribal Bhils who still live in the Chhapan region today, is not only on axis with the central · śiva  liπgam but also adjacent to the transmutation bay on the north wall and the furnace bay on the south wall. Does the placement of the most fearsome aspect of · Śiva in between the transmutation bay and the furnace suggest something about his liminal role in the fiery transformation of metals in thirteenth-century Jawar? …To produce zinc in kilns such as those at Jawar – with banks of between three and seven furnaces, each with thirty-six retorts (vessels that hold the substances being subjected to distillation or decomposition by heat) – it was essential to maintain a consistent temperature range of 1,100 to 1,250 degrees Celsius for five hours straight. Metallurgists here developed a process by which the zinc oxide could be retained successfully for the first time. An organic material such as cow dung was used to bind the ground and calcined ore into balls so it wouldn’t fall out of the retort when inverted. A clay condenser was sealed to the retort with more clay. Then a stick was placed through the condenser into the sticky ball and allowed to burn away during the heating process. A pyramid  of retorts was inverted towards a cooler chamber below, where the condensed zinc would drip into collection vessels. (Agrawal, Ancient Metal Technology, 220-211.) These retorts still litter the hills adjacent to the first cluster of Jain temples built in Jawar (fig. 3).” (Deborah Stein, opcit., p. 143).