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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    How humans became intelligent

    Consciousness explained

    HUMAN neurons are distant relatives of tiny yeast cells, themselves descendants of even simpler microbes. Yet they are organised in structures that are capable of astonishing feats of creativity. How did the world get from bacteria to Bach, from fungus to fugues? Daniel Dennett, an American philosopher and cognitive scientist, tells the tale in his new book, revisiting and extending half a century of work on the topic.


    See all updates
    The story is one of Darwinian natural selection: of complexity emerging gradually as beneficial mutations are preserved and harmful ones weeded out. It requires the reader to make some “strange inversions of reasoning”—bold changes of perspective on the nature of design, purpose and consciousness—to loosen the pull of “Cartesian gravity”, or the human propensity to think of the mind as mysterious and non-physical.
    One of Mr Dennett’s key slogans is “competence without comprehension”. Just as computers can perform complex calculations without understanding arithmetic, so creatures can display finely tuned behaviour without understanding why they do so. The rationale for their behaviour (diverting a predator, say, or tempting a mate) is “free-floating”—implicit in the creatures’ design but not represented in their minds. Competence without comprehension is the default in nature, Mr Dennett argues, even among higher animals.

    How then did human intelligence arise? People do not have a special faculty of comprehension. Rather, the human mind has been enhanced by a process of cultural evolution operating on memes. Memes are copyable behaviour—words are a good example.

    Initially, memes spread in human populations like viruses, selected simply for their infectiousness. Some were useful, however, and the human brain adapted to foster them: genetic and memetic evolution working together. Words and other memes gave humans powerful new competences—for communication, explicit representation, reflection, self-interrogation and self-monitoring. To use a computer analogy, memetic evolution provided “thinking tools”—a bit like smartphone apps—which transformed humans into comprehending, intelligent designers, triggering an explosion of civilisation and technology.

    Mr Dennett sees human consciousness, too, as a product of both genetics and memetics. The need to communicate or withhold thoughts gives rise to an “edited digest” of cognitive processes, which serves as the brain’s own “user interface”. The mental items that populate consciousness are more like fictions than accurate representations of internal reality.

    “From Bacteria to Bach and Back” concludes with a look ahead. Mr Dennett expects that computers will continue to increase in competence but doubts that they will soon develop genuine comprehension, since they lack the autonomy and social practices that have nurtured comprehension in humans. He worries that people may overestimate the intelligence of their artefacts and become over-reliant on them, and that the institutions and practices on which human comprehension depends may erode as a result.

    This only hints at the richness of this book. Mr Dennett provides illuminating explanations of the ideas he employs and cites fascinating experimental work. Many of his claims are controversial, and some readers will be more persuaded than others. However, Mr Dennett has an excellent record of predicting developments in cognitive science, and it would be rash to bet that he is far off track. Persuaded or not, readers will find their minds enriched with many powerful thinking tools.

    This article appeared in the Books and arts section of the print edition under the headline "The blind Bach-maker"
    https://www.economist.com/news/books-and-arts/21718460-consciousness-explained-how-humans-became-intelligent?fsrc=scn/tw/te/bl/ed/howhumansbecameintelligentintothelight

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    Koregaon Memorial: What Does It Really Signify?

    Bhima Koregaon Victory Pillar (Knitin777/Wikimedia Commons)
    Snapshot
    • The projection of the Koregaon event of 1818 as a Dalit victory is not an alternative reading of history.
      It is instead a rehashing of colonial propaganda that is not based on facts.
    The so-called ‘new’ Dalit narrative celebrating the Koregaon memorial, erected for the soldiers of the 1818 Anglo-Maratha War, is a very old one. It is also not exactly an alternative or subaltern reading of history. It is only a rehashing of the colonial manipulation of Indian identities and memory.
    Let us assume that the Mahar community deliberately sided with the British to defeat the Peshwa regime of the Marathas because of the latter’s casteism. Then all one has to say in historical hindsight is that the Mahars made a blunder in making that decision. However, it was not a decision that had not been taken before in the history of India – communities or chieftains of the country have sided with the British so that they could settle scores with their domestic rivals. Every time an Indic community or chieftain sided with an alien invader, the results have not worked well for them. If we assume that the Mahars intentionally sided with the British, the subsequent history shows that the same fate befell them.
    Those who proudly claim the legacy of 1818 should also claim the guilt of complicity in the subsequent famines effected by the British.Those who proudly claim the legacy of 1818 should also claim the guilt of complicity in the subsequent famines effected by the British.
    The most notorious consequence of accepting such a narrative makes the Mahars complicit in the subsequent famines – called by some historians as the ‘Victorian holocaust’. Within 25 years of the British East India Company winning the war in 1818, the famines between 1826 and 1850 killed almost 500,000 people. According to William Digby, by the 1870s, the number of famine deaths had crossed a few million.
    Fortunately, the narrative is more a construct than a historical reality. Almost every community had either supported or opposed the British. However, once the evil of colonialism was felt across the board, all came together to fight against it. Otherwise one cannot explain, for instance, why B R Ambedkar did not accept Christianity arguing that it would strengthen colonial stranglehold on the nation.
    After the 1857 uprising, Anglophile social reform leaders like Jyotirao Phule sought to depict the Mahars as having sided with the British and even congratulated them for helping in crushing the 1857 rebellion. In reality, the British started considering the Mahars as unreliable in guarding their empire. Historian Shraddha Kumbhojkar of Savitribai Phule Pune University points out that the Mahar Regiment soldiers joining the ‘Indian Mutiny’ “added certain reluctance the British had always shown with regard to the enlistment of Mahars” and that “subsequently they were declared to be a non-martial race and their recruitment was stopped in May 1892”.
    In the case of 1857, in both joining hands with the British as well as in opposing them, we find all the communities equally guilty and equally brave. For example, on 31 July 1857, in Kolhapur, when soldiers rebelled, 150 to 200 soldiers broke ranks with the British, including the Mahars. They fought a pitched battle, causing a large number of casualties for the British. But subsequently, the Purbiyas turned their backs and escaped from the rebels in favour of the British.
    The Mahars were present prominently in the army of ‘Hindavi Swaraj’ of ShivajiThe Mahars were present prominently in the army of ‘Hindavi Swaraj’ of Shivaji
    In the decades succeeding 1857, the British had brought in their own theories of Aryan race as well as the idea of martial races. This concept was absent in the Indian context. Shivaji, who founded the Hindu self-rule, Hindavi Swarajya, had employed the Mahars in his army. Even during the much-disliked Peshwa rule, we find that the Mahars were employed in the army in the protection of forts (R D Palsokar, T Rabi Reddy; 1995) – at least during the reign of Baji Rao-I, though we do see that their social rank had started to slide down – clearly due to local socio-political factors. Yet British colonialists as well as Anglophile social reformers seized upon the racial narrative and claimed that the Mahars were the original inhabitants, before the ‘Aryan’ invaders, and projected the Peshwa as a continuity of Aryan oppressors while the British were hailed as the liberators.
    Yet the bitter truth was that Hindavi Swaraj had no classification as martial and non-martial races and for generations had recognised the Mahars as soldiers. The British, on the other hand, used them and later threw them out as ‘non-martial races’.
    Historian David Omissi in his The Sepoy and the Raj (Macmillan, 1994) writes that they regained some of the lost economic ground by serving in the Indian Army, which in turn was because “some of their traditional occupations had been threatened under British rule”.
    When the British declared them as a non-martial race and excluded them from military recruitment, one of the earliest Mahar leaders at the end of the nineteenth century, Baba Walangkar, who himself had worked in the army, petitioned the government against the exclusion of Mahars in 1894. Here he claimed Kshatriya origin for Mahars and this in turn was based on the widespread presence of Mahars in Shivaji’s army.
    However, what exposes the colonial and ongoing anti-Hindu myth of an enlightened British army offering space to the oppressed Mahars is a petition submitted by the Conference of Deccan Mahars to the Earl of Crewe (the Secretary of State for India). Asking for full rights as citizens of the Empire, just like the “Brahminical castes and Muhammedans”, the petition said:
    And it is most encouraging to know that the Honourable House of Commons, as constituted in these times, is composed, to some extent, of the representatives of the lower strata of English society, the workingmen, who, only a quarter of a century ago were regarded as but Mahars and Paryas by the more educated and affluent classes of the nation.
    In other words, even in 1885, British society was as much caste-ridden and featuring social injustice as was made out to be in the case of Indian society. So whatever it was that attracted people to become soldiers of the British East India Company, it was not their democratic or egalitarian values, for they were simply not there in 1818. This was a later-day narrative developed, half to shame the freedom movement and led by the British and half by the leaders of the Scheduled Communities to fight for their rights, which were denied in a socially stagnant society.
    Dr Moonje, Veer Savarkar and Barrister Jayakar – Hindu Mahasabha leaders who opposed the martial race theory and wanted inclusion of Scheduled Communities in the army and police forces.Dr Moonje, Veer Savarkar and Barrister Jayakar – Hindu Mahasabha leaders who opposed the martial race theory and wanted inclusion of Scheduled Communities in the army and police forces.
    Again, during the First World War, the British allowed the recruitment of the Mahars in the army and immediately after the war, they promptly excluded the community. In 1927, Ambedkar made attempts to make the British recruit the Mahars once again and in this, he was supported by Veer Savarkar of Hindu Mahasabha (V Longer, Forefront for Ever: The History of the Mahar Regiment, Mahar Regimental Centre, 1981). In 1929, Barrister Jayakar, again of Hindu Mahasabha, called for reservation for Scheduled Communities in the police force. In 1931, Savarkar was invited and presided over the Mahar conference held at Ratnagiri. Another prominent Hindu Mahasabha leader close to Ambedkar who fought against the pseudo-scientific martial races theory was Dr Moonje. In his presentation on the Indianisation of the army to Chetwode Committee in 1931, Moonje criticised the martial race policies as “the myth of the artificial distinction of martial and non-martial classes”.
    Even in the formation of Mahar Regiment, a critical role was played by Savarkar. None other than W N Kuber, a Marxist and critical biographer of Ambedkar, points out the connection:
    The Sikhs and the depressed classes resented their non-inclusion in the Executive Council of the Viceroy. Ambedkar sent a protest cablegram to Amery, the then Secretary of State for India. V.D. Savarkar upheld Ambedkar’s demand and wired to the Viceroy to include Ambedkar in the Executive Council. Ambedkar urged the Mahar youths to suspend their studies and qualify themselves for military commissions and preserve their high martial traditions. He asked the government to raise Mahar battalions and not to make distinction as martial and non-martial races.
    W N Kuber, Dr Ambedkar: A Critical Study, People’s Publishing House, 1991
    The rejection of this 1818 colonial ‘legacy’ of the Mahar Regiment occurred in Independent India. The last mischief was played by the British by including the Koregaon obelisk in the regiment insignia. After independence, it was removed and a dagger was presented in its place. The Indian government, with Dr Ambedkar as its law minister, made the Sanskrit statement yash siddhi (success and attainment) the logo of the regiment and its war cry in Hindustan ki Jai.
    So the projection of the Koregaon event of 1818 as a Dalit victory is not an alternative reading of history. Far from it, it is a rehashing of colonial propaganda that is not rooted in facts. Ambedkar’s concluding speech in the Constituent Assembly is worth quoting here in detail.
    Dr Ambedkar with Mahar Regiment soldiers, 1950Dr Ambedkar with Mahar Regiment soldiers, 1950
    Reading it once is enough to decide whether those who assembled at Koregaon really honoured the memory of Ambedkar or defiled his spirit.
    What perturbs me greatly is the fact that not only India has once before lost her independence, but she lost it by the infidelity and treachery of some of her own people. In the invasion of Sind by Mahommed-Bin-Kasim, the military commanders of King Dahar accepted bribes from the agents of Mahommed-Bin-Kasim and refused to fight on the side of their King. It was Jaichand who invited Mahommed Gohri to invade India and fight against Prithvi Raj and promised him the help of himself and the Solanki Kings. When Shivaji was fighting for the liberation of Hindus, the other Maratha noblemen and the Rajput Kings were fighting the battle on the side of Moghul Emperors. When the British were trying to destroy the Sikh Rulers, Gulab Singh, their principal commander sat silent and did not help to save the Sikh Kingdom. In 1857, when a large part of India had declared a war of independence against the British, the Sikhs stood and watched the event as silent spectators. Will history repeat itself? It is this thought which fills me with anxiety. This anxiety is deepened by the realization of the fact that in addition to our old enemies in the form of castes and creeds we are going to have many political parties with diverse and opposing political creeds. Will Indians place the country above their creed or will they place creed above country? I do not know. But this much is certain that if the parties place creed above country, our independence will be put in jeopardy a second time and probably be lost for ever. This eventuality we must all resolutely guard against. We must be determined to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood.
    Dr B R Ambedkar

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    Abstract: This is a short attempt to gather together such epigraphical clues as can be found relating to writing for the purpose of the transmission of Sanskrit literature in the ancient Khmer-speaking world. What Sanskrit works were transmitted? What were the writing materials used? Where were manuscripts kept? Portions of both famous and little-known inscriptions have been adduced, involving fresh consultation of estampages and, where possible, of the stones themselves. The first evidence dates from around 600 CE, and snippets of relevant information may be found scattered throughout the pre-Angkorian and Angkorian epigraphical record, in other words up to the 13th century. Iconographic representations have also been considered. Although no pre-modern manuscripts transmitting Sanskrit works are known to have survived to the present day, it is no surprise to find that the manuscript transmission of Sanskrit works was not only widespread, but was accorded an attention in the surviving politico-religious documents of the Khmers that seems not typical of other areas where the Sanskritic thought-world held sway. As the almost exclusive use of variants derived from Southern forms of Brāhmī script suggests, poetic imagery that alludes to writing seems to confirm that the technology was predominantly that of meridional India: letters were engraved into the surface of palm-leaves.

    https://www.scribd.com/document/368324249/What-Information-can-be-Gleaned-from-Cambodian-Inscriptions-about-Practices-Relating-to-the-Transmission-of-Sanskrit-Literature-Dominic-Goodall


    Indic Manuscript Cultures through the Ages

    Material, Textual, and Historical Investigations


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    https://tinyurl.com/y7yg92co

    धावडी dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron.  धावड  dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. (Marathi)

    The Indus Script hypertext is composed of two hieroglyphs: dhāi, dāya 'one in dice, throw of dice' PLUS vaṭa 'string' = rebus, धावड  dhāvaḍa, 'iron smelter'. The fillet is read as the expression dhāvaṭa pronounced धावड dhāvaḍa.

    This is signified on the fillets worn on the forehead and right shoulder of Mohenjo-daro Priest statue. The dotted circle (i.e. one in dice) adorns the shawl of the priest with one dotted circle, two dotted circles and three dotted circles to signify one mineral, two minerals, three ferrite minerals, e.g. haematite, laterite, magnetite, bicha, goṭa, poḷa.

    That he is Potr̥, 'purifier' (i.e. 'purifier of metals by smelting') is signified by the shawl cloth the priest wears:  pōta 'cloth'. The dotted circle can also be seen as a hieroglyph signifying a bead adorning the shawl: *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ. Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, putipũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá -- 1. (CDIAL 8403) Rebus: போத்தி pōtti , n. < போற்றி. 1. Grandfather; பாட்டன். Tinn. 2. Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன். पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman  = यज्ञस्यशोधयिट्रि Sa1y. )
    RV. Br.S3rS. Hariv.; N. of विष्णु L.; पोत्री f. N. of दुर्गा Gal. (cf. पौत्री).पौत्र m. N. of दुर्गा L.

    vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268] N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ. (CDIAL 11212) Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord, string; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11212.(DEDR 5220)
    dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]
    Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)




    దాయి (p. 588) dāyi dāyi. [Tel.] n. An anvil, a work. hench, or smith's form, used as a rest or prop. దాగలి. (Telugu)

    धवाद

    Introduction / History
    The word Dhavad is from the original Marathi word Dhatu which means mineral. This group of people lived in Western Ghats in Maharashtra, and as this soil is rich in iron ore, they use to extract iron from the earth and convert into tools and pots (tawa) for daily use.

    Where Are they Located?

    As required to extract iron ore they were mostly located on the mountain tops of Western Ghats, mostly arround Satara, as the soil is red and rich in iron ore. A significant population lives in Mahableshwar and Matheran. Some have traveled down to the Kokan region in search of alternate trade.

    What Are Their Lives Like?

    At present they are all over in small groups in the Western Ghats and live below poverty line, because they could not go any further than manual extraction of iron ore. Hence the trade died and now they are diverted into various petty works for earning their daily bread.

    https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/19739/IN

    Dhavad are a part of the larger group called Lohar, iron workers. see dhavad included in the category of Exogamous divisions (kul):

    Lohar/Luhar

    Synonyms: Lohar, Lohar Bhatt [Bihar and/or Jharkhand] Vishwakarma [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattisgarh] Luhura [Orissa] Lohar Bagdi, Nar, Nar Bagdi [West Bengal]
    • Endogamous divisions: Gujarad, Kamaras, Kanada Loh
    arsor, Konkani, Maratha, Panchal [R.E. Enthoven] Groups/subgroups: Lohar Bhatt [Bihar and/or Jharkha nd] Agariya, Bharadwaj, Jha, Mahuli, Pathuriya, Rathari a [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattisgarh] Ayudhyabasi, Barhai, Dhaman, Jholiya, Kanaujiya, La hauri, Laungbarsa, Mathuriya, Mauliya, Ojha, Ojha L ohar, Rawat, Siyahmaliya, Tumariya, Vishvakarma [W. Crooke]
    • Sections/subgroups: Gadiya Lohar, Recent Jat and
    Rajput origin, Suthar-Lohar [HA Rose, D. Ibbetson]
    • Sub-divisions: Agarias, Ghantras, Ghisaris, Gondi
    Lohars, Jhade, Kanaujia, Mahulia, Maratha, Mathuria, Ojha, Panchals [Russell & Hiralal]
    • Subcastes: Bagdi-Lohar in Manbhum, Bibhumia, Danda
    Manjhi, Gobra, Govindpuria, Jhetia, Kamar Kalla, K amia in Nepal, Kanaujiya, Kokas, Lohandia in Lohardaga, Ang aria, Lohar Manjhi, Maghaya Mahur or Mahuliya, Munda Lohar, Pensili in Bankura, Sad Lohar, Shergarhia in Santal Parganas, Manjhal Turiya, Sisutbansi Loharia, mathuriya [H.H. Risley] Ajudhyabasi, Dhaman, Kanaujiya, Lahauri, Ojha, Rawat, Visvakarma, Mahul, Mathuriya [W. Crooke] Surnames: Misery, Vishwakarma [Bihar and/or Jharkhand] Agariya, Bharadwaj, Jha, Mahule, Pathuriya, Rathari a, Tinchutiya, Vishwakarma [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattisgarh] Lohar [Orissa] Lohar, Majhi [West Bengal] Agar, Akus, Ambekar, Ankush, Basdiha, Bhadke, Bhora nt, Byahut, Champakarande, Chavan, Dakkhinaha, Gadekar, Gaikvad, Gamela, Gavli, Gore, Gotiya, Jadhav, Jagtap, Javane, Kale, Kalsait Kamble, Kangle, Kavare, Lo khande, Lote, Mallik, Mane, Navugire, Pavar, Popalghat, Salpe, Se ngar, Sonavane, Suryavanshi, Thorat, Tingare, Uttar aha, Vasav [W. Crooke]
    • Exogamous divisions (kul): Afadia, Ajgaonkar (Kanada Lohar), Akuj (Maratha), Andurlekar (Mavli), Asnolkar (Ravalnath), Asodia, Bandekar (Bandeshvar), Bardia, Bhadrakali, Bhairidevata, Bhaladye, Bhavnagri Bhutnath, Bodana, Champhekar, Chandarkar, Chandvankar (Bhavani), Chavda, Chiptada, Chitroda, Chohan, Dabulkar (Giroba), Damapurkar (Bhagvati), Deladia, Devagadkar (Mahalakshmi), Devali Devgha, Dhamnaskar (Bhavani), Dhavad, Dodia, Elingkar(Ganpati), Gaonkadevikar, Gh atkar (Ghoomkadevi), Gujarati, Gulekar, Hankonkar ( Sateri), Harsura, Hathodia, Jhilka, Kahalia, Kalsabad Kamle, Kankonkar (Nirankar), Karania, Kava, Khambhati, Kinnarkar (Mahamayi), Kolambekar, Konkani, Kuddekar (Someshvar), Machhukothia, Madkaikar (Mhalsa), Mahakali, Makvana, Maratha Maru, Masurkar, Mavli, Narayan, Na rvekar, Painjinkar (Durgadevi), Pakalghat, Panalkar, Panchal, Parjia, Parmar, Parsekar, Parvale, Parvatk ar (Chandreshwar), Pednekar (Ravalnath), Pithva Pod hyar, Rathkar, Rathod (Ravalnath), Ravut, Sandhav (Sateri), Savandekar, Shinde, Shrivankar, Sirohia, Solanki(Somnath), Sorathia (in Kathiawar), Surati, Talpankar (Ravalna th), Tingare Vaghela, Vala, Vanol [R.E. Enthoven] Exogamous units/clans: Kemaiya, Kumarha, Puraniya, Rajotra [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattisgarh] Hansowar, Kithwar [Orissa] Saladasi, Salsi [West Bengal] Bagh (tiger), Ban (eel), Bando (wild cat), Bans (ba mboo), Besra (hawk), Bodra, Chouria, Dhan, Gunj, Ha stuar, Hatti (elephant), Hemrom, Jalwar (net), Baroha [H.H. Risl ey] Gotra: Sandilya [Bihar and/or Jharkhand] Bharadwaj, Sandilya [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattis garh] Bharadwaj, Goutam, Kashyap, Sandilya, Vasisht, Vatsa [W. Crooke] Exogamous units/lineages (gusthi): [West Bengal] Exogamous units/lineages (vans, khandan): [Bihar an d/or Jharkhand]

     pōta2 m. ʻ cloth ʼ, pōtikā -- f. lex. 2. *pōtta -- 2 (sanskrit- ized as pōtra -- 2 n. ʻ cloth ʼ lex.). 3. *pōttha -- 2 ~ pavásta<-> n. ʻ covering (?) ʼ RV., ʻ rough hempen cloth ʼ AV. T. Chowdhury JBORS xvii 83. 4. pōntī -- f. ʻ cloth ʼ Divyāv. 5. *pōcca -- 2 < *pōtya -- ? (Cf. pōtyā = pōtānāṁ samūhaḥ Pāṇ.gaṇa. -- pṓta -- 1?). [Relationship with prōta -- n. ʻ woven cloth ʼ lex., plōta -- ʻ bandage, cloth ʼ Suśr. or with pavásta -- is obscure: EWA ii 347 with lit. Forms meaning ʻ cloth to smear with, smearing ʼ poss. conn. with or infl. by pusta -- 2 n. ʻ working in clay ʼ (prob. ← Drav., Tam. pūcu &c. DED 3569, EWA ii 319)]
    1. Pk. pōa -- n. ʻ cloth ʼ; Paš.ar. pōwok ʻ cloth ʼ, g ʻ net, web ʼ (but lauṛ. dar. pāwāk ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, Gaw. pāk IIFL iii 3, 150).2. Pk. potta -- , °taga -- , °tia -- n. ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, pottī -- , °tiā -- , °tullayā -- , puttī -- f. ʻ piece of cloth, man's dhotī, woman's sāṛī ʼ, pottia -- ʻ wearing clothes ʼ; S. potī f. ʻ shawl ʼ, potyo m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; L. pot, pl. °tã f. ʻ width of cloth ʼ; P. potṛā m. ʻ child's clout ʼ, potṇā ʻ to smear a wall with a rag ʼ; N. poto ʻ rag to lay on lime -- wash ʼ, potnu ʻ to smear ʼ; Or. potā ʻ gunny bag ʼ; OAw. potaï ʻ smears, plasters ʼ; H. potā m. ʻ whitewashing brush ʼ, potī f. ʻ red cotton ʼ, potiyā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛā m. ʻ baby clothes ʼ; G. pot n. ʻ fine cloth, texture ʼ, potũ n. ʻ rag ʼ, potī f., °tiyũ n. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. pot m. ʻ roll of coarse cloth ʼ, n. ʻ weftage or texture of cloth ʼ, potrẽ n. ʻ rag for smearing cowdung ʼ. 3. Pa. potthaka -- n. ʻ cheap rough hemp cloth ʼ, potthakamma -- n. ʻ plastering ʼ; Pk. pottha -- , °aya -- n.m. ʻ cloth ʼ; S. potho m. ʻ lump of rag for smearing, smearing, cloth soaked in opium ʼ. 4. Pa. ponti -- ʻ rags ʼ.5. Wg. pōč ʻ cotton cloth, muslin ʼ, Kt. puč; Pr. puč ʻ duster, cloth ʼ, pūˊčuk ʻ clothes ʼ; S. poco m. ʻ rag for plastering, plastering ʼ; P. poccā m. ʻ cloth or brush for smearing ʼ, pocṇā ʻ to smear with earth ʼ; Or. pucā̆ra,pucurā ʻ wisp of rag or jute for whitewashing with, smearing with such a rag ʼ.(CDIAL 8400)Ta. potti garment of fibres, cloth. Ka. potti cloth. Te. potti bark, a baby's linen, a sort of linen cloth; pottika a small fine cloth; podugu a baby's linen. Kol. (SSTWpot sari. Pa. bodgid a short loincloth. / Cf. Skt. potikā-, Pkt. potti-, pottiā-, etc.; Turner, CDIAL, no. 8400. (DEDR 4515).
    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    January 4, 2017

    0 0

     2016 May 1;131:181-92. doi: 10.1016/j.neuroimage.2015.07.027. Epub 2015 Jul 15.

    Brains of verbal memory specialists show anatomical differences in language, memory and visual systems.

    Abstract

    We studied a group of verbal memory specialists to determine whether intensive oral text memory is associated with structural features of hippocampal and lateral-temporal regions implicated in language processing. Professional Vedic Sanskrit Pandits in India train from childhood for around 10years in an ancient, formalized tradition of oral Sanskrit text memorization and recitation, mastering the exact pronunciation and invariant content of multiple 40,000-100,000 word oral texts. We conducted structural analysis of gray matter density, cortical thickness, local gyrification, and white matter structure, relative to matched controls. We found massive gray matter density and cortical thickness increases in Pandit brains in language, memory and visual systems, including i) bilateral lateral temporal cortices and ii) the anterior cingulate cortex and the hippocampus, regions associated with long and short-term memory. Differences in hippocampal morphometry matched those previously documented for expert spatial navigators and individuals with good verbal working memory. The findings provide unique insight into the brain organization implementing formalized oral knowledge systems.

    KEYWORDS:

    Cortical thickness; Diffusion tensor imaging; Gray matter density; Hippocampus; Language; Memory; Plasticity
    PMID:
     
    26188261
     
    DOI:
     
    10.1016/j.neuroimage.2015.07.027
    https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/26188261


    Elsevier

    NeuroImage

    Volume 131, 1 May 2016, Pages 181-192
    NeuroImage

    Brains of verbal memory specialists show anatomical differences in language, memory and visual systems


    Highlights
    We compared professional Sanskrit verbal memory specialists and well-matched controls.
    We measured cortical thickness (CT), gray matter density (GM), and gyrification (LGI).
    Pandits showed increases in CT and GM in lateral temporal cortices.
    Pandits showed relative decrease in subcortical GM and occipital LGI.
    Findings suggest brain organization supporting intensive oral memorization/recitation.

    Abstract

    We studied a group of verbal memory specialists to determine whether intensive oral text memory is associated with structural features of hippocampal and lateral-temporal regions implicated in language processing. Professional Vedic Sanskrit Pandits in India train from childhood for around 10 years in an ancient, formalized tradition of oral Sanskrit text memorization and recitation, mastering the exact pronunciation and invariant content of multiple 40,000–100,000 word oral texts. We conducted structural analysis of gray matter density, cortical thickness, local gyrification, and white matter structure, relative to matched controls. We found massive gray matter density and cortical thickness increases in Pandit brains in language, memory and visual systems, including i) bilateral lateral temporal cortices and ii) the anterior cingulate cortex and the hippocampus, regions associated with long and short-term memory. Differences in hippocampal morphometry matched those previously documented for expert spatial navigators and individuals with good verbal working memory. The findings provide unique insight into the brain organization implementing formalized oral knowledge systems.

    Keywords

    Cortical thickness
    Gray matter density
    Diffusion tensor imaging
    Language
    Memory
    Plasticity
    Hippocampus

    Introduction

    A large body of research has established that acquisition of certain long-term skill sets or knowledge is linked to plasticity in both grey matter (GM) and white matter (WM) in multiple cortical and subcortical regions (May, 2011; Zatorre et al., 2004). As reviewed by May (2011, see references within), various expert groups such as sportsmen, mathematicians, ballet dancers, and professional board-game players all show particular morphological features that may be related to learning and plasticity.
    Our goal in the current work was to examine the potential impact of extensive memorization and verbal recital practice on brain plasticity, as identifying brain regions implicated in these functions can elucidate the functional capacities of both lateral and medial temporal regions, as detailed below. To investigate the potential impact of extensive memorization and verbal recital practice on brain plasticity we recruited a sample group of traditional Sanskrit learners—Yajurveda Sanskrit Pandits—who memorize and recite one set of the most ancient Sanskrit texts, the Vedas and their subsidiary texts (Vedāṅgas). The Sanskrit Vedas are late bronze/early iron-age oral texts passed down for over 3000 years in an unbroken tradition in India. They form the core of the ancient Sanskrit knowledge system, which developed extensive oral and later written literature in a wide range of traditional subjects still taught in India's Sanskrit institutions using traditional oral memorization and recitation methods (Rashtriya Sanskrit Sansthan, 2014). Professional Vedic Pandits undergo rigorous training in exact pronunciation and invariant content of these oral texts for 7 or more years, with 8–10 h of daily practice (totaling ~ 10,080 h over the course of the initial training), starting in their childhood, and mastering multiple 40,000 to 100,000 word oral texts (compared to ~ 38,000 in the book of Genesis). The training methods strongly emphasize traditional face-to-face oral learning, and the Yajurveda recitation practice includes right hand and arm gestures to mark prosodic elements. After graduation from training, professional Yajurveda Pandits work as teachers or Vedic priests, with daily recitation reduced to ~ 3 h.
    We note that while the ability of Yajurveda Pandits to perform large-scale, precise oral memorization and recitation of Vedic Sanskrit texts may, prima facie, appear extraordinary or bordering on impossible, textual memorization and recitation are in fact standard practice in traditional Sanskrit education in India (Rashtriya Sanskrit Sansthan, 2014).1 Thus, while the Pandit's memorization capacity may appear unique to graduates of a Western educational system, it is one of several memorization-related study traditions current in the Indian subcontinent.
    We had two predictions regarding brain systems possibly affected by the intense memorization and recitation routine practiced by the Pandits. First, we expected to see differences in cortical thickness or gray matter density of lateral temporal regions. These form the core system for speech processing at the phonemic and syllabic level (Zhuang et al., 2014), with left hemisphere regions of the superior temporal plane (STP) likely sampling information at a higher rate matching that of phonemic processing, and the right hemisphere STP sampling at a lower rate matching syllable-level processing (Giraud and Poeppel, 2012; Kotz and Schwartze, 2010; Morillon et al., 2012; Poeppel, 2003). Apart from their role in sublexical combinatorial processes, these regions also play a role in encoding sentential content to memory. Activity in these regions predicts whether sentential content will be subsequently remembered (a subsequent-memory effect, Hasson et al., 2007), and they show reduced activation for comprehension of repeated auditory sentences (repetition suppression (RS); Dehaene-Lambertz et al., 2006; Devauchelle et al., 2009). Particularly, sentential RS effects in these regions scale negatively with the temporal interval between sentence repetitions (Hasson et al., 2006). Thus, extensive memorization of language content, coupled with memory for sentential content could affect the structure of these regions.
    In addition, plasticity effects linked to memory practice have been documented in the human hippocampus, which is involved in both the consolidation of prior experiences (e.g., Eichenbaum et al., 2007; Milner and Penfield, 1955; Scoville and Milner, 1957) and spatial navigation (e.g., Bird and Burgess, 2008; see also Eichenbaum and Cohen, 2014). Hippocampal plasticity has been linked to spatial navigation expertise, with greater posterior hippocampal volume and smaller anterior volume shown for expert urban navigators (Maguire et al., 2000). The hippocampus also mediates verbal memory (e.g., Fernandez et al., 1998; Grunwald et al., 1999), and is larger for individuals who perform better on declarative memory tasks for verbal materials (e.g., Ashtari et al., 2011; Pohlack et al., 2014). Poppenk and Moscovitch (2011) showed that better verbal memory for proverbs is related to greater posterior and smaller anterior hippocampal volume, a pattern similar to that seen for expert navigators. On the basis of this prior work we hypothesized that the intensive memorization demands of Pandit practice might be associated with changes to hippocampal volume or density.
    To examine these issues, we studied a group of Pandits (N = 21) together with closely matched controls. We examined cortical-level data via voxel-based morphometry (VBM), cortical thickness (CT) and local gyrification index (LGI) analyses, and subcortical data via VBM and anatomically defined regional measurements. We also evaluated white matter data with diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) fractional anisotropy (FA) analysis, at a whole-brain level. The main purpose of the FA analysis was to evaluate whether WM changes would be found in the vicinity of areas linked to GM or CT differences. In particular, the frontal aslant tract (Catani et al., 2013) has been implicated in fluency and stuttering (Kronfeld-Duenias et al., 2014), as has the forceps minor in the anterior corpus callosum (Civier et al., 2015).

    Methods

    Participants

    Forty-two male volunteers participated in the study conducted at the National Brain Research Center in India. Twenty-one professionally qualified Pandits were recruited from government-supported Vedic Pandit schools in the greater New Delhi (India) area. They underwent an extensive semi-structured interview prior to scanning to evaluate their extent of training, family history, current practice routines, multilingualism, handedness and eye dominance. Professional qualification constituted demonstrable mastery, i.e. complete memorization and full recitation ability, of at least the ~ 40,000 word Yajurveda Saṃhitā text. All Pandits memorized part or all of one or more additional canonical texts (the length of these texts ranged from 1013 to 165,156 words but we could not quantify precisely how much of these additional texts was memorized by each Pandit). All began their training at an early age (M = 12.33, SD = 1.59, range 9–16), trained full-time for 7 years, for a total of approximately 10,080 h, and continued training and reciting at reduced daily hours for additional years (M = 2.38, SD = 2.29, range 0–8). From the interview reports, we estimated the total practice hours after competing the training (M = 11,141 h, SD = 27,196, range 2365–129,295). Note that Pandits enter training without any entrance exams, so there is no pre-selection for memory or recital abilities, and the dropout rate from the study program is only around 5% (Shastri, 2014). Thus, graduating the studies is not indicative of self-selection either prior to or during the studies themselves. Pandits had all either graduated from or were in the final year of professional Vedic Pandit training, and all were self-rated as fluent in speaking, reading and writing Sanskrit. None of the Pandits in our participant group came from traditional family lineages of reciters (see SI Methods). See Supplementary Information (SI Methods and SI Table 1) for additional Pandit demographics and practice specifics.
    Twenty-one control volunteers were recruited to match the Pandit population in gender, age (Mpandits = 21.7; SD = 2.8 vs. Mcontrols = 22.8; SD = 3.6, T-test, P = .3) and number of languages spoken (Mpandits = 3.1; SD = 0.8 vs. Mcontrols = 3.1; SD = 1.3, T-test, P = .9). Participants in the control group were members of India's National Brain Research Centre community or students from a nearby technical college. All volunteers were right-handed, right-eye dominant, with no left-handed parent or sibling (Knecht et al., 2000). Multilingualism and handedness/eye-dominance were assessed by culturally-adapted Hindi versions of the Penn State Language History Questionnaire (v.2; Li et al., 2006), and Edinburgh Handedness questionnaire (Oldfield, 1971). (Adaptations and translations by N.C.S., T.N., J.H, and a fourth native Hindi/English speaker). The protocol was approved by India's National Brain Research Centre Ethics Committee and all participants provided written informed consent.

    Image acquisition

    Two T1-weighted 3D-MPRAGE sequences were acquired for each participant on a Philips Achieva 3 T scanner with an 8-channel head receive coil (FOV 256 × 256 × 176 mm, voxel size 1x1x1mm), TE 3.2 ms, TR 934 ms, flip angle 9°, 176 sagittal-oriented slices, acceleration 2 (sense), total acquisition time 06:49.8. Image quality was evaluated immediately after each structural acquisition to control for motion effects or other artifacts. The two structural images of each participant were aligned using FSL's 4.1.8 FLIRT (Jenkinson et al., 2002; Jenkinson and Smith, 2001), and averaged to increase signal-to-noise ratio. Image intensity non-uniformities were corrected in AFNI (Cox, 1996). The resulting mean structural image was used for all subsequent analyses. Diffusion data were acquired for a subset of 15 Pandits and 15 controls using single-shot EPI during the same MRI session (FOV 256 × 256 × 128 mm3, voxel size 2 × 2 × 2 mm3), TE 75 ms, TR 8000 ms, flip angle 90°, 64 transverse slices, slice thickness 2 mm, fat suppression, matrix 218 × 126, 60 diffusion encoding directions (bvecs), b-value = 700 mm2/s, 10 b0 volumes (saved as a single averaged volume), parallel imaging with acceleration factor 2 (sense), total acquisition time 10:59.6. Diffusion data was evaluated immediately upon acquisition to control for motion effects or other artifacts, and re-acquired if necessary (4 scans were reacquired). The b-value of 700 was chosen to be within the range of values considered optimal for human brain matter DTI analysis while favoring high SNR to facilitate the detection and correction of artifacts in the diffusion weighted images (Alexander and Barker, 2005Ben-Amitay et al., 2012). Mean FA of the corpus callosum body (~ 0.52) matched values reported in the literature (Jovicich et al., 2014; see their Fig. 6).

    Voxel-based morphometry (VBM)

    Structural images were analyzed using the FSL's voxel-based morphometry (VBM) analysis pipeline (Ashburner and Friston, 2000; Good et al., 2001) with FSL-VBM tools (Douaud et al., 2007). Data consisted of the 21 aligned and averaged structural images acquired from Pandits and 21 from the control group. Brains were extracted using FSL's brain extraction tool (BET; Smith, 2002), with manual edits to control for extraction errors, and processed using FSL's VBM default pipeline. Note that in the FSL VBM pipeline, the single-participant data prior to alignment to common space reflects a voxel's probability of being gray matter (calculated by a combination of Hidden Markov Random Field and Expectation Maximization framework; see Zhang et al., 2001), and the final data, in common space, reflect an adjustment of that value by the Jacobian of the deformation applied to the participant's data when aligning to common space. Thus, this VBM implementation most closely reflects local volume differences. We spatially smoothed the final images by an isotropic Gaussian kernel (FWHM = 9.42 mm). Group-level statistical inference was achieved via nonparametric permutation using the FSL tool randomise. Family-wise error was controlled for at an alpha level of P < .05 by Threshold-Free Cluster Enhancement (TFCE; Smith and Nichols, 2009), in which cluster extent is constrained by cluster-like local spatial support. Age and whole brain Volume were included as covariates. References to anatomically defined regions within MNI space were established by intersecting the group's MNI gray matter template mask with FSL's pre-defined atlases. (See SI Methods for additional information.) To evaluate the impact of smoothing kernel, we also implemented Gaussian kernels of 2.35 mm, 4.71 mm, and 7.06 mm (sigma of 1, 2 and 3, respectively) and repeated the main analysis.

    Cortical thickness analysis

    Cortical thickness (CT) analysis was implemented in FreeSurfer (Dale et al., 1999), using the default processing pipeline, except for manually bypassing FreeSurfer's automatic skull stripping routines and using instead the skull-stripped brains created in the initial step of the VBM analysis described above. FreeSurfer's GM segmentation was verified manually for each participant, and no manual corrections were needed (for example participant's segmentation, see Inline Supplementary Figure S1). The CT estimates derived for each participant were imported into AFNI's surface-based analysis module, SUMA (Saad et al., 2004) for further analyses. CT values were spatially smoothed with a conservative (Pardoe et al., 2013) 10 mm smoothing kernel on the two dimension cortical surface using an iterative Heat Kernel method (Chung, 2004). The resulting CT values on the cortical surface were interpolated to a surface mesh that maintained the same number of vertices for all participants, in similar locations (using SUMA's MapIcosahedron procedure). The resulting meshes contained 156,252 vertices per hemisphere. Statistical analysis of CT values on the group level was performed using cluster-based thresholding that was determined via a permutation procedure (following Nichols and Holmes, 2002; see SI Methods for details).
    Inline Supplementary Figure S1
    Quality of structural segmentation. The figure shows axial slices from a randomly chosen participant. The yellow and red boundaries reflect the outer boundaries of the white and gray matter zones.

    Local gyrification index analysis

    To examine potential gyrification differences between the two populations we used a method based on calculating an ‘outer surface’ (tangential to the folding points of the gyri), and then parcellating it into numerous circular patches covering the entire 2D cortical surface (Schaer et al., 2008, 2012). For each patch, the local gyrification index (LGI) computes the ratio of cortex within sulcal folds to the amount of visible cortex (tangent to the patch). Higher values indicate that a greater proportion of the pial matter under the patch is in sulci. The 2D surface maps generated by this method have, by definition, a strong degree of spatial smoothness (FWHM of ~ 30 mm) that is determined by the number of surface patches used. (Each patch has a radius of 20 mm, and the computed LGI value for each patch is propagated to all surface vertices overlapping with it, necessarily yielding less localized results than those seen for VBM or CT analyses.) Between-group statistical tests of LGI patterns were based on permutation tests as for the CT analysis. Permutation tests maintain the spatial autocorrelation of each participant's data and permit sensitivity to non-stationary changes in LGI across cortical regions.

    Diffusion tensor imaging: fractional anisotropy

    The 60 diffusion-encoding direction b-vectors were corrected individually for head motion using FSL's rot_bvecs, followed by eddy current and subject motion correction with affine registration to the averaged b0 image. Fractional Anisotropy (FA) images were created using FSL's Diffusion Toolbox (FDT) after brain-extraction using BET and manual edits to remove artifacts, then processed using FSL's Tract Based Spatial Statistics (TBSS; Smith et al., 2006) default settings. FSL's TBSS first erodes each participant's FA image. For registration to common space, we used an option that selects the best target image from among the subjects, performs a nonlinear alignment of all participants to that target, and then affine registers the resulting aligned files to MNI152 1 mm common space. Using the mean FA calculated from the participants' files in common space, TBSS creates a skeletonized representation of FA-derived tracts common to all subjects, by estimating the local surface perpendicular direction along the tracts and performing “non-maximum-suppression” along the perpendicular to the voxel with the highest FA value, which marks the center of the tract. The distance of each participant's FA voxel to this common skeleton is then calculated, with the distance calculation constrained to the nearest voxels, and the participant's maximum FA value in the already-calculated perpendicular to each skeleton voxel is projected into the skeleton. The aim of this method is to reduce variance from residual misalignments of each subject's FA to common space (Smith et al., 2006). Voxelwise cross-participant group-level statistics are then performed within a thresholded mean FA skeleton mask (we used a threshold of 0.3). The threshold reduces the effects of high inter-subject variability at the outer edges of the brain. We tested between group differences using 2D TFCE, controlling for family-wise error at an alpha level of P < .05 based on cluster extent constraints, with Age included as a covariate. References to anatomically defined white-matter regions within MNI space were established by intersecting the group's MNI template FA mask with FSL's predefined WM atlases (see SI Methods).

    Hippocampal region-of-interest analysis

    Hippocampus-optimized VBM

    We also conducted a customized VBM analysis that was aimed directly at evaluating changes in the HF. This analysis consisted of the following steps. First, the initial automatic segmentations of the HF as derived by FSL's FIRST subcortical alignment and segmentation procedures (Patenaude et al., 2011) were anonymized and then further manually evaluated and modified by one of the authors (J.H.). Segmentation was performed in original space, using advanced FIRST options to optimize the segmentation by algorithm-determined vertex numbers (modes) and internal reference to the thalamus for normalization. In the second step, we performed a nonlinear registration of these edited HF segmentations to MNI space (FSL's MNI152 T1 1 mm template) using high-resolution (6 mm3) nonlinear warping (FNIRT) initialized with the affine matrix generated for each participant by FSL FIRST's subcortical alignment routine. After registration we multiplied the hippocampi by their Jacobians to modulate the GM, as in the standard VBM pipeline. Note that in contrast to the whole-brain analysis (which works with GM probabilities), the values multiplied by the Jacobian were the original T1 intensity values within the manually verified hippocampal segmentations. Steps 1 and 2 therefore provided a more precise inter-participant alignment of the HF specifically. Third, to evaluate the impact of various smoothing kernels (2.35 mm, 4.71 mm, 7.06 mm and 9.42 mm, sigma 1, 2, 3 and 4 respectively), we smoothed only within these MNI-registered right and left HF. Steps 1, 2 and 3 ensured that our between group tests focused only on the HF, thus obviating the chance of impacting the results from nearby regions. Then we performed voxel-wise tests inside the right and left hippocampal intersection masks (i.e. the hippocampal masks used in the randomize routine included only voxels to which all 42 subjects contributed values). We used TFCE testing, and included Age and whole-brain Volume as covariates at all four smoothing kernels. To evaluate the impact of using manually annotated hippocampi, we compared the results to those obtained when applying the same registration and analysis pipeline but using as inputs the FIRST automatic hippocampi segmentations produced in Step 1 above, as well as automatic hippocampi segmentations obtained from FreeSurfer for these participants.

    Hippocampal local-volume analysis

    We conducted an additional analysis to identify whether there were areas of the hippocampus whose local volume differed between groups. The method was based on FSL FIRST's vertex analysis (Patenaude et al., 2011), but modified to allow incorporation of manual edits on the hippocampal structure (following suggestions by Jenkinson, 2014). This analysis was not based on comparison of mesh-based segmentations of the hippocampus but rather on comparisons of the outer envelope of participants' hippocampi in common space. First, using the manually annotated hippocampal segmentations from FIRST, we constructed a common core hippocampal ‘shape’ from the entire group of participants in common space (Pandits and controls). To this end, the individual hippocampal shapes from original space were projected to common space (MNI152 T1 1 mm) using a rigid body alignment to maintain size and shape differences. From the group average of these MNI-registered hippocampal shapes we then constructed a thresholded (0.9) group average boundary mask (this mask marks the outer edge of the common HF volume, in 3D space). For each voxel in this group-level boundary mask we then calculated its distance to the nearest boundary voxel of each participant's binarized hippocampal mask, whether inside or outside of the common boundary mask. This returned, for each group-level boundary-mask voxel, a vector reflecting the positive or negative distance to each participant's boundary voxel. Group-level tests were conducted on this ‘signed distance’ data. The result of this procedure, when applied to all participants, was a group-level statistical map showing those parts of the group-hippocampal boundary shape where (local) distances to the shape differed between the two groups. Note that as opposed to VBM this procedure implemented a strictly “local shape” analysis that (similarly to FSL's new vertex analysis) identifies geometric changes, is independent of any tissue-classification step, and does not involve any smoothing of the data.

    Results

    Evaluation of covariates

    The VBM, CT, LGI and FA analyses included whole brain analyses for the Pandit group examining correlations of two covariates. These included Starting age of recitation training, and “Overall Practice Hours since Completion of Training” (OPHCT). OPHCT was included since, although all Pandits completed the common training, there was considerable variance in their subsequent practice routines, and it has been shown that even short-term cognitive and motor practice impacts neuroplasticity (e.g., Draganski et al., 2006; Driemeyer et al., 2008). None of the pair-wise correlations between Age, Start Age, and OPHCT approached significance (Correlation tests: Start Age and Age: R = 0.23, P = .39; OPHCT and Age: R = 0.06, P = .7; Start Age and OPHCT: R = 0.22, P = .32). Because age and whole brain volume are also known to correlate with changes in GM, we included Age and Volume as additional covariates in all analyses, including the between-group tests, with the exception of the CT, LGI, and FA analyses, where we used only Age as a covariate.

    Voxel-based morphometry: whole brain analysis

    The whole-brain VBM analysis revealed extensive GM differences in cortical, cerebellar and subcortical regions. In cortical regions Pandits demonstrated greater GM than controls in large portions of both left and right hemispheres (10.4% left and 12.5% right of total GM template cortical volume). To facilitate presentation, differences found in cortical regions were projected to an inflated cortical surface representation of a brain in MNI space (Fig. 1; see SI Tables 2 and 3 for complete cluster descriptives and local maxima). Differences were found bilaterally in both auditory and visual-stream regions, including lateral temporal cortices, ventral occipital cortices, angular gyri, pre- and post-central gyri, posterior cingulate, lingual gyri and precuneus. Greater Pandit GM was also found in large bilateral areas of the anterior cingulate (ACC) and ventromedial prefrontal cortices (vmPFC). We repeated the VBM analysis with spatial smoothing kernels of 2.35 mm, 4.71 mm, and 7.06 mm. The resulting statistical maps were almost identical, apart from an additional single cluster in the base of left STG, MTG that was only found for the 4.71 mm smoothing kernel (see SI Table 6 for additional smoothing kernel cluster specifics).
    Surface projection of areas where Pandits showed greater gray matter…
    Fig. 1
    Within right lateral temporal cortex a large GM cluster was found that reached along the superior temporal sulcus (STS) into the STP, encompassing both the lateral transverse temporal gyrus and association cortices and extending deep into the ventral anterior temporal region. Pandits' GM was also larger in the right posteromedial insula and central operculum, the anterior and posterior parahippocampal gyrus and the right perirhinal cortex (PRC). As shown in Fig. 1 (and see SI Tables 2 and 3), in the left hemisphere GM differences in the lateral temporal cortex were found in posterior STG, MTG, and ITG, while in the STP, GM differences were found in the planum temporale (PT), extending into the angular gyrus and supramarginal gyrus in the parietal lobe.
    In the cerebellum Pandits showed greater GM than controls in multiple bilateral structures (Fig. 2A), encompassing 34% of the total GM in the cerebellar template. The cerebellar subregions included both left and right Crus I, Crus II, V, VI, VIIb, VIIIa, VIIIb, IX and X, as well as several midline Vermis regions. Greater GM for Pandits was most dominant in Crus 1 and Crus II, VIIb and VIIIa (the cerebellar cluster regions and relative volume in each cerebellar sub-region for which GM was higher for Pandits is reported in SI Tables 3 and 4). In subcortical regions, we found a more heterogeneous result pattern, with Pandits showing greater GM than controls in a small cluster of the posteromedial right hippocampus (Fig. 2B), whereas they showed less GM than controls in a large cluster (62% of subcortical template GM) encompassing the more anterior portions of the hippocampus bilaterally and bilateral regions of the amygdala, caudate, nucleus accumbens, putamen and, thalamus (see Figs. 2C and D, and SI Table 3).
    Whole-brain VBM results in subcortical and cerebellar regions, overlaid onto…
    Fig. 2
    To directly compare our hippocampus results with prior literature that documented hippocampus-related volume changes in expert spatial navigators (London taxi drivers; Maguire et al., 2000), we isolated the Pandit > control cluster within the right hippocampus, and also established its left hemisphere mirror image. In each region we then calculated the mean GM change for Pandits and controls. Following Maguire et al (2000), mean GM was also calculated for the anterior aspects of the hippocampus that fell within the large cluster where Pandits showed lower GM than controls. Fig. 3bears out the greater density for controls in the anterior hippocampus, which is markedly absent, and even reversed, in the right mid-posterior hippocampus. (Note that diverging from our analysis, Maguire et al. did not include Age as covariate in the between-group tests, and doing the same in the current study revealed even stronger similarities to their findings; see SI Discussion and SI Fig. 2 for visual comparisons). We then evaluated whether these conclusions about the hippocampus would hold up if the whole brain VBM analysis was repeated at different smoothing kernels. The anterior hippocampal results (Pandits < controls) survived tests at additional FWHM Gaussian smoothing kernels of 2.35 mm, 4.71 mm, and 7.06 mm (sigma of 1, 2 and 3, respectively), while the right posterior hippocampus result (Pandits > controls) survived at the additional Gaussian kernel of 7.06 mm (sigma 3). We also conducted a whole brain analysis within the Pandit group to test whether GM density correlated with Start Age or with total post-training hours of Pandit recitation practice (OPHTC), both with Age and total brain Volume as covariates. We found no significant correlations.
    Gray matter differences in hippocampi as indicated by a Whole Brain Voxel Based…
    Fig. 3

    Hippocampus-focused analyses

    Given that the hippocampal data in the whole-brain analysis may reflect the impact of imperfect alignment or smoothing of data from outside the hippocampus, we implemented two additional analyses to better study hippocampal differences between the groups. Both analyses considered the hippocampus as a region of interest, and examined VBM and local-volume changes in a more circumscribed manner. The implementation details of these analyses are described in the Methods. In brief, in both analyses we used accurate hippocampal segmentations in original space, obtained from FSL's automatic subcortical segmentation (FIRST; Patenaude et al., 2011), which were then further manually annotated. For the VBM analysis we implemented a high-resolution alignment to common space, optimized for subcortical structures. We used the Jacobians of the deformation to common space in order to modulate intensity values within each person's hippocampus. For the local-volume analysis we implemented a procedure similar to FSL FIRST's vertex-based subcortical shape analysis. This analysis was based on 3 main steps: i) aligning participants' hippocampi to common space, ii) producing a ‘consensus shape’ of hippocampal areas where participants overlapped, and iii) quantifying, for each point on the consensus shape's boundary, its distance to the nearest boundary of each person's hippocampus. (This analysis is identical to FSL FIRST's vertex-wise local distance calculations, but uses boundaries in voxel space rather than derived 2D meshes). Using this procedure we could determine, for each point on the consensus shape boundary, whether the two groups differed in local volume. In contrast to VBM, this analysis is immune to any spatial smoothing effects, and reflects strictly local volume differences.
    The hippocampal-optimized VBM procedure indicated a large portion of the posterior-middle right HF where Pandits had greater GM than controls (see Fig. 4, and see Supplementary Table 7 for cluster specifics). The volume of this region formed between 73 and 98% of the hippocampal mask (depending on smoothing kernel; FWHM 2.35 mm = 73%, FWHM 4.71 mm = 80%, FWHM 7.06 mm = 92%, FWHM 9.42 mm = 98%; note that smoothing was implemented only within the hippocampal mask, thus obviating effects of nearby regions). At larger smoothing kernels (7.06 mm and 9.42 mm), we also found a cluster in the left posterior hippocampus where Pandits had greater GM than controls.
    Hippocampal region-of-interest analysis: areas within the right and left…
    Fig. 4
    The hippocampal shape analysis revealed a portion of the right mid-anterior hippocampus with greater volume for the control group (see Inline Supplementary Figure S2). We then tested, within the Pandit group, whether hippocampal GM density or shape correlated with Pandit Starting age or with total post-training hours of recitation practice (OPHTC), both adjusted for Age and total brain Volume as covariates. We found no significant correlations.
    Inline Supplementary Figure S2

    Cortical thickness analysis

    Several brain regions differed in CT between the Pandit and control group, and in all cases the Pandit group was associated with greater CT. Differences were found in right STS, right anterior temporal pole, right occipito-temporal gyrus (OTG) and in the left rostral ACC extending into dorsomedial prefrontal cortex. Fig. 5 presents these regions as identified by two analyses, using two single voxel thresholds to identify both less localized clusters where all voxels passed the P < .05 threshold, and more highly localized clusters where all voxels passed a threshold of P < .005. We conducted a whole brain analysis to test, within the Pandit group, whether CT correlated with Start Age or total post-training hours of recitation practice (OPHTC), adjusted for Age as covariate. We found no significant correlations.
    Areas where Pandits demonstrated greater cortical thickness than controls
    Fig. 5

    Differences in local gyrification

    Two areas showed differences in local gyrification between the two groups. These were found in the inferior and middle occipital gyri on the left and middle occipital gyrus on the right. In both cases these cortical regions showed reduced gyrification for the Pandit group (see Fig. 6).
    Areas where Pandits showed less gyrification than controls
    Fig. 6
    We also examined the relationship between the LGI and CT findings. Using the regions identified by the LGI analysis as masks, we quantified the mean CT within those regions per participant, and then evaluated these on the group level. There was absolutely no between-group difference in mean CT within those regions. In the right hemisphere LGI cluster, the mean CT for Pandits and controls was 2.65 mm (SD = 0.18) vs. 2.66 mm (SD = 0.21). In the left hemisphere cluster, the values were 2.08 mm (SD = 0.13) vs. 2.11 mm (SD = 0.13). In short, CT values were almost identical across groups in areas showing LGI differences. We also tested, within the Pandit group, for correlation of LGI with the Start Age or Practice (OPHTC) variables adjusted for Age as covariate. There were no significant correlations.

    Differences in fractional anisotropy

    Two adjacent clusters showed greater FA in Pandits compared to controls (see Fig. 7). No area showed the reverse pattern. The clusters were found in close proximity to the CT and GM differences we report for the left vmPFC/ACC (see Fig. 7), at the intersection of the left anterior thalamic radiation, the forceps minor, the left inferior fronto-occipital fasciculus (IFOF), the left anterior corona radiata (ACR), the genu of the corpus callosum, the left cingulum bundle, and the left uncinate fasciculus (UF). (See SI Methods, SI Table 5 for cluster details, and SI Fig. 1 for a brain map showing the location of these clusters overlaid on mean group FA map.) We also tested, within the Pandit group, whether either FA or skeletonized FA correlated with Pandit Start Age or with total post-training hours of recitation practice (OPHTC), both adjusted for Age as covariate. We found no significant correlations.
    Axial slices showing clusters (in green) where Pandits showed greater…
    Fig. 7

    Discussion

    Overall, we found considerable differences in the organization of the brains of professional Vedic Sanskrit Pandits. Specifically, they showed extensive cortical and cerebellar GM increase and subcortical GM decrease. The hippocampal GM differences followed a differential anterior/posterior pattern that has been linked to expert spatial navigation (Maguire et al., 2000), and to improved memory for verbal materials (Poppenk and Moscovitch, 2011). Cortical CT increases were extensive, and overlapped closely with GM differences in right temporal regions, left medial prefrontal, and left fusiform areas. Pandits also showed significantly less gyrification in bilateral occipital regions, and significantly larger FA in left inferior frontal WM clusters. Our findings are consistent with the possibility that the changes to medial-temporal and medial prefrontal regions, accompanied by changes to lateral temporal regions and cerebellum, reflect the impact of the Pandits' extensive verbal practices.

    Hippocampus and ACC/mPFC

    The Pandits' pattern of hippocampal differences as evident in a whole-brain VBM analysis were similar to those reported in the study of London taxi drivers (Maguire et al., 2000), showing a relative decrease in bilateral anterior hippocampi, and an increase in right (but not left) medial-posterior hippocampus. Our region-of-interest analyses identified a local reduction in volume in the right anterior HF for Pandits, accompanied by a VBM signature of increased GM in the medial-posterior right HF for this group, and an increased GM cluster in the posterior left hippocampus. Maguire et al (2000, p. 4398), who used whole brain VBM and HF pixel counting, suggested that the increases in the posterior hippocampus may indicate that this region stores a spatial representation for the environment and expands to accommodate this elaborated representation. A large body of subsequent research has shown, however, that the anterior and posterior hippocampi play differential roles in a large range of cognitive processes including, but not limited to novelty processing (Daselaar et al., 2006; Kohler et al., 2005; Takashima et al., 2006), encoding of ongoing and recent experiences (Hartzell et al., 2014), and simulation of future events (van Mulukom et al., 2013; see Fanselow and Dong, 2010; Poppenk et al., 2013, and Strange et al., 2014 for reviews). Better memory for verbal materials has been associated with larger posterior and smaller anterior hippocampal segments (Poppenk and Moscovitch, 2011). One study found that the volume of the anterior hippocampus correlates positively with verbal memory (Hackert et al., 2002), but this was found for an age group (60–90 y.o.a.) for which the relation may reflect variations in the normal thinning patterns that the HF undergoes with increasing age. Our results, taken together with these prior studies, support the developing evidence that hippocampal regional changes may occur in various situations, beyond those necessitating memory for complex spatial scenes. We note that the training of London Taxi Drivers does in fact involve rote memorization of a large volume of preset verbal sequences: they are required to memorize street names and place names (30,000 landmarks) in 320 set route sequences totaling ~ 120,000 words, with part-time training over ~ 3–5 years (Transport.for.London, 2014). Their oral examinations necessitate precise rote verbal recall of route details between the landmarks.
    Greater Pandit GM/CT in anterior cingulate cortex and medial temporal structures is also consistent with accommodating increased memory demands. Animal studies show long-term memory encoding in the mPFC/ACC (Weible et al., 2012; Teixeira et al., 2006), with short-term encoding in the hippocampus (Takehara-Nishiuchi and McNaughton, 2008), mediated by connections between perirhinal/parahippocampus and ACC (Insel and Takehara-Nishiuchi, 2013). In humans, patients with exclusive MTL lesions perform normally on remote autobiographical memory but poorly on recent memory tests (Bayley et al., 2005), while mPFC/ACC lesions conversely disrupt long-term memory, but not short-term memory for recent experiential learning (Squire and Bayley, 2007). Neuroimaging data from healthy human participants also suggest that recall for recent vs. remote experiences differentially relies, respectively, on hippocampal vs. medial frontal cortices (Takashima et al., 2006). Taken together with these animal and human studies, our findings suggest that Vedic Sanskrit oral text information may be initially encoded via the hippocampus, then stored in the mPFC/ACC regions, but a detailed longitudinal study is necessary to examine this issue.

    Lateral-temporal and parietal cortices: potential indicators of language system differences

    Our left and right temporal region cortical differences showed different topographies. The left postero-medial superior, middle, and inferior temporal gyri GM patterns were largely confined to gyral surfaces, reaching into the antero-medial PT. Many of these regions overlap with presurgical speech interference sites (Roux et al., 2012), suggesting the observed differences may be related, at least in part, to recitation vocalization. These left posterior lateral temporal regions are also implicated in both lexical-phonological processing and semantic-syntactic integration in current cortical speech processing models (see e.g., Hickok and Poeppel, 2007Friederici, 2012), while the PT/pSTG/SMG changes reach into areas linked to speech production (DeWitt and Rauschecker, 2012; Fedorenko and Thompson-Schill, 2014). On the right, greater GM/CT for Pandits reached into deep STS, and into lateral Heschl's gyrus/planum polare (HG/PP), dorsal posteromedial insula, OP2/OP3 of posteromedial operculum, and right ventral anterior lobe (vATL). Right HG/PP have been shown to sample acoustic information at a rate optimized for syllable-length acoustics (Kotz and Schwartze, 2010; Morillon et al., 2012; Altmann et al., 2007) and sound patterns (Altmann et al., 2007), with right STS linked to processing of human voices (Belin, 2006) and vocal identity (Petkov et al., 2009). The human vATL/anterior fusiform bilaterally is considered a hub for multi-modal/amodal semantic knowledge (Chan et al., 2011), linked with PRC for verbal memory construction (Bozeat et al., 2000). Greater Pandit GM in right posteromedial insula and operculum may reflect speech-sound processing (Cloutman et al., 2012), vocalization tuning (Remedios et al., 2009), and/or prosody detection (van Rijn et al., 2005).
    The increased GM for Pandits in parietal regions suggests the possible involvement of cortical resources subserving Vedic recitation gestures, articulation, and multilingualism. Differences in the left superior and medial postcentral gyrus covered portions of the primary somatosensory cortex (Ruben et al., 2001) for the right arm, wrist, hand and fingers, face, mouth and tongue regions (Kaas et al., 1979; Nakamura et al., 1998), including areas known to be active during right hand and arm movement (Sereno and Huang, 2014). We also considered that while the Pandits and controls were matched for number of languages, the Pandits are highly competent in Sanskrit due to their training, and several of the areas where they demonstrate greater GM have been linked to multilingual abilities. The differences we documented in inferior parietal and superior lateral temporal cortices match well with greater GM found for bilinguals compared to monolinguals (Mechelli et al., 2004), and increased vocabulary is associated with increased GM in left posterior SMG (Richardson et al., 2010).
    Notably absent were morphological differences in grey matter or cortical thickness in bilateral inferior frontal regions that have been linked to higher-level language functions. The left inferior frontal region has been linked repeatedly to semantic and syntactic processing (e.g., Bookheimer, 2002) or control processes during language (e.g., Fedorenko et al., 2012; Fedorenko and Thompson-Schill, 2014), whereas the right has been linked to discourse related functions (e.g., Menenti et al., 2009). We also found no WM changes in these regions of the sort previously associated with better grammar learning (Flöel et al., 2009). The absence of differences in inferior frontal cortices could reflect the fact that the Pandits' memorization, recall and production of oral language content does not require putting ideas into words de novo, and so does not engage this particular use of these frontal regions that have been implicated in higher level language processing through studies typically not involving recited speech. Follow-up functional studies will be useful for clarifying the functional contribution of these temporal-parietal structural differences to the Pandits' verbal recitation practices.

    Cerebellum

    Pandit GM cerebellar differences were found in regions involved in cortico-cerebellar networks subserving language and memory (Marien et al., 2014), and executive function (Stoodley, 2012), and in which GM increases have been correlated with factors relevant to Vedic recitation: e.g. skilled hand movements with Vermis VI/VIIb (Di Paola et al., 2013) and bilingual semantic and phonemic fluency in left Crus II (Grogan et al., 2009). The large volume of Sanskrit memorized and recited by the Pandits, and their mastery of Sanskrit's complex morphology (Whitney, 1924) and semantics (Apte, 1890) may also contribute to the large increase in Pandit cerebellar GM (1/3rd of total cerebellar GM), a finding considerably larger than previously reported in cerebellar morphology analyses.

    Visual system

    Increased GM and CT in Pandits' visual/visual-association cortices may relate to their traditional multi-year training regimen that consists of close face-to-face oral instruction and repetition (including one-on-one training) and synchronized recitation gestures. Alternatively, or additionally, it may reflect the type of cross-modal plasticity and enhanced function previously documented in the visually impaired, such as ultra-fast speech comprehension and exceptional spatial acoustic cue detection in blind (Dietrich et al., 2013; Voss et al., 2004). One possibility, which necessitates further functional neuroimaging investigations, is that occipital regions are recruited to aid the extensive oral language-related computations performed by Pandits; these regions have been shown to have the potential for rapid functional plasticity even in healthy subjects (Merabet et al., 2008).

    Subcortical and gyrification differences

    To our knowledge, our study is the first to document comprehensive reduction of GM in subcortical structures in a population of healthy participants. While unexpected, one potential explanation of this finding is that it indicates a speeded maturation of these regions for Pandits. A developmental study of healthy children and adolescents (Wierenga et al., 2014) showed a linear age-related reduction of GM in caudate, putamen and nucleus accumbens (regions where Pandits had lower GM than controls), and inverted U-shaped curves in amygdala, thalamus, hippocampus and pallidum (the latter a region where we did not find clear differences between the two groups).
    To our knowledge, the current work is also the first to document local gyrification differences between two healthy adult groups. Cortical gyrification complexity increases up through young adulthood with the occipital lobe showing both highest variability in preadolescents, and lowest complexity increase in adolescence (Blanton et al., 2001; Su et al., 2013). After adolescence, gyrification decreases steadily across much of the brain (Hogstrom et al., 2013). The Pandits in our study began training in late childhood or early adolescence, so their decreased occipital gyrification may indicate a training-related impact on the normal developmental curve of brain gyrification, specifically, a relatively more limited gyrification change attained in visual cortices.

    WM structural differences

    The WM tracts crossing through the Pandit FA clusters have been implicated in language processing. Increased FA in left forceps minor, genus of the corpus callosum, anterior thalamic radiation (ATR), and anterior corona radiata has been linked to mathematical ability (Navas-Sanchez et al., 2014), while stutterers have decreased FA in the forceps minor (Beal et al., 2013; Civier et al., 2015). Lesion studies have implicated left inferior frontal-occipital fasciculus (IFOF), left ATR, and left uncinate fasciculus (UF) in semantic processing (Han et al., 2013) and fluency (Almairac et al., in press), while in healthy participants left IFOF and UF are both prominently involved in amodal (domain general) semantic memory (de Zubicaray et al., 2011). As shown in Fig. 7, the FA clusters border the CT/GM Pandit increases in the mPFC/ACC, suggesting they may also be related to those structural differences.

    Convergence and divergence between morphometric measures

    The different measures we used provided convergent information regarding changes in several brain regions, but several also identified unique change patterns. The VBM results highlighted extensive differences in bilateral temporal regions, vmPFC and lateral occipital regions, and the CT findings documented similar changes in vmPFC, the right lateral temporal regions and right occipito-temporal regions, though less extensively than VBM. However, the right temporal pole areas identified by the CT analysis were not identified by VBM, and conversely, occipital and posterior midline regions identified by VBM were not identified by CT. With respect to FA findings, there was a good overlap between the diffusion results and the mPFC/ACC cluster identified in both the CT and VBM analysis. Finally, within the clusters showing LGI changes, we did not find any changes in CT.
    While it is interesting to find convergence in some aspects of the results, it is important to note that prior work suggests that VBM, CT and LGI target at least partially different organizational aspects of structural morphometry. We first address the relation between VBM and CT. Whereas CT, as implemented in FreeSurfer, loads strictly on the local cortical thickness, FSL's VBM analysis, which includes modulation by the Jacobian to account for stretching and compression, reflects (based on GM probability metrics from the GM segmentation step) a combination of thickness, surface area and differences in folding. For this reason VBM has sometimes been interpreted as measuring “overall local volume” (Hutton et al., 2009). Prior studies that have used both VBM and CT to study a single dataset show their divergent, rather than strictly convergent nature. Blankstein et al. (2009)Voets et al. (2008), and Bermudez et al (2009) are good examples of such work. Voets et al., who compared VBM and surface-based morphometry (SBM), concluded that, “VBM-style approaches are sensitive to a combination of cortical thickness, surface area and shape measures. SBM, on the other hand, uses an explicit model of the neocortex, offering independent measures of thickness, surface area and folding patterns. Thus, areas of significant difference in VBM GM density may be found without a corresponding change in SBM-derived cortical thickness” (Voets et al., p. 667).
    Formal attempts at relating VBM and CT have been only moderately successful. Voets et al. (2008)tried examining the Jacobian of the warp field, or dividing CT by change in metric distortion on the vertex wise level, but these did not account well for the divergence between VBM and CT. Palaniyappan and Liddle (2012) used a region of interest analysis and found that between-group differences in VBM data were only moderately mediated by different surface morphometry features such as CT, LGI and surface area: a large proportion of VBM-related variance (between 36% and 80%) was not accounted for by these surface measures. Furthermore, depending on brain region, different surface features accounted for the between-group VBM differences. VBM and surface measures therefore appear to target partially different aspects of brain morphometry; this may have to do with the fact that these measures are related to separate genetic traits (e.g., Winkler et al., 2010).
    With respect to LGI and CT, while one might expect that the two measures would generally be negatively correlated, this relationship appears modest, and also varies spatially. As part of their study, Hogstrom et al. (2013) examined the relationship between LGI, and CT. While there was a negative relation between LGI and CT in all lobes, it was relatively weak (− 0.17 < R < − 0.08), with significant correlations limited to medial prefrontal cortex, superior frontal gyrus, and precuneus. In all, prior work highlights the utility of using multiple measures for understanding changes to different facets of brain morphometry, and our current findings are largely consistent with the import of that body of work.

    Potential limitations and future directions

    As in any cross-sectional study, one cannot claim with absolute certainty that structural differences are caused by experience-related changes, rather than reflecting a genetic predisposition. However, several unique features of the Pandit selection and training very strongly argue against explanations grounded in self-selection or genetic predisposition: there are no pre-entrance selection exams to Pandit studies so that memorization ability is not tested as a pre-condition; the attrition rate from studies is only ~ 5%, arguing against self-selection during training itself; and none of our specific participants came from Vedic Pandit families, with very few having any relatives who recite (See SI Table 1). All these are highly consistent with an experience-related explanation rather than one based on genetic predisposition (of the sort licensed for musicians, athletes, piano tuners and other special populations).
    A second apparent interpretive challenge is the absence of statistically significant correlations between Pandits' practice estimate or starting age and GM/CT/LGI/FA measures. We consider power, limited range, and possible ceiling effects as the reasons for this null result. First, given the sample size (N = 21), to satisfy a single-voxel criteria of P < .005, correlations would need to exceed a level of 0.56 (Pearson's R) in each voxel within a cluster, which is a high standard that even if found would likely be an inaccurate documentation of the actual effect size in the population (Yarkoni, 2009). Second, while all the Pandits had completed the basic training course, 12 of those were within 1 year of graduation, and 5 others within 3 years of graduation, resulting in a limited range of the post-training Practice variable (OHPTC; see SI Table 1). Third, given the reported total hours of basic training of 10,080 h (See SI Methods), it is also possible that the lack of correlation is due to a ceiling or plateau effect, wherein training-driven plasticity asymptotes, as is seen in motor and cognitive skill acquisition studies (Macnamara et al., 2014, see references therein; Karni et al., 1998; Anderson, 1981). Further elucidation of the issue will require follow-up longitudinal studies during the training period, and/or recruitment of a larger subject pool of qualified Pandits with a wider ranger of post-training practice.
    We note that a recent (Kalamangalam and Ellmore, 2014) smaller scale study (Pandit N = 11) examined cortical thickness differences between Pandits and a control group and reported different results for this measure (the study reports 2 clusters limited to inferior temporal and orbito-frontal cortex, regions not typically associated with speech, language or memory processing). That study could not examine hippocampal or subcortical differences due to its focus on the cortical fold, and surprisingly, did not document differences in lateral temporal regions implicated in speech processing (STG, STS, STP), or regions implicated in memory for verbal materials, concluding that those regions are not impacted by memory training (VBM analysis was not conducted). The markedly divergent results in our work are probably the result of a more powerful sample and control for confounding variables.2 For these reasons, we cannot directly compare that particular prior work with the current findings.

    Summary

    The data demonstrate that there exist extensive morphological differences in the brains of professional Vedic Sanskrit Pandits, which are in some cases identifiable by both VBM and CT measures, and in some cases only by one of these two metrics. These findings are consistent with a role for medial temporal regions and medial prefrontal cortex in large-scale language, memory and information processing. These data further suggest that inferior frontal and lateral temporal regions play different roles in their ability to subserve rehearsed speech. Finally, the results raise interesting questions about the potential of intensive, specialized expertise training to substantially drive plasticity in healthy adult brains, and possibly alter natural developmental curves.

    Acknowledgments

    We thank Prof. R.K Shastri of the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India, for information regarding the current state of Vedic training at government-supported institutions in India. We also thank Krishna Miyapuram, India Institute of Technology, Gandhinagar, for helpful discussions and assistance with translation of the survey forms. This research has received funding from the India-Trento Program for Advanced Research. U.H was supported by a European Council Starting Grant (ERC-STG #263318).

    Appendix A. Supplementary data

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    1
    There are today in India around 150,000 students engaged in traditional Sanskrit studies at approximately 5000 government and private institutions (Mishra, 1997; Rashtriya Sanskrit Sansthan, 2010-2011; Rashtriya Sanskrit Sansthan, 2014; Pathashala, 2014). The topics (and texts memorized) at these institutions include Sanskrit literature, grammar, law, history, philosophy, astronomy, yoga, logic, and Vedas, subsidiary Vedic disciplines, and Vedic commentary (Rashtriya Sanskrit Sansthan, 2014). There are in addition some 246 registered Ayurvedic traditional medical colleges in India where some 50,000 students memorize portions of Sanskrit root medical texts and subsidiary texts as part of their training (Central Council of Indian Medicine, 2014; Hartzell and Zysk, 1995). Specifically for Vedic studies, there are currently an estimated 34,000 Vedic Pandits in training in both government and non-government traditional Vedic schools (Shastri, 2014; Pathashala, 2014; Rashtriya Sanskrit Sansthan, 2014; Mishra, 1997).
    2
    The study by Kalamangalam and Ellmore was conducted in Houston, Texas, with local control participants, and does not report control for eye-dominance or multilingualism in the experimental and control groups, nor Vedic lineage and assessment of Vedic competence, and does not report control for Age in the analysis pathway.

    0 0

    Śiva Sūtras are attributed to the sage Vasugupta of the 9th century C.E.


    Śiva Sūtras are 77 brilliant aphorisms (in sections) on consciousness, the central problem of science and mind. -- Subhash Kak.

    Metropolitan Museum of Art, NYC. Shiva as Lord of Dance (Nataraja), Chola period (880-1279), ca. 11th century Tamil Nadu, India Copper alloy; H. 26 7/8 in. (68.3 cm); Diam. 22 1/4 in. (56.5 cm) Gift of R. H. Ellsworth Ltd., in honor of Susan Dillon, 1987 (1987.80.1)

    If a single icon had to be chosen to represent the extraordinarily rich and complex cultural heritage of India, the Shiva Nataraja might well be the most remunerative candidate. It is such a brilliant iconographic invention that it comes as close to being a summation of the genius of the Indian people as any single icon can. Sculptures of Shiva dancing survive from at least as early as the fifth century, but it was under the rule of the great Chola dynasty of southern India (880-1279) that the world-famous iconographic type evolved. The setting of Shiva's dance is the golden hall of Chidambaram, at the center of the universe, in the presence of all the gods. Through symbols and dance gestures, Shiva taught the illustrious gathering that he is Creator, Preserver, and Destroyer. As he danced he held in his upper right hand the "damaru," the hand drum from which issued the primordial vibrating sound of creation. With his lower right hand he made the gesture of "abhaya," removing fear, protecting, and preserving. In his upper left hand he held "agni," the consuming fire of dynamic destruction. With his right foot he trampled a dwarf like figure (apasmara purusha), the ignoble personification of illusion who leads mankind astray. In his dance of ecstasy Shiva raised his left leg, and, in a gesture known as the "gaja hasta," pointed to his lifted leg to provide refuge for the troubled soul. He thus imparted the lesson that through belief in him, the soul of mankind can be transported from the bondage of illusion and ignorance to salvation and eternal serenity. Encircling Shiva is a flaming body halo ("prabhamandala," or surrounding effulgence) that not only establishes the visual limits of this complex and dynamic composition but also symbolizes the boundaries of the cosmos.

    https://www.flickr.com/photos/rosemania/86746598

    Section 1. Śāmbhavopāya
    Section 2. Śaktopāya
    Section 3. Anavopāya

    Translations by Subhash Kak and Shailendra Sharma

    Section 1. Śāmbhavopāya
    चैतन्यमात्मा॥१॥ Consciousness is the Self.

    1.
    Translation — Consciousness is soul.
    Exposition — Consciousness of immense mind, which is manifested by means of body, is the cause of feeling of being. Consciousness of the mind is soul.

    2. ज्ञानं बन्धः॥२॥
    (Ordinary) knowledge is bounding. (By revealing some it hides more)
    Translation — Knowledge is bondage.
    Exposition — The immense mind, which is manifested by means of the body, adopts physical limitations to know the totality of its own consciousness and also the one who manifests it. Said in other words, it limits itself in a bond with the body for the sake of knowing itself.

    3. योनिवर्गः कलाशरीरम्॥३॥
    The emanated embodied forms change.
    Translation — Body is small bit of power of the origin.
    Exposition — Body is only a small bit of power of the creator of all.

    4. ज्ञानाधिष्ठानं मातृका॥४॥
    The basis of knowledge is in the potential. (the womb)
    Translation — Origin is the basis of knowledge.
    Exposition — Body, that functions as a mother for the knowledge is a creator, who awakens the entire consciousness and delivers it in its entire immensity.

    5. उद्यमो भैरवः॥५॥
    (In) [inspired] activity is Bhairava [annihilating + creating aspect of Śiva, for beginnings must start with ending]
    Translation — Terrible truth is effort.
    Exposition — Effort that a mind needs to perform by means of body for awakening the truth of its own dormant consciousness is terrible. It may be said to be extremely difficult.

    6. शक्तिचक्रसन्धाने विश्वसंहारः॥६॥
    The world ends with coming together of various energies.
    Translation — Creation can be annihilated when Sakticakra is sought.
    Exposition — Just as infinite energy prevailing inside an atom appears in its vastness when an atom is sought and disintegrated, much the same way, when the consciousness of immense mind, which is capable of knowing everything is sought by means of body and is disintegrated by means of Pranayam, the consciousness is awakened and is then manifested in its entire immensity.

    One who successfully performs this practice is at liberty of applying consciousness of his boundlessly awakened mind. He may at his discretion establish a New World or annihilate the existing one.

    7. जाग्रत्स्वप्नसुषुप्तभेदे तुर्याभोगसम्भवः॥७॥
    In waking, dreaming, or deep sleep, one can have a sense of the fourth (deeper) state.
    Translation — Experience (Direct perception) of the fourth state is possible by separating the awakened, dream and dormant states of mind.

    Exposition — Consciousness of his mind that a common man is capable of applying is awake only in small measures. Thinkers call this as conscious mind or awakened mind. And infinite consciousness of mind that prevails with every embodied being in dormant state and that which causes dream like feeling about it even after its knowledge is called as sub consciousness.

    When immensity of mind that appears dream like is awakened by applying consciousness that is awake in small measures, one experiences that fourth state of mind i.e. completely awakened immense consciousness of mind, which is beyond these three (viz. partly awake consciousness, dormant immense consciousness and firm determination to awaken dormant vast consciousness).

    8.ज्ञानं जाग्रत्॥८॥
    Knowledge is the waking state.
    Translation — Only awakening is knowledge.
    Exposition — A small bit of entire dormant infinite consciousness of mind that is awake, and which thinks the entire dormant consciousness to be dream like is the cause of restraining consciousness within physical limitations.

    9.
    Translation — Indecision about dream is ignorance.
    Exposition — A feeling that immense consciousness of mind that lies dormant within one self is only a dream and a state of being uncertain about its existence is called as ignorance.

    10. .
    Translation — To feel, what is there is not there, due to indiscretion is spiritual ignorance.
    Exposition — The mind rejecting the existence of its own infinite consciousness by considering it as dream like, although it is dormant within itself, is called as indiscretion.

    11.
    Translation — One, who can enjoy the three, is great among the heroes.
    Exposition — One who awakens the dormant infinite consciousness of the mind, although feeling of its existence is dream like, by means of partly awakened consciousness, or, said differently a great person who makes firm determination for realizing dream, makes awesome efforts, and realizes the dream is the bravest among the braves.

    12. .
    Translation — Astonishment is the basis for yoga.
    Exposition — Even a guess of infinite capacity of mind that lies dormant in an apparently ordinary personality of oneself, strikes wonder and is inspirational for those who are determined to awaken it into practicing yoga.

    13.
    Translation — Will power is the ultimately beautiful virgin.
    Exposition — A strong will power to awaken infinite consciousness of mind that lies dormant within oneself is that most beautiful virgin who is solicited and thereby one begets awakened consciousness as if he begets a son.

    14. .
    Translation — Visible is the body.
    Exposition — The entire visible world that lies within the realm of experiences of this body is the body of Him who manifests this all.

    15.
    Translation — By concentrating the mind into the core it knows its invisible form and is then established beyond the visible.
    Exposition — The sublime consciousness element that is manifested by means of entire visible world is also the cause of manifestation of mind. When mind concentrates into itself with a strong will power, through its own consciousness by means of a body, it experiences its immense invisible existence that lies beyond the physical limits. Subsequently it gets the experience of the existence of the element of conscious void, which lies beyond entire visible world, and is experienced through the medium of vision.

    16.
    Translation — An investigation of sublime element causes knowledge of one’s abilities.
    Exposition — When the existence of sublime conscious void that lies beyond the visible is experienced, the feeling of being begins to grow boundlessly and one knows ones infinite existence.

    17.
    Translation — Deliberation causes self-realization.
    Exposition — When sublime conscious void that remains beyond the body is experienced one is established in pure thought that lies beyond the visible and then self-realization takes place. Pure thought alone is the cause of there being a relation between conscious world and the corporal matter of the visible world.

    18.
    Translation — Enjoying Samadhi is like enjoying the world.
    Exposition — When established in pure thought and having achieved self-realization, one knows the conscious void that supports the entire world. Subsequent to the knowledge of conscious void that manifests and retains the visible world on the support of visible body, there remains no difference between so-called worldly pleasures and the delight of samadhi. This is because the basic cause that is manifested and is experienced in both is one and the same – the awakened consciousness.

    19.
    Translation — Concentration into the void causes knowledge of creation of body.
    Exposition — Supporter of the entire visible world, the conscious void, supports entire corporal matter of the world and fosters it. When mind that is replete with yogic power concentrates upon the consciousness void that contains all activities/motion, it gains the knowledge of creation of the entire visible world.

    20.
    Translation — By concentrating upon the one that is created, each member of the creation separately as well as their combinations become known.
    Exposition — When a self-realized mind is concentrated upon corporal matter of visible world, knowledge of five elements of matter (viz. Earth, Water, Fire, Air & Sky) as separate entities as well as in combinations of various proportions take place.

    21.
    Translation — When creation and then existence in pure form is known, one masters this cycle.
    Exposition — When knowledge of truth is gained that there exists conscious matter, which is manifested on the support of pure thought that is elicited from the conscious void, the cycle of its manifestation, existence for a while and again its assimilation in the conscious void is mastered.

    22.
    Translation — Exploring the great sound causes experience of the power of creator of this secret sound.
    Exposition — When a self-realized mind concentrates on the great sound that pervades the conscious void it knows from whither that great sound originates. It experiences the infinite power of time, the ultimate element, the origin of all, the one that manifests and retains even the consciousness void that in turn manifests, retains and contains all activities of matter, the one who manifest that great sound, the destroyer, the time. All this is manifested only from the womb of time, only time retains it and it is only time that destroys it. When this all is destroyed this is assimilated in time itself only to be manifested later at some other time.
    Section 2. Śaktopāya

    23.
    Translation — Most mysterious is the mind.
    Exposition — It is only mind that unveils the knowledge of hidden mysteries.

    24.
    Translation — Effort is achiever (Sadhak).
    Exposition — Effort of the mind for knowing hidden secrets is itself called as achiever. Mind together with the seed of infinite consciousness solicits a body to know itself, as such the mind is the achiever that makes efforts to cause the birth of its own consciousness.

    25.
    Translation — Existence of the present body itself is a hidden secret.
    Exposition — The one who causes the body to exist, the one who makes efforts by taking support of body for the birth of its own consciousness, the one who avails of a body and yet remains hidden, the one who conducts everything by means of body, and the one who has the capacity to know infinite hidden mysteries, is one and the only one – The Mind.

    26.
    Translation — Dream is realized when growth of consciousness in the womb is distinctive.
    Exposition — When mind plants a seed of consciousness in the womb- like body, it grows up and is established in its own infinite magnitude, which in the beginning appears dream- like. Said in other words infinite magnitude of consciousness that looks dream- like, grows up in the body and becomes a reality when it is born.

    27.
    Translation — When existence in an unsupported state that lies beyond death becomes natural, status become Shiva- like.
    Exposition — The one, who conceives the conscious seed of mind in the womb, develops and then delivers through the medium of the body, the one, who is born through the medium of death after total development of consciousness beyond all physical limits, no longer needs any support for the birth of consciousness. It then establishes him in his own self without any dependence and attains union with time.

    28.
    Translation — This is the Great Way.
    Exposition — The mind availing of a body and causing it to conceive with the seeds of consciousness, developing the foetus, delivering the totally awakened consciousness through the medium of physical death and subsequently developing consciousness up to a state of no support and uniting such consciousness with the time, this is that Great Way.

    29.
    Translation — The Cycle of Origin ends.
    Exposition — Since mind causes the body to conceive and deliver immense consciousness, the body is the origin of consciousness. Since body delivers the consciousness after developing it, therefore body is the mother of consciousness. When birth of consciousness takes place in its completeness and the consciousness unites with time, the mind no more needs a body, since this no more remains necessary. Therefore, mind taking on a body till the birth of infinite consciousness, leaving a body even before consciousness is fully developed and when body becomes emaciated and ones again assuming a new body, this cycle disappears.

    30.
    Translation — Body is an offering.
    Exposition — Mind availing of a body, developing consciousness using the body as womb and then delivering consciousness through the medium of physical death – in this cycle the body is offered as a sacrifice.

    31.
    Translation — Knowledge is food.
    Exposition — The knowledge that accrues subsequent to mind taking on a body, developing consciousness using the body as a womb and then delivering it through the medium of physical death, this knowledge itself is the food of the mind.

    32.
    Translation — When existence is annihilated, it comes forth and experiences the dream.
    Exposition — When completely developed in the womb of body, consciousness, the daughter of mind as father and body as mother, is born through the medium of death and then a consciousness that is now established without any support unites with the time. When it unites with the time, it is as if its existence becomes no more and knowledge of time that appeared like a dream before birth of developed consciousness unfolds itself after union with the time. In other words we may say that, consciousness, the daughter of mind and body marries with the time itself and after marriage, while living in the heart of her husband, she unites with him.
    Section 3. Anavopāya

    33.
    Translation — Mind is soul.
    Exposition — A mind, which takes on a body, plants a seed of consciousness using the body as a womb, develops the foetus completely and causes the birth of infinitely developed consciousness through the medium of physical death, is the one that alone is the feeling of being.

    34.
    Translation — Knowledge is bondage.
    Exposition — The mind that has infinite capacity has to limit itself in physical limits by taking on a body to develop and deliver the consciousness.

    35.
    Translation — Indiscretion about real truth by the degrees is illusion.
    Exposition — Prior to development of consciousness in a body that is but a small grain in the entire manifest world being unable to be judicious about time – the supreme lord, the one who manifests all, and the one who plays with the unexpressed element, the consciousness is illusion. Said differently, to believe what very much is there as not being there is illusion.

    36.
    Translation — Merger of degrees within body.
    Exposition — When complete development of consciousness is attained by means of intense practice of yoga through the medium of body, eventually the fractured consciousness, which in the beginning is experienced piecemeal combines together and unfolds itself in its own complete vastness.

    37.
    Translation — Gaining Control upon elements, knowing each element separately.
    Exposition — When consciousness that is above physical limits is born, knowledge of five elements of the corporal body of the world (viz. Earth, Water, Fire, Air & Sky) is begotten and then these are mastered. Eventually consciousness attains union with time, the time that manifests these elements, that which is the element of all elements, the fancy of the elements and the consciousness becomes time itself. Thereafter the body that delivers infinite consciousness also vanishes because all the five elements (viz. Earth, Water, Fire, Air & Sky) that are the basis of the body are absorbed in their origin.

    38.
    Translation — Attaining perfection by the envelope of ignorance.
    Exposition — Mind takes on a body for causing birth of consciousness. By taking on a body, it presumably falls in an envelope of ignorance. But this body – an envelope of ignorance – itself completes the task of developing consciousness up to its totality in the womb of the body and causes its birth through the medium of physical death.

    39.
    Translation — Ending ignorance naturally leads to a state of infinite passiveness that endures.
    Exposition — After completely developing and delivering consciousness through the medium of body, i.e. envelope of ignorance, the consciousness becomes established in infinity and is united with time. Eventually after uniting with time, having enjoyed everything, a state of passiveness or a state beyond enjoyment remains in natural existence until eternity.

    40.
    Translation — One who awakens becomes like a son.
    Exposition — A great yogi who awakens his entire dormant consciousness through the medium of body and realizes his being in existence without corporal body becomes time conscious. And by knowing time that in the beginning appears dream like he as if becomes an offspring of time and he himself becomes omnipotent and omniscient like time.

    41.
    Translation — There is a feeling of one being like Shiva.
    Exposition — A great person who is successful in delivering consciousness from the womb of the body becomes time conscious, and thus he behooves the son of time and becomes himself like time or Shiva.

    42.
    Translation — Inner self becomes a stage.
    Exposition — A great person who develops consciousness that unites with time, the creator, the supporter and the annihilator of world becomes himself like time. Having united with one who manifests all, the entire world becomes an act being played on the stage of his inner self.

    43.
    Translation — Senses become witnesses.
    Exposition — The great time — conscious person, on the stage of inner self of whom is this entire act of creation being played, all senses of such a great person become the witnesses of this omnipresent play and such time – conscious great person remains in bliss while witnessing everywhere this play of time.

    44.
    Translation — Consciousness becomes sublime when imagination is mastered.
    Exposition — Imagination of a great person, who becomes time conscious is completely compliant to him. He has already realized that the most powerful force in this creation is imagination only and controlled force of imagination is called as will power. Practice also begins with imagination and it is only a process of developing confidence in one’s ability of doing something as per one’s imagination. Successful practice that takes place by applying controlled force of imagination is called as power. After becoming powerful, a yogi is established in sublime consciousness, the root of the consciousness that lies beyond sound and sight.

    45.
    Translation — Siddha (perfect being) has independent existence.
    Exposition — The great man who becomes time – conscious by mastering his own imagination acquires independent existence in this world. He knows that all human beings complete the journey of their life by remaining compliant to various imaginations as they don’t master imagination and are not able even to imagine their own sublime existence until they actually realize it. He who uses his body for delivering consciousness becomes time conscious after delivering sublime consciousness through the medium of body and becoming one who has absolute existence and independence.

    46.
    Translation — As here, so is everywhere.
    Exposition — One who applies will power i.e. a controlled flow of imagination, and by using his body as a womb for the conscious seed of the mind delivers sublime conscious presence, he becomes time–conscious and then becomes familiar with all mysteries of universe. Together with a consciousness that has united with time, a super human, during his lifetime becomes time conscious and remains in existence in this visible world. He similarly remains in existence beyond the realm of body and visible world in union with conscious time even after the journey of body is over. For him there remains no difference between existence & non-existence, birth and death, knowing and not knowing because he has realized of their relativity.

    47.
    Translation — Contemplation of origin.
    Exposition — A great man who, by developing and delivering consciousness through medium of his body realizes the time, which creates the universe from its womb, supports it and also absorbs it in himself, the time that is origin of everything. He, while witnessing everywhere the play of time, is positioned in contemplation of entire seed of everything — the time, by becoming time conscious himself.

    48.
    Translation — Contended by totally knowing heart (is the mind).
    Exposition — One who realizes the origin of all by applying controlled force of imagination i.e. will power, masters imagination and by delivering immensely developed consciousness from the womb of his body, he becomes time conscious. He is contended by knowing everything because he has no more yearning for knowledge and he then remains with independent existence in the visible world.

    49.
    Translation — His achievement is to make rules for himself.
    Exposition — One who delivers his consciousness in its entire immensity by developing it through its absolute immensity in his womb of his body, remains established together with the consciousness that has united with time, the origin of all. Having united with him who manifests all, he is at liberty to do anything. He himself authors his own norms of pleasure, follows them himself and also discards those norms himself. Such time conscious super human while being established beyond all norms of visible world is established in himself.


    50.
    Translation — Existence is eternal but life has end.
    Exposition — He, who has realized his existence beyond birth and death, i.e. he, who plants a seed of consciousness in his body using it like a womb, develops the consciousness completely and then delivers it through the medium of death. He experiences his existence in the un-manifested that lies beyond the realm of physical limitations and the limitations of the visible world. Eventually when he has united with the time together with his completely developed consciousness, he no more need to avail of another life, or said differently he doesn’t need to seek a body in order to develop consciousness

    51.
    Translation — “Ka” group and other words are elementary hints by worshipers of Shiva for the inane ones.
    Exposition — Words present us with a great gift of memory. Great persons who worshipped Shiva, i.e. time, for knowing him in his elements, preserved by means of words in the nature of hints all their experiences with compassion, just as they realized him in his elements for all those, who, by understanding these hints would be prepared to use the controlled force of their imagination to know for themselves the great time by means of developing consciousness through the medium of the body.

    (Note – “Ka” group here includes all 52 consonants in Sanskrit)

    52.
    Translation — Fourth, beyond the three should be extracted like essence.
    Exposition — A person, who is ambitious of knowing Shiva or The Supreme Time, Mahakal in its element, along his pursuit begins to study and understand those hints that are preserved by ancient time-conscious great persons in memory by means of words. When he begins to understand those hints, he performs extremely hard practice of yoga by means of his body for developing consciousness. Mighty practice of yoga kindles intense fire of yoga in his body and his consciousness begins to stay established in the unmanifest by overcoming physical limits.

    First, Study of hints preserved in memory by means of words, second, mighty practice of yoga through the medium of body, subsequent to rudimentary understanding of those hints and third, establishment of consciousness in the un-manifest subsequent to its development and its expansion beyond the physical limits.

    Fourth sate i.e. the consequence of the above three is to know time in its element and by uniting with it to become time-conscious oneself. Just as the essence of a substance is extracted in the form of oil, much in the same way the essence of above three states is to be established in the fourth state that lies beyond the above three.

    53.
    Translation — Absorbed, he enters his own mind.
    Exposition — Subsequent to knowing Shiva — the Time, the great person who becomes like Shiva or becomes time-conscious awakens his consciousness completely and by concentrating that into the sublime consciousness that manifests consciousness, he enters into it. In other words it may be said that by awakening his consciousness, he becomes time-conscious and enters into his own mind.


    54.
    Translation — Behavior becomes like shiva and causes equanimity.
    Exposition — He unites with Shiva – The Supreme Time, Mahakal, the soul of all, the time that manifests the entire world, supports it and then absorbs it within itself by destroying it. Then, his conduct is at par with Shiva and such visionary, beholding himself in everything beholds uniformity.

    55.
    Translation — At the end of middle, birth takes place.
    Exposition — When consciousness develops completely while developing into the womb of body between birth and death, then along with the end of the body is born a completely developed state of consciousness and the end of the process of taking on a body takes place along with the birth omniscient of consciousness.

    56.
    Translation — Concentration into the origin of creation causes knowledge of why it is destroyed and created again.
    Exposition — He who becomes successful in delivering consciousness through the medium of his body is established in the unmanifest that lies beyond physical limits. And after knowing the reason of creation of the body, he concentrates his awakened consciousness on to the cause of creation of the visible world and thereby he knows the cause of destruction of the entire world as also its subsequent recreation. He then remains united with the creator.

    57.
    Translation — He becomes like Shiva.
    Exposition — The great person, who, by concentrating the total consciousness of his mind that is replete with yogic powers knows why after the creation from the conscious void through the support of corporal matter, there is a merger of entire visible world into the conscious void itself. As a consequence of this knowledge he becomes one with Time — an element, which manifests the void that pervades in the almighty void and, which through the medium of void, manifests this visible world.

    58.
    Translation — Existence of the body itself is obeisance.
    Exposition — Existence of the body of such a great person being visible is itself an obeisance directly towards Shiva or Time. Inspired by this, other persons also become ambitious to completely develop and deliver the immense consciousness of mind through the medium of their own body to know the original cause of the creation.
    59.
    Translation — Description is remembrance.
    Exposition — Exposition of the result of practicing the means of attaining that state by a time-conscious or a Shiva- like person is like remembrance that takes place through the medium of body of such a great person.

    60.
    Translation — Charity is to give self-knowledge.
    Exposition — Existence of the body of a Shiva like, conscious man is an obeisance, exposition by him of the ultimate element is remembrance and inspiring others for self-realization by his own example and bestowing upon them the process of delivering consciousness through the medium of body is like gracing them with self-realization.

    61.
    Translation — One, who is established here, is the inspiration of knowledge.
    Exposition — A great person, who by means of union of his own mind and body delivers immense consciousness in this manner, remains in visible existence and while being a source of inspiration for others he becomes a inspiration for realization.

    62.
    Translation — Creation is a treasure of one’s own realization.
    Exposition — One who knows Him, who manifests the complete world, the essence of all, Shiva — The Supreme Time, Mahakal, in his element by concentrating omnipotent consciousness that is born out of the union of his mind and body, at last gets united with Him. He then beholds himself manifested in the entire creation and the entire visible and invisible creation becomes just like a direct evidence of his realization.

    63.
    Translation — Absorption (Laya) in a state.
    Exposition — He, who himself knows the entire creation by means of manifestation of realization, is established with a consciousness that is in union with all and is eventually absorbed in The Supreme Time, Mahakal who manifested himself through the medium of all. Then, there remains no difference between him and The Supreme Time, Mahakal.

    64.
    Translation — When this experience happens, resignation sets in.
    Exposition — A great man, who becomes united with time, has all his ambitions, wishes and hopes fulfilled and then he becomes resigned even to the feeling of being completely satisfied and is established above all the hopes.

    65.
    Translation — Imagination then remains beyond delight and distress.
    Exposition — When the hope of gaining happiness from the thought of procuring something comes to an end, the great man who has already united with All, knows the basic cause of imagination. He becomes like one who has his consciousness absorbed into Him, who manifest all imagination and remains established as such.

    66.
    Translation — Sublime state emerges after liberation from it.
    Exposition — A great person who is liberated from all thoughts knows their creator, the Time, in its element and he in a state of sublime consciousness, remains visible until the end of the journey of the body and remains invisible after the journey of the body is over. He has already known during his union with time that this entire visible creation as well as invisible creation is but an imagination of Time.

    67.
    Translation — Realized person is aloof from delusion.
    Exposition — A yogi who is able to deliver the daughter of mind (i.e. consciousness), from the womb of body by successfully developing consciousness, is established beyond all imaginations and becomes free from all imaginary delusions. He is able to understand that, imagination may imagine up to any extent, imagination is always distinct from the reality and it is impossible to imagine reality without realizing reality and yet the imagination of knowing reality is the cause of starting action that develops consciousness in the womb of the body. He, who knows this, develops omnipotent consciousness inside the body and delivers it and beyond all attachments and delusions, he, together with omniscient consciousness unites with the Time that manifests all.

    68.
    Translation — Origin of the effort ends in realizing the invisible.
    Exposition — In the beginning a thinker, who is inspired by the thought of knowing the truth of his existence, begins his efforts of knowing the truth. As a result of this he realizes the relationship of the body and the mind for the complete development of consciousness i.e. the daughter of mind, and the body, he is able to imagine Shiva – The Supreme Time, Mahakal, a truth that is invisible and is beyond the realm of imagination. By knowing Shiva in essence, he becomes one who has his consciousness dissolved in time, or we may say that he realizes the invisible that is beyond the visible creation.

    69.
    Translation — Power of body is an experience of being.
    Exposition — Mind, which remains invisible and takes on a body, is itself a means of experiencing the strength that enables one to achieve something by means of the body. Feeling of being originates in the mind. A mind, which plays with the body, and plants a seed of consciousness in the womb of the body and develops it and after the delivery of totally developed consciousness and knowing by using it, the Time that manifests all, the time that is imagination of all imaginations and the essence of all. Eventually by knowing Time he becomes like Shiva.

    Those, who consider that this body is passive, do not realize that this is that root, which when sprinkled by mind, blossoms into a creeper on which blooms the flowers of knowledge that arises out of experience.

    70.
    Translation — Shiva is the original cause of these three.
    Exposition — It is the Shiva that causes the union of mind, body and developed vast consciousness; He is the basis of all their activities. He is manifested in the body through the medium of breaths and in the mind, in the form of consciousness.

    71.
    Translation — The capacity of body follows the state of realization.
    Exposition — By taking support of the soul through the medium of mind and body and after knowing Shiva — The Supreme Time, Mahakal that manifests all by awakening his consciousness, a yogi becomes like Shiva. His body becomes divine and is a clear indication towards Shiva – The Supreme Time, Mahakal. Physical appearance of such a great person is an inspiration for others and is a direct indication towards the great omnipotent time – Shiva himself.

    72.
    Translation — Mere wishing takes them out.
    Exposition — The great yogi, who has successfully developed and delivered consciousness – the daughter of mind, by means of his body and who has been able to know Shiva – The Supreme Time, Mahakal, then becomes capable of leaving his body merely by wishing.

    73.
    Translation — When established in true knowledge, he is no more; thereby life also is no more.
    Exposition — A yogi, who successfully delivers vast dormant consciousness of the mind through the medium of his body, becomes capable of forsaking existence of the body yogically, merely with a wish. Knowing the very cause of the birth and the death and the creation and the destruction of the entire creation, he is able to know his essence, the Shiva – The Supreme Time, Mahakal. When such great time-conscious person leaves his body yogically, his visible physical existence is over and his mind that is the cause of birth of consciousness and the basis of relationship with the body also submerges into its origin.

    74.
    Translation — Then liberated from the coverings of all elements, he becomes like Maheshwar, the cause of creation and destruction of all.
    Exposition — The great person, who is successful in causing birth of consciousness, i.e. the daughter of mind, by completely developing it in the womb of the body, knows in essence as the Shiva — The Supreme Time, Mahakal, and the one who supports, manifests and then destroys the entire creation. He then concentrates his awakened consciousness in Shiva and unites with him and by uniting with The Supreme Lord (Maheshwar) he becomes Supreme Lord himself.

    75.
    Translation — Prana (Shiva) is naturally related.
    Exposition — Shiva creates the entire world, supports it and then destroys it when its time is over. That The Supreme Time, Mahakal manifests itself as Shiva. He is himself the life of the entire world. The life of great persons who realize him through the medium of death gets dissolved in him only. Everything has a natural relation with the Shiva who is, as if not there, although he is there and is experienced in the form of time in the creation.

    We experience time all the time and yet it remains beyond all experiences. It is only when the consciousness is totally developed can one realize the time in its truth and can be one with time. The life of all has a natural relationship with the supreme element i.e. Time. Soul is manifested from time only and is absorbed again only in time. Mighty conscious void that supports all is also manifested from The Supreme Time, Mahakal. Void is one with time and time is the essential consciousness of that conscious void and is present in the conscious void. Coitus between the Time and the Conscious Void created the Conscious Matter, which is the body of the visible whose essence is the void that supports all movements of conscious matter that remains untouched by it. Life of matter as well as the conscious void is The Supreme Time, Mahakal itself, and Time is there in everything and yet remains beyond from all forever.

    The author of these precepts, who himself realized time, has indicated in the next precept how those great yogis realized the life of all, the Shiva – The Supreme Time, Mahakal, by developing their consciousness in the womb of the body. And then, how they proceeded to develop their consciousness and realized Him, the essence of all.

    76.
    Translation — Doing Sanyam (i.e. intense meditation) at the inside end of the nostril causes knowledge of mutually opposite activities of “Prana” (incoming and outgoing breath) and “Sushumma” (the lull between the two) and that of positioned “Sushumna”.
    Exposition — By means of doing Sanyam into the scull cavity at the meeting point where nasal holes terminate inside the scull bowl with the help of the Khechari mudra, determined to realize Shiva – The Supreme Time, Mahakal, who is there as the essence of the conscious void inside of the scull cavity, and by concentrating the total consciousness in Shiva, one gets the result of realizing Time that is manifested through the medium of void in the form of essence of life.

    In the process of realizing this consequence, the mutually opposite states of Prana (known as Prana & Apana) are realized in their truth. After realizing their natural activity that is mutually opposite to each other, becomes quiescent, and yogi experiences the quiet state of life. This quiescent state of Prana (which is described by yogis as admission of Prana in Sushumma) gives direct perception of The Supreme Time, Mahakal and is therefore itself like Time. In this quiescent state of life he directly experiences Shiva – the supreme lord, i.e., the form of Time, as brilliant as sun, the brilliance of brilliances, extremely dazzling, the essence of all and then the yogi knows Him and becomes tranquil.

    77.
    Translation — All doubts are absorbed into their origin.
    Exposition — A yogi who directly observes him, who is the brilliance of all brilliance, the extremely brilliant, the soul of all, the supreme being, the supreme lord Shiva and knows him in his element has his consciousness united with Shiva. All doubts of such a great person, which originated from the womb of Time only, are absorbed again only in Time by being one with Time.


    The material is taken from http://www.siddhasiddhanta.com/index.html
    http://www.shailendrasharma.org/shiva-sutras

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    इस मामले में भारत का कर्जदार है समूचा यूरोप, यूं ही नहीं कहते विश्व गुरु

    Publish Date:Thu, 04 Jan 2018 05:01 PM (IST)इस मामले में भारत का कर्जदार है समूचा यूरोप, यूं ही नहीं कहते विश्व गुरुशोध में पता चला कि राखीगढ़ी में मिले ये कंकाल उन प्रजातियों के पूर्वजों के हैं जो इंडो-यूरोपियन भाषा परिवार की भाषाओं के वक्ता हैं ...मऊ, [शैलेश अस्थाना]। आनुवंशिक विज्ञान एक ऐसे प्रश्न का उत्तर देने वाला है जो एक सदी से संपूर्ण विश्व के वैज्ञानिकों और भाषाविदों के बीच बहस का कारण बना हुआ था। शीघ्र ही यह बात पूरी तरह से पूरी दुनिया के सामने आने वाली है कि इंडो-यूरोपियन भाषा परिवार का विस्तार भारत से ही हुआ था। लगभग एक वर्ष पूर्व सिंधु घाटी सभ्यता के स्थानों पर हुई नवीनतम खुदाई के बाद मिले अवशेषों की डीएनए जांच के बाद इस रहस्य पर से पर्दा उठने लगा है कि इस भाषा परिवार के वक्ताओं का मूल निवास स्थान भारत था और यहीं से उनका संपूर्ण विश्व में प्रसार हुआ।डॉ. नीरज राययह सब संभव हुआ है मऊ जिले के थलईपुर गांव निवासी बीरबल साहनी इंस्टीट्यूट लखनऊ के युवा वैज्ञानिक डॉ. नीरज राय के नेतृत्व में लगी अंतरराष्ट्रीय डीएनए वैज्ञानिकों की टीम के शोध से। शीघ्र ही इन परीक्षणों में मिले तथ्य अंतरराष्ट्रीय जर्नल में प्रकाशित होने वाले हैं।
    ऐसी है मान्यता
    आयरलैंड और यूके से लेकर इटली, फ्रांस, जर्मनी, पोलैंड, रूस, ईरान और उत्तरी भारत तक, यूरेशियन भूमि के विशाल हिस्से में भारत-यूरोपीय भाषा बोली जाती है। इस भाषा के संबंध में अभी तक के सर्वमान्य तथ्य यही थे कि यह भाषा प्रोटो-इंडो-यूरोपियन या प्राचीन भाषा जिसमें से अन्य सभी इंडो-यूरोपियन भाषाएं उठीं, मध्य एशिया में पोंटिक स्टेप्स के पास से आरंभ हुई थी। वहां के निवासी सबसे पहले से घोड़े की सवारी, रथ-ड्राइविंग पेथेरलिस्ट्स में माहिर थे। उन्होंने कांस्य प्रौद्योगिकी पर सबसे पहले स्वामित्व हासिल कर लिया था। 

    शोध से आएगा इतिहास में बड़ा बदलाव
    इन नई प्रथाओं और तकनीक को उन लाभों के साथ लगभग 3,000 ईसा पूर्व और दक्षिण एशिया के करीब 2,000 ईसा पूर्व के आसपास यूरोप में फैलना शुरू कर चुके थे। उनके साथ उनकी भाषा और संस्कृति का भी प्रसार हुआ। लेकिन डॉ. नीरज राय के नेतृत्व में हरियाणा के हिसार, राखीगढ़ी आदि इलाकों में लगी अंतरराष्ट्रीय वैज्ञानिकों की टीम ने आनुवंशिक शोधों के आधार पर इस तथ्य को झुठला दिया है। अंतरराष्ट्रीय जर्नलों में प्रकाशित होने वाला शोध सामने आते ही पूरे विश्व में चर्चा, बहस और मंथन का नया दौर तो शुरू होगा ही मानव सभ्यता के वैश्विक इतिहास में बहुत बड़ा परिवर्तन हो जाएगा।
    कैसे हुआ शोध
    डॉ. राय बताते हैं कि डेक्कन कॉलेज, पुणे के कुलपति प्रोफेसर वसंत शिंदे ने हड़प्पा और अन्य स्थलों पर खुदाई का नेतृत्व किया है। इस दिशा में चल रहे शोधों के क्रम में उनकी अगुआई में पुरातत्वविदों की एक टीम ने सिंधु घाटी की सभ्यता में मिले सबसे महत्वपूर्ण शहर हरियाणा के हिसार में पड़ने वाले राखीगढ़ी साइट की खुदाई की। वर्ष 2014 की शुरुआत में उन्हें चार कंकाल मिले। इन कंकालों के डीएनए परीक्षण के लिए उन्होंने तब सीसीएमबी हैदराबाद और अब बीरबल साहनी इंस्टीट्यूट लखनऊ के युवा वैज्ञानिक डॉ. नीरज राय की टीम को लगाया।
    डॉ. राय की टीम में देश-विदेश के अन्य वैज्ञानिकों ने मिलकर जो शोध हासिल किया, उससे पता चला कि राखीगढ़ी में मिले ये कंकाल उन प्रजातियों के पूर्वजों के हैं जो इंडो-यूरोपियन भाषा परिवार की भाषाओं के वक्ता हैं और दुनिया में स्वयं को सर्वश्रेष्ठ प्रजाति के रूप में घोषित करने का दावा करते रहे हैं। इन कंकालों के डीएनए उत्तर भारतीय ब्राह्मणों के डीएनए से काफी मैच करते हैं। 61 वर्षीय शिंदे के लिए, यह परियोजना पुरातत्व के एक लंबे और प्रतिष्ठित कैरियर की परिणति है। इस शोध के लगभग सारे परिणाम सामने आ चुके हैं। शीघ्र ही उनके प्रकाशन के बाद आर्य जातियों के आगमन, आक्रमण और प्रसार संबंधी विवादों पर भी विराम मिलने की संभावना है।
    https://m.jagran.com/news/national-jagran-special-on-indo-european-languages-17304852.html

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    https://tinyurl.com/y8okphjm

    Mohenjo-daro tablet m480 reported by Ernet JH Mackay in his excavation report has two sides of narratives intermingled with hieroglyphs of Indus Script (referred to as hypertexts). 
    These narratives are read rebus in Indus Script Cipher using Meluhha expressions of Bhāratīya sprachbund (speech union). The messages of the rebus readings constitute documentation of metalwork wealth accounting ledgers
    m480a Metwork repertoire for wealth creation
    kuṭhi 'smelter' bhaa 'furnace'
    kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' bhaa 'furnace'
    meḍ 'body' rebus:  med 'iron' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' koḍa 'workshop'
    khareḍo 'a currycomb' (Gujarati) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati)
    meḍ 'endless knot, twist' rebus: medhā 'dhanam, yajña'  मेधा = धन Naigh. ii , 10.
    Thus, together, the text message signifies smelter/furnace iron metalcasting workshop of metals turner producing dhanam, wealth.
    m480b
    Hieroglyph: thwarting, hindering: taṭu (Ta.) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali)
    erga'jungle clearance' rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'. 

    Thus, together, dhatu eraka'moltencast copper mineral'.

    eraka'spy' rebus: eraka'moltencast copper' PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus; kol 'working in iron' PLUS krammara'look back' rebus: kamar 'blacksmith' PLUS kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' 
    karika 'rim of jar' Rebus: kar'supercaro, merchant's assistant, accountant'karṇaka'helmsman'

    Thus, together, eraka kol kamar'copper ironsmith; uṭhi 'smelter'; karI karṇaka 'helmsman, accountant'. 

    Thus, the entire tablet on two sides signifies 1. mineral ore (moltencast copper mineral) and metalworking in smelter/furnace wealth accounting ledger of a smith, artisan; and 2.  smelter/furnace iron metalcasting workshop of metals turner producing dhanam, 'wealth'.

    Steatite tablet from Mohenjodaro, dated to around 2600 BCE Source : Mackay’s report, Part I, pp-344-45, Part 2, plate no. 90, object no. D.K. 10237

    bhaṭa ‘worshipper’ rebus: bha'furnace' 
    The sitting pose of the worshipper is that of an archer: kamāṭhiyo 'archer’ rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'

    Endless knot is: mēḍhā 'twist' rebus me 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) medhā 'dhana, yajna'.

    Tree and other hieroglyphs, Mohenjo-daro tablet m0480a ba'rimless pot' bhaa 'worshipper' rebus: bha'furnace' PLUS kuṭi 'tree' rebus kuṭhi 'smelter' (Endless knot is: mēḍhā 'twist' rebus med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) medhā 'dhanam, yajna'. gaNDa 'four' rebus:kanda 'fire-altar'baa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaa 'furnace' कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread' rebus: कर्णक kárṇaka 'helmsman'; dula'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' ko'one' rebus: koḍ 'workshop' khareo'currycomb' rebus: Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (G.) kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kaṁsa'bronze' (Te.) h180b erga'jungle clearance' (uprooted trees in the hands of two contending persons; a woman with outstretched arms thwarts the contenders) rebus: erako 'moltencast' eraka, arka 'copper, gold' hence agasāle'goldsmith'.

    heraka ‘spy’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ erako ‘molten cast’. khōṇḍa ‘leafless tree’ (Marathi). Rebus: kõdār’turner’ (Bengali) kola 'tiger' rebus: kol'working in iron'kolle'blacksmith'
    Looking back: krammara ‘look back’ Rebus: kamar ‘smith, artisan’

    Images of thwarting
    Images show a figure strangling two tigers with his bare hands.
    Slide 90. 
    m0489A One side of a prism tablet shows: crocodile + fish glyphic above: elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, tiger looking back and up.

    Glyph: ‘impeding, hindering’: taṭu (Tamil) Rebus: dhatu‘mineral’ (Santali) Tamil. taṭu (-pp-, -tt) to hinder, stop, obstruct, forbid, prohibit, resist, dam, block up, partition off, curb, check, restrain, control, ward off, avert; n. hindering, checking, resisting; taṭuppu hindering, obstructing, resisting, restraint; Kur. ṭaṇḍnā to prevent, hinder, impede. Br. taḍ power to resist. (DEDR 3031)

    The rebus readings are consistent with the Indus Script hypertext conveyed by the stone sculpture of Priest of Mohenjodaro described below:

     

    https://tinyurl.com/y7yg92co

    धावडी dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron.  धावड  dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. (Marathi)

    The Indus Script hypertext is composed of two hieroglyphs: dhāi, dāya 'one in dice, throw of dice' PLUS vaṭa 'string' = rebus, धावड  dhāvaḍa, 'iron smelter'. The fillet is read as the expression dhāvaṭa pronounced धावड dhāvaḍa.

    This is signified on the fillets worn on the forehead and right shoulder of Mohenjo-daro Priest statue. The dotted circle (i.e. one in dice) adorns the shawl of the priest with one dotted circle, two dotted circles and three dotted circles to signify one mineral, two minerals, three ferrite minerals, e.g. haematite, laterite, magnetite, bicha, goṭa, poḷa.

    That he is Potr̥, 'purifier' (i.e. 'purifier of metals by smelting') is signified by the shawl cloth the priest wears:  pōta 'cloth'. The dotted circle can also be seen as a hieroglyph signifying a bead adorning the shawl: *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ. Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, putipũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá -- 1. (CDIAL 8403) Rebus: போத்தி pōtti , n. < போற்றி. 1. Grandfather; பாட்டன். Tinn. 2. Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன். पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman  = यज्ञस्यशोधयिट्रि Sa1y. )
    RV. Br.S3rS. Hariv.; N. of विष्णु L.; पोत्री f. N. of दुर्गा Gal. (cf. पौत्री).पौत्र m. N. of दुर्गा L.

    vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268] N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ. (CDIAL 11212) Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord, string; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11212.(DEDR 5220)
    dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]
    Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)




    దాయి (p. 588) dāyi dāyi. [Tel.] n. An anvil, a work. hench, or smith's form, used as a rest or prop. దాగలి. (Telugu)

    धवाद

    Introduction / History
    The word Dhavad is from the original Marathi word Dhatu which means mineral. This group of people lived in Western Ghats in Maharashtra, and as this soil is rich in iron ore, they use to extract iron from the earth and convert into tools and pots (tawa) for daily use.

    Where Are they Located?

    As required to extract iron ore they were mostly located on the mountain tops of Western Ghats, mostly arround Satara, as the soil is red and rich in iron ore. A significant population lives in Mahableshwar and Matheran. Some have traveled down to the Kokan region in search of alternate trade.

    What Are Their Lives Like?

    At present they are all over in small groups in the Western Ghats and live below poverty line, because they could not go any further than manual extraction of iron ore. Hence the trade died and now they are diverted into various petty works for earning their daily bread.

    https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/19739/IN

    Dhavad are a part of the larger group called Lohar, iron workers. see dhavad included in the category of Exogamous divisions (kul):

    Lohar/Luhar

    Synonyms: Lohar, Lohar Bhatt [Bihar and/or Jharkhand] Vishwakarma [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattisgarh] Luhura [Orissa] Lohar Bagdi, Nar, Nar Bagdi [West Bengal]
    • Endogamous divisions: Gujarad, Kamaras, Kanada Loh
    arsor, Konkani, Maratha, Panchal [R.E. Enthoven] Groups/subgroups: Lohar Bhatt [Bihar and/or Jharkha nd] Agariya, Bharadwaj, Jha, Mahuli, Pathuriya, Rathari a [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattisgarh] Ayudhyabasi, Barhai, Dhaman, Jholiya, Kanaujiya, La hauri, Laungbarsa, Mathuriya, Mauliya, Ojha, Ojha L ohar, Rawat, Siyahmaliya, Tumariya, Vishvakarma [W. Crooke]
    • Sections/subgroups: Gadiya Lohar, Recent Jat and
    Rajput origin, Suthar-Lohar [HA Rose, D. Ibbetson]
    • Sub-divisions: Agarias, Ghantras, Ghisaris, Gondi
    Lohars, Jhade, Kanaujia, Mahulia, Maratha, Mathuria, Ojha, Panchals [Russell & Hiralal]
    • Subcastes: Bagdi-Lohar in Manbhum, Bibhumia, Danda
    Manjhi, Gobra, Govindpuria, Jhetia, Kamar Kalla, K amia in Nepal, Kanaujiya, Kokas, Lohandia in Lohardaga, Ang aria, Lohar Manjhi, Maghaya Mahur or Mahuliya, Munda Lohar, Pensili in Bankura, Sad Lohar, Shergarhia in Santal Parganas, Manjhal Turiya, Sisutbansi Loharia, mathuriya [H.H. Risley] Ajudhyabasi, Dhaman, Kanaujiya, Lahauri, Ojha, Rawat, Visvakarma, Mahul, Mathuriya [W. Crooke] Surnames: Misery, Vishwakarma [Bihar and/or Jharkhand] Agariya, Bharadwaj, Jha, Mahule, Pathuriya, Rathari a, Tinchutiya, Vishwakarma [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattisgarh] Lohar [Orissa] Lohar, Majhi [West Bengal] Agar, Akus, Ambekar, Ankush, Basdiha, Bhadke, Bhora nt, Byahut, Champakarande, Chavan, Dakkhinaha, Gadekar, Gaikvad, Gamela, Gavli, Gore, Gotiya, Jadhav, Jagtap, Javane, Kale, Kalsait Kamble, Kangle, Kavare, Lo khande, Lote, Mallik, Mane, Navugire, Pavar, Popalghat, Salpe, Se ngar, Sonavane, Suryavanshi, Thorat, Tingare, Uttar aha, Vasav [W. Crooke]
    • Exogamous divisions (kul): Afadia, Ajgaonkar (Kanada Lohar), Akuj (Maratha), Andurlekar (Mavli), Asnolkar (Ravalnath), Asodia, Bandekar (Bandeshvar), Bardia, Bhadrakali, Bhairidevata, Bhaladye, Bhavnagri Bhutnath, Bodana, Champhekar, Chandarkar, Chandvankar (Bhavani), Chavda, Chiptada, Chitroda, Chohan, Dabulkar (Giroba), Damapurkar (Bhagvati), Deladia, Devagadkar (Mahalakshmi), Devali Devgha, Dhamnaskar (Bhavani), Dhavad, Dodia, Elingkar(Ganpati), Gaonkadevikar, Gh atkar (Ghoomkadevi), Gujarati, Gulekar, Hankonkar ( Sateri), Harsura, Hathodia, Jhilka, Kahalia, Kalsabad Kamle, Kankonkar (Nirankar), Karania, Kava, Khambhati, Kinnarkar (Mahamayi), Kolambekar, Konkani, Kuddekar (Someshvar), Machhukothia, Madkaikar (Mhalsa), Mahakali, Makvana, Maratha Maru, Masurkar, Mavli, Narayan, Na rvekar, Painjinkar (Durgadevi), Pakalghat, Panalkar, Panchal, Parjia, Parmar, Parsekar, Parvale, Parvatk ar (Chandreshwar), Pednekar (Ravalnath), Pithva Pod hyar, Rathkar, Rathod (Ravalnath), Ravut, Sandhav (Sateri), Savandekar, Shinde, Shrivankar, Sirohia, Solanki(Somnath), Sorathia (in Kathiawar), Surati, Talpankar (Ravalna th), Tingare Vaghela, Vala, Vanol [R.E. Enthoven] Exogamous units/clans: Kemaiya, Kumarha, Puraniya, Rajotra [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattisgarh] Hansowar, Kithwar [Orissa] Saladasi, Salsi [West Bengal] Bagh (tiger), Ban (eel), Bando (wild cat), Bans (ba mboo), Besra (hawk), Bodra, Chouria, Dhan, Gunj, Ha stuar, Hatti (elephant), Hemrom, Jalwar (net), Baroha [H.H. Risl ey] Gotra: Sandilya [Bihar and/or Jharkhand] Bharadwaj, Sandilya [Madhya Pradesh and/or Chhattis garh] Bharadwaj, Goutam, Kashyap, Sandilya, Vasisht, Vatsa [W. Crooke] Exogamous units/lineages (gusthi): [West Bengal] Exogamous units/lineages (vans, khandan): [Bihar an d/or Jharkhand]

     pōta2 m. ʻ cloth ʼ, pōtikā -- f. lex. 2. *pōtta -- 2 (sanskrit- ized as pōtra -- 2 n. ʻ cloth ʼ lex.). 3. *pōttha -- 2 ~ pavásta<-> n. ʻ covering (?) ʼ RV., ʻ rough hempen cloth ʼ AV. T. Chowdhury JBORS xvii 83. 4. pōntī -- f. ʻ cloth ʼ Divyāv. 5. *pōcca -- 2 < *pōtya -- ? (Cf. pōtyā = pōtānāṁ samūhaḥ Pāṇ.gaṇa. -- pṓta -- 1?). [Relationship with prōta -- n. ʻ woven cloth ʼ lex., plōta -- ʻ bandage, cloth ʼ Suśr. or with pavásta -- is obscure: EWA ii 347 with lit. Forms meaning ʻ cloth to smear with, smearing ʼ poss. conn. with or infl. by pusta -- 2 n. ʻ working in clay ʼ (prob. ← Drav., Tam. pūcu &c. DED 3569, EWA ii 319)]
    1. Pk. pōa -- n. ʻ cloth ʼ; Paš.ar. pōwok ʻ cloth ʼ, g ʻ net, web ʼ (but lauṛ. dar. pāwāk ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, Gaw. pāk IIFL iii 3, 150).2. Pk. potta -- , °taga -- , °tia -- n. ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, pottī -- , °tiā -- , °tullayā -- , puttī -- f. ʻ piece of cloth, man's dhotī, woman's sāṛī ʼ, pottia -- ʻ wearing clothes ʼ; S. potī f. ʻ shawl ʼ, potyo m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; L. pot, pl. °tã f. ʻ width of cloth ʼ; P. potṛā m. ʻ child's clout ʼ, potṇā ʻ to smear a wall with a rag ʼ; N. poto ʻ rag to lay on lime -- wash ʼ, potnu ʻ to smear ʼ; Or. potā ʻ gunny bag ʼ; OAw. potaï ʻ smears, plasters ʼ; H. potā m. ʻ whitewashing brush ʼ, potī f. ʻ red cotton ʼ, potiyā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛā m. ʻ baby clothes ʼ; G. pot n. ʻ fine cloth, texture ʼ, potũ n. ʻ rag ʼ, potī f., °tiyũ n. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. pot m. ʻ roll of coarse cloth ʼ, n. ʻ weftage or texture of cloth ʼ, potrẽ n. ʻ rag for smearing cowdung ʼ. 3. Pa. potthaka -- n. ʻ cheap rough hemp cloth ʼ, potthakamma -- n. ʻ plastering ʼ; Pk. pottha -- , °aya -- n.m. ʻ cloth ʼ; S. potho m. ʻ lump of rag for smearing, smearing, cloth soaked in opium ʼ. 4. Pa. ponti -- ʻ rags ʼ.5. Wg. pōč ʻ cotton cloth, muslin ʼ, Kt. puč; Pr. puč ʻ duster, cloth ʼ, pūˊčuk ʻ clothes ʼ; S. poco m. ʻ rag for plastering, plastering ʼ; P. poccā m. ʻ cloth or brush for smearing ʼ, pocṇā ʻ to smear with earth ʼ; Or. pucā̆ra,pucurā ʻ wisp of rag or jute for whitewashing with, smearing with such a rag ʼ.(CDIAL 8400)Ta. potti garment of fibres, cloth. Ka. potti cloth. Te. potti bark, a baby's linen, a sort of linen cloth; pottika a small fine cloth; podugu a baby's linen. Kol. (SSTWpot sari. Pa. bodgid a short loincloth. / Cf. Skt. potikā-, Pkt. potti-, pottiā-, etc.; Turner, CDIAL, no. 8400. (DEDR 4515).

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    January 5, 2017


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    https://tinyurl.com/ybkpzmsb
    Seal. Vaiśāli dated to around Mauryan-Shunga period

    The symbols are NOT from Brāhmī Kharoṣṭhī syllabay.

    I suggest that the hieroglyphs constitute Indus Script hypertext, perhaps of a mint.

    khareḍocurrycomb (G.) rebus: kharādī' turner' (Gujarati); karaḍaकरड 'hard alloy'  (Marathi)

    karṇakaकर्णक m. 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇaka 'helmsman'; karṇī, karṇīka  kāraṇīka 'supecargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale, accountant'

    khāṇḍā m 'A jag, notch' rebus: khāṇḍa, khaṇḍa.'implements' PLUS. bhaṭa'rimless vessel' rebus: bhaa'furnace'; thus, together, furnace for metal implements.

    The message is wealth accounting ledgers of a mint: implements furnace, hard alloy (turner), supercargo/helmsman.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    January 6, 2017

    8000 Indus Script hypertexts discussed in the following volumes:
     





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    https://tinyurl.com/ybg3auhg

    Tin isotope fingerprints of ore deposits and ancient bronze -- Briggman et al
    https://www.academia.edu/35375020/Tin_isotope_fingerprints_of_ore_deposits_and_ancient_bronze

    I suggest that such tin isotope fingerprints of ore deposits from Mekong, Irrawaddy and Salween Himalayan river valleys should be identified to resolve the problem of sources of tin for the Tin-Bronze revolution from 4th millennium BCE. I suggest this because the largest tin belt of the globe in these river valleys may explain an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa, which predated Silk Road by 2 millennia.

    These studies should invole tin-bvronze artifacts of tin ingots of Haifa shipwreck, Dong Son/Karen Bronze drum tympanums and ANE tin-bronze artifacts. The evidence of over 8000 inscriptions with Indus Script hypertexts including those on the three pure tin ingots of Haifa shipwreck can be matched.

    Kalyanaraman


     

    Tin Road between Ashur-Kultepe and Meluhha hieroglyphs

    I suggest that early 3rd millennium BCE Bronze-age, Meluhhans were involved in the tin trade for tin-bronzes, between Ashur and Kultepe and used Meluhha language of Indian linguistic area, to represent their merchandise as hieroglyphs. A lineage of the Assur can be traced to Assur (Munda), metal explorers and metal workers par excellence, in India.


    After Fig. 8.1 Map of the Near East in the time of the Old-Assyrian colonies (Aubet, Maria Eugenia, 2013, Commerce and colonization in the ancient near East, Cambridge University Press, p.269)

    Meluhha colonies in Ancient Near East

    “...the point of intersection between the two great trading networks of Mesopotamia and the Indus, along which the lapis lazuli and the chlorite vessels passed and which no doubt operated through various intermediary centres like Aratta and Tepe Yahya. This would explain the appearance at the same dates in central Asia of a host of fortified centres engaged in lapis lazuli and turquoise production, as in Dashly, where a palace showing traces of metal production and of contacts with Harappa and Mesopotamia through Iran was discovered. Leaving aside Tepe Yahya, Susa, the Indus and the Persian Gulf, it is certain that all this wealth flowed into Sumer and, in particular, to the city of Ur. The prosperous urban centre of Shar-i-Sokhta (or Shahr-Sokteh) sitting on the caravan route between Elam and Sumer bears witness to a high degree of specialisation in the working of semi-precious stones. The craftsmen of the place imported the stone raw – lapis lazuli, turquoise and cornelian – and worked and polished it for export.  Some Sumerian texts allude to the acquisition of lapis lazuli and gold in Meluhha (the Indus valley), which suggests simultaneous use of the sea route through the Persian Gulf. Many of these trans-regional routes must have been very ancient and left traces in the collective memory of Sumer and Akkad in the form of heroic myths with couriers who come and go and ‘carry lapis lazuli and silver from the mountains. In another Sumerian myth about Enki and Ninhursag, the country of Dilmun (the modern island of Bahrein) figures as the main transit point for merchandise from the Gulf and as a clear alternative to the overland route through Yahya and Susa. Dilmun-style seals have been discovered in Tepe Yahya, as have weights from the Indus in Bahrein. The Sumerian texts are unanimous in stressing timber as one of the principal commodities from Meluhha/Harappa and they allude to the existence of a ‘colony’ of merchants from Meluhha in the territory of Lagash. In Qala’at al Bahrein, a fortified town on the north coast of Bahrein with temples and a surrounding necropolis with tumuli, evidence of contacts with the Indus is seen in the presence of seals, systems of weights and pottery from Meluhha, with signs of the presence of a community of merchants from the Indus in Dilmun. Elsewhere, on the fortified site of Al-Maysar, local production of copper is combined with a local chlorite vessel industry and the importing of Mohenjo Daro-style seals. In exchange, Dilmun imported Mesopotamian cereals and textiles...karum at Kanesh in Cappadocia. The long stay of these colonists and merchants in Anatolia stimulated great creativity in the business sphere, in the drawing up of contracts and mercantile protocols...the Assyrian karu in Anatolia formed part of the provinces of the Assyrian empire, and in Landsberger’s opinion, they had functioned as colonies of merchants dependent on Assur.” (Aubet, Maria Eugenia, 2013, Commerce and colonization in the ancient near East, Cambridge University Press, p.191, 266, 268).


    Clay find with impression of a cylinder seal and containing a tablet from Kanesh and a bulla from Acemhoyuk with impression of a seal (from Ozguc, 1969: 253).

    “In the time of King Ziri-Lin of Mari (ca. 1780-1760BCE), the chief centres for the transit of tin to the West were the cities of Sippar, Eshnunna and Susa. Before that, however, the city of Assur was responsible for the supply of metal to the regions in the West and south. In the days of Hammurabi, the Babylonin merchants were still going north to buy tin. It is known that there were rich deposits of tin in the Kardagh Mountains in northeastern Iran, east of Tabriz, and also in Uzbekistan and Afghanistan. In a letter from the time of Samshi-Adad I, it is stated that large quantities of tin could be got in Susarra in the plain of Rania in Iran, an important commercial centre on the road from Tabriz to Assur…We only know that in the time of level Ib in Kanesh (ca. 1800-1776BCE), the export of tin to Kanesh was interrupted, probably because of the closure of the Zagros route when Susarra was destroyed and abandoned. The Kanesh correspondence reveals a considerable volume of tin dispatched to Anatolia during the second period of the karum. Veenhof has calculated that over a period of some sixty years, a total of 27,000 minas – that is some 450 talents – of tin, equivalent to 13.5 tons, was dispatched to Kanesh; this would be equivalent to some 80 tons during the whole of the colonial period and to some 200 caravans carrying tin on the backs of mules from Assur to Kanesh. However, a Old-Assyrian tablet preserved in Berlin would double that quantity because it mentions a lod of 410 talents of tin transported in a single caravan, the property of the merchant Imdilum.” (Aubet, opcit., p.292).


    Reconstruction of the gate and walls of Assur (after drawing by Walter Andrae, 1938, from Marzahn, Joachim and Beate Salje, 2003, Again getting instant Assur, Savern: fig. 4)



    Karum could be from a substrate language: e.g. कारकुन [ kārakuna ] m ( P A factor, agent, or business-man.) A clerk, scribe, writer. सवा हात लेखणीचा का0 A term of ironical commendation for a clerk. कारु [ kāru ] m (S) An artificer or artisan. 2 A common term for the twelve बलुतेदार q. v. Also कारुनारु m pl q. v. in नारुकारु. (Marathi)

    The streams of water flowing the naked, bearded person are the signature tune of the times in Ancient Near East. This glyptic or overflowing pot held by Gudea, appears on hundreds of cylinder seals and friezes of many sites.

    Overflowing water from a pot is a recurrent motif in Sumer-Elam-Mesopotamian contact areas – a motif demonstrated to be of semantic significance in the context of lapidary-metallurgy life activity of the artisans.

    The rebus readings are:

    కాండము [ kāṇḍamu ] kānamu. [Skt.] n. Water. నీళ్లు (Telugu) kaṇṭhá -- : (b) ʻ water -- channel ʼ: Paš. kaṭāˊ ʻ irrigation channel ʼ, Shum. xãṭṭä. (CDIAL 14349). kāṇḍa ‘flowing water’ Rebus: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’. lokhaṇḍ (overflowing pot) ‘metal tools, pots and pans, metalware’ lokhãḍ ‘overflowing pot’ Rebus: ʻtools, iron, ironwareʼ (Gujarati) Rebus: लोखंड lokhaṇḍ Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general. lo ‘pot to overflow’. Gu<loRa>(D)  {} ``^flowing strongly''.

    கொட்டம்¹ koṭṭam  Flowing, pouring; நீர் முதலியன ஒழுகுகை. கொடுங்காற் குண்டிகைக் கொட்ட மேய்ப்ப (பெருங். உஞ்சைக். 43, 130) கொட்டம் koṭṭam < gōṣṭha. Cattle- shed (Tamil) 

    koṭṭam flowing, pouring (Tamil). Ma. koṭṭuka to shoot out, empty a sack. ? Te. koṭṭukonipōvu to be carried along by stream or air current.(DEDR 2065).


    Gudea’s link with Meluhha is clear from the elaborate texts on the two cylinders describing the construction of the Ninĝirsu temple in Lagash. An excerpt: 1143-1154. Along with copper, tin, slabs of lapis lazuli, refined silver and pure Meluḫa cornelian, he set up (?) huge copper cauldrons, huge …… of copper, shining copper goblets and shining copper jars worthy of An, for laying (?) a holy table in the open air …… at the place of regular offerings (?). Ninĝirsu gave his city, Lagaš 


    Chlorite vessel found at Khafajeh: Ht 11.5 cm. 2,600 BCE, Khafajeh, north-east of Baghdad (Photo from pg. 69 of D. Collon's 1995 Ancient Near Eastern Art).





    Impressions of seals on tablets from Kanesh (After Larsen, Mogens Trolle and Moller Eva, Five old Assyrian texts, in: D. Charpin - Joannès F. (ed.), Marchands, Diplomates et Empereurs. Études sur la civilization Mésopotamienne offertes à Paul Garelli (Éditions research sur les Civilisations), Paris, 1991, pp. 214-245: figs. 5,6 and 10.)

    Karum meant literally ‘quay’ or ‘port’ for river trading or transport activities.

    Durhumid, the old Assyrian colony (northeast of Kanesh) was rich in copper deposits, the exploitation of which depended on arrival of tin from Assur. Copper of Assur came from the mines of Magan (Persian Gulf) and from the third millennium BCE, Dilmun is referred to as a place of transit perhaps from Gulf, Arabia and the Indus valley (Meluhha). A Ur text refers to one consignment of over 18 tons of copper arriving by ship from Magan. Texts document the intensive trade with Dilmun from the start of the second millennium BCE with southern Mesopotamian merchants travelling to obtain copper, cornelian and ivory.  These merchandise arrived in the north of Mesopotamia through Sumer and intermediaries. (Eidem and Hojlund, 1993, Trade of diplomacy? Assyria and Dilmun in the 18th century BCE, World Archaeology 24 (1993): 441-442). Larsen notes how old Assyrian monarchs attracted those merchants from south who went to Assur to sell copper and Akkadian cloth in exchange for tin (Larsen, MT, 1976, The Old Assyrian City-state and its Colonies, Mesopotamia 4, Copenhagen: 78).

    “For some 200 years (ca. 1974-1776 BCE), the Kanesh karum was at once the main colony, the headquarters of the Anatolian branch of family firms in Assur and the administrative centre for the whole Old-Assyrian commercial circuit. Once the first tablets were known, we understood that one institution, thekarum, had played a central part in managing Assyrian external trade. In Anatolia, the term karum has a dual meaning:  topographical – commercial colony and district where the merchant community resides – and organizational – organism that manages the activity of the merchants abroad. The Old-Assyrian texts make it quite clear that the lower city in Kanesh was a karum, inhabited by a permanent colony of merchants and managed by a corporate structure with executive, judicial and fiscal powers. In that sense, the karum  represents the merchant community; in other words, that part of the population of Assur removed to Anatolia…the Old-Assyrian karu possessed a pyramidal and hierarchical organization because all the colonies depended on the authority of the central karum, situated in Kanesh…The Old-Assyrian karum was a multi-ethnic community. A large part of the Kanesh karum was inhabited by Anatolians. Their dwellings have been identified with their archives written in a Old-Assyrian dialect. According to the documentation, however, these residents did not acquire imported commodities but acted as moneylenders in the buying and selling of slaves and grain. They probably operated on the margins of the Assyrian commercial activity and we do not know the status of these native traders residing in the lower city…A common trading practice in Kanesh was to entrust batches of merchandise to employees of the commercial firm or to a commercial agent, the tamkarum, who sold it in distant parts of the country. The tamkarum acted as a kind of commission agent or commercial traveler who had to reimburse to the owner the value of the merchandise consigned to him on credit. For that, he signed – that is to say, sealed – a document in the form of an acknowledgement of debt, in which the quantity owed was specified in silver and also the terms of the payment or refund. This is the type of contract that figures most frequently in the Kanesh archives…Tin was a commodity of huge strategic value to the Anatolian kingdoms, whereas Assyrian priorities were silver and the security and stability of the routes, which only the local authorities could guarantee…(The two communities – Anatolian and Assyrian) certainly had the benefit of bilingual interpreters and, as some of the letters show, some of the Anatolians could write in cuneiform Assyrian, naturally with mistakes in translation. It is known that the Assyrians often called the Anatolians nu’aum, which means ‘silly, stupid’, an expression typical of people who think themselves superior.”(Aubet, Maria Eugenia, Commerce and colonization in the ancient Near East, p.331, 337, 344, 345).


    Seal of Imdilum, a leading merchant of Kanesh (from Ichisar, Metin, 1981, Les Archives cappadociennes du marchand Imdilum (Recherche sur les grandes civilisations) (French Edition) by Metin Ichisar ,1981, Paris, Editions ADPF: fig. 2). “The firm had numerous collaborators, associates and scribes and it is known that it bought huge quantities of tin and textiles on Imdilum’s account. One case alludes to the dispatch of a caravan consisting of seven mules carrying eight talents and forty minas of tin for the two partners, Imdilum and Pusu-ken…On two occasions, Imdilum sends a talent of silver (30 kg) to Assur to buy tin, when we know of Assyrian merchants who needed a whole lifetime to accumulate one talent of silver! There is likewise a mention of a load of fifty-seven talents of tin for Imdilum, bought in Assur for four talents of silver and sold in the Anatolian market for eight talents of silver. These are undoubtedly huge sums, so we can consider Imdilum to be a genuine millionaire in his day.”(pp.353-355).



    Images on many cylinder seals of ancient Near East were Meluhha hieroglyphs. (S. Kalyanaraman, 2013,Meluhha—A visible language Herndon, Sarasvati Research Center). Rebus readings provide new light on the ancient Tin Road between Ashur and Kultepe, Turkey which has yielded over 20,000 cuneiform tablets of merchants’ letters.


    Cylinder seal. Provenience: KhafajeKh. VII 256 Jemdet Nasr (ca. 3000 - 2800 BCE) Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 34.

    karaḍa  ‘panther’; karaḍa tiger (Pkt); खरडा [ kharaḍā ]  A leopard. खरड्या [ kharaḍyā ] m or खरड्यावाघ m A leopard (Marathi). Kol. keḍiak  tiger. Nk.  khaṛeyak  panther.  Go. (A.) khaṛyal tiger; (Haig) kariyāl panther Kui kṛāḍi, krānḍi tiger, leopard, hyena.  Kuwi (F.) kṛani tiger; (S.) klā'ni tiger, leopard; (Su. P. Isr.) kṛaˀni (pl. -ŋa) tiger. / Cf. Pkt. (DNM) karaḍa- id. (DEDR 1132).

    Pkt. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ(CDIAL 2787). Rebus: karaḍa ‘hard alloy’.

    Allographs: Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ safflower ʼ; M. karḍī, °ḍaī f. ʻ safflower, Carthamus tinctorius and its seed ʼ (CDIAL 2788). Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (CDIAL 2670). S. karaṅgho, kaṇgho m. ʻbackbone, ridgepole ʼ; P. karaṅg m. ʻ skeleton ʼ (→ H. karaṅg m. ʻ skull, rib ʼ); N. karaṅ ʻ rib, rafter ʼ, karaṅge ʻ like a skeleton ʼ;with unexpl. ā: (CDIAL 2784).

    Ka. mēke she-goat;  the bleating of sheep or goats.  Te. mē̃ka,  mēka goat. Kol. me·ke id. Nk. mēke id. Pa. mēva, (S.) mēya she-goat. Ga. (Oll.)mēge, (S.) mēge goat. Go. (M) mekā, (Ko.) mēka id. ? Kur. mēxnā (mīxyas) to call, call after loudly, hail. Malt. méqe to bleat. [Te. mr̤ēka (so correct) is of unknown meaning. Br. mēḻẖ is without etymology; see MBE 1980a.] / Cf. Skt. (lex.) meka- goat. (DEDR 5087). Meluhha, mleccha (Akkadian. Sanskrit). Milakkha, Milāca ‘hillman’ (Pali) milakkhu ‘dialect’ (Pali) mleccha ‘copper’ (Prakrit).

    Ta. takar sheep, ram, goat, male of certain other animals (yāḷi, elephant, shark). Ma. takaran huge, powerful as a man, bear, etc. Ka. tagar, ṭagaru,ṭagara, ṭegaru ram. Tu. tagaru, ṭagarů id. Te. tagaramu, tagaru id. / Cf. Mar. tagar id. (DEDR 3000).  Allograph: tagaraka ‘tabernae montana’ fragrant tulip (Sanskrit) Rebus: tagara ‘tin’ (Kannada): Ta. takaram tin, white lead, metal sheet, coated with tin. Ma. takaram tin, tinned iron plate. Ko. tagarm (obl. tagart-) tin. Ka. tagara, tamara, tavaraid. Tu. tamarů, tamara, tavara id. Te. tagaramu, tamaramu, tavaramu id. Kuwi (Isr.) ṭagromi tin metal, alloy. / Cf. Skt. tamara- id.(DEDR 3001).

    kund opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali)


    Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id.  Malt. kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post.(DEDR 1723). 


    Br. kōnḍō on all fours, bent double. (DEDR 204a) khōṇḍa A stock or stump (Marathi); ‘leafless tree’ (Marathi). khoṇḍ square (Santali)  khoṇḍ 'young bull-calf' (Marathi) कोंड [kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste (possibly, a turner’s hamlet)(Marathi). Ku. koṭho ʻlarge square houseʼ Rebus: kõdā’turner’ (Bengali); kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe(Bengali). कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)  khū̃ṭ ‘community, guild’ (Mu.);kunḍa ‘consecrated fire-pit’.

    kāṇḍa ‘flowing water’ Rebus: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’.

    kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.) कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kole.l 'temple, smithy' (Kota.) kol = pañcalōha, a metallic alloy containing five metals (Tamil): copper, brass, tin, lead and iron (Sanskrit); an alternative list of five metals: gold, silver, copper, tin (lead), and iron (dhātu; Nānārtharatnākara. 82; Mangarāja’s Nighaṇṭu. 498)(Kannada) kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali)




    Bronze Mycenean dagger with scene of warriors fighting lions done in gold, silver, and niello. (1500-1200BC)


    Mycenaean dagger inlaid with niello, gold violence some with lilies (strong Minoan influence)http://www.studyblue.com/notes/note/n/object-identification/deck/2349995


    “Lion as both hunter and hunted” (detail of two sides of niello dagger blade)

    Mycenae, Circle A, Shaft Grave IV. LH I, c. 1600-1500 BCE. http://www.studyblue.com/notes/note/n/arth-3110-final/deck/2825141


    Tin bronzes appear in the Levant at the end of third millennium BCE. An early Minoan III dagger analyzed by Buccholz was a true tin bronze.



    Cappacodian tablets were evidence of trade in tin from Ashur to Kultepe. Later Mari became the tin route from Elam to the Levant. Akkadian word, annaku was translated variously as ‘lead’ or ‘tin’. It might also have denoted bronze ingots or torques/rings.

    Buchholz, H.G., 1967, Analysen prahistorischer Metallfunde aus Zypern und den Nachbarlandern.Berliner Jahrbuch fur Vor und Frithgeschichte U:189-256.

    Source: Dayton, JE, 1971, The problem of tin in the ancient world, in: World Archaeology, Vol. 3, No. 1, Technological Innovations, June 1971, pp. 49-70.

    Bass, George F., Throckmorton, Peter, Taylor, Joan Du Plat, Hennessy, J. B., Shulman, Alan R., Buchholz, Hans-Günter, “Cape Gelidonya: A Bronze Age Shipwreck”, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series 57 (8), 1967, pp. 1-177.







    In Cape Gelidonya wreck, bun ingots and also slab ingots with 7% tin (bronze) were found.


    The Assyrians who had for centuries previously traded in the region, and possibly ruled small areas bordering Assyria, now established significant colonies in Cappadocia, (e.g., at Kanesh (modern Kültepe) from 2008 BC to 1740 BC. These colonies, called karum, the Akkadian word for 'port', were attached to Hattian and Hurrian cities in Anatolia, but physically separate, and had special tax status. They must have arisen from a long tradition of trade between Assyria and the Anatolian cities, but no archaeological or written records show this. The trade consisted of metal (perhaps lead or tin; the terminology is not entirely clear) and textiles from Assyria, that were traded for precious metals in Anatolia.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assyria


    Archaeologists now present evidence that dates the earliest international trade convoys to 2700 B.C. This trade of 5,000 years ago involved cargos of tin, brought from the mountains of Afghanistan overland across Iran to the city of Eshnunna (Tel Asmar in current-day Iraq) on the Tigris river in Mesopotamia. From there the cargos were transported overland, via the city of Mari on the Euphrates, to the port of Ugarit (current-day Ras Shamra) in northern Syria, and finally from there shipped to various destinations in the Middle East. Tin was an important commodity, as it was vital ingredient in the production of bronze. The bronze alloy formulated in the eastern Mediterranean in the 3rd Millennium BC brought about a revolution in economics, civilization and warfare. At that time, there were only two known sources of tin in the world: Afghanistan and Anatolia. Anatolian tin was used locally and the surplus was exported. The increased demand for tin for bronze production opened up trade with Afghanistan, and thus the first known trade route, the Tin Road, was born…Anatolia's connection with the Tin and Silk roads was not overland, but through its Mediterranean ports. The harbors on the Mediterranean coast were important junction points on this trade route. A route from the Syrian port of Ugarit passed through modern-day Antakya to Adana in Turkey. Tin mined in the Taurus mountains of southern Turkey was brought here for sale as well. In time, this route extended inland to Konya, by way of Niğde, eventually reaching as far as the Asian shore of the Bosphorus.THE ASSYRIAN TRADE ROADIn the 2nd Millennium BC, a well-developed trade route between Anatolia and Mesopotamia was used by Assyrian merchants. About 500 years after the establishment of the Tin Road, a second trade route developed, still in use today. It originated in upper Mesopotamia and reached Kayseri via Mardin, Diyarbakir and Malatya. Created by Assyrian merchants who were the first to initiate trade between Anatolia and the Middle East, the route later was extended from Kayseri south to Niğde and north to Sivas. It eventually connected to Persia and was responsible for making Kayseri a leading trading center of the age. ” http://www.turkishhan.org/trade.htm


    Technological advances in sailing and ship building were almost certainly developed and exploited in this highly competitive environment. Iconographical evidence and the evidence of stone anchors suggest that the large round-hulled merchant ships of the type familiar from a painting in the 18th Dynasty tomb of Kenamun in Egypt and from the remains of the 14th century BC Uluburun wreck (replica shown here) were already plying the East Mediterranean in the Middle Bronze Age. It is probably only a matter of time before the wreck of a Middle Bronze Age cargo ship, similar to that of Uluburun off the coast of southern Turkey, is found.


    A particularly important phenomenon of the Middle Bronze Age period (already referred to in passing) was the foundation of the Old Assyrian trading centre at Kültepe-Kanesh in Central Anatolia, where the textual archive tells us of a network of larger and smaller trading stations (karums and wabartums) throughout central Anatolia and northern Syria. This must have some bearing, directly or indirectly, on the maritime centres of the northern Levant, but its effects on these have rarely been explored.


    Although the claims of Kestel, as opposed to much more distant sources in Afghanistan, to have supplied tin in the Middle Bronze Age are still the subject of heated debate, lead isotope analysis of tin ingots from the later Uluburun shipwreck points to the source of this tin being in the Taurus mountains, as does isotopic analysis by Seppi Lehner of a crucible from recent excavations in the workshop quarter of Tell Atchana (Alalakh) in the Amuq (see also Yener 2003; 2007).

    A particularly important phenomenon of the Middle Bronze Age period (already referred to in passing) was the foundation of the Old Assyrian trading centre at Kültepe-Kanesh in Central Anatolia, where the textual archive tells us of a network of larger and smaller trading stations (karums and wabartums) throughout central Anatolia and northern Syria. This must have some bearing, directly or indirectly, on the maritime centres of the northern Levant, but its effects on these have rarely been explored. 



    Ancient tin mines, with evidence of exploitation by contemporary Andronovo groups probably in the early-mid 2nd millenium, have been identified in the Zerafshan region, to the north-east (Parzinger and Boroffka 2003); and previous work suggested Afghanistan may have been a major source of tin in antiquity (Cleuziou and Berthoud 1982).



    Ox-hide ingots of tin and one-third a mina of tin paid to translators, say, of Meluhha, based on Marzena Chrobak findings, 'For a tin ingot: the archaeology of oral interpretation'

    Mirror: https://www.academia.edu/11959885/Ox-hide_ingots_of_tin_and_one-third_a_mina_of_tin_paid_to_translators_say_of_Meluhha_based_on_Marzena_Chrobak_findings_For_a_tin_ingot_the_archaeology_of_oral_interpretation

    Many vivid pictorial motifs found on hundreds of cylinder seals of Bronze Age in Ancient Near East and cylinder seal impressions on hundreds of letters of Kultepe can be explained as hieroglyphs of Meluhha orally interpreted to denote metalwork, as veritable metalwork catalogs using rebus-metonymy Indus writing cypher.

    See: 

     

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2015/04/mlecchas-in-early-india-aloka-parasher.html 



    Marzena Chrobak makes a remarkable foray into the role played by translators, eme-bal or targumannuin facilitating trade exchanges transcending language barriers in a vast area spanned by the Tin Road. I had elsewhere documented that the Tin Road extended from ancient Far East (Hanoi) to ancient Near East (Haifa).

    https://www.scribd.com/doc/261952569/Chrobak-Marzena-2013-For-a-tin-ingot-the-archaeology-of-oral-interpretation-in-Przekladaniec-A-journal-of-literary-translation

    Chrobak, Marzena, 2013, For a tin ingot: the archaeology of oral interpretation in: Przekladaniec. A journal of literary translation, Special Issue (2013): 87-101

    Abstract: This paper, based on research conducted by the pioneers of the history of oral interpreting (A. Hermann, I. Kurz) in the 1950s and on modern archaeological evidence, presents the earliest references to interpreters in the Bronze Age, in the Near East and the Mediterranean area (Mesopotamia, Egypt, Crete, Carthage). It discusses a Sumerian Early Dynastic List, a Sumerian-Eblaic glossary from Ebla, the Shu-ilishu’s Cylinder Seal, the inscriptions and reliefs from the Tombs of the Princes of Elephantine and of Horemheb, the mention of one-third of a mina of tin dispensed at Ugarit to the interpreter of Minoan merchants and the Hanno’s stele, as well as terms used by these early civilisations to denote an interpreter: eme-bal, targumannu, jmy-r(A) aw, and mls.
    shu ilishu s cylinder seal 8 feb 2014 6 12 am
    Shu-ilishu cylinder seal of eme-bal, interpreter. Akkadian. Cylinder seal Impression. Inscription records that it belongs to ‘S’u-ilis’u, Meluhha interpreter’, i.e., translator of the Meluhhan language (EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI) The Meluhhan being introduced carries an goat on his arm. Musee du Louvre. Ao 22 310, Collection De Clercq 3rd millennium BCE. The Meluhhan is accompanied by a lady carrying a kamaṇḍalu. The goat on the trader's hand is a phonetic determinant -- that he is Meluhha. This is decrypted based on the word for the goat: mlekh 'goat' (Brahui); mr..eka 'goat' (Telugu) Rebus: mleccha'copper' (Samskritam); milakkhu 'copper' (Pali) Thus the sea-faring merchant carrying the goat is a copper (and tin) trader from Meluhha. The jar carried by the accompanying person is a liquid measure:ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin'. A hieroglyph used to denote ranku may be seen on the two pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck in Haifa.

    That Pali uses the term ‘milakkhu’ is significant (cf. Uttarādhyayana Sūtra 10.16) and reinforces the concordance between ‘mleccha’ and ‘milakkhu’ (a pronunciation variant) and links the language with ‘meluhha’ as a reference to a language in Mesopotamian texts and in the cylinder seal of Shu-ilishu. [Possehl, Gregory, 2006, Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal, Expedition, Vol.  48, No. 1http://www.penn.museum/documents/publications/expedition/PDFs/48-1/What%20in%20the%20World.pdf] This seal shows a sea-faring Meluhha merchant who needed a translator to translate meluhha speech into Akkadian. The translator’s name was Shu-ilishu as recorded in cuneiform script on the seal. This evidence rules out Akkadian as the Indus or Meluhha language and justifies the search for the proto-Indian speech from the region of the Sarasvati river basin which accounts for 80% (about 2000) archaeological sites of the civilization, including sites which have yielded inscribed objects such as Lothal, Dwaraka, Kanmer, Dholavira, Surkotada, Kalibangan, Farmana, Bhirrana, Kunal, Banawali, Chandigarh, Rupar, Rakhigarhi. The language-speakers in this basin are likely to have retained cultural memories of Indus language which can be gleaned from the semantic clusters of glosses of the ancient versions of their current lingua francaavailable in comparative lexicons and nighanṭu-s.

    Marzena Chrobak sites payment made to a translator: "From the Cretan thalassocracy in the second millennium BCE, I have come across only one mention of verbal communication: 'one-third a mina of tin to the translator, chief merchant among the Cretans, dispensed at Ugarit' (Sasson 1995: 1501-1521). This passage concerns Minoan merchants on the tin trade route, doing business or perhaps even permanently residing in the Hittite Ugarit, in the early Old Palace period, i.e. around the twentieth century BCE." (Chrobak, Marzena, 2013, For a tin ingot: the archaeology of oral interpretation in: Przekladaniec. A journal of literary translation, Special Issue, pp. 95-96).

    Marzena Chrobak cites my reference to Meluhha as mleccha. (p.90 ibid.) I had mentioned this in my article published in 51CAANE, April 5, 2006: Kalyanaraman, S., 2006, Bronze age trade and writing system of Meluhha (Mleccha) evidenced by tin ingots from the near vicinity of Haifa (From Bronze Age Trade Workshop in 51CAANE, April 5, 206). www.ebookuniverse.net/bronze-age-trade-and-writing-system-meluhha-(mleccha)-pdf-d21820,30.05.2013 

    See the arguments mirrored in the following excerpts from 

    Archaeometallurgical affirmation of the Indus writing cipher

    Given the archaeological evidence for oxhide copper and tin ingots, this  key argument of rebus readings of Meluhha glosses related to the hieroglyphs is archaeometallurgical reaffirmation of the cipher: Meluhha (aka Santali-Indiansprachbund) and use of the writing system on the two pure tin ingots of a shipwreck at Haifa. 

    23 Tin ingots in the Museum of Ancient Art of the Municipality of Haifa, Israel (left #8251, right #8252). The ingots each bear two inscribed Cypro-Minoan markings. (Note: I have argued that the inscriptions were Meluhha hieroglyphs (Indus writing) denoting ranku 'tin' dhatu 'ore'. See: The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman in: Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies Volume 1: Number 11 (2010), pp. 47-74.)

    ranku 'liquid measure'; ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) dhatu 'cross' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore' (Santali).

    ran:ku = tin (Santali)

    •        ran:ku = liquid measure (Santali)

    •        ran:ku a species of deer; ran:kuka (Skt.)(CDIAL 10559).
    •        u = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali)

    •        Hindi. dhā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771).


    These two hieroglyphs were inscribed on two tin ingots discovered in port of Dor south of Haifa from an ancient shipwreck. They are allographs. Both are read in Meluhha (Mleccha) of Indian sprachbund:  ranku ‘liquid measure’; ranku  ‘antelope’.Rebus: ranku ‘tin’. An allograph to denote tin is: tagara ‘ram’ Rebus: tagara ‘tin’. Rebus: damgar ‘merchant’ (Akkadian)
    tagara ‘ram’ Rebus: tagaram ‘tin’. 

    Ta. takar sheep, ram, goat, male of certain other animals (yāḷi, elephant, shark). பொருநகர் தாக்கற்குப் பேருந் தகைத்து (குறள், 486).Ma. takaran huge, powerful as a man, bear, etc. Ka. tagar, ṭagaru, ṭagara, ṭegaru ram. Tu. tagaru, ṭagarů id. Te. tagaramu, tagaru id. / Cf. Mar. tagar id. (DEDR 3000). Rebus 1: tagromi 'tin, metal alloy' (Kuwi) takaram tin, white lead, metal sheet, coated with tin (Ta.); tin, tinned iron plate (Ma.); tagarm tin (Ko.); tagara, tamara, tavara id. (Ka.) tamaru, tamara, tavara id. (Ta.): tagaramu, tamaramu, tavaramu id. (Te.); ṭagromi tin metal, alloy (Kuwi); tamara id. (Skt.)(DEDR 3001). trapu tin (AV.); tipu (Pali); tau, taua lead (Pkt.); tū̃ tin (P.); ṭau zinc, pewter (Or.); tarūaum lead (OG.); tarv (G.); tumba lead (Si.)(CDIAL 5992). Rebus 2: damgar ‘merchant’.

    tagaraka tabernae montana (Skt.) Rebus: tagara ‘tin’ (Ka.)

    ranku ‘antelope’Rebus: ranku = tin (santali)

    tagara ‘ram’ Rebus: tagaram ‘tin’. 

    ranku ‘liquid measure’. Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Cassiterite) (Santali) 

    ranga = tin (Kur.)

    Another tin ingot with comparable Indus writing was reported by Artzy:
    Fig. 4 Inscribed tin ingot with a moulded head, from Haifa (Artzy, 1983: 53). (Michal Artzy, 1983, Arethusa of the Tin Ingot, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, BASOR 250, pp. 51-55) https://www.academia.edu/5476188/Artzy-1983-Tin-Ignot

    The two hieroglyphs incised which compare with the two pure tin ingots discovered from a shipwreck in Haifa, the moulded head can be explained also as a Meluhha hieroglyph without assuming it to be the face of goddess Arethusa in Greek tradition: Hieroglyph:  mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ (Santali). The three hieroglyphs are: ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali). u = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771). [The 'cross' or X hieroglyph is incised on both ingots.]


    The entire Indus script copora stands validated as metalwork catalogs of Meluhha artisans/traders on the Tin Road from Hanoi to Haifa, underscoring the role played by the world’s largest Tin belt of the Far East in the revolution of the Bronze Age in Ancient Near East (also Eurasia).

    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/zz5fo2p

    The addition of tin to copper to create bronze alloy was a revolution. The tin-bronze replaed arsenical bronze (copper + arsenic) which was a natural source and in short supply.

    This Tin-Bronze Revolution is matched by the revolution of a writing system called Indus Script to document ancient India's contributions to metalwork.

    As yet an unresolved mystery related to the Tin-Bronze Age Revolution is the source of tin.

    I have suggested a hypothesis that 1. the supply of tin was along an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from the Tin Belt of the Globe which is in the Mekong River delta in the Far East with merchants of Ancient India acting as intermediary seafaring merchants reaching tin upto Haifa, Israel and 2. the approximate date for seafaring merchants on this Tin Route is about 2 millennia prior to the famed Silk Route.

    Map showing the location of known tin deposits exploited during ancient times

    This hypothesis is premised on two areas of evidence: 1. Dong Son bronze drums of Vietnam and 2. Three pure tin ingots with Indus Script hieroglyphs found in a shipwreck in Haifa.

    Inscribed tin ingot with a moulded head, from Haifa (Artzy, 1983: 53). (Michal Artzy, 1983, Arethusa of the Tin Ingot, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, BASOR 250, pp. 51-55) https://www.academia.edu/5476188/Artzy-1983-Tin-Ignot
    Tin ingots in the Museum of Ancient Art of the Municipality of Haifa, Israel (left #8251, right #8252). The ingots each bear two inscribed Cypro-Minoan markings. (Note: I have argued that the inscriptions were Meluhha hieroglyphs (Indus writing) denoting ranku 'tin' dhatu 'ore'. See: The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman in: Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies Volume 1: Number 11 (2010), pp. 47-74.)

    "Non Nok Tha and Ban Chiang have shown a flourishing bronzeworking tradition which may predate the mid-fourth millennium B.C. The earliest analysed find from Ban Chiang—a dagger which dates to about 3600 B.C.­contains 2.5% tin (determined by atomic absorption spectroscopy), a figure which indicates a deliberate alloy. By 3000 B.C., ancient metalsmiths in Thailand were producing good bronze with about a 10% tin content and were competently handling casting, coldworking and annealing. The early production of bronze in Thailand may eventually be found to have some relationship with the development of alloying techniques in the Near East.http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/tin-in-the-ancient-near-east/ Tin in the Ancient Near East Old Questions and New Finds By: Robert Maddin and Tamara Stech Wheeler and James D. Muhly Expedition, Winter 1997

    About the finds of two tin ingots in a Haifa shipwreck, R. Maddin, T. Wheeler and JD Muhly noted: “…it is probable that, both metals necessary in the making of bronze, were distributed by an administrative complex centred on Cyprus. Although the source of the tin is unknown, it passed through Cyprus where it received the markings, which are also found on some copper ingots of LBA date.” (Maddin et al, 1977: 46). While the markings may have been made in Cyprus, the script hieroglyphs incised on the two ingots are Meluhha hieroglyphs commonly found in Indus Script corpora. “A few years later, Artzy (1983:52) published two more ingots, which were found in a car workshop in Haifa, where they were being used for soldering broken radiators. The new ingots were not only identical in size and shape with the previous two, but they were also engraved with two marks. In fact, one of the ingots had identical marks to one of the earlier discovered ones (Artzy, 1983: 52). The four ingots, therefore, were rightly identified as belonging to the same group or cargo of a ship. There was one difference, however, and that was the presence of a moulded head on one of the two ingots, which clearly had been produced when the ingot was cast (Fig.4). On stylistic grounds Artzy (1983: 52) dated the figure to the fifth century BCE and identified her as Arethusa, a fountain goddess who appears on Syracusan coins of this period. She then proceeded to search for the engraved symbols on syllabaries of the fifth century BCE which led her to suggest that the symbols may in fact be Iberian (Artzy, 1983:53). She, therefore, cautiously suggested that the ingots might have been produced in Iberia, sometime in the first quartr of the 5th century BCE (Artzy, 1983:54). I have not located any pubished reactions to this proposition, which refuted both the Late Bronze Age date of the tin ingots, and the allocation of the marks to the Cypro-Minoan script.” (Vasiliki Kassianidou, The trade of tin and the island of copper, in: Alessandra Giumlia-Mair, Fulvia Lo Schiavo (eds.), The problem of early tin, BAR International Series 1199, 2003, pp. 112-113).https://www.academia.edu/4038201/The_trade_of_tin_and_the_island_of_copper

    Decipherment of Indus Script on Haifa tin ingots

    The two hieroglyphs incised which compare with the two pure tin ingots discovered from a shipwreck in Haifa, the moulded head can be explained also as a Meluhha hieroglyph without assuming it to be the face of goddess Arethusa in Greek tradition: Hieroglyph:  mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ (Santali). The three hieroglyphs are: ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali). u = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771). [The 'cross' or X hieroglyph is incised on both ingots.]

    Evaluating this Herodotus text to determine the sources of tin in Athens, James D. Muhly notes: "...it is nonetheless unlikely that we shall ever have exact knowledge about the sources of the tin being used to supply Minoan Crete or Mycenaean Greece...Of greater relevance is the revival of the concept of metallogenic provinces and the formation of metallic belts --copper belts, lead-zinc belts and tin-tungsten belts -- extending over wide areas, as part of the on-going research on plate tectonics and theories of continental drift. What this means for the archaeologist is that mineral deposition is unlikely to have taken place in random, isolated deposits and that theories positing the existence of such deposits are to be regarded with great skepticism. Most important of all is the absolute geological principle that tin is to be found only in association with granite rock. The concentration of tin varies within any single granite formation and among different formations, depending upon local conditions and geological heritage, but without granite there is no possibility of tin ever having been present. Therefore, large areas of the world are automatically ruled out as possible sources of tin. The island of Cyprus is one of these areas; since there is no granite there, it never could have contained deposits of tin...Tin is commonly present in association with pegmatites of quartz and feldspar. Like gold, the tin is found within veins of quartz running through the granite rock. The difference is that while gold occurs as a native metal, tin appears in the form of an oxide (SnO2) known as cassiterite. This cassiterite, again like gold, was frequently exposed and freed from its host through weathering and degradation of the quartz and granite. This degradation was often the result of action by water, the cassiterite (and gold) thus taking the form of small lumps or nuggets present in the stream bed. Although carried along by the force of the current, the cassiterite (and gold), having a specific gravity because of its density, tends to sink and concentrate in the bed of the streams. In general, concentration increases with proximity to the original deposit of the tin...This stream or alluvial tin was thus to be found in the form of small black nuggets of cassiterite known as tin-stone. Recovery involved the panning of the gravel in the stream bed, separating out the cassiterite from the worthless sand and gravel. The process was similar to that which must have also been used to recover gold, and what was done in antiquity was probably not that different from the techniques -- and even the equipment -- used by the Forty-Niners in the great Gold Rush in California and Alaska during the mid-nineteenth century. While gold was recovered as a native metal, the tin was to be found in the form of an oxide that had to be smelted together with charcoal in order to free the oxygen and reduce the oxide to metallic tin...Words for tin...are known in Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Egyptian and Ugaritic, although not in Mycenaean Greek...Sumerian AN.NA, Akkadian annaku mean tin and all Assyriologists are in agreement on this point...Mesopotamian texts...describe the addition of AN.NA/annaku to URUDU/eru in order to produce ZABAR/siparruor, in other words, of tin to copper in order to make bronze...twenty-sixth century BCE...Tin appears in the Royal Cemetery, as at Ebla, together with gold and lapis lazuli. All three materials are to be found in Afghanistan, and it is quite possible that they did all come to Mesopotamia (and to northern Syria) via an orland route across Iran...There is as yet, no hard evidence that Sumerian tin came from Afghanistan, but such a source has long been suggested on the basis of textual and archaeological evidence-- a sugestion that up to now could only be regarded as but an interesting hypothesis because of the lack of geological evidence for the existence of tin deposits in Afghanistan...east-west movement of tin is documented in the numerous Old Assyrian texts from Kultepe, the ancient karum Kanish. Again from unspecified sources to the east, the tin was brought to Assur and from there shipped overland by donkey caravan to various Assyrian merchant colonies in Anatolia...(Afghanistan's) deposits of gold and lapis lazuli, both materials highly prized by the Sumerians during the third millennium BCE, may have led ancient prospectors to tin, which was also then exported to Sumer. It is even possible that, via Mari and Ugarit, Afghan tin was carried to Middle Minoan Crete, the land of Kaptaru..." (Muhly, James D., Sources of tin and the beginnings of bronze metallurgy, in: American Journal of Archaeology, 89 (1985), pp. 277-283, 290).

  • Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud made a convincing case in May 1982 for identifying the sources of tin in the Near East. Their search extended upto Afghanistan and 'the land of Meluhha'.

    " In the later 4th and early 3rd millennia, greater tin values occur-5.3% in a pin from Susa B; and 5% in an axe from Mundigak III, in Afghanistan; but these are still exceptional in a period char­acterized by the use of arsenical copper. It is only around 2700 B.C., during Early Dynastic III in Mesopotamia, that both the number of bronze artifacts and their general tin content increase significantly. Eight metal artifacts of forty-eight in the celebrated “vase a la cachette” of Susa D are bronzes; four of them—three vases and one axe—have over 7% tin. The analyses of objects from the Royal Cemetery at Ur present an even clearer picture: of twenty-four artifacts in the Iraq Museum subjected to analysis, eight containing significant quantities of tin and five with over 8% tin can be considered true bronzes in the tradi­tional sense...We know that the tin came from the east, but from where? Mentions in ancient texts are rare, and only one of them, dating to the time of Gudea of Lagash (2150-2111 B.C.], speaks of the tin of Meluhha. Meluhha is one of the lands east of Meso­potamia, along with Dilmun (Bahrain) and Makkan (the peninsula of Oman). Its loca­tion is still controversial, but most scholars tend to place it in Afghanistan or Pakistan. The lists of goods imported to Mesopotamia from Meluhha point to the Indus Valley and the Harappan civilization, but it is not always easy to make a distinction between those which originated in Meluhha and those which passed through Meluhha...A long-distance trade in tin is of course hypothetical...If we now turn to the “land of Meluhha,” or at least to the vast area of which parts have been identified with Meluhha, the use of tin is attested already in the late 4th or early 3rd millennium at Mundigak III in southern Afghanistan. Tin appears only in small quanities in artifacts from Shahr-i Sokhta in eastern Iran and at Tepe Yahya in southern Iran (among the sites from which artifacts were studied). In the Indus Valley, the copper-tin alloy is known at Mohenjo-Daro...Among the products attributed to Meluhha, lapis lazuli and carnelian are found in sites and tombs of the 3rd millennium. We can sug­gest with reasonable certainty that the tin used in Oman was in transit through Meluhha and that the most likely source was western Afghanistan...The collective indications are that western Afghanistan was the zone able to provide the tin used in Southwest Asia in the 4th and 3rd millennia. The occurrence of tin with copper ores and the signs of earl; exploitation make it obligatory for us to consider the problem of tin in direct con­nection with the metallurgy of copper in this region. Since our original research design was to define copper sources, the information on tin deposits was looked upon only as a complement. In order to elucidate the questions raised by our findings, a project aimed specifically at tin—its sources and metallurgy—should be organized." (Expedition, Volume 25 Issue 1 October 1982).
  • http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/early-tin-in-the-near-east/  Early Tin in the Near East -- A Reassessment in the Light of New Evidence from Western Afghanistan By: Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud 

    The largest tin belt of the globe is Southeast Asia. Tin-bronze revolution of ca. 5th millennium BCE can be explained by postulating a Tin Route which linked Hanoi to Haifa, more magnificent than and rivaling the later-day Silk Road. This Tin Route of yore was traversed by Bharatam Janam.

    Source: http://pubs.usgs.gov/bul/1301/report.pdf Stanniferous ores are the key to tin-bronze revolution of 5th millennium BCE, creating the Tin Route more magnificent and stunning than the later-day Silk Road. 

    The task of the historian is to map this Route with Bharatam Janam at work creating the tin-bronze revolution. 

    Discovered in 1966 with bronze grave gifts is Ban Chiang (Thaiแหล่งโบราณคดี บ้านเชียง) an archeological site in Nong Han District,Udon Thani ProvinceThailand. "Bronze making began circa 2000 BCE, as evidenced by crucibles and bronze fragments.Bronze objects include bracelets, rings, anklets, wires and rods, spearheads, axes and adzes, hooks, blades, and little bells."White, J.C. 2008 Dating Early Bronze at Ban Chiang, Thailand. In From Homo erectus to the Living Traditions. Pautreau, J.-P.; Coupey, A.-S.; Zeitoun, V.; Rambault, E., editors. European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists, Chiang Mai, pp. 91-104(PDF).

    Linked to this discovery is the discovery of Dong Son bronze drums in areas centered at the Red River Valley of northern Vietnam. This points to the beginnings of bronze castings in the Ancient Far East. Scenes cast on to the tympanum of the drums using cire perdue (lost-wax) casting techniques are of extraordinarily remarkable skill and with some hieroglyphs paralleling the Indus Script hieroglyphs. With drums weighing upto 72 kg the quantity of copper used for each drum would have used up 1 to 7 tons of smelted copper together with the alloying of about 10% or upto .7 tons of tin.

    Left to right: house depicted on a Dongson drum, Toraja houses in Sulawesi, depiction of a Tien house in Yunnan
    Salavo bronze drums. Hieroglyphs: frog, peacock, elephant, palm tree.

    tALa 'palm' rebus: dhALa 'large ingot'.

    maraka 'peacock' (Santali. Mu.) Rebus: मारक loha 'a kind of calcining metal' (Samskritam)

    Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h ‘ingot’.  Muha. The quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace. (Santali) karibha 'trunk of elaphant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron'. Hieroglyph: arka 'sun' Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper, gold, moltencast'. miṇḍāl ‘markhor’ 

    (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) 

     Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)


    maṇḍa (Sanskrit) OMarw. ako m. ʻ frog ʼ, ṁḍakī f. ʻ small frog ʼ, 

    G. me_akme°m., me_kīme° f.; M. mẽūk -- mukh n. ʻ frog -- like face ʼ. 1. Pa. maṇḍūka -- m., °kī -- f. ʻ frog ʼ, Pk. maṁḍū˘ka -- , °ūa -- , °uga -- m., (CDIAL 9746) Rebus: mẽht, me ‘iron’ 
    (Mu.Ho.)

    kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS. [← Drav. T. Burrow TPS 1945, 87; onomat. Mayrhofer EWA i 137. Drav. influence certain in o of M. and Si.: Tam. Kan. Mal. kokku ʻ crane ʼ, Tu. korṅgu, Tel. koṅga, Kuvi koṅgi, Kui kohko] Pa. kaṅka -- m. ʻ heron ʼ, Pk. kaṁka -- m., S. kaṅgu m. ʻ crane, heron ʼ (→ Bal. kang); B. kã̄k ʻ heron ʼ, Or. kāṅka; G. kã̄kṛũ n. ʻ a partic. ravenous bird ʼ; -- with o from Drav.: M. kõkā m. ʻ heron ʼ; Si. kokā, pl. kokku ʻ various kinds of crane or heron ʼ, kekī ʻ female crane ʼ, kēki ʻ a species of crane, the paddy bird ʼ (ē?).(CDIAL 2595) Ta. kokku common crane, Grus cinerea; stork, paddy bird; kuruku heron, stork, crane, bird, gallinaceous fowl, aṉṟil bird. Ma. kokku, kokkan, kocca, kuriyan paddy bird, heron; kuru heron. To.košk heron. 
    Ka. kokku, kokkare crane; kukku heron, crane. Tu. korṅgu crane, stork. Te. koṅga, kokkera, kokkarāyi crane; pegguru, begguru (< peru-kuru) adjutant crane. Kol. (Kin.) koŋga crane.  Pa.kokkal (pl. kokkacil) id. Ga. (S) kokkāle 
    (pl. kokkāsil) heron; (S.2) koŋalin (pl. koŋasil), (S.3) kokalin crane. Go. (L.) koruku id. (Voc. 921); (Mu.) kokoḍal heron, duck (Voc. 870); (Ma. Ko.) koŋga crane (Voc. 874). Kui kohko paddy bird. Kuwi (S.) kongi  (Ṭ.) kokoṛa crane. Br. xāxūr 
    demoiselle crane. / Cf. Skt. kaṅka- heron; Turner, CDIAL, no. 2595.(DEDR 2125) కొంగ (p. 0313) [ koṅga ] konga. [Tel.] n. A bird of the heron or stork kind. బకము (Telugu) Rebus: kang 'brazier' (Kashmiri)

    Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel 27:12, says, "Tarshish was your (Tyre) merchant because of your many luxury goods. They gave you silver, iron, tin, and lead for your goods." "The ships of Tarshish were carriers of your (Tyre's) merchandise. You were filled and very glorious in the midst of the seas. (Ezekiel 27:25)"The mountains of Wales, just north of Cornwall have been a source of all the minerals and metals listed above in Ezekiel 27:12.


    http://www.globalwatchweekly.com/articlec15jul16.htm

    It is likely that Tarshish was NOT the source of tin-bronzes of Ancient Near East of 4th and 3rd millennia BCE because one cuneiform text specifically refers to Meluhha as the source of tin. The oldest direct evidence of pure tin is a tin ingot from the 1300 BCE Uluburun shipwreck off the coast of Turkey which carried over 300 copper bars weighing 10 tons, and approximately 40 tin bars weighing 1 ton  Another evidence comes from the three tin ingots of ca. 1200 BCE from Haifa shipwreck.

    Mesopotamian EDI cuneiform texts from Ur distinguish between copper (urudu/eru) and tin=bronze (zabar/siparru). ED II/III texts from Fara (Limet 1960) mention metallic tin (AN.NA/annakum). Texts from Palace G at Ebla refer to the mixing of various ratios of 'washed' copper (a-gar(-gar)/abaru) and tin to produce bronze (Waetzoldt and Bachmann 1984; Archi 1993). The recipes are also found in the late 19th century BCE texs from Mari (Muhly 1985:282). Typical copper-tin ratios are from 6:1 to 10:1.

    Two collections of cuneiform texts from Kultepe and from Mari dating to 19th and early 18th centuries BCE have references to tin trade. "These texts document a trade in which tin was moving exclusively from east to west. Arriving in Mesopotamia from the east, metallic tin was transhipped up the Euphrates to Mari, or overland to Assur. From Assur the tin (in addition to Babylonian textiles) was transported via donkey caravan to various Assyrian trading colonies such as Kanesh/Kultepe in Anatolia, where it was traded for silver and gold (Larsen 1976, 1987). From Mari, the tin was traded further west to sides in Syria and Palestine (Dossin 1970; Malamat 1971), and perhaps as far as Crete (Malamat 1971:38; Muhly 1985:282)." (p.179)

    Hypothesis of an eastern source for tin; epic tale of Enmerkar and Lord of Aratta

    "One text from the reign of Gudea of Lagash mentions that, in addition to lapis lazuli and carnelian, tin was  also traded to Mesopotamia from the land of Meluhha. The relevant passage (Cylinder B, column XIV, lines 10-13) states that 'Gudea, the Governor of Lagash, bestowed as gifts copper, tin, blocks of lapis lazuli, [a precious metal] and bright carnelian from Meluhha. (Wilson 1996; see also Muhly 1973: 306-307). This is the only specific cuneiform reference to the trade of tin from Meluhha...'A pre-Sargonic text from Lagash published by B. Foster (1997) and described as 'a Sumerian merchant's account of the Dilmun trade' mentions obtaining from Dilmun 27.5 minas (ca. 14 kg) of an-na zabar. This phrase can be literally translated as 'tin bronze', and Foster suggested the possible reading 'tin (in/for?) bronze'...The fact that the isotopic characteristics of the Aegean tin-bronzes are so similar to those from the Gulf analyzed in this study adds further weight to the hypothesis of an eastern source for these early alloys...The possibility of tin coming from these eastern sources is supported by the occurrence of many tin deposits in modern-day Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, although evidence for tin extraction is currently limited to the central Asian sites of Karnab and Mushiston, and goes only as far back as the second millennium BCE...Yener has argued cogently against a 'on-source-for-all' model of the third millennium tin trade, and does not regard the proposed tin mining and processing in the Taurus Mountains as inconsistent with the importation of large amounts of tin into Anatolia. Taurus in production is thought to have co-existed with large-scale exchange of foreign metal in the third millennium, before the eventual 'devastation' of Anatolian tin mining operations by the availability of 'purer, already packaged, readily-available tin' from the Old Assyrian trade (Yener 2000:75)...IN particular, for regions such as Baluchistan, the Indus Valley, and the Gulf, which show significant third millennium tin-bronze use, the exclusive use of tin or tin-bronze from Afghanistan and central Asia seems highly likely. Textual sources are scarce, but highlight the trade through the Gulf linking Mesopotamia with Meluhha, Magan and Dilmun as the most common source of tin in the latter third millennium BCE, after an earlier overland Iranian tin-lapis-carnelian trade hinted at by the epic tale of Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta. " (pp.180-181)

    Muhly, JD, 1973, Copper and tin. Transactions, The Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 43: 155-535. 

    Muhly, J.D. (1985), "Sources of tin and the beginnings of bronze metallurgy", Journal of American Archaeology, 89 (2), pp. 275–291
    “Almost all the third millennium BCE cuneiform texts from southern Mesopotamia which mention specific toponyms as copper sources speak of copper from either Magan or Dilmun (T. F. Potts 1994:Table 4.1). Meluhha, the third polity of the Lower Sea, is mentioned only rarely as a copper supplier, and then for amounts of only a few kilograms (Leemans 1960:161). The common association of Meluhha with the supply of carnelian, lapis lazuli, gold, precious woods, and especially ivory, suggests that the toponym is to be
    related to the region between the Makran coast and  Gujarat, encompassing sites of the Indus civilization (Heimpel 1993).” (p.15)
    “Mesopotamia, as has often been stated, lacked resources. Its lack of metal ores required this world, at times, independent city-states and, at other times, empire, to look to distant lands in order to procure its metal/ores. Mesopotamian technology, however, was not a form of administrative or scribal concern. When it came to metal technology written texts offer limited information and are all but silent on the training, organization, and recruitment of metal smiths. Similarly, the texts are vague, or more typically silent, as to the geographical provenience from whence they obtained their metal/ore, its quantity, quality, price, or techniques of fabrication. It is left to the archaeologist and the recovered metal artifacts, workshops, associated tools, and mines, to address these questions...Decades ago VG Childe placed metallurgy on the top of his list of important crafts. He maintained that the development of early civilizations was a consequence of the invention of metallurgy (Childe 1930). Bronze-working, he believed, encouraged the manufacture of tools, which in turn led to more productive agriculture, and the growth of cities. Seventy-five years ago, Childe (1930:39) could point out that ‘Other documents from Mesopotamia, also written in the wedge-like characters called cuneiform, refer to the importation of copper from the mountainous region east of the Tigris and of metal and stones from Magan (probably Oman on the Persian Gulf)”…(Lloyd Weeks) introduces us to a new corpus of metal artifacts from the United Arab Emirates. Surprisingly, a significant percentage of these metals, recovered from the site of Tell Abraq, are tin-bronzes…his volume offers an up-to-date review of the enduring ‘tin-problem’ within the context of the greater Near East. Again, Childe (1928: 157) confronted the problem: ‘The Sumerians drew supplies of copper from Oman, from the Iranian Plateau, and even from Anatolia, but the source of their tin remains unknown’…(Lloyd Weeks) states ‘…the absolute source of the metal (tin-bronze) is likely to have been far to the north and east of Afghanistan or central Asia’. The central Asian source has been given reality by the recent discovery in Uzbekistan and Tadzhikistan of Bronze Age settlements and mines involved in tin production (Parzinger and Boroffka 2003).” (From CC Lamberg-Karlovsky’s Foreword in: Weeks, Lloyd R., 2003, Early metallurgy of the Persian Gulf –Technology, trade and the bronze age world, Brill Academic Publishers, Boston, pp. vii-viii).

    See full text: https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B4BAzCi4O_l4aWVMWVFHY25oMGs/edit?usp=sharing Early metallurgy of the Persian Gulf
    Map showing major sites in the Near East

    "Bronze is an alloy consisting primarily of copper, commonly with about 12% tin and often with the addition of other metals (such as aluminium,
    manganesenickel or zinc) and sometimes non-metals or metalloids such as arsenicphosphorus or silicon. These additions produce a range of alloys that may be harder than copper alone, or have other useful properties, such as stiffness, ductility or machinability. The archeological period where bronze was the hardest metal in widespread use is known as the Bronze Age. In the ancient Near East this began with the rise of Sumer in the 4th millennium BC, with India and China starting to use bronze around the same time; everywhere it gradually spread across regions.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bronze

    "The Bronze Age is a time period characterized by the use of bronzeproto-writing, and other early features of urban civilization. The Bronze Age is the second principal period of the three-age Stone-Bronze-Iron system, as proposed in modern times by Christian Jürgensen Thomsen, for classifying and studying ancient societies. An ancient civilization is defined to be in the Bronze Age either by smelting its own copperand alloying with tinarsenic, or other metals, or by trading for bronze from production areas elsewhere. Copper-tin ores are rare, as reflected in the fact that there were no tin bronzes in western Asia before trading in bronze began in the third millennium BCEWorldwide, the Bronze Age generally followed the Neolithic period, with the Copper ageserving as a transition. Although the Iron Age generally followed the Bronze Age, in some areas, the Iron Age intruded directly on the Neolithic from outside the region...Bronze was independently discovered in the Maykop culture of the North Caucasus as early as the mid-4th millennium BC, which makes them the producers of the oldest known bronze. However, the Maykop culture only had arsenical bronze. Other regions developed bronze and its associated technology at different periods.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bronze_Age

    Map of the diffusion of metallurgy. in Europe and Asia Minor. The darkest areas are the oldest. After M. Otte (2007) Vers la Préhistoire, de Boeck, Bruxelles
    "The land between the Euphrates and Tigris is sedimentary and therefore devoid of metals...Some semi-precious stones came from an even greater distance, cornelian from the Indian subcontinent, and lapis lazuli from Central Asia...The regions furthest to the East about which the ancient Mesopotamians had some knowledge appear to be the Indus valley (Meluhha) and Turkmenistan (Shimashki). The legendary country Aratta figures in several Sumerian epics as the distant adversary of Uruk. One can find references to the alleged trade between Uruk and Aratta in the secondary literature...Of great importance are the remains of the cargo discovered in two Late Bronze Age shipwrecks off the South coast of Turkey. The wreck near Cape Gelidonya (late 13th c. BCE) is thought to have come from Phoenicia. Its cargo consisted mainly of copper, tin, and bronze: copper in the shape of 34 oxhides (averaging 25 kg each)) and a number of bun ingots (averaging 3 kg each), tin ingots, and scrap bronze tools. Beter preserved is the shipwreck of Uluburun (late 14th c.) with a cargo of an estimated 20 tons of weight, including 354 copper oxhide ingots (1bout 10 tons), 121 copper bun ingots (about 1 ton), 110 tin ingot fragmens (about 1 ton), and 175 glass ingots (about 300 kg.)...The copper used in Syria and Mesopotamia came from different sources according to the textual evidence. One route led via the southern city of Ur, which possessed a harbour giving access to the Persian Gulf and beyond. The copper obtained from Tilmun from ca. 21st-18th c. BCE came from Oman, where impressive remains of ancient copper workings have been identified dating to this period...Tin is alloyed with copper to obtain bronze. It is first attested in a pin from Tepe Gawra Level VIII (ca. 3000 BCE), with a content of 5.6% tin. At the time of  the royal tombs of Ur (Early Dynastic IIIa. ca. 2700 BCE), bronze appears to be the most commonly used...Weeks contrasted the very limited presence of tin-bronzes in third millennium context in sites of the Iranian Plateau to the significant use of tin-bronze in Baluchistan, the Indus Valley, the Persian Gulf and south-western Iran during the same period. Since the use of tin will have been greatest along the trade route by which it was transported, he convincingly argues that this tin came via the Indian peninsula from one or more Central Asian sources. This is the famous trade with distant Meluhha, which started in the third millennium with the growing importance of the Indus civilisation, and lasted until its decline in about 1900 BCE. The supply of tin by sea route is suggested in a passage in one of the texts of Gudea (Cyl. B xiv 13): 'Along with copper, tin, slabs of lapis lazuli, shining metal (and) spotless Meluhha cornelian' (RIME 3/1,96). After the collapse of Meluhha, tin apparently was traded by an overland route cross Iran. It probably was via this overland route that the tin reached Susa in western Iran from where it was distributed westwards as is documented for the Old Babylonian period. One important route in Mesopotamia ran East of he Tigris to Assur in the North, from where Assyrian traders transported large quantities of tin to Anatolia (documented for the 19th-18th c.). The fact that they exported tin to Anatolia corroborates the view that workable deposits did not exist there...The latest reference to this city (Assur) as a source of tin is contained in an Old Babylonian letter found at the Middle Euphrates site of Haradum, which dates to the reign of Ammi-shaduqa (1683-1626 BCE). The passage reads: 'I entrusted 1 talent 20 minas of tin (= 40kg) to Hushunu, the Ahlami soldier, a guard of the kārum of Haradu, (in) Assur and I had him carry it to Haradum'...King Zimrilim's merchants were allowed to purchase tin and lapis lazuli in Susa. Zimrilim used the tin as diplomatic gifts to rulers in Ugarit, Hazor and other places in the Levant. The gifts made by Zimrilim and earlier by his predecessor Yasmah-Addu (to the king of Apishal) seem to be the only attested cases of tin moving to West Syria by way of Mari...The Uluburn shipwreck discovered off the Turkish coast had a cargo of almost 1,000 kg of tin and (Cypriot) copper, and apparently was heading for a western destination when it sank...tin figures among the tribute, which Neo-Assyrian kings received in North Syria and in the region around Diyarbakir. For example, king Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 BCE) received tribute from Patina (near modern Antakya), which included 600 kg of silver, 30 kg of gold, 3000 kg of iron, and 3000 kg of tin (RI-MA 2, 217 f.)...end of the Neo-Assyrian period (reign of Sin-shar-ishkun, ending 612 BCE), where tin (bdl) is mentioned as payment for a horse or a gift to the god hadad of Gozan. Less than a century later, Transeuphratene was the area where Babylonian merchants from Neo-Babylonian Uruk obtained tin for the Eanna temple according to several texts...Old Assyrian trade (20th-18th c. BCE)...linked the city of Assur with Central Anatolia...(trade) profited from the development of an institutional and legal framework to acommodate trade from about 2000 BCE onwards, in which groups of merchants from a particular town forged long-term relationships with other towns and their rulers through the kārum-system (kārum 'quay, harbour, commercial district). Non-Assyrian caravans brought tons of tin, cornelian and iron to Assur, where local merchants purchased these goods. By means of donkey caravans the goods were shipped to Anatolia and sold there for silver and gold. Kanesh was the main hub of a network of some twenty Assyrian commercial settlements in or close to economically important cities or regions in Anatolia. To facilitate this trade, Assur concluded treaties with local rulers that permitted it to establish trade colonies in existing cities of economic or logistical importance. A string of settlements also existed on the main caravan route from Assur to Anatolia in northern Iraq and Syria...The amount of tin and textiles sent by individual merchants to Anatolia differed considerably. A simple donkey load consisted of some 65 kg of tin, plus some textiles. One particular letter (Kt ck 443) announces the coming to Anatolia of a large convoy consisting of 21 donkeys, carrying 300 kg of tin and 400 assorted textiles. This represented significant load. The shipwreck of Uluburn, however, had a cargo of an estimated 10 tons of copper and 1 ton of tin. The ton of tin equals some 15 donkey-loads. Small as such an amount may seem, it is almost the total estimated yield of one of the mines discovered in Tajikistan. The shipment of textiles and tin to Anatolia was an Assyrian monopoly. There were no traders from Babylon active in Kanesh, but we know that merchants from North Syria (Ebla, Hashshum) were also involved in trade with Anatolia...Obviously, not only Mesopotamian merchants went abroad. Foreign merchants also travelled to Mesopotamia to sell goods. A royal inscription of the Old Akkadian King Sargon (2300) contains a unique hint at the extent of long-distance trade, when he claims that he 'moored the ships of Meluhha, Magan, and Tilmun at the quay of Agade' (RIME 2, 28). The tin and textiles that Assyrian merchants exported to Anatolia reached Assur by means of caravans from Babylonia, and, presumably, Susa...The coastal kingdom of Ugarit was a centre from where copper, tin, alum or lapis lazuli could be sent on to Carchemish and Hatti...Two letters addressed to the king of Ugarit by Tagubli, his representative with the court of Carchemish, deal with the sending of genuine lapis lazuli as a gift to the Hittite king. Urtenu appears as a manager of the palace storage facilities and stables, able to issue horses and donkeys, as well as copper, tin, alum, blue-purple wool, and textiles."

    (Jan Gerrit Dercksen, Mineral resources and demand in the Ancient Near East, in: La Natura Nel Vicino Oriente Antico, Atti del Convegno internationale, Milano, 2009, Edizioni Ares, pp. 43-75)


    Ancient India (hieroglyphs, also known as Indus Script), Mesopotamia 
    (cuneiform) and Egypt (hieroglyphs) developed the earliest writing systems.

    The decipherment of Indus Script Corpora as metalwork catalogues provides the framework for analyzing the documented contributions of Ancient India and Ancient Far East to the Tin-Bronze Revolution.

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    Two indus script hypertexts of Gudimallam Śiva are : kamaḍha 'archer' Rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'; (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā id. rebus: phaḍā, paṭṭaḍa 'metals manufactory'. A hypertext related to cobra hood is replicated in Bharhut and Amaravati sculptural friezes.



    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uxlh-CMNy9c&feature=youtu.be

    Gudimallam Temple Abhishekam


    Published on Nov 14, 2015

    Gudimallam is a historical temple in the Srikalahasti Mandal which lies close to the Renigunta Railway Station. A Śiva Linga, discovered between the 1st century and 2nd    century BC, is installed in the garbhagriha of the Parasurameswara Temple. The main temple sanctum is situated at a lower level as compared to the main floor level of the Mukhamantapa and Antarala. It is believed that it belongs to Trimurthy, with Śiva on the top, Vishnu in the middle and Brahma at the bottom. Dating back to the third and second century BC, it is a simple structure consisting of a single semicircular chamber below ground level. Walking down the few steps into the garbha griha brings one face to face with a 1.35-metre, seven-sided monolithic lingam. The front plane has the figure of Parasurama standing on the crouching figure of a Yaksha. It rests on a base of seven concentric rings, or peethams, only two of which are visible above the surface.  The main lingam and peetham, which were once out in the open under a tree, are dated 3rd century BC, while successive rulers of Pallavas, Banas, Cholas and Rayas made later additions to the temple. The semicircular shrine is a clear feature of the influx of Buddhist architecture into Hindu ones, as was common in the period. The low railing surrounding the idol has floral patterns typical of Buddhist and Jain architecture. Inscriptions on the temple walls in ancient Tamil describe the royal donations made to the temple, besides the various modifications made by rulers.  A Puranic tale tells of Parasurama having beheaded his mother at the behest of his father. The sage was advised by rishis to locate the temple and to worship the lingam as a penance. After much searching, Parasurama found the temple in the middle of the forest, dug a pond nearby and began his purgation.  A single divine flower used to grow miraculously in the pond each day, which the sage offered to Śiva as worship. He appointed a yaksha, Chitrasena, to guard the flower from wild beasts. Parasurama used to bring one hunted creature and toddy everyday for the yaksha.  One day, Chitrasena, a devotee of Brahma, felt tempted to worship Śiva himself. An enraged Parasurama attacked Chitrasena when he found the flower missing.  The battle lasted for 14 years, and was so fierce that a pallam, or pit, was created at the site. ’Gudipallam’, or ‘temple in the pit’, became Gudimallam over time. Unable to choose the victor, Śiva is finally said to have merged both into Himself, and the figures still etched show the hunted beast and toddy pot in Parasurama’s hand. Brahma as Chitrasena, Vishnu as Parasurama and Śiva as the lingam form this unique, unparalleled icon.  There are smaller shrines in the courtyard, mainly for Goddess Parvati, the six-faced Kartikeya and Suryanarayana, all monoliths and over 1.25 metre tall. The sun god is shown standing erect with a flower in each hand, one of the earliest known depictions, comparable to the temples at Konark and Arasavalli in Srikakulam district.  A mysterious event associated with the temple is that of the main chamber getting flooded every sixty years. A small underground tank and a duct connecting the tank to the Śiva lingam can be seen even today. These remain stone dry except during the 60 year phenomenon when water suddenly gushes through with such force that it rises over the column of the lingam, flows over the top and subsides as suddenly. The last time this happened was on December 4, 2005. Monument attendant P. Seenappa, who has recorded the incident in the temple register, says that the episode lasted just a few minutes. The water then fell and remained at six inches for four hours, after which it disappeared as though it was never there. Oldsters remember it happening earlier. Ramanaiah, a 75-year old villager said that he saw a similar phenomenon in 1945, except that the entire chamber had got flooded then.  Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) conservation assistant Krishna Chaitanya says that the water table in the area is at a depth of 300-350 feet, so there is no tangible explanation for the phenomenon. Devotees believe that the water comes all the way from Kashi to do abhishekam to the lingam.  There is yet another remarkable feature of the temple. The rising sun’s rays pass through the grills carved on the stone walls twice a year during the solstices (uttarayana and dakshinayana) and fall directly on the forehead of the main Śiva lingam.


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    https://tinyurl.com/y7zupcay
    Thanks to @manasataramgini for exquisite images of a Kernos ring (evidenced ca. 2000 BCE from Greek pottery) said to be from Balochistan. This artifiact (now said to be in Japan) contains Indus Script hypertext of hieroglyphs, zebu abd black drongo. The Indus Script hypertext readings are:
    pōḷa'bos indicus, zebu' rebus: pōḷa'magnetite, ferrite ore'
    pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: [pōlāda] n ( or P) [pōlādi] 'steel'.
    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarssvati Research Center 
    Januar 6, 2018
    A rare e.g. of a Kernos ring from the subcontinent. It was apprently smuggled to japan from a site in what's today Balochistan
    Top view of same: Kernos rings were made frequently in bronze age and later West Asia and Greece. This e.g. from subcontinent suggests that it was made using local motifs but inspired closely by west Asian Kernos design.
    Bottom view of same along with a stand alone bull from what's today Balochistan showing similar techinique of manufacture.
    Background note on Kernos ring
    In the typology of ancient Greek pottery, the kernos (Greek κέρνος or κέρχνος, plural kernoi) is a pottery ring or stone tray to which are attached several small vessels for holding offerings. Its unusual design is described in literary sources, which also list the ritual ingredients it might contain.[1] The kernos was used primarily in the cults of Demeter and Kore, and of Cybele and Attis.[2]
    The Greek term is sometimes applied to similar compound vessels from other cultures found in the Mediterranean, the LevantMesopotamia, and South Asia.[3]

    Literary description

    Athenaeus preserves an ancient description of the kernos as
    The kernos was carried in procession at the Eleusinian Mysteries atop the head of a priestess, as can be found depicted in art. A lamp was sometimes placed in the middle of a stationary kernos.[5]

    References[edit