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Plea for Stellarium for Veda skyculture

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Shouldn't Stellarium opensource be adapted to produce Skymaps of Veda calendar, say, from 7th millennium BCE? As of version 0.8.1,Stellarium contains 4 different sets of skycultures: Western, Chinese, Ancient Egyptian, and Polynesian. http://stellarium.sourceforge.net/wiki/index.php/Sky_cultures … The attached image shows date of Mahabharata war Nov. 22, 3067 BCE (pace Prof. Narahari Achar).


The valour of Pushya Mitra Shunga -- Shatavadhani R. Ganesh

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Note:

Bharhut and Sanchi stupa art history is a revelation. The sculptural friezes are a continuum of Indus Script hypertexts. As evidenced by an inscription at Sanchi, the sculptures were made by Ivory carvers. Ivory carvers' models for torana-s are available from Begram which substantiate this inscription. The Begram ivory carvers are in Indus Script Hypertext tradition when they signify the purpose of the toranas- by the 'srivatsa' symbol. I have proved that this symbol is a composition of Indus Script hieroglyphs:

Pair of fish fins tied together: ayo'fish' rebus: aya'iron'ayas'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Thus, the gateways proclaim the alloy metal mints at both Sanchi and Bharhut monuments.

This hypertext continues in Amaravati scultural tradition to signify metalwork wealth creation proclamations..

S. Kalyanaraman



Marxist-Communist historians claim that because Pushyamitra Shunga was a brāhmaṇa, all events that occurred during his period were merely the revolt of brāhmaṇas.  These incidents symbolize the enmity that brāhmaṇas had against Ashoka and his heritage. Contrary to their claims, varṇa doesn’t occupy a significant place in this.
The Shungas weren’t in power for a long period. The Kanvas, who succeeded them were brāhmaṇas too. If the Shunga reign was indeed a brāhmaṇa rebellion, the Kanvas should not have opposed them. In the realm of authority and position, considerations of varṇa and morality are only secondary to the human impulse of Selfishness. People from all social backgrounds succumb to avarice. The main challenge that arose back then was the responsibility of national security. When the commander Pushyamitra realized this, he assumed the reins of power.
Others claim that Pushyamitra Shunga was an enemy of Buddhists, he destroyed the foundational texts of Buddhism, and murdered Buddhist bhikkus. But then, they forget an important fact in this context: The Bharhut Stūpa is among the most exquisite stūpas of ancient India with extraordinary sculptural craftsmanship. It was entirely commissioned and built under the supervision of Pushyamitra Shunga. Similarly, the exceptional balustrade surrounding the Sanchi Stūpa standing resolute till date, was built by the selfsame Pushyamitra Shunga.
ShungaCoin Pushyamitra Shunga The Valour of Pushyamitra Shunga ShungaCoin
Coins from the Shunga Period
It was the Shatavahanas who built the four ornate doors outside the balustrade. The Shatavahanas were not Buddhists, but firm adherents of the Vedic tradition. They performed grand yajñas like Aśvamedha and Vājapeya. It was the same Shatavahanas who built the stūpa at Nagarjunakonda. When we notice the pravaras of the Shatavahana kings—Gautamiputra Shatakarni, Vasishtiputra Shatakarni, etc.—it becomes evident that their mothers too were kṣatriyas and retained the gotras belonging to tradition of the hallowed Vedic ṛṣis. The archaeological remnants of their yajña altars survive to this day.[1]
In those times, even the adherents of the Vedas did not reject Buddhism. The Shatavahanas built not merely the doors to the Sanchi Stupa, but built the entire stupa at Amaravati. Some of their remains are on display at the Madras Museum and the British Museum. The sort of hostility[2] that exists today among the Hindus, Buddhists, and Jains never existed in those times even at the level of the Rājagurus. The authors of some sectarian works might have been roused by attachment towards their chosen sect and hatred towards the others. It will be erroneous to ascribe such sectarian zeal both to the common folk and to the kings. Besides, a text like Ashokavadana authored by fanatic Buddhists, which is far from the truth cannot be held as a primary source. Further, the Shunga-haters cleverly gloss over the mention of Ashoka’s mass murder of Jains in the same Ashokavadana. How shall we label this chicanery? Therefore, one must be careful while relying on the mythical narrations found in sectarian works.
It is also worth recalling that in Pushyamitra Shunga’s time, several Buddhists were sentenced for treason for colluding with foreign invaders. We can examine this in detail when we discuss the Gupta period.

Magnanimity of the Indian Tradition of Kṣātra

The pre-eminent among the Guptas was Chandragupta Vikramaditya (Chandragupta II), a great bhāgavata (devotee of Viṣṇu). His son Kumaragupta worshipped both Śiva and Skanda. Father and son worshipped different deities. What does this show? Though their personal preference was Śiva or Skanda, they did not impose it upon their subjects. Several records show that Kavikulaguru Kālidāsa, a supreme devotee of Śiva, was in the court of the great Viṣṇu devotee Chandragupta Vikramaditya.
All the mayhem surrounding Śaiva, Vaiṣṇava, Śākta, etc. was restricted to a few people who took mythological ideas literally and wrote about them as if they were real episodes. We can notice sectarian hostility in Buddhist, Jain, and <Sanatanic> texts. For instance, the Madhaviyashankaravijaya has been attributed to Vidyaranya. In reality, Vyasachala, an obscure poet, has composed this work. As a work of poetry, it is good, but in many places, it is historically inaccurate and far from the truth. In places, it also defames ācārya Śaṅkara. “There was a king named Sudhanva. The Mīmāṃsā scholar Kumarilabhatta adorned his court. There was a clash between him and the Buddhists. The defeated Buddhists were boiled in water mixed with slaked lime (Calcium Hydroxide) and were used in oil-pressing labour.” The text contains this and several other outlandish episodes. In the history of India, we don’t find any king with the name of Sudhanva – be it among the Magadhas, the Vidarbhas, the Cholas, the Cheras, the Pandyas, or the Pallavas. Ācārya Śaṅkara lived between 630-662 CE. This dating is the result of rigorous scientific research in recent years. Therefore, it becomes evident that the author of Madhaviyashankaravijaya was imbued with sectarian fanaticism.
Rāmanuja’s guru was the Advaiti Yadavaprakasha. The historical fact, however, is that he was not an advaiti. His Brahma-sūtra-bhāṣya is itself sufficient proof for this. Yadavaprakasha followed the bhedābheda school of Vedānta. This is quite close to the Rāmanuja school of philosophy. Sectarian texts baselessly allege that Yadavaprakasha tortured Rāmanuja badly. No historical evidence exists for such allegations. There are also stories that Krimikanta Chola (Karikala Chola) conspired to assassinate Rāmanuja. In truth, this is a great insult to both Rāmanuja and the Chola king. In fact, we do not see the name of this king in history! The Cholas were not zealous Saivaites. They patronized all sects equally. Several stotras and poems in praise of Viṣṇu were composed in the Chola period. In the grand Chola temples, we see many beautiful vigrahas of Viṣṇu.
Any Hindu king who was extremely sectarian could never hope to rule over his subjects. It was impossible to survive by inflicting tyranny upon the people. The religious tolerance during Akbar’s reign was absent in Aurangzeb’s regime, which is why he faced such widespread rebellion.[3] It is a fact that Pushyamitra Shunga was a liberal ruler, who greatly respected all sects.
There is also an allegation that the Guptas were enemies of Buddhists. But a study of history will show that the great Buddhist Vasubandhu was a minister in the court of Samudragupta.
To be continued…
Translated by Sandeep Balakrishna and Hari Ravikumar from the Kannada original.


[1] In recent times, a few malicious minds have claimed that Adi Shankara destroyed the stupas at Nagarjunakonda. Based on rumours and concocted legends, they have built an evil edifice of distorted history and are savouring its luxuries. However, several years ago, great scholars like Bharat Ratna Pandrurang Vaman Kane and Govinda Chandra Pande demolished such theories as naked lies. Besides, the yajna altars and caityas at Nagarjunakonda have also been ruined. It is beyond doubt that these monuments as well as the stupa were decimated by the dear friends of the Communist historians, the barbaric Islamic hordes.

[2] Translators’ Note: It must be noted that the ‘hostility’ between these schools (of philosophy) amounts to verbal duels and name-calling; physical violence is neither prescribed nor practiced against the other. In the entire history of India, the violent confrontations between these schools have been minimal to the extent of being non-existent. It is incomparable to the extreme violence that characterizes the Abrahamic religions – both amongst themselves as well as against non-Abrahamic systems.

[3] Translators’ Note: The notion of Akbar’s religious tolerance and magnanimity towards Hindus must be seen in the context of the larger history of Hindu and Islamic empires. It must be contrasted with the typical religious bigotry of an average Muslim king all the way from the Delhi Sultanate and Akbar’s grandfather, Babur. Therefore, Akbar’s so-called religious tolerance was an aberration and when juxtaposed with the average Hindu king, he pales in comparison. 

Shatavadhani Dr. R. Ganesh Pushyamitra Shunga The Valour of Pushyamitra Shunga r ganesh

Shatavadhani Dr. R. Ganesh

Dr. Ganesh is a 'shatavadhani' and one of India’s foremost Sanskrit poets and scholars. He writes and lectures extensively on various subjects pertaining to India and Indian cultural heritage. He is a master of the ancient art of avadhana and is credited with reviving the art in Kannada. He is a recipient of the Badarayana-Vyasa Puraskar from the President of India for his contribution to the Sanskrit 
http://prekshaa.in/valour-pushyamitra-shunga/#.WlQHDzfhXIW

It’s Time to Bomb North Korea, destroy Pyongyang's nuclear arsenal -- Edward Luttwak

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A neocon who previously advised the State Department, the National Security Council and the U.S. military recommends that the U.S. bomb North Korea even if it means sacrificing the lives of many of the 20 million South Koreans living in and around Seoul.
U.S. Air Force B-1B Lancer bombers flying with F-35B fighter jets and South Korean Air Force F-15K fighter jets on September 18, 2017 in Gangwon-do, South Korea. (Getty Images) 

It’s Time to Bomb North Korea

Destroying Pyongyang’s nuclear arsenal is still in America’s national interest.

Each test would have been an excellent occasion for the United States to finally decide to do to North Korea what Israel did to Iraq in 1981, and to Syria in 2007 — namely, use well-aimed conventional weapons to deny nuclear weapons to regimes that shouldn’t have firearms, let alone weapons of mass destruction. Fortunately, there is still time for Washington to launch such an attack to destroy North Korea’s nuclear arsenal. It should be earnestly considered rather than rejected out of hand.Of course, there are reasons not to act against North Korea. But the most commonly cited ones are far weaker than generally acknowledged.

One mistaken reason to avoid attacking North Korea is the fear of direct retaliation.
One mistaken reason to avoid attacking North Korea is the fear of direct retaliation.
 The U.S. intelligence community has reportedly claimed that North Korea already has ballistic missiles with nuclear warheads that can reach as far as the United States. But this is almost certainly an exaggeration, or rather an anticipation of a future that could still be averted by prompt action. The first North Korean nuclear device that could potentially be miniaturized into a warhead for a long-range ballistic missile was tested on September 3, 2017, while its first full-scale ICBM was only tested on November 28, 2017. If the North Koreans have managed to complete the full-scale engineering development and initial production of operational ballistic missiles with nuclear warheads in the short time since then — and on their tiny total budget — then their mastery of science and engineering would be entirely unprecedented and utterly phenomenal. It is altogether more likely that they have yet to match warheads and missiles into an operational weapon.


It’s true that North Korea could retaliate for any attack by using its conventional rocket artillery against the South Korean capital of Seoul and its surroundings, where almost 20 million inhabitants live within 35 miles of the armistice line. U.S. military officers have cited the fear of a “sea of fire” to justify inaction. But this vulnerability should not paralyze U.S. policy for one simple reason: It is very largely self-inflicted.
When then-U.S. President Jimmy Carter decided to withdraw all U.S. Army troops from South Korea 40 years ago (ultimately a division was left behind), the defense advisors brought in to help — including myself — urged the Korean government to move its ministries and bureaucrats well away from the country’s northern border and to give strong relocation incentives to private companies. South Korea was also told to mandate proper shelters, as in Zurich for example, where every new building must have its own (under bombardment, casualties increase dramatically if people leave their homes to seek shelter). In recent years, moreover, South Korea has had the option of importing, at moderate cost, Iron Dome batteries, which are produced by both Israel and the United States, that would be capable of intercepting 95 percent of North Korean rockets headed to inhabited structures.

But over these past four decades, South Korean governments have done practically nothing along these lines. The 3,257 officially listed “shelters” in the Seoul area are nothing more than underground shopping malls, subway stations, and hotel parking lots without any stocks of food or water, medical kits or gas masks. As for importing Iron Dome batteries, the South Koreans have preferred to spend their money on developing a bomber aimed at Japan.

Even now, casualties could still be drastically reduced by a crash resilience program. This should involve clearing out and hardening with jacks, props, and steel beams the basements of buildings of all sizes; promptly stocking necessities in the 3,257 official shelters and sign-posting them more visibly; and, of course, evacuating as many as possible beforehand (most of the 20 million or so at risk would be quite safe even just 20 miles further to the south). The United States, for its part, should consider adding vigorous counterbattery attacks to any airstrike on North Korea.

Nonetheless, given South Korea’s deliberate inaction over many years, any damage ultimately done to Seoul cannot be allowed to paralyze the United States in the face of immense danger to its own national interests, and to those of its other allies elsewhere in the world. North Korea is already unique in selling its ballistic missiles, to Iran most notably; it’s not difficult to imagine it selling nuclear weapons, too.
Another frequently cited reason for the United States to abstain from an attack — that it would be very difficult to pull off — is even less convincing. The claim is that destroying North Korean nuclear facilities would require many thousands of bombing sorties. But all North Korean nuclear facilities — the known, the probable, and the possible — almost certainly add up to less than fewer dozen installations, most of them quite small. Under no reasonable military plan would destroying those facilities demand thousands of airstrikes.

Unfortunately, this would not be the first time that U.S. military planning proved unreasonable. The United States Air Force habitually rejects one-time strikes, insisting instead on the total “Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses.” This is a peculiar conceit whereby every single air-defense radar, surface-to-air missile, airstrip, and combat aircraft in a given country must be bombed to destruction to safeguard U.S. pilots from any danger, instead of just bombing the targets that actually matter. Given that North Korea’s radars, missiles, and aircraft are badly outdated, with their antique electronics long since countermeasured, the Air Force’s requirements are nothing but an excuse for inaction. Yes, a more limited air attack might miss a wheelbarrow or two, but North Korea has no nuclear-warhead mobile missile launchers to miss — not yet.
Perhaps the only good reason to hesitate before ordering an attack on North Korea is China.
Perhaps the only good reason to hesitate before ordering an attack on North Korea is China.
 But that’s not because Beijing would intervene against the United States. The notion that China is North Korea’s all-around protector is badly out of date. Yes, the Chinese do not want to see North Korea disappear with U.S. troops moving up to the Yalu River and China’s border. But President Xi Jinping’s support for maximum economic sanctions, including a de facto blockade of oil imports — a classic act of war — amounts to a change of sides when it comes to North Korean nuclear weapons. Anybody who believes China would act on North Korea’s behalf in the event of an American attack against its nuclear installations has not been paying attention.


But China’s shift has surfaced a quite different reason for the United States not to bomb: While North Korea’s acquisition of nuclear weapons is of course very dangerous, it does ensure its independence from Chinese influence. In a post-strike scenario, the Pyongyang regime might well crumble, with the country becoming a Chinese ward. That could give Beijing dominant influence over South Korea as well, given the preference of some South Koreans — including President Moon Jae-in, according to reports — for Chinese as opposed to American patronage. A China-dominated Korean Peninsula would make Japan less secure and the United States much less of a Pacific power.

In theory, a post-attack North Korea in chaos could be rescued by the political unification of the peninsula, with the United States assuaging Chinese concerns by promptly moving its troops further south, instead of moving them north. In practice, however, this would be a difficult plan to carry out, not least because South Korea’s government and its population are generally unwilling to share their prosperity with the miserably poor northerners, as the West Germans once did with their East German compatriots.

For now, it seems clear that U.S. military authorities have foreclosed a pre-emptive military option. But the United States could still spare the world the vast dangers of a North Korea with nuclear-armed long-range missiles if it acts in the remaining months before they become operational.

It’s true that India, Israel, and Pakistan all have those weapons, with no catastrophic consequences so far. But each has proven its reliability in ways that North Korea has not. Their embassies, for instance, don’t sell hard drugs or traffic in forged banknotes. More pertinently, those other countries have gone through severe crises, and even fought wars, without ever mentioning nuclear weapons, let alone threatening their use as Kim Jong Un already has. North Korea is different, and U.S. policy should recognize that reality before it is too late.

Edward Luttwak is a senior associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and the author of Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace.


India’s dire contemporary challenges -- Gautam Sen

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India’s dire contemporary challenges
The significant positive outcome of a retreat of state patronage, as the dynamic in society, will be the creation of a more autonomous citizen. Such a citizen’s future will be less dependent on engaging with the goodwill of a corruptible state system.

Featured Image: (Plan for Amaravati, Andhra Pradesh) The Hindu
http://www.thehindu.com/migration_catalog/article10456065.ece/ALTERNATES/LANDSCAPE_615/amaravathi 

India today is undergoing a two-fold transformation that cannot but prove difficult for many and painful for some. The justifiable glee over the repossession of Lutyens bungalows, illegally occupied by beneficiaries of unjust patronage, is only of superficial moment. Similarly, the end of the unwholesome bonhomie between the prime minister and the media during his visits abroad is welcome but only hints at a larger phenomenon of transformation. Many other changes, from the withdrawal of indiscriminate and hugely expensive security details for all and sundry to enforcing disciplined attendance at work, are symptoms of a much deeper process at work. And a fortuitous accident of fate has created in Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the vehicle for implementing this far-reaching underlying change and the profound socioeconomic and political phenomenon that it implies.

What is actually occurring in India is the decisive curtailment of a system of state patronage with very long historical roots. It is also alluding to the rise of a more meritocratic order that threatens to undermine established hierarchies, stabilised by privileges of birth, which an impatient urbanising India is challenging. Some of the protest over caste reservations in Gujarat, Rajasthan and elsewhere is an aspect of the discontent unwilling to accept an order that has produced privileged new elites under the guise of social justice. The contemporary contours of the system of state patronage and privileges of birth may have been shaped after independence, but its socio-cultural antecedents are much older. Indeed it has dominated the Indian polity since the rise of Muslim power in India. And it endured in a modified form during British rule, when special preferment was extended to native collaborators who aided the continuance and operation of colonial rule.

Of course state patronage and associated privileges are always present in any polity, but likely to become the dominant mode of governance and social reproduction during foreign occupation because collaborators are created by extending special privileges. It also acquires prominence when the polity and society are unduly fractured and difficult to govern as a collectivity and the state authority remains vulnerable to disorder emanating from below. This is a situation vulnerable to patronage and compromises, designed to bind the polity together, however dysfunctional the result in the aggregate, which Indian reality highlights. Of course ideology and policy choices, like expanding employment within a public sector, can reinforce patronage as a method of manipulation, which also happened in independent India. Yet the inevitable paradox is that demographic and accompanying societal change will provoke tensions over state patronage, with the state unable to accommodate large numbers of newer claimants excluded from its pre-existing networks of privilege.

In India, there has since independence been an unceasing struggle between state patronage as a mode of governance and the dynamics of civil autonomy, particularly refracted through market relations, i.e. how the economy is organised and functions. The faltering of the economy and necessary outcomes to prevent a downward spiral of competition between claimants for shares of static resources prompted greater play being allowed to markets that empowered civil society as a result. The empowering of civil society in this context results in less dependence on state patronage and privileges to operate and succeed. It also creates space for meritocratic primacy though its operation in Indian society remains constrained by legal inhibitions of reservation policy to remedy historic inequities. But India’s constraints on meritocracy are a matter of degree. The private marketplace is outside the domain of reservation policies and merit and performance play a much greater role in dictating individual advancement in it. It goes without saying that the retreat of state patronage does not imply an irrelevance of regulatory intervention by it to ensure efficient and equitable functioning of markets that cannot in fact operate in conditions approximating to a fictive state of nature.

The significant positive outcome of a retreat of state patronage, as the dynamic in society, will be the creation of a more autonomous citizen. Such a citizen’s future will be less dependent on engaging with the goodwill of a corruptible state system. And it will reduce the automatic imputation of outcomes and failures to the state, making governance of the polity a less fraught task. A society that is less politicised on numerous axes also has a better chance of achieving greater social harmony and creating more unity of purpose. But the transition from a society in which state patronage dominates to one in which civil society attains greater autonomy also precipitates instability and conflict. The process creates losers and winners and the former suffer greater setback than winners. The winners may be more numerous, but gain modestly as individuals and will not be motivated to exert themselves overly in favour of the transition. By contrast, the losers, as erstwhile wielders of political, socioeconomic power and authority, are in a position to fight hard to retain the privileges they enjoyed under state patronage.

It is this situation of a deadly domestic contest that India under Narendra Modi is encountering and finding difficult to adequately address. A collateral aspect of this struggle is the contemporaneous international dimension associated with the transformational retreat of state patronage in India. The local domestic resistance to change becomes entangled with the international. Domestic opponents of the transition from state patronage will use all means at their disposal to thwart the ensuing transformation and international adversaries of India will combine with Indian domestic discontent to achieve parochial national goals in relation to the emerging resurgent India. And this phenomenon has been laid bare by recent political upheaval in India. What is increasingly visible is that the erstwhile leading political class, advised by foreign agencies connected to governments and local assets of India’s adversaries, Naxalites and the Jihadi elements, are acting in concert to provoke disorder.
The incumbent elites, political class and bureaucracy and the vast retinue that benefited under state patronage, is understandably aggrieved and unwilling to give up their privileged status, in favour of some putative higher purpose. From bureaucrats, furious at the curtailment of bribery income that funded their handsome life styles, to the previously dominant political class itself resisting and reversing the juggernaut of change is virtually a matter of life-and-death. Having failed to thwart Narendra Modi at the polls since the emergent new India has also created a growing constituency favouring the imperfect transformation to end state patronage that has begun haltingly, a more radical strategy of disruption to stop his programme change is being adopted. If that also fails, the assassination of Narendra Modi, on whom the end of the era of state patronage apparently depends, becomes a real threat since many in the BJP would also prefer a quiet life by making a deal with beneficiaries of the status quo.
In the meantime, the age-old subterfuge of rulers, always so effective in India, is to identify and inflame extant or dormant societal fissures and fault lines. Caste and religious identity are the most promising of these and signs that they were being overlaid by newer concerns of Indians everywhere, with governance and economic aspirations, have prompted an urgency to arouse animosities latent in both. There is a regional and linguistic dimension lurking as well that is evident in the renewed attempt to prompt dissensions over language and region, in Karnataka and, in recent days, between West Bengal and Assam over illegal migrants, whom the CM of West Bengal has chosen to champion. One mundane aspect of the gross provocations being sponsored by the Congress party and its allies is the ease with which alleged leaders can be created, bought and patronised to instigate social chaos through violence. One critical dimension of the situation is the hope that relatively modest instances of street violence can be turned into major conflagration of damaging proportions if the authorities make an ill judged response, as occurred in the 1980s Punjab.

The experience of the Punjab during the 1980s also highlights a salutary lesson about the ability of India’s foreign adversaries to interfere in such crises, indeed play a role in instigating them. The key external players, each for their own reasons, are the Sino-Pak alliance and of course the historic foe of Hinduism, the church, infinitely duplicitous and matchless in its sophistication for skulduggery. In the case of the former, especially Pakistan, derailing India’s economic advance that threatens to relegate it and its ambitions to a minor footnote in history, is now an imperative. In this project Pakistan has the solicitous assistance of China though the latter outwardly dismisses India as an economic competitor, viewing it through the prism of its ancient racial prejudices, now deepened by its own extraordinary economic advance. But the church, despite all its manifold internal schisms and conflicting identities, remains the primary origin of bottomless enmity towards the civilisation of Indica. Discreetly rejoicing at the decisive extirpation of its historic enemy of Jewry the church is hoping to disempower and destroy Brahmins, the source of the detested remaining coherent intellectual challenge to the primacy of its world-view, underpinning ascendancy of people of European racial ancestry.
The desperation of ruling parties like Congress, communists and other episodic political actors, sponsored from abroad, threatened with termination is understandable. Their willingness to collaborate with external subversion to survive, although it would also grievously injure their own country as a result, is unsurprising and happens routinely elsewhere in the world too. With an existential threat to their entire way of life, sources of sustenance and social status, many Indian political parties are seeking help from adversaries of India for whom creating chaos and territorial losses are the principal goals. The fate of the Middle East and in fact the USSR as well after 1990 is an illustration of the dangers, with the US and its NATO allies wreaking permanent devastation on these regions. Foreign intervention to assist political forces resisting India’s transformation from a system of state patronage to a high performing economy and unified society takes many subtle and obvious forms. The acquisition of important stakes in the Indian media by Christian fronts is but one important example of blatant intervention to impact local political outcomes.
The most important external agencies active in creating disorder are the myriad surrogates of the Sino-Pakistani alliance and evangelists. The latter, in conjunction with Washington, has embedded itself in Indian society especially since 1999 with a degree of durability from which it is problematic for India to extricate itself. It is now clear that Manmohan Singh was chosen as PM by Washington and there is eerie indication of Union Cabinet ministers, some of them clandestine religious converts, being nominated by evangelist organisations in conjunction with the US government. The idea that Indian journalists, of no particular standing except high exposure on television channels and as op-ed columnists and some minor fixers like Niira Radia, were recommending candidates for ministerial office to the prime minister on their own initiative alone is unsustainable. They were essentially fronts for significant external agents. In any case, the Sino-Pakistani alliance also directly controls entire political movements and one of the most prominent in UP assisted terrorists in 2005, according to a senior RAW functionary.

India is massively infiltrated by external foes and many Indians abroad have been suborned by agencies of the countries where they reside. Virtually all social scientists and humanities academics abroad are ideologically hostile to India. The hostility stems from profound cultural and personal socialisation, which is not based on some claim to ethical concerns and intellectual cognition, but entirely hollow. One can hardly take virtually anything they posit seriously, echoing as it does the motivated op-ed columns associated with government agencies. But the real explanation for the illogical and bizarre views some of the most prominent regularly express is more mundane. They are often agents of foreign governments or victims of blackmail, as recent exposure for sexual peccadilloes by a host of them in US universities highlights. The recent attempt by hundreds of Indian-origin academics in the most hallowed portals of international academia to subvert India’s engagement with Silicon Valley to achieve its mission to digitise is but one example of their perversity and willingness to cause harm to their country of birth. And it is shocking to observe some of these individuals enjoy extraordinary access to the most senior politicians and bureaucrats in India.

The future of India currently hangs in the balance, with established parties fearing political oblivion in the 2019 general elections, effectively declaring war. Their willingness to countenance civil war by provoking caste and communal violence, in association with foreign agencies, is an indication of the climactic moment India has reached. Congress leader Mani Shankar Aiyar inviting Pakistani help to thwart Prime Minister Modi likely lacks substantive connotation, but has enormous symbolic significance. Hinting as it does on the removal of the elected Prime Minister of the country it underlines a huge danger for India. An attempt to assassinate of the Prime Minister remains an ominous threat that must be taken seriously. It will plunge the country into civil war, exactly as its sworn enemies, China and Pakistan hope and cause huge setback to the promise of national economic advance and greater social harmony. The evangelists take a long-term view and would regard chaos in India as an opportunity for a massive wave of conversions, a scenario they have taken advantage of during Nepal’s civil war, converting a third of the population. The failure of the Indian state to grasp the nature of the threat and its uncertain response to it should alarm its supporters.

Dr. Gautam Sen is President, World Association of Hindu Academicians and Co-director of the Dharmic Ideas and Policy Foundation. He taught international political economy at the London School of Economics and Political Science for over two decades.

Visiting Natyashastra in the Ancient Paramparaa: A Vyaakhyaa by Prof Bharat Gupt -- Rashma Kalsie

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Visiting Natyashastra in the Ancient Paramparaa: A Vyaakhyaa by Prof Bharat Gupt
Unlike today the audience of ancient India was not fragmented and art was accessible to everyone. There was no rural-urban divide, the same plays were enjoyed by the elite and the common man. In fact, Natya bridged the distance between the rulers and the ordinary citizens.
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While our Shastras continue to be ignored at home and even ridiculed by the left liberals, some of our age old theories are being packaged as new thoughts of the millennium. David Mamet, the iconic American playwright-screenwriter-director, has propounded what he refers to as, ‘The unified field theory of aesthetics’. This theory may sound esoteric to the American students (including MITians) but it is not new to Indians.
Bharata Muni had given India it unified aesthetics theory some 2,500 years ago. The Natyashastra had laid down common principles of aesthetics for all arts. The principles for making an aesthetically pleasing spoon could be applied to drama and vice versa. The tenets of Natyashastra were equally relevant to the useful arts and the fine arts. Unfortunately this great text is now limited to conferences and a small academic circle.
Visiting Natyashastra In The Ancient Parampara Article 4
An idyllic setting in Ramgarh in Uttarkhand where Prof Gupt conducted a traditional style vyaakhayaa on Natyashastra
Indra Gandhi National Centre for the Arts and Aurobindo Ashram had recently organized a week-long lecture series, ‘Natyashastra with Abhinavabhaartii’, by an eminent Classicist and Natyashastra scholar of our times, Prof Bharat Gupt. Not only was Ramgarh in Uttarkhand an idyllic setting for studying an ancient text, but Dr Gupt made it even more authentic by conducting the whole series in the traditional style. Most scholars take a western approach to analyze and lecture on the ancient texts, which means a lecture followed by a quick Q & A. However, Prof Gupt went with the traditional style vyaakhayaa. In the traditional Indian method the speaker reads the text in Sanskrit, translates it, puts forth the commentaries on the text and then relates it to the modern practice. This traditional approach preserves the wholeness of the text. The Western approach fragments the text and the audience does not get a complete overview. Indian arts needs to be seen in the context of history, culture, social relations, social makeup and political background. It cannot be seen in isolation. In Abhinavagupta’s words a great scholar should look at the text like a man sees an olive in his palm. “Hastaamalaka’ is the metaphor for seeing the Shaastra in totality. Prof Gupt did just that through his vyaakhyaa.
It was impossible to discuss all the 6,000 kaarikaas given in the 36 chapters of Natyashastra in the given time of 7 days in thirty hours, therefore only the essential kaarikaas were discussed in detail. Kaarikaa is a shloka that executes meaning. For starters Prof Gupt demolished the major controversy around the date of Natyashastra. He cited evidence to prove Natyashastra was written in the fifth century BC, and not the second century AD as claimed by the Western scholars. The most crucial evidence being that Bharata Muni lived before Panini, the Sanskrit grammarian, who is estimated to have lived around 520 BC. Further, sage Valmiki has used Natyashastra’s vocabulary in Ramayana, which proves that Bharata Muni existed at a time before Valmiki. The dating of Natyashastra is significant because it implies that Aristotle’s Poetics was written at a much later date compared to Natyashastra. In which case, there’s a possibility that Aristotle borrowed from Natyashastra and not vice versa. Unlike Poetics, Natyashastra was not written by one person. Indian texts were written by a group of scholars over a long period of time. Bharata Muni had compiled it from earlier texts and his hundred disciples expanded the Natyashastra.
The story of the origin of Natyashastra is just as interesting. The legend goes that in the Treta yuga, when sattva was declining and there was a mix of happiness and unhappiness, Indra asked Brahma to create a ‘play’ or activity to please the mind through the aural and the visual senses.  Also, the pleasure that Indra was seeking was not the sensory pleasure, but a pleasure of the elevated kind. Indra emphasized the need for knowledge for the illiterate persons who had no knowledge of the Vedas.
Hence, Lord Brahma created the Natyaveda and instructed Bharata Muni to create the Natyashastra for the art of natya or theatre. Bharata Muni borrowed the text or ‘path’ from Rig Veda, music from Sam Veda, abhinaya from Yajur Veda and the concept of rasa from Ayurveda. Prof Gupt expanded on the relationship between Ayurveda and natya. He said natya acts as a medicine and restores balance in the human body. It brings you back to a state of emotional balance which was distorted due to worldly tribulations. It should be noted that Natya had an elevated status in ancient India.
Amrtamanthan, the first play created and staged by Bharata Muni, has also been a subject of controversy. The play and its theme have been wrongly interpreted by the scholars as a fight between the Aryan and the Dravidian races. Prof Gupt is of the view that the conflict between the devas and the asuras should be seen as the conflict of values and not interpreted in historic and anthropological terms.
One by one all the conflicts around Natyashastra were taken up and resolved. Talking of the theater halls, Prof Gupt said, that on the one hand there is detailed description of natyagrihas/theater halls, but on the other we find no archaeological remains of the theater halls. In contrast, remains of Greek theaters can be found not only in Greece but also as far as  Afghanistan. Prof Gupt explained that the natyagrihas were temporary structures and were dismantled at the end of the play. Just like there are no remains of the thousands of ancient Yagyasthalas, there are no remains of the natyagrihas. Even stage props were ‘pusta’ or fragile and temporary. Further, he gave the example of the modern-day Hindu Wedding mandap. Even today for every wedding the mandap is erected and dismantled after the wedding.
Visiting Natyashastra In The Ancient Parampara Article 2
Bharat Gupt during a session
Unlike today the audience of ancient India was not fragmented and the art was accessible to everyone.  There was no rural-urban divide, the same plays were enjoyed by the elite and the common man. In fact, Natya bridged the distance between the rulers and the ordinary citizens. The king or the rich patron along with the residents of the town/village participated in the yagya and the construction of the natyagrah. Hence from the construction of the theater hall to the last day of the performance, theater was a community affair. Theater was funded by the rich patrons, the community and the temples. Theater did not depend on the royal patronage only, hence theater was not liable to censor or follow political correctness. Natya performances happened throughout the year. There were multiple productions in a town. Hence many natyagrihas had to be constructed and there may have been multiple patrons. If we had to conjure the image of ancient India, by the description given in the Natyashastra, it would appear to the modern eye as a colourful, festive place that came alive every evening with dance, music and theatrical performances.
Another distinct feature of the ancient Indian theater was the emphasis on gesture, dance and body movement. Prof Gupt emphasized the difference by calling Western theater, ‘the theater of dialogue’. He said in Indian theater, body was the main medium of storytelling. Abhinaya has four parts  – aangika (body), vaacika (dialogue), saattvika (emotions) and aaharya (costume). According to the Indian aesthetic theory, verbal language is incapable of depicting the cosmos, hence it is just one of the abhinayas.
What with shrinking attention span, there’s a trend to produce plays with a running time under two hours. Compare the modern trend with the ancient theater where even the prelude to the play was two hours long. Puurvaranga or the prelude had a set sequence of music, dance, singing, prayer and jest. While an elaborate puurvaranga was performed at the start of the play, a short puurvaranga was performed every day.  This means a full-length play such as Abhijnanashaakuntalam could not have been performed in one day. Prof Gupt concluded that only one act could have been performed in a day and a seven-act-play would have been performed over eight to ten days.
The interrelation between natya, nrtta and sculpture is a fine example of the unified aesthetics theory in ancient India. Natyashastra talks about pindi bandha, which were part of the puurvaranga.Pindi bandhas were specific postures to depict a devata, for instance samapaada posture depicts Vishnu. Later pindi bandhas became prototype for sculptures and temple icons. Prof Gupt emphasized that all the icons in temples are dance icons and the origin of sculpture is in natyakaranas or Nrtta.
Natyashastra is not limited to theater craft and aesthetic principles. The rasa siddhanta, which is the foundation of the Indian aesthetics theory, goes deep into the psychology of drama and the psyche of the spectator. Rasa siddhanta is unique to Indian aesthetics theory. The literal meaning of rasa is juice. According to Bharata Muni rasa is extracted from the other ten elements of drama. Bharata Muni says there’s no meaning without rasa. Bharata Muni was clear about what was acceptable as art. He says only those arts that are worthy, are rasa vishesh. Not every kind of rasa is suitable for attainment of dharma, artha, kama, and moksha. Hence art that merely entertains, gives lowly pleasure or titillates is not capable of rasa. It gives the impression of rasabhaasrasa ka abhaas. But it is not socially, mentally healthy. For instance porn. Only that which has asvaadyatva (worthiness of tasting) is rasa.
Bharata Muni has drawn a parallel between drama and food to explain the concept of rasa. He says when an open-minded spectator sees acting which is embellished with different bhavas, gestures and acting, the spectator experiences joy just as a person experiences joy on eating a dish which has been flavoured with spices and condiments. Prof Gupt emphasized the spectator does not create rasa, he is suffused in it.
Prof Gupt was categorical there are only eight rasas in Natyashastra. Some students put forth the ninth rasa, which is referred to as shaanta rasa. Prof Gupt said Bharat Muni did not add shaanta rasa to the list because shaantarasa and its originator sthayibhava  (nirveda/vairagya), cannot be enacted in detail on stage.
Closely related to the concept of rasa is vibhaava. Bharata Muni says vibhaava is that which expands the meaning by using the techniques of theater such as abhinaya. The root word for bhava is bhu. If you burn an incense stick, its aroma pervades. This is bhaavayan. Likewise an actor has to pervade the audience. He has to affect the audience. Bharata explains that actor is the vibhaava and he takes up the bhaava and the meaning. Through gestures and acting the audience infers the meaning. These gestures are anubhava. Bhaava (thoughts plus feelings) is carried by vibhaava and deciphered through anubhavas.
Bharata Muni says that just as fire pervades the dry wood and the whole forest starts burning, likewise the intent or the meaning pervades the body of the actor and reaches the spectators and all the spectators are affected. This bhaava expansion is the cause of rasa.
Prof Gupt discussed the commentary of the four great commentators on the rasasutra– Lollata, Sankuka, Bhattanayak, and Abhinavagupta.
Abhinavagupta uses the analogy of the deer chase in Abhijnanashakuntalam to analyze rasasutra. He explains that on seeing the deer chase the spectator feels no anxiety for the deer because there is no earthly reality of what is being seen. Neither the deer, nor the chaser are real. The self of the spectator is neither assertive, nor subdued. Since dramatic emotion is impersonal it is felt in a special way. In drama we can step away from personal. Further Abhinavagupta says, that the experience of a single spectator is influenced by the community of spectators. When the community of spectators is offered the same pratiti, the resultant experience (sadharanikarana) is so strong. This single unifying experience which is deeply felt by the audience is rasa.
Prof Gupt put forth his own analysis of the sutra. He said rasa is not just in transformation of sthaayiibhaavas but in the union of sthaayii with anubhaava, vibhaava, and sanchaarii. The union of vibhaava, anubhaava, and sanchaarii bhavas forces the spectator to forget everything. It is then that the spectator is in total tanmayataa with the natya and this complete union (samyukti) is rasa. Prof Gupt says that rasa is extreme extroversion, going out of yourself to unite with the prayoga.
Last of all, Prof Gupt examined the position of rasa in Marxist theory. He said the followers of Karl Marx believe that rasa is dangerous because it causes escape. To them the purpose of theater is revolution, not escape or aesthetic beauty or rasa.
Coming to the application of rasa siddhaanta to other arts, Prof Gupt explained the principles and definitions of rasa given in Natyashastra will not apply in the same way to other arts and media. There has to be a different grammar and definition for other arts. For instance in a painting the balance of colours results in rasaRasa and bliss are synonyms in one sense, but not every sense. Prof Gupt emphasized that rasa is not bound by time. Bharata Muni’s rasa concept is not only for ancient plays, it can be applied to modern plays as well. Notion of beauty may change but the end result or rasa is the same. Most scholars dispute that Aristotle has called ‘Katharsis’ as the purpose of drama. Prof Gupt criticized scholars for having read the Poetics in parts. Because Aristotle has said that we go to watch a play for ‘proper pleasure’. The word for ‘pleasure’ is ‘Hedone’. Katharsis is one of the things that emerges watching tragedy, but not the main thing. ‘Pleasure proper’ to that genre of performance, that is tragedy/comedy/satirikon, is what we seek. Proper pleasure to a tragic play is tragedy and likewise for comedy and satirikon.
Prof Gupt said that looking at all the vyakhyas and analysis we can conclude that pleasure is the primary cause of seeking art.
In the context of rural theater, Prof Gupt remarked that the sophistication of ancient Indian theater has been lost for 900 years. Remnants of traditional drama survive in dance forms like ‘bhavai’ and ‘koodiyatam’ etc. There was a constant flow, travel and exchange of artists and manuscripts between the rural and the urban India. There were educational institutions even in small villages. Theater had multiple patrons and companies toured the production all over the country. Hence rural theater was as sophisticated as city theatre.  After Turkish invasion in the 11th century theatre could not be performed in the openly cities as Islamic rulers did not permit it.
Prof Gupt busted the biggest myth around ancient Indian theater. He said Indian theater is wrongly referred to as ‘Sanskrit theater’. Sanskrit was one of the many languages spoken in the ancient plays. The plays were multi-lingual. Only 20 to 30% lines were in Sanskrit. Most characters spoke Praakrta languages like Avanti, Maaghdii, Sharaseni etc. Natyashastra clearly lays down rules for who will speak which language with whom. For instance Devas spoke Ati Bhasha or old Sanskrit, the kings spoke mostly in Sanskrit and illiterate and poor people spoke in Praakrta languages. There is an exhaustive list of people and the languages they would speak in which situation.
Visiting Natyashastra In The Ancient Parampara Article 1
Group Photograph with Dr Bharat Gupt, participants and scholars
Natyashastra deals in every aspect of theater. From toe and eyebrow movements to music to musical instruments to actor’s make up to costumes to character delineation to the director’s job, Natyashastra discusses everything in great detail. It is evident that the ancient drama was a highly sophisticated art form and the audience was well versed with the language of the theater. Looking at Natyashastra we can only imagine the richness of art forms at that time.

Rashma N. Kalsie is an Indian writer-playwright based in Australia. She is the founder of Indian Diaspora Dramatics Association. Rashma’s work besides novels and plays includes the plays Padma Shri Prahasana (India Habitat Centre, Delhi), Melbourne Talam (Southbank Theater followed by seven city tour of regional Victoria, Australia).
http://indiafacts.org/visiting-natyashastra-ancient-paramparaa-vyaakhyaa-prof-bharat-gupt/

Harvard's Tamil Professorship scam

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Co-Founder of “Harvard Tamil Chair” Agrees to Pull Plug on $6 Million and Concurs with Dr. Ayyadurai That It Was Mistake to Fund Harvard
U.S. Senate Candidate Dr. Shiva Ayyadurai has stopped Harvard University’s attempt to pilfer trillions of dollars worth of indigenous artifacts through the sale of a “Harvard Tamil Chair” professorship. Harvard sought to collect $6 Million from the Tamil diaspora worldwide, who had no idea of Harvard’s business model of selling professorships to fund its $35 Billion hedge fund investments. Tamil is the oldest surviving language with the richest body of poetry, art, and literature known to humankind, along with hundreds of thousands of sacred artifacts codified in palm leaf manuscripts embodying the scientific, technological and medical knowledge spanning at least 5,000 years of the Tamilians, the indigenous people of the Indian subcontinent, who today primarily reside in Tamil Nadu.

According to Dr. Ayyadurai, “The fundraising effort in the name of setting up a Tamil Chair is a ruse that exemplifies Harvard’s habitual exploitation of indigenous people. This is an egregious example akin to a burglar asking you to pay money to buy a rickety ladder to rob your own home. Harvard is asking Tamilians to pay $6 million for a professorship that will be used to rob their own historic artifacts worth trillions of dollars representing the ‘Holy Grail’ of the world’s most highly-prized indigenous knowledge.” Harvard will then proceed to use access to those artifacts to rewrite and hegemonize Tamil history, an unfortunate and recurrent process that Harvard has done for far too long to many indigenous cultures.

A Hedge Fund Masquerading as a University
Harvard’s financial statements reveal that the university is fundamentally a tax-exempt Wall Street hedge fund with cash and investments of nearly $35 Billion. In 2016 alone, Harvard’s capital marketing campaign raised $7 Billion, with its hedge fund in 2017 yielding $2 billion in gross profits. The operating budget further reveals that professors and administrators effectively serve as business development staff to attract wealthy donors to fund Chairs and professorships that finance their lucrative hedge fund. In 2017, as the Boston Globe reported, Harvard’s seven top hedge fund managers earned a total of nearly $58 million in compensation.

Dr. Ayyadurai said, “As these numbers indicate, Harvard is a hedge fund masquerading as a University, which perpetuates this facade by reinvesting large portions of its hedge fund proceeds to unleash propaganda that it is a ‘world-renowned’ institution of higher learning and scholarliness dedicated to advancing humankind. This branding attracts financing from well-meaning folks, compelled to ‘join the club’ so their children get preferential treatment when applying to Harvard and access to Harvard’s insider network. This dynamic is rarely discussed in the mainstream media.” Nearly one-third of the students admitted to Harvard are beneficiaries of a well-documented legacy and preferential admission system that is not merit-based but on “who you know” or who donated money.

Dr. Ayyadurai’s leadership in opposing the “Harvard Tamil Chair” has led to significant discussions on social media. Questions are being raised about why Harvard exists. Does Harvard exist as a center of research and learning? Or, does Harvard exist to enrich itself through its hedge fund activities? Given the historic value of Tamil, why didn’t Harvard fund Tamil studies with its own $6 million, particularly given that the amount would be a paltry sum (which would be less than one-tenth of one-percent of the $7 billion Harvard raised from its recent 2016 capital campaign)?
Harvard’s Victimization of Indigenous Peoples
Dr. Vijay Janakiraman, the co-founder of the Harvard Tamil Chair effort to raise the $6 million, claimed he was unaware of Harvard’s business practices until his recent phone conversation with Dr. Ayyadurai, who shared with him that Harvard is not only a hedge fund but also an institution that thrives on racism, corruption and exploitation of indigenous people. Dr. Janakiraman admitted he had naively believed that by donating money to Harvard, he was helping in the preservation and dissemination of the Tamil language.
Elizabeth Warren Pocahontas Victimization of Indigenous People
Harvard has a track record of destroying indigenous people’s heritage and culture by seizing control of their property, intellectual and otherwise. In 2011, an exposé revealed that Harvard used its hedge fund cash to take over land in Africa leading to forcible displacement of indigenous farmers. The Harvard Tamil Chair would have offered a gateway for Harvard to exercise control over the rare and ancient palm leaf manuscripts — the intellectual property of the indigenous people of Tamil Nadu. Harvard’s abusive treatment of Dr. Subramanian Swamy further exemplifies how they treat an indigenous Tamil scholar, who was dismissed for challenging Harvard’s party line. In contrast, Harvard uses its hedge fund profits to hire and retain Elizabeth Warren, who has never challenged Harvard’s exploitative practices. In fact, it paid her an exorbitant sum of $350,000 per year for teaching just one course.
The Harvard Office of the President was complicit with Warren, who shoplifted Native American identity in order to not just advance her career but also to benefit Harvard from Federal grants by misleading the government that they had a Native American on their staff. Warren went on to increase her net worth to over $10 million while the average net worth of African-Americans, segregated in Warren’s and Harvard’s own backyard in Cambridge and Boston, spiraled downward, as reported by the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, to a meager and unbelievable $8 (“Eight Dollars”).
Dr. Ayyadurai’s timely involvement, fortunately, has been a relief to Tamilians worldwide, who are pleased that Dr. Janakiraman, after listening to Dr. Ayyadurai, decided to stop funding Harvard. Dr. Janakiraman told Dr. Ayyadurai, “You are the expert. Tell me what to do and provide me guidance.”
The Emperor Has No Clothes
Dr. Ayyadurai’s plan involves galvanizing the Tamil population globally to build the first online Tamil University at TamilNadu.com, a media property Dr. Ayyadurai has owned since 1993 and will donate to the cause. The finest Tamil software engineers worldwide are volunteering to build a 21st century digital platform that will deliver the Tamil language to all who seek to learn it, across various skill levels. This approach will be far different than “Harvard Tamil Chair” that would have provided, at best, a rudimentary pre-kindergarten knowledge in Tamil language. The online video of Jonathan Ripley of Harvard University purportedly teaching Tamil language is evidence of this. The vocabulary in his lessons is limited to a few words — yes, no, this, that, what, hand, leg, tooth, stone, bag, and milk — which is nothing more than baby-talk. The TamilNadu.Com platform will further provide universal access to the ancient manuscripts to advance all humanity, in contrast to enabling Harvard’s predatory practices.

There is also growing evidence that people behind the Harvard effort appear to be Hebrew language chauvinists in academia and their allies who seek to deliberately cover up the preeminence of the Tamil language by ensuring that they control the historical narrative of Tamil and reduce it to some “goo goo ga ga” language. A comparison of the Hebrew script with the Tamil Brahmi script will confirm that Hebrew script is based on the older Brahmi script, an uncomfortable fact for the Hebrew chauvinists who suppress this fact.
Dr. Ayyadurai stated, “Harvard is a predatory institution that leeches of taxpayers and needs to be busted up and returned to the public to serve as a community college, as it was originally intended. Their teaching model is medieval and dead, relying on egomaniacal professors who think they know better than the rest of us. The Department of Justice must investigate the racial and religious composition of Harvard’s faculty to determine if any single group is overrepresented due to its chauvinist hiring practices.”
  1. You are a breath of fresh air on arcane issues like this that are beyond the comprehension or investigatory skills of even people like myself. I was District Director for the Fair Tax for TN 9th District for many years until around 2004 when it was clear the whole thing was a lost cause. Yet that work caused me to become more savvy about how things work behind the scenes. People are SO busy just trying to put food on their tables and support their families, grow their businesses. I am retired, living on less than $1000/mo, but my free time and love of liberty has only made me an even stronger an advocate for the U.S. Constitution, as ORIGINALLY WRITTEN, and not the sham enacted in 1933, when this government became a Corporation under Contractual and not true Common Law. I would love for you to please–in the limited time you have–to look into the situation I reference above and in reference by another retired woman who is a hero in my opinion: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PcruyJTfnCQ&t=2920s
    You will have to scroll back to watch from the beginning, don’t know why, but It is phenomenal what this woman has done for the cause of Liberty and truth. Her name is Deborah Tavares and like me and many of the troopers for this cause, we are the old-timers who remember what was even then an illusion of liberty until this horror of Globalist moles have done to our country, I have sent your site to about 10 reliable people on my mailing list encouraging them to look at your credentials and who you really are. God Bless you, good man. Gwyn Guess Memphis, TN

  2. What to say…whom to believe…. Our world has become so selfish…. Survival is the fittest has got an another meaning in this world… Tamilnadu.com should find its place strong deep into its own place and viewed by rest of others in the world. New generations fists and shoulders to be more strong enough to fight to prevent our Tamil language and culture. Long live Tamil.
  3. PvRajeswaran
    These revelations are not shocking to me.
    But one has to hear the other side -Harvard’s side – of the story.
    Please get Harvard to talk, come up with its arguments, with authentic proof of its activities
    Hebrew enthusiasts may play a game on Tamil. Quite possible, powerful as they are at Harvard.


https://shiva4senate.com/dr-shiva-ayyadurai-stops-harvard-tamil-professorship-scam/

Indus Script hypertexts on Anatolian artifacts

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Indus Script hypertexts: karba 'culm of millet' rebus: karba 'iron' dhAv 'throw of dice' rebus: dhAv 'red mineral ore' chattrāka n. ʻ mushroom ʼ ṣaḍvimśa Brāhmaṇa; B. H. chātā m. ʻ mushroom ʼ, Si. satta, ha°, pl. hatu; -- Or. chatū 
rebus: satti ‘spear’

Thanks to @blog_supplement for the two exquisite examples from Anatolia.

The circle-dot motif similar to Harappan and central Asian objects seen on this class of mysterious Anatolian figures from close to the time the first signs of the hittite language are attested


Another of the several such exemplars from the Kul Tepe site in Anatolia

Twelfth century statue stolen from Patan in Gujarat returns from London


Agastya as hunter killing mriga, Kashmir rock art, 5200-6000 BCE --रूपा भाटी‏

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kalyan97Tweet text
 
 

Tamil heritage is world heritage. Let not a chair be a celebration but peoples' participation.

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Awadhi. lakh. ẽṛuā ʻ seat of hemp or grass ʼஇருக்கை irukkai , n. < இரு-. [T. iruvu, K. iravu, M. irippu.] Sitting; பார்வலிருக்கை (புறநா. 3, 19). Tamil needs NOT a Harvard chair but peoples contributions to Bhāratīya sprachbund (language union) and world heritage.

Śunga, Śātavāhana itihāsa, Indus Script heritage of Bharhut, Sanchi, Amaravati, sippi 'metal sculptors', ayo kammaṭa 'alloy metal mint'

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https://tinyurl.com/yanql3kw

Indus Script form and function is based on vikalpa, chitra आभास ābhāsa, rebus Meluhha readings of Bhāratīya sprachbund (speech union).

Many sculptural friezes of Bharhut, Sanchi, Amaravati are abiding  testimonies of Art History of ancient Bhāratīya samskr̥ ti and itihāsa. This monograph demonstrates that  Śuṅga and  Sātavāhana rulerscontinued the Indus Script hypertext tradition to document their metalwork wealth-creation activities in the Rāṣṭram. Śuṅga was an ancient Indian dynasty from Magadha that controlled areas of the central and eastern Indian subcontinent from around 187 to 78 BCE. The dynasty was established by Pushyamitra Śunga, after the fall of the Maurya Empire. Its capital was Pāṭalīputra, but later emperors such as Bhagabhadra also held court at Besnagar (modern Vidiśa) in eastern Malwa.

Satavahana

aya kammaṭa''iron mint' is a Pali expression attested in Mahavamsa, XXV, 28, ayo-kammata-dvara, "iron studded gate ". Such a gate is seen at Bharhut, Sanchi and Amaravati with the torana, 'gateways' adorned with the ayo kammaṭa''iron mint' hieroglyph: ayo 'fish' PLUS  khambhaṛā'fish-fin'.

Rebus readings of sculptural metaphors as Indus Script hieroglyphs is justified by the following tradition of crafted sculpture: शिल्पम् śilpam 'crafted sculpture' and Indus Script hieroglyph cipher are आभास ābhāsa, 'semblance', विकल्प vikalpa 'alternation', metaphors, rebus metonymy. Same principle of metonymy is followed in आभास ābhāsa -- a technical term to signify, for example, चित्र + आ-भास cited.  The detailed description of the mint- and metal-work of Besnagara workshops is thus accomplished on the Gateway torana, makara pillar citrAbhAsa and Indus Script cipher of rebus rendering of the associated language expressions which are evoked by the hieroglyph-multiplex or hypertexts called citAbhAsa in Suprabhedaagama. 

Metonymy/metaphor is a reflection, an ஆபாசம் āpācam n. < ā-bhāsa. 1. (Log.) Semblance of reason, fallacy; போலி. எட்டுளபிரமாணாபாசங்கள் (மணி. 27, 57). 2. Reflection; பிரதிபிம்பம். சிதாபாசம். in Suprabhedaagama.

Rebus readings of Indus Script hypertexts constitute ābhās आभास्;the hypertexts are 'reflection' of wealth-creation reality documented as metalwork accounting ledgers in Indus Script Corpora.


ābhās आभास् 1 Ā. 1 To shine, blaze. -2 To be bright. -3 To appear, seem, look like; स्थानान्तरं स्वर्ग इवाबभासे Ku.7.3; R.7.43,63;14.12. -4 To appear untruly, have an appearance; शुक्तिः रजतवदाभासते; Ki.17.21. -Caus. To illuminate.  f. Splendour, lustre, light.ābhāsḥ

आभासः [भास्-अच्] 1 Splendour, light, lustre. -2 A reflection; तत्राज्ञानं धिया नश्येदाभासात्तु घटः स्फुरेत् Vedānta. -3 (a) Resemblance, likeness; oft. at the end of comp; नभश्च रुधिराभासम् Rām. &c.; चिदाभास, (b) Semblance,phantom; m; युक्तिवाक्यतदाभाससमाश्रयाः-4 Any unreal or fallacious appearance (as in हेत्वाभास); पुनरुक्तवदाभासः S. D. -5 A fallacy, fallacious reasoning, semblance of a reason, an erroneous but plausible argument; see हेत्वाभास; S. D.27. -6 An intention, purpose. -7 One of the nine materials of which idols are made, a marble. -8 A class of building. -9 An irreligious kind of worship; विधर्मः परधर्मश्च आभास उपमा छलः । अधर्मशाखाः प़ञ्चेमा धर्मज्ञो$धर्मवत्त्यजेत् ॥ Bhāg.7.15.12.ābhāsanam


Another example to signify these mint-work terms are hieroglyphs on the Susa ritual basin to signify, sippi 'molusc', ram/goat, fish, fish-fin.The spathe on the hypertext (hieroglyph-multiplex) with surrounding molluscs is signified by: sippi 'palm spathe, mollusc' Rebus: s'ilpi 'sculptor'. The goat may also signify mlekh 'goat' rebus:milakkhu,mleccha 'copper'.:


Udayagir cave four-lions pillar capital and abacus (bell-shape)20. Bell-shape: Hieroglyph/rebus: kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- . 1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109. 2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; K. k&ebrevdotdot;nzü f. ʻ clay or copper pot ʼ; A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ or < kāˊṁsya -- .(CDIAL 2576) 


Image result for harmika sanchi lion capitalDepiction of the four lions capital surmounted by a Wheel of Law at Sanchi, Satavahana period, South gateway of stupa 3.Hieroglyph:आर m. an aquatic bird.n. v.l. for अर q.v. , a spoke MBh. i , 1498 (ed. Bomb. i , 33 , 4 reads अर). रा (आ-ऋ-अच्) 1 A shoemaker's awl. ˚मुखम् An arrow-head shaped like an awl; आरामुखेन चर्मच्छेदनम् । Dhanur.66. -2 A knife, probe, instrument of iron. -3 A spoke; cf. अर. 

Rebus: आर--कूट [p= 149,2] m. n. a kind of brass.आर 1 [p= 149,2] n. brass BhP. x , 41 , 20; iron L.; आरः ārḥ रम् ramआरः रम् [आ-ऋ-घञ्] 1 Brass; ताम्रारकोष्ठां परिखादुरा- सदाम् Bhāg.1.41.2.-2 Oxide of iron. कूटः, -टम् brass; उत्तप्तस्फुरदारकूटकपिलज्योतिर्ज्वलद्दीप्तिभिः U.5.14. किमारकूटाभरणेन श्रियः N. ఆరకూటము (p. 120) ārakūṭamu āra-kūṭamu. [Skt.] n. Steel or brass. ఉక్కు, ఇత్తడి. ఆరకూటచ్ఛాయ the hue of steel or brass. 

Copper-tin alloy is referred to as tin-bronze. Copper-zinc alloy is referred to as brass alloy.

kassiteros may relate to: कंस [p = 241 , 1] mn. (√ कम् Un2. iii, 62 ), a vessel made ​​of metal, drinking vessel, cup, goblet AV. x, 10, 5 AitBr. S3Br. & c A metal, tutanag or white copper, brass, bell-metal (Monier-Williams)

Cassiterite is a tin oxide mineral, SnO2. This may relate to the Greek word, kassiteros. 


I suggest that the cognate of orichalcum or aurichalcum of Greek is Samskritam gloss: ārakūṭa which is explained as 'brass'. आरः ārḥ रम् ramआरः रम् [आ-ऋ-घञ्] 1 Brass; ताम्रारकोष्ठां परिखादुरा- सदाम् Bhāg.1.41.2.-2 Oxide of iron -कूटः, -टम् brass; उत्तप्तस्फुरदारकूट कपिलज्योतिर्ज्वलद्दीप्तिभिः U.5.14. किमारकूटाभरणेन श्रियः N. (Samskritam. Apte) आर--कूट [p= 149,2] m. n. a kind of brass (Monier-Williams).

aurichalcum aurichalcum, aurichalci neuter noun brass, golden metal; yellow copper ore, "mountain copper"; brass objects plural.

Brass is an alloy of zinc and copper. The expression आर--कूट is a reference to alloying of आर 'brass'; arka, ēra 'copper'. Hieroglyph: eruvai 'eagle' rebus: eruvai 'copper'. Ta. eruvai blood, (?) copper. Ka. ere a dark-red or dark-brown colour, a dark or dusky colour; (Badaga) erande sp. fruit, red in colour. Te. rēcu, rēcu-kukka a sort of ounce or lynx said to climb trees and to destroy tigers; (B.) a hound or wild dog. Kol. resn a·te wild dog (i.e. *res na·te; see 3650). Pa. iric netta id. Ga. (S.3rēs nete hunting dog, hound. Go. (Ma.) erm ney, (D.) erom nay, (Mu.) arm/aṛm nay wild dog (Voc. 353); (M.) rac nāī, (Ko.) rasi ney id. (Voc. 3010). For 'wild dog', cf. 1931 Ta. ce- red, esp. the items for 'red dog, wild dog'.(DEDR 817)

Related imageSanchi. Winged composite animal: tiger, eagle. The last two letters to the right of this inscription in Brahmi form the word "danam" (donation). This hypothesis permitted the decipherment of the Brahmi script by James Prinsep in 1837.

Miraculous crossing of the Ganges by the Buddha when he left Rajagriha to visit Vaisali (partial remain). (John Marshall, A Guide to Sanchi, p. 38. Calcutta: Superintendent, Government Printing (1918), p.73).

Hieroglyph: eruvai 'eagle' rebus: eruvai 'copper' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'. PLUS ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'. Thus, copper, alloy metal mint. PLUS kuṭa 'umbrella' rebus: koḍ 'workshop' PLUS panja 'feline paws' rebus: panja 'furnace, kiln'.


Inscription of Satavahana Empire ruler Sri Satakarni on a relief of the Southern Gateway of Stupa No1. The inscription on the dome of the stupa in this relief reads: "Gift of Anamda, the son of Vasishthi, the foreman of the artisans of King Siri-Satakani"  "Rano Siri Satakanisa/ avesanisa vasithiputasa/ Anamdasa danam" John Marshall, A Guide to Sanchi, p. 38. Calcutta: Superintendent, Government Printing (1918), p.48).

Related image
Sanchi. Elephants. Rider carries śrivatsa 'aya kammaṭa''iron mint'

References to Zinc and brass are found in the lost text Philippica or Theopompus (4th century BC), quoted in Strabo's Geography (XIII, 56):
"There is a stone near Andreida (north west Anatolia) which yields Iron when burnt. After being treated in a furnace with a certain earth it yields droplets of false silver. This added to copper, forms the so-called mixture, which some call oreichalkos."
This pertains probably to the process of downward distillation of zinc ("droplets of false silver") and its subsequent mixing with Copper to make brass oreichalkos (arakuta in Kautilya’s Arthasastra) described in detail in the post-Christian era Sanskrit texts.

"Orichalcos" (Ορείχαλκος), a Greek word, literally translates to mountain copper/metal, although some scholars believe that it refers to 'natural' brass. Consequently, in Greek "Orichalcos Deuteros" ("Ορείχαλκος Δεύτερος") means Second Brass and "Orichalcos Tritos" ("Ορείχαλκος Τρίτος") means Third Brass.
calx is probably from χάλιξ chalix: “pebble”:
Unknown, perhaps Pre-Greek. Probably cognate, ancestor, or descendant of Latin calx‎(“limestone, chalk”)
χαλκός “copper”:
Uncertain. Has been compared to Proto-Slavic *želězo ‎(“iron”), Latin ferrum, and Hittite [script needed] ‎(ḫapalki-). Perhaps related to κάλχη ‎(kálkhē, “purple”). Ultimately, Proto-Indo-European origin seems unlikely and the word is probably a borrowing.


… So if calx is indeed from Greek, we have a non-Hellenic chalik- stem for “pebble”, and a non-Hellenic chalk- stem for “copper”
Hieroglyph: umbrella: Ta. kuṭai umbrella, parasol, canopy. Ma. kuṭa umbrella. Ko. koṛ umbrella made of leaves (only in a proverb); keṛ umbrella. To. kwaṛ id. Ka. koḍe id., parasol. Koḍ. koḍe umbrella. Tu. koḍè id. Te. goḍugu id., parasol. Kuwi (F.) gūṛgū, (S.) gudugu, (Su. P.) guṛgu umbrella (< Te.). / Cf. Skt. (lex.) utkūṭa- umbrella, parasol. (DEDR 1663) Rebus: koḍ artisan’s workshop (Kuwi) 



Sanchi. goat-riders
Source: http://www.flickr.com/photos/mab5/162261980/ 

miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) 
 

These two sculptural friezes demonstrate the venerate of Skambha of Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta. It is a fiery pillar of light topped by 'srivatsa' deciphered in Indus Script tradition:  khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'. Thus, the hypertext message is: dul aya kammaṭa 'cast metal mint'. The feet emerging out of the pillar: meṭṭu, meḍ 'step' rebus: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Samskrtam.Santali.Mu.Ho.)phaṇi 'cobra's hood' rebus: lead or tin. 

Hieroglyph: படம் paṭam, n. < pada. Instep; பாதத் தின் முற்பகுதி. படங்குந்திநிற்றல் (சூடா. 9, 53). Ta. aṭi foot, footprint, base, bottom, source, origin; aṭimai slavery, servitude, slave, servant, devotee; aṭitti, aṭicci maidservant; aṭiyavaṉ, aṭiyāṉ, aṭiyōṉ slave, devotee. Ma. aṭi sole of foot, footstep, measure of foot, bottom, base; aṭima slavery, slave, feudal dependency; aṭiyān slave, servant; fem. aṭiyātti. Ko. aṛy foot (measure); ac place below; acgaṛ place beneath an object, position after the first in a row; ac mog younger son. To. oṛy foot. Ka. aḍi foot, measure of foot, step, pace, base, bottom, under; aḍime slavery; aḍiya slave. Koḍ. aḍi place below, down. Tu. aḍi bottom, base; kār aḍi footsole, footstep; aḍi kai palm of the hand. Te. aḍugu foot, footstep, footprint, step, pace, measure of a foot, bottom, basis; aḍime slavery, slave, bondman; aḍiyãḍu slave, servant; aḍi-gaṟṟa sandal, wooden shoe.Ga. (S.2aḍugu footstep (< Te.). Go. (G.) aḍi beneath; (Mu.) aḍit below; aḍita lower; aṛke below; (Ma.) aḍita, aḍna lower; (M.) aḍ(ḍ)i below, low; (L.) aḍī down; (Ko.) aṛgi underneath; aṛgita lower (Voc. 33). Konḍa aḍgi below, underneath; aḍgiR(i) that which is underneath; aḍgiRaṇḍ from below, from the bottom. (DEDR 72) 

फडा phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága Rebus: phaḍa फड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers. rebus: 
bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ʻ furnaceʼ, paṭṭaṭai, paṭṭaṟai 'anvil, smithy, forge', paṭṭaḍe, paṭṭaḍi 'workshop'.

The finds of Shahdad; three plates are taken from the 1972 Catalogue: Note the pictographic writing on red ceramics (Plates XXIIB and XXIIC). These includes possible bullae with ‘tokens’ representing some articles being counted.

Plate XXIIIB includes picture of two footprints. This glyph occurs on Indus writing.


Disk seal (glyptic catalogue no. 58; 15 mm in dia. X 8 mm) Excavations at Tepe Yahya, 3rd millennium, p. 154 Double-sided steatite stamp seal with opposing foot prints and six-legged creature on opposite sides. Tepe Yahya. Seal impressions of two sides of a seal. Six-legged lizard and opposing footprints shown on opposing sides of a double-sided steatite stamp seal perforated along the lateral axis. 
Glyph: meṭṭu  ‘foot’. Rebus: me  ‘iron’ (Ho.Mu.) dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); dul ‘cast (metal)(Santali). Six legs of a lizard is an enumeration of six ‘portable furnaces’ ; rebus: kakra. ‘lizard’; kan:gra ‘portable furnace’. bhaṭa ‘six’ (G.) rebus: baṭa = kiln (Santali); baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; S. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ‘distil (spirits)’. Read rebus as : dul (pair) meḍ ‘cast iron’; kan:gra bhaṭa ‘portable furnace’.
Image result for makara capital sanchiSanchi. Pilars with capitals.

On the pillar where makara is the capital, the rebus reading is: ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' PLUS khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ rebus: kammata'mint, coiner, coinage'; makara 'composite animal' rebus: dhmakara 'forge-blower', dhamaka 'blacksmith'

 On the pillar where pericarp of lotus is the capital: कर्णक kárṇaka 'pericarp of lotus' rebus: karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra, कर्णक kárṇaka 'helmsman'.
Image result for foot step spoke bharhut Bharhut 1972.366 Cleveland Art Museum? Kamar working crucible steel using iron ingots. kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter-furnace'.kuṭhāru 'monkey' rebus:  kuṭhāru 'armourer'.
Satavahana decorations on a gateway at Sanchi. The Buddha is never directly represented, due to the early aniconism in Bauddham. Divinities venerated: Hieroglyphs, sacred symbols: Cobra hoods atop smelter. Dagoba. Tree phaḍa, 'cobra hood' rebus: phaḍa 'artisan guild'; dhātugarbha 'womb of minerals' rebus: dagobakuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. These constitute: kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge'.
Tree as temple depicted in Sanchi, Stupa 1, Southern gateway.


śrēṇikā -- f. ʻ tent ʼ lex. and mngs. ʻ house ~ ladder ʼ in *śriṣṭa -- 2, *śrīḍhi -- . -- Words for ʻ ladder ʼ see śrití -- . -- √śri]H. sainī, senī f. ʻ ladder ʼ; Si. hiṇi, hiṇa, iṇi ʻ ladder, stairs ʼ (GS 84 < śrēṇi -- ).(CDIAL 12685). Woṭ. Šen ʻ roof ʼ, Bshk. Šan, Phal. Šān(AO xviii 251) Rebus: seṇi (f.) [Class. Sk. Śreṇi in meaning “guild”; Vedic= row] 1. A guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dāvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. ˚ -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni -- ). — 2. A division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- ˚ J vi.81, 49; seṇimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. Senā and seniya). (Pali)

*śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720) *śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus:  śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M.śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12726)

This denotes a mason (artisan) guild -- seni -- of 1. brass-workers; 2. blacksmiths; 3. iron-workers; 4. copper-workers; 5. native metal workers; 6. workers in alloys.

I suggest that the 'svastika' hieroglyph on lines 186 and 188 (views of Alexander Cunnngham discussed below) and the ending hieroglyph 'srivatsa' on line 188 are read rebus in Indus Script cipher:
sattva 'svastika symbo' rebus: sattva 'zinc', jasta 'zinc'; hieroglyph: ayo 'fish' PLUS  khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: ayo kammaṭa''iron mint' PLUS dhAv 'throw of dice' rebus: dhAv 'red mineral ore'. Thus, the srivatsa is an Indus Script hypertext wich signifies red mineral and alloy metal mint.




Bharhut gateway, Gateway model in ivory of Begram, Sanchi gateway (all three adorned with 
ayo kammaṭa )
Stupa-1 North Torana, East pillar showing Triratna motif. Sanchi, Dist Raisen, Madhya Pradesh India

फड (p. 313) phaḍa m (Commonly फडा) An end or a fragment of a branch of the Date-tree: also a leaf or spike of it. Rebus:  फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्या- चा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nachhouse, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singingshop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work,--as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊस, वांग्या, मिरच्या, खरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चाल, पड, घाल, मांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फड पडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फड मारणें- राखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फड मारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्या मापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडास येणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain). फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस. 
Amaravati. Male devotees around a throne  with a turban(note feet below the throne). paa 'throne, turban' PLUS a'feet' rebus: paṭṭa'mint workshop'.

Drawing of two medallions (perhaps the inner and outer face of the same piece). [WD1061, folio 45]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed:3ft. by 3ft.2in. Outer circle 2nd. H.H. March 8th 1817.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
Image result for amaravati album
The hypertexts are: kambha 'pillar' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' pair atop rebus: aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' PLUS kammaa 'mint,l coiner, coinage' PLUS feet PLUS throne, turban: ayo kammaṭa 'metal mint' PLUS paṭa aḍi 'throne, turban, slab' PLUS 'anvil' = hypertext, paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil workshop'.

ayo kammaṭa dvāra 'entrance to metal mint' is an expression used in Mahāvamsa. XXV, 28,
The expression has been wrongly translated as iron-studded gate. It is indeed a reference to the entrance to metal mjint workshop, as signified by the 'srivatsa'  ayo kammaṭa hypertext adorning the torana of the gateways of Bharhut and Sanchi.

Sadakana Bull Maharathis of Chandravalli . ಚಂದ್ರವಳ್ಳಿಯ ( ಚಿತ್ರದುರ್ಗ ) ಸದಕನ ಮಹಾರಥಿಗಳು .(30 BC- 70 CE)


Stupa-1 North Torana, East pillar showing Triratna motif. Sanchi, Dist Raisen, Madhya Pradesh India



Stupa with stepped-down harmika on top upheld by a central pole (yasti) which is like an octagonal pillar. This is an enlargement of the stupa in Chaityagrha in a Bedse cave. Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bedse_Caves#/media/File:Bedsa_Caves_main_vihara.jpg
This harmika of Bedse caves evokes the caṣāla on aṣṭāśri described in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa as a ketu, proclamation of performance of a Soma Samsthā Yajña. caṣāla os godhuma to infuse carbon to harden metal in the fire-altar.
Maurya Empire originated from Magadha, one of the 16 "Great Countries." The kingdom of Magadha lasted from 500 B.C.- 312 B.C. It was founded by a powerful leader known as Bimsiara.

Bharhut stupa torana replicated on a Bharhut frieze. The centerpiece mollusc hypertext is flanked by two srivatsa hypertexts. The gateway entrance is adorned with a garland.
Image result for Drawing of two medallions (perhaps the inner and outer face of the same piece). [WD1061, folio 45] amaravati

Drum-slab, Amaravati Stupa, Guntur District of Andhra Pradesh. Buddhist stupa was built during the reign of Ashoka in 200 BCE, was carved with panels that tells the story of Buddha.

Drum-slab, Harmika, umbrellas. Amaravati Stupa, Guntur District of Andhra Pradesh. Buddhist stupa was built during the reign of Aśoka in 200 BCE, was carved with panels that tells the story of Buddha.


śrivatsa synonym next to the sippi'ivory/stone/metal sculptor' ayo kammaṭa''iron mint'& tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper' atop Sanchi torana.

The sculptural metaphor for sippi 'metal sculptors is sippī 'shell'. Bharhut sculptural frieze shows the sippi, 'metal sculptor' emerging out of sippi, 'the shell'.


dantakara 'Ivory carvers' of Begram tradition demonstrate their competence as sippi, 'stone sculptors' in the splendour of Bharhut, Sanchi, Amaravati monuments. "Although made of stone, the torana gateways were carved and constructed in the manner of wood and the gateways were covered with narrative sculptures. It has also been suggested that the stone reliefs were made by ivory carvers from nearby Vidisha, and an inscription on the Southern Gateway of the Great Stupa ("The Worship of the Bodhisattva's hair") was dedicated by the Guild of Ivory Carvers of Vidisha.The inscription reads: 'Vedisehi dantakarehi rupadamam katam' meaning "The ivory-carvers from Vidisha have done the carving". Some of the Begram ivories or the "Pompeii Lakshmi" give an indication of the kind of ivory works that could have influenced the carvings at Sanchi." ( World Heritage Monuments and Related Edifices in India, Volume 1 by Alī Jāvīd, Tabassum Javeed, Algora Publishing, 2008; In the Realm of Gods and Kings by Andrew Topsfield, Philip Wilson Publishers, 2014 p.250Indian and Foreign Review – Volume 23 – Page 58, 1985).

An ivory statuette of Lakshmi (1st century CE), found in the ruins of Pompeii (destroyed in an eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 CE).
Materialivory
Height24.5 cm (9 12 in)
Discoveredca. 1930–1938
Pompeii
Present locationSecret Museum, Naples
Identification149425
Lakshmi with lotus and two child attendants, Sanchi Stupa No.2, 115 BCE.

"Though the origin is not entirely certain, based on archeological finds and historian work, the Pompeii Lakshmi has had a questionable origin. There is evidence of the then active trade routes between the Roman Empire under Emperor Nero and India during this time period.[7]According to Pollard, with the Roman long-distance trade, she is believed to have found herself in the city during the reign of Augustus.[7] The archeological evidence suggests that the height of trade between Roman and India appears to have been the first and second centuries C.E. This trade took place along several routes, both overland as documented by Isidore of Charax’s Parthian Stations, and by sea as the merchant guide known as the Periplus Maris Erythraei reveals. Rome played an important part in the Eastern oriental trade of antiquity, they imported many goods from India and at the same time set up their own trading stations in the country.[8] According to Cobb, trading through land routes such as crossing the Arabian Peninsula and Mesopotamia, and through seaborne trade from the Red Sea and the Indian Oceanwere used by the Romans. The sea routes that utilized the winds of the Indian Ocean was able to create a significant volume of goods to be imported from the East on ships. The wealth of the trade was significant enough for Pliny to claim that 100 million sesterces were being sent annually to India, China, and Arabia.[8] With shipments of nard, ivory, and textiles it is clear from the archaeological evidence, that Roman trade with the East peaked in the first and second centuries CE." (Pollard, Elizabeth Ann (2013-08-07). "Indian Spices and Roman "Magic" in Imperial and Late Antique Indomediterranea"Journal of World History. 24 (1): 1–23; Cobb, Matthew Adam (2013/04). "THE RECEPTION AND CONSUMPTION OF EASTERN GOODS IN ROMAN SOCIETY". Greece & Rome. 60 (1): 136–152)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pompeii_Lakshmi

Hieroglyph: *sippī ʻ shell ʼ. [← Drav. Tam. cippi DED 2089] Pa. sippī -- , sippikā -- f. ʻ pearl oyster ʼ, Pk. sippī -- f., S. sipa f.; L. sipp ʻ shell ʼ, sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ, (Ju.) sip m., sippī f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ; P. sipp m., sippī f. ʻ shell, conch ʼ; Ku. sīpsīpi ʻ shell ʼ; N. sipi ʻ shell, snail shell ʼ; B. sip ʻ libation pot ʼ, chip ʻ a kind of swift canoe ʼ S. K. Chatterji CR 1936, 290 (or < kṣiprá -- ?); Or. sipa ʻ oyster shell, mother -- of -- pearl, shells burnt for lime ʼ; Bi. sīpī ʻ mussel shells for lime ʼ; OAw. sīpa f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ, H. sīp f.; G. sīp f. ʻ half an oyster shell ʼ, chīp f. ʻ shell ʼ; M. śīpśĩp f. ʻ a half shell ʼ, śĩpā m. ʻ oyster shell ʼ; -- Si. sippiya ʻ oyster shell ʼ ← Tam.(DEDR 13417)
Śunga horseman, Bharhut.





Rebus: śílpa n. ʻ artistic work ʼ Br. ʻ manual craft ʼ Mn. [śilpá -- ʻ bright, decorative ʼ VS. -- Derivation from *piśla -- (P. Tedesco Language 23, 383) is improbable] Pa. sippa -- , °aka -- n. ʻ art, craft ʼ, NiDoc. śilpa, Pk. sippa -- n.; Ku. sīp ʻ skill, ability ʼ, N. sip (Ku. N. sipālu ʻ clever, dexterous ʼ), OAw. sīpa; Si. sip -- a ʻ art, handiwork ʼ.12471 śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut., śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc. śilpiǵa, Pk. sippi -- , °ia -- m.; A. xipini ʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw. sīpī m. ʻ artizan ʼ; M. śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si. sipi -- yā ʻ craftsman ʼ.(CDIAL 12470, 12471)

Hieroglyph:  śila n. (m. lex.) ʻ gathering stalks and ears of corn ʼ Mn. 2. *śilla -- . 1. Pk. silaya -- m. ʻ gleaning ʼ; K. hyolu m. ʻ ear or spike or tassel of corn &c. ʼ; P. silā ʻ gleanings ʼ, N. silā pl.; B. sil ʻ gleaning ʼ, Or. siḷa; Bi.mag. silī ʻ heap of grain ʼ; H. silā m. ʻ gleaning, gleanings ʼ, silī f. ʻ grain and chaff on threshing floor before winnowing ʼ.2. L. sillā m. ʻ gleaning ʼ; P.kgr. sillā m. ʻ ear of corn, gleaning ʼ; WPah.bhal. sìllo m. ʻ ear of corn or maize ʼ, bhiḍ. śillõ, pl. °lã̄ n.; Bi. (N of Ganges) sillī ʻ grain and chaff ready for winnowing ʼ; H. sillā m. = silā; OMarw. sīlo m. ʻ gleanings ʼ.(CDIAL 12458)śilāhārin m. ʻ one who gathers stalks of corn ʼ MBh. [śila -- , āhāra -- P. silehār m. ʻ gleaner ʼ (for ehā < āhā cf. *syālabhāryā -- ). (CDIAL 12464)

Rebus: śilāˊ f. ʻ rock, crag ʼ AV., ʻ lower millstone ʼ lex. 2. *śillā -- . [See śili -- 1. Pa. silā -- f. ʻ rock, stone, quartz ʼ; Aś. silā -- ʻ stone ʼ; Pk. silā -- f. ʻ stone slab ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) šil ʻ flat stone for braying things on ʼ; K. śēl f. ʻ large stone, rock ʼ or despite gender < śaila -- ?); S. sira f. ʻ brick ʼ, L.khet. sil; P. sil f. ʻ stone slab used for sharpening knives or grinding spices ʼ, WPah. (Joshi) śil f.; Ku. silī f. ʻ whetstone, hone ʼ, silo m. ʻ stone for grinding spices on ʼ; N.sili ʻ whetstone ʼ; A. xil ʻ stone, hailstone ʼ; B. sil ʻ flat stone for grinding on, hail ʼ; Or. siḷa ʻ stone, grinding stone ʼ, siḷā ʻ hailstone ʼ; H. sil f. ʻ rock, flat grinding stone ʼ, silī f. ʻ stone, whetstone, hone, touchstone ʼ; G.saḷsaḷī f. ʻ whetstone ʼ, salāṛī f., °ṛũ n. ʻ cobbler's whetstone ʼ (dissim. from  -- ); M. śīḷ f. ʻ stone (esp. smooth flat stone) ʼ; Si. sal -- a ʻ rock, mountain ʼ. 2. L. sillh, (Ju.) silh f. ʻ brick, hone ʼ; Bi. sīl ʻ grindstone ʼ, sillā°lī ʻ barber's whetstone ʼ; Mth. sīl ʻ stone ʼ; H. sillī f. = silī. śaila -- ; *śilākarttr̥ -- , śilāpaṭṭa -- , *śilāśānī -- , śilāsana -- .Addenda: śilāˊ -- . 2. *śillā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) śīˊl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ stone ʼ, J. śil f., Md. hila.*śilākarttr̥ ʻ stone -- cutter ʼ. [śilāˊ -- , karttr̥ -- 1]G. salāṭ m. ʻ stone -- cutter ʼ (< *saḷāt?).(CDIAL 12459, 12460) śilāsana n. ʻ stone -- seat ʼ W., adj. ʻ seated on a stoneseat ʼ R. [śilāˊ -- , āˊsana -- 1OSi. salasun ʻ stone seat ʼ.(CDIAL 12463)

According to one theory, the word "Satavahana" is a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit Sapta-Vahana ("driven by seven"; in Hindu mythology, the chariot of the sun god is drawn by seven horses). This would indicate that the Satavahanas originally claimed association with the legendary solar dynasty, as was common in ancient India.According to Inguva Kartikeya Sarma, the dynasty's name is derived from the words sata ("sharpened", "nimble" or "swift") and vahana ("vehicle"); the expression thus means "one who rides a nimble horse".
Another theory connects their name to the earlier Satiyaputa dynasty. Yet another theory derives their name from the Munda words Sadam ("horse") and Harpan ("son"), implying "son of the performer of a horse sacrifice".Several rulers of the dynasty bear the name or title "Satakarni". Satavahana, Satakarni, Satakani and Shalivahana appear to be variations of the same word. Damodar Dharmanand Kosambi theorized that the word "Satakarni" is derived from the Munda words sada ("horse") and kon ("son").
The Puranas use the name "Andhra" or "Andhra-Bhtya" for the Satavahanas.

Sailendra Nath Sen derives the name Satavahana from name from the Munda words Sadam ("horse") and Harpan ("son"), implying "son of the performer of a horse sacrifice".(Sailendra Nath Sen (1999). Ancient Indian History and Civilization,. New Age International,pp.172-176) "An inscription found at Naneghat was issued by Nayanika (or Naganika), the widow of Satakarni I; another inscription found at Naneghat has been dated to the same period on paleographic basis. A slightly later inscription dated to the reign of Satakarni II has been found at Sanchi in Madhya Pradesh, located to the north of Maharashtra.Satakarni  is a name derived from Munda sada 'horse' and kon 'son'. "A stupa in Kanaganahalli village of Karnataka, dated between first century BCE and first century CE, features limestone panels depicting portraits of Chimuka (Simuka), Satakani (Satakarni) and other Satavahana rulers."(Akira Shimada (9 November 2012). Early Buddhist Architecture in Context. BRILL., p.45). 
Coin-based evidence suggests that Simuka's reign ended sometime before 120 BCE.

Sources:
  I. K. Sarma (1980). Coinage of the Satavahana Empire, p.3
  Sailendra Nath Sen (1999). Ancient Indian History and Civilization, New Age International, pp. 172-176
  Damodar Dharmanand Kosambi (1975). An Introduction to the Study of Indian History,. Popular Prakashan, p.243

List of Śuṅga Emperors from Magadha

EmperorReign
Pushyamitra Shunga185–149 BCE
Agnimitra149–141 BCE
Vasujyeshtha141–131 BCE
Vasumitra131–124 BCE
Bhadraka (aka Ardraka or Odruka)124–122 BCE
Pulindaka122–119 BCE
Ghosha (aka Ghoshavasu)119-108 BCE
Vajramitra108-94 BCE
Bhagabhadra (aka Bhagavata)94-83 BCE
Devabhuti83–73 BCE
Satavahana kings

  1. Simuka (r. 228 – 205 BCE)
  2. Krishna (r. 205 – 187 BCE)
  3. Satakarni I (r. 187 – 177 BCE)
  4. Purnotsanga (r. 177 – 159 BCE)
  5. Skandhastambhi (r. 159 – 141 BCE)
  6. Satakarni II (r. 141 – 85 BCE)
  7. Lambodara (r. 85 – 67 BCE)
  8. Apilaka (r. 67 – 55 BCE)
  9. Meghasvati (r. 55 – 37 BCE)
  10. Svati (r. 37 – 19 BCE)
  11. Skandasvati (r. 19 – 12 BCE)
  12. Mrigendra Satakarni (r. 12 – 9 BCE)
  13. Kunatala Satakarni (r. 9 – 1 BCE)
  14. Satakarni III (r. 1 BCE-1 CE)
  15. Pulumavi I (r. 1 – 36 CE)
  16. Gaura Krishna (r. 36 – 61 CE)
  17. Hāla (r. 61 – 66 CE)
  18. Mandalaka aka Puttalaka or Pulumavi II (r. 69 – 71 CE)
  19. Purindrasena (r. 71 – 76 CE)
  20. Sundara Satakarni (r. 76 – 77 CE)
  21. Chakora Satakarni (r. 77 – 78 CE)
  22. Shivasvati (r. 78 – 106 CE)
  23. Gautamiputra Satkarni (r. 106 – 130 CE)
  24. Vasisthiputra aka Pulumavi III (r. 130 – 158 CE)
  25. Shiva Sri Satakarni (r. 158 – 165 CE)
  26. Shivaskanda Satakarni (r. 165–172)
  27. Sri Yajna Satakarni (r. 172 – 201 CE)
  28. Vijaya Satakarni (r. 201 – 207 CE)
  29. Chandra Sri Satakarni (r. 207 – 214 CE)
  30. Pulumavi IV (r. 217 – 224 CE)
  • Other regional rulers of south-eastern Deccan:
    • Pulumavi II
    • Abhira Isvasena
    • Madhariputra Sakasena
    • Haritiputra Satakarni

Sources:
Rajesh Kumar Singh (2013). Ajanta Paintings: 86 Panels of Jatakas and Other Themes. Hari Sena. pp. 15–16. loc.cit. S. Nagaraju
Kr̥shṇājī Pāṇḍuraṅga Kulakarṇī (1927). Sanskrit Drama & Dramatists: Their Chronology, Mind and Art

As evidenced by an inscription at Sanchi, the sculptures were made by Ivory carvers. Ivory carvers' models for torana-s are available from Begram which substantiate this inscription. The Begram ivory carvers are in Indus Script Hypertext tradition when they signify the purpose of the toranas- by the 'srivatsa' symbol. I have proved that this symbol is a composition of Indus Script hieroglyphs:

Pair of fish fins tied together: ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Thus, the gateways proclaim the alloy metal mints at both Sanchi and Bharhut monuments.

This hypertext continues in Amaravati scultural tradition to signify metalwork wealth creation proclamations..

Bharhut sculptural relief. The center-piece is the slab with hieroglyphs (sacred writing) held on the platform which holds a pair of 'srivatsa' hieroglyph compositions. The artist is conveying the key interpretative message that the composition contains inscribed, engraved, written symbols (hieroglyphs). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using Meluhha glosses to explain the veneration of ayira-ariya dhamma. A related life-activity reading: ayira 'fish' rebus: aya 'metal alloy'; karada'saffower' rebus: karada 'hard alloy of metal'. This is work done in kole.l 'smithy' rebus: kole.l 'temple'.

The central hieroglyphs flanked by two 'srivatsa' hieroglyphs are a pair of spathes:
Hieroglyph: दळ (p. 406)[ daḷa ] दल (p. 404) [ dala ] n (S) A leaf. 2 A petal of a flower. dula 'pair'
Rebus: metalcast: ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ] Cast, mould, form (as of metal vessels, trinkets &c.) dul 'cast metal'. The three 'x' on this frame are also hieroglyphs: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy' dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the sculptural composition is a narrative of work in a Meluhha smithy.

Srivatsa Indus Script Hypertext is also associated with the Jaina cultural and art tradition.


Ayagapatta, Kankali Tila, Mathura.

An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre, from Mathura
 The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum. 

An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura
An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura. "Photograph taken by Edmund William Smith in 1880s-90s of a Jain homage tablet. The tablet was set up by the wife of Bhadranadi, and it was found in December 1890 near the centre of the mound of the Jain stupa at Kankali Tila. Mathura has extensive archaeological remains as it was a large and important city from the middle of the first millennium onwards. It rose to particular prominence under the Kushans as the town was their southern capital. The Buddhist, Brahmanical and Jain faiths all thrived at Mathura, and we find deities and motifs from all three and others represented in sculpture. In reference to this photograph in the list of photographic negatives, Bloch wrote that, "The technical name of such a panel was ayagapata [homage panel]." The figure in the centre is described as a Tirthamkara, a Jain prophet. The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum." http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/apac/photocoll/a/largeimage58907.html
View of the Jaina stupa excavated at Kankali Tila, Mathura.
Manoharpura. Svastika. Top of āyāgapaṭa. Red Sandstone. Lucknow State Museum. (Scan no.0053009, 0053011, 0053012 ) See: https://www.academia.edu/11522244/A_temple_at_Sanchi_for_Dhamma_by_a_k%C4%81ra%E1%B9%87ik%C4%81_sanghin_guild_of_scribes_in_Indus_writing_cipher_continuum


Ayagapata (After Huntington)

Jain votive tablet from Mathurå. From Czuma 1985, catalogue number 3. Fish-tail is the hieroglyph together with svastika hieroglyph, fish-pair hieroglyph, safflower hieroglyph, cord (tying together molluscs and arrow?)hieroglyph multiplex, lathe multiplex (the standard device shown generally in front of a one-horned young bull on Indus Script corpora), flower bud (lotus) ligatured to the fish-tail.  All these are venerating hieroglyphs surrounding the Tirthankara in the central medallion.

Kushana period, 1st century C.E.From Mathura Red Sandstone 89x92cm
books.google.com/books?id=evtIAQAAIAAJ&q=In+the+image...



"Note that both begin with a lucky svastika. The top line reads 卐 vīrasu bhikhuno dānaṃ - i.e. "the donation of Bhikkhu Vīrasu." The lower inscription also ends with dānaṃ, and the name in this case is perhaps pānajāla (I'm unsure about jā). Professor Greg Schopen has noted that these inscriptions recording donations from bhikkhus and bhikkhunis seem to contradict the traditional narratives of monks and nuns not owning property or handling money. The last symbol on line 2 apparently represents the three jewels, and frequently accompanies such inscriptions...Müller [in Schliemann(2), p.346-7] notes that svasti occurs throughout 'the Veda' [sic; presumably he means the Ṛgveda where it appears a few dozen times]. It occurs both as a noun meaning 'happiness', and an adverb meaning 'well' or 'hail'. Müller suggests it would correspond to Greek εὐστική (eustikē) from εὐστώ (eustō), however neither form occurs in my Greek Dictionaries. Though svasti occurs in the Ṛgveda, svastika does not. Müller traces the earliest occurrence of svastika to Pāṇini's grammar, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, in the context of ear markers for cows to show who their owner was. Pāṇini discusses a point of grammar when making a compound using svastika and karṇa, the word for ear. I've seen no earlier reference to the word svastika, though the symbol itself was in use in the Indus Valley civilisation.[unquote]

1. Cunningham, Alexander. (1854) The Bhilsa topes, or, Buddhist monuments of central India : comprising a brief historical sketch of the rise, progress, and decline of Buddhism; with an account of the opening and examination of the various groups of topes around Bhilsa. London : Smith, Elder. [possibly the earliest recorded use of the word swastika in English].

2. Schliemann, Henry. (1880). Ilios : the city and country of the Trojans : the results of researches and discoveries on the site of Troy and through the Troad in the years 1871-72-73-78-79. London : John Murray.

http://jayarava.blogspot.in/2011/05/svastika.html


Khandagiri caves (2nd cent. BCE) Cave 3 (Jaina Ananta gumpha). Fire-altar?, śrivatsa, svastika
(hieroglyphs) (King Kharavela, a Jaina who ruled Kalinga has an inscription dated 161 BCE) contemporaneous with Bharhut and Sanchi and early Bodhgaya.
Spoked-wheel of Dharma. Amaravati. Around the circumference, the embellishments are 'srivatsa' hieroglyphs which signify, āra ayo kammaṭa 'brass metal mint'.


Hieroglyphs of 'Śrivatsa' hypertext: fish-fin, tied together, spathe, lotus


Related image
śrivatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions Pl. 33, Nandipāda-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sanchi, Sarnath and Mathura] Pl. 27, Svastika symbol: distribution in cultural periods] The association of śrivatsa with ‘fish’ is reinforced by the symbols binding fish in Jaina āyāgapaṭas (snake-hood?) of Mathura (late 1st cent. BCE).  śrivatsa  symbol seems to have evolved from a stylied glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the Sanchi stupa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘śrivatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina āyāgapaṭa, a fish is ligatured within the śrivatsa  glyph,  emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph with śrivatsa glyph.

(After Plates in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77).
auspicious motif of two fishauspicious motif of two fishFoliage motif. Fish tied in a pair of molluscs, flanking two arches 'M' shaped enshrining two slabs (with script) hangi 'molusc' Rebus: sanghi 'member of sangha, community' dAma 'tying' Rebus: dhamma 'dharma, consciousness-cosmic ordering'. ayira 'fish' rebus: ayira, ariya 'person of noble character, dharmin'.



Bronze coin of the Shunga period, Eastern India. 2nd–1st century BCE.

This demonstration seeks a re-evaluation of two views expressed: one by Alexander Cunningham and another by TB Karunakarane on the 'meaning' of the 'srivatsa' or ayo kammaṭa 'alloy metal mint' hypertext.

The two views ar presented below for ready reference:

Cunningham, Alexander, Sir, 1854,1814-1893 - The Bhilsa topes; or, Buddhist monuments of central India: by Cunningham, Alexander, Sir, 1814-1893, Plate XXII Sanchi Stupa No 3 relics
Source: https://archive.org/details/bhilsatopesorbud00cunn 

[quote]Cunningham, later the first director of the Archaeological Survey of India, makes the claim in: The Bhilsa Topes (1854). Cunningham, surveyed the great stupa complex at Sanchi in 1851, where he famously found caskets of relics labelled 'Sāriputta' and 'Mahā Mogallāna'. [1] The Bhilsa Topes records the features, contents, artwork and inscriptions found in and around these stupas. All of the inscriptions he records are in Brāhmī script. What he says, in a note on p.18, is: "The swasti of Sanskrit is the suti of Pali; the mystic cross, or swastika is only a monogrammatic symbol formed by the combination of the two syllables, su + ti = suti." There are two problems with this. While there is a word suti in Pali it is equivalent to Sanskrit śruti'hearing'. The Pali equivalent ofsvasti is sotthi; and svastika is either sotthiya or sotthika. Cunningham is simply mistaken about this. The two letters su + ti in Brāhmī script are not much like thesvastika. This can easily been seen in the accompanying image on the right, where I have written the word in the Brāhmī script. I've included the Sanskrit and Pali words for comparison. Cunningham's imagination has run away with him. Below are two examples of donation inscriptions from the south gate of the Sanchi stupa complex taken from Cunningham's book (plate XLX, p.449). 

"Note that both begin with a lucky svastika. The top line reads 卐 vīrasu bhikhuno dānaṃ - i.e. "the donation of Bhikkhu Vīrasu." The lower inscription also ends with dānaṃ, and the name in this case is perhaps pānajāla (I'm unsure about jā). Professor Greg Schopen has noted that these inscriptions recording donations from bhikkhus and bhikkhunis seem to contradict the traditional narratives of monks and nuns not owning property or handling money. The last symbol on line 2 apparently represents the three jewels, and frequently accompanies such inscriptions...Müller [in Schliemann(2), p.346-7] notes that svasti occurs throughout 'the Veda' [sic; presumably he means the Ṛgveda where it appears a few dozen times]. It occurs both as a noun meaning 'happiness', and an adverb meaning 'well' or 'hail'. Müller suggests it would correspond to Greek εὐστική (eustikē) from εὐστώ (eustō), however neither form occurs in my Greek Dictionaries. Though svasti occurs in the Ṛgveda, svastika does not. Müller traces the earliest occurrence of svastika to Pāṇini's grammar, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, in the context of ear markers for cows to show who their owner was. Pāṇini discusses a point of grammar when making a compound using svastika and karṇa, the word for ear. I've seen no earlier reference to the word svastika, though the symbol itself was in use in the Indus Valley civilisation.[unquote]

1. Cunningham, Alexander. (1854) The Bhilsa topes, or, Buddhist monuments of central India : comprising a brief historical sketch of the rise, progress, and decline of Buddhism; with an account of the opening and examination of the various groups of topes around Bhilsa. London : Smith, Elder. [possibly the earliest recorded use of the word swastika in English].

2. Schliemann, Henry. (1880). Ilios : the city and country of the Trojans : the results of researches and discoveries on the site of Troy and through the Troad in the years 1871-72-73-78-79. London : John Murray.

http://jayarava.blogspot.in/2011/05/svastika.html


Excerpts from http://what-buddha-said.net/library/Wheels/wh137.pdf:T.B. Karunaratne, 1969, The Buddhist Wheel Symbol, Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy, Sri Lanka:

[quote] 4. The wheel is the central emblem on the summit of each of the Sanchi gateways. This would seem to have been its usual position and it was, no doubt significant of the supremacy of Buddha. In the Mahawanso Raja Sirinago of Ceylon is stated to have inserted gems in the centre of each of the four emblems of the "Sun" on the Maha Stupo or GreatTope.(Mahawanso, p.229).

This perhaps points to the absorption of the ancient sun-worship into Buddhism; for the wheel was one of the most common and obvious emblems of the sun.

5. In Plate XXXI. I have collected together several illustrations of the wheel-symbol of Buddha from the Sanchi bas-reliefs^ and from coins.

Fig.1 Bas-relief on a pillar of the western entrance of No.2 Tope at Sanchi. A man and woman are represented perambulating the pillar. The illustration shows the importance attached to this symbol by the Buddhists of Asoka's age. The same wheel pillar occurs again at the northern entrance.
Fig.2. Central emblem on the summit of each of the four Sanchi gateways. (Mahawanso, p. 229. See Plate XXXI., fig. 7, for the celebrated wheel and club of Surya, from Udayag-hi. This was the god whom the Greeks of Alexander's army mistook for Hercules ; but one of them has preserved the true name in , or Surya Deva, the " Sun-God.")

Figs. 3,4. Reverses of coins found at Ujain --quadruple emblems of the sun.
Fig'. 5. Bas-relief on a pillar of the south gate of No. 2 Tope and also on a pillar of the south gate of No. 3 Tope^ both at Sanchi.
Fig 6. Bas-relief on a pillar at the eastern entrance of No. 2 Tope^ Sanchi. A fig-ure is kneeling at its foot.
Figs. 8, 9. On the earliest silver and copper coinsfound in all parts of India, from Nepal to Ceylon, and from Kandahar to the Delta of the Ganges.
Fig. 10. Ancient Hindu coin of brass, literally covered with Buddhist symbols. On the obverse is a bull ; to the left, a peculiar symbol, which is found onother Buddhist coins, and on the necklace of Buddhist symbols on one of the Sanchi gateways. Above is the quadruple emblem of Dharma. On the reverse (in the middle), is a tree surrounded by a Buddhist railing  below is a chaitya, or, more probably. Mount Sumeru to the right, a swastika or mystic cross; and to the left, the symbol of Sangha, being the united emblems of Buddha and Dharma. The latter is placed uppermost, which I presume is intended to show the superiority of Dharma, or Concrete Nature, over Buddha, or Spirit.
Fig. 11. Coins, both of silver and copper, found chiefly between the Indus and the Jumna. On the obverse is a deer, with branching horns, and before it a human figure with the arm raised. Behind the deer an emblem of the sun. Inscription in old Indian Pali.Rajnya Kunandasa Amoghatisa maharajasa."(Coin) of the royal Kunanda, the brother of Amogha, the King-."On the reverse is a chaitya, or Mount Sumeru^ surrounded by the monogram or symbol of Dharma; to the right a tree in a Buddhist enclosure, and to the left, a swastika and the unknown triangular symbol. Inscription in Ariano Pali the same as on the obverse.

6. The quadruple symbol of Buddha, which is found on the Ujjain coins, and the quadruple symbol of Dharma which occurs on coin No. 10, and on one of the pillars at Andher, most probably have reference to the other four mortal Buddhas, Krakuchanda. Kanaka, Kasyapa and Sakya Muni. The four entrances at Sanchi, and at the Great Tope in Ceylon, with their crowning- symbols of Buddha, may, I think, be also referred to the same.

7. Dharma, or Concrete Nature, was, I believe,neatly symbolized by a monogram which united the radical letters of the various elements of matter.

According- to the Puja-kand,“all thing-s with their veja-mantras (radicals), came from Swabhava (the self-existent), in this order :

From the vlja of the letter Y, air.
From that of the letter R, fire.
From that of the letter V, water.
From that of the letter L, earth.
From that of the letter S, Mount Sumeru.


Now it is curious that the old Pali equivalents of these letters form when combined together a monogram of exactly the same shape as the symbol which I have attributed to Dharma. In Plate XXXII Fig. 3, I have given this monogram with the single letters which compose it placed in a line below. In all the monograms both of the bas-reliefs and of the coins,the symbol is crossed by a horizontal line in the middle which I take to represent the lower stroke of the Pali letter , n, the radical of “void space or vacuity.” This, therefore, must be the fifth element,the akas of the Hindus, and the of the Greeks. The symbol is thus strictly composed of the five radical letters of the five elements, y, air; r, fire; v,water ; 1, earth ; and n, ether; which when combined contain the letter  s, for Mount Sumeru, as well as the letter o, m, or manas, or mind.(A strong proof of the correctness of this explanation is found
in the  svastika, or mystic cross, which appears to be only a monogram or literal symbol of the old letters su and  ti, or suti, which is the Pali form of the Sanskrit svasti.) In Plate XXXII,I have given all the difterent specimens of this symbol that I can collect from various sources.

Fig. 3 is the simple monogram, composed of the five radical letters of the elements.

Fig. 4 is a quadruple specimen of this symbol, from a bas-relief medallion on one of the pillars at Andher. The same is found on No. 10 coin of Plate XXXI.

Fig. 8 shows the elemental symbol crowning the staff of a flag- or military ensign.

Fig. 9 is one of the ornaments from a necklace in the Sanchi bas-reliefs.

Fig. 10 is the same monogram but very highly ornamented. Two of these symbols are placed on the summits of the Sanchi gateways, one on each side of the wheel-symbol of Buddha.

Fig. 13 is a copper coin from the ruins of the ancient city of Ayodhya, or Ayudhya, in Oudh.

The inscription in Old Pali is Vijaya Mitasa, coin) of VIJAYA MITHA' In the centre is the monogrammatic symbol. Vijaya Mitra was most probably one of the ancient kings of Oudh, although his name is not to be found in the fabulous lists of any of the Puranas.

Fig. 14 is the reverse of a copper coin, procured from several old cities around Ujain. In the centre is the quadruple symbol of Dharma already described.

Fig. 15 is from one of the Sanchi bas-reliefs, on a
sword scabbard.
Fig. 16 is from the coins of the Indo-ScythianKadphises.
Fig. 17 is from the coins of Kunanda, the brother of Amogha.
Fig. 18 is from the coins of Sasa, of the family of Gondophares.
Fig. 19 is from the Sanchi colonnade inscriptions.
Fig. 20 is from the Sanchi colonnade inscriptions.
Fig. 21, from the Sanchi bas-reliefs, shows the symbol placed on an altar.
Fig. 22, also from the Sanchi bas-reliefs of the South Gateway, gives a triple representation of the symbol of Dharma, which is most probably intended for the Buddhist triad of Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha

8. The third member of the triad is represented in Plate XXXII, Fig.1, from a bas-relief of No. 2 Tope at Sanchi. In this the wheel, or emblem of Buddha,is placed above the monogram or S3anbol of Dharma,perhaps to indicate the superiority of Spirit over Matter. On the obverse of coin No. 10, Plate XXXI.,the symbol is represented in the contrary manner, with the monogram of Dharma above, and the wheel of Buddha below. This, I presume, denotes the belief of the striker of the coin in the superiority of Dharma, or elemental Nature, over Buddha, or Spirit.

. Two different spellings have been given for the name of sangha. Schlegel writes it "sangga” and ProfessorH.H.Wilson,”sangha”. The latter appears to be the more correct reading, as the Bhilsa Tope inscriptions invariably spell it sangha, with the gh.

10. The triple emblem, represented in Fig. 22,Plate XXXII, is one of the most valuable of the Sanchi sculptures, as it shows in the clearest and most unequivocal manner the absolute identity of the holy Brahmanical Jagannath with the ancient Buddhist Triad. The similarity between the Buddhist procession of images described by Fa Hian and that of the modern Rathyatra of Jagannath was first pointed out by the Rev. Dr. Stevenson.(Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. vii., p. 8.) Colonel Sykes discovered that both processions took place at the same time of the year.( Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. vi., p. 420, n.) Mr. Laidlay after noticing both of these facts adds his opinion that “the modern procession of Jagannath originated in the Buddhist practice described by Fa Hian.” He founds his opinion on the fact that "in the ordinary native pictures of the avataras of Vishnu the ninth or Bauddha Avatara, is represented by a figure of Jagannath orthe Rath Jattra. (See his translation of the Fo-kwe-ki, pp. 21-261.).

To these facts I can now add that of the absolute identity in form of the modern Jagannatha and his brother Balarama,and sister Subhadra, with the Buddhist monogram or symbol of Dharma. This identity is rendered much more striking and convincing by the occurrence of the symbol of Dharma in a triple form amongst the Sanchi bas-reliefs. In Plate XXXII., fig. 23, I have given a sketch of Jagannatha and his brother and sister side by side, with the triple symbol of Dharma from Sanchi. (Another drawing of Jagannath, and his brother and sister,may he found in vol. vi., p. 450, of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. In this the identity of figure is even more Striking”.)(pp.353 to 359) [unuote]


https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/ce/Bharhut_Yavana.jpg Vedika pillar with "Yavana" Greek warrior. Bharhut, Madhya Pradesh, Shunga Period, c. 100-80 BC. Reddish brown sandstone.Indian Museum, Calcutta.
Śrivatsa flag (Source; Fig. 22 in Plate XXXII, Cunningham, 1854, opcit.). Śrivatsa tops the sword held by the Greek warrior.

Established circa 100 BCE.

Historical notes:

-- Location: capital Dhānyakaṭaka Amarāvati, the place of immortals
Early Satavahanas (220 B. C. E. to Second half of first century B. C. E.)
Thesis of this monograph is that Nāga-s signified by the Indus Script hieroglyph-hypertext फडpha'cobra hood' were artisans in-charge of manufactories to produce wealth of the nation in paṭṭaḍa ‘smithy’ of the Bronze Age. 
फडनिविशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniviśī or sī & फडनिवीस Commonly फड- निशी & फडनीस. फडनिशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniśī or sī f The office or business of फडनीस. फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस. फडपूस (p. 313) phaḍapūsa f (फड & पुसणें) Public or open inquiry. 

This semantic excursus provides a clue to the significance and meaning of the cobra hoods shown on Amaravati drum slabs which are signifiers of the metal manufactories at Dhanyakataka (aka Amaravati).:

Drawing of a drum slab measuring 5ft.5in. by 2ft.9in. [WD1061, folio 23].
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed:H.H. 15th October 1816.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.

Drawing of a drum slab measuring 4ft.9in. by 3ft. [WD1061, folio 35]
Copyright © The British Library BoardInscribed: Inner circle S.W. side. No.8. 15th Nov'r. 1816. T.A. & M.B.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
Drawing of a drum slab measuring 4.5ft. by 3ft. [WD1061, folio 46]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: Sculpture at Amrawutty. Resembles No. 7. March 5th 1816.
Location of Sculpture: The British Museum. See Knox (1992) catalogue number 74; Barrett (1954) catalogue number 93; BM81.

Horse and Naga King
Drawing of a rectangular slab with two scenes showing four standing figures with a horse above and Naga king with four Naga women below. [WD1061, folio 31]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: 6ft. by 3ft.l0in. Loose stone lying on the south side. H.H. 25th October 1816.
Location of Sculpture: The British Museum. Knox (1992) catalogue number 102; Barrett (1954) catalogue number 72; BM53.

Drawing of a drum slab measuring 4ft.6in. by 3ft.2in. [WD1061, folio 32]Inscribed: Inner Circle S.W. No.7. 27th October 1816.

Location of Sculpture: Unknown.


Drawing of a drum slab measuring 4ft.8in. by 2ft.8in.[WD1061, folio 18]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: H.H. September 1816.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.


Translation: Beneath Rasātala is another planetary system, known as Pātāla or Nāgaloka, where there are many demoniac serpents, the masters of Nāgaloka, such as ŚańkhaKulika, Mahāśańkha, ŚvetaDhanañjayaDhṛtarāṣṭra, Śańkhacūḍa, KambalaAśvatara and Devadatta. The chief among them is Vāsuki. They are all extremely angry, and they have many, many hoods — some snakes five hoods, some seven, some ten, others a hundred and others a thousand. These hoods are bedecked with valuable gems, and the light emanating from the gems illuminates the entire planetary system of bila-svarga.

“The links of naga with sankha and riches (Kubera’s sankha nidhi) points to the people who were sankha workers. Sankhadvipais not far from the mouth of Rivers Narmada and Tapati which emanate from the region where naga are venerated surrounding the nearby irrigation tanks of Vidisha. The link with maritime people who created Sarasvati civilization is clearly indiated by these metaphors.”

Image result for gowanda naga
Image result for naga nagini ancient sculptureNaga, Nagini, Gowanda
Image result for gowanda nagaNaga Statue
Image result for nagini ancient sculptureNagini, Met Museum.
Image result for naga mahabalipuram ancient sculpture
Naga.Mahabalipuram. Arjuna's penance.

NAGA KING [Ajanta, Cave IX]
Satavahana Naga KingKantha: broad and flat short necklace with four pendant pieces (base-metal)

Karnika: large cylindrical earring with a decorative design (base metal)

Kangan: heavy and cylindrical bracelets (base metal)

Baju Band: thick cylindrical armlets with pendant pieces (base metal)
Head-dress: turban is twisted around the head and held with a decorative band; hair is long, as worn by aboriginal, and is arranged in a topknot and five crests with ribbons like serpents' hoods.
NAGA PRINCE [Ajanta, Cave IX]
Satavahana Naga Prince
hair is arranged in a large top knot at the centre with the turban wound around the head after twisted it around the knot, a brooch decorates the centre of the top knot; earrings are of the double disc-type; necklace, bracelets are made of base metal, and are probably hollow


[quote] As province after province fell out of the empire of Ashoka and formed itself into a separate kingdom under some chief, a branch of the Satiyaputras who are mentioned in the Edicts of Ashoka took advantage of this opportunity and founded a kingdom in what was known as Maharashtra [Bakhle, 45.]. In the light of the information supplied by the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharevela and that at Nane Ghat, we get 220 B. C. E. as the approximate year in which Simuka founded the dynasty of the Satavahanas [Bakhle, 48; Sir R. Bhandarkar and D. R. Bhandarkar, however, advocate 75 B. C. E. as the date of the rise of their dynasty.]. The independent State of Satiputra
army was situated along the western ghats and the konkan coast below [Sir R. Bhandarkar c/f Bakhle, 51.]. Their territory extended from sea to sea [Chitgupi, 28.].
Satakarni was probably contemporary with Pushyamitra and the performance of the Ashvamedha sacrifice recorded in the Nane Ghat inscription can be explained by supposing that he was the actual conqueror of Ujjain [Bakhle, 53.]. The sacrifices and fees paid to the Brahmans testify eloquently to the wealth of his realm and his Ashvamedha sacrifice bespeaks his sarvabhaumatva. But after Kuntala, the Satavahanas were forced to take refuge in Southern Maharashtra.

In this work of conquests, the Satavahanas were helped by the Rathikas and Bhojas who were duly rewarded with offices, titles and matrimonial alliances [Nilkanta Sastri, History of South India, 88.] [unquote]



The sculptural friezes of Amaravati are replete with a recurrent theme of adoration of 
Nāga-s.


Nāga-s worshipped the Atharva Veda fiery pillar of light (AV X.7), worshipped in kole.l 'smithy,forge' calling it kole.l 'temple. Nāga-s venerated Dhamma as exemplified by Indus Script hypertexts. 


See:   https://tinyurl.com/y8k6egn8

Bronze Age metalwork to create the wealth of the nation
Sculptural Frieze 1, Amaravati

Sculptural Frieze 2, Amaravati
The two sculptural friezes 1 and 2 show artisans carrying a threaded-rope and the entire scene emerges out of the snout of a makara. On frieze 1, the purnakumbha signifying wealth is kept on top of a base signified by the 'srivatsa' hypertext which reads: khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'. Thus, the hypertext message is: dul aya kammaṭa 'cast metal mint'. The threaded-rope is a hypertext which signifies: 1. dāmanī दामनी A foot-rope. dāmā दामा A string, cord. धामन् dhāman A fetter. dāˊman1 ʻropeʼ 
R̥gveda rebus: dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ). 2. mēḍhā 'twist' rebus med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic)  mēḍhā 'yajña, dhanam, nidhi'. makara 'composite animal of crocodile PLUS elephant': karabha,ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' PLUS karā 'crocodile' rebus: khār 'blacksmith'.PLUS dhmakara, dhamaka 'forge-blower, blacksmith'. 

The message of the two friezes is thus an itihāsa narrative of wealth-production by metal smelters and artisans of Amaravati and related heritage sites during the Bronze Age.

कटक [p= 243,3] m. (Comm. on Un2. ii , 32 and v , 35) a twist of straw , a straw mat Comm. on Ka1tyS3r.
कटक is also the name of the capital of Orissa. The two friezes affirm the name of Amaravati as Dhānyakaṭaka by showing artisans carrying a threaded rope of straw the source of dhanam, wealth and hence, the name Dhānyakaṭaka, 'wealth from the twist of straw' which is a metaphor for dul aya kammaṭa, 'cast metal mint' work producing wealth.

Nāga-s were a फडphaa, metalwork artisan-architect guild. That they were a फडphais signified by the Indus Script hypertext:फडphaa 'hood of cobra' rebus: फडphaa 'guild in charge of manufactory 

(a plant where something is manufactured),arsenal (collection of weapons and military equipment)'. That Nāga-s were working in a metal casting mint is signified by the hypertext of 'Śrivatsa' and other Indus Script hieroglyphs. This identification of the manufactory of Dhānyakaṭaka, the capital city of the region, is elaborated in this monograph, in the context of Bhāratīya Itihāsa of Nāga-s.
.
                     
The hypertexts are:

ayo kamma
a dvāra, 'entrance mint workshop'  
paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil workshop'.

Hieroglyph: फडा (p. 313) phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c  स्फट [p= 1269,3] m. a snake's expanded hood L. phaṭa n. ʻ expanded hood of snake ʼ MBh. 2. *phēṭṭa -- 2. [Cf. phuṭa -- m., °ṭā -- f., sphuṭa -- m. lex., °ṭā -- f. Pañcat. (Pk. phuḍā -- f.), sphaṭa -- m., °ṭā -- f., sphōṭā -- f. lex. andphaṇa -- 1. Conn. words in Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 386] 1. Pk. phaḍa -- m.n. ʻ snake's hood ʼ, °ḍā -- f., M. phaḍā m., °ḍī f. 2. A. pheṭphẽṭ. (CDIAL 9040) పటము (p. 695) paṭamu paṭamu. [Skt.] n. A cloth, వస్త్రము. A picture. గెరిపటము a paper kite, పతంగి.  The hood of a serpent, (See hoods of cobra adorning the worshipping naga-s). 


Ta. patam cobra'shood. Ma. paṭam id. Ka. peḍe id. Te. paḍaga id. Go. (S.) paṛge, (Mu.) baṛak, (Ma.) baṛki, (F-H.) biṛki hood of serpent (Voc. 2154). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9040, Skt. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā- id. For IE etymology, see Burrow, The Problem of Shwa in Sanskrit, p. 45. (DEDR 47)

Rebus: Factory, guild: फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्या- चा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nachhouse, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singingshop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work,--as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain).  फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस.(Marathi) பட்டரை¹ paṭṭarai , n. See பட்டறை¹. (C. G. 95.) பட்டறை¹ paṭṭaṟai , n. < பட்டடை¹. 1. See பட்டடை, 1, 3, 5, 7, 8, 12, 14. 2. Machine; யந்திரம். 3. Rice-hulling machine; நெல்லுக் குத்தும் யந்திரம். Mod. 4. Factory; தொழிற்சாலை. Mod. 5. Beam of a house; வீட்டின் உத்திரம். 6. Wall of the required height from the flooring of a house; வீட்டின் தளத்திலிருந்து எழுப்ப வேண்டும் அளவில் எழுப்பிய சுவர். வீடுகளுக்குப் பட்டறை மட்டம் ஒன்பதடி உயரத்துக்குக் குறை யாமல் (சர்வா. சிற். 48). பட்டறை² paṭṭaṟai , n. < K. paṭṭale. 1. Community; சனக்கூட்டம். 2. Guild, as of workmen; தொழிலாளர் சமுதாயம். (Tamil)

పట్టడ (p. 696) paṭṭaḍa paṭṭaḍu. [Tel.] n. A smithy, a shop. కుమ్మరి వడ్లంగి మొదలగువారు పనిచేయు చోటు. 

పటసాల (p. 695) paṭasāla paṭa-sāla. [Tel.] n. A hall or courtyard. பட்டகசாலை paṭṭaka-cālai n. < T. paṭa- šāla. [K. paṭṭasāle.] 1. Central or principal hall in a house; கூடம்Loc.

See: 

Indus Script hypertexts ayo kammaṭa dvāra, 'entrance mint workshop' (Mahāvamsa); paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil workshop' 

https://tinyurl.com/y94jt7ah


Cholas & Nāga-s. Nāga-s created the Dhānyakaaka, Amarāvati monument, the place for immortals                                       
"Historically, relations between the early Chola dynasty and the Naga dynastyof Tamilakam became well established. Royals by the name Chora-Naga, Ila Naga, Cula Naga and Kunjja Naga ruled the island of Eelam (Ceylon) between 62 BCE - 196 CE. During this period, Tondai Nadu, the homeland of the Pallavas was inhabited by the Kurumbar or Aruvar/Aruvalar people (Tamil: Aruval = people with bill-hook/ Telugu name for Tamil people), one of several Tamil Naga tribes that the Kaliththokai describes as having migrated to mainland Tamilakam during the Sangam periodPtolemy mentions the coasts of the Cholas (Soringoi) of Chola Nadu and the Aruvar (Arouarnoi) of Aruva Nadu, writing that "Orthoura" was a royal city of Soretai ruled by Sornagos, and Malanga ruled by Basaranagos of the latter. Historians have conjectured that Orthoura refers to the early Chola capital of Uraiyur while Malanga refers to Mavilanka, near Kanchipuram. "Orthoura" may refer to the northeastern Jaffna Tamil port town Uduthurai, where an early copper coin discovered carries the name Naka bumi in Tamil Brahmi, referring to the Naka Dynasty of Naka Nadu. Manimekhalai of the Sangam literature corpus describes the liaison of Princess Pilli Valai of Nāka Nadu with King Killivalavan of Chola Nadu at Nainativu; out of which union was born Prince Tondai Ilandiraiyan(Thiraiyar/sea farer of Eelam), corroborating tradition that the Pallavas were an off-shoot or branch of the Cholas and that their formation began from an ancient Chola-Nāka alliance. The Velurpalaiyam plates, dated to 852 CE credits the Naga liaison episode, and creation of the Pallava line, to a king named Virakurcha, son of Chutapallava, while preserving its legitimizing significance:[Michael D Rabe. (1997). The Māmallapuram Praśasti: A Panegyric in Figures, Artibus Asiae, Vol. 57, No. 3/4 (1997), pp. 189-241.]
..from him (Aśvatthāman) in order (came) Pallava, the lord of the whole earth, whose fame was bewildering. Thence, came into existence the race of Pallavas... [including the son of Chūtapallava] Vīrakūrcha, of celebrated name, who simultaneously with (the hand of) the daughter of the chief of serpents grasped also the complete insignia of royalty and became famous.


The earliest Tamil literature which throws light on a region associated with the Pallavas is the Akananuru, which locates the elder Tiriyan in Gudur, Nellore district, with a kingdom extending to Tirupati or Thiruvengadam. This Tiriayan is called the elder in order to distinguish him from the younger Tiraiyan whose capital was Kanchipuram.Perumpāṇāṟṟuppaṭai 29-30, 454] The Sangam work, Perumbanarruppatai, traces the line of the younger Tiriyan (aka Ilam Tiriyan) to the Solar dynasty of Ikshvakus, while the later Tamil commentators identify him as the illegitimate child of a Chola king and a Naga princess.[KR Subramanian. (1989). Buddhist remains in Āndhra and the history of Āndhra between 224 & 610 A.D, p.72].


Historically, early relations between the Nagas and Pallavas became well established.[KR Subramanian. (1989). Buddhist remains in Āndhra and the history of Āndhra between 224 & 610 A.D, p.71]."




Figure 4: The wheel of dharma was familiar to not only Buddhists, but the world of ancient Indian religious practice. © Dr. David Efurd.Figure 4: The wheel of dharma was familiar to not only Buddhists, but the world of ancient Indian religious practice. © Dr. David Efurd.
Figure 5: The footprint is one of the most beloved indications of the Buddha's simultaneous presence and absence. © Dr. David Efurd.Figure 5: The footprint is one of the most beloved indications of the Buddha's simultaneous presence and absence. © Dr. David Efurd.
Figure 6: The Bodhi tree might have inspired part of the Buddha's story, rather than merely being a component to it. © Dr. David Efurd.Figure 6: The Bodhi tree might have inspired part of the Buddha's story, rather than merely being a component to it. © Dr. David Efurd.
https://www.buddhistdoor.net/features/part-one-the-missing-buddha 

What do these decorative motifs and hypertexts signify? The answer is: wealth-creating activities of paṭṭaḍa, 'bronze-iron metal workshop guild'.

This monograph demonstrates -- based on the evidence of exquisite iconography in Amaravati, Bharhut, Sanchi, Al Khanoum, Jarwal-Garhi, Bedsa caves and other ancient monuments, ancient artifacts -- the pre-eminence of institutions for wealth-creation, paṭṭaḍa, 'bronze-iron metalworkshop guild'. This expression paṭṭaḍa is signified by a number of Indus Script hypertexts such as  फडा phaḍā 'cobra hood',  pāṭ°ṭā 'throne' and other hieroglyphs which signify phaḍa 'guilds of wealth-producing metal-/mint-work smithies/forges/mints'.

The animals atop of capitals of pillars and signified on abaci of the capitals of monuments such as Amaravati, Bharhut, Sanchi are Indus Script hypertexts of metal-/mint-work of the Bronze Age.
1. karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba,ib 'iron'; ibbo, 'merchant'
2. kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron', kolhe 'smelter', kolle 'blacksmith',kolimi 'smithy, forge'
3. Zebu, bos indicus: पोळ pōḷa 'zebu, bos indicus' Rebus: पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite (a ferrite ore)'
4. বরাহ barāha 'boar'Rebus: bāṛaï 'carpenter' (Bengali) bari 'merchant' barea 'merchant' (Santali) बारकश or बारकस [ bārakaśa or bārakasa ] n ( P) A trading vessel, a merchantman.
5. करण्ड  m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787) Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'.
6. फडा phaḍā 'cobra hood' Rebus: फड phaḍa 'bronze-iron metalworkshop guild'
7. āra 'lion' rebus: āra 'brass'
8. sadom 'horse' rebus: sadana 'seat, dwelling'
10. kuṭhāru 'monkey' rebus:  kuṭhāru 'armourer'
There are also other, recurrent Indus Script hypertexts in Bhāratīya monuments and on artifacts, which signify mint-/metal-work:
11.  tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper'
12. eruvai 'eagle' rebus: eruvai,  era 'copper
13.  ayo 'fish' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' PLUS sippī ʻspathe of date palmʼ Rebus: ayo kammata sīpī 'iron mint artificer'
14.  कर्णक kárṇaka 'pericarp of lotus' rebus: karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra, कर्णक kárṇaka 'helmsman'.
15.  pāṭ°ṭā 'throne' Rebus: paṭṭaḍa, 'smithy/forge, bronze-iron metalworkshop guild'
16. Hieroglyph: four (lions, elephants): gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar', khaṇḍa 'metal implements'
17. Hieroglyph: makara 'crocodile + elephant' rebus: dhmakara 'forge-blower';dhamaka 'blacksmith'
18. Hieroglyph: garland, rope: dāma 'rope, garland' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters'; rebus: dhamma 'dharma' (righteousness)
19. kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'

Details of carvings above the cave entramce/  The zebu with two persons signifies workers in iron, hieroglyph: poḷa ‘zebu’. rebus: poḷa, ‘magnetite, ferrite ore’.
A similar four "Indian lionLion Capital of Aśoka atop an intact Aśoka Pillar at Wat U Mong near Chiang Mai, Thailand showing another larger Dharma Chakra / Aśoka Chakra atop the four lions. Dhamma cakra. "the wheel of Righteousness" (Dharma in Sanskrit or Dhamma in Pali)"
Hieroglyph, spoke of wheel: ஆரம்² āram , n. < āra. 1. Spoke of a wheel. See ஆரக்கால். ஆரஞ் சூழ்ந்த வயில்வாய் நேமியொடு (சிறுபாண். 253). 2. Brass; பித்தளை. (அக. நி.)ஆறாரச்சக்கரம் āṟāra-c-cakkaram , n. < id. + āracakra. Stanza of four lines so composed that it can be written in the form of a wheel with six spokes, some of the letters being repeated in reading as one goes on reading the lines from spoke to spoke, a variety of cakkara-pantam; மிறைக்கவியுள் ஒன்று. (மாறன. 282, உரை.) Ta. aṟam moral or religious duty, virtue, dharma, Yama; aṟavaṉ one who is virtuous, god, Buddha, ascetic, etc.; aṟavi virtue, that which is holy, female ascetic; aṟaviya virtuous; aṟaviyāṉ virtuous man; aṟaṉsacrificer. Ma. aṟam law, dharma. Ka. aṟa, aṟu virtue, charity, alms, law, dharma, Yama (DEDR 311) 
Hieroglyph, ebony: (aTa. ār, āram, ārai, ārcci, (DCV) ārtti common mountain ebony, Bauhinia racemosa. Ma. ār Bauhinia tree. Ka. āre B. racemosa Lin. Te. āre B. spicata. ? Cf. 106 Te. aḍḍa. / Cf. Skt. ālu-, āluka- ebony; kāñcanāra-, kāñcanāla-, kudāra-, kudāla-, kuddā̆la-, kovidāra-, kāntāra- mountain ebony. (b) Ta. ātti common mountain ebony, B. racemosa; holy mountain ebony, B. tomentosa; kāṭṭ-ātti mountain ebony; ā ebony. Ma. kāṭṭatti, atti B. tomentosa (Winslow), B. parviflora (Bailey). Ka. kāḍatti B. tomentosaL. Tu. kāṭarti B. tomentosa; Ta. ār sharpness, pointedness; ārmai keenness, sharpness. Ma. ār chip, splinter (as of bamboo); āru splinter, needle-like splinter in the stem of coconut tree and other palm trees. Kur. ārcī goad, pointed end of goad, (Hahn) point of lance or stick(DEDR 371, 372)

Rebus: அறம் aṟam , n. < அறு¹-. [K. aṟa, M. aṟam.] 1. Moral or religious duty, virtue, performance of good works according to the Šāstras, duties to be practised by each caste; தருமம். (பிங்.) 2. Merit; புண்ணியம். அறம்பாவ மென்னு மருங்கயிற் றாற் கட்டி (திருவாச. 1, 52). 3. That which is fitting, excellent; தகுதியானது. (இறை. 29, பக். 136.) 4. Religious faith; சமயம். (சீவக. 544.) 5. Wisdom; ஞானம். அறத்தின் விருப்புச் சிறப்பொடு நுந்த (ஞானா. பாயி. 5). 6. Feeding house; அறச் சாலை. அறத்துக்குப் புறத்தன் (T.A.S. i, 9). 7. Fasting; நோன்பு. (சீவக. 386.) 8. Letters or words in a verse which cause harm; தீப் பய னுண்டாக்குஞ்சொல். அறம்விழப் பாடினான். 9. Goddess of virtue; தருமதேவதை. (குறள், 77.) 10. Yama; யமன். அறத்தின் மைந்தனுக்கு (பாரத. வாரணா. 112).அறவழக்கம் aṟa-vaḻakkam

n. < அறம் +. Moral or religious instruction; தருமோபதேசம். அருளிருந்த திருமொழியா லறவழக்கங் கேட்டிலமால் (வீரசோ. யாப். 15, உரை).அறவாழி aṟa-v-āḻi

n. < id. +. 1. Wheel of virtue; தரும சக்கரம். அருளோடெழு மறவாழி யப் பா (திருநூற். 5). 2. Ocean of virtue; தரும சமுத் திரம். அறவாழி யந்தணன் (குறள், 8).
அறன் aṟaṉ
n. < அறம். Sacrificer, as performing a sacred duty; வேள்விமுதல்வன். (பரிபா. 3, 5.)அறவி aṟavi
n. < id. 1. Virtue; அறம். (மணி. 11, 23.) 2. That which is holy; புண்ணி யத்தோடு கூடியது. அறவி நாவா யாங்குளது (மணி. 11, 25). 3. Female ascetic; சன்னியாசினி. ஆசில் கொள் கை யறவிபா லணைந்து (சிலப். 13, 103). 4. Public place; பொதுவிடம். (மணி. 7, 93.)அறவியான் aṟaviyāṉ

n. < id. Virtuous man; அறத்தினிற்பவன். (சீவக. 1125.)அறவுரை aṟa-v-urai

n. < id. +. Religious or moral instruction; தருமோபதேசம். (அருங்கலச். 116.)
அரம்² aram
n. prob. அர. Nether world of serpents; பாதலம். அரமேவி வெம்பின பணி (இரகு. யாகப். 81).அருளறம் aruḷ-aṟam

n. < அருள்² +. Virtue of grace; அருளாகிய அறம். அருளறம் பூண்ட வொரு பெரும் பூட்கையின் (மணி. 5, 75).அறநிலையறம் aṟa-nilai-y-aṟam

n. < id. +. Maintenance by the king of the observance of caste rules by the four castes; நால்வகை வருணத் தாரும் தத்தம் நெறியிற் பிழையாது அரசன் பாதுகாக் கை. (பிங்.)அறநூல் aṟa-nūl

n. < id. +. Code of laws, treatise on civil and religious duties; தருமசாத்திரம். (குறள், 338, உரை.)அறநெறிச்சாரம் aṟa-neṟi-c-cāram

n. < id. +. Name of a poem on the path of virtue, by Muṉaippāṭiyār; ஒரு நீதி நூல்.அறப்புறங்காவல் aṟa-p-puṟaṅ-kāval

n. < அறம் +. Protection of endowments of land for religious and social charities; தருமத்துக்கு விடப்பட்ட பூமிகளைப் பாதுகாக்கை. அறப்புறங்காவ னாகொவலென (நம்பியகப். 72).அறப்புறம் aṟa-p-puṟam

n. < id. +. 1. Sin; பாவம். அறப்புறத்தினார் புரம்பொடித்த (திருவிளை தண்ணீர்ப். 9). 2. Lands endowed for charitable purposes and exempted from assessment, charitable endowments; தருமத்திற்கு விடப்பட்ட இறையிலிநிலம். அறப்புறமுமாயிரம் (சீவக. 76). 3. Alms-house, feeding house; தருமசாலை. (திரு விளை. நாட்டு. 33.) 4. Place where the Vēdas are taught; வேதமோதும் பள்ளி. (திவா.) அறவன் aṟavaṉ

n. < id. 1. One who is virtuous; தருமவான். அறவனீ யல்லையோ (திரு விளை. தண்ணீர்ப். 36). 2. God; கடவுள். அறவனை யாழிப் படையந்தணனை (திவ். திருவாய். 1, 7, 1). 3. Buddha; புத்தன். (திவா.) 4. Sage, ascetic; முனிவன். (சூடா.) 5. Brāhman; பிராமணன். அறவ ரடிதொடினும் (பரிபா. 8, 68).அறவாணன் aṟa-vāṇaṉ
n. < id. +. God, the abode of virtue, or whose abode is virtue; கடவுள். (பெரியபு. வாயி. 8.)


punch-marked Coin of Aśoka (Mitchiner, Michael (1978). Oriental Coins & Their Values: The Ancient and Classical World 600 B.C. - A.D. 650. Hawkins Publications. p. 544. )
मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Santali.Ho.Mu.)
 Oriya. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa 'a quantity of iron, excellent iron'.


 
Heulandite. H. 1 3/8 in. (3.4 cm); dia. 1 in. (2.4 cm) Proto-Elamite period, ca 3100-2900 BCE Sb 2675 Comment by Holly Pittman on Rutten, (Ed.), 1935-36, Encyclopedie photographique de l’art, Paris: “Although the tree on the mountain is undoubtedly a landscape element, tree, mountain, and the combination of the two are distinct script signs as well.” (After Fig. 45, Prudence O Harper et al, opcit., p.74).

On this cylinder seal, there are two message segments composed of Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes.

1. mountain, ficus glomerata, two wild goats, two +hieroglyphs (fire-altar)
2. mountain, ficus glomerata, two goats, two twigs emanating from the mountain range, + hieroglyph (fire-altar)

dula 'pair, two' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' 

Thus, together, loh 'copper' PLUS dul 'cast metal' PLUS kuhi '(copper)metal smelter'


Similarly, two antelopes signify by rebus-metonymy layer: dul 'cast metal' PLUS milakkhu 'copper' ORranku 'tin'.

Similarly, two wild goats signify by rebus-metonymy layer: dul 'cast metal' PLUS mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) OR med 'copper' (Slavic languages).

Медь [Med'] (Russian, Slavic) 'copper' gloss is cognate with mē̃ḍ 'iron' (Munda) meḍ 'iron' (Ho.) . The early semantics of the Meluhha word meḍ is likely to be 'copper metal'. Rebus: मेढ meḍh 'helper of merchant'. Seafaring merchants of Meluhha ! 







Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic).
Corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry.
Used in most of the Slavic and Altaic languages.

— Slavic
Мед [Med] Bulgarian
Bakar Bosnian
Медзь [medz'] Belarusian
Měď Czech
Bakar Croatian
Kòper Kashubian
Бакар [Bakar] Macedonian
Miedź Polish
Медь [Med'] Russian
Meď Slovak
Baker Slovenian
Бакар [Bakar] Serbian
Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian

http://www.vanderkrogt.net/elements/element.php?sym=Cu


This hieroglyph-multiplex has three hieroglyph components: mountain, two bunches of twigs, ficus glomerata leaf (NOT a tree).

Hieroglyph: bunch of twigs: कूटी [p= 299,3] v.l. for कूद्/.  कूदी [p= 300,1] f. a bunch of twigs , bunch (v.l. कूट्/) AV. v , 19 , 12 Kaus3.accord. to Kaus3. , Sch. = बदरी, "Christ's thorn". (Samskritam)
Hieroglyph: mountain: कुठि [p= 289,1] m. a tree L. m. a mountain L.(Samskritam)
Rebus:kuhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore, to smelt iron’;koe ‘forged (metal)(Santali) kuhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuhi, kui (Or.; Sad. kohi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkui has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuhi = a factory; lil kuhi = an indigo factory (kohi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. kohī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuhī factory (A.); kohābrick-built house (B.); kuhī bank, granary (B.); koho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); kohīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; kohī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) ko = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 

I suggest that two types of caprids are orthographically delineated: Section A. a wild goat (say, markhor) with curved horns and Section B. a goat or antelope.

Section A. Wild goat: Tor. miṇḍāˊl
ʻmarkhorʼ. Rebus: med 'copper' (Slavic languages)

British Museum 120466 Proto-Elamite administrative tablet (4.4x5.7x1.8 cm) with a cylinder seal impression cf. Walker, CBF, 1980, Elamite Inscriptions in the British Museum in: Iran Vol. 18 (1980), pp. 75-81. Indus Script hieroglyphs on this seal impression are: markhor, ficus glomerata, twig.

With the emphasis on curled, curved horns, the semantics are related to the set of glosses: *mēṇḍhī ʻ lock of hair, curl ʼ. [Cf. *mēṇḍha -- 1 s.v. *miḍḍa -- ]S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔmiḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.(CDIAL 10312)

Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)


kanda 'fire-altar'


 This hieroglyph is signified three times on the cylinder seal. kolom 'three' Rebus: kolimi'smithy, forge' kole.l 'smithy, temple'. Holly Pittman notes: “The cross, shown three times in the upper field, is a sign belonging to the Proto-Elamite script.” (Prudence O. Harper et al, opcit., p.74). 
Since Proto-Elamite has NOT so far been deciphered, I have no comment to make on the possible decipherment of this sign in Proto-Elamite texts. There is a possibility that the sign may have been read as a Meluhha word, 'kanda' meaning 'smelter or furnace' as a continuum of the Meluhha metalwork tradition in Elam. (See appended not on Elam).
Orthographically, this is a fire-french with four distinct arms of four pits (four is a semantic determinative or reinforcement of the substantive message): gaNDa 'four' Rebus: kanda 'fire-trench'.
Substantive message:
Pe. kanda fire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit. Tu. kandůka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te. kandakamu id. Konḍa kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings.(DEDR 1214)


An expression लोखंड [lōkhaṇḍa ] 'metal implements' gets 


signified by adding in hypertext, the following hieroglyphs:



ficus glomerata (loa)


AND a mountain (kaNDa).


WPah.kṭg. (kc.) kaṇḍɔ m. ʻ thorn, mountain peak ʼ(CDIAL 2668)Pk. kaṁṭī -- f. ʻ space near a village, ground near a mountain, neighbourhood ʼ(CDIAL 2669) Pk. kaṁṭha -- m. ʻ border, edge ʼ; L. awāṇ. kaḍḍhā ʻ bank ʼ; P. kaṇḍhā m. ʻ bank, shore ʼ, °ḍhī f. ʻ land bordering on a mountain ʼ; WPah. cam. kaṇḍhā ʻ edge, border ʼ; N. kānlokã̄llo ʻ boundary line of stones dividing two fields ʼ, kã̄ṭh ʻ outskirts of a town ʼ ← a Mth. or H. dial.; H. kã̄ṭhā ʻ near ʼ; OMarw. kāṭha m. (= kã̄°?) ʻ bank of a river ʼ; G. kã̄ṭhɔ m. ʻ bank, coast, limit, margin of a well ʼ; M. kāṭhkã̄ṭh°ṭhā m. ʻ coast, edge, border ʼ, kã̄ṭhẽ n. ʻ arable land near the edge of a hill. ʼ -- L. P. kaṇḍh f. ʻ wall ʼ perh. infl. in meaning by kanthā (CDIAL 2680)



loa ficus glomerata’ Rebus: loh ‘iron, copper’ (Sanskrit) PLUS 


unique ligatures: लोखंड [lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे 


खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously.लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma 


n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which 


consists of iron.  The business of an ironsmith.लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī 


a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. (Marathi)


http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/07/indus-script-deciphered-mlecchita.html
Hieroglyph: aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)

Munda: So. ayo `fish'. Go. ayu `fish'. Go <ayu> (Z), <ayu?u> (Z),, <ayu?> (A) {N} ``^fish''. Kh. kaDOG `fish'. Sa. Hako `fish'. Mu. hai (H) ~ haku(N) ~ haikO(M) `fish'. Ho haku `fish'. Bj. hai `fish'. Bh.haku `fish'. KW haiku ~ hakO |Analyzed hai-kO, ha-kO (RDM). Ku. Kaku`fish'.@(V064,M106) Mu. ha-i, haku `fish' (HJP). @(V341) ayu>(Z), <ayu?u> (Z)  <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish''. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish''. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn''. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn''. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+GOl-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish''. #15163. Vikalpa: Munda: <aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.#10171. So<aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.
Anthropomorph had fish hieroglyph incised on the chest of  the copper object, Sheorajpur, upper Ganges valley,   ca. 2nd millennium BCE,   4 kg; 47.7 X 39 X 2.1 cm. State Museum,   Lucknow (O.37) Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards. miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Gujarati) meḍ iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda) ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayo, ayas ‘metal. Thus, together read rebus: ayo meḍh ‘iron stone ore, metal merchant.’

Indus Script examples of hieroglyphs: fish-fin, fish, crocodile combinations

Mohenjo-daro seal showing ligatured animals + fish hieroglyph

ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'

m0482A One side of a two-sided tablet  m1429C One side of a prism tablet. ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.); rebus: aya ‘(alloyed) metal’ (G.) kāru  a wild crocodile or alligator (Te.) Rebus:khār  a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār) (Kashmiri) 
Combined rebus reading: ayakāra ‘iron-smith’ (Pali)
Similarly, the readings of, say, crocodile + fish glyphs should also be consistent in the context in which the glyphs appear. On a prism-tablet with epigraphs on 3 sides m1429 Mohonjo-daro tablet should be explained not only for the sequence of 'signs' on one side but also for the pictorial motif of boat, palm trees, two oxhide ingots on the second side of the prism tablet.

If 'crocodile' is a divinity, the presence of other hieroglyphs should not be left unexplained.

Few hieroglyphs in hypertext of inscription on Side C of the prism tablet: कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 , 3 rebus: karNI 'helmsman, supercargo'. The hieroglyph of a standing person with legs spread out is thus a semantic determinant of the adjoining hieroglyph: rim of jar: karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNika 'scribe, account'. The next two hieroglyphs from the left are a pair of ingots: dhALako 'ingots' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus, cast ingots.

Shiva Ayyadurai to Janakiraman: "You agreed to cancel the funding for the Harvard Tamil Chair."

Mahābhārata text rovides the most accurately dated document of Itihāsa events, in the history of world literature

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A brilliant monograph, well-argued and evidenced. Certainly advances the ongoing efforts to resolve varying interpretations of the astronomical references in the Mahābhārata text, the most accurately dated document of Itihāsa events, in the history of world literature. Ananda Coomaraswamy provides a remarkable insight:  'Myth embodies the nearest approach to absolute truth that can be stated in words.' Thanks again, the Kali yuga that started 36 yrs after MB war, is 3102 BCE, so that of MB is 3138 BCE. Kr̥ṣṇa Dvaipāyana Vyāsa (the dark, Ganga islander) records events around this date of 3138 BCE. Narahari Achar, Srinivasa Raghavan and you have demonstrated a date of November 22, 3067. Congratulations for an outstanding astronomical contribution to studies of Bhāratīya Itihāsa. जीवेम शरदः शतम्

Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Centre January 13, 2018

Friday, January 12, 2018

Challenging Nilesh Oak's dates of Mahabharata and Ramayana.

Many have attempted to date the Mahabharata war and Ramayana taking inputs from the two Epics. Mr Nilesh Oak (https://nileshoak.wordpress.com/ ) is one among them who has dated Mahabharata war at 5561 BCE and Rama- Ravana war at 12,209 BCE. In an exchange with him on Twitter for an open debate I sent to him the following transcripts in a series of tweets on January 8th and 9th of 2018. 

Till now he has not replied to my arguments.


- Jayasree


***************

Date of MB is non-negotiable as it is connected with Kali yuga that started 36 yrs after MB war. Traditional date of K.Yuga is 3102 BC, so that of MB is 3138 BC. 3102 BC is the basis of time frame all these 5000 yrs used by rishis & ancestors in Sankalpa for yajnas, puja and lakhs of times everyday even today.


Tamil Siddha hymns also give a formula to deduce the day, star etc of any day, anytime of this time frame of K.Yuga which is perfectly working. To deny this date is Videshi Indology. Our attempt should be to locate this date matching with hints given by Vyasa in MB. If we don’t get this date, it means we haven’t understood the hints correctly.


Hints in MB: Planetary position, Upagrahas, Gara Karana (one of Pancha angas) and terrestrial sightings.


1.Planets:-The reference to planets and their motion at the start of MB war pertains to Nimittha (निमित्त ) and the results/ predictions connected with planetary motions pertain to astrology, and not exactly about the position of those planets as per astronomy. Therefore one must not take the reference to planets at face value.


2. Upagrahas:- Syama, Dhuma and Ketu mentioned are Upagrahas of planets and located in relation to the respective planet on a particular day. They must support planetary position.


 3. Panchanga factor:- Gara karana appearing in Chitra (5-141-9)

नूनं मह भयं कृष्ण कुरूणां समुपस्थितम
      
विशेषेण हि वार्ष्णेय चित्रां पीडयते गरहः


Based on all these I derived 3 water-tight  features - Mars in Sravana, Saturn in Purva phalguni and an eclipsed Amavasya in Jyeshta with no eclipses in the preceding and successive pakshas and asked Dr N.Achar in Aug 2013 to check for the date in his astronomy software. He got two dates 3178 BCE and 3030 BCE, of which 3178 BCE is within 40 yrs of traditional date of MB. Details of this decipherment here:http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.in/2013/10/is-vedic-astrology-derived-from-greek_5.html


Anyone showing a date less than this is welcome.


Why another year also appeared for the given inputs? Because we took only 3 factors that we are so sure about and they had existed at another date also. But the date closer to traditional date is taken, as the traditional date forms the basis of this research.


4. Terrestrial sightings:- Fierce winds, colour of the sky & of sun, showers of dust, trembling of earth, roaring noises, high waves at the seas, strange behaviour of animals etc narrated by Vyasa as terrestrial happenings fit in with after-effects of a meteor or asteroid hit somewhere on earth. In this context he speaks about Arundhati ahead of Vasistha. Immediately after that he notes that the deer image on the moon had deviated from original position.


Movement of Arundhati and deer image on moon are reported (seen) at the same moment. This is possible due to some atmospheric refraction. (Today both are all right). A meteor/ comet hit somewhere in the globe can cause this making the above mentioned sightings possible.

Around the same time of these sightings, a comet had hit Austria. A Cuneiform tablet prepared in 700 BC explains a meteor-fall 5000 years ago in Austria. Readhttps://phys.org/news/2008-03-cuneiform-clay-tablet.html#jCp


The date is deciphered as 29th June, 3123 BC! This is 15 yrs after MB war. A dating error could have caused this deviation. But description including the deviation of Arundhati and deer image of the moon is possible due change in the refractive index of the atmosphere caused to particles thrown in the air by meteor-hit.


Next catastrophe happened 36 years after Mahabharata war when Krishna left the world. Massive waves that hit Dwaraka could have been caused by an asteroid hit off the coast of Madagascar 5000 yrs ago. http://discovermagazine.com/2007/nov/did-a-comet-cause-the-great-flood#.UT23fVfsgZI The chevrons around Madagascar testify this. My article here http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.in/2013/03/meteor-hit-in-russia-some-thoughts.html



Now taking up Oak’s theory of shift in the position of Arundhati, it can happen only under 2 circumstances. 1. If the earth reverses its direction of rotation, the stars in the circumpolar constellation (Ursa Major) will reverse the direction in which Arundhati will move in front of Vasistha. This reversal is impossible.


2. When Arundhati (Alcor) comes in front of Vashishta (Mizar) which can happen only after 375,000 yrs!  Read http://stars.astro.illinois.edu/sow/mizar.html This cannot happen in a measurable span of human civilization.



What Oak says is with reference to change in equinoctial position or change in poles over 26000 years. The change in equinox – showing a shift in poles can be in understood by this figure.



In the hour-glass like span, earth’s axis draws an arc to and fro. Points A,B,C,D are four pole stars seen aligned with earth’s axis once in 6500 years. Shown in the figure.



For a terrestrial observer on the earth, this to-and fro movement will be 2-dimentional.  See the figure below where points B & D will be noticed at the same point in space. After all within 6500 x 4 yrs shift, the background cosmos does not shift much for observer.



The same is what our ancients had noticed which I showed in another article in another thread. With axis falling in Aries- Libra, the motion goes upto 27 degrees to and fro.




Within this the poles shift. For the naked eye observer, Ursa Major does not undergo any change. Take a look at the figure. To and fro oscillation for poles and Ursa Major does not cause change in position of Arundhati for an observer. She will be seen following Vashishta due to the same directional rotation of the earth. 



Even across time of 1000s of years, Vashishtha- Arundhati orientation to each does not change due to the gravitational coupling between them. Ursa major may change its shape, but Mizar- Alcor orientation and location  as seen from the earth won’t change. See this video




So what Vyasa noticed was an optical illusion caused by change in the refractive index of the atmosphere, which in turn was caused by a catastrophic meteor hit which is what his observations are about.


That Arundhati would not change position was noticed as early as Skanda’s times. MB 3-229 is about how the wives of 6 out 7 sapta rishis were disowned by their respective husbands and allotted motherhood of Skanda. The import is Arundhati alone stayed put without changing position. That is why she is made an icon of chastity. Such an Arundhati could have never changed position in the past or future. That is why she is exceptional. To say she changed position in the near past was poor understanding of why and how our ancients created certain icons like Arundhati.



Talking on Skanda we move to Ramayana date as Skanda is worshiped in the Mantra of Indra dvaja by Manu (Brihad Samhita 43:54-55) Means Skanda aka Muruga existed before Manu’s times. He was born in Pandyan dynasty as ‘Ugra kumara’ or Muruga and hosted the 1st Sangam age. The dates of 3 sangams deduced after research:




9990 BCE is the date after which Manu must have given the Indradvaja mantra. Only after that the  Ikshvaku dynasty was formed in which Rama was born much later.  Southern Madurai was capital of 1st Sangam age (5550 BC – 9990 BC). After it submerged, Kavaatam became the capital of 2nd Sangam age (5550 BC – 1850 BC). This capital is mentioned in V.Ramayana.


Internal evidence of Ramayana is “Kavatam of Pandyas!” कवाटम् पाण्ड्यानाम् – Valmiki Ramayana, chapter 41 -19). Sugreeva asked vanaras to search there. Date is anywhere between 5550 BC – 1850 BC


That Pandyans were contemporaries of Ravana is known from  Sinnamanur copper plateshttp://www.whatisindia.com/inscriptions/south_indian_inscriptions/volume_3/copper_plates_at_tirukkalar.html 


In Sanskrit it is written "Dasaanan sandheepa rakshakaara". In Tamil the same is written as "dasavathanan saarbaaka sandhu seithum" Ravana bought peace with Pandyans – same thing told in Raghu Vamsam of Kalidasa 6-62



The location of Pandya is mentioned as “Aalavai” – another name for Kavaatam of the 2nd Sangam age. Read my article. http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.in/2017/05/4-early-pandyan-history-found-in-raghu.html  So Rama lived during 2nd Sangam age of Pandyas. Definitely not before 5550 BCE.

Another internal reference: From my ppt presentation in SI3 conference





Now coming to Oak’s date, his date of Ramayana even pre-dates the beginning of Holocene which started around 11,500 yrs before present (BP). It marked the end of Ice age when Himalayas was heavily snow clad. Warmth flowed from south to north starting from 11,000 yrs to 7000 yrs. Only gradually Himalayans glaciers started breaking. So Ganga was not yet born in the time period he has given.


The Indian monsoon had not started at that time – a fact confirmed in Hancock’s vegetation map of India at 10,600 BC. Look at interior Deccan – no Dandakaranya forest. Description of rainy season of V.Ramayana is invalid in this period.



In Oak’s scheme, Vedic civilization goes beyond 15,000 yrs ago. Look at Hancock’s map prepared based on climate, rainfall etc of those times. Only habitable place was west coast, extended beyond present limits and in SE Tamilnadu.



If Oak still thinks that is date is right, let him challenge Hancock who prepared these maps.

Now coming to sea level, a bridge (Setu) could be built only if there is water between India and Srilanka. In the beginning of Holocene Lanka was landlocked like a peninsula – similar to Kathiawar Peninsula. Check out these maps of Hancock based on sea-level maps of Glen Milne. There was no need to build Setu in Oak’s date of Rama!



Till 8,900 BP there was land connection between India and lanka



By 7000 BP sea level almost reached the current level. Between 7700 BP to 6900 BP, sea waters completely separated Lanka from India for the first time. Only in this period Setu could have been built.


Note this period concurs with Bhatnagar’s date, 2nd Sangam date, and science channel date of boulders and geological studies done there. My articlehttp://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.in/2017/12/science-channel-on-ram-setu-as-man-made.html



Nutshell: Absence of Ganga and land-locked Lanka in Oak’s date demolish his date of Ramayana. Plus Indian monsoons not yet started and absence of forest formation in Deccan makes his date unrealistic. If he wants to challenge these, let him first disprove Hancock’s maps and the sea-level data. 

India's deep but forgotten roots in South-east Asia -- Sahana Singh

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Front CoverGeorge Coedes titled his magnum opus: Histoire ancienne des États hindouisés d'Extrême-Orient, Hanoi, Imprimerie d'Extrême-Orient, 1944 (French). Translation: Hinduised States of Ancient Far East
Kalyanaraman, Sarasvati Research Center

Peoples Of Mainland Southeast Asia Map 1971

By National Geographic


Peoples Of Mainland Southeast Asia Map 1971
















A beautiful map prepared by National Geographic.














Sahana Singh, January 13, 2018
Twenty years ago, when I moved from India to Singapore with my husband, I found myself marvelling at the many reminders of home after the initial strangeness of being in a foreign city settled down.
These reminders reveal themselves like threads woven through the fabric of daily life - my neighbour lighting incense before an altar, the new year timed to the lunar calendar, even the concern for departed atmans (souls) as echoed in the observance of the Hungry Ghost Festival.
To be sure, similar beliefs and practices can arise across cultures. But it was when I visited Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam that it became increasingly evident to me that there was a Greater India that most Indians were unaware of. The batik designs worn by stewardesses aboard Singapore Airlines bore an unmistakable Indian stamp. The Buddhist religion was, of course, the most obvious Indian export.
There were other deities like Ganesha in Thailand, which were clearly of Hindu origin. Of course, Buddhism was itself an artificially separated religion; its concepts flew seamlessly from the earlier streams of thought enshrined in the Vedas.
But the biggest Indic influence I saw was in the diffusion of Sanskrit into the languages of the region. Bahasa, bumiputera, samudra, rasa, jaya and raja were just a few of many Malay words that were rooted in Sanskrit.
And yet , to my surprise, the museums I visited in Malaysia were more focused on European colonial powers, which became significant only during the last 400 years.
As I began researching for my book on the educational heritage of ancient India, I discovered that Indian knowledge had far-reaching impact. Universities were scattered over the entire land of India. There was of course, the famous Nalanda in the fifth century AD and Takshashila a thousand years earlier, but apart from these, there were scores of forest universities, temple universities and campuses of learned men and women dating back more than 5,000 years.
A sizeable number of foreign students from China, Korea, Japan, South-east Asia and West Asia flocked to India. Famous Chinese students (later professors) such as Fa-Hien (fifth century AD), Xuanzhang and Yijing (both from seventh century AD) have left behind detailed accounts of the educational ecosystem of India.
The subjects taught included logic, sciences, mathematics, grammar, debate, astronomy, medicine and more, which were mostly taught in Sanskrit. The colleges were funded by grants from kings and queens. Villagers contributed food grains, clothes and other necessities to support students and professors. There was a well-oiled machinery to facilitate the culture of learning.
Foreign students made difficult journeys on foot, pack animals and by ship, often risking their lives, to imbibe knowledge from the professors of India. It was not easy to gain admission into the top universities such as Nalanda, which had stringent entrance examinations that eliminated 80 per cent of applicants. This is why villages located around Nalanda had schools that trained students to crack the examinations.
During the course of their studies, foreign students such as Xuanzang copied hundreds of texts and carried back as many manuscripts as they could manage to their home countries. It was considered a sacred duty by these Chinese pilgrim-scholars to take back holy texts and their commentaries from India.
Interestingly, a large number of Indian scholars also travelled to China starting from the first century AD, upon being invited by kings from various dynasties. Hundreds of Sanskrit works were painstakingly translated into Chinese by Indian scholars in collaboration with Chinese intellectuals. It is on record that some of the Indian scholars were persuaded by Chinese kings to marry their daughters in order to produce gifted progeny. Several Indian mathematicians and astronomers from the best universities held high positions in China's scientific establishments. This is how Indian numerals were introduced into China as also the "navagraha" calendar and navigational principles.
Indic ideas flowed in all directions and moulded customs and traditions. Since the South-east Asian countries were just a quick sail away from the major ports of India, it was commonplace for Indian traders, artisans and scholars to frequent these regions from ancient times (possibly the second century BC). The similarities in temples, deities, textiles, medicines and belief systems that we see today are not by coincidence.
It was India which set the trends in architecture, textiles, medical systems, consumer goods and navigational methods. It is not surprising that India was then the biggest supplier of economic goods (along with Ming-ruled China) to the world. This is not to imply that the Indian civilisation comprised people of superior intellect. Put simply, the antiquity of the Indian civilisation extends to thousands of years, during which people were able to get over the basic problems of survival earlier, and thereby focus their time and energies on unravelling the complex mysteries of the universe as well as in expanding trade.
It was the sea route to India that the colonial powers of Portugal, Spain, France and England set out to explore in order to gain direct access to the physical and intellectual wealth of India. It is why the Native Americans were exultantly called Indians and why in Lisbon, the place from where Portuguese ships set out towards Asia was called Avenidas de India (Avenue to India). The target was India, while the spice-endowed lands of South-east Asia turned out to be bonus offerings.
The name Singapura was not merely the result of a lion-like animal being spotted by an Indonesian prince. The island was a part of Sanskritic kingdoms centred in Indonesia, which were highly civilised and cultured. The powerful Srivijayan Empire and the Majapahit Empire cannot be dismissed as footnotes of history.
The marvels of engineering, logistics and management that we witness in temples of Angkor Wat and Borobodur were built by Indic dynasties that stand as reminders of the glorious civilisation that emanated from India.
Given the richness and extent of Indic influence, it is surprising that India's contribution to building the edifice of Asean culture is not acknowledged to the extent it should be. The ties with European colonising powers are remembered better than the deep-rooted influence of a non-colonising India.
• The writer is an author, environmentalist and commentator who specialises in Indic history, water issues and current affairs. She has recently published a book, The Educational Heritage Of Ancient India - How An Ecosystem Of Learning Was Laid To Waste.
A version of this article appeared in the print edition of The Straits Times on January 13, 2018, with the headline 'India's deep but forgotten roots in South-east Asia'. 

Kannada translation of ऋग्वेद R̥gveda (36 vols ed. H.P. Venkat Rao); Science of Veda -- Arun Kumar Upadhyay

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Prajñānam Brahma 'Knowledge is Divine'

ऋग्वेद R̥gveda < ṛc "praise, shine" and veda "knowledge"

https://cloudup.com/ccDe10jEIOA (Audio: 28.52) Introduction to R̥gveda



A note on Kannada-Telugu scripts

During 4th to 7th centuries CE the Early Bādāmi Chālukyās and Early Banavasi Kadambās used early form of Telugu-Kannada script in inscriptions. The early Eastern Chalukyas and Salankayana who ruled the Telugu and Kannada speaking areas. Telugu and Kannada belongs to Dravidian family of languages in southern India, Saatavaahanas introduced the Brahmi to present day Telugu and Kannada speaking regions. Telugu and Kannada scripts are categories under Old Kannada-Telugu script. Kannada became a literate language much ahead of Telugu language. Both Kannada and Telugu produced the poetry during the eighth century. The full-fledged literary works in Kannada produced in ninth century, two centuries before the works available in Telugu, the combined Telugu-Kannada script called as Old Kannada. Telugu writers waited till 11th century because of socio-political factors (royal patronage, influence of Buddhism and Jainism).
Between 1100 CE and 1400 CE, Telugu script and Kannada script separated from Old-Kannada script (Halegannada script) or Kadamba script or Bhattiprolu script. The Chalukyas influenced the modern form of Telugu script and its similarity with modern Kannada script.[1]
Old Kannada script is the continuation of the Kadamba script, which was used for writing Telugu and Kannada languages. Telugu and Kannada Scripts are strikingly similar.
The Dravidian family comprising about 73 languages including Telugu, Kannada, Tamil and Malayalam. Kannada abugida was developed between the 5th and 7th centuries CE from Chalukya and Kadamba scripts, descendants of Brahmi. Old Kannada script is about 1500 years old, developed into Modern Telugu and Modern Kannada scripts. The Telugu script is closely related to Kannada, earliest known inscriptions dates back to the 6th century CE, poetry begins to appear in the 11th century. New written standard emerged in Telugu during the second half of the 20th century.

Brāhmī script of 63 or 64 letters survives as Kannada and Telugu scripts which retain hrasva-dīrgha-pluta forms of vowels not used in northern script of Deva-nāgarī. Tamil is its short forms, which merges first 4 letters of each groups of consonants.

Science of Veda

-Arun Kumar Upadhyay, arunupadhyay30@yahoo.in

1. Apauruṣeya Veda-Vedas are Apauruṣeya in 4 senses-

(1) Free of personal bias-It is perceived by a detached person, free of fear of favor and equal to all. Realization in Samādhi stage.

अजान् ह वै पृश्नीन् तपस्यमानान् ब्रह्म स्वयम्भू अभ्यानर्षत् । तदृषयोऽभवन् । त एवं ब्रह्म यज्ञमपश्यन् । (तैत्तिरीय आरण्यक, //) = Sages named Ajapŗśni were doing tapa (severe austerity) to get Vedas. Self born Brahmā became inclined towards them (to give vedas). They became Ṛṣi as receiver of Vedas. They could realize Brahma and yajña (as his form).

यामृषयो मन्त्रकृतो मनीषिण अन्वैच्छन् देवास्तपसा श्रमेण ।
तां दैवी वाचं हविषा यजामहे सा नो दधातु सुकृतस्य लोके ॥ (तैत्तिरीय ब्राह्मण २///१४)
आप्तोपदेशः शब्दः। (न्याय सूत्र १//) = Śabda (word, Veda) is teaching of enlightened persons.

(2) Average-Any personal bias, error of perception, expression in words, change in language, word meanings or context is removed by average of mantras of many Ṛṣis over long periods. Mĩmānsā-sūtras-
वेदांश्चैके संनिकर्ष पुरुषाख्याः (//२७) अनित्यदर्शनाच्च । (२८) उक्तं तु शब्दपूर्वत्त्वम् (२९) आख्याः प्रवचनात् । (३०) परं तु श्रुति सामान्यमात्रम् (३१) कृते वा विनियोगः स्यात्, कर्मणः सम्बन्धात् (३२)

I.e. Vedas are almost human (27). This is due to seeing temporal also (28). There has to be word before speech (29). Teaching is by human tradition (30). Temporary descriptions are generalized (31). Actions of inanimate are linked by similarity of work of animates (32).

(3) Extra-sensory-Normal perception is by 5 sense organs which receive information by 5 Prāṇas. But there are 2 more prāṇas, beyond normal perception, called Asat-prāṇas-Ṛṣi & Pitar (Parorajā) prāṇas. Thus, Prāṇas are stated to be generally 5 but sometimes 7.

असद्वा ऽइदमग्र ऽआसीत् । तदाहः किं तदासीदिति । ऋषयो वाव तेऽग्रेऽसदासीत् । तदाहुः-के ते ऋषय इति। ते यत्पुराऽऽस्मात् सर्वस्मादिदमिच्छन्तः श्रमेण तपसारिषन्-तस्मादृषयः (शतपथ ब्राह्मण, ///)
परोरजा य एष तपति (बृहदारण्यक उपनिषद् ५/१४/)
सप्तप्राणा प्रभवन्ति तस्मात्, सप्तार्चिषः समिधः सप्त होमाः।
सप्त इमे लोका येषु चरन्ति प्राणा गुहाशया निहिताः सप्त सप्त। (मुण्डकोपनिषद् २//)
पञ्चस्रोतोऽम्बुं पञ्चयोन्युग्रवक्रां, पञ्चप्राणोर्मिं पञ्चबुद्ध्यादिमूलाम्।
पञ्चावर्तां पञ्चदुःखौघवेगां, पञ्चाशद् भेदां पञ्चपर्वामधीमः॥ (श्वेताश्वतर उपनिषद् १/)

For reception, there are 7 modes of prāṇa, called tongues of Agni. There are 7 archis (flames) also for expression. Both combined, there are 14 tongues of Agni, and these are fluctuations of mind. (Manavah = mind actions, 14 Manus)

तस्य सप्तधा प्रान्तभूमिः प्रज्ञा। (योग सूत्र २/२७)
अग्निजिह्वा मनवः सूरचक्षसो विश्वेनो देवा अवसा गमन्निह। (ऋग्वेद १/९८/, यजुर्वेद २५/२०)
काली कराली च मनोजवा च सुलोहिता या च सुधूम्रवर्णा।
स्फुलिङ्गिनी विश्वरुची च देवी लेलायमाना इति सप्त जिह्वाः॥ (मुण्डकोपनिषद् १//)

Perception through 2 extra senses is called Daivī-vāk, translated as book of God or of sky.

नमो ऋषिभ्यो मन्त्रकृद्भ्यो मन्त्रविद्भ्यो मन्त्रपतिभ्यो । मा मामृषयो मन्त्रकृतो मन्त्रविदः प्राहु (दु) र्दैवी वाचमुद्यासम् ॥ (वरदापूर्वतापिनी उपनिषद्, तैत्तिरीय आरण्यक, //, मैत्रायणी संहिता ४//)
यामृषयो मन्त्रकृतो मनीषिण अन्वैच्छन् देवास्तपसा श्रमेण ।
तां दैवी वाचं हविषा यजामहे सा नो दधातु सुकृतस्य लोके ॥ (तैत्तिरीय ब्राह्मण २///१४)

(4) Unification of 3 worlds-Vedas are true simultaneously in 3 world systems image of each other-(a) Cosmic = ādhidaivika, (b) Physical on earth = ādhibhautika, (c) Within human body = ādhyātmika. This unification or link between 3 worlds is logical, but has not been perceived by experiments of science. Possibly, it is necessary for independent existence of 3 worlds that they remain separated by Māyā so much that their link cannot be seen.

2. Puruṣa & Śrī Vedas-Real world itself is original Veda called Śṛṣṭi-veda or Puruṣa-veda. That too is Apauruṣeya in the sense that only ¼ of original source is visible as world. Beyond that with 3 Amṛta (eternal, not transformed parts) is Pūruṣa with long vowel.

द्वे ब्रह्मणी वेदितव्ये शब्दब्रह्म परं च यत् ।
शाब्दे ब्रह्मणि निष्णातः परंब्रह्माधिगच्छति ॥ (मैत्रायणी उपनिषद् ६/२२)
पुरुष एवेदं सर्वं यद्भूतं यच्च भाव्यम्। उतामृतत्वस्येशानो यदन्नेनातिरोहति॥२॥
एतावानस्य महिमाऽतो ज्यायांश्च पूरुषः। पादोऽस्य विश्वा भूतानि त्रिपादस्यामृतं दिवि॥३॥
(पुरुष सूक्त, माध्यन्दिन यजुर्वेद ३१/-)
चातुर्वर्ण्यं त्रयो लोकाश्चत्वारश्चाश्रमाः पृथक् ।
भूतं भव्यं भवच्चैव सर्वं वेदात् प्रसिद्ध्यति ॥ (मनु स्मृति, १२/९७)
Representation of Śṛṣṭi-veda in words is called Śrī Veda or Devī in word form-
शब्दात्मिकां सुविमलर्ग्यजुषां निधानमुद्गीथ रम्य पदपाठवतां च साम्नाम् ।
देवी त्रयी भगवती भवभावनाय वार्ता च सर्व जगतां परमार्तिहन्त्री ॥ (दुर्गा सप्तशती ४/१०)

Correspondence (pratipatti) between world (artha) and word (vāk) vedas is viśva-veda or Jātaveda (jāta = born, created)-

अनादिनिधनं ब्रह्म शब्दतत्त्वं निरञ्जनम्। विवर्त्ततेऽर्थभावेन प्रक्रिया जगतो यतः॥ (वाक्यपदीय, ब्रह्मकाण्ड, )
वागर्थाविव सम्पृक्तौ वागर्थ प्रतिपत्तये। जगतः पितरौ वन्दे पार्वती परमेश्वरौ॥ (रघुवंश १/)
जातवेदसे सुनवाम सोममरातीयतो निदहाति वेदः। (महानारायण उपनिषद् ६/, ऋक् १/९९/)
त्वं सोम क्रतुभिः सुक्रतुर्भूस्त्वं दक्षैः सुदक्षो विश्ववेदाः। (ऋक् १/९१/)
विश्वा अपश्यद् बहुधा ते अग्ने जातवेदस्तन्वो देव एक। (ऋक् १०/५१/)

3. Creation of Veda in scripts-Since the time of discourse of Bhāgavata purāṇa by Śukadeva in last moments of king Parīkśita (3042 BC), we listen to Bhāgavata-māhātmya as in Padma-purāṇa, uttara khaṇḍa, chapter 1. It tells that Bhakti (devotion) was born in Draviḍa deśa and grew in Karṇāṭaka. It survived at some places of Mahārāṣṭra, but decayed with oldness in Gurjara. Finally, at Vṛndāvana, it gained its youth. Her 2 sons were Jñāna (knowledge) and Vairāgya (renunciation) who were still old and defunct.

अहंभक्तिरिति ख्याता इमौ मे तनयौ मतौ। ज्ञान वैराग्यनामानौ कालयोगेन जर्जरौ॥४५॥
उत्पन्नाद्रविडे साहं वृद्धिं कर्णाटके गता। क्वचित् क्वचित् महाराष्ट्रे गुर्जरे जीर्णतांगता॥४८॥
तत्रघोर कलेर्योगात् पाखण्डैः खण्डिताङ्गका। दुर्बलाहं चिरं जाता पुत्राभ्यां सह मन्दताम्॥४९॥
वृन्दावनंपुनः प्राप्य नवीनेव सुरूपिणी। जाताहं युवती सम्यक् श्रेष्ठरूपा तु साम्प्रतम्॥५०॥
(पद्मपुराण उत्तर खण्ड श्रीमद् भागवत माहात्म्य, भक्ति-नारद समागम नाम प्रथमोऽध्यायः)

We normally think that Vedas have origin in north-west India in Indus valley now called Sarasvatī civilization. Draviḍa region is taken as southern states of Tamilnadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala. Among pañcha Draviḍa, Maharashtra also is included.

In time of Rāmānujāchārya (1017–1137 AD), 2 sources of Vedas were known-Draviḍa and sanskṛta āmnāya. Rāmānuja was expert in both-called ubhaya-āmnāya. In Tamil itself, there were 2 streams called-Vaḍa-kalai (galai) = northern and Tena-kalai = southern. When Rāmānujāchārya had visited Puri for foundation of the present Jagannātha mandira, he noted both streams here. Followers of Vedic tradition were called Pingala (Pingala had written Chhanda-sūtra, Chhandas = veda). Followers of Tamil (or Telugu) tradition were called Tingala. Śiva as source of all streams of knowledge is Bahungala (Bālungā). However, commentaries of Rāmānuja indicate that essentially, both have same knowledge, some procedures are different.

There are many indications that older Vedic traditions were in south-(1) Older branch of yajurveda is called Taittirīya-samhitā, and a region Taittirika is counted in south India in Matsya-purāṇa, chapter 114-

अथापरेजनपदा दक्षिणापथवासिनः ॥४७॥ तथा तैत्तिरिकाश्चैव दक्षिणापथवासिनः॥५०॥ (मत्स्य पुराण, अध्याय ११४)

(2) Jupiter year cycle-Older system of Pitāmaha (Brahmā) exists in south India where jovian year is same as solar year (365 days 6 hours). Later system of Vivasvān (Sūrya-siddhānta, revised by Maya Asura in 9,233 BC) is followed in north India where jovian year is actual time of Jupiter in 1 sign by mean motion (361 days 4 hours).

(3) Older name of town is Ur or Uru still used in south-Bengaluru, Mangaluru (Karṇāṭaka), Nelluru, Elluru (Andhra). It is also used in west region of Varuṇa where Ur was the oldest town of Iraq.
उरुं हि राजा वरुण श्चकार (ऋग् वेद १/२४/) शं नो विष्णुरुरुक्रमः (ऋग् वेद १/९०/)

(4) In space, Suparṇa was the conscious being which started creation from Rasa spread uniformly. As doer and watcher, it became a pair. On earth, it is Indra or his associate. It had entered ocean and tended the land (relhi) and land also loved him like son. Thus, Reddi word is used for land owner only in Āndhra which has maximum cultivation in coastal India. Suparṇa word has been used for naval chief (Suvannā-nāyaka) in Āndhra and Karnataka. The place of Pāka (mixing, digestion) is still called Pak-strait between Tamilnadu and Srilanka-

एकः सुपर्णः स समुद्रमाविवेश स इदं भुवनं वि चष्टे ।
तं पाकेन मनसा पश्यमन्तितस्तं, माता रेऴ्हि स उ रेऴ्हि मातरम् ॥ (ऋग् वेद १०/११४/)

(5) Brāhmī script of 63 or 64 letters survives as Kannada and Telugu scripts which retain hrasva-dīrgha-pluta forms of vowels not used in northern script of Deva-nāgarī. Tamil is its short forms, which merges first 4 letters of each groups of consonants. Separate objects are Brahma (countable are Gaṇeśa = pratyakṣa i.e. visible Brahma). Its merging by Suveda (sveda = water) is Su-brahmaṇya (name of Kārttikeya, originator of Tamil)-Gopatha Brāhmaṇa, pūrva (1/1). This was a shorthand for international use and war.

(6) Doṣā-vastā (Ṛgveda 1/1/6) for night-day are used only in south. Elder brother inherits the property, so he is annāda (eater of anna) or annā. Younger brother does not get anything, so he is stambin (like dead wood) of tambi. It is peculiar that Anna means elder brother in all 4 southern languages. Tambi is used only in Tamil.

4. Method of creation-Veda mantras were seen by different seers called Ṛṣi. But they did not compile. Words of different seers was compiled by an institution called Sangama in Tamil. The same were called Samiti, Mahāśālā etc in Sanskrit tradition. These have been combined up to Indra era, and possibly after that also described with different names. Main periods are-

(1) Sādhya yuga-That was era of Devas who moved in vimānas. The Devas of that era were called Yāma and 4 groups as per profession were Sādhya, Mahārājika, Ābhāsvara, Tuṣita like present division of Brāhmaṇa etc. Sādhyas had developed science of production (yajña) and various forms and stages of that were inter-linked. That era ended with excess heat from sun causing dry weather first and then deluge.

यज्ञेन यज्ञमयजन्त देवास्तानि धर्म्माणि प्रथमान्यासन्।
ते ह नाकं महिमानः सचन्तः यत्र पूर्वे साध्याः सन्ति देवाः। (यजुर्वेद ३१/१६)
वायुपुराण (३१/)-त्रेता युग मुखे पूर्वमासन् स्वाम्भुवेऽन्तरे। देवा यामा इति ख्याताः पूर्वं ये यज्ञसूनवः॥
अजिता ब्राह्मणाः पुत्राः जिताजिदजिताश्च ये। पुत्राः स्वायम्भुवस्यैते शुक्र नामातु विश्रुताः॥
तृप्तिमन्तो गणा ह्येते देवानां तु त्रयः स्मृताः। तुषिमन्तो गणा ह्येते वीर्यवन्तो महाबलाः॥
ये वैब्रजकुलाख्यास्तु आसन् स्वायम्भुवेऽन्तरे। कालेन बहुनाऽतीता अयनाब्द युग क्रमैः॥
ब्रह्माण्ड पुराण (//)-
अस्मात् कल्पात्ततः पूर्वं कल्पातीतः पुरातनः॥ चतुर्युग सहस्राणि सह मन्वन्तरैः पुरा॥१५॥
क्षीणे कल्पे ततस्तस्मिन् दाहकाल उपस्थिते। तस्मिन् काले तदा देवा आसन् वैमानिकस्तु वै॥१६॥
एकैकस्मिंस्तु कल्पे वै देवा वैमानिका स्मृताः॥१९॥ आधिपत्यं विमाने वै ऐश्वर्येण तु तत्समाः॥३२॥
ते तुल्य लक्षणाः सिद्धाः शुद्धात्मनो निरञ्जनाः॥३८॥
ततस्तेषु गतेषूर्ध्वं त्रैलोक्येषु महात्मसु। एतैः सार्धं महर्लोकस्तदा नासादितस्तु वै॥४२॥
तच्छिष्या वै भविष्यन्ति कल्प दाह उपस्थिते। गन्धर्वाद्याः पिशाचाश्च मानुषा ब्राह्मणादयः॥४३॥
सहस्रं यत्तु रश्मीनां स्वयमेव विभाव्यते। तत् सप्त रश्मयो भूत्वा एकैको जायते रविः॥४५॥
क्रमेणो त्तिष्ठमानास्ते त्रींल्लोकान् प्रदहंत्युत। जंगमाः स्थावराश्चैव नद्यः सर्वे च पर्वताः॥४६॥
शुष्काः पूर्वमनावृष्ट्या सूर्य्यैस्ते च प्रधूपिताः।तदा तु विवशाः सर्वे निर्दग्धाः सूर्य रश्मिभिः॥४७॥
जंगमाः स्थावराश्चैव धर्माधर्मात्मकास्तु वै। दग्ध देहास्तदा ते तु धूतपापा युगान्तरे॥४८॥
उषित्वा रजनीं तत्र ब्रह्मणोऽव्यक्त जन्मनः। पुनः सर्गे भवन्तीह मानसा ब्रह्मणः सुताः॥५०॥
ततस्तेषूपपन्नेषु जनैस्त्रैलोक्य वासिषु। निर्दग्धेषु च लोकेषु तदा सूर्य्यैस्तु सप्तभिः॥५१॥
वृष्ट्या क्षितौप्लावितायां विजनेष्वर्णवेषु च। सामुद्राश्चैव मेघाश्च आपः सर्वाश्च पार्थिवाः॥५२॥
शरमाणा ब्रजन्त्येव सलिलाख्यास्तथानुगाः। आगता गतिकं चैव यदा तत् सलिलं बहु॥५३॥
संछाद्येमां स्थितां भूमिमर्णवाख्यं तदाऽभवत्। आभाति यस्मात् स्वभासो भाशब्दो व्याप्ति दीप्तिषु॥५४॥
सर्वतः समनुप्राप्त्या तासां चाम्भो विभाव्यते। तदन्तस्तनुते यस्मात् सर्वां पृथ्वीं समन्ततः॥५५॥
अध्याय७-प्राक्सर्गे दह्यमाने तु पुरा संवर्तकाग्निना॥९॥ सप्त सप्त तु वर्षाणि तस्या द्वीपेषु सप्तषु॥१३॥

(2) Brahmā yuga-Revival of civilization was done by Brahmā who appeared as Svāyambuva Manu. He was 71 yugas = 26000 years before Kali in 3102 BC. The persons who extended his tradition were called his sons (santāna)-verse 55 above.

ब्रह्माण्डपुराण(//)-स्वांतनुंसतदाब्रह्मासमपोहतभास्वराम्।द्विधाकृत्वास्वकंदेहमर्द्धेनपुरुषोऽभवत्॥३२॥
सवैस्वायम्भुवःपूर्वम्पुरुषोमनुरुच्यते॥३६॥तस्यैकसप्ततियुगंमन्वन्तरमिहोच्यते॥३७॥

(3) Indra yuga-After a long gap, Asuras became more powerful and were supreme for 10 yugas (3600 years) from time of Kaśyapa (17500 BC). Then, under patronage of 14 main Indras (specially Vaikuṇṭha Indra, many verses of Ṛgveda were created. There were 2 groups-supporting Indra and Varuṇa-who was supporter of Indra. Indra group centered on radiant energy as source of universe (centre to field). Varuṇa group considered Ap (water like expanse of matter) as source of creation (whole to part-analysis). Varuṇa group had influence in coastal regions of south India and Arab, so some words are still common in these areas. Some verses are quoted from ‘Indravijaya’ of Madhusudan Ojha (Jodhpur University)-

को ददर्श प्रथमं जायमानस्थन्वन्तं यदनस्था बिभर्ति।
भूम्या असुरसृगात्मा क्व स्वित् को विद्वांसमुप गात्प्रष्टुमेतत्॥ (ऋग्वेद१/१६४/)
ये समुद्रान्निरखनन् देवास्तीक्ष्णाभिरस्रिभिः।
सुदेवो अद्यत द्विद्याद्यत्र निर्वपणं दधुः। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण ७//)
या मृषयो मन्त्रकृतो मनीषिणः अन्वैच्छन् देवास्तपसा श्रमेण।
तां दैवीं वाचं हविषा यजामहे सा नो दधातु सुकृतस्य लोके। (तैत्तिरीय ब्राह्मण २//)
युगान्तेऽन्तर्हितान् वेदान् सेतिहासान् महर्षयः। लेभिरे तपसा पूर्वमनुज्ञाताः स्वयम्भुवा। (सायण भाष्य)
अर्बुदः काद्रवेयः सर्प ऋषिर्मन्त्रकृत्।(ऐतरेय ब्राह्मण २६/)
प्रजापतिर्वै पित ऋभून् मर्त्यान् सतोऽमर्त्यान् कृत्वा तृतीय सवन आभजत्। (ऐतरेय ब्राह्मण २८/)
मनीषिणः प्रभरध्वं मनीषां यथा यथामतयः सन्ति नृणाम्।
इन्द्रं सत्यैरेरयामा कृतेभिः स हि वीरो गिर्वणस्युर्विदानः। (ऋग्वेद१०/१११/)
इन्द्रः किल श्रुत्वा अस्य वेद सहि जिष्णुः पथिकृत् सूर्य्याय।
आत्मेनां कॄण्वन्नच्युतो भुवद्गोः पतिर्दिवः सनजा अप्रतीतः। (ऋग्वेद१०/१११/)
ये च पूर्व ऋषयो ये अनूत्ना इन्द्र! ब्रह्माणि जनयन्त विप्राः।
अस्मे ते सन्तु सख्या शिखानि यूयं पात स्वस्तिभिः सदा नः। (ऋग्वेद ७//२३)
नमः सखिभ्यः पू वसद्भ्यो नमः साकं निषेभ्यः युजे वाचं शतपदीम्।
युञ्जे वाचं शतपदीं गाये सहस्र वर्तनि गायत्रं त्रैष्टुभमजगत्। (सामवेद, १८२८)
गायत्रं त्रैष्टुभं जगद् विश्वा रूपाणि संभृता दिवा ओकांसि चक्रिरे।
इन्द्राय साम गायत विप्राय बृहते बृहत् ब्रह्मकृते विपश्चिते पनस्यवे। (सामवेद, १८३०)
धेनुं नत्वा सूयवसे दुदुक्षन् उपब्रह्माणि ससृजे वशिष्ठः।
त्वामिन्मे गोपतिं विश्व आहात इन्द्रः सुमतिं गन्त्वच्छ। (ऋग्वेद ७/१८/)
इन्द्रो दिवः प्रतिमानं पृथिव्या विश्वा वेद सवना हन्ति शुष्णम्।
महीं चिद्द्यामातनोत् सूर्य्ये न चास्कम्भ चित् कम्भनेन स्कमीयान्। (ऋग्वेद १०//१११)
वैकुण्ठ इन्द्र-आवदिन्द्रं यमुना तृत्सवश्च प्रात्र भेदं सर्व तातामुपायत्।
अजासश्च शिप्रवो यक्षवश्च बलिं शीर्षाणि जभ्रुरश्व्यानि। (ऋग्वेद ७//१८)
शतमहं तिरिन्दिरे सहस्रं पार्शवा ददेराधांसि याद्वानाम्। (ऋग्वेद ८//४६)
त्रीणि शतान्यर्वतां सहस्रा दश गोनाम्। ददुष्पज्राय साम्ने। (ऋग्वेद ८//४७)
उदानट् ककुहो दिवमुष्ट्रान् चतुर्युजो ददत्। श्रवसायाद्वंजनम्। (ऋग्वेद ८//४८)
हिमेनाग्निं घ्रंसमवारयेथां पितुमतीमूर्जमस्मा अधत्तम्।
ऋबीसे अत्रिमश्विनावनीतमुन्निन्यथुः सर्वगणं स्वस्ति।(ऋग्वेद१/११६/)
ऋषिं नरावंहसः पाञ्चजन्यमृबीसादत्रिं मुञ्चथो गणेन।
मिनन्ता दस्योरशिवस्य माया अनुपूर्वं वृषणा चोदयन्ता। (ऋग्वेद १/११७/)
चत्वारि शृङ्गा त्रयो अस्य पादा द्वे शीर्षे सप्त हस्तासो अस्य।
त्रिधा बद्धो वृषभो रोरवीति महोदेवो मर्त्यां आविवेश। (ऋग्वेद ४/५८/)
मनसा संकल्पयति यत् तद् वातमभिगच्छति।
वातो देवेभ्य आचष्टे यथा पुरुष ते मनः। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण ३///)
कृष्णं नियानं हरयः सुपर्णा अपो वसाना दिवमुत्पतन्ति।
त आववृत्रन् सदनादृतस्यादिद् धृतेन पृथिवी व्युद्यते। (ऋग्वेद १/१६४/४७)
प्रजा ह तिस्रो अत्यायमीयुर्न्यन्या अर्कमभितो विविश्रे।
बृहद्ध तस्थौ भुवनेष्वन्तः पवमानो हरित आविवेश। (ऋग्वेद ८/१०१/१४)
अयं ते योनिर्ऋत्वियो यतो जातो अरोचथाः। तं जानन्नग्न आ सीदाथा नो वर्द्धया गिरः। (ऋग्वेद ३/२९/१०)
ये देवा देवेष्वधि देवत्वमायन्ये ब्राह्मणः पुर एतारो अस्य।
येभ्यो न ऋते पवते धाम किञ्चन न ते दिवो न पृथिव्या अधि स्नुषु। (यजु १७/१४)
पृथिव्या अहमुदन्तरिक्ष मा रुहमन्तरिक्षाद्दिवमारुहम्।
दिवो नाकस्य पृष्ठात्स्वर्ज्योतिरगामहम्। (यजुर्वेद१७/६७)

Kārttikeya was in this period, who started Tamil script, being a shorthand of Brāhmī. In this, first 4 letters in each sparśa group were merged, so it was called Subrahmaṇya. Brahmaṇya is collection of separate points, when they are merged by sveda (sweat), they become Subrahma (Gopatha Brāhmaṇa, pūrva,1/1). Vāmana Viṣṇu was senior to him-both in period of Asura king Bali. In this period, north pole shifted away from Abhijit star ( about 16,000 BC) which had been starting point of solar year till then. Then Indra asked Kārttikeya to consult Brahmā for new calendar system. Then, year start point was made from Dhaniṣṭhā star, which was start of Varṣā(rains), so year was called Varṣa. A country separated by a mountain being a zone of rain system (monsoon) is also called Varṣa and the boundary mountain is Varṣa-parvata.

(4) Bharadvāja yuga-Charaka samhitā indicates a meeting of several sages in sub-Himalayan region. These include several sages of widely differing eras including Agastya also. Charaka is a group of 12 branches of old Kṛṣṇa yajurveda (Charaṇa-vyūha of Śaunaka). Ṛṣis have been named after the subjects explained by them-Kāpya about kapha, Vāta-vyādhi about vāta and Marīchi about pitta (sun centre in body creates, Marīchi cures it)

चरकसंहिता, सूत्रस्थान-दीर्घञ्जीवितीयमध्यायं-
विघ्नभूता यदा रोगाः प्रादुर्भूताः शरीरिणाम्। तपोपवासाध्ययन ब्रह्मचर्य व्रतायुषम्।६।
तदा भूतेष्वनुक्रोषं पुरस्कृत्य महर्षयः। समेताः पुण्यकर्माणः पार्श्वे हिमवतः शुभे॥७॥
अंगिरा जमदग्निश्च वशिष्ठः काश्यपो भृगुः। आत्रेयो गौतमः सांख्यः पुलस्त्यो नारदोऽसितः॥८॥
अगस्त्यो वामदेवश्च मार्कण्डेयाश्वलायनौ। पारीक्षिर्भिक्षुरात्रेयो भरद्वाजः कपिञ्जलः।९॥
विश्वामित्राश्वरथ्यं च भार्गवश्च्यवनोऽभिजित्। गार्ग्यः शाण्डिल्य कौण्डिन्यौ वाक्षिर्देवल-गालवौ॥१०॥
साङ्कृत्यो वैजवापिश्च कुशिको बादरायणः। वडिशः शूरलोमा च काप्य कात्यायनवुभौ॥११॥
काङ्कायनः कैकशेयो धौम्यो मारीचि-काश्यपौ। शर्कराक्षो हिरण्याक्षो लोकाक्षः पङ्गिरेव च॥१२॥
शौनकः शाकुनेयश्च मैत्रेयो मैमतायनिः। वैखानसा बालखिल्यास्तथा चान्ये महर्षयः॥१३॥
Finally, Bharadvāja contacted Indra, i.e extended his tradition. His story is given in Taittirīya brāhmaṇa (3/10/11) that he devoted 3 lives to revive Vedas-
भरद्वाजो ह वै त्रिभिरायुभिर्ब्रह्मचर्य मुवास। तं ह जीर्णि, शीर्णि, स्थविरं, शयानं-इन्द्र उपव्रज्य उवाच। भरद्वाज! यत्ते चतुर्थ-मायुर्दद्यां, किमेनेन कुर्या, इति? ब्रह्मचर्यमेवैनेन चरेय-मिति, होवाच। तं ह त्रीन्गिरिरूपान-विज्ञातानिव दर्शयाञ्चकार। तेषां हैकेकस्मान्मुष्टिमाददे। स होवाच, भरद्वाजेत्यामन्त्र्य। वेदा वा एते। अनन्ता वै वेदाः। एतद्वा एते-स्त्रिभिरायु-र्भिरन्ववोचथाः। अथत इतरदनूक्तमेव।(तैत्तिरीयब्राह्मण, /१०/११).

Muṇḍaka upaniṣad (1/1/2-3) also tells about revival or extension of Vedas by Bharadvāja and his descendent. This appears to be after the glacial floods of 10,000 BC. As 19th Vyāsa, Bharadvāja was in (6,340-5,980 BC).

Almost the same persons are described in the first Tamil Sangama under Agastya which lasted for about 4400 years. Main works in this were Akattium (Agastyam), Paripadal, Mudunarai and Kalarvivirai. (Traditional history compiled by Dr. N. Mahalingam and his society for ancient civilizations).This was in old Madura-now submerged in Indian ocean. It had started with Kāttikeya. Agastya has 4 meanings-(a) Name of a Ṛṣi or their chains like institute of Śankarāchārya now. (b) A star in sky at distance of Jaladhi (1014yojanas, yojana = half degree arc on equator = 55.5 km). (c) Rāmāyaṇa (4/41) as Kunjara parvata having house of Agastya. That could have same south latitude as Agastya star (Canopus) 52° 42' which is Kerguele group under France at about 490south lat. Further south is Pitar region in Antarctic circle.

वाल्मीकि रामायण किष्किन्धा काण्ड, अध्याय ४१-
ततो हेममयं दिव्यं मुक्ता मणि विभूषितम्॥१८॥ युक्तं कबाटं पाण्ड्यानां गताद् रक्ष्यथ वानराः॥१९॥
द्वीपस्तस्यापरे पारे शत योजन विस्तृतः॥२३॥ स हि देशस्तु वध्यस्य रावणस्य दुरात्मनः॥२५॥
तमतिक्रम्य लक्ष्मीवान् समुद्रे शत योजने॥ गिरिः पुष्पितको नाम सिद्ध-चारण सेवितः॥२८॥
तमतिक्रम्य दुर्धर्षं सूर्यवान् नाम पर्वतः॥३१॥
अध्वना दुर्विगाहेन योजनानि चतुर्दश। ततस्तमतिक्रम्य वैद्युतो नाम पर्वतः॥३२॥
मधूनि पीत्वा जुष्टानि परं गच्छत वानराः। तत्र नेत्र मनः कान्तः कुञ्जरो नाम पर्वतः॥३४॥
अगस्त्य भवनं यत्र निर्मितं विश्वकर्मणा॥३५॥ तत्र भोगवती नाम सर्पाणामालयः पुरी॥३६॥
तं च देशमतिक्रम्य महान् ऋषभ संस्थितिः॥३९॥ ततः परं नवः सेव्यः पितृलोकः सुदारुणः॥४४।
राजधानी यमस्यैषा कष्टेन तमसाऽऽवृता। शक्यं विचेतुं गन्तुं वा नातो गतिमतां गतिम्॥४५॥

(d) Agastya is said to be born from Kumbha (water pot). In geography, Kumbha is Kaveri delta and its mouth is Kumbhakonam which could be birth place of Agastya. In astronomy, Kumbha is visible sky above horizon. North-south line bisects it whose north & south ends are Vasiṣṭha & Agastya-both born from Kumbha.

(5) Śaunaka mahāśālā-Just after Mahābhārata war, Śaunaka started a session at Naimṣāraṇya attended by 88,000 scholars. That continued up to Adhisīmakṛṣṇa, 4 generations after Parīkśita. In next generation of king Nichakśu, Hastinapur was drowned. This session was meant to last 1000 years as stated at start of Bhāgavata purāṇa-

भागवत पुराण स्कन्ध १, अध्याय १-
नैमिषे ऽनिमिष क्षेत्रे ऋषयः शौनकादयः। सत्रं स्वर्गाय लोकाय सहस्र सममासत॥४॥
भविष्य पुराण, प्रति सर्ग पर्व ४, अध्याय १-
एवं द्वापर सन्ध्याया अन्ते सूतेन वर्णितम्। सूर्य चन्द्रान्वयाख्यानं तन्मया कथितं तव॥१॥
तत् कथां भगवान् सूतो नैमिषारण्यमास्थितः। अष्टाशीति सहस्राणि श्रावयिष्यति वै मुनीन् ॥८॥

Śaunaka has always been called Mahāśāla (Chancellor). He carried forward work of Āngirasa Bharadvāja.

अथर्वणे यां प्रवदेत ब्रह्मा ऽथर्वा तां पुरोवाचाङ्गिरे ब्रह्म विद्याम्।
स भारद्वाजाय सत्यवहाय प्राह भरद्वाजो ऽङ्गिरसे परावराम्॥२॥
शौनको ह वै महाशालो ऽङ्गिरसं विधिवदुपसन्नः पप्रच्छ॥३॥ (मुण्डक उपनिषद्, //-)

In this the present division of vedic branches (śākhā) was done mostly according to regions-codified in Charaṇa-vyūha of Śaunaka. Current form of Vedas was decided by Kṛṣṇa-Devaipāyana, the 28th Vyāsa. He wrote Brahma-sūtras at Badarī-viśāla, where Śankarāchārya also wrote commentary later on. So he is also called Bādarāyaṇa.

(6) Vikramāditya at Viśālā-Last conference was organized by Paramāra king Vikramāditya of Ujjain (82 BC-19 AD) whose Vikrama era from 57 BC is still the basis of all festivals in India. This was only for purāṇas under guidance of Vetāla Bhaṭṭa, one of his 9 gems. The places where this was arranged were called Viśālā, like mahāśālā of Śaunaka. There are 3 places known as Viśālā, one is Ujjayinī itself, capital of Vikramāditya (Meghadūta 1/32 of Kālidāsa), Vaiśālī in Bihar (famous as place of Bhagwan Mahavir), and Badarī-viśāla, where Ādi-Śankara had written Brahma-sūtra-bhāṣya in 494 BC. There could be a fourth in south India also.

भविष्य पुराण, प्रतिसर्ग पर्व४, अध्याय १-
एवं द्वापर सन्ध्याया अन्ते सूतेन वर्णितम्। सूर्य चन्द्रान्वयाख्यानं तन्मया कथितं तव॥१॥
विशालायां पुनर्गत्वा वैतालेन विनिर्मितम्। कथयिष्यति सूतस्तं इतिहास समुच्चयम्॥२॥
तन्मया कथितं सर्वं हृषीकोत्तम पुण्यदम्। पुनर्विक्रम भूपेन भविष्यति समाह्वयः॥३॥
नैमिषारण्यमासाद्य श्रावयिष्यति वै कथाम्। पुनरुक्तानि यान्येव पुराणाष्टादशानि वै।।४॥
तानि चोपपुराणानि भविष्यन्ति कलौ युगे। तेषां चोपपुराणानां द्वादशाध्याय मुत्तमम्॥५॥
सारभूतश्च कथित इतिहास समुच्चयः। यस्ते मया च कथितो हृषीकोत्तम ते मुदा॥६॥
तत्कथां भगवान् सूतो नैमिषारण्यमास्थितः। अष्टाशीति सहस्राणि श्रावयिष्यति वै मुनीन्॥८॥

Comparison with Draviḍa sangamas- Draviḍa traditions appears to be Varuṇa tradition named in Ṛgveda-both were ocean oriented (Drava = Vāri = liquid)-both had Ur (town). Draviḍa traditions are copied in all regions adjacent to Indian ocean-(1) Malayālam-Malaysia, (2) Mumbai-Mombasa, (3) Kanyā-kumārī = Virgin Mary, (4) Ille in Tamil or ill in Arabic = no, (5) Many terms of shipping are from Tamil. (6) Anam (Yenam) of Andhra and Vietnam.

Another feature was that north India was frequently attacked from west Asia and educational institutes were destroyed. During glacial floods, continuity of learning was maintained by Tamil-sangamas. Probably, that is meant by saying that Bhakti was born in Draviḍa and grew in Karnataka.

5. Growth of Vedas-It is linked to institutes of script. In time of Brahmā (Svāyambhuva Manu, 29102 BC), Brāhmī script was standardized with 63 or 64 letters. It is 3-way linked to created universe-(1) 3 aspects (guṇa) of Prakṛti have 23= 8 combinations, called 8 prakṛtis. Their 2 dimensional map on paper will have 82= 64 letters equal to number of Kalā. (2) Symbols of Devas was written with 3 symbols. Each symbol was made of ṛṇa (minus sign, dash), and Chid-ṛṇa (smallest part of dash = dot sign). These 3 pairs will have 26= 64 combinations, still used in I-ching script of China, or Ascii code of computer.

देवलक्ष्मं वै त्र्यालिखिता तामुत्तर लक्ष्माण देवा उपादधत... (तैत्तिरीय संहिता५///)
विश्वेभ्योहित्वाभुवनेभ्यस्परित्वष्टाजनत्साम्नःकविः।
ऋणयाचिद्-ऋणयाब्रह्मणस्पतिर्द्रुहोहन्तमहऋतस्यधर्तरि॥(ऋक्/२३/१७)

(3) In space, Brahmā is in Tapah-loka (visible universe) whose radius is distance light will travel in 1 day-night of Brahmā = 8640 million years. With earth (radius) as measuring rod, this radius is 264, or more exactly 263.47, hence there are 63 or 64 letters in Brāhmī script.

As per Jain tradition, Brāhmī was revived by Ṛṣabha deva, 11th Vyāsa, after glacial floods of 10,000 BC. It appears that Brāhmī had 2 forms for science, digital or discrete science was indicated by Gaṇeśa (gaṇana = counting). Abstract (rasa) or continuous form was indicated by Sarasvatī in region west of Śāradā pīṭha-that is Malayālam. Tamil was short-hand for international use by army and was mixed, called Subrahmaṇya-fuzzy set.

For scientific purpose, literary language is to be extended for 2 reasons.

(1) Scientific use-Many symbols are needed in mathematics, chemistry etc for which English language uses Greek alphabets and arbitrary symbols. But within same script system, extra symbols are needed. Extension of meanings is done by use of special nasal sounds, signs of higher, lower, middle tones (udātta, svarita, anudātta). A Total of (8+9)2= 289 symbols are used in extended in Vedas, called Vijñāna-vāk, Pathyāsvasti or Chandobhyastā (Zenda-Avesta). This has 36x3 = 108 svara, 36x5 = 180 consonants and one unclassified Aum ().

वाग्वै पथ्यास्वस्तिः।(कौषीतकि ब्राह्मण७/, शतपथ ब्राह्मण३///, ///)
छन्दःपुरुष इति यमवोचामाक्षर समाम्नाय एव (ऐतरेय उपनिषद्२//)
Vāk has been called Brahma (digital) Sarasvatī (continuous) and Subrahma (discrete objects seen as a pattern, fuzzy set). As digital structure of letters, it has been called Anuṣṭup (8x4 letters) or Bṛhatī (9x4 letters). One letter with a vowel can combine with 7 more letters- 4 before it and 3 after it. As combination (sandhi) it has 8 letter parts (one pāda of Anuṣṭup). However, it has 9 prāṇas, as the middle letter with vowel has 2, all attached have 1 each. Thus, each pāda can have combination of 8x9 = 72 letters and complete 4 pādas will have 4x72 = 288 letters. Extra unclassified is Aum.
वाग्वै ब्रह्म च सुब्रह्म चेति।(ऐतरेय ब्राह्मण ६/) वागेव सरस्वती।(शतपथ ब्राह्मण ७///३१, ऐतरेय ब्राह्मण ३/)
वाग्वागनुष्टुप्।(कौषीतकि ब्राह्मण ५/, /, २६/, २७/, शतपथ ब्राह्मण १०///, तैत्तिरीय ब्राह्मण १///, ताण्ड्य महाब्राह्मण५//)
वाग्वैबृहती।(शतपथब्राह्मण१४///२२)
वाचमष्टापदीमहं नव स्रक्तिमृत स्पृशम्। इन्द्रात्परितन्वं ममे।(ऋक् ८/७६/१२)

Other way, pronunciation is by Prāṇa which is Bṛhatī of 36 letters. There are 8 places of sound-3 for vowels and 5 for consonants. So, there will be 36x3 vowels and 36x5 consonants.

अष्टौस्थानानिवर्णानामुरःकण्ठःशिरस्तथा।जिह्वामूलंचदन्ताश्चनासिकोष्ठौचतालुच॥(पाणिनीयशिक्षा)

(2) Separate creation of world & word-World creation has started with 5 levels (parva) of space, then their images were created on earth (bhautika) and within human body (ādhyātmika). But, words were created by Brahmā as per function of each object seen on earth. These were extended for cosmic & internal systems. Here, origin of word is in middle. Extension was as per Vedic concept of 7 lokas and classified into 7 samsthā (system, set-up). These can be termed as-(a) script, (b) subject of science, (c) geographical, (d) historical, Nipāta = current usage, (e) arbitrary names, new terms, (f) internal world, (g) cosmic system.

इतीमानि चत्वारि पदजातानि अनुक्रान्तानि। नामाख्याते चोपसर्ग-निपाताश्च (निरुक्त१/१२)
सर्वेषां तु स नामानि कर्माणि च पृथक् पृथक्। वेद शब्देभ्य एवादौ पृथक् संस्थाश्च निर्ममे॥ (मनुस्मृति १/२१)
यास्सप्त संस्था या एवैताः सप्त होत्राः प्राचीर्वषट्कुर्वन्ति ता एव ताः। (जैमिनीय ब्राह्मण उपनिषद्१/२१/)
छन्दांसि वाऽअस्य सप्त धाम प्रियाणि। सप्त योनीरिति चितिरेतदाह। (शतपथब्राह्मण९///४४, यजु१७/७९)
अध्यात्ममधिभूतमधिदैवं च (तत्त्व समास ७)
किं तद्ब्रह्म किमध्यात्मं किं कर्म पुरुषोत्तम। अधिभूतं च किं प्रोक्तमधिदैवं किमुच्यते॥१॥
अक्षरं ब्रह्म परमं स्वभावोऽध्यात्म उच्यते। भूत भावोद्भवकरो विसर्गः कर्म संज्ञितः॥३॥
अधिभूतं क्षरो भावः पुरुषस्याधिदैवतम्। (गीता, अध्याय ८)

(3) Discrete & Continuous forms-World is viewed in 3 forms-

(a) Puruṣa-13 levels of Viśva (complete, closed, connected system). Starting with man, earth, solar system, galaxy, universe are successively 107times bigger. There is another cosmic level called Chāndra-maṇḍala (sphere containing moon orbit) which has moderate heat (Śiva form of Rudra) for life. Man is 6th viśva. There are 7 levels smaller than man, each smaller by 105times-Kalila (cell), Jīva (visible form of ātmā, atom), Kuṇḍalinī (nucleus), Jagat (atomic particles of 3 types-chara = lepton, sthāṇu = baryon, anupūrva = meon), Deva-dānava (quarks, creative part of energy is Deva, ¼ part), Pitara (prototype), Ṛṣi (string of force, 10-35meter).

(b) Śrī-There is cross symmetry in bigger & smaller levels. Higher levels are 5 with inner ratio of 7, smaller levels are 7 with ratio of 5. Since the ratios are with base of 10, universe will be of 10 dimensions. 5 Dimensions describe mechanical world of physics which has 5 basic units of measures (5 Mā chhandas). These dimensions are-vindu (0), rekhā (1), pṛṣṭha (2) stoma (3), padārtha (Brahmā of 4 face), (5) Kāla (measurable Janya kāla, Mahākāa Śiva of 5 faces). Next 5 levels are aspects of Chetanā, which can do Chiti (order, arrangement)-

तद् यत् पञ्च चिती-श्चिनोति एताभिः एवैनं तत् तनूभि-श्चिनोति, यत् चिनोति तस्मात् चितयः। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण ६///१७)

(6) Puruṣa (Skanda as incarnation of Viṣṇu of 6 faces), (7) Ṛṣi-link between any 2 bodies of 7 types-4 basic forces, 2 symmetry, 1 anti-symmetry, (8) Nāga-curved boundary of object, (9) Randhra-defect or gradient of density causing new creation, related to Nitya Kāla, (10) Rasa or Ānanda-uniform homogenous source, abstract, same as Vindu.

(c) Yajña-Transformation of objects related to concept of time, which is perception of change. This is classified into 5x5 categories as per inner change of matter, external use, external place & process, man or material causing change.

Correspondingly, there are 4 levels of Vāk, root source is abstract, next 2 levels are also within mind-Parā, Paśyantī, Madhyamā. First 2 are continuous, Madhyamā is Subrahma (discrete seen as continuous). Fourth level is expressed as speech or writing-Vaikharī, which is discrete. 3 inner levels are Gau (ga = 3, 3rd consonant).

अपरिमिततरं इव (continuous) हि मनः परिमिततरमेव (discrete) हि वाक्। (शतपथ ब्राह्मण१///)
चत्वारि वाक् परिमिता पदानि तानि विदु-र्ब्राह्मणा ये मनीषिणः।
गुहा त्रीणि निहिता नेङ्गयन्ति तुरीयं वाचो मनुष्या वदन्ति॥ (ऋग्वेद १/१६४/४५)
परायामङ्कुरी भूय पश्यन्त्यां द्विदली कृता॥१८॥
मध्यमायां मुकुलिता वैखर्या विकसीकृता॥ (योगकुण्डली उपनिषद् ३/१८, १९)
अक्षरं परमो नादः शब्द ब्रह्मेति कथ्यते। मूलाधार गता शक्तिः स्वाधारा बिन्दु रूपिणी॥२॥
तस्यां उत्पद्यते नादः सूक्ष्म बीजादिवाङ्कुरः। तां पश्यन्तीं विदु-र्विश्वं यया पश्यन्ति योगिनः॥३॥
हृदये व्यज्यते घोषो गर्जत् पर्जन्य संनिभः। तत्र स्थिता सुरेशान मध्यमेत्यभिधीयते॥४॥
प्राणेन च स्वराख्येन प्रथिता वैखरी पुनः। शाखा पल्लव रूपेण ताल्वादि स्थान घट्टनात्॥५॥ (योगशिखोपनिषद् ३/-)

Due to conversion of aparimita (transcendental) inner thought into parimita (countable) expressed word, some part is lost, so it is called Tama (dark). Link between Gau (3 inner levels) and Tama is called Gautama (nyāya). When abstract infinite unclassified inner Vāk is converted as such into expressed Vākya, so that a particular incident is generalized or made eternal (śāśvata), it changes from Vākya to Kāvya. Chhāndogya upaniṣad (5/4-9) calls all creations as Gautama-agni.

ईशावास्योपनिषद्-सपर्यगात् शुक्रम् अकायम् अव्रणम् अस्नाविरम् शुद्धम् अपापविद्धम् कविः मनीषी परिभूः स्वयम्भूः याथा-तथ्यतो अर्थान् व्यदधात् शाश्वतीभ्यः समाभ्यः। = This describes both-creation of visible world from abstract source or formation of sentences from abstract thought. Created world has form, defect, links, separation etc not seen in source. Similarly, expressed words have separate letters/words, links of Kāraka, forms of verbs, joints of sandhi-samāsa, errors/alternate meanings not seen in source vāk. Creator of visible word or world-both are called Kavi. Proper transformation, or its chain (avyaya aśvattha) is eternal.

वाल्मीकि रामायण - बाल काण्ड-सर्ग--मा निषाद प्रतिष्ठां त्वम् अगमः शाश्वतीं समाः |
यत् क्रौञ्च-मिथुनाद् एकं अवधीः काम-मोहितम् || १४||

Here also, chance killing of male bird in Krauncha pair is generalized by example of killing of sex-hungry Rāvaṇa by Rāma, becomes eternal truth, hence ādi-kāvya.
(4) Chiti levels-Complete creation as man is called 6th Chiti.

षड् विधो वै पुरुषः षडङ्गः। (ऐतरेय ब्राह्मण २/२९)
पुरुष एव षष्ठमहः। (कौषीतकि ब्राह्मण २३/)

This has different aspects-(a) After 5 levels of Yajña, puruṣa is 6th creation.
(b) After 5 cosmic levels (Parva), man is 6th.
(c) Puruṣa is 6th dimension.
(d) Starting with atomic particles, atom, molecules, cells, organs, human body are formed.
(e) Puruṣa is after creation of 5 koṣas of body-anna, prāṇa, mana, vijñāna, ātmā.
Correspondingly, there are 6 levels of Mantra-pāṭhas after basic Pada-pāṭha. They also ensure error-free preservation of Vedas.

For 6 chiti, there are 6 Darśana & 6 Darśa-vāk (scripts). Number of letters in each script is equal to squire of dimension numbers from 5 to 10-
52-25 elements of Sānkhya, 25 letters in Avakahaḍā, Roman (X is extra).
62-36 elements in Śaiva-36 letters in Hebrew, Latin, Russian, Gurumukhi.
72-49 Maruts-49 letters of Devanāgarī.
82-64 Kalā-64 letters of Brāhmī.
(8+9)2= 289 letter of Vijñāna-vāk.
103to 104-letter in script beyond Vyoma (Triviṣṭap = Tibet) in China, Japan.

गौरीर्मिमाय सलिलानि तक्षति एकपदी द्विपदी सा चतुष्पदी। अष्टापदी नवपदी बभूवुषी सहस्राक्षरा परमे व्योमन्॥
(ऋक् १/१६४/४१, अथर्व ९/१०/२१, तैत्तिरीय ब्राह्मण २///११)

Originally, each object was given separate word by Bṛhaspati authorized as Brahmaṇaspati or Gaṇapati by Brahmā to create language. Learning several thousand symbols was impossible within life time, complained by Uśanā (Śukrāchārya). Then, Indra with help of Marut, an expert on phonetics, broke (vyākṛta) the sounds in separate letters and arranged them according to place of impact in vocal chord. This was called Vyākaraṇa (grammar). 33 consonants from Ka to ha are symbols of 33 Devas. Including 16 vowels, 49 letters are symbols of 49 Maruts. The script is a Nagara (Chiti = city) of Devas in symbols, so it was called Deva-nāgarī. It is still used from Thailand (lokapāla of east is Indra) to Afghanistan (north west region of Marut).

ब्रह्मा बृहस्पतये प्रोवाच,बृहस्पतिरिन्द्राय, इन्द्रो भरद्वाजाय, भरद्वाज ऋषिभ्यः, ऋषयो ब्राह्मणेभ्यः॥ (ऋक् तन्त्र)
येनाक्षर समाम्नायमधिगम्य महेश्वरात्। कृत्स्नं व्याकरणं प्रोक्तं तस्मै पाणिनये नमः। (पाणिनीय शिक्षा, अन्तिम श्लोक)
समुद्रवत् व्याकरणे महेश्वरे ततोऽम्बुकुम्भोद्धरणं बृहस्पतौ।
तद् भागभागाच्च शतं पुरन्दरे, कुशाग्र विन्दूत्पतितं हि पाणिनौ॥ (सारस्वत भाष्य)
गणानां त्वा गणपतिं हवामहे कविं कवीनामुपमश्रवस्तम्।
ज्येष्ठराजं ब्रह्मणा ब्रह्मणस्पत आ नः शृण्वन्नृतिभिः सीद सादनम्॥ (ऋक् २/२३/)
बृहस्पते प्रथमं वाचो अग्रं यत् प्रैरत् नामधेयं दधानाः।
यदेषां श्रेष्ठं यदरि प्रमासीत् प्रेणा तदेषां निहितं गुहाविः॥ (ऋक् १०/७१/)
बृहस्पतिरिन्द्राय दिव्यवर्षसहस्रं प्रतिपदोक्तानां शब्दपारायणं प्रोवाच। (पतञ्जलि-व्याकरण महाभाष्य १//)
तथा च बृहस्पतिः-प्रतिपदम् अशक्यत्वात् लक्षणस्यापि अव्यवस्थितत्वात् तत्रापि स्खलित दर्शनात् अनवस्था प्रसङ्गाच्च मरणान्तो व्याधिः व्याकरणमिति औशनसा इति। (न्याय मञ्जरी)
वाग्वै पराची अव्याकृतावदत्। ते देवा इन्द्रम् अब्रुवन्-इमां नो वाचं व्याकुरुत-इति। ... तामिन्द्रो अपक्रम्य व्याकरोत्। तस्मादिदं व्याकृता वागुद्यते इति। (तैत्तिरीय संहिता ६//)
अस्य सायण भाष्यः-तामखण्डां वाचं मध्ये विच्छिद्य प्रकृति-प्रत्यय विभागं सर्वत्राकरोत्। (पुनः अक्षर-वर्ण विभागाः)
वाग्वा ऐन्द्रवायवः, ...... (इन्द्रो) वाचैव व्यवर्तयद् (मैत्रायणी संहिता ४//)

Māheśvara script had kṣa as 50thletter. In Siddha-krama, kṣa, tra, jña were added for Kṣetrajña. Letters from A to H are kṣetra (e.g. human body, Gītā, chapter 13), so self is called Aham. Sākta script for Tantra has 81 letters. Hanumān knew all these 9 scripts, so he was called expert in 9 Vyākaraṇas.
सर्वासु विद्यासु तपोविधाने, प्रस्पर्धतेयं हि गुरुं सुराणाम्।सोऽयं नव-व्याकरणार्थ-वेत्ता, ब्रह्मा भविष्यति ते प्रसादात्॥
(वाल्मीकि रामायण, उत्तरकाण्ड, ३६/४६)

As Brāhmī of Loka & Veda (Vijñāna) versions (64, 289 letters) were reduced to Devanāgarī of 49 letters, some meanings were lost. That is one meaning of Veda lost in reaching Gujrat, where Devanāgarī starts. Another reason was that it faced Asura attacks maximum.

6. Science in Vedas-Classification of Vedic meaning in 3 classes itself indicates that Vedas contain more meaning than so far understood by modern science.

किं तद्ब्रह्म किमध्यात्मं किं कर्म पुरुषोत्तम। अधिभूतं च किं प्रोक्तमधिदैवं किमुच्यते॥१॥
अधियज्ञः कथं कोऽत्र देहेऽस्मिन्मधुसूदन। प्रयाणकाले च कथं ज्ञेयोऽसि नियतात्मभिः॥२॥
श्रीभगवानुवाच-अक्षरं ब्रह्म परमं स्वभावोऽध्यात्म उच्यते। भूतभावोद्भवकरो विसर्गः कर्मसंज्ञितः॥३॥
अधिभूतं क्षरो भावः पुरुषश्चाधिदैवतम्। अधियज्ञोऽहमेवात्र देहेदेहभृतां वर॥४॥ (गीता, अध्याय ८)
अध्यात्ममधिभूतमधिदैवं च (तत्त्व समास ७)

Adhidaiva-cosmic system
Adhibhūta-Physical world as seen on earth
Adhyātma-World within human body
There is another classification of 5 which has 2 extra forms-
पञ्चस्वधिकरणेषु। अधिलोक-मधिज्यौतिष-मधिविद्य-मधिप्रजा-मध्यात्मम्॥ (तैत्तिरीय उपनिषद् १//)

Adhiloka =Cosmic structures, their image as man.
Adhijyautiṣa-cosmology, astronomy, its effect on earth, man.
Adhividyā-perception of other objects, result of interlink since start of creation.
Adhiprajā-Living beings, Brahma to Stamba-14 levels, cause of change, Yajña.
Adhyātma-Within human body, 18 levels of ātmā as world or individual.

Till today, we do not have clear idea of interlink between cosmic system with earth and man. Probably, there link will always remain beyond experimental science, so that world systems survive independently, separated by Māyā.

Ādhidaivika meaning is based on knowledge of cosmology & astronomy, called Jyotiṣa-eye of vedas. Ādhibhautika meaning depends upon knowledge of geography of earth, structure & minerals, plants, and other physical sciences. Ādhyātmika meaning depends on knowing anatomy, physiology, Yoga, Āyurveda. Thus, without concept of sciences, Veda-mantra has no meaning.

To understand scientific meaning we have to be aware of ancient & modern sciences as needed for the context. Then we have to define technical words by comparing various meanings in Vedic literature (including Purāṇa etc) and in current languages of India in unbroken tradition of Vedic Sanskrit. The generalized meaning is definition. When there is doubt, Gītā and some phrases of Brāhmaṇa, Nirukta etc are guide. In a sentence, each word is defined by remaining words. Then we can find units of measure by comparing current measures & definitions given there.



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Indian Institute of Scientific Heritage

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Click on the links below for the Kannada translation of Rig Veda Samhita in 36 volumes, translated and edited by H.P. Venkat Rao, the Aasthan Vidwan of the erstwhile king of Mysore, Shri Jayachamarajendra Odeyar Bahaddur, in 1948. This work was digitized through Sriranga Digital Technologies by Shri Yogananda, Professor of Mathematics, at Shri Jayachamarajendra College of Engineering, Mysore. Please note that few pages in volumes 1, 14, 26, 32 and 33 are lost.

10.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 9

11.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 10

12.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 11

13.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 12

14.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 13

15.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 14a

16.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 14b

17.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 15

18.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 16

19.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 17

20.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 18

21.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 19

22.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 20

23.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 21

24.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 22

25.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 23

26.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 24

27.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 25

28.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 26a

29.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 26b

30.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 27

31.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 28

32.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 29

33.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 30

34.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 31

35.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 32a

36.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 32b

37.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 33a

38.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 33b

39.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 33c

40.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 33d

41.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 33e

42.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 33f

43.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 33g

44.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 34

45.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 35

46.                        Kannada Rigveda Samhita: Volume 36


Click on the link below for an English Essay on Cosmology of Rigveda:

·         Cosmology of Rigveda

Rigveda

The Rigveda (Sanskrit: ऋग्वेद ṛgveda, from ṛc "praise, shine" and veda "knowledge") is an ancient Indian collection of Vedic Sanskrit hymns. It is one of the four canonical sacred texts (śruti) of Hinduism known as the Vedas The text is a collection of 1,028 hymns and 10,600 verses, organized into ten books (Mandalas). A good deal of the language is still obscure and many hymns as a consequence are unintelligible.


The hymns are dedicated to Rigvedic deities. For each deity series the hymns progress from longer to shorter ones; and the number of hymns per book increases. In the eight books that were composed the earliest, the hymns predominantly discuss cosmology and praise deities. Books 1 and 10, which were added last, deal with philosophical or speculative questions about the origin of the universe and the nature of god, the virtue of dāna (charity) in society, and other metaphysical issues in its hymns.

Rigveda is one of the oldest extant texts in any Indo-European  language. 

Philological and linguistic evidence indicate that the Rigveda was composed in the north-western region of the Indian subcontinent, most likely between c. 1500 and 1200 BC, though a wider approximation of c. 1700–1100 BC has also been given. The initial codification of the Rigveda took place during the early Kuru kingdom (c. 1200 – c. 900 BCE).

Some of its verses continue to be recited during Hindu rites of passage celebrations such as weddings and religious prayers, making it probably the world's oldest religious text in continued use.

Mandala

The text is organized in 10 books, known as Mandalas, of varying age and length.

The "family books", mandalas 2–7, are the oldest part of the Rigveda and the shortest books; they are arranged by length (decreasing length of hymns per book) and account for 38% of the text. Within each book, the hymns are arranged in collections each dealing with a particular deity: Agni comes first, Indra comes second, and so on. They are attributed and dedicated to a rishi (sage) and his family of students. Within each collection, the hymns are arranged in descending order of the number of stanzas per hymn. If two hymns in the same collection have equal numbers of stanzas then they are arranged so that the number of syllables in the metre are in descending order The second to seventh mandalas have a uniform format.


The eighth and ninth mandalas, comprising hymns of mixed age,. account for 15% and 9%, respectively. The first and the tenth mandalas are the youngest; they are also the longest books, of 191 suktas each, accounting for 37% of the text. However, adds Witzel, some hymns in Mandala 8, 1 and 10 may be as old as the earlier Mandalas. The first mandala has a unique arrangement not found in the other nine mandalas. The ninth mandala is arranged by both its prosody (chanda) structure and hymn length, while the first eighty four hymns of the tenth mandala have a structure different than the remaining hymns in it.

Sukta, ṛca, and pada

Each mandala consists of hymns called sūkta (su-ukta, literally, "well recited, eulogy") intended for various rituals. The sūktas in turn consist of individual stanzas called ṛc ("praise", pl. ṛcas), which are further analysed into units of verse called pada ("foot" or step). The meters most used in the ṛcas are the gayatri (3 verses of 8 syllables), anushtubh (4x8), trishtubh (4x11) and jagati (4x12). The trishtubh meter (40%) and gayatri meter (25%) dominate in the Rigveda.


For pedagogical convenience, each mandala is synthetically divided into roughly equal sections of several sūktas, called anuvāka ("recitation"), which modern publishers often omit. Another scheme divides the entire text over the 10 mandalas into aṣṭaka ("eighth"), adhyāya ("chapter") and varga ("class"). Some publishers give both classifications in a single edition.

The most common numbering scheme is by book, hymn and stanza (and pada abc ..., if required). E.g., the first pada is

·         1.1.1a agním īḷe puróhitaṃ "Agni I invoke, the housepriest"

and the final pada is

·         10.191.4d yáthā vaḥ súsahā́sati

Composers

Tradition associates a rishi (the composer) with each ṛc of the Rigveda. Most sūktas are attributed to single composers. The "family books" (2–7) are so-called because they have hymns by members of the same clan in each book; but other clans are also represented in the Rigveda. In all, 10 families of rishis account for more than 95% of the ṛcs; for each of them the Rigveda includes a lineage-specific āprī hymn (a special sūkta of rigidly formulaic structure, used for rituals.

Family

Āprī

Ṛcas

Angiras

I.142

3619 (especially Mandala 6)

Kanva

I.13

1315 (especially Mandala 8)

Vasishtha

VII.2

1276 (Mandala 7)

Vishvamitra

III.4

983 (Mandala 3)

Atri

V.5

885 (Mandala 5)

Bhrgu

X.110

473

IX.5

415 (part of Mandala 9)

Grtsamada

II.3

401 (Mandala 2)

Agastya

I.188

316

Bharata

X.70

170

Transmission

The original text (as authored by the Rishis) is close to but not identical to the extant Samhitapatha, but metrical and other observations allow reconstruction (in part at least) of the original text from the extant one, as printed in the Harvard Oriental Series, vol. 50 (1994).


The surviving form of the Rigveda is based on an early Iron Age collection that established the core 'family books' (mandalas 2–7, ordered by author, deity and meter) and a later redaction, co-eval with the redaction of the other Vedas, dating several centuries after the hymns were composed. This redaction also included some additions (contradicting the strict ordering scheme) and orthoepic changes to the Vedic Sanskrit such as the regularization of sandhi (termed orthoepische Diaskeuase by Oldenberg, 1888).


As with the other Vedas, the redacted text has been handed down in several versions, most importantly the Padapatha, in which each word is isolated in pausa form and is used for just one way of memorization; and the Samhitapatha, which combines words according to the rules of sandhi (the process being described in the Pratisakhya) and is the memorized text used for recitation.


The Padapatha and the Pratisakhya anchor the text's true meaning, and the fixed text was preserved with unparalleled fidelity for more than a millennium by oral tradition alone. In order to achieve this the oral tradition prescribed very structured enunciation, involving breaking down the Sanskrit compounds into stems and inflections, as well as certain permutations. This interplay with sounds gave rise to a scholarly tradition of morphology and phonetics. The Rigveda was probably not written down until the Gupta period (4th to 6th centuries AD), by which time the Brahmi script had become widespread (the oldest surviving manuscripts are from ~1040 AD, discovered in Nepal). The oral tradition still continued into recent times.

Recensions

Several shakhas ("branches", i. e. recensions) of Rig Veda are known to have existed in the past. Of these, Śākalya is the only one to have survived in its entirety. Another shakha that may have survived is the Bāṣkala, although this is uncertain.


The surviving padapatha version of the Rigveda text is ascribed to Śākalya. The Śākala recension has 1,017 regular hymns, and an appendix of 11 vālakhilya hymns which are now customarily included in the 8th mandala (as 8.49–8.59), for a total of 1028 hymns. The Bāṣkala recension includes 8 of these vālakhilyahymns among its regular hymns, making a total of 1025 regular hymns for this śākhā. In addition, the Bāṣkala recension has its own appendix of 98 hymns, the Khilani.

In the 1877 edition of Aufrecht, the 1028 hymns of the Rigveda contain a total of 10,552 ṛcs, or 39,831 padas. The Shatapatha Brahmana gives the number of syllables to be 432,000, while the metrical text of van Nooten and Holland (1994) has a total of 395,563 syllables (or an average of 9.93 syllables per pada); counting the number of syllables is not straightforward because of issues with sandhi and the post-Rigvedic pronunciation of syllables like súvar as svàr.


Three other shakhas are mentioned in Caraṇavyuha, a pariśiṣṭa (supplement) of Yajurveda: Māṇḍukāyana, Aśvalāyana and Śaṅkhāyana. The Atharvaveda lists two more shakhas. The differences between all these shakhas are very minor, limited to varying order of content and inclusion (or non-inclusion) of a few verses. The following information is known about the shakhas other than Śākalya and Bāṣkala:


·         Māṇḍukāyana: Perhaps the oldest of the Rigvedic shakhas.

·         Aśvalāyana: Includes 212 verses, all of which are newer than the other Rigvedic hymns.

·         Śaṅkhāyana: Very similar to Aśvalāyana

·         Saisiriya: Mentioned in the Rigveda Pratisakhya. Very similar to Śākala, with a few additional verses; might have derived from or merged with it.

Manuscripts

There are, for example, 30 manuscripts of Rigveda at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, collected in the 19th century by Georg Bühler, Franz Kielhorn and others, originating from different parts of India, including Kashmir, Gujarat, the then Rajaputana, Central Provinces etc. They were transferred to Deccan College, Pune, in the late 19th century. They are in the Sharada and Devanagari scripts, written on birch bark and paper. The oldest of them is dated to 1464. The 30 manuscripts of Rigveda preserved at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune were added to UNESCO's Memory of the World Register in 2007.

Of these 30 manuscripts, 9 contain the samhita text, 5 have the padapatha in addition. 13 contain Sayana's commentary. At least 5 manuscripts (MS. no. 1/A1879-80, 1/A1881-82, 331/1883-84 and 5/Viś I) have preserved the complete text of the Rigveda. MS no. 5/1875-76, written on birch bark in bold Sharada, was only in part used by Max Müller for his edition of the Rigveda with Sayana's commentary.

Müller used 24 manuscripts then available to him in Europe, while the Pune Edition used over five dozen manuscripts, but the editors of Pune Edition could not procure many manuscripts used by Müller and by the Bombay Edition, as well as from some other sources; hence the total number of extant manuscripts known then must surpass perhaps eighty at least.

Comparison

The various Rigveda manuscripts discovered so far show some differences. Broadly, the most studied Śākala recension has 1017 hymns, includes an appendix of eleven valakhīlya hymns which are often counted with the 8th mandala, for a total of 1,028 metrical hymns. The Bāṣakala version of Rigveda includes eight of these vālakhilya hymns among its regular hymns, making a total of 1025 hymns in the main text for this śākhā. The Bāṣakala text also has an appendix of 98 hymns, called the Khilani, bringing the total to 1,123 hymns. The manuscripts of Śākala recension of the Rigveda have about 10,600 verses, organized into ten Books (Mandalas). Books 2 through 7 are internally homogeneous in style, while Books 1, 8 and 10 are compilation of verses of internally different styles suggesting that these books are likely a collection of compositions by many authors.


The first mandala is the largest, with 191 hymns and 2,006 verses, and it was added to the text after Books 2 through 9. The last, or the 10th Book, also has 191 hymns but 1,754 verses, making it the second largest. The language analytics suggest the 10th Book, chronologically, was composed and added last. The content of the 10th Book also suggest that the authors knew and relied on the contents of the first nine books.

The Rigveda is the largest of the four Vedas, and many of its verses appear in the other Vedas. Almost all of the 1,875 verses found in Samaveda are taken from different parts of the Rigveda, either once or as repetition, and rewritten in a chant song form. The Books 8 and 9 of the Rigveda are by far the largest source of verses for Sama Veda. The Book 10 contributes the largest number of the 1,350 verses of Rigveda found in Atharvaveda, or about one fifth of the 5,987 verses in the Atharvaveda text. A bulk of 1,875 ritual-focussed verses of Yajurveda, in its numerous versions, also borrow and build upon the foundation of verses in Rigveda.

Contents

Altogether the Rig Veda consists of:

·         Hymns to the deities, the oldest part of the Rig Veda

·         Brahmanas, commentaries on the hymns

·         Aranyaka or "forest books"

·         Upanishads

Hymns

The Rigvedic hymns are dedicated to various deities, chief of whom are Indra, a heroic god praised for having slain his enemy Vrtra; Agni, the sacrificial fire; and Soma, the sacred potion or the plant it is made from. Equally prominent gods are the Adityas or Asura gods Mitra–Varuna and Ushas (the dawn). Also invoked are Savitr, Vishnu, Rudra, Pushan, Brihaspati or Brahmanaspati, as well as deified natural phenomena such as Dyaus Pita (the shining sky, Father Heaven), Prithivi (the earth, Mother Earth), Surya (the sun god), Vayu or Vata (the wind), Apas (the waters), Parjanya (the thunder and rain), Vac (the word), many rivers (notably the Sapta Sindhu, and the Sarasvati River). The Adityas, Vasus, Rudras, Sadhyas, Ashvins, Maruts, Rbhus, and the Vishvadevas ("all-gods") as well as the "thirty-three gods" are the groups of deities mentioned.


The hymns mention various further minor gods, persons, phenomena and items, and contain fragmentary references to possible historical events, notably the struggle between the early Vedic people (known as Vedic Aryans, a subgroup of the Indo-Aryans) and their enemies, the Dasa or Dasyu and their mythical prototypes, the Paṇi (the Bactrian Parna).

·         Mandala 1 comprises 191 hymns. Hymn 1.1 is addressed to Agni, and his name is the first word of the Rigveda. The remaining hymns are mainly addressed to Agni and Indra, as well as Varuna, Mitra, the Ashvins, the Maruts, Usas, Surya, Rbhus, Rudra, Vayu, Brihaspati, Vishnu, Heaven and Earth, and all the Gods. This Mandala is dated to have been added to Rigveda after Mandala 2 through 9, and includes the philosophical Riddle Hymn 1.164, which inspires chapters in later Upanishads such as the Mundaka.

·         Mandala 2 comprises 43 hymns, mainly to Agni and Indra. It is chiefly attributed to the Rishi gṛtsamada śaunahotra.

·         Mandala 3 comprises 62 hymns, mainly to Agni and Indra and the Visvedevas. The verse 3.62.10 has great importance in Hinduism as the Gayatri Mantra. Most hymns in this book are attributed to viśvāmitra gāthinaḥ.

·         Mandala 4 comprises 58 hymns, mainly to Agni and Indra as well as the Rbhus, Ashvins, Brhaspati, Vayu, Usas, etc. Most hymns in this book are attributed to vāmadeva gautama.

·         Mandala 5 comprises 87 hymns, mainly to Agni and Indra, the Visvedevas ("all the gods'), the Maruts, the twin-deity Mitra-Varuna and the Asvins. Two hymns each are dedicated to Ushas (the dawn) and to Savitr. Most hymns in this book are attributed to the atri clan.

·         Mandala 6 comprises 75 hymns, mainly to Agni and Indra, all the gods, Pusan, Asvin, Usas, etc. Most hymns in this book are attributed to the bārhaspatya family of Angirasas.

·         Mandala 7 comprises 104 hymns, to AgniIndra, the Visvedevas, the Maruts, Mitra-Varuna, the Asvins, Ushas, Indra-Varuna, Varuna, Vayu (the wind), two each to Sarasvati (ancient river/goddess of learning) and Vishnu, and to others. Most hymns in this book are attributed to vasiṣṭha maitravaruṇi.

·         Mandala 8 comprises 103 hymns to various gods. Hymns 8.49 to 8.59 are the apocryphal vālakhilya. Hymns 1–48 and 60–66 are attributed to the kāṇva clan, the rest to other (Angirasa) poets.

·         Mandala 9 comprises 114 hymns, entirely devoted to Soma Pavamana, the cleansing of the sacred potion of the Vedic religion.

·         Mandala 10 comprises additional 191 hymns, frequently in later language, addressed to AgniIndra and various other deities. It contains the Nadistuti sukta which is in praise of rivers and is important for the reconstruction of the geography of the Vedic civilization and the Purusha sukta which has been important in studies of Vedic sociology. It also contains the Nasadiya sukta (10.129), probably the most celebrated hymn in the west, which deals with creation. The marriage hymns (10.85) and the death hymns (10.10–18) still are of great importance in the performance of the corresponding Grhya rituals.

Rigveda Brahmanas

Of the Brahmanas that were handed down in the schools of the Bahvṛcas (i.e. "possessed of many verses"), as the followers of the Rigveda are called, two have come down to us, namely those of the Aitareyins and the Kaushitakins. The Aitareya-brahmana and the Kaushitaki- (or Sankhayana-
brahmana evidently have for their groundwork the same stock of traditional exegetic matter. They differ, however, considerably as regards both the arrangement of this matter and their stylistic handling of it, with the exception of the numerous legends common to both, in which the discrepancy is comparatively slight. There is also a certain amount of material peculiar to each of them.

The Kaushitaka is, upon the whole, far more concise in its style and more systematic in its arrangement features which would lead one to infer that it is probably the more modern work of the two. It consists of thirty chapters (adhyaya); while the Aitareya has forty, divided into eight books (or pentads, pancaka), of five chapters each. The last ten adhyayas of the latter work are, however, clearly a later addition though they must have already formed part of it at the time of Pāṇini (c. 5th century BC), if, as seems probable, one of his grammatical sutras, regulating the formation of the names of Brahmanas, consisting of thirty and forty adhyayas, refers to these two works. In this last portion occurs the well-known legend (also found in the Shankhayana-sutra, but not in the Kaushitaki-brahmana) of Shunahshepa, whom his father Ajigarta sells and offers to slay, the recital of which formed part of the inauguration of kings.


While the Aitareya deals almost exclusively with the Soma sacrifice, the Kaushitaka, in its first six chapters, treats of the several kinds of haviryajna, or offerings of rice, milk, ghee, etc., whereupon follows the Soma sacrifice in this way, that chapters 7–10 contain the practical ceremonial and 11–30 the recitations (shastra) of the hotar. Sayana, in the introduction to his commentary on the work, ascribes the Aitareya to the sage Mahidasa Aitareya (i.e. son of Itara), also mentioned elsewhere as a philosopher; and it seems likely enough that this person arranged the Brahmanaand founded the school of the Aitareyins. Regarding the authorship of the sister work we have no information, except that the opinion of the sage Kaushitaki is frequently referred to in it as authoritative, and generally in opposition to the Paingya—the Brahmana, it would seem, of a rival school, the Paingins. Probably, therefore, it is just what one of the manuscripts calls it—the Brahmana of Sankhayana (composed) in accordance with the views of Kaushitaki.

Rigveda Aranyakas and Upanishads

Each of these two Brahmanas is supplemented by a "forest book", or Aranyaka. 

The Aitareyaranyaka is not a uniform production. It consists of five books (aranyaka), three of which, the first and the last two, are of a liturgical nature, treating of the ceremony called mahavrata, or great vow. The last of these books, composed in sutra form, is, however, doubtless of later origin, and is, indeed, ascribed by Hindu authorities either to Shaunaka or to Ashvalayana. The second and third books, on the other hand, are purely speculative, and are also styled the Bahvrca-brahmana-upanishad. Again, the last four chapters of the second book are usually singled out as the Aitareya Upanishad, ascribed, like its Brahmana (and the first book), to Mahidasa Aitareya; and the third book is also referred to as the Samhita-upanishad. As regards the Kaushitaki-aranyaka, this work consists of 15 adhyayas, the first two (treating of the mahavrata ceremony) and the 7th and 8th of which correspond to the 1st, 5th, and 3rd books of the Aitareyaranyaka, respectively, whilst the four adhyayas usually inserted between them constitute the highly interesting Kaushitaki (Brahmana-) Upanishad, of which we possess two different recensions. The remaining portions (9–15) of the Aranyaka treat of the vital airs, the internal Agnihotra, etc., ending with the vamsha, or succession of teachers.

Composition

The earliest text were composed in greater Punjab (northwest India and Pakistan), and the more philosophical later texts were most likely composed in or around the region that is the modern era state of Haryana. Philological estimates tend to date the bulk of the text to the second half of the second millennium.

Being composed in an early Indo-Aryan language, the hymns must post-date the Indo-Iranian separation, dated to roughly 2000 BC. A reasonable date close to that of the composition of the core of the Rigveda is that of the Mitanni documents of c. 1400 BC, which contain Indo-Aryan nomenclature. Other evidence also points to a composition close to 1400 BC.

The Rigveda's core is accepted to date to the late Bronze Age, making it one of the few examples with an unbroken tradition. Its composition is usually dated to roughly between c. 1500–1200 BC.

Codification

There is a widely accepted timeframe for the initial codification of the Rigveda by compiling the hymns very late in the Rigvedic or rather in the early post-Rigvedic period, including the arrangement of the individual hymns in ten books, coeval with the composition of the younger Veda Samhitas. This time coincides with the early Kuru kingdom, shifting the center of Vedic culture east from the Punjab into what is now Uttar Pradesh. The fixing of the samhitapatha (by keeping Sandhi) intact and of the padapatha (by dissolving Sandhi out of the earlier metrical text), occurred during the later Brahmana period.

Manuscripts

Writing appears in India around the 3rd century BC in the form of the Brāhmī script, but texts of the length of the Rigveda were likely not written down until much later, and the oldest extant manuscripts date to AD ~1040, discovered in Nepal. While written manuscripts were used for teaching in medieval times, they were written on birch bark or palm leaves, which decompose and therefore were routinely copied over the generations to help preserve the text. Some Rigveda commentaries may date from the second half of the first millennium AD. The hymns were thus composed and preserved by oral tradition for several millennia from the time of their composition until the redaction of the Rigveda, and the entire Rigveda was preserved in shakhas for another 2,500 years from the time of its redaction until the editio princeps by Rosen, Aufrecht and Max Müller.

Historical context

The Rigveda is far more archaic than any other Indo-Aryan text. For this reason, it was in the center of attention of western scholarship from the times of Max Müller and Rudolf Roth onwards. The Rigveda records an early stage of Vedic religion. There are strong linguistic and cultural similarities with the early Iranian Avesta, deriving from the Proto-Indo-Iranian times, often associated with the early Andronovo culture (or rather, the Sintashta culture within the early Andronovo horizon) of c. 2000 BC.


The Rigveda offers no direct evidence of social or political system in Vedic era, whether ordinary or elite. Only hints such as cattle raising and horse racing are discernible, and the text offers very general ideas about the ancient Indian society. There is no evidence, state Jamison and Brereton, of any elaborate, pervasive or structured caste system. Social stratification seems embryonic, then and later a social ideal rather than a social reality. The society was pastoral with evidence of agriculture since hymns mention plow and celebrate agricultural divinities. There was division of labor, and complementary relationship between kings and poet-priests but no discussion of relative status of social classes. Women in Rigveda appear disproportionately as speakers in dialogue hymns, both as mythical or divine Indrani, Apsaras Urvasi, or Yami, as well as Apāla Ātreyī (RV 8.91), Godhā (RV 10.134.6), Ghoṣā Kākṣīvatī (RV 10.39.40), Romaśā (RV 1.126.7), Lopāmudrā (RV 1.179.1-2), Viśvavārā Ātreyī (RV 5.28), Śacī Paulomī (RV 10.159), Śaśvatī Āṅgirasī (RV 8.1.34). The women of Rigveda are quite outspoken and appear more sexually confident than men, in the text. Elaborate and esthetic hymns on wedding suggest rites of passage had developed during the Rigvedic period. There is little evidence of dowry and no evidence of sati in it or related Vedic texts.

The Rigvedic hymns mention rice and porridge, in hymns such as 8.83, 8.70, 8.77 and 1.61 in some versions of the text, however there is no discussion of rice cultivation. The term "ayas" (metal) occurs in the Rigveda, but it is unclear which metal it was. Iron is not mentioned in Rigveda, something scholars have used to help date Rigveda to have been composed before 1000 BC. Hymn 5.63 mentions "metal cloaked in gold", suggesting metal working had progressed in the Vedic culture.

Some of the names of gods and goddesses found in the Rigveda are found amongst other belief systems based on Proto-Indo-European religion, while words used share common roots with words from other Indo-European languages.

The horse (ashva), cattle, sheep and goat play an important role in the Rigveda. There are also references to the elephant (Hastin, Varana), camel (Ustra, especially in Mandala 8), ass (khara, rasabha), buffalo (Mahisa), wolf, hyena, lion (Simha), mountain goat (sarabha) and to the gaur in the Rigveda. The peafowl (mayura), the goose (hamsa) and the chakravaka (Tadorna ferruginea) are some birds mentioned in the Rigveda.

Atheism, Monotheism, Monism, Polytheism debate

The Rigveda along with other Vedic texts, states Michael Ruse, contains a "strong traditional streak that (by Western standards) would undoubtedly be thought atheistic". He states that hymn 10.130 of Rigveda can be read to be in "an atheistic spirit".

Rigveda, however, contains numerous hymns with a diversity of ideas. The initial impression one gets, states Jeaneane Fowler, is that the text is polytheistic because it praises many gods. Yet, adds Fowler, the text does not fit the "neat classifications of western thought or linear thinking". The deities are praised depending on the context, and the hymns include an expression of monotheism. For example, hymn 1.164.46 of Rigveda states,

They call him Indra, Mitra, Varuna, Agni, and he is heavenly nobly-winged Garutman.
To what is One, sages give many a title they call it Agni, Yama, Matarisvan.

— Rigveda 1.164.46, Translated by Ralph Griffith


Max Muller and Stephen Phillips state that this "monotheism" is henotheism (one god, accept many manifest deities). Thomas Urumpackal and other scholars state that monistic tendencies (Brahman is everywhere, God inside everybody) are found in hymns of chapters 1.164, 8.36 and 10.31. Other scholars state that Rigveda includes an emerging diversity of thought, including monotheism, polytheism, henotheism and pantheism, the choice left to the preference of the worshipper.

Changing Sanskrit

Although the text of the redacted version of the Rig Veda was transmitted unchanged, by 500 BC Sanskrit had changed so much that commentaries were necessary to make sense of the Rig Vedic hymns. The Brahmanas contain numerous misinterpretations, due to this linguistic change,[95 loc.cit. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rigveda#cite_note-KT-99] some of which were characterised by Sri Aurobindo as "grotesque nonsense."
Medieval Hindu scholarship

According to Hindu tradition, the Rigvedic hymns were collected by Paila under the guidance of Vyāsa, who formed the Rigveda Samhita as we know it. According to the Śatapatha Brāhmana, the number of syllables in the Rigveda is 432,000, equalling the number of muhurtas (1 day = 30 muhurtas) in forty years. This statement stresses the underlying philosophy of the Vedic books that there is a connection (bandhu) between the astronomical, the physiological, and the spiritual.


The authors of the Brāhmana literature discussed and interpreted the Vedic ritual. Yaska was an early commentator of the Rigveda by discussing the meanings of difficult words. In the 14th century, Sāyana wrote an exhaustive commentary on it.


A number of other commentaries (bhāṣyas) were written during the medieval period, including the commentaries by Skandasvamin (pre-Sayana, roughly of the Gupta period), Udgitha (pre-Sayana), Venkata-Madhava (pre-Sayana, c. 10th to 12th centuries) and Mudgala Purana (after Sayana, an abbreviated version of Sayana's commentary).


Śiśupālgarh Indus Script inscription on sealing: silver workshop, metals manufactory, blacksmith business with mint

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Thanks to Manasataramgini for a tweet showing an undeciphered sealing (attached) which highlights the importance of Śiśupālgarh in Bhāratīya Itihāsa related to the centuries earlier to 5th cent. BCE.

 10 minutes ago

two kali~Nga sealings from Śiśupālgarh. Interestingly, these have never figured in discussion on the antiquity of Hindu scripts

I suggest that the continuum of Indus Script hypertext tradition is evidenced the inscription on the sealing. The message is: silver workshop, metals manufactory, blacksmith business with mint.

Pictorial motifs

Hieroglyphs: Quadrupeds exiting the mund (or mudhif) are pasaramu, pasalamu ‘an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped’ (Telugu) పసరము [ pasaramu ] or పసలము pasaramu. [Tel.] n. A beast, an animal. గోమహిషహాతి

Rebus: pasra = a smithy, place where a black-smith works, to work as a blacksmith; kamar pasra = a smithy; pasrao lagao akata se ban:? Has the blacksmith begun to work? pasraedae = the blacksmith is at his work (Santali.lex.) 

pasra meṛed, pasāra meṛed = syn. of koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.) పసారము [ pasāramu ] or పసారు pasārdmu. [Tel.] n. A shop. అంగడి

Hieroglyph: damya ʻ tameable ʼ, m. ʻ young bullock to be tamed ʼ Mn. [~ *dāmiya -- . -- √damPa. damma -- ʻ to be tamed (esp. of a young bullock) ʼ; Pk. damma -- ʻ to be tamed ʼ; S. ḍ̠amu ʻ tamed ʼ; -- ext. -- ḍa -- : A. damrā ʻ young bull ʼ, dāmuri ʻ calf ʼ; B. dāmṛā ʻ castrated bullock ʼ; Or. dāmaṛī ʻ heifer ʼ, dāmaṛiā ʻ bullcalf, young castrated bullock ʼ, dāmuṛ°ṛi ʻ young bullock ʼ.Addenda: damya -- : WPah.kṭg. dām m. ʻ young ungelt ox ʼ.(CDIAL 6184) A. dāmā ʻ peg to tie a buffalo -- calf to ʼ (CDIAL 6283)
Rebus: dhāū, dhāv 'red stone minerals' .dhā̆vaḍ  'iron-smelter'

khoṇḍ, kõda 'young bull-calf' Rebus: kũdār 'turner'. कोंद kōnda 'engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems' (Marathi) kundaṇa 'fine gold' (Kannada). 

Hieroglyph: पोळ [pōḷa] m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. பொலியெருது poli-y-erutu , n. < பொலி- +. 1. Bull kept for covering; பசுக்களைச் சினையாக்குதற் பொருட்டு வளர்க்கப்படும் காளை. (பிங்.) கொடிய பொலியெருதை யிருமூக்கிலும் கயி றொன்று கோத்து (அறப். சத. 42). 2. The leading ox in treading out grain on a threshing-floor; களத்துப் பிணையல்மாடுகளில் முதற்செல்லுங் கடா. (W.) பொலி முறைநாகு poli-muṟai-nāku, n. < பொலி + முறை +. Heifer fit for covering; பொலியக்கூடிய பக்குவமுள்ள கிடாரி. (S. I. I. iv, 102.)

Rebus 1: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4'.

Rebus: cattle festival: पोळा [ pōḷā ] m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. "Pola is a bull-worshipping festival celebrated by farmers mainly in the Indian state of Maharashtra (especially among the Kunbis). On the day of Pola, the farmers decorate and worship their bulls. Pola falls on the day of the Pithori Amavasya (the new moon day) in the month of Shravana (usually in August)." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pola_(festival) Festival held on the day after Sankranti ( = kANum) is called pōlāla paNDaga (Telugu).

Text of inscription

गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा) A roundish stone or pebble. गोदा [ gōdā ] m A circular brand or mark made by actual cautery (Marathi)गोटा [ gōṭā ] m A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble (of stone, lac, wood &c.) 2 A marble. 3 A large lifting stone. Rebus:goi 'silver' Rebus: khōṭā 'alloy'.

koa 'one' rebus: ko 'workshop'
Hieroglyph: (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā id. rebus: phaḍā, paṭṭaḍa 'metals manufactory'.

Hieroglyph: adze: ṭaṅka2 m.n. ʻ spade, hoe, chisel ʼ R. 2. ṭaṅga -- 2 m.n. ʻ sword, spade ʼ lex.1. Pa. ṭaṅka -- m. ʻ stone mason's chisel ʼ; Pk. ṭaṁka -- m. ʻ stone -- chisel, sword ʼ; Woṭ. ṭhõ ʻ axe ʼ; Bshk. ṭhoṅ ʻ battleaxe ʼ, ṭheṅ ʻ small axe ʼ (< *ṭaṅkī); Tor. (Biddulph) "tunger" m. ʻ axe ʼ (? AO viii 310), Phal. ṭhō˘ṅgi f.; K. ṭŏnguru m. ʻ a kind of hoe ʼ; N. (Tarai) ṭã̄gi ʻ adze ʼ; H. ṭã̄kī f. ʻ chisel ʼ; G. ṭã̄k f. ʻ pen nib ʼ; M. ṭã̄k m. ʻ pen nib ʼ, ṭã̄kī f. ʻ chisel ʼ. 2. A. ṭāṅgi ʻ stone chisel ʼ; B. ṭāṅg°gi ʻ spade, axe ʼ; Or. ṭāṅgi ʻ battle -- axe ʼ; Bi. ṭã̄gā°gī ʻ adze ʼ; Bhoj. ṭāṅī ʻ axe ʼ; H. ṭã̄gī f. ʻ hatchet ʼ.*ṭaṅkati2.(CDIAL 5427) ṭaṅkaśālā -- , ṭaṅkakaś° f. ʻ mint ʼ lex. [ṭaṅka -- 1, śāˊlā -- ]N. ṭaksāl°ār, B. ṭāksālṭã̄k°ṭek°, Bhoj. ṭaksār, H. ṭaksāl°ār f., G. ṭãksāḷ f., M. ṭã̄ksālṭāk°ṭãk°ṭak°. -- Deriv. G. ṭaksāḷī m. ʻ mint -- master ʼ, M. ṭāksāḷyā m. Addenda: ṭaṅkaśālā -- : Brj. ṭaksāḷī, °sārī m. ʻ mint -- master ʼ.(CDIAL 5434)

गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा) A roundish stone or pebble. गोदा [ gōdā ] m A circular brand or mark made by actual cautery (Marathi)गोटा [ gōṭā ] m A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble (of stone, lac, wood &c.) 2 A marble. 3 A large lifting stone. Rebus:goi 'silver' Rebus: khōṭā 'alloy'.

Mint and blacksmith business

Hieroglyph: Yupaskambha with  caṣāla 'wheat chaff' on top: *skabha ʻ post, peg ʼ. [√skambh]Kal. Kho. iskow ʻ peg ʼ BelvalkarVol 86 with (?). SKAMBH ʻ make firm ʼ: *skabdha -- , skambhá -- 1, skámbhana -- ; -- √*chambh. skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambhkhambhākhammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi) khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khāmkhāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmhkhāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khām m. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi°bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho°bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- X gambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛo ʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure ʼ.*skambhaghara -- , *skambhākara -- , *skambhāgāra -- , *skambhadaṇḍa -- ; *dvāraskambha -- .Addenda: skambhá -- 1: Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.(CDIAL 13638, 13639) Rebus:Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner(DEDR 1236)






"The remains of the ancient city Śiśupālgarh has been discovered near Bhubaneswar, today, the capital of the Odisha state in India. Śiśupālgarh was a nationally protected monument. On the basis of the architectural pattern and artefacts discovered during the early excavations, B.B. Lal concluded that this fort city flourished between 3rd century BC and 4th century AD. On the basis of the new findings, M. Smith and R. Mohanty claim that the fortified city flourished from around 5th century BC and probably lasted well after the 4th century. Thus, this defensive settlement originated prior to the Mauryan empire.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sisupalgarh

Remains of fortifications in Śiśupālgarh

Area D ruin, 2004 (FH Mainz).. Remains of pillars of SŚiśupālgarh

B.B. LalŚiśupālgarh 1948: An Early Historical Fort in Eastern India. Ancient India 5, 1949

In 2005 the Indo-German team documented considerable illegal building on this nationally protected site.
Śiśupālgarh fort, a Pre-Mauryan archaeological monument

A forgotten fort called Śiśupālgarh
Scenes from the Sisupalgarh excavation site and Chudangagagarh, inside Chudanga Reserve Forest. Many parts of Sisupalgarh, which was excavated in 1947-1948 by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), may very well remain only in the pages of history as unauthorised constructions and development activities are set to irreparably damage it.
Pictures by Sanjib Mukherjee
Bhubaneswar, Aug. 29: A visit to Sisupalgarh takes one several ages into the past. Speaking volumes about the historical importance of the ancient urban site near Bhubaneswar, German professor Paul Yule of the University of Heidelberg said: “We have one Sisupalgarh in the entire world and we have to preserve it.’’
Surprisingly, many parts of the fort, which were excavated in 1947-1948 by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), may remain only in the pages of history as unauthorised constructions and development activities are set to irreparably damage it.
Before that happens, you should pack your backpack and visit this fort near Samantarapur on the outskirts of the city. The fort is situated about 5 km from the railway station and 10 km from the airport.
Apart from Prof. Yule, several other experts including Wolfgard Boehler and Monica Bordas Vicent of the University of Applied Sciences, Mainz, Germany, architect Coriana Borchert, Prof. Rabi Mohanty of the department of archaeology, Deccan College of Pune and Monica L. Smith of Costen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, have worked hard to preserve the historic site.
“Sisupalgarh, named a national monument by many scholars, is a historic fort. It has a 2000-year-old quadratic defensive wall, measuring 1,200x1,160 metres and portions of the surviving wall come are as high as 12 metres. A Mauryan period site, the tall pillars, some old walls and structures are still there to see,’’ says Yule and Borchert in one of their articles on the fort.
“It is a shame to see Sisupalgarh go the same way as the Ashokan-era Jaugada in the nearby Ganjam district of Orissa, which is only recognised as a fort by a few experts now. Nearer to Sisupalgarh, 500 metre to the north-west at Mahabhoi Sasan, an ancient mud fort has also fallen victim to the land grabbing mechanism,’’ says the report.
Bijay Kumar Rath, former state archaeologist, said: “ASI had put the time of the fort of Sisupalgarh between 300 BC and 300 AD and the survey had placed the development of the region in three periods or phases. Excavation had to be abandoned as the excavators hit the groundwater level at that time. Nearly 1 sq km area was excavated and the ‘Rani Uasa’ (Queen’s palace) still stands tall with its pillared structures in all its glory.’’
“However, with no protection measure or notification, land sharks were active and apart from the Bhubaneswar Development Authority, local officials like block development officers were responsible for the irregularities as they granted permission to the structures inside and near the fort,’’ he said. “As per my own study and observation, Sisupalgarh must be a 1,200 BC structure as black and red pottery was also discovered from here showing its south Indian megalithic characteristics. All other southern monuments were, however, excavated much after Sisupalgarh was found by ASI,’’ he added.
“In the early eighties, former ASI chief and original excavator of Sisupalgarh, B.B. Lal, was in Bhubaneswar to see his old excavation site. He also admitted that the 300 BC to 350 AD timeline declared by ASI may be extended much more on both sides,’’ Rath said. Stating that the Hati Gumpha (Elephant Cave) inscription of Udayagiri in Bhubaneswar says that the Sisupalgarh area was the Kalinga Nagar of Kharvela’s capital city, Rath said even his own research has indicated that there was an amphitheatre in the north-west side of the walled structure near Mahabhoi Sasan. “But with the remains of the structure is nowhere to be seen today,’’ he said, adding that the state government should immediately take steps so that the remaining portions of the fort could be excavated soon.
Archaeological sites tell us many things about our past and the new generation can observe the past through historical sites such as Sisupalgarh. Thus, this site could be a great place for school and college students to visit and learn about Orissa’s history.
“The recent decision by the Orissa government to resume excavation work at Sisupalgarh by ASI is a welcome step. It will also increase tourism potential of the city which is an ancient epicentre of cultural and architectural development,’’ said travel consultant Debasish Mahapatra of K7 Travels.
A recent meeting chaired by chief minister Naveen Patnaik decided to free Sisupalgarh of land mafia and develop the entire region as a preserved archaeological site of international standards.
Apart from Sisupalgarh, there are two other fort ruins on the city outskirts. Both are now inside the area of the Chandaka Dampara Sanctuary (CDS).
Bualigarh & Chudangagarh: Bualigarh Fort was perhaps built by Chodagangadev during 1078-1147 AD. The ruins of this fort are inside CDS limits. Chudangagagarh is also found inside Chudanga Reserve Forest. It was named after Chodagangadev. It is an 11th century structure built by rulers of the Ganga dynasty.
Sisupalgarh: 5 km from Bhubaneswar railway station, 10 km from Biju Patnaik Airport
● 1000-2000 years old quadratic defensive wall measuring 1200 metre X 1160 metre
●Other structures like pillars, remains of basement, walls can be seen
To stay: Hotels, but luxury and budget types, Panthnivas and Yatrinivas
Travel: By taxi, cars, luxury coaches for groups and autorickshaws for two Bualigarh & Chudangagarh: Inside Chandaka Dampara Sanctuary, 25 km from rly station and 30 km from airport

https://www.telegraphindia.com/1100830/jsp/orissa/story_12872078.jsp
http://crossasia-repository.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/146/1/illegal_bldg.pdf

Indus Script evidence for Bronze Age maritime trade links between India and Haifa date back to 1300 BCE

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Bronze Age maritime trade links between India and Haifa date back to 1300 BCE as proved by the evidence of Indus Script hypertexts on four tin ingots of Haifa shipwreck signify: ranku dhatu mũh 'tin mineral ingot'.

In April 2017, Government of India and New Delhi Municipal Council, decided to rename the Teen Murti Chowk as Teen Murti Haifa Chowk after the Israeli port city Haifa, ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the Jewish nation.

Four pure tin ingots (with 90% purity) discovered in a shipwreck in Haifa prove the link between Ancient India and Ancient port of Haifa, Israel.

Four tin ingots of a Haifa shipwreck have been discovered and identified with four signs of Indus Script used in Sarasvati Civilization from 3300 BCE:

Map of Haifa, Israel
 


Sources:The ingots are in the Haifa Museum. 1. Madden R., Wheeler, I. and Muhly JD, 1977, Tin in the ancient near east: old questions and new finds, Expedition 19, pp. 45-47

2. Michal Artzy, 1983, Arethusa of the Tin ingot, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 250 (Spring, 1983), pp. 51-55. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1356605 (embedded in this monograph for ready reference).

After the publication in 1977, of the two pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck at Haifa, Artzy published in 1983 (p.52), two more ingots found in a car workshop in Haifa which wasusing the ingots for soldering broken radiators. Artzy's finds were identical in size and shape with the previous two; both were also engraved with two marks. In one of the ingots, at the time of casting, a moulded head was shown in addition to the two marks. Artzy compares this head to Arethusa. (Artzy, M., 1983, Arethusa of the Tin Ingot, Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research, 250, p. 51-55). Artzy went on to suggest the ingots may have been produced in Iberia and disagreed with the suggestion that the ingot marks were Cypro-Minoan script.

Researches on Indus Script have shown that the relations between India and Haifa port in Israel date back  about 3400 years in the Late Bronze Age (ca. 14th century BCE).

Arsenical broze was the material used in Early Bronze Age.When the naturally occurring arsenical bronze became a scarce resource, the invention of tin as an alloying mineral to create bronze revolutionized the early industrial revolution of the Tin-Bronze Age. 

I suggest the artisans of Sarasvati Civilization and Ancient Far East were participants in this Tin-Bronze Revolution with Indian metal processing centres acting as intermediary agents to reach tin resource from Ancient Far East (Himalayan river basin cassiterite ore created by the grinding of granite rocks in the river basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween). The agency of Ancient Indian artisans and seafaring merchants explain the presence of Indus Script hypertexts on the four pure tin ingots found in Haifa shipwreck which is dated to ca. 12th century BCE (Late Bronze Age).

I suggest that the script is Sindhu-Sarasvati (Indus) Script. My monograph on this conclusion has been published in Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010), pp.47-74 — The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz)http://www.indojudaic.com/index.php?option=com_contact&view=contact&id=1&Itemid=8 

The author Michal Artzy (opcit., p. 55) who showed these four signs on the four tin ingots to E. Masson who is the author of Cypro-Minoan Syllabary. Masson’s views are recorded in Foot Note 3: “E. Masson, who was shown all four ingots for the first time by the author, has suggested privately that the sign ‘d’ looks Cypro-Minoan, but not the otherthree signs.”


If all the signs are NOT Cypro-Minoan Syllabary, what did these four signs, together, incised on the tin ingots signify?

All these hieroglyphs on the three tin ingots of Haifa are read rebus in Meluhha: 

Hieroglyph: ranku  = liquid measure (Santali)


Hieroglyph: raṅku m. ʻa species of deerʼ Vās.,  rankuka  id., Śrīkaṇṭh. (Samskrtam)(CDIAL 10559). raṅku m. ʻ a species of deer ʼ Vās., °uka -- m. Śrīkaṇṭh.Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ? -- more prob. < raṅká-<-> s.v. *rakka -- .*raṅkha -- ʻ defective ʼ see *rakka -- .RAṄG ʻ move to and fro ʼ: ráṅgati. -- Cf. √riṅg, √rikh2, √*righ.(CDIAL 10559)

Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali) raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m.ʻpewter, tinʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅ, rāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ. (CDIAL 10562) 

Hieroglyph: dāṭu = cross (Telugu)


Rebus: dhatu = mineral ore (Santali) Rebus: dhāṭnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (Hindi)(CDIAL 6771).


Hieroglyph: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali)

Indus Script hypertexts thus read: Hieroglyphs: ranku 'liquid measure' or raṅku ʻa species of deerʼ PLUS dāṭu = cross  rebus: plain text: ranku 'tin' PLUS dhatu 'cast mineral' Thus, together, the plain text reads: tin mineral casting. The fourth ingot with the hieroglyph of a moulded head reads: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali).

Thus, together, the message on the tin ingots discovered in the Haifa shipwreck is: ranku dhatu mũh 'tin mineral ingot'.

There is evidence for the ancient maritime trade of oxhide ingots from Sarasvati Civilization from a Mohenjo-daro tablet which shows on one side the following Indus Script hypertext:

(Source:The monograph which provides decipherment at:  


“The Bronze Age metals’ trade has been a subject of paramount concern to many scholars, even so many questions remain unanswered and there is clearly a lot that remains to be learned. I do believe that what is critically needed is a detailed study of the marks on all metal ingots, not just the ones from Uluburun but also those from Cyprus, Crete, Sardinia, and elsewhere, by an expert in very much the same way as it was done for pottery.” Kassianidou, Vasiliki, 2003, The trade of tin and island of copper, in:  Alessandra Giumlia-Mair & Fulvia Lo Schiavo, 2003, Le probleme de l’etain a l’origine de la metallurgie, The problem of early tin,  Bronze Age in Europe and the Mediterranean, Colloque/Symposium 11.2, 2-8 Sept. 2001, University of Liege, Acts of the XIVth UISPP Congress, Archaeopress, Oxford, England, pp.109-119

Such a detailed study commended by Vasiliki Kassianidou will resolve 1) the debates on sources of ancient tin during the bronze age and 2) the contentions of Iberian or Cypro-Minoan scripts on the four tin ingots of Haifa shipwreck and  the validity of the readings suggested inmlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher).

I have posited a hypothesis that the ancient source of tin for the Tin-Bronze revolution of the 4th millennium was from the river basins of three Himalayan rivers: Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
January 14, 2018

Arethusa of the Tin Ingot

Michal Artzy
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
No. 250 (Spring, 1983), pp. 51-55
DOI: 10.2307/1356605
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1356605 





Banawali Indus Script seal impression धम्म र्संज्ञा copper alloy, iron smithy workshop of helmsman

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https://tinyurl.com/yb959bag

I suggest that the Banawali seal impression is a धम्म र्संज्ञा dhamma saṁjñā 'duty signifiers' in the Indus Script hypertext cipher.

Banawali 25 Seal impression

There is a double quote on right top corner. sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'worksop' Thus, meḍ sal 'metals (iron) workshop'.

karṇaka 'spread legs'kāraṇikā 'helmsman' meḍ'body'meḍho'ram 'meḍ'iron' eraka'raised hand''copper' koḍe 'young bull' kundār 'turner'aya 'fish' ayas 'alloy metal' kaṇḍa 'arrow''fire-altar' ayaskāṇḍa ‘excellent quantity of iron’(Pāṇini)

S. Kalyanaraman Sarasvati Research Center
January 15, 2018

The darkening age -- the Christian destruction of the classical world -- Catherine Nixey

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MONDAY, DECEMBER 25, 2017

THE DARKENING AGE – THE CHRISTIAN DESTRUCTION OF THE CLASSICAL WORLD

by Renuka Sornarajah

51rmwjJpXdL._SX323_BO1 204 203 200_If you ever wondered whatever happened to Roman and Greek religions or asked yourself why so many exquisite statues of that era are disfigured, you must read this book.
The author, Catherine Nixey, is a journalist at The Timesand studied Classics at Cambridge describes the vandalism that took place between the mid AD 380s and AD 532 as Christianity grew to become the dominant religion. Christianity's triumph is usually explained as ‘inevitable', but as this book makes clear, it was not simply because the Roman empire was weakened by forces beyond its control. The book reveals the zeal of those espousing Christian teachings, their strategy and their willingness to harness their followers including monks, who were given a licence to destroy. Christians were told that they would reap the benefits in heaven if they became martyrs to the cause of destroying the existing beliefs. She writes with passion and tells a story which has thus far been suppressed, or at best ignored.
The book begins in AD 532 when Damascius and six members of the Academy, the most famous philosophical school in Athens, abandoned the school and the city and went into exile. The Academy had been in existence for over one thousand years, but draconian laws, destruction of temples and book burnings had crushed the followers of Greek and Roman religions. Damascius and his companions came to realise that there was no place for philosophers in the Roman Empire. The Christian Emperor Constantine and his successors had effectively destroyed a culture and a religion which had given strength to its followers, celebrated pluralism and led to the flowering of a civilization which incorporated gods, ideas and philosophies from the Mediterranean world and beyond.
The book goes on to describe the destruction of the temple of Serapis in AD392 and tens of thousands of books which were the remnants of the Great Public Library of Alexandria. This unprompted sacrilege was carried out by Theophilus, the Christian Bishop of Alexandria, and his followers. The book describes how the practice of censorship meant that the works of defenders of the old religions such as Celsus who vigorously criticised Christianity, survived only because he was quoted by those who defended Christianity.  
Catherine Nixey writes from the perspective that this story of destruction has to be told in order to balance the view of history which has come down from the ages, one which was written by the victors. In her introduction, she states that her book ‘unashamedly mourns the largest destruction of art that human history has ever seen. It is a book about the tragedies behind the ‘triumph' of Christianity.' She is careful to point out that what little remains of ancient history is ‘often hotly contested' and states - ‘Every point these authors make is arguable, every writer I quote is fallible'.

Most importantly this book is timely; the current political climate in the west has been created by politicians who are leading and/or competing to fall in line with populist movements which thrive on fear of the ‘other'. This book reminds us that demonising cultures and ancient religious beliefs, and attempting to change or convert others on the basis that they are ‘pagan' and pluralistic, can only make the world poorer and lead to another ‘darkening age'.

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Padmavati is not just an Indian story, but the story of India -- Makarand Paranjape

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Padmavati
Snapshot
  • The agitation over Padmavati is only partly about history, but mainly about honour. Dishonour is not an option for many, even unto death.
The Queen of Chittor, history’s heroine and the protagonist of Sanjay Leela Bhansali’s film, has been the subject of much debate and controversy, not to mention threats of dire consequences or even death to those responsible for it. It behoves, therefore, to try to understand the uproar.
Let me, however, clarify at the outset that what follows is not a retelling of the story. In fact, it is not even an exercise in mere re-interpretation. Instead, I would like to offer a hermeneutical methodology or meta-interpretation — how to make sense of Indian stories, especially such stories of incredible courage or sacrifice.
The key is to see these stories, after Frederick Jameson, as allegories, not just national, but civilisational allegories. In other words, Padmavati is not only an Indian story; that would be rather obvious. For there are countless such Indian stories. After all, India is the original home of stories, the veritable Kathasaritasagara. I would argue, in fact, that Padmavati is not an ordinary, but quintessential Indian story. It is the story of India itself. I shall try to demonstrate this in my essay.
Let us try to find out what, keeping this in mind, the Padmavati dispute is really about.
Was Padmavati a historical figure? We don’t know for sure. But what is pretty much uncontested is that Alauddin Khilji did lay siege to Chittorgarh, capturing it in 1303, after eight months of stubborn endurance by the Guhila Rajput ruler Ratan Singh. The earliest account of this military feat is Amir Khusrau’s Khaza’in ul-Futuh. Khusrau, one of the founders of Hindavi literature, better known today for his Sufi songs dedicated to Nizamuddin Auliya, was Khilji’s courtier. What is more, he actually accompanied the sultan on this campaign.
In Khusrau’s account, there is no mention of Padmini, nor of the terrible jauhar, mass immolation, committed by her and the ladies of the fort before it fell into Khilji’s hands. What Khusrau does state is that 30,000 Hindus were “cut down like dry grass” on Khilji’s order. Would Khusrau not have written about Padmini or the jauhar led by her? We cannot be sure, but he does mention that during Khilji’s earlier conquest of Ranthambore, the ladies of that fort performed jauhar rather than be taken as sexual prey to Khilji’s marauding hordes.
Whence springs the legend of Padmini then? The answer is from Malik Muhammad Jayasi’s Padmavat, an Avadhi epic. The poem was composed in 1540, nearly 250 years after the siege of Chittor. Jayasi, moreover, lived in what is today’s Uttar Pradesh, not in Rajasthan. So how did he come to know this story? The likely answer is that he combined the legend of Padmini, which was already prevalent and popular, with known literary antecedents. He, of course, added his own imagination to make the story rich and powerful. Jayasi’s Padmini does commit jauhar to repel Khilji.
The whole story, like the Illiad and the Ramayana, is really one of a conquest which links woman to territory. Padmini, like Helen of Troy and the abducted Sita of Ayodhya, is the trigger of Khilji’s imperial lust not just for a woman, but for territory, and the spoils of war. It would seem that Bhansali’s Padmavati, which most of its supporters or opponents have not yet seen, is based on Jayasi’s fictional rendering. Why then should it bother us so much, threatening to tear apart the social fabric?
The reason is that Padmavati is not about history or Rajput pride or Hindu anxiety or glorification of sati. It is really about splendid, if not solitary, exemplars of resistance. The Muslim conquest of India was as brutal as it was bloody. It also involved temple-breaking, large-scale loot, decimation, enslavement of subdued populations, and, yes, predatory sexual violence and captivity. No attempt to whitewash this history or mitigate its trauma will succeed.
I say this not to ask for retributive corrections or revenge histories; that would be absurd and unfortunate. The wrongs of history cannot be righted by present politics or academics. Itihas, as both legend and history, instead, calls for deep, contextual understanding, combined with corrective self-reflection, so that the errors of the past are not perpetuated into an uncertain future. If I were to slightly tweak what Vishwa Adluri said, “we seek salvation not in, but out of history”. When it comes to Padmini, the legend is more important than history; Padmini quickly escaped from history to be immortalised in legend.
Padmini, like Rana Pratap, who was also from Chittor, symbolises resistance to the Muslim conquest of India. Why are such stories important? Because they show that one part of the Hindu psyche remained undefeated and unvanquished. Indeed, throughout the 800 or so years of Muslim rule, there were always pockets of resistance, some like Chittor, Vijaynagar, the Marathas and Sikh empires, quite glorious and successful. What obtained in India is thus quite different from the other territories of Islamic conquest, whether Arabia, Iran, Africa, Central or South East Asia. In all these places, there are hardly any accounts of such resistance, let alone of jauhar. Padmini is worshipped to this day because she symbolises that die-hard refusal to submit to the evils of greater power.
So, we must understand the difference between Padmini and Padmavati — the historical figure and character in the epic. Though both are related, with the latter based on the former, they are not identical. As to the historical Padmini, unfortunately we know little; she was, as we have seen, soon apotheosised into folklore after the purported jauhar of her martyrdom. Indeed, it was these stories of Padmini’s great sacrifice sung by bards that probably inspired Jayasi.
But that still does not explain why this Muslim Sufi poet, who lived 200 years after the tragic siege of Chittor, chose to write about it. Why did he make it his main theme? I believe that he did so because he too thought he was telling the story of India, the India that he knew and loved. Padmavat, we must acknowledge, is an epic of Hindu-Muslim synthesis and comingling. If anything, it is more Hindu than Muslim. Because it is not simply a tale of Islamist domination and conquest, which was a well-established genre by the time of Jayasi. Nor is it written in Persian, the court language of Muslim rulers, but in Avadhi, the people’s language. In fact, the Padmavat, written about 80 years before what is arguably the most important mediaeval North Indian text, the Tulsi Ramayan, becomes its precursor, readying the vernacular for epic exertions.
Jayasi follows Hindu invocatory and narrative traditions; his epic is steeped in Hindu mythology and metaphor, beginning in Kailash, with a supplication to Shiva. He, moreover, follows Hindu aesthetic and spiritual traditions, chiefly the Kamashastra and the Nath parampara. Dr Anand Kumar, who is working on a new verse translation, believes that Jayasi was an initiated Nath Yogi, though also Chisti Sufi. In that sense, he is a forerunner to the current Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, Yogi Adityanath. The Nath Yogis, like the tantrikssiddhas, alchemists, daoists, and kabbalists before them, sought physical immortality, a quest that has been revived in recent times by Sri Aurobindo and the Mother, though it is not fashionable to talk about it, or, at least, to take it literally.
Padmavat is thus also an esoteric yogic manual, explaining the mysteries of the horizontal and vertical axes of transformation, contained in the ancient symbols of both the cross and the swastika. Ida (left, feminine, som) and Pingala (right, masculine, agni) represent the two hemispheres of the brain, or reason and passion respectively. Between these poles and balancing them is the sushumna, the central subtle nadi, the channel of ascension of the coiled kundalini shakti from the muladhara to the sahasrara. This is the riddle that Sigmund Freud rediscovered and solved in his psychoanalysis — Id and Superego, with the Ego playing the balancing role. In tantra yoga, when the kundalini reaches the sahasrara, the practitioner attains immortality. But really the underlying structure of synthesis involves the abolishing of duality. Duality is death; non-duality, advaita, is immortality.
In a brief essay, it is be impossible to explain this symbolism in Padmavat fully. But the whole story is set in motion by the search for Padmini, the perfect or the superior type of woman, who is thus described in the Kamashastra text Anangaranga:
“She, in whom the following signs and symptoms appear, is called Padmini, or Lotus-woman. Her face is pleasing as the full moon; her body, well clothed with flesh, is soft as the shiras or mustard-flower; her skin is fine, tender and fair as the yellow lotus, never dark-coloured, though resembling, in the effervescence and purple light of her youth, the cloud about to burst. Her eyes are bright and beautiful as the orbs of the fawn, well-cut, and with reddish corners. Her bosom is hard, full and high; her neck is goodly shaped as the conch-shell, so delicate that the saliva can be seen through it; her nose is straight and lovely, and three folds of wrinkles cross her middle, about the umbilical region. Her yoni resembles the open lotus-bud, and her love-seed (kama-salila, the water of life) is perfumed like the lily which has newly burst. She walks with swanlike gait, and her voice is low and musical as the note of the kokila bird; she delights in white raiment, in fine jewels, and in rich dresses. She eats little, sleeps lightly and, being as respectable and religious as she is clever and courteous, she is ever anxious to worship the gods, and to enjoy the conversation of the learned.”
Such, then, is the Padmini, the perfect “lotus-woman.” Interestingly, Kalyana Malla, the author of Anangaranga had a Muslim (Lodi) patron. Moreover, Padmini corresponds to sayujya-mukti, the highest state that comes about from merging with the essence of the Lord (or ultimate reality). In this “erotic” text, all the women, whether Padmini, Hastini, Shankhani, Chitrini, represent various types of mukti or liberation from human suffering. So wonderfully woman-, life-, and sex-positive are these texts.
Padmini, therefore, refers not only to a specific historic queen, but the ideal type of woman. She also signifies physical, ultimately spiritual, perfection — whoever unites with her will attain immortality. Here’s where the political angle of Jayasi’s story attains prominence. When we read the text as national allegory, we see the Hindu Rajputs as disunited; they fight each other and are therefore weak. An abused and disgraced Brahmin minister in Ratan Singh’s court takes his revenge by defecting to Alauddin Khilji’s court. It is he who, having overheard from the parrot Hiraman, of the fabulous and unearthly beauty of Padmini, plants the idea of ravishing her in the sultan’s head. In the end, two Rajput brothers-in-arms fight over Padmini, both dying in the process. The great fort of Chittor is about to fall to Khilji. The queen, along with the ladies of the court, mass-immolate in the terrifying act of jauhar.
An empty, charred fort, still smelling of burning human flesh, falls into Khilji’s hands. Jayasi mocks him: the Sultan has only the stones and bricks of the ruined citadel to convert to Islam.
So, here’s the moral of the story: no one gets Padmini in the end. Neither the legitimate, but incompetent spouse, who cannot understand her true value, let alone defend her. Nor the pillaging and plundering conqueror. The fort, itself a symbol of Padmini’s virtue and maidenhead, falls, but the queen does not surrender. She prefers death over dishonour. Another princess, who has been offered as booty to Khilji by a neighbouring Rajput king, is at first married to one of his sons, then handed out to others as a sexual trophy.
In contrast, Padmini is the medieval version of Sati, the ancient spouse of Shiva, who jumped into her father’s yagna rather than submit to him. Daksha was often portrayed as a figure of lust, with a ram’s head. Why was his yajna so intolerable to sati that she destroyed it by jumping into it? Her husband then carried the charred remains of her body all over India, till Vishnu cut off bits of them. Wherever these body parts fell became a Shakti Peeth.
The other great exemplar of India, as the phrase Sati-Savitri suggests, is Savitri, the saviour, the symbol of light and higher consciousness, Tat Savitur Varenyam…hence the pair Sati-Savitri, which we trivialise and mock these days, but which actually represents the dyad of Bharat Shakti as martyr or saviour. Between these two is the whole range of happy spouses, equal partners or in many cases, more than equal, in both kama and artha on the one hand, and dharma and moksha on the other. Of these, Radha Rani is the supreme, as paramour of god.
I would suggest that all these Devis and heroines are archetypes of Mother India herself. Bharat Mata, whom Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyaya taught us to worship. In Anandamath he gave us a new mantra, Vande Mataram. Sri Aurobindo took it a step farther in Bhavani Mandir by speaking of Bhavani Bharati and Bharat Shakti.
So…Now let’s try to tie up the loose ends.
Why are we so upset over even an imagined slight to Padmini? That is because we cannot tolerate the rape of Mother India by any foreign conqueror or sexual predator, even if such a narrative is justified by an alien theology of imperialism or substantiated by our unfortunate history.
Just as in real life, many a Draupadi might have been disrobed or worse, as the atrocity to Nirbhaya shows, in our great Mahabharata, Vyasa did not permit such a disruption of the moral order. He literally introduced deus ex machina, the unending sari of our heroine, by the grace of Sri Krishna himself. So also in Jayasi’s epic, as in the traditions of bardolatry which he drew on, such an insult to Padmini was never shown, nor can it be tolerated today, even in the name of freedom of expression.
Bharat Shakti, Bharat Mata, Mother India — in her ideal type — will always prefer death to dishonour. Indeed, that is why despite centuries of Islamic onslaught and relentless oppression, Hindu India was not completely subdued.
There were a million Padminis who preferred death over rape and dishonour. There were a million Rana Prataps who ate grass and slept on rocks in the jungles than accept the vassalage of a foreign power.
Both Padmini and Rana Pratap were the swarajya warriors of India.
We have seen the same saga of courage and sacrifice played out over and over again, right up to our own times. India was not, is not, will not be conquered; she is immortal because she will always prefer death to dishonour.
That is why I would argue that the agitation over Padmavati is only partly about history, but mainly about honour. Dishonour is not an option, even unto death, at least for some of us.
That is why Padmavati is not just an Indian story, but the story of India. That is why Padmini, as the symbol of resistance unto death, cannot be compromised or diluted. At least the people of India will not take very kindly to it.
This is an edited version of the author’s presentation at the Indic Thoughts Festival, Goa, 18 December 2017.
The author is Professor of English at JNU. His latest publications include The Death and Afterlife of Mahatma Gandhi (Penguin Random House, 2015), Cultural Politics in Modern India: Postcolonial Prospects, Colourful Cosmopolitanism, Global Proximities (Routledge, 2016), and Transit Passenger/Passageiro em Transito (University of Sao Paolo Press, 2016).
https://swarajyamag.com/magazine/padmavati-an-indian-story
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