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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Iq0Uur4Oiz4 (1:12:18) Conversation with David Reich

    The Genomic Ancient DNA Revolution

    A New Way to Investigate the Past
    David Reich [2.1.16]
    My experience collaborating with Svante since 2007, has been that the data we’ve looked at from the incredible samples they have has yielded surprise after surprise. Nobody had ever gotten to look at data like this before. First, there were the Neanderthals, and then there was this pinky bone from Southern Siberia. At the end of the Neanderthal project, Svante told me we have this amazing genome-wide data from another archaic human, from a little pinky bone of a little girl from a Southern Siberian cave, and asked if I'd like to get involved in analyzing it.
    When we analyzed it, it was an incredible surprise: This individual was not a Neanderthal. They were in fact much more distantly related to a Neanderthal than any two humans are today from each other, and it was not a modern human. It was some very distant cousin of a Neanderthal that was living in Siberia in Central Asia at the time that this girl lived.
    When we analyzed the genome of this little girl, we saw that she was related to people in New Guinea and Australia. A person related to her had contributed about 5 percent of the genomes to people in New Guinea and Australia and related people—an interbreeding event nobody had known about before. It was completely unexpected. It wasn’t in anybody’s philosophy or anybody’s prediction. It was a new event that was driven by the data and not by people’s presuppositions or previous ideas.
    This is what ancient DNA does for us. When you look at the data, it doesn’t always just play into one person’s theory or the other; it doesn’t just play into the Indo-European steppe hypothesis or the Anatolian hypothesis. Sometimes it raises something completely new, like the Denisovan finger bone and the interbreeding of a gene flow from Denisovans into Australians and New Guineans. 
    DAVID REICH is a geneticist and professor in the Department of Genetics at the Harvard Medical School. David Reich's Edge Bio Page
    THE REALITY CLUBRobert Trivers


    THE GENOMIC AND ANCIENT DNA REVOLUTION
    I’m a population geneticist. I study patterns of genetic variation and differences amongst human populations around the world. My big interest is in how people got to be the way they are today and how the differences amongst human populations came to be the way they are today. I was a student of David Goldstein who was, in turn, a student of Luca Cavalli-Sforza. 
    Luca Cavalli-Sforza is the grandfather of the field of studying human evolution and human population history. He realized, as did Allan Wilson, that you can take differences amongst the genomes of different people in the world and use those differences to learn which people are most closely related to which other people, which populations are most closely related to which other populations.
    At the time I did my PhD, which was in the late '90s, the amount of data that was available was about 100,000 times less than is the case today, and that was the type of data that Luca Cavalli-Sforza had available. The ability to learn about history was very thin at the time, but already, he and others could see that people had come out of Africa from a single founder population around 100,000 or 50,000 years ago, and that people moving out of Africa dispersed around the world. But the details were impossible to discern from the data that was available at the time.
    Luca is someone who is deeply immersed in archeology, history, and linguistics and was reading onto those rich fields the little additional information that genetics could provide. What’s happened since that time—the last fifteen years—is genetics has become an extremely powerful type of information. It’s as important in terms of the information it can convey about prehistory as archeology and linguistics, and it’s emerging as a third way to make inquiries about the past before writing. That’s what I am interested in learning about—trying to take advantage of that massive new source of information to understand how people are related to each other.
    My career began as a Luca Cavalli-Sforza student, who was my academic grandparent, working initially on some data that was available and generated by him and his colleagues, and then taking advantage of the genomic revolution and using that information to learn about history and, in particular, with ancient DNA in the last five to seven years.
    There is an interesting phenomenon to do with this new type of information, this new type of data suddenly coming into the room where it wasn’t available before. Previously, the understanding of what population transformations were like, what the peopling of certain parts of the world was like, what lifestyles were like, was the province solely of archeologists and cultural anthropologists, or biological anthropologists and paleontologists. Now, this new information is coming into the room and is speaking to many of the same questions. In part, there is an interesting friction related to the new type of information that is coming into a field which previously hadn’t had access to that information. It’s a little bit threatening to people who are already in those fields—that there is a new type of information.
    Another thing that’s going on is that population geneticists, such as myself, are a bit unschooled. We haven’t gone through graduate school in anthropology, or linguistics, or history, and yet, we’re making very strong statements about these people’s fields. It's a little bit like barbarians are walking into your room, and you can’t ignore barbarians because they have information, weapons, and technology that you didn’t have access to before.
    A concrete example of this is work on population history in India that I have been involved in and that I continue to be very intensively involved in. The history of Indian populations is very rich; it’s one of the most incredibly diverse places in the world, with all these ethnic groups.
    There are more than 4000 well-defined ethnic groups that practice mutual endogamy and don’t mix with each other in practice. It’s a very complex place. People look very different, they have extremely different cultures and histories and traditions. There’s a great deal of anthropology and anthropological study that has gone on in India to try to understand the population history and the context of the relationships to places outside of India.
    In the beginning of 2007, we started studying at the whole genome level, the whole organism level, the DNA from initially twenty-five diverse Indian populations. It’s now more than 200 that we’ve studied. We picked these populations to be as diverse as possible, capturing the linguistic diversity of India. In the south of India, people speak languages called Dravidian, which are not related to languages outside the Indian subcontinent. In the north, people speak Indo-European languages, which are related to the languages of Europe and Armenia and Iran. There are some other language groups, but we picked people to represent the diversity of these language groups, diversity of social status as encoded in the caste system, and we studied the genetic variation.
    What we saw was an amazingly simple pattern: The simple pattern was that the great majority of Indian groups today are descended from a mixture of basically just two ancestral populations, one which we call the ancient ancestral North Indian and one which we call the ancestral South Indian. Everybody is mixed in India without exception. Even the most isolated groups, which are hunter-gatherers living in the forest or isolated places, everybody is mixed with at least 20 percent of each of these ancestries.
    This is a surprise that comes from the genetics. There is no pure unmixed ancestral population of Indians. People who are Dravidian, who come from the south of India, tend to have more of the ancient South Indian ancestry. The people from the north, the people who speak Indo-European, tend to have more of a North Indian ancestry. But there is variability in proportion: people who have traditionally higher caste status both within Southern and within Northern India tend to have more of the ancient Northern Indian ancestry. So what was this reflecting?
    The other thing you can see in the data is that there is an intense sex bias to the event. If you look at people’s proportions of ancient North Indian ancestry, which ranges from about 20 percent to 80 percent depending on which group you’re in, the ancient North Indian ancestry is coming primarily from your paternal side. Most of the ancestry that you get that is North Indian, which is related to West Eurasians, related to Middle Easterners and Central Asians and Europeans even, most of that ancestry is coming from your male side. Most of your ancient South Indian ancestry is coming from your female side. That type of ancestry is not related to anything outside the Indian subcontinent; it is completely local.
    What this reflects is an amazingly profound and convulsive historical mixture event. This was very interesting because what it implied was some historical phenomenon that was not clearly documented by archeology or anthropology, about which there were debates, but there was no question that this had occurred.
    A lot of our research on Neanderthal population history, which I have worked on very closely with Svante Pääbo, was driven in terms of the methods we developed by this India question and trying to understand what happened in population history in India. When we followed this up, our big question was, when had this mixture occurred between people of this ancient North Indian and ancient South Indian ancestry? because it was a profound and convulsive mixture that affected every population in India without exception.
    What we developed is a set of statistical techniques that used a very simple principle to try to estimate the age when the mixture occurred and the ancestry of the present day person. The way this idea works is very simple: When you are a mixture of two people of different ethnicities, for example, you have two copies of each chromosome, you have 23 pairs of chromosomes, and a first generation offspring of a person, say, of ancient South Indian and ancient North Indian ancestry will have one chromosome of three entirely ANI ancestry (ancient North Indian), and the other chromosome three of entirely ASI (ancient South Indian ancestry).
    When they perform a mixed offspring, a kid, they’ll break those chromosomes once or two times per chromosome per generation and send a hybrid, a mosaic chromosome, down to their kid, which will have perhaps the first third ANI, next third ASI, next third ANI. So you have a regular breaking one or two times per generation until today, you have a broken-up chromosome where the number of breaks reflects how many generations it’s been. You just count the breaks to see how long ago the mixture happened.      
    When we did that we found that the mixture in India happened between 2000 to 4000 years ago. Prior to that, there were unmixed populations in India. Amazingly, what you could see from the genetic data was an event in which you could see cultural change. You could see that in India, prior to 4000 years ago, the populations there looked nothing like they do today. There were unmixed populations related to West Eurasians, and they were related to ancient South Indians.
    After that, there was a profound and convulsive population mixture event that affected every group without exception, even the ones that are isolated and outcasts outside the tribal system. Then, beginning about 2000 years ago, the whole system locked in and the mixing stopped, and you could see that because there are these founder events—a relatively small number of people giving rise to the large number of people that exist in any one group today. There is very strong endogamy in India, so you can see that a lot of people in a group today will descend from the same founders. And if there was even a little bit of genetic input into those groups from outside over that 100 generations, it would be disrupted, that signal.
    What we can see is a cultural change where there is initially massive acceptance of mixture or massive occurrence of mixture—it’s a sex-biased event, which probably means it has to do with power—and then it locks in and the caste system sets in. This is very interesting in the context of the anthropology because one of the leading views in biological anthropology was a kind of revisionist view about the caste system in India.
    The caste system was an invention of colonialism. Nicholas Dirks, for example, was arguing that the caste system wasn’t very important prior to the British. The British found this system in India, they strengthened it as a way of ruling India, they put themselves on top, they used it as a way of organizing society, and they systematized it; they imposed it across different parts of India.
    To many extents, that is true, they did use the caste system, they did systematize it. But it’s wrong to say that it was not strong, and you can see in the genetic data that it’s been around for thousands of years. You could see this in the genetic data.      
    There is an incredibly old longstanding debate in India about the events that led to the amazing mixes that have occurred in India. India is a mixture of Indo-European languages related to European languages, and also of Dravidian languages not related to languages outside of Europe, as well as other language groups. It’s a mix of agricultural systems. It’s at the collision of the Chinese and Mesopotamian agricultural systems with rice and certain other domesticates coming from China, and wheat and barley and goats and sheep coming from the West. It’s a mix in all sorts of ways, and it’s a mix genetically.
    The question is how this came about, so the linguistics is an important line of evidence here, and it’s a very contentious and interesting line of evidence. The question is still not resolved and that’s what genetics and what I am most engaged in trying to understand right now.
    There is this phenomenon of the Indo-European languages. These are these languages like English, like almost all the languages of Europe except for Basque, Hungarian, Estonian, Finnish, and a couple of others, which are spoken across this extremely broad region of the world even before the movement of these languages to the Americas and elsewhere through colonialism. These languages have a funny distribution: They're spoken in Europe and they’re spoken in Iran and India and Armenia, but they haven’t been spoken in the Middle East and the Near East for 5000 years, mostly. The reason we know that is Near Eastern languages—the Near East is the place where writing was invented and that we know these languages weren’t Indo-European. You have this strange bi-lobed distribution with a lobe in Iran and India, and a lobe in Europe, and a gap in-between. How did this come about? This is one of the great mysteries of the West.
    It was discovered in the late 18th century by a British magistrate working in India who was schooled in Greek and Latin from his public school education in Britain and realized that the Sanskrit he was studying was just like Greek and Latin in its grammar and its structure—these were closely related languages. This mystery of how Indo-Europeans spread over such a vast region and what the historical underpinnings of it would have been is ongoing and remains a mystery. The fact that these languages are in India has led to the hypothesis that they came in from somewhere else, from the north, from the west, and that perhaps maybe this would be a vector for the movement of these people.
    Another reason that people think that is that when you have languages coming in, not always but usually, they're brought by large movements of people. Hungarian is an exception. The Hungarians are mostly not descended from the people who brought Hungarian to Hungary. In general, languages typically tend to follow large movements of people.
    On the other hand, once agriculture is established, as it has been for 5000 to 8000 years in India, it’s very hard for a group to make a dent on it. The British didn’t make any demographic dent on India even though they politically ruled it for a couple of hundred years.
    It’s a mystery how this occurred, and it remains a mystery. What we know is that the likely timing of this event is probably around 3000 to 4000 years ago. The timing of the arrival of Indo-European language corresponds to the timing of the mixture event.
    This debate is happening now in a substantial way, and the reason is DNA. Linguistics is making amazing and interesting continued progress, but the DNA evidence is very radical and important. Colin Renfrew had a very important argument, and until this year, it was the primary working hypothesis for most people of the origin of Indo-European languages. He called it the Anatolian hypothesis.
    The idea of the Anatolian hypothesis is that the Indo-European language is the language spoken by the people who invented farming in Anatolia.
    We know from the archeology that farming expands radically and rapidly into Europe beginning about 8500 years ago, first in Greece and then radiating out from Greece until it reaches Scandinavia and Britain about 6000 years ago. Between 8500 years ago and 6000 years ago, it spreads right across Europe in a wave of events.
    What he thought was a plausible explanation is that the movement of Indo-European languages into Europe was due to the expansion of farming; it came hand-in-hand with farming. Similarly, the movement of Indo-European languages into Iran and India was due to the similar expansion of farming from Anatolia and the Near East to the East. That was the hypothesis.
    The linguistics tended to lean the other way—to support that there was more of a connection of these languages to the northern steppe. But the evidence based on archeology was winning the day.
    The best evidence Colin Renfrew and colleagues had was that people typically change languages due to force of numbers, due to large numbers of people moving. What he argued was that we know there is a mass movement of people into Europe beginning 8500 years ago; that was confirmed by genetics beginning in 2009. But we don’t know of any major movement of people into Europe since the arrival of agriculture. And not only that, it would have been very difficult for there to be a major demographic impact on Europe after that point.     
    ~ ~ ~
    Coming into this field for me has been made possible by my collaboration with Svante Pääbo, who brought me on as one of the primary analysts looking at population history, interpreting the Neanderthal data that they produced beginning in 2007 to try to learn about history and the relationships of Neanderthals to modern humans.
    What Svante invented was a technology for looking at the whole genetic code, basically, of ancient humans. Once we had that data, we could compare it to present-day humans and other ancient samples to learn about history.
    This technology is like the invention of new scientific instruments. It’s a momentous new scientific instrument, like the invention of a telescope or a microscope. When you have a new instrument, anything you look at is new. For example, when you look with a microscope into a bit of pond water, you see cells for the first time; that’s what people saw. Leeuwenhoek, when he first used microscopes, observed cells, observed microbes, observed cell walls, all these things one couldn’t see before were great surprises. When you have a new instrument, you can see new things.
    When I began working with Svante my experience, when we had whole genome data from a Neanderthal which is an archaic human—the ones we were studying initially lived 40,000 years ago in Croatia and Europe—was that those samples were more closely related to non-Africans than to Africans. There were no ifs, ands, or buts about it; it was very clear genetically and there were multiple ways that we could see that this had occurred.
    Since that time, line of evidence after line of evidence, way of looking after the data, way of looking after the data has shown that non-Africans today are descended from a mixture of Neanderthals like the ones that we have data on from Croatia, and modern humans. Somewhere between 1 to 3 percent of the ancestry of non-Africans today is from Neanderthals. That was a big surprise in that it was against the orthodoxy, it surprised us because Svante and I were both from a world in genetics which was very much the "out of Africa" world.
    We were part of the triumphant march of people saying that it wasn’t lots of different independent origins of modern humans around the world, which is what some people thought before. Allan Wilson, in Svante’s lab, and Luca Cavalli-Sforza were part of this triumphant march of geneticists saying we all have a common origin of about 50,000 years ago from an exit from Africa, and there are deeper roots of human variation in Africa; that’s what’s going on.      
    Multiregionalism, the idea of multiple independent origins and parallel evolution with gene exchange in different places, basically, that view is wrong in the sense that the basic story is that most of our lineage comes from Africa—98 percent of it in most cases for non-Africans—around 50,000 or 100,000 years ago, somewhere in that range. That’s basically the story. This is the case where DNA just cuts through, and in an extremely powerful way, provides new information.     
    It’s a radically new type of information about the past; it’s a great gift to be able to have access to it. It’s a great surprise. Who would have thought DNA survived that long? It provides direct information about population relationships, and it allows you to connect the skeletons you get data from to archeological cultures and to different other ancient and modern people. It’s an amazing technology.      
    The access we have to prehistory currently is through linguistics and through archeology, both important, exciting fields. Linguistics is the study of languages and their relationships and the reconstruction of ancestral languages, and it provides information about what languages were like prior to the invention of writing because bits of language are inherited through the word systems.
    Similarly, archeology provides records of the material culture—the stone tools, and other artifacts people left behind, as well as some skeletons of people.
    But understanding how people are related to each other has been nearly impossible based on archeological and linguistic evidence.
    My experience collaborating with Svante since 2007, has been that the data we’ve looked at from the incredible samples they have has yielded surprise after surprise. Nobody had ever gotten to look at data like this before. First, there were the Neanderthals, and then there was this pinky bone from Southern Siberia. At the end of the Neanderthal project, Svante told me we have this amazing genome-wide data from another archaic human, from a little pinky bone of a little girl from a Southern Siberian cave, and asked if I'd like to get involved in analyzing it.
    When we analyzed it, it was an incredible surprise: This individual was not a Neanderthal. They were in fact much more distantly related to a Neanderthal than any two humans are today from each other, and it was not a modern human. It was some very distant cousin of a Neanderthal that was living in Siberia in Central Asia at the time that this girl lived.
    When we analyzed the genome of this little girl, we saw that she was related to people in New Guinea and Australia. A person related to her had contributed about 5 percent of the genomes to people in New Guinea and Australia and related people—an interbreeding event nobody had known about before. It was completely unexpected. It wasn’t in anybody’s philosophy or anybody’s prediction. It was a new event that was driven by the data and not by people’s presuppositions or previous ideas.
    This is what ancient DNA does for us. When you look at the data, it doesn’t always just play into one person’s theory or the other; it doesn’t just play into the Indo-European steppe hypothesis or the Anatolian hypothesis. Sometimes it raises something completely new, like the Denisovan finger bone and the interbreeding of a gene flow from Denisovans into Australians and New Guineans.
    Another example that we encountered along these lines was part of our work on India and part of our work on Neanderthals. We were developing tests of population mixture, tests of whether present-day groups today are the result of a mixture of other ancient groups. This is something that Luca Cavalli-Sforza wasn’t able to do because his data and the data that people like him were looking at was too thin at the time, but now we can do it.
    When we developed these tests of population mixture we applied them to different people around the world, and in 2012 we applied them to Northern Europeans, for example, French, but it would also apply to English or Germans or Scandinavians or to many other populations in Northern and even Central and Southern Europe. We saw that everybody there is mixed. One of the mixing populations looks today most like Southern Europeans, like isolated people from Southern Europe like Sardinians, and the other population of all people is Native Americans. This was a huge surprise, completely unexpected—why Native Americans and Southern Europeans give rise to Northern Europeans. It was definitely Native Americans, not East Asians, not present-day Siberians; it was definitely Native Americans.
    What we proposed in 2012 was that what we were seeing evidence of was an ancient mixture event that had affected Northern Europeans, and between early European farmers related to ice- related Southern European populations, and the group which we call the ancient North Eurasians.
    The ancient North Eurasians were a population once distributed across parts of North Eurasia. Before 15,000 years ago they went into the Americas, in mixed form probably, but went into the Americas and became Native Americans, and also, at some point, went into Europe. You have this ancient North Eurasian population that once existed there but doesn’t exist today because it was replaced after the Ice Age.
    What we had proposed was a ghost population, a population that we were predicting statistically based on the patterns that’s left on present-day people but that doesn’t exist anymore in the place where it once was.      
    The Ice Ages are very profound events. There has been an ice age in Eurasia in the last 45,000 years, so there is a very severe cold period with glaciers covering much of Europe and much of North America with the maximum being between about 26,000 and 19,000 years ago. This was a profound event that made it impossible to live in many places in the world and radically changed the climate everywhere else, so people’s habitats were disrupted and people presumably moved around.
    We can see that very clearly in the archeology; you don’t need the genetics for that. You see that there’s big transformations, whole periods when there are people missing from Northern Europe during this time. Then, there are re-peopling events following the retreat of the glaciers into North America, there is a re-peopling from the north after the retreats of the glaciers. And in Europe, there is a re-peopling from the south.
    These are profound events and they are naturally expected to be accompanied by population changes and transformations in Central Asia. There are also dramatic population changes. The present-day people of Siberia are almost certainly post-Ice Age re-peopling from the south, replacing these ancient North Eurasians who migrated to the Americas and also to Europe. There are very dramatic changes. We are currently working on Ice Age Europe and genetics of Ice Age Europe, and we see extremely dramatic changes associated with the Ice Age and population replacements and changes and turnovers.      
    It’s a new type of information. I’ve been at a series of interdisciplinary meetings between linguists and archeologists and geneticists recently, and the genetics give succor to some people but it doesn’t make everybody happy; nobody is completely happy with the genetic data. It doesn’t perfectly play into anyone’s theory. In general, there is this battle line that’s been drawn between people who support what’s called the Anatolian hypothesis, the arrival of Indo-European languages from the Near East with farming, and people who think it arose later through a homeland in the steppe.
    The genetics is tending to support the steppe hypothesis because in the last year, we have identified a very strong pattern that this ancient North Eurasian ancestry that you see in Europe today, we now know when it arrived in Europe. It arrived 4500 years ago from the East from the steppe, and it now constitutes about half the ancestry of Northern Europeans.
    What we showed in the genetic data is that around 4500 years ago, at least in Central Europe, there is a massive population replacement with new people coming in. The old people disappear or get marginalized, and the populations ever afterward have very large percentages of ancestry from the East and, in particular, they have ancestry that is closely related to a group called the Yamnaya, which is the first mobile population of the steppe.
    They had to use the recent domestication of the horse and the recent invention of the wheel to be able to herd their cattle and horses in the steppe lands which were previously inaccessible to humans. These people spread all over the steppe, they spread into parts of Siberia, and they also spread west into Europe. What we’ve shown in the genetics data is they actually replaced, or their descendents replaced, much of the population.
    We now have a massive population replacement in Central Europe beginning at least 4500 years ago that is so late that it must have brought new languages to the people, and therefore, it’s highly likely that at least some of the Indo-European languages in Europe owe their origin to migrations from the steppe. This is a very exciting development and it means that the Anatolian hypothesis cannot be an explanation for all the languages of Europe because some of them have to come through the steppe, and it also means that possibly there are ways that one needs to reconsider the possible spread processes in light of the genetic data.
    ~ ~ ~
    I opened up my own ancient DNA laboratory in Boston in 2013 with the help of Svante Pääbo, to study some of the topics that he wasn’t interested in studying himself, mostly population transformations after the Ice Age, and that’s what the work of the last three years has been. It’s been turning ancient DNA into an industrial process, studying very large numbers of samples, moving away from the model of studying just one or two or three amazing interesting samples and studying dozens or hundreds of people and understanding how carefully constructed time transects through different places in the world, and how populations have changed over time.        
    It’s important to be extremely careful and to say true things that are extremely well supported by genetic data. That cuts out 95 percent of what one might say. What we are trying to do is to be very cautious and careful about the things we say and that when we publish something, to say things that are very clear, strong, and correct, as much as we can.
    Surely, we’ll make mistakes sometimes, but we try to not be speculative and to say very confident things. Once we do that, we are in a place where we can defend what we say, and we have an obligation to report what we find regardless of how it plays into a discussion. In general, the effect of the genetics and the genetic discoveries of the last few years has been to make it harder to make an argument about the superiority of one group or another.
    One of the things that’s emerged from the genomic ancient DNA revolution from this new science of the human past is the realization that human populations today are mixed. This is a very unexpected thing and it was not in people’s way of thinking about the world before, but when people think intuitively about human population differences, they think, "Oh, there are these differences that I recognize intuitively amongst groups that I see in the world, and they must reflect group differences that go back deep in time to the time that we all share a common ancestral population." But in fact, that’s not true. If you look, for example, 10,000 years ago at the population structure of Eurasia, and you compare it to the population structure of Eurasia today, at that time, the populations were just as differentiated from each other as they are today, but the structure was nothing like what it is today.
    For example, today, West Eurasia, Europe, the Near East, Central Asia, Iran is a region of very low differentiation, the populations genetically are quite similar to each other, but in fact, that reflects over the last 10,000 years a dramatic collapse of four very different populations into each other: hunter-gatherers of Europe, ancient Near Easterners both in the West of the Near East and the East of the Near East, and it’s people from the steppe.
    None of these populations disappear, but they all mixed in with each other such that it’s a large region of low differentiation. There are these people who are ancient North Eurasians who used to be spread over Siberia; they don’t exist anymore. They don’t exist in unmixed form, but they left huge numbers of descendants in India and Europe and the Americas.
    There were groups that were highly differentiated at that time, but they’re very different from the groups today. And what you see instead is a lattice of groups in the past which are quite differentiated from each other but form mixtures of other quite differentiated groups, going back and back and back and back in time. It’s mixture all the way down; it’s a very different picture. That’s difficult to reconcile with people’s intuitive sense of the differences amongst groups which are more of these pictures of static difference going back a long way.     
    What’s happened very rapidly, dramatically, and powerfully, in the last few years has been the explosion of genome-wide studies of human history based on modern and ancient DNA, and that’s been enabled by the technology of genomics and the technology of ancient DNA. Basically, it’s a gold rush right now; it’s a new technology and that technology is being applied to everything we can apply it to, and there are many low-hanging fruits, many gold nuggets strewn on the ground that are being picked up very rapidly. That’s what’s happening now.      
    What’s very clear and what the archeologists who are really scientists, embracing scientific technology, are realizing is that this is a new way to investigate the past. This is going to be embraced by archeology, by the humanities, by linguistics, as a new way of inquiring into the past. In five or ten years, this will be integrated properly into departments of linguistics, especially into departments of archeology, as a central way of inquiring into the past.
    If you are excavating a site and you have skeletal remains of humans or of animals, the DNA will tell you how the people who inhabited the sites, or the animals who inhabited the sites, or the plants that were raised at the sites, relate to those at other sites that have been excavated. It will allow you to tell the sexes of the individuals, it will allow you to tell the family relationships of the individuals, it will allow you to understand the details of the population relationships of other groups. It’s a little bit like the radiocarbon revolution that happened beginning in 1949.
    Walter Libby invented this technology for estimating directly the dates of samples by the ratio of carbon-14 to carbon-12. This was quickly recognized by archeologists to be a transformative discovery because it made it possible to obtain an absolute direct date on samples where previously it was only possible to obtain relative dates.
    For example, Colin Renfrew’s career is built on the radiocarbon revolution; it’s built on the idea that you can get absolute dates on things. Colin Renfrew was very impressed and involved in work that demonstrated that the megalithic structures of Europe—these big stone structures of Europe—preceded the pyramids and the ancient large stone structures of the Near East. The previous archeologists had argued all ex-Orient looks, the best big ideas are always coming from the East.
    The big structures of Europe must be derived from the East; they must have come afterward. But it’s not true. It was radiocarbon dated before, so it gave an absolute timescale for history. Archeologists have fully integrated dating into their work, and archeologists will also fully integrate ancient DNA into their work.
    I have a lot of hope here because archeologists are scientists. Even though archeology is often embedded in the humanities, archeologists as part of their training, learn how to interpret radiocarbon dates, they learn how to interpret isotopic information, and they have embraced science.
    They are desperate to learn about the past with scientific methods and other methods. It's not physics, so they don’t have equations very much, but they are desperate to learn about the past. It's very clear from talking about them that they are embracing this technology.
    Now, how this relates to anthropology is a more complicated question because anthropology has a grounding in the humanities, and what we’re beginning to learn about, as in the case of our work on India is about past interactions of people. We can understand, for example, from the genetics, we can see that mixtures of events were mediated by sex bias.
    I mentioned the one in India where most of the West Eurasian related ancestry in India is coming through male ancestors, but more recently, we see evidence of this in African-Americans. It’s 20 percent European ancestry, but it’s coming three-to-one from the male side, the European ancestry. If you look at Colombia in Mestizos, in people of mixed native and European ancestry and a bit of African ancestry, the European ancestry is coming twenty-to-one from the male side.
    What you’re seeing in the imprint of these populations genetically is the history of power inequality, which is usually males of power from one group having preferential access to local females, and that’s what you see in these groups. You see this again in Iceland. Iceland today is a mixture of Scandinavian men and British women who were stolen from Britain by, as is documented in the sagas, by these tax evaders from Norway who were male, and you see this imprinted in the DNA. You can see sex bias in the genetic data.
    Now, that’s very interesting because it tells you about something about the cultural nature of these interactions. In India, you can see, for example, that there is this profound population mixture event that happens between 2000 to 4000 years ago. It corresponds to the time of the composition of the Rigveda, the oldest Hindu religious text, one of the oldest pieces of literature in the world, which describes a mixed society where there is people with not entirely Indo-European names who are being incorporated as poets and kings.
    You have that happening, and then you have the ossification of that system into a kind of caste system, which you can see both in the genetics also reflected in the text. But you can establish this with the genetics, especially with ancient DNA, but even in the case of India with present DNA because we don’t yet have ancient DNA from India. Anthropologists will eventually need to use this information, and they will because they’ve embraced also radiocarbon data. 

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    I suggest that are many hieroglyphs constituting a hypertext on this male statue of Mohenjo-daro. This monograph demonstrates that the statue signifies Potr̥ 'Purifier priest' in  R̥gveda tradition of performance of yajña. The rationale, validation for linking with R̥gveda tradition is provided by the Binjor discovery in 2015 of a yajña kuṇḍa together with aṣṭāśri yūpa which is consistent with the texts of R̥gveda and Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. Together with the discovery of what tantamounts to a yūpa inscription is the discovery of Indus Script seals with the readings of wealth accounting ledgers of metalwork.aṣṭāśri yūpa is a ketu केतु sign , mark , ensign , flag , banner (R̥gveda) -- a proclamation of the performance of a Soma Samsthā yajña. Details have been provided in the 1035 monographs at 
    https://independent.academia.edu/SriniKalyanaraman and in Epigraphia Indus Script -- Hypertexts & Meanings (2017)
     



    Image result for priest mohenjodaroThe hieroglyphs are: 

    1) Dotted circle (circular inlay ornament) looks like a
    2) bead is worn like a 
    3) fillet tied to a 
    4) String; the fillet bands fall like a 
    5) scarf

    6) shawl cloth worn with right-shoulder bare is decorated with
    7) one, two, three dotted circles

    With the following hieroglyph components read rebus in Meluhha, the hypertext is: 

    Component 1: dhā 'strand' + vaṭa 'string' rebus: vatta n. ʻduty, officeʼ(Pali) rebus: धावडी [ dhāvaḍī ] a Relating to the class धावड, 'smelter'. (Semantic determinative: dhāṭ(h)u 'scarf' (WPah.) rebus: dhāṭu 'mineral ore')

    Component 2: paṭṭa m. ʻfillet', paḍa 'cloth' rebus: phaḍā 'metals manufactory' 

    Thus, together, the Indus Script hypertext of the Priest statue reads: Potr̥ dhāvaḍa phaḍā  'Purifier priest, smelter, metals manufactory'. The process of purification in Agni makes the entire process sacred, divine -- an act of daivam, 'divinity'.

    Since one, two, three dotted circles adorn the uttarīyam, 'upper garment' of the Priest is a smelter of three types of mineral ores,  tri-dhātu 'three strands' rebus: tri-dhātu 'three minerals'; the minerals are: goṭa'laterite, ferrite ore', bicha 'haematite, ferrite ore', poḷa 'magnetite, ferriteore'. Three hieroglyphs of Indus Script cipher which signify these minerals are: goṭa'round pebble, stone', bica'scorpion', poḷa'zebu, bos indicus'.

    What is the priest called in Meluhha? The answer is provided by the R̥gveda tradition of yajña. Hieroglyph: potta 'cloth' rebus: Potr̥ पोतृ प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; =यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. ) (R̥g Veda Brāhmaṇa, Śrautasūtra.हरिवंश). पोतन a. 1 Sacred, holy. -2 Purifying. The title of Pallavakings may link with the sacred purification process: போத்தரசர் pōttaracar , n. prob. போத்து¹ +. A title of the Pallava kings; பல்லவர் பட்டப்பெயர்களி லொன்று. மயேந்திரப் போத்தரசர் (S. I. I. ii, 341.)

    I suggest that that Potr̥ the Purifier priest is the dhā̆vaḍ'iron-smelter' who purifies (smelts) the ores to produce wealth of metal. Agni is the purifying medium.

    1.Hieroglyph: A. dotted circle: dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜; B. Throw of dice: dāˊtu n. ʻ share ʼ RV. [Cf. śatádātu -- , sahásradātu -- ʻ hun- dredfold, thousandfold ʼ: Pers. dāv ʻ stroke, move in a game ʼ prob. ← IA. -- √K. dāv m. ʻ turn, opportunity, throw in dice ʼ; S. ḍ̠ã̄u m. ʻ mode ʼ; L.  m. ʻ direction ʼ, (Ju.) ḍ̠āḍ̠ã̄ m. ʻ way, manner ʼ; P. dāu m. ʻ ambush ʼ; Ku. dã̄w ʻ turn, opportunity, bet, throw in dice ʼ, N. dāu; B. dāudã̄u ʻ turn, opportunity ʼ; Or. dāudāũ ʻ opportunity, revenge ʼ; Mth. dāu ʻ trick (in wrestling, &c.) ʼ; OAw. dāu m. ʻ opportunity, throw in dice ʼ; H. dāūdã̄w m. ʻ turn ʼ; G.dāv m. ʻ turn, throw ʼ, ḍāv m. ʻ throw ʼ; M. dāvā m. ʻ revenge ʼ. -- NIA. forms with nasalization (or all NIA. forms) poss. < dāmán -- 2 m. ʻ gift ʼ RV., cf. dāya -- m. ʻ gift ʼ MBh., akṣa -- dāya-- m. ʻ playing of dice ʼ Naiṣ.(CDIAL 6258) தாயம் tāyamn. < dāya. A fall of the dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் விருத்தம். முற்பட இடுகின்ற தாயம் (கலித். 136, உரை). 5. Cubical pieces in dice-play; கவறு. (யாழ். அக.) 6. Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். Colloq. rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (CDIAL 6773) Semantic determinative.

    2. Hieroglyph  bead: *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, putipũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. potm. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá -- 1.(CDIAL 8403) rebus: Pot'Purifier priest' (R̥gveda) Semantic determinative)

    3. Hieroglyph: a)Fillet: paṭṭa2 m. ʻ cloth, woven silk ʼ Kāv., ʻ bandage, fillet turban, diadem ʼ MBh. [Prob. like paṭa -- and *phēṭṭa -- 1 from non -- Aryan source, of which *patta -- in Gy. and *patra-- in Sh. may represent aryanization of paṭṭa -- . Not < páttra -- nor, with P. Tedesco Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld 222, < *pr̥ṣṭa<-> ʻ woven ʼ, while an assumed borrowing from IA. in Bur. ph*llto -- čiṅ ʻ puttees ʼ is too flimsy a basis for *palta -- (~ Eng. fold, &c.) as the source NTS xiii 93]
    Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ woven silk, fine cloth, cotton cloth, turban ʼ, °ṭaka -- ʻ made of a strip of cloth ʼ, n. ʻ bandage, girdle ʼ, °ṭikā -- f.; NiDoc. paṭa ʻ roll of silk ʼ Lüders Textilien 24; Pk. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ cloth, clothes, turban ʼ; Paš. paṭā ʻ strip of skin ʼ, ar. weg. paṭīˊ ʻ belt ʼ; Kal.rumb. pāˊṭi ʻ scarf ʼ; Phal. paṭṭaṛa ʻ bark ʼ; K. paṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ long strip of cloth from loom ʼ, poṭu m. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ, pôṭu m. ʻ silk, silk cloth ʼ (← Ind.?); S. paṭū m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭū̃ m. ʻ a kind of woollen cloth ʼ, paṭo m. ʻ band of cloth ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ bandage, fillet ʼ; L. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, awāṇ. paṭṭī f. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ; P. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ coarse woollen cloth, bandage ʼ; WPah.bhal. peṭṭu m. sg. and pl. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ; Ku. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ; N. pāṭ ʻ flax, hemp ʼ; A. B. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ (B. also ʻ jute ʼ); Or. pāṭa ʻ silk, jute ʼ, paṭā ʻ red silk cloth, sheet, scarf ʼ, (Bastar) pāṭā ʻ loincloth ʼ; Bhoj. paṭuā ʻ jute ʼ; OAw. pāṭa m. ʻ silk cloth ʼ; H. paṭ m. ʻ cloth, turban ʼ, paṭṭū m. ʻ coarse woollen cloth ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, paṭkā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; G. pāṭ m. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ bandage ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ tape ʼ; Ko. pāṭṭo ʻ strap ʼ; Si. paṭa ʻ silk, fine cloth ʼ, paṭiya ʻ ribbon, girdle, cloth screen round a tent ʼ. -- Gy. rum. pato ʻ clothing ʼ, gr. patavo ʻ napkin ʼ, wel. patavō ʻ sock ʼ, germ. phār ʻ silk, taffeta ʼ; Sh.koh. gur. pāc̣ṷ m. ʻ cloth ʼ, koh. poc̣e ʻ clothes ʼ.*paṭṭakara -- , *paṭṭadukūla -- , *paṭṭapati -- , paṭṭaraṅga -- , paṭṭarājñī -- , *paṭṭavaya -- ; *niṣpaṭṭa -- ; *antarapaṭṭa -- , *andhapaṭṭa -- , *kakṣapaṭṭa -- , *karpaṭapaṭṭikā -- , *ghumbapaṭṭa -- , carmapaṭṭa -- , *dupaṭṭikā -- , *paggapaṭṭa -- , *paścapaṭṭa -- , *laṅgapaṭṭa -- , *vasanapaṭṭa -- , śīrṣapaṭṭaka -- .Addenda: paṭṭa -- 2: WPah.poet. pakṭe f. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ (metath. of *paṭke with -- akka -- ); Md. fořā ʻ cloth or Sinhalese sarong ʼ, fařu(v)i ʻ silk ʼ, fař ʻ strip, chain ʼ, fař jehum ʻ wrapping ʼ (jehum verbal noun of jahanī ʻ strikes ʼ).(CDIAL 7700) rebus:  phaḍā 'metals manufactory' (Semantic determinative)

    Hieroglyph: b) Cloth worn: pōta2 m. ʻ cloth ʼ, pōtikā -- f. lex. 2. *pōtta -- 2 (sanskrit- ized as pōtra -- 2 n. ʻ cloth ʼ lex.). 3. *pōttha -- 2 ~ pavásta<-> n. ʻ covering (?) ʼ RV., ʻ rough hempen cloth ʼ AV. T. Chowdhury JBORS xvii 83. 4. pōntī -- f. ʻ cloth ʼ Divyāv. 5. *pōcca -- 2 < *pōtya -- ? (Cf. pōtyā = pōtānāṁ samūhaḥ Pāṇ.gaṇa. -- pṓta -- 1?). [Relationship with prōta -- n. ʻ woven cloth ʼ lex., plōta -- ʻ bandage, cloth ʼ Suśr. or with pavásta -- is obscure: EWA ii 347 with lit. Forms meaning ʻ cloth to smear with, smearing ʼ poss. conn. with or infl. by pusta -- 2 n. ʻ working in clay ʼ (prob. ← Drav., Tam. pūcu &c. DED 3569, EWA ii 319)]
    1. Pk. pōa -- n. ʻ cloth ʼ; Paš.ar. pōwok ʻ cloth ʼ, g ʻ net, web ʼ (but lauṛ. dar. pāwāk ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, Gaw. pāk IIFL iii 3, 150).
    2. Pk. potta -- , °taga -- , °tia -- n. ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, pottī -- , °tiā -- , °tullayā -- , puttī -- f. ʻ piece of cloth, man's dhotī, woman's sāṛī ʼ, pottia -- ʻ wearing clothes ʼ; S. potī f. ʻ shawl ʼ, potyo m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; L. pot, pl. °tã f. ʻ width of cloth ʼ; P. potṛā m. ʻ child's clout ʼ, potṇā ʻ to smear a wall with a rag ʼ; N. poto ʻ rag to lay on lime -- wash ʼ, potnu ʻ to smear ʼ; Or. potā ʻ gunny bag ʼ; OAw. potaï ʻ smears, plasters ʼ; H. potā m. ʻ whitewashing brush ʼ, potī f. ʻ red cotton ʼ, potiyā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛā m. ʻ baby clothes ʼ; G. pot n. ʻ fine cloth, texture ʼ, potũ n. ʻ rag ʼ, potī f., °tiyũ n. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. pot m. ʻ roll of coarse cloth ʼ, n. ʻ weftage or texture of cloth ʼ, potrẽ n. ʻ rag for smearing cowdung ʼ.3. Pa. potthaka -- n. ʻ cheap rough hemp cloth ʼ, potthakamma -- n. ʻ plastering ʼ; Pk. pottha -- , °aya -- n.m. ʻ cloth ʼ; S. potho m. ʻ lump of rag for smearing, smearing, cloth soaked in opium ʼ.4. Pa. ponti -- ʻ rags ʼ. 5. Wg. pōč ʻ cotton cloth, muslin ʼ, Kt. puč; Pr. puč ʻ duster, cloth ʼ, pūˊčuk ʻ clothes ʼ; S. poco m. ʻ rag for plastering, plastering ʼ; P. poccā m. ʻ cloth or brush for smearing ʼ, pocṇā ʻ to smear with earth ʼ; Or. pucā̆rapucurā ʻ wisp of rag or jute for whitewashing with, smearing with such a rag ʼ.(CDIAL 8400) Ta. potti garment of fibres, cloth. Ka. potti cloth. Te. potti bark, a baby's linen, a sort of linen cloth; pottika a small fine cloth; podugu a baby's linen. Kol. (SSTWpot sari. Pa. bodgida short loincloth. / Cf. Skt. potikā-, Pkt. potti-, pottiā-, etc.; Turner, CDIAL, no. 8400.(DEDR 4515) rebus: Pot 'Purifier priest' (R̥gveda) Semantic determinative) Ta. pōṟṟu (pōṟṟi-) to praise, applaud, worship, protect, cherish, nourish, entertain; n. protection, praise; pōṟṟi praise, applause; pōṟṟimai honour, reverence. Ma. pōṟṟuka to preserve, protect, adore; pōṟṟi nourisher, protector.  (DEDR 4605) போற்றி pōṟṟi , < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; புகழ்மொழி. (W.) 2.Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; கோயிற் பூசைசெய்யும் மலையாளநாட்டுப் பிராமணன். (W.) 3. See போத்தி, 1.--int. Exclamation of praise; துதிச்சொல்வகை. பொய்தீர் காட்சிப் புரையோய் போற்றி (சிலப். 13, 92).போத்தி pōtti

    n. < போற்றி. 1. Grandfather; பாட்டன். Tinn. 2. Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன்.

    4. Hieroglyph: String: vaṭa 'string' rebus: vatta n. ʻduty, officeʼ(Pali)

    5. Hieroglyph: Scarf: dhāṭ(h)u 'scarf' (WPah.): *dhaṭa2dhaṭī -- f. ʻ old cloth, loincloth ʼ lex. [Drav., Kan. daṭṭi ʻ waistband ʼ etc., DED 2465] Ku. dhaṛo ʻ piece of cloth ʼ, N. dharo, B. dhaṛā; Or. dhaṛā ʻ rag, loincloth ʼ, dhaṛi ʻ rag ʼ; Mth. dhariā ʻ child's narrow loincloth  *dhaṭavastra -- .Addenda: *dhaṭa -- 2. 2. †*dhaṭṭa -- : WPah.kṭg. dhàṭṭu m. ʻ woman's headgear, kerchief ʼ, kc. dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu m. ʻ scarf ʼ, J. dhāṭ(h)u m. Him.I 105).(CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu'mineral ore'.

    6. Hieroglyph: Garment, paḍa 'cloth' (Pkt.)paṭa m. ʻ woven cloth ʼ MBh., °aka -- m., paṭikā -- f. lex., paṭīˊ -- f. Pāṇ.gaṇa. [Cf. paṭṭa- 2paṭṭa -- 3, *palla -- 3, pallava -- 2. -- Prob. with karpaṭa -- and karpāsa -- ← Austro -- as. J. Przyluski BSL xxv 70; less likely with A. Master BSOAS xi 302 ← Drav.] Pa. paṭa -- m., °ṭi -- , °ṭikā -- f. ʻ cloth, garment ʼ; Pk. paḍa<-> m. ʻ cloth ʼ, °ḍī -- , °ḍiyā -- f. ʻ a kind of garment ʼ; Wg. paṛīk ʻ shawl ʼ; S. paṛu m. ʻ covering of cloth for a saint's grave ʼ, paṛom. ʻ petticoat ʼ; Si. paḷapala ʻ cloth, garment ʼ, piḷiya ʻ cloth, clothes ʼ; Md. feli ʻ cotton cloth ʼ.(CDIAL 7692) rebus: phaḍā'metals manufactory' (Semantic determinative)

    7. tri-dhātu 'three strands' rebus: tri-dhātu 'three minerals'

    Material: white, low fired steatite
    Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width
    Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909
    National Museum, Karachi, 50.852

    Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII

    Seated male sculpture, or "Priest King" from Mohenjo-daroFillet or ribbon headband with circular inlay ornament on the forehead and similar but smaller ornament on the right upper arm. The two ends of the fillet fall along the back and though the hair is carefully combed towards the back of the head, no bun is present. The flat back of the head may have held a separately carved bun as is traditional on the other seated figures, or it could have held a more elaborate horn and plumed headdress.

    T
    wo holes beneath the highly stylized ears suggest that a necklace or other head ornament was attached to the sculpture. The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched up with a chisel. Eyes are deeply incised and may have held inlay. The upper lip is shaved and a short combed beard frames the face. The large crack in the face is the result of weathering or it may be due to original firing of this object.
    Image result for seated female sculptures mohenjo-daroCombed hair tied into a bun; the fillet (headband) worn is similar to the one worn on the priest's foreheadand right shoulder.

    The use of the fire-altar for ores is a process of purification. The purifier is पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv. போற்றி pōṟṟi, < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; புகழ்மொழி. (W.) 2.Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; கோயிற் பூசைசெய்யும் மலையாளநாட்டுப் பிராமணன். (W.) 3. See போத்தி, 1.--int. Exclamation of praise; துதிச்சொல்வகை. பொய்தீர் காட்சிப் புரையோய் போற்றி (சிலப். 13, 92).


    धातु 1 [p=513,3] constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold&c ; cf. त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br. &c


    धातु 1 [p=513,3] primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral , are (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. 
    &celement of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]).

    dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- (CDIAL 6773)  هژدات haj̱ẕ-dāt, s.m. (6th) (corrup. of S اژدهات) The name of a mixed metal, bell-metal, brass. Sing. and Pl. د هژداتو غر da haj̱ẕ-dāto g̠ẖar, A mountain of brass, a brazen mountain.

    धा to appoint , establish , constitute (R̥g Veda, Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa); to make , produce , generate , create , cause , effect , perform , execute (R̥g Veda,  Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, श्वेताश्वतर उपनिषद् (aor. with पूरयाम्,
    मन्त्रयाम्,वरयाम् &c = पूरयाम् &c चकार)

    वट a string , rope , tie L. (only वट ibc. , and पञ्च-व्° , q.v.); a small lump , globule &c = वटक (शार्ङ्गधर-संहिता)वटिन् mfn. stringed , having a string L.; circular, globular


    vaṭāraka -- , varāṭaka -- m. ʻ string ʼ MBh. [vaṭa -- 2Pa. sa -- vaṭākara -- ʻ having a cable ʼ; Bi. baral -- rassī ʻ twisted string ʼ; H. barrā m. ʻ rope ʼ, barārā m. ʻ thong ʼ.(CDIAL 11217) vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268] N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 11212) vaṭin ʻ stringed ʼ lex. [vaṭa -- 2]Si. vilvili ʻ bow ʼ (ES 82)?(CDIAL 11218). *karṇavaṭikā ʻ side -- cord ʼ. [kárṇa -- , vaṭa -- 2]
    WPah. bhal. k*lnɔṛi f. ʻ knots between upper and lower parts of a snow -- shoe, rope pegs to which the distaff in a spinning -- wheel is attached ʼ.(CDIAL 2842)*yantravaṭa ʻ cord of a machine ʼ. [Cf. Pa. yantasutta- n. -- yantrá -- , vaṭa -- 2]
    WPah.bhal. jaṇṭḷoṛ m. ʻ long string round spinning wheel ʼ (CDIAL 10413)

    Hieroglyph: vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1]   L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; 1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ;Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊk, waḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192? 2. Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ passed, gone away, completed, dead ʼ; Ash. weṭ -- intr. ʻ to pass (of time), pass, fall (of an avalanche) ʼ, weṭā -- tr. ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Paš. wiṭīk ʻ passed ʼ; K.ḍoḍ. buto ʻ he was ʼ; P. batāuṇā ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Ku. bītṇo ʻ to be spent, die ʼ, bitauṇo ʻ to pass, spend ʼ; N. bitāunu ʻ to pass (time), kill ʼ, butāunu ʻ to extinguish ʼ; Or. bitibā intr. ʻ to pass (of time), bitāibā tr.; Mth. butāb ʻ to extinguish ʼ; OAw. pret. bītā ʻ passed (of time) ʼ; H. bītnā intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, butnā ʻ to be extinguished ʼ, butānā ʻ to extinguish ʼ; G. vĭ̄tvũintr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, vatāvvũ tr. ʻ to stop ʼ(CDIAL 12069).

    Rebus: Duty: Pa. vatta -- n. ʻ duty, office ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- n. ʻ livelihood ʼ; P. buttā m. ʻ means ʼ; Ku. buto ʻ daily labour, wages ʼ; N. butā ʻ means, ability ʼ; H. oūtā m. ʻ power ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ subsistence, wages ʼ.(CDIAL 12069) Vatta1 (nt.) [orig. pp. of vattati] 1. that which is done, which goes on or is customary, i. e. duty, service, custom, function Vin ii.31; Sn 294, 393 (gahaṭṭha˚); Vism 188 (cetiy' angaṇa˚ etc.); DhA i.92 (ācariya˚); VbhA 354 (gata -- paccāgata˚); VvA 47 (gāma˚). -- 2. (for vata2) observance, vow, virtue D iii.9 (the 7 vattapadāni, diff. from those enumd under vata -- pada); Nd1 66 (sīlañ ca vattañ ca), 92 (hatthi˚ etc.: see vata2 2), 104 (˚suddhi), 106 (id.), 188 (giving 8 dhutangas as vattas).   -- paṭivatta all kinds of practices or duties J i.67; ii.103; iii.339; iv.298; Miln 416 (sucarita˚); DhA i.13 sq.; ii.277; iv.28. -- bbata the usual custom DhA iv.44; C on S i.36 § 2 and on S ii.18 § 4 sq. -- sampanna one who keeps all observances VbhA 297 (where the foll. vattāni are enumd: 82 khuddaka -- vattāni. 14 mahā˚, cetiyangaṇa˚, bodhiyangaṇa˚, pānīyamāḷa˚, uposathāgāra˚, āgantuka˚, gamika˚).(Pali)

    அக்கு³ akku , n. < akṣa. 1. Rudrākṣa *அக்கு&sup4; akkun. < akṣi. Eye; கண். அக்குப் பீளை (திருப்பு. 573).

    வளைமணிவடம் vaḷai-maṇi-vaṭam , n. < வளை +. A string of beads; அக்குவடம். திரு வரையிற் சாத்தின வளைமணிவடமானது (திவ். பெரி யாழ். 1, 7, 8, வ்யா. பக். 150).

    ஏகவட்டம் ēka-vaṭṭam n. < id. +. வடம். See ஏகவடம். இனமணிப்பூணுமேகவட்டமும் (பெருங். இலாவாண. 5, 139). ஏகவடம் ēka-vaṭam n. < id. +. Necklace of a single string. See ஏகாவலி. பொங்கிள நாகமொ ரேகவடத்தோடு (தேவா. 350, 7)

    கோவை kōvai [T. M. kōva.] 1. Stringing, filing, arranging; கோக்கை. கோவை யார்வடக் கொழுங்கவடு (கம்பரா. வரைக். 1). 2. Series, succession, row; வரிசை. 3. String of ornamental beads for neck or waist; கோத்த வடம். (பிங்.) 

    தாவடம்¹ tāvaṭam , n. < தாழ்¹- + வடம். [T. tāvaḍamu.] 1. Sacred elæocarpus beads; உருத் திராக்க மாலை. கழுத்திலே தாவடம் மனத்திலே அவகடம். 2. Necklace; கழுத்திலணியுமாலை. Loc. 3. A mode of wearing the sacred thread round the neck like a garland; பூணூலை மாலையாகத் தரிக்குமுறை. Brāh.

    தொடை² toṭai , n. < தொடு²-. Braiding, weaving; பின்னுகை. தொடையுறு வற்கலை யாடை (கம்பரா. முதற்போ. 109). 3. Unbroken succession or continuity; இடையறாமை. தொடையிழி யிறாலின் றேனும் (கம்பரா. நாட்டுப். 9). 4. Fastening, tying; கட்டுகை. தொடைமாண்ட கண்ணியன் (கலித். 37). 5. Series, train, suc- cession; தொடர்ச்சி. தாபதர் தொடைமறை முழக்கும் (கல்லா. 39, 10). 6. String; வடம். முத்துத்தொடை (பரிபா. 6, 16).

    பச்சவடம் paccavaṭam
    n. perh. prac- chada-paṭa. [T. patccaḍamu, K. paccapaḍa, M.
    paccavaṭam.] A long piece of cloth, used as a blanket, bedsheet or screen; மேற்போர்வை விரிப்பு திரை முதலியவற்றுக்கு உபயோகப்படும் நீண்ட சீலை. திருத்திரைப் பச்சவடம் (கோயிலொ. 94).

    பஞ்சவடம் pañca-vaṭam 
    n. Sacred thread worn by dvijas; பூணூல். (யாழ். அக.) 
    பஞ்சவடி² pañcavaṭi
    n. < pañca-vaṭa. Sacred thread of hair; மயிர்க்கயிற்றாலாகிய பூணூல். பஞ்சவடி மார்பினானை (தேவா. 228, 5).

    வடக்கயிறு vaṭa-k-kayiṟu
    n. < வடம்¹ +. 1. Large, stout rope or cable, as for drawing a temple-car; தேர் முதலியவற்றை இழுக்கும் பெருங் கயிறு. வடக்கயிறு வெண்ணரம்பா (தாயு. சச்சிதா. 2). 2. Cord of the ēr-nāḻi; ஏர்நாழிக்கயிறு. (W.)



    வடக்குவடக்கா-தல் vaṭakku-vaṭakkā-, v. intr. < வடம்¹ + வடம்¹ +. To become matted, as hair; மயிர் முதலியன சடைபற்றுதல். Loc.
    வடம்¹ vaṭam, n. < vaṭa. 1. Cable, large rope, as for drawing a temple-car; கனமான கயிறு. வடமற்றது (நன். 219, மயிலை.). 2. Cord; தாம்பு. (சூடா.) 3. A loop of coir rope, used for climbing palm-trees; மரமேறவுதவுங் கயிறு. Loc. 4. Bowstring; வில்லின் நாணி. (பிங்.) 5. String of jewels; மணிவடம். வடங்கள் அசையும்படி உடுத்து (திருமுரு. 204, உரை). (சூடா.) 6. Strands of a garland; chains of a necklace; சரம். இடை மங்கை கொங்கை வடமலைய (அஷ்டப். திருவேங்கடத் தந். 39). 7. Arrangement; ஒழுங்கு. தொடங்கற் காலை வடம்பட விளங்கும் (ஞானா. 14, 41). 8. Banyan; ஆலமரம். (சூடா.) வடநிழற்கண்ணூடிருந்த குருவே (தாயு. கருணா. 41).வடதளம் vata-taḷam, n. < வடம்¹ + தளம்³. Banyan leaf; ஆலிலை. வடதள வுதர வாணீ (மனோன். i, 2, 110). வடம்பிடி-த்தல் vaṭam-piṭi-, v. intr. < வடம்¹ +. To draw a temple-car by seizing it by its cables; வடத்தைப்பிடித்துத் தேரிழுத்தல். வாய்வடம் vāy-vaṭam , n. < id. + வடம்¹. See வாய்க்கயிறு. (நாமதீப. 210.) vaṭa1 m. ʻ the banyan Ficus indica ʼ MBh.Pa. vaṭa -- m. ʻ banyan ʼ, Pk. vaḍa -- , °aga -- m., K. war in war -- kulu m., S. baṛu m. (← E); P. vaṛbaṛ m., vohṛbohṛ f. ʻ banyan ʼ, vaṛoṭāba° m. ʻ young banyan ʼ (+?); N. A. bar ʻ banyan ʼ, B. baṛ, Bi. bar (→ Or. bara), H. baṛ m. (→ Bhoj. Mth. baṛ), G. vaṛ m., M. vaḍ m., Ko. vaḍu.*vaṭapadra -- , *vaṭapātikā -- .Addenda: vaṭa -- 1: Garh. baṛ ʻ fig tree ʼ.)CDOA: 11211)


    dāˊman1 ʻ rope ʼ RV. 2. *dāmana -- , dāmanī -- f. ʻ long rope to which calves are tethered ʼ Hariv. 3. *dāmara -- .[*dāmara -- is der. fr. n/r n. stem. -- √2]1. Pa. dāma -- , inst. °mēna n. ʻ rope, fetter, garland ʼ, Pk. dāma -- n.; Wg. dām ʻ rope, thread, bandage ʼ; Tir. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Paš.lauṛ.dām ʻ thick thread ʼ, gul. dūm ʻ net snare ʼ (IIFL iii 3, 54 ← Ind. or Pers.); Shum. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Sh.gil. (Lor.) dōmo ʻ twine, short bit of goat's hair cord ʼ, gur. dōm m. ʻ thread ʼ (→ Ḍ. dōṅ ʻ thread ʼ); K. gu -- dômu m. ʻ cow's tethering rope ʼ; P. dã̄udāvã̄ m. ʻ hobble for a horse ʼ; WPah.bhad. daũ n. ʻ rope to tie cattle ʼ, bhal. daõ m., jaun. dã̄w; A. dāmā ʻ peg to tie a buffalo -- calf to ʼ; B. dām,dāmā ʻ cord ʼ; Or. duã̄ ʻ tether ʼ, dāĩ ʻ long tether to which many beasts are tied ʼ; H. dām m.f. ʻ rope, string, fetter ʼ, dāmā m. ʻ id., garland ʼ; G. dām n. ʻ tether ʼ, M. dāvẽ n.; Si. dama ʻ chain, rope ʼ, (SigGr) dam ʻ garland ʼ. -- Ext. in Paš.dar. damaṭāˊ°ṭīˊ, nir. weg. damaṭék ʻ rope ʼ, Shum. ḍamaṭik, Woṭ. damṓṛ m., Sv. dåmoṛīˊ; -- with -- ll -- : N. dāmlo ʻ tether for cow ʼ, dã̄walidāũlidāmliʻ bird -- trap of string ʼ, dã̄waldāmal ʻ coeval ʼ (< ʻ tied together ʼ?); M. dã̄vlī f. ʻ small tie -- rope ʼ.2. Pk. dāvaṇa -- n., dāmaṇī -- f. ʻ tethering rope ʼ; S. ḍ̠āvaṇuḍ̠āṇu m. ʻ forefeet shackles ʼ, ḍ̠āviṇīḍ̠āṇī f. ʻ guard to support nose -- ring ʼ; L. ḍã̄vaṇ m., ḍã̄vaṇīḍāuṇī (Ju. ḍ̠ -- ) f. ʻ hobble ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ strip at foot of bed, triple cord of silk worn by women on head ʼ, awāṇ. dāvuṇ ʻ picket rope ʼ; P. dāuṇdauṇ, ludh. daun f. m. ʻ string for bedstead, hobble for horse ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ gold ornament worn on woman's forehead ʼ; Ku. dauṇo m., °ṇī f. ʻ peg for tying cattle to ʼ, gng. dɔ̃ṛ ʻ place for keeping cattle, bedding for cattle ʼ; A. danʻ long cord on which a net or screen is stretched, thong ʼ, danā ʻ bridle ʼ; B. dāmni ʻ rope ʼ; Or. daaṇa ʻ string at the fringe of a casting net on which pebbles are strung ʼ, dāuṇi ʻ rope for tying bullocks together when threshing ʼ; H. dāwan m. ʻ girdle ʼ, dāwanīf. ʻ rope ʼ, dã̄wanī f. ʻ a woman's orna<-> ment ʼ; G. dāmaṇḍā° n. ʻ tether, hobble ʼ, dāmṇũ n. ʻ thin rope, string ʼ, dāmṇī f. ʻ rope, woman's head -- ornament ʼ; M. dāvaṇ f. ʻ picket -- rope ʼ. -- Words denoting the act of driving animals to tread out corn are poss. nomina actionis from *dāmayati2.3. L. ḍãvarāvaṇ, (Ju.) ḍ̠ã̄v° ʻ to hobble ʼ; A. dāmri ʻ long rope for tying several buffalo -- calves together ʼ, Or. daũ̈rādaürā ʻ rope ʼ; Bi. daũrī ʻ rope to which threshing bullocks are tied, the act of treading out the grain ʼ, Mth. dã̄mardaũraṛ ʻ rope to which the bullocks are tied ʼ; H. dã̄wrī f. ʻ id., rope, string ʼ, dãwrī f. ʻ the act of driving bullocks round to tread out the corn ʼ. -- X *dhāgga<-> q.v.*dāmayati2; *dāmakara -- , *dāmadhāra -- ; uddāma -- , prōddāma -- ; *antadāmanī -- , *galadāman -- , *galadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāman -- , *gōḍḍadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāmara -- .dāmán -- 2 m. (f.?) ʻ gift ʼ RV. [√1]. See dāˊtu -- .*dāmana -- ʻ rope ʼ see dāˊman -- 1.Addenda: dāˊman -- 1. 1. Brj. dã̄u m. ʻ tying ʼ.3. *dāmara -- : Brj. dã̄wrī f. ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 6283)


    தாமம்¹ tāmam
     
    n. < dāman. 1. Rope, cord, string; கயிறு. (பிங்.) 2. Line to tie cattle. See தாமணி. 3. Wreath, flower garland, chaplet, especially worn on shoulders; பூமாலை. (பிங்.) வண்டிமிருந் தாம வரைமார்ப (பு. வெ. 12, இருபாற். 3). 4. Necklace of beads; string, as of pearls; வடம். (பிங்.) முத்துத் தாம முறையொடு நாற்றுமின் (மணி. 1, 49). 5. Woman's waist ornament of 16 or 18 strings of beads; 18W.) 6. Row, line; ஒழுங்கு. தடமலர்த் தாம மாலை (சீவக. 1358). 7. Flower; பூ. (பிங்.) 8. An ornamental part of a crown, one of the five muṭi-y-uṟuppu, q. v.; முடியுறுப்புகள் ஐந்தனுள் ஒன்று. (திவா.) 9. Senna. See கொன்றை. (பிங்.) 
    dāmam दामम् (At the end of a compound) Wreath, garland.dāman दामन् n. [दो-मनिन्] 1 A string, thread, fillet, rope. -2 A chaplet, a garland in general; आद्ये बद्धा विरहदिवसे या शिखा दाम हित्वा Me.93; कनकचम्पकदामगौरीम् Ch. P.1; Śi.4.5. -3 A line, streak (as of lightning); वुद्युद्- दाम्ना हेमराजीव विन्ध्यम् M.3.2; Me.27. -4 A large bandage. -5 Ved. A gift. -6 A portion, share. -7 A girdle. -Comp. -अञ्चलम्, -अञ्जनम् a foot-rope for horses, &c.; सस्रुः सरोषपरिचारकवार्यमाणा दामाञ्चलस्खलितलोलपदं तुरङ्गाः Śi.5.61. -उदरः an epithet of Kṛiṣṇa. दामनी dāmanīA foot-rope.दामा dāmā A string, cord. dāmnī दाम्नी A garland; 'यस्या दाम्न्या त्रिधाम्नो जघनकलितया˚'विष्णुपादादिकेशान्तवर्णनस्तोत्रम् 22. (Samskritam)


    Hieroglyph: Strand of string/rope: dhāˊtu ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) తాడు [ tāḍu ] or త్రాడు tādu. [Tel.] n. A cord, thread, string. A match for a gun. The palm tree, so called because cordage is made from it. See under తాటి. The cord of marriage, being the string round the bride's neck, from which the పుస్తె or tali is hung. Henceతాడు తెగిన (lit. cord broken) means widowed. అగ్గితాడు or జేనకితాడు a match, made of cord dipped in brimstone.

    Rebus: N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)

    paṭṭa2 m. ʻ cloth, woven silk ʼ Kāv., ʻ bandage, fillet turban, diadem ʼ MBh. [Prob. like paṭa -- and *phēṭṭa -- 1 from non -- Aryan source, of which *patta -- in Gy. and *patra -- in Sh. may represent aryanization of paṭṭa -- . Not < páttra -- nor, with P. Tedesco Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld 222, < *pr̥ṣṭa<-> ʻ woven ʼ, while an assumed borrowing from IA. in Bur. ph*llto -- čiṅ ʻ puttees ʼ is too flimsy a basis for *palta -- (~ Eng. fold, &c.) as the source NTS xiii 93]Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ woven silk, fine cloth, cotton cloth, turban ʼ, °ṭaka -- ʻ made of a strip of cloth ʼ, n. ʻ bandage, girdle ʼ, °ṭikā -- f.; NiDoc. paṭa ʻ roll of silk ʼ Lüders Textilien 24; Pk. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ cloth, clothes, turban ʼ; Paš. paṭā ʻ strip of skin ʼ, ar. weg. paṭīˊ ʻ belt ʼ; Kal.rumb. pāˊṭi ʻ scarf ʼ; Phal. paṭṭaṛa ʻ bark ʼ; K. paṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ long strip of cloth from loom ʼ, poṭu m. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ, pôṭu m. ʻ silk, silk cloth ʼ (← Ind.?); S. paṭū m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭū̃ m. ʻ a kind of woollen cloth ʼ, paṭo m. ʻ band of cloth ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ bandage, fillet ʼ; L. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, awāṇ. paṭṭī f. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ; P. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ coarse woollen cloth, bandage ʼ; WPah.bhal. peṭṭu m. sg. and pl. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ; Ku. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ; N. pāṭ ʻ flax, hemp ʼ; A. B. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ (B. also ʻ jute ʼ); Or. pāṭa ʻ silk, jute ʼ, paṭā ʻ red silk cloth, sheet, scarf ʼ, (Bastar) pāṭā ʻ loincloth ʼ; Bhoj. paṭuā ʻ jute ʼ; OAw. pāṭa m. ʻ silk cloth ʼ; H. paṭ m. ʻ cloth, turban ʼ, paṭṭū m. ʻ coarse woollen cloth ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, paṭkā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; G. pāṭ m. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ bandage ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ tape ʼ; Ko. pāṭṭo ʻ strap ʼ; Si. paṭa ʻ silk, fine cloth ʼ, paṭiya ʻ ribbon, girdle, cloth screen round a tent ʼ. -- Gy. rum. pato ʻ clothing ʼ, gr. patavo ʻ napkin ʼ, wel. patavō ʻ sock ʼ, germ. phār ʻ silk, taffeta ʼ; Sh.koh. gur. pāc̣ṷ m. ʻ cloth ʼ, koh. poc̣e ʻ clothes ʼ.
    *paṭṭakara -- , *paṭṭadukūla -- , *paṭṭapati -- , paṭṭaraṅga -- , paṭṭarājñī -- , *paṭṭavaya -- ; *niṣpaṭṭa -- ; *antarapaṭṭa -- , *andhapaṭṭa -- , *kakṣapaṭṭa -- , *karpaṭapaṭṭikā -- , *ghumbapaṭṭa -- , carmapaṭṭa -- , *dupaṭṭikā -- , *paggapaṭṭa -- , *paścapaṭṭa -- , *laṅgapaṭṭa -- , *vasanapaṭṭa -- , śīrṣapaṭṭaka -- .Addenda: paṭṭa -- 2: WPah.poet. pakṭe f. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ (metath. of *paṭke with -- akka -- ); Md. fořā ʻ cloth or Sinhalese sarong ʼ, fařu(v)i ʻ silk ʼ, fař ʻ strip, chain ʼ, fař jehum ʻ wrapping ʼ (jehum verbal noun of jahanī ʻ strikes ʼ).(CDIAL 7700)

    Note: The following etyma from Kashmiri provide a clue to the decipherment of one-horned young bull whichis frequently used as a field symbol on hundreds of Indus Script inscriptions. 
    Image result for one-horned young bull bharatkalyan97Image result for one-horned young bull bharatkalyan97koDiya ‘rings on neck’, ‘young bull’ koD ‘horn’ rebus 1: koṭiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel' khōṇḍī 'pannier sackखोंडी (p. 216) [ khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) khOnda ‘young bull’ rebus 2: kOnda ‘lapidary, engraver’ rebus 3: kundAr ‘turner’ कोंड [kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. खोट [khōṭa] Alloyed--a metal 

    Rebus reading for khOnda 'young bull' is: payĕn-kō̃da पयन्-कोँद (Kashmiri) which expression signifies a furnace, kiln. Thus kundAr ‘turner’ is a metal worker.

    payĕn-kō̃da पयन्-कोँद । परिपाककन्दुः f. a kiln (a potter's, a lime-kiln, and brick-kiln, or the like); a furnace (for smelting). -thöji -था&above;जि&below; or -thöjü -था&above;जू&below; । परिपाक-(द्रावण-)मूषा f. a crucible, a melting-pot. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । परिपाकोपयोगिशान्ताङ्गारसमूहः f.pl. a special kind of charcoal (made from deodar and similar wood) used in smelting furnaces. -wôlu -वोलु&below; । धात्वादिद्रावण-इष्टिकादिपरिपाकशिल्पी m. a metal-smelter; a brick-baker. -wān -वान् । द्रावणचुल्ली m. a smelting furnace. (Kashmiri) कन्दु mf. (√स्कन्द् 
    Un2. i , 15), a boiler , saucepan , or other cooking utensil of iron Sus3r. Ma1lav. Comm. on कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्रan oven , or vessel serving for one W. (Monier-Williams)

    Image result for octopus one-horned young bull bharatkalyan97
    One-horned heifer ligatured to an octopus. This composite glyph occurs on a seal (Mohenjodaro) and also on a copper plate (tablet)(Harappa). This glyph is decoded as: smithy guild in a citadel (enclosure), with a warehouse (granary), be

    m297a: Seal  h1018a: copper plate 
    vehā  octopus, said to be found in the Indus (Jaki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900)

    L. ve
    h, veh m. fencing; Mth. behī granary; L. vehā, vehā enclosure containing many houses; beā building with a courtyard (WPah.) (CDIAL 12130)

    ko
      = artisans workshop (Kuwi); ko ‘horn dama, koiyum heifer (G.) rebus: tam(b)ra copper; ko workshop (G.); ācāri koṭṭya smithy (Tu.) 

    ṣṭá— ‘enclosure lex., °aka- m. fence, Si. veya ‘enclosure; Pa.  vēhakasurrounding; S. vehu m. encircling; L. veh, veh m. fencing, enclosure in jungle with a hedge, (Ju.) blockade, vehā, vehā m. courtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many houses; P. vehā, be° m. enclosure, courtyard; Ku. beo ‘circle or band (of people); A. berwall of house, circumference of anything’; B. be ‘fence, enclosure, beā ‘fence, hedge; Or. beha ‘fence round young trees, beā ‘wall of house; Mth. be ‘hedge, wall, behī‘granary; H. beh, be, behā, beā m. enclosure, cattle surrounded and carried off by force; M.veh m. ‘circumference’; WPah.kg. beṛɔ m. palace, J. beām. id., esp. the female apartments, kul. beā ‘building with a courtyard; A. also berā ‘fence, enclosure’ (CDIAL 12130 ) वाडी [ vāī ] f (वाटी S) An enclosed piece of meaand keepers. dow-field or garden-ground; an enclosure, a close, a paddock, a pingle. 2 A cluster of huts of agriculturists, a hamlet. Hence (as the villages of the Konkan̤ are mostly composed of distinct clusters of houses) a distinct portion of a straggling village. 3 A division of the suburban portion of a city. वाडा [ vāā ] m (वाट or वाटी S) A stately or large edifice, a mansion, a palace. Also in comp. as राज- वाडा A royal edifice; सरकारवाडा Any large and public building. 2 A division of a town, a quarter, a ward. Also in comp. as देऊळवाडा,ब्राह्मण- वाडा, गौळीवाडा, चांभारवाडा, कुंभारवाडा. 3 A division (separate portion) of a मौजा or village. The वाडा, as well as the कोंड, paid revenue formerly, not to the सरकार but to the मौजेखोत. 4 An enclosed space; a yard, a compound. 5 A pen or fold; as गुरांचा वाडा, गौळवाडा or गवळीवाडा, 
    धन- गरवाडा. The pen is whether an uncovered enclosure in a field or a hovel sheltering both beasts.


    Thus, the field symbol showing the face of a one-horned young bull ligatured to an indus octopus reads rebus as followss:

    mũh 'a face' in Indus Script Cipher signifies mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace'.PLUS कोँद kōnda 'young bull' + vehā, 'Indus octopus' Rebus: kōnda 'furnace-worker, metals ingots turner' + vehā, be° m. enclosure, courtyard’.

    The field symbol signifies an enclosed space with a town for metalworkers working with furnaces, smelters.
     


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    Here is a precise, lucid statement of the enquiry (yajña)), by Subhash Kak. In the title of this blogpost, I have replaced the B (Body, Brain) in BcC equation by bhūta, 'elements' which is a concept enquired into in the oldest human document, R̥gveda. c is ātmā C is paramātmā.                                                                                                        
    Kalyanaraman

    The Veda Of Physics: Reconciling The Observer And The Observed

     - 




    ancient_india_architecture
    How can conceptions that came up several thousand years ago in India be of relevance to modern physics?
    It is increasingly accepted that Indian ideas have played a crucial role in the development of modern science. We are not just talking about the symbol zero, algebra and astronomy, but also inoculation in medicine, the periodic table of chemical elements, and the field of linguistics, to mention just a few.
    But surely Indian ideas cannot be of any value now. The progressives, like the colonialist followers of Macaulay in the 19th century, believe that there is nothing in the Indian tradition that is worth anything. No wonder, our school curriculum contains precious little about Indian wisdom. A few years ago on a visit to BHU, I asked some postgraduate students if they had heard of the Upanishads and they said no.
    Anyway, how is it even possible for conceptions that came up several thousand years ago to be of relevance now? The idea that Indian knowledge might be of use to the modern physicist appears ludicrous and delusional.
    Thoughtful people are ready to grant Indian cultural contributions to architecture, music, literature, fine arts, philosophy, and perhaps to ancient science, but nothing more.
    However there are some in India and beyond its borders who think that Indian ideas have the potential to provide key insights for progress of contemporary science.
    The great 20th century physicist, Erwin Schrödinger, who co-invented quantum theory, claimed in his autobiography that he obtained his central intuition from the Vedas. This is a big deal since quantum mechanics is the deepest theory of physics, and without quantum theory one cannot understand chemistry, and without chemistry one cannot understand biology and life.
    Details of Schrodinger’s story may be found in my new book The Wishing Tree and so I shall not repeat that material. In the words of Walter Moore:
    “Schrödinger and Heisenberg and their followers created a universe based on superimposed inseparable waves of probability amplitudes. This new view would be entirely consistent with the Vedantic concept of All in One.”
    But are the parallels or analogies between Vedanta and quantum theory merely coincidental and nothing new is to be gained from Indian knowledge?
    To answer this we must remember that physics as it evolved in the last few centuries is exclusively about things in terms of objects and their relationships. For example, the conception of the classical universe is as clockwork. More recently, observers have been brought in an ad hoc manner in relativity and quantum theory, but physics cannot, by itself, explain them.
    Now, in spite of all its great successes, physics is facing a crisis since it appears to deal with only 5% of the observable universe, and it must invoke an unobserved 95% of what is called dark matter and dark energy to explain cosmological structures. But even after postulating this, there remain serious discrepancies. For example, physicists are freaking out due to a gamma ray excess at the centre of the Milky Way, and then there are neutrinos that seem to be changing their form.
    The phenomenon of entanglement in quantum physics, which has been observed in many experiments, implies that objects that are far removed in space (even across billions of miles) remain connected even though there is no mediating agency. This action at a distance without any explanation of the process underlying it represents a big hole in our understanding of physical reality.
    Then there is the problem of free will and intentionality which cannot be explained either by physics or biology. Meanwhile, the view that the biological organism is just a machine governed by the genes has had to be revised drastically due to the discovery of the epigenome. It brings the mind into the picture since experiments have shown that behaviors, such as fear, aversion, or stress, can be passed down the generations. We don’t know if the epigenome can pass down other aspects of the personality.
    The rise of scientific knowledge is a progression. We appear to be going from what I call a B model of reality (for body in physics, or brain in organisms) to a Bc model (with incidental consciousness or mind). The B model assumes brain/mind identity, and it was the orthodox position in neuroscience for a long time, just as it is the orthodox position in physics. The Indian view of reality is a BcC model (where the last C is consciousness as an independent entity).
    Carl Jung through his idea of the collective unconscious tried to provide an explanation for instincts and archetypes. But the logic of this collective unconscious is not clear and it does not have the same generality as the envisioning of consciousness in Indian thought.
    The writings of Schrödinger are an excellent articulation of Indian ideas by a scientist. Posing the problem of the split between objects and subjects in Mind and Matter, Schrödinger says the solution could only be based on Vedic ideas:
    The reason why our sentient, percipient and thinking ego is met nowhere within our scientific world picture can easily be indicated in seven words: because it is itself that world picture. It is identical with the whole and therefore cannot be contained in it as a part of it. But, of course, here we knock against the arithmetical paradox; there appears to be a great multitude of these conscious egos, the world is however only one… There is obviously only one alternative, namely the unification of minds or consciousnesses. Their multiplicity is only apparent, in truth there is only one mind. This is the doctrine of the Upanishads.
    The skeptic would just call it one person’s opinion that should not sway our minds, given that it was written a few decades ago. So is there something else going on now that compels a new outside-of-the-box look at entrenched views?
    The fact that Indian epistemology accepts consciousness as an independent provides a resolution to the seemingly insoluble problem of interaction between the causally closed worlds of matter with the world of consciousness.
    New results in neuroscience of free will indicate that the volitional act spring from the unconscious and the conscious mind becomes aware of it only later, believing that the decision was made by it. There seems to be a delay of a few hundred milliseconds in which the conscious mind embraces the action started by the unconscious and adopts it as its own.
    In physics, which deals only with objects, sentient beings are zombies. In it, it is not conscious will that causes actions at that time. Rather, conscious will influences beliefs at a later time which influence subsequent actions. Standard physics does not, and cannot, explain the self who holds these beliefs. Since this self cannot be an object or a process, we confront an enigma.
    This brings us to the Veda of physics. By this I mean a framework that explains not only the outer reality but also the observer. In the past, the Vaiśeṣika school of Kaṇāda sought to do this in terms of atoms and categories of which the observer is a part. What we need now is a similar formulation that adds to the current understanding of the physical world.
    Some might say that the biggest challenge facing physics is the explanation of dark matter and dark energy; I say it’s at the foundations, to explain the observer and the self.
    Bibliography
    Moore, W., 1989. Schrődinger: Life and Thought, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
    Kak, S., 2015. The Wishing Tree: Presence and Promise of India. Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi.
    Schrödinger, E., 1959. Mind and Matter, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

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    “Kudurrus, Guardians of Property” By Susanne Paulus. News & Notes, Members' Magazine, Oriental Institute, Univ. of Chicago, Autumn 2016, Issue 231, p.6


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  • 11/25/17--21:35: An archaeology of R̥gveda
  • https://tinyurl.com/yahba38c

    Evidence of Sarasvati Civilization

    The epicentre of narratives documented in R̥gveda is the basin of River Sarasvati. Work activities evidenced in archaeology relate to the Bronze Age human initiatives for acquisition of wealth. 

    The principal components of wealth relateto metalwork documented in over 8000 inscriptions of wealth accounting ledgers in Indus Script Corpora. These evidences constitute the nucleus of Arthaśāstra Ithāsa of Ancient Rāṣṭram  

    Rudra is a divinity venerated in R̥gveda. Pratimā of Rudra is signified by the Rudrabāga of Śivalinga which is aṣṭāśri octagonal in shape as detailed in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa.
    Harappa
    In 1940, archaeologist M.S. Vats discovered three Shiva Lingas at Harappa, dating more than 5,000 years old. Shape of polished lingam found at Harappa is like the summit of Mt. Kailas, Himalayas. Plate X(c), Lingam in situ in trench Ai (MS Vats, 1940, Exxcavations at Harappa, Vol. II, Calcutta). In trenches III and IV two more stone lingams were found. (MS Vats, opcit., Vol. I, pp. 51-52).
    Sivalinga. Terracotta. 4.5x4.5 cm. Kalibangan.

    Two decorated bases and a lingam, Mohenjodaro. Trefoil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Mackay 1938: I, 411; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994, p. 218. "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I". Trefoil is seen as a sacred symbol and is evidenced on the uttarīyam of the statue of Mohenjo-daro priest presented in the Section: Archaeology of Yoga and bhūtaYajña, evidences of metalwork..

    सुश्रुत Suśruta refers to कर्पास mf()n. the cotton tree , cotton , Gossypium Herbaceum.There is archaeological evidence indicating domestication of cotton ca. 6th millennium BCE "...several threads preserved by mineralization in a copper bead from a Neolithic burial (6th millennium) at Mehrgarh, Pakistan, were subject to rigorous metallurgical analysis. Under this new microscopic procedure, the fibres were identified as cotton (genus Gossypium)."
    https://www.harappa.com/content/first-evidence-cotton-neolithic-mehrgarh-pakistan

    Reflected-light micrography of the mineralized cotton fibres (X500) (Copyright C2RMF, C. Moulherat).

     
    Lahurdewa. Remains of rice on pottery. The word used in R̥gveda

    That wheat crops existed is recorded by the expression godhuma 'wheat chaff' which decribes caṣāla atop aṣṭāśri yūpa in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. Fumes of wheat chaff signifies infusion of carbon as element into the molten minerals to created hardened alloy metals.

    व्रीहि m. (of doubtful derivation) rice pl. grains of rice (not mentioned in RV. , but in AV. named together with यव , माथ , and तिल ; eight principal sorts are enumerated by native authorities) RV. &c; a field of rice Ka1tyS3r. Annam refers to boiled rice. Annam is adored on 9th anuvāka of Taittirīya Upaniṣad:

    annam bahu kurvīta tadvratam pr̥thivi va annam
    ākāśo.annādah prithivyamākāśah prati
    ṣṭhitah                          
    ākāśe prithivi pratiṣṭhitā .

    tadetadannamanne pratiṣṭhitam
    sa ya etadannamanne prati
    ṣṭhitam veda pratitiṣṭhati
    annavānannado bhavati

    mahānbhavati prajāya                                     
    paśubhirbrahmavarcasena mahānkirtya .. 1
    Translation: Let him (the knower of Brahman) make food plentiful; that is the vow. The earth is, verily, food; the ākāśa is the eater. The ākāśa rests on the earth and the earth rests on the ākāśa. Thus food rests on food. He who knows this resting of food on food is established; he becomes a possessor of food and an eater of food. He becomes great in offspring and cattle and in spiritual radiance and great in fame.
    Geophysical dynamics

    The word 'epicentre' evokes the memories of past plate tectonic events in this basin and in Northern bhāratam caused by the movement of the Indian plate northwards at the speed of 6 cms. per year, jutting into and lifting up the Eurasian plate at the rate of 1 cm. per year, across a wide terrain of Himalayan mountains which range from Hanoi, Vietnam to Teheran, Iran. 

    The lifting up of the Eurasian Plate by this ongoing, dynamic tectonic, tāṇḍava nr̥tyam, 'cosmic dance' results in the ongoing creation of the Himalayas as the youngest mountain range in the world. As the heights of the Himalayan ranges reach upto an elevant of 8848 m. (Mt. Everest), 8611 m. (K2) above sea level. Since the waters of the Northern monsoon rains fall 8000 ft. above sea level, the water turns to snow and ice, resulting in the formation of over 3000 glaciers on the Himalayan ranges. The ongoing tectonic movement of the Indian Plate creates many fault lines and results in the tilting of the plains. With such tiltings caused by recurrent earthquakes, the glacier melts which flow as perennial rivers in Northern Indian subcontinent (Sindhu, Sutlej, Yamuna, Ganga, Brahmaputra), in the Far East and China (Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween, Yangtse, HuangHe) are subjected to migrations. Geologists have explained such a tectonic-event-resultant migration caused to southward flowing River Sutlej shifting the tributary of River Sarasvati by 90 degrees weswards at Ropar. Geologists have also theorised and investigated on such a tectonic-event-resultant migration caused to west-flowing River Yamuna which shifted and flowed eastwards to join River Ganga from Yamuna Tear (Paonta Saheb) in Siwalik heights, east of the Mt. Abu fault line which constitutes the eminence of a water-divide in Northwest India. 
    Image result for yamuna tear
    Image result for yamuna tear
    Image result for yamuna tearRiver flows west of this water-divide (stretching from Mt. Abu to Simla in Himachal Pradesh) flow westwards, river flows east of this water-divide flow eastwards creating the vast river plan of Ganga-Yamuna doab. Similar tectonic-event-resultant migration explains the almost 180 degree turn of River Brahmaputra at Manas making it flow westwards in Northeast India.

    The ancient (palaeo-) channels of River Sarasvati system which drained in Northwest India (with Sutlej, Drishadvati, Chautang, Markanda, Ghaggar and Yamuna as tributary rivers) have been delineated. 
    Image result for ancient sutlej
    Image result for rakhigarhi yamuna
    http://www.iisc.ernet.in/currsci/oct25/articles20.htm
    Palaeo-drainage map of the Indian desert region using IRS P3 WiFS Satellite image



    The existence of this River system as a navigable channel prior to 1900 BCE has also been demonstrated archaeologically by the presence of over 2000 (i.e., over 80%) of Indus Civilization sites (7th millennium to 1900 BCE) along this Sarasvati river basin.

    Image result for rakhigarhi yamuna
    Image result for rakhigarhi yamuna

    RV I. 25.7 presents Varuna with knowledge of the sea routes: he knows the ships that are thereon: Translation (Griffith): (Varua) knows the path of birds that fly through heaven, and, Sovereign of the sea,

    RV I. 56.2 refers to merchants going everywhere and frequenting every part of the sea for acquiring wealth.  Translation (Griffith): To him (Indra) the guidancefollowing- songs of praise flow full, as those who seek gain go in company to the flood. To him the Lord of power, the holy synods' might, as to a hill, with speed, ascend the loving ones.

    R̥gveda (RV) mentions River Ganga twice but resonates with over 72 r̥ca-s venerating the Sarasvati River as the lifeline of the civilization. In exquisite metaphors, the Sarasvati River is referred to as mother and as devi who sustained and nurtured a civilization.  RV II:41:16) reveres Sarasvati as "ambitame naditame devitame sarasvati" best of mothers, best of rivers, best of the divinities, Sarasvati.

    The monograph details life-activities of people, presented in three sections:

    -- dhātu 'elements'

    -- Yoga

    -- Archaeology of Yoga and bhūtaYajña, evidences of metalwork

    dhātu 'elements'

    R̥gveda is a text of the Tin-Bronze Age in the Story of Civilization. The text contains many references to metalwork, for example, ayas'alloy metal', vajra'adamantine metallic glue'. vájra m. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ RV., ʻ diamond ʼ ṢaḍvBr. [√*vaj] Pa. vajira -- m. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ, m.n. ʻ diamond ʼ, Pk. vajja -- , vayara -- , vaïra -- ; Sh. (Lor.) b*lc̣, pl. °c̣e m. ʻ thunderbolt, meteorite, lightning ʼ (< *baJ̣?); B. bāj ʻ thunderbolt ʼ; Si. vidu ʻ Indra's thunderbolt (or < vidyút -- ?), diamond ʼ, vadura, viduru.(CDIAL 11204) vajrāśani m. ʻ Indra's thunderbolt ʼ R. [vájra -- , aśáni -- ]Aw. bajāsani m. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ prob. ← Sk.(CDIAL 11207) कंस mn. ( √कम् Un2. iii , 62), a vessel made of metal , drinking vessel , cup , goblet Atharva Vedax , 10 , 5 Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa; a metal , tutanag or white copper , brass , bell-metal. During the Bronze Age, all regions of ancient India had recorded reerences to metalwork. raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1]Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) Enquiries into the nature of physical elements result in the identification of minerals: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhāPa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773). Pyrotechniques through the medium of Agni involve the use of minerals and metals to produce hard alloys and to forge equipment, implements, weapons.

    Chanhu-daro. Metalware.

     

    Bhirrana has the potsherd with Indus Script hieroglyph of a dance-step, apart from other seals with inscriptions.

    Mehergarh has cire perdue bronze wheels.

    Here are the pictures of Indus Script hieroglyphs as artifacts:

    Image result for mehrgarh cire perdue spoked wheelImage result for mehrgarh cire perdue spoked wheel
    Discovered in chalcolithic levels of Mehergarh.

    The civilization on the banks of River Sarasvati is marked by two cultural phenomena: 1. Yoga and 2. Yajña

    Yoga

    Filliozat rightly suggests that Yoga was worked out by members of the Indienne community who were searching for mystical techniques. Jean Filliozat, 1946, ‘Les origins d’une technique indienne,’ Revue Philosophique136 (1946), pp. 208-220: “…une origine scientifique bien plutut chamanique’ (p.220). The search for mystical techniques is directly related to the boundless metaphors in the 

    R̥gveda with references to categories of phenomena such as pañcabhūta resulting in pañcamahā yajña-s in veneration of the 1. elements (Nature -- Pthvī (पृथ्वी, Earth), Apas/Jal (जल, Water), Agni (अग्नि, Fire, Energy), Vāyu (वायु, Air), 
    ākāśa (आकाश, Ether)), 2. people, 3. daivam (destiny), 4. enquirers (ṣi-s), 5. brahman (ātmā, paramātmā). This categorisation results in Veda, 'enquiries' into the phenomena recorded in ancient texts of Veda corpora starting with the R̥gveda. 

    Archaeological evidence for Yoga is provided by the Indus Script Corpora which contain persons seated in meditative Yoga poses. The word which signifies such poses is: kamaḍha'penance' rendered rebus to signify wealth-producing activity in/by kammaṭa, 'mint, coiner, coinage'. A synonym for 'penance' is 'nirvikalpa samādhi' mentioned in Yoga texts which signifies 'unwavering penance or tapasya, 'belonging to austerity').

    Consistent with the definition in yogasūtra, yoga योग: चित्त-वृत्ति निरोध: yogaś citta-vṛtti-nirodhaḥ— Yoga Sutras 1.2 (Translation: "Yoga is the inhibition (nirodhaḥ) of the modifications (vṛtti) of the mind (citta)") yoga has two semantic streams: 1. training of the mind to focus attention and 2. human initiative or activity. One results in meditation an the other in human activities to keep fit, practices such as farming and other activities for prosperity. These two semantic streams are demonstrated by the meanings of yoga-related expressions in almost all ancient languages of Bhāratam. Yoga thus means yoking, work, employment in R̥gveda with semantic expansions to signify acquisition of wealth and property as a result of human initiatives performed with yogic concentration or steadfastness of mind:

    yṓgya ʻ fit for yoking ʼ Pāṇ. (m. ʻ draught animal ʼ AV.), ʻ fit, proper ʼ KātyŚr. [yṓga -- ] Pa. yogga -- ʻ fit ʼ, Pk. jogga -- , jugga -- , S. jog̠ujog̠o, L. jogā, (Ju.) jog̠ā, P. joggā, WPah.paṅ. cur. jōgā, MB. joga; Or. jogā ʻ able, fit ʼ, Mth. Bhoj. jog; OAw. joga ʻ suitable ʼ (whence jogaïʻ suits ʼ); H. jogjogā ʻ useful ʼ; G. jogjogũ ʻ fit ʼ, M. j̈ogā.(CDIAL 10528) yōgyāˊ f. ʻ trace (of harness), hymn (poetic activity) ʼ RV., ʻ exercise ʼ MBh. [yṓgya -- . -- √yujPa. yoggā -- f. ʻ practice ʼ, Pk. joggā -- f.; S. jog̠a f. ʻ yoke of oxen ʼ, L. P. jog f. (ludh. m.); Or. jogāṛa ʻ collection of means and material ʼ; M. j̈og bharṇẽ ʻ to fill with food the basket of a temple -- girl ʼ. -- Deriv.: N. joginu ʻ to be saved ʼ, jogāunu ʻ to save, protect, keep ʼ; A. zogāiba ʻ to supply ʼ, B. jogāna, Or. jogāibā; H. jogaunājugānā ʻ to take care of ʼ; G. jogavvũ ʻ to serve, get on well ʼ; M. j̈ogāviṇẽ ʻ to take care of, feed ʼ, j̈ogavṇẽ ʻ to get on fairly well ʼ.(CDIAL 10529) yōgakṣēmá m. (ʻ possessions resulting from activity, prosperity ʼ RV.) ʻ preservation of one's business or property, insurance charge ʼ Mn., ʻ rest from activity, spiritual good ʼ KaṭhUp. (cf. kṣēmayōgau ʻ rest and activity ʼ AitBr.). [The post -- Vedic meanings resulted from a shift in the meaning of -- kṣēma -- as ʻ possession ʼ to ʻ safety, repose ʼ (J. C. W.). -- yṓga -- , kṣḗma -- ]Pa. yōgakkhēma -- m. ʻ rest from work, perfect peace ʼ, Dhp. yokakṣemu; NiDoc. yoǵac̄h́ema ʻ security ʼ; S. jokho°khimu m. ʻ risk, danger ʼ; L. jokhiõ m. ʻ risk ʼ, P. jokhõ m.; Ku. jokham ʻ injury ʼ; N. jokhim ʻ venture, danger ʼ; H. jokhõ°khim°kham f. ʻ charge for securing property from accidents, risk, danger, loss, injury ʼ; G. jokham n. ʻ risk, venture, responsibility, loss ʼ, M.j̈okhī˜v°khīm°kham n. f. -- Retention or replacement of -- m -- in forms other than G. is obscure: perh. as banking or business term ← G.(CDIAL 10527) yṓga m. ʻ yoking, employment, work ʼ RV., ʻ yoke ʼ ŚBr., ʻ expedient ʼ MBh. [√yuj]Pa. yōga -- m. ʻ yoking, application to ʼ, NiDoc. yoǵa; Pk. jōa -- m. ʻ union, pair, business ʼ; N. joh ʻ device, arrangement ʼ; A. zo ʻ ability, means, preparations ʼ; B. Or. jo ʻ proper time for ploughing or sowing, opportunity ʼ; Si.  ʻ union, practice, asceticism ʼ. -- Paš.lauṛ. ẓōeṭīˊ ʻ yoke ʼ, ar. yūwaṭīˊ, ishk. ẓōṭīˊ ʻ neck of yoke ʼ < *yōa -- with dimin. suffix -- ṭī -- IIFL iii 3, 208 or poss. < *yugakāṣṭha -- .(CDIAL 10526) *yugakāṣṭha ʻ yoke timber ʼ. [yugá -- , kāṣṭhá -- ]Bi. Mth. juāṭh ʻ yoke of plough ʼ, (Patna) joṭh ʻ bullock yoke with two bars ʼ; H. jūāṭh°āṭ m. ʻ yoke ʼ; -- Paš.lauṛ. ẓōeṭīˊ, ar. yūwaṭīˊ ʻ yoke ʼ, ishk. ẓōṭīˊ ʻ neck of yoke ʼ (IIFL iii 3, 208 prob. < yṓga -- + dimin. -- ṭī).(CDIAL 10483)


    Archaeology of Yoga and bhūtaYajña, evidences of metalwork

    yogāsana polstures shown on the following seals/tablets (dated ca. between 2500 to 1900 BCE) should have originated earlier to ca. 2500 BCE and continued into the historical periods from the days of the civilization which produced these images on seals and tablets. McEvilley demonstrates that the unique āsana shown orthographically on the seals/tablets is consistent with Yogic literature exemoplified in the Haha Yoga Pradīpikā I.53-54. (Thomas McEvilley, 1981, RES: Anthropology and AestheticsNo. 1 (Spring, 1981), p.49) http://www.jstor.org/stable/20166655

     
     
       
    Text on obverse of the tablet m453A: Text 1629. m453BC Seated in penance, the person is flanked on either side by a kneeling adorant, offering a pot and a hooded serpent rearing up. फड, phaḍa, 'cobra hood' rebus: फड, phaḍa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal,metasls manufactory' . 
    Horned deity seals, Mohenjo-daro: a. horned deity with pipal-leaf headdress, Mohenjo-daro (DK12050, NMP 50.296) (Courtesy of the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan); b. horned deity with star motifs, Mohenjo-daro (M-305) (PARPOLA 1994:Fig. 10.9); courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India; c. horned deity surrounded by animals, Mohenjo-daro (JOSHI – PARPOLA 1987:M-304); courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India.

     


    I suggest that are many hieroglyphs constituting a hypertext on this male statue of Mohenjo-daro. This monograph demonstrates that the statue signifies Potr̥ 'Purifier priest' in  R̥gveda tradition of performance of yajña. The rationale, validation for linking with R̥gveda tradition is provided by the Binjor discovery in 2015 of a yajña kuṇḍa together with aṣṭāśri yūpa which is consistent with the texts of R̥gvedaand Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. Together with the discovery of what tantamounts to a yūpa inscription is the discovery of Indus Script seals with the readings of wealth accounting ledgers of metalwork.aṣṭāśri yūpa is a ketu केतु sign , mark , ensign , flag , banner (R̥gveda) -- a proclamation of the performance of a Soma Samsthā yajña. Details have been provided in the 1035 monographs at 
    https://independent.academia.edu/SriniKalyanaraman and in Epigraphia Indus Script -- Hypertexts & Meanings(2017)
     


    Image result for priest mohenjodaroThe hieroglyphs are: 

    1) Dotted circle (circular inlay ornament) looks like a
    2) bead is worn like a 
    3) fillet tied to a 
    4) String; the fillet bands fall like a 
    5) scarf

    6) shawl cloth worn with right-shoulder bare is decorated with
    7) one, two, three dotted circles

    With the following hieroglyph components read rebus in Meluhha, the hypertext is: 

    Component 1: dhā 'strand' + vaṭa 'string' rebus: vatta n. ʻduty, officeʼ(Pali) rebus: धावडी [ dhāvaḍī ] a Relating to the class धावड, 'smelter'. (Semantic determinative: dhāṭ(h)u 'scarf' (WPah.) rebus: dhāṭu 'mineral ore')

    Component 2: paṭṭa m. ʻfillet', paḍa 'cloth' rebus: phaḍā 'metals manufactory' 

    Thus, together, the Indus Script hypertext of the Priest statue reads: Potr̥ dhāvaḍa phaḍā  'Purifier priest, smelter, metals manufactory'. The process of purification in Agni makes the entire process sacred, divine -- an act of daivam, 'divinity'.

    Since one, two, three dotted circles adorn the uttarīyam, 'upper garment' of the Priest is a smelter of three types of mineral ores,  tri-dhātu 'three strands' rebus: tri-dhātu 'three minerals'; the minerals are:goṭa 'laterite, ferrite ore', bicha 'haematite, ferrite ore', poḷa 'magnetite, ferriteore'. Three hieroglyphs of Indus Script cipher which signify these minerals are: goṭa 'round pebble, stone', bica 'scorpion', poḷa'zebu, bos indicus'.

    What is the priest called in Meluhha? The answer is provided by the R̥gveda tradition of yajña. Hieroglyph: potta 'cloth' rebus: Potr̥ पोतृ प्/ओतृ or पोतृ, m. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; =यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. ) (R̥g Veda Brāhmaṇa, Śrautasūtra.हरिवंश). पोतन a. 1 Sacred, holy. -2 Purifying. The title of Pallavakings may link with the sacred purification process: போத்தரசர் pōttaracar , n. prob. போத்து¹ +. A title of the Pallava kings; பல்லவர் பட்டப்பெயர்களி லொன்று. மயேந்திரப் போத்தரசர் (S. I. I. ii, 341.)

    I suggest that that Potr̥ the Purifier priest is the dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelter' who purifies (smelts) the ores to produce wealth of metal. Agni is the purifying medium.

    1.Hieroglyph: A. dotted circle: dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜; B. Throw of dice: dāˊtu n. ʻ share ʼ RV. [Cf. śatádātu -- , sahásradātu -- ʻ hun- dredfold, thousandfold ʼ: Pers. dāv ʻ stroke, move in a game ʼ prob. ← IA. -- √] K. dāv m. ʻ turn, opportunity, throw in dice ʼ; S. ḍ̠ã̄u m. ʻ mode ʼ; L.  m. ʻ direction ʼ, (Ju.) ḍ̠āḍ̠ã̄ m. ʻ way, manner ʼ; P. dāu m. ʻ ambush ʼ; Ku. dã̄w ʻ turn, opportunity, bet, throw in dice ʼ, N. dāu; B. dāudã̄u ʻ turn, opportunity ʼ; Or. dāudāũ ʻ opportunity, revenge ʼ; Mth. dāu ʻ trick (in wrestling, &c.) ʼ; OAw. dāu m. ʻ opportunity, throw in dice ʼ; H. dāūdã̄w m. ʻ turn ʼ; G.dāv m. ʻ turn, throw ʼ, ḍāv m. ʻ throw ʼ; M. dāvā m. ʻ revenge ʼ. -- NIA. forms with nasalization (or all NIA. forms) poss. < dāmán -- 2 m. ʻ gift ʼ RV., cf. dāya -- m. ʻ gift ʼ MBh., akṣa -- dāya-- m. ʻ playing of dice ʼ Naiṣ.(CDIAL 6258) தாயம் tāyamn. < dāya. A fall of the dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் விருத்தம். முற்பட இடுகின்ற தாயம் (கலித். 136, உரை). 5. Cubical pieces in dice-play; கவறு. (யாழ். அக.) 6. Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். Colloq. rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (CDIAL 6773) Semantic determinative.

    2. Hieroglyph  bead: *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, putipũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. potm. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá -- 1.(CDIAL 8403) rebus: Pot 'Purifier priest' (R̥gveda) Semantic determinative)

    3. Hieroglyph: a)Fillet: paṭṭa2 m. ʻ cloth, woven silk ʼ Kāv., ʻ bandage, fillet turban, diadem ʼ MBh. [Prob. like paṭa -- and *phēṭṭa -- 1 from non -- Aryan source, of which *patta -- in Gy. and *patra-- in Sh. may represent aryanization of paṭṭa -- . Not < páttra -- nor, with P. Tedesco Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld 222, < *pr̥ṣṭa<-> ʻ woven ʼ, while an assumed borrowing from IA. in Bur. ph*llto -- čiṅ ʻ puttees ʼ is too flimsy a basis for *palta -- (~ Eng. fold, &c.) as the source NTS xiii 93]
    Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ woven silk, fine cloth, cotton cloth, turban ʼ, °ṭaka -- ʻ made of a strip of cloth ʼ, n. ʻ bandage, girdle ʼ, °ṭikā -- f.; NiDoc. paṭa ʻ roll of silk ʼ Lüders Textilien 24; Pk. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ cloth, clothes, turban ʼ; Paš. paṭā ʻ strip of skin ʼ, ar. weg. paṭīˊ ʻ belt ʼ; Kal.rumb. pāˊṭi ʻ scarf ʼ; Phal. paṭṭaṛa ʻ bark ʼ; K. paṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ long strip of cloth from loom ʼ, poṭu m. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ, pôṭu m. ʻ silk, silk cloth ʼ (← Ind.?); S. paṭū m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭū̃ m. ʻ a kind of woollen cloth ʼ, paṭo m. ʻ band of cloth ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ bandage, fillet ʼ; L. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, awāṇ. paṭṭī f. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ; P. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ coarse woollen cloth, bandage ʼ; WPah.bhal. peṭṭu m. sg. and pl. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ; Ku. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ; N. pāṭ ʻ flax, hemp ʼ; A. B. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ (B. also ʻ jute ʼ); Or. pāṭa ʻ silk, jute ʼ, paṭā ʻ red silk cloth, sheet, scarf ʼ, (Bastar) pāṭā ʻ loincloth ʼ; Bhoj. paṭuā ʻ jute ʼ; OAw. pāṭa m. ʻ silk cloth ʼ; H. paṭ m. ʻ cloth, turban ʼ, paṭṭū m. ʻ coarse woollen cloth ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, paṭkā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; G. pāṭ m. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ bandage ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ tape ʼ; Ko. pāṭṭo ʻ strap ʼ; Si. paṭa ʻ silk, fine cloth ʼ, paṭiya ʻ ribbon, girdle, cloth screen round a tent ʼ. -- Gy. rum. pato ʻ clothing ʼ, gr. patavo ʻ napkin ʼ, wel. patavō ʻ sock ʼ, germ. phār ʻ silk, taffeta ʼ; Sh.koh. gur. pāc̣ṷ m. ʻ cloth ʼ, koh. poc̣e ʻ clothes ʼ.*paṭṭakara -- , *paṭṭadukūla -- , *paṭṭapati -- , paṭṭaraṅga -- , paṭṭarājñī -- , *paṭṭavaya -- ; *niṣpaṭṭa -- ; *antarapaṭṭa -- , *andhapaṭṭa -- , *kakṣapaṭṭa -- , *karpaṭapaṭṭikā -- , *ghumbapaṭṭa -- , carmapaṭṭa -- , *dupaṭṭikā -- , *paggapaṭṭa -- , *paścapaṭṭa -- , *laṅgapaṭṭa -- , *vasanapaṭṭa -- , śīrṣapaṭṭaka -- .Addenda: paṭṭa -- 2: WPah.poet. pakṭe f. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ (metath. of *paṭke with -- akka -- ); Md. fořā ʻ cloth or Sinhalese sarong ʼ, fařu(v)i ʻ silk ʼ, fař ʻ strip, chain ʼ, fař jehum ʻ wrapping ʼ (jehum verbal noun of jahanī ʻ strikes ʼ).(CDIAL 7700) rebus:  phaḍā 'metals manufactory' (Semantic determinative)

    Hieroglyph: b) Cloth worn: pōta2 m. ʻ cloth ʼ, pōtikā -- f. lex. 2. *pōtta -- 2 (sanskrit- ized as pōtra -- 2 n. ʻ cloth ʼ lex.). 3. *pōttha -- 2 ~ pavásta<-> n. ʻ covering (?) ʼ RV., ʻ rough hempen cloth ʼ AV. T. Chowdhury JBORS xvii 83. 4. pōntī -- f. ʻ cloth ʼ Divyāv. 5. *pōcca -- 2 < *pōtya -- ? (Cf. pōtyā = pōtānāṁ samūhaḥ Pāṇ.gaṇa. -- pṓta -- 1?). [Relationship with prōta -- n. ʻ woven cloth ʼ lex., plōta -- ʻ bandage, cloth ʼ Suśr. or with pavásta -- is obscure: EWA ii 347 with lit. Forms meaning ʻ cloth to smear with, smearing ʼ poss. conn. with or infl. by pusta -- 2 n. ʻ working in clay ʼ (prob. ← Drav., Tam. pūcu &c. DED 3569, EWA ii 319)]
    1. Pk. pōa -- n. ʻ cloth ʼ; Paš.ar. pōwok ʻ cloth ʼ, g ʻ net, web ʼ (but lauṛ. dar. pāwāk ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, Gaw. pāk IIFL iii 3, 150).
    2. Pk. potta -- , °taga -- , °tia -- n. ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, pottī -- , °tiā -- , °tullayā -- , puttī -- f. ʻ piece of cloth, man's dhotī, woman's sāṛī ʼ, pottia -- ʻ wearing clothes ʼ; S. potī f. ʻ shawl ʼ, potyo m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; L. pot, pl. °tã f. ʻ width of cloth ʼ; P. potṛā m. ʻ child's clout ʼ, potṇā ʻ to smear a wall with a rag ʼ; N. poto ʻ rag to lay on lime -- wash ʼ, potnu ʻ to smear ʼ; Or. potā ʻ gunny bag ʼ; OAw. potaï ʻ smears, plasters ʼ; H. potā m. ʻ whitewashing brush ʼ, potī f. ʻ red cotton ʼ, potiyā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛā m. ʻ baby clothes ʼ; G. pot n. ʻ fine cloth, texture ʼ, potũ n. ʻ rag ʼ, potī f., °tiyũ n. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. pot m. ʻ roll of coarse cloth ʼ, n. ʻ weftage or texture of cloth ʼ, potrẽ n. ʻ rag for smearing cowdung ʼ.3. Pa. potthaka -- n. ʻ cheap rough hemp cloth ʼ, potthakamma -- n. ʻ plastering ʼ; Pk. pottha -- , °aya -- n.m. ʻ cloth ʼ; S. potho m. ʻ lump of rag for smearing, smearing, cloth soaked in opium ʼ.4. Pa. ponti -- ʻ rags ʼ. 5. Wg. pōč ʻ cotton cloth, muslin ʼ, Kt. puč; Pr. puč ʻ duster, cloth ʼ, pūˊčuk ʻ clothes ʼ; S. poco m. ʻ rag for plastering, plastering ʼ; P. poccā m. ʻ cloth or brush for smearing ʼ, pocṇā ʻ to smear with earth ʼ; Or. pucā̆rapucurā ʻ wisp of rag or jute for whitewashing with, smearing with such a rag ʼ.(CDIAL 8400) Ta. potti garment of fibres, cloth. Ka. potti cloth. Te. potti bark, a baby's linen, a sort of linen cloth; pottika a small fine cloth; podugu a baby's linen. Kol. (SSTWpot sari. Pa. bodgida short loincloth. / Cf. Skt. potikā-, Pkt. potti-, pottiā-, etc.; Turner, CDIAL, no. 8400.(DEDR 4515) rebus: Pot 'Purifier priest' (R̥gveda) Semantic determinative) Ta. pōṟṟu (pōṟṟi-) to praise, applaud, worship, protect, cherish, nourish, entertain; n. protection, praise; pōṟṟi praise, applause; pōṟṟimai honour, reverence. Ma. pōṟṟuka to preserve, protect, adore; pōṟṟi nourisher, protector.  (DEDR 4605) போற்றி pōṟṟi , < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; புகழ்மொழி. (W.) 2.Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; கோயிற் பூசைசெய்யும் மலையாளநாட்டுப் பிராமணன். (W.) 3. See போத்தி, 1.--int. Exclamation of praise; துதிச்சொல்வகை. பொய்தீர் காட்சிப் புரையோய் போற்றி (சிலப். 13, 92).போத்தி pōtti
    n. < போற்றி. 1. Grandfather; பாட்டன். Tinn. 2. Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன்.

    4. Hieroglyph: String: vaṭa 'string' rebus: vatta n. ʻduty, officeʼ(Pali)

    5. Hieroglyph: Scarf: dhāṭ(h)u 'scarf' (WPah.): *dhaṭa2dhaṭī -- f. ʻ old cloth, loincloth ʼ lex. [Drav., Kan. daṭṭi ʻ waistband ʼ etc., DED 2465] Ku. dhaṛo ʻ piece of cloth ʼ, N. dharo, B. dhaṛā; Or. dhaṛā ʻ rag, loincloth ʼ, dhaṛi ʻ rag ʼ; Mth. dhariā ʻ child's narrow loincloth  *dhaṭavastra -- .Addenda: *dhaṭa -- 2. 2. †*dhaṭṭa -- : WPah.kṭg. dhàṭṭu m. ʻ woman's headgear, kerchief ʼ, kc. dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu m. ʻ scarf ʼ, J. dhāṭ(h)u m. Him.I 105).(CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore'.

    6. Hieroglyph: Garment, paḍa 'cloth' (Pkt.): paṭa m. ʻ woven cloth ʼ MBh., °aka -- m., paṭikā -- f. lex., paṭīˊ -- f. Pāṇ.gaṇa. [Cf. paṭṭa- 2paṭṭa -- 3, *palla -- 3, pallava -- 2. -- Prob. with karpaṭa -- and karpāsa -- ← Austro -- as. J. Przyluski BSL xxv 70; less likely with A. Master BSOAS xi 302 ← Drav.] Pa. paṭa -- m., °ṭi -- , °ṭikā -- f. ʻ cloth, garment ʼ; Pk. paḍa<-> m. ʻ cloth ʼ, °ḍī -- , °ḍiyā -- f. ʻ a kind of garment ʼ; Wg. paṛīk ʻ shawl ʼ; S. paṛu m. ʻ covering of cloth for a saint's grave ʼ, paṛom. ʻ petticoat ʼ; Si. paḷapala ʻ cloth, garment ʼ, piḷiya ʻ cloth, clothes ʼ; Md. feli ʻ cotton cloth ʼ.(CDIAL 7692) rebus: phaḍā 'metals manufactory' (Semantic determinative)

    7. tri-dhātu 'three strands' rebus: tri-dhātu 'three minerals'

    Material: white, low fired steatite
    Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width
    Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909
    National Museum, Karachi, 50.852
    Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII

    Seated male sculpture, or "Priest King" from Mohenjo-daroFillet or ribbon headband with circular inlay ornament on the forehead and similar but smaller ornament on the right upper arm. The two ends of the fillet fall along the back and though the hair is carefully combed towards the back of the head, no bun is present. The flat back of the head may have held a separately carved bun as is traditional on the other seated figures, or it could have held a more elaborate horn and plumed headdress.

    Two holes beneath the highly stylized ears suggest that a necklace or other head ornament was attached to the sculpture. The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched up with a chisel. Eyes are deeply incised and may have held inlay. The upper lip is shaved and a short combed beard frames the face. The large crack in the face is the result of weathering or it may be due to original firing of this object.
    Image result for seated female sculptures mohenjo-daroCombed hair tied into a bun; the fillet (headband) worn is similar to the one worn on the priest's foreheadand right shoulder.

    The use of the fire-altar for ores is a process of purification. The purifier is पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृ, m. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv. போற்றி pōṟṟi, < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; புகழ்மொழி. (W.) 2.Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; கோயிற் பூசைசெய்யும் மலையாளநாட்டுப் பிராமணன். (W.) 3. See போத்தி, 1.--int. Exclamation of praise; துதிச்சொல்வகை. பொய்தீர் காட்சிப் புரையோய் போற்றி (சிலப். 13, 92).


    धातु 1 [p=513,3] constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold&c ; cf. त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br. &c


    धातु 1 [p=513,3] primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral , are (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. 
    &celement of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]).

    dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- (CDIAL 6773)  هژدات haj̱ẕ-dāt, s.m. (6th) (corrup. of S اژدهات) The name of a mixed metal, bell-metal, brass. Sing. and Pl. د هژداتو غر da haj̱ẕ-dāto g̠ẖar, A mountain of brass, a brazen mountain.

    धा to appoint , establish , constitute (R̥g Veda, Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa); to make , produce , generate , create , cause , effect , perform , execute (R̥g Veda,  Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, श्वेताश्वतर उपनिषद् (aor. with पूरयाम्,
    मन्त्रयाम्,वरयाम् &c = पूरयाम् &c चकार)

    वट a string , rope , tie L. (only वट ibc. , and पञ्च-व्° , q.v.); a small lump , globule &c = वटक (शार्ङ्गधर-संहिता)वटिन् mfn. stringed , having a string L.; circular, globular


    vaṭāraka -- , varāṭaka -- m. ʻ string ʼ MBh. [vaṭa -- 2Pa. sa -- vaṭākara -- ʻ having a cable ʼ; Bi. baral -- rassī ʻ twisted string ʼ; H. barrā m. ʻ rope ʼ, barārā m. ʻ thong ʼ.(CDIAL 11217) vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268] N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 11212) vaṭin ʻ stringed ʼ lex. [vaṭa -- 2]Si. vilvili ʻ bow ʼ (ES 82)?(CDIAL 11218). *karṇavaṭikā ʻ side -- cord ʼ. [kárṇa -- , vaṭa -- 2]
    WPah. bhal. k*lnɔṛi f. ʻ knots between upper and lower parts of a snow -- shoe, rope pegs to which the distaff in a spinning -- wheel is attached ʼ.(CDIAL 2842)*yantravaṭa ʻ cord of a machine ʼ. [Cf. Pa. yantasutta- n. -- yantrá -- , vaṭa -- 2]
    WPah.bhal. jaṇṭḷoṛ m. ʻ long string round spinning wheel ʼ (CDIAL 10413)
    Hieroglyph: vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1]   L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; 1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ;Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊkwaḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192? 2. Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ passed, gone away, completed, dead ʼ; Ash. weṭ -- intr. ʻ to pass (of time), pass, fall (of an avalanche) ʼ, weṭā -- tr. ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Paš. wiṭīk ʻ passed ʼ; K.ḍoḍ. buto ʻ he was ʼ; P. batāuṇā ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Ku. bītṇo ʻ to be spent, die ʼ, bitauṇo ʻ to pass, spend ʼ; N. bitāunu ʻ to pass (time), kill ʼ, butāunu ʻ to extinguish ʼ; Or. bitibā intr. ʻ to pass (of time), bitāibā tr.; Mth. butāb ʻ to extinguish ʼ; OAw. pret. bītā ʻ passed (of time) ʼ; H. bītnā intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, butnā ʻ to be extinguished ʼ, butānā ʻ to extinguish ʼ; G. vĭ̄tvũintr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, vatāvvũ tr. ʻ to stop ʼ(CDIAL 12069).

    Rebus: Duty: Pa. vatta -- n. ʻ duty, office ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- n. ʻ livelihood ʼ; P. buttā m. ʻ means ʼ; Ku. buto ʻ daily labour, wages ʼ; N. butā ʻ means, ability ʼ; H. oūtā m. ʻ power ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ subsistence, wages ʼ.(CDIAL 12069) Vatta1 (nt.) [orig. pp. of vattati] 1. that which is done, which goes on or is customary, i. e. duty, service, custom, function Vin ii.31; Sn 294, 393 (gahaṭṭha˚); Vism 188 (cetiy' angaṇa˚ etc.); DhA i.92 (ācariya˚); VbhA 354 (gata -- paccāgata˚); VvA 47 (gāma˚). -- 2. (for vata2) observance, vow, virtue D iii.9 (the 7 vattapadāni, diff. from those enumd under vata -- pada); Nd1 66 (sīlañ ca vattañ ca), 92 (hatthi˚ etc.: see vata2 2), 104 (˚suddhi), 106 (id.), 188 (giving 8 dhutangas as vattas).   -- paṭivatta all kinds of practices or duties J i.67; ii.103; iii.339; iv.298; Miln 416 (sucarita˚); DhA i.13 sq.; ii.277; iv.28. -- bbata the usual custom DhA iv.44; C on S i.36 § 2 and on S ii.18 § 4 sq. -- sampanna one who keeps all observances VbhA 297 (where the foll. vattāni are enumd: 82 khuddaka -- vattāni. 14 mahā˚, cetiyangaṇa˚, bodhiyangaṇa˚, pānīyamāḷa˚, uposathāgāra˚, āgantuka˚, gamika˚).(Pali)

    அக்கு³ akku n. < akṣa. 1. Rudrākṣa *அக்கு&sup4; akkun. < akṣi. Eye; கண். அக்குப் பீளை (திருப்பு. 573).

    வளைமணிவடம் vaḷai-maṇi-vaṭam n. < வளை +. A string of beads; அக்குவடம். திரு வரையிற் சாத்தின வளைமணிவடமானது (திவ். பெரி யாழ். 1, 7, 8, வ்யா. பக். 150).

    ஏகவட்டம் ēka-vaṭṭam n. < id. +. வடம். See ஏகவடம். இனமணிப்பூணுமேகவட்டமும் (பெருங். இலாவாண. 5, 139). ஏகவடம் ēka-vaṭam n. < id. +. Necklace of a single string. See ஏகாவலி. பொங்கிள நாகமொ ரேகவடத்தோடு (தேவா. 350, 7)

    கோவை kōvai : [T. M. kōva.] 1. Stringing, filing, arranging; கோக்கை. கோவை யார்வடக் கொழுங்கவடு (கம்பரா. வரைக். 1). 2. Series, succession, row; வரிசை. 3. String of ornamental beads for neck or waist; கோத்த வடம். (பிங்.)

    தாவடம்¹ tāvaṭam n. < தாழ்¹- + வடம். [T. tāvaḍamu.] 1. Sacred elæocarpus beads; உருத் திராக்க மாலை. கழுத்திலே தாவடம் மனத்திலே அவகடம். 2. Necklace; கழுத்திலணியுமாலை. Loc. 3. A mode of wearing the sacred thread round the neck like a garland; பூணூலை மாலையாகத் தரிக்குமுறை. Brāh.

    தொடை² toṭai n. < தொடு²-. Braiding, weaving; பின்னுகை. தொடையுறு வற்கலை யாடை (கம்பரா. முதற்போ. 109). 3. Unbroken succession or continuity; இடையறாமை. தொடையிழி யிறாலின் றேனும் (கம்பரா. நாட்டுப். 9). 4. Fastening, tying; கட்டுகை. தொடைமாண்ட கண்ணியன் (கலித். 37). 5. Series, train, suc- cession; தொடர்ச்சி. தாபதர் தொடைமறை முழக்கும் (கல்லா. 39, 10). 6. String; வடம். முத்துத்தொடை (பரிபா. 6, 16).

    பச்சவடம் paccavaṭam
    n. perh. prac- chada-paṭa. [T. patccaḍamu, K. paccapaḍa, M.
     paccavaṭam.] A long piece of cloth, used as a blanket, bedsheet or screen; மேற்போர்வை விரிப்பு திரை முதலியவற்றுக்கு உபயோகப்படும் நீண்ட சீலை. திருத்திரைப் பச்சவடம் (கோயிலொ. 94).

    பஞ்சவடம் pañca-vaṭam 
    n. Sacred thread worn by dvijas; பூணூல். (யாழ். அக.) 
     பஞ்சவடி² pañcavaṭi
    n. < pañca-vaṭa. Sacred thread of hair; மயிர்க்கயிற்றாலாகிய பூணூல். பஞ்சவடி மார்பினானை (தேவா. 228, 5).
    வடக்கயிறு vaṭa-k-kayiṟu
     
    n. < வடம்¹ +. 1. Large, stout rope or cable, as for drawing a temple-car; தேர் முதலியவற்றை இழுக்கும் பெருங் கயிறு. வடக்கயிறு வெண்ணரம்பா (தாயு. சச்சிதா. 2). 2. Cord of the ēr-nāḻi; ஏர்நாழிக்கயிறு. (W.)
     


    வடக்குவடக்கா-தல் vaṭakku-vaṭakkā-v. intr. < வடம்¹ + வடம்¹ +. To become matted, as hair; மயிர் முதலியன சடைபற்றுதல். Loc.
    வடம்¹ vaṭam, n. < vaṭa. 1. Cable, large rope, as for drawing a temple-car; கனமான கயிறு. வடமற்றது (நன். 219, மயிலை.). 2. Cord; தாம்பு. (சூடா.) 3. A loop of coir rope, used for climbing palm-trees; மரமேறவுதவுங் கயிறு. Loc. 4. Bowstring; வில்லின் நாணி. (பிங்.) 5. String of jewels; மணிவடம். வடங்கள் அசையும்படி உடுத்து (திருமுரு. 204, உரை). (சூடா.) 6. Strands of a garland; chains of a necklace; சரம். இடை மங்கை கொங்கை வடமலைய (அஷ்டப். திருவேங்கடத் தந். 39). 7. Arrangement; ஒழுங்கு. தொடங்கற் காலை வடம்பட விளங்கும் (ஞானா. 14, 41). 8. Banyan; ஆலமரம். (சூடா.) வடநிழற்கண்ணூடிருந்த குருவே (தாயு. கருணா. 41).வடதளம் vata-taḷamn. < வடம்¹ + தளம்³. Banyan leaf; ஆலிலை. வடதள வுதர வாணீ (மனோன். i, 2, 110). வடம்பிடி-த்தல் vaṭam-piṭi-, v. intr. < வடம்¹ +. To draw a temple-car by seizing it by its cables; வடத்தைப்பிடித்துத் தேரிழுத்தல். வாய்வடம் vāy-vaṭam , n. < id. + வடம்¹. See வாய்க்கயிறு. (நாமதீப. 210.) vaṭa1 m. ʻ the banyan Ficus indica ʼ MBh.Pa. vaṭa -- m. ʻ banyan ʼ, Pk. vaḍa -- , °aga -- m., K. war in war -- kulu m., S. baṛu m. (← E); P. vaṛbaṛ m., vohṛbohṛ f. ʻ banyan ʼ, vaṛoṭāba° m. ʻ young banyan ʼ (+?); N. A. bar ʻ banyan ʼ, B. baṛ, Bi. bar (→ Or. bara), H. baṛ m. (→ Bhoj. Mth. baṛ), G. vaṛ m., M. vaḍ m., Ko. vaḍu.*vaṭapadra -- , *vaṭapātikā -- .Addenda: vaṭa -- 1: Garh. baṛ ʻ fig tree ʼ.)CDOA: 11211)

    dāˊman1 ʻ rope ʼ RV. 2. *dāmana -- , dāmanī -- f. ʻ long rope to which calves are tethered ʼ Hariv. 3. *dāmara -- .[*dāmara -- is der. fr. n/r n. stem. -- √2]1. Pa. dāma -- , inst. °mēna n. ʻ rope, fetter, garland ʼ, Pk. dāma -- n.; Wg. dām ʻ rope, thread, bandage ʼ; Tir. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Paš.lauṛ.dām ʻ thick thread ʼ, gul. dūm ʻ net snare ʼ (IIFL iii 3, 54 ← Ind. or Pers.); Shum. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Sh.gil. (Lor.) dōmo ʻ twine, short bit of goat's hair cord ʼ, gur. dōm m. ʻ thread ʼ (→ Ḍ. dōṅ ʻ thread ʼ); K. gu -- dômu m. ʻ cow's tethering rope ʼ; P. dã̄udāvã̄ m. ʻ hobble for a horse ʼ; WPah.bhad. daũ n. ʻ rope to tie cattle ʼ, bhal. daõ m., jaun. dã̄w; A. dāmā ʻ peg to tie a buffalo -- calf to ʼ; B. dām,dāmā ʻ cord ʼ; Or. duã̄ ʻ tether ʼ, dāĩ ʻ long tether to which many beasts are tied ʼ; H. dām m.f. ʻ rope, string, fetter ʼ, dāmā m. ʻ id., garland ʼ; G. dām n. ʻ tether ʼ, M. dāvẽ n.; Si. dama ʻ chain, rope ʼ, (SigGr) dam ʻ garland ʼ. -- Ext. in Paš.dar. damaṭāˊ°ṭīˊ, nir. weg. damaṭék ʻ rope ʼ, Shum. ḍamaṭik, Woṭ. damṓṛ m., Sv. dåmoṛīˊ; -- with -- ll -- : N. dāmlo ʻ tether for cow ʼ, dã̄walidāũlidāmliʻ bird -- trap of string ʼ, dã̄waldāmal ʻ coeval ʼ (< ʻ tied together ʼ?); M. dã̄vlī f. ʻ small tie -- rope ʼ.2. Pk. dāvaṇa -- n., dāmaṇī -- f. ʻ tethering rope ʼ; S. ḍ̠āvaṇuḍ̠āṇu m. ʻ forefeet shackles ʼ, ḍ̠āviṇīḍ̠āṇī f. ʻ guard to support nose -- ring ʼ; L. ḍã̄vaṇ m., ḍã̄vaṇīḍāuṇī (Ju. ḍ̠ -- ) f. ʻ hobble ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ strip at foot of bed, triple cord of silk worn by women on head ʼ, awāṇ. dāvuṇ ʻ picket rope ʼ; P. dāuṇdauṇ, ludh. daun f. m. ʻ string for bedstead, hobble for horse ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ gold ornament worn on woman's forehead ʼ; Ku. dauṇo m., °ṇī f. ʻ peg for tying cattle to ʼ, gng. dɔ̃ṛ ʻ place for keeping cattle, bedding for cattle ʼ; A. danʻ long cord on which a net or screen is stretched, thong ʼ, danā ʻ bridle ʼ; B. dāmni ʻ rope ʼ; Or. daaṇa ʻ string at the fringe of a casting net on which pebbles are strung ʼ, dāuṇi ʻ rope for tying bullocks together when threshing ʼ; H. dāwan m. ʻ girdle ʼ, dāwanīf. ʻ rope ʼ, dã̄wanī f. ʻ a woman's orna<-> ment ʼ; G. dāmaṇḍā° n. ʻ tether, hobble ʼ, dāmṇũ n. ʻ thin rope, string ʼ, dāmṇī f. ʻ rope, woman's head -- ornament ʼ; M. dāvaṇ f. ʻ picket -- rope ʼ. -- Words denoting the act of driving animals to tread out corn are poss. nomina actionis from *dāmayati2.3. L. ḍãvarāvaṇ, (Ju.) ḍ̠ã̄v° ʻ to hobble ʼ; A. dāmri ʻ long rope for tying several buffalo -- calves together ʼ, Or. daũ̈rādaürā ʻ rope ʼ; Bi. daũrī ʻ rope to which threshing bullocks are tied, the act of treading out the grain ʼ, Mth. dã̄mardaũraṛ ʻ rope to which the bullocks are tied ʼ; H. dã̄wrī f. ʻ id., rope, string ʼ, dãwrī f. ʻ the act of driving bullocks round to tread out the corn ʼ. -- X *dhāgga<-> q.v.*dāmayati2; *dāmakara -- , *dāmadhāra -- ; uddāma -- , prōddāma -- ; *antadāmanī -- , *galadāman -- , *galadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāman -- , *gōḍḍadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāmara -- .dāmán -- 2 m. (f.?) ʻ gift ʼ RV. [√1]. See dāˊtu -- .*dāmana -- ʻ rope ʼ see dāˊman -- 1.Addenda: dāˊman -- 1. 1. Brj. dã̄u m. ʻ tying ʼ.3. *dāmara -- : Brj. dã̄wrī f. ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 6283)


    தாமம்¹ tāmam
      
     n. < dāman1. Rope, cord, string; கயிறு. (பிங்.) 2. Line to tie cattle. See தாமணி. 3. Wreath, flower garland, chaplet, especially worn on shoulders; பூமாலை. (பிங்.) வண்டிமிருந் தாம வரைமார்ப (பு. வெ. 12, இருபாற். 3). 4. Necklace of beads; string, as of pearls; வடம். (பிங்.) முத்துத் தாம முறையொடு நாற்றுமின் (மணி. 1, 49). 5. Woman's waist ornament of 16 or 18 strings of beads; 18W.) 6. Row, line; ஒழுங்கு. தடமலர்த் தாம மாலை (சீவக. 1358). 7. Flower; பூ. (பிங்.) 8. An ornamental part of a crown, one of the five muṭi-y-uṟuppu, q. v.; முடியுறுப்புகள் ஐந்தனுள் ஒன்று. (திவா.) 9. Senna. See கொன்றை. (பிங்.) 
     
    dāmam दामम् (At the end of a compound) Wreath, garland.dāman दामन् n. [दो-मनिन्] 1 A string, thread, fillet, rope. -2 A chaplet, a garland in general; आद्ये बद्धा विरहदिवसे या शिखा दाम हित्वा Me.93; कनकचम्पकदामगौरीम् Ch. P.1; Śi.4.5. -3 A line, streak (as of lightning); वुद्युद्- दाम्ना हेमराजीव विन्ध्यम् M.3.2; Me.27. -4 A large bandage. -5 Ved. A gift. -6 A portion, share. -7 A girdle. -Comp. -अञ्चलम्, -अञ्जनम् a foot-rope for horses, &c.; सस्रुः सरोषपरिचारकवार्यमाणा दामाञ्चलस्खलितलोलपदं तुरङ्गाः Śi.5.61. -उदरः an epithet of Kṛiṣṇa. दामनी dāmanīA foot-rope.दामा dāmā A string, cord. dāmnī दाम्नी A garland; 'यस्या दाम्न्या त्रिधाम्नो जघनकलितया˚'विष्णुपादादिकेशान्तवर्णनस्तोत्रम् 22. (Samskritam)


    Hieroglyph: Strand of string/rope: dhāˊtu ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) తాడు [ tāḍu ] or త్రాడు tādu. [Tel.] n. A cord, thread, string. A match for a gun. The palm tree, so called because cordage is made from it. See under తాటి. The cord of marriage, being the string round the bride's neck, from which the పుస్తె or tali is hung. Henceతాడు తెగిన (lit. cord broken) means widowed. అగ్గితాడు or జేనకితాడు a match, made of cord dipped in brimstone.

    Rebus: N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)

    paṭṭa2 m. ʻ cloth, woven silk ʼ Kāv., ʻ bandage, fillet turban, diadem ʼ MBh. [Prob. like paṭa -- and *phēṭṭa -- 1 from non -- Aryan source, of which *patta -- in Gy. and *patra -- in Sh. may represent aryanization of paṭṭa -- . Not < páttra -- nor, with P. Tedesco Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld 222, < *pr̥ṣṭa<-> ʻ woven ʼ, while an assumed borrowing from IA. in Bur. ph*llto -- čiṅ ʻ puttees ʼ is too flimsy a basis for *palta -- (~ Eng. fold, &c.) as the source NTS xiii 93]Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ woven silk, fine cloth, cotton cloth, turban ʼ, °ṭaka -- ʻ made of a strip of cloth ʼ, n. ʻ bandage, girdle ʼ, °ṭikā -- f.; NiDoc. paṭa ʻ roll of silk ʼ Lüders Textilien 24; Pk. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ cloth, clothes, turban ʼ; Paš. paṭā ʻ strip of skin ʼ, ar. weg. paṭīˊ ʻ belt ʼ; Kal.rumb. pāˊṭi ʻ scarf ʼ; Phal. paṭṭaṛa ʻ bark ʼ; K. paṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ long strip of cloth from loom ʼ, poṭu m. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ, pôṭu m. ʻ silk, silk cloth ʼ (← Ind.?); S. paṭū m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭū̃ m. ʻ a kind of woollen cloth ʼ, paṭo m. ʻ band of cloth ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ bandage, fillet ʼ; L. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, awāṇ. paṭṭī f. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ; P. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ coarse woollen cloth, bandage ʼ; WPah.bhal. peṭṭu m. sg. and pl. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ; Ku. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ; N. pāṭ ʻ flax, hemp ʼ; A. B. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ (B. also ʻ jute ʼ); Or. pāṭa ʻ silk, jute ʼ, paṭā ʻ red silk cloth, sheet, scarf ʼ, (Bastar) pāṭā ʻ loincloth ʼ; Bhoj. paṭuā ʻ jute ʼ; OAw. pāṭa m. ʻ silk cloth ʼ; H. paṭ m. ʻ cloth, turban ʼ, paṭṭū m. ʻ coarse woollen cloth ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, paṭkā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; G. pāṭ m. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ bandage ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ tape ʼ; Ko. pāṭṭo ʻ strap ʼ; Si. paṭa ʻ silk, fine cloth ʼ, paṭiya ʻ ribbon, girdle, cloth screen round a tent ʼ. -- Gy. rum. pato ʻ clothing ʼ, gr. patavo ʻ napkin ʼ, wel. patavō ʻ sock ʼ, germ. phār ʻ silk, taffeta ʼ; Sh.koh. gur. pāc̣ṷ m. ʻ cloth ʼ, koh. poc̣e ʻ clothes ʼ.
    *paṭṭakara -- , *paṭṭadukūla -- , *paṭṭapati -- , paṭṭaraṅga -- , paṭṭarājñī -- , *paṭṭavaya -- ; *niṣpaṭṭa -- ; *antarapaṭṭa -- , *andhapaṭṭa -- , *kakṣapaṭṭa -- , *karpaṭapaṭṭikā -- , *ghumbapaṭṭa -- , carmapaṭṭa -- , *dupaṭṭikā -- , *paggapaṭṭa -- , *paścapaṭṭa -- , *laṅgapaṭṭa -- , *vasanapaṭṭa -- , śīrṣapaṭṭaka -- .Addenda: paṭṭa -- 2: WPah.poet. pakṭe f. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ (metath. of *paṭke with -- akka -- ); Md. fořā ʻ cloth or Sinhalese sarong ʼ, fařu(v)i ʻ silk ʼ, fař ʻ strip, chain ʼ, fař jehum ʻ wrapping ʼ (jehum verbal noun of jahanī ʻ strikes ʼ).(CDIAL 7700)

    Note: The following etyma from Kashmiri provide a clue to the decipherment of one-horned young bull whichis frequently used as a field symbol on hundreds of Indus Script inscriptions. 
    Image result for one-horned young bull bharatkalyan97Image result for one-horned young bull bharatkalyan97koDiya ‘rings on neck’, ‘young bull’ koD ‘horn’ rebus 1: koṭiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel' khōṇḍī 'pannier sackखोंडी (p. 216) [ khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) khOnda ‘young bull’ rebus 2: kOnda ‘lapidary, engraver’ rebus 3: kundAr ‘turner’ कोंड [kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. खोट [khōṭa] Alloyed--a metal 

    Rebus reading for khOnda 'young bull' is: payĕn-kō̃da पयन्-कोँद (Kashmiri) which expression signifies a furnace, kiln. Thus kundAr ‘turner’ is a metal worker.

    payĕn-kō̃da पयन्-कोँद । परिपाककन्दुः f. a kiln (a potter's, a lime-kiln, and brick-kiln, or the like); a furnace (for smelting). -thöji -था&above;जि&below; or -thöjü -था&above;जू&below; । परिपाक-(द्रावण-)मूषा f. a crucible, a melting-pot. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । परिपाकोपयोगिशान्ताङ्गारसमूहः f.pl. a special kind of charcoal (made from deodar and similar wood) used in smelting furnaces. -wôlu -वोलु&below; । धात्वादिद्रावण-इष्टिकादिपरिपाकशिल्पी m. a metal-smelter; a brick-baker. -wān -वान् । द्रावणचुल्ली m. a smelting furnace. (Kashmiri) कन्दु mf. (√स्कन्द् 
    Un2. i , 15), a boiler , saucepan , or other cooking utensil of iron Sus3r. Ma1lav. Comm. on कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्रan oven , or vessel serving for one W. (Monier-Williams)

    Image result for octopus one-horned young bull bharatkalyan97
    One-horned heifer ligatured to an octopus. This composite glyph occurs on a seal (Mohenjodaro) and also on a copper plate (tablet)(Harappa). This glyph is decoded as: smithy guild in a citadel (enclosure), with a warehouse (granary), be

    m297a: Seal  h1018a: copper plate vehā  octopus, said to be found in the Indus (Jaki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900)

    L. ve
    h, veh m.  fencing; Mth. behī  granary; L. vehā, vehā enclosure containing many houses; beā building with a courtyard (WPah.) (CDIAL 12130)

    ko
      = artisans workshop (Kuwi); ko ‘horn dama, koiyum heifer (G.) rebus: tam(b)ra copper; ko workshop (G.); ācāri koṭṭya smithy (Tu.) 

    vēṣṭá— ‘enclosure’ lex., °aka- m. ‘fence’, Si. veṭya ‘enclosure’; — Pa.  vēṭhaka— ‘surrounding’; S. veṛhu m. ‘encircling’; L. veṛh, vehṛ m. ‘fencing, enclosure in jungle with a hedge, (Ju.) blockade’, veṛhā, vehṛā m. ‘courtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many houses’; P. veṛhā, be° m.‘enclosure, courtyard’; Ku. beṛo ‘circle or band (of people)’; A. ber‘wall of house, circumference of anything’; B. beṛ ‘fence, enclosure’, beṛā ‘fence, hedge’; Or. beṛha ‘fence round young trees’, beṛā ‘wall of house’; Mth. beṛ ‘hedge, wall’, beṛhī‘granary’; H. beṛh, beṛ, beṛhā, beṛā m. ‘enclosure, cattle surrounded and carried off by force’; M.veḍh m. ‘circumference’; WPah.kṭg. beṛɔ m. ‘palace’, J. beṛām. ‘id., esp. the female apartments’, kul. beṛā ‘building with a courtyard’; A. also berā ‘fence, enclosure’ (CDIAL 12130 ) वाडी [ vāḍī ] f (वाटी S) An enclosed piece of meaand keepers. dow-field or garden-ground; an enclosure, a close, a paddock, a pingle. 2 A cluster of huts of agriculturists, a hamlet. Hence (as the villages of the Konkan̤ are mostly composed of distinct clusters of houses) a distinct portion of a straggling village. 3 A division of the suburban portion of a city. वाडा [ vāḍā ] m (वाट or वाटी S) A stately or large edifice, a mansion, a palace. Also in comp. as राज- वाडा A royal edifice; सरकारवाडा Any large and public building. 2 A division of a town, a quarter, a ward. Also in comp. as देऊळवाडा,ब्राह्मण- वाडा, गौळीवाडा, चांभारवाडा, कुंभारवाडा. 3 A division (separate portion) of a मौजा or village. The वाडा, as well as the कोंड, paid revenue formerly, not to the सरकार but to the मौजेखोत. 4 An enclosed space; a yard, a compound. 5 A pen or fold; as गुरांचा वाडा, गौळवाडा or गवळीवाडा, 
    धन- गरवाडा. The pen is whether an uncovered enclosure in a field or a hovel sheltering both beasts.


    Thus, the field symbol showing the face of a one-horned young bull ligatured to an indus octopus reads rebus as followss:

    mũh 'a face' in Indus Script Cipher signifies mũhmuhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace'.PLUS कोँद kōnda 'young bull' + vehā, 'Indus octopus' Rebus: kōnda 'furnace-worker, metals ingots turner' + veṛhā, be° m. ‘enclosure, courtyard’.

    Homages rendered in Śukla Yajurveda to artisans, implements, elements, Nature:

    yvs.13 Homage be paid to Serpents unto all of them that are on earth, To those that dwell in air, to those that dwell in sky be homage paid.
    yvs.16 Homage to him the Azure nested, the thousand eyed, the bountiful, Yea, and his spirit ministers to them I offer reverence.
    yvs.16 Homage be paid to both thine arms, and to thy bow be reverence! 15 Do thou no injury to great or small of us, harm not the growing boy, harm not the full grown man.
    yvs.16 17 Homage to the golden armed leader of hosts, lord of the 1 regions, to the trees with their green tresses, to the Lord of beasts be homage; homage to him whose sheen is like green grass, homage to the radiant Lord of paths, homage to the golden haired wearer of the sacrificial cord, homage to the Lord of the well endowed.
    yvs.16 18 Homage to the brown hued piercer, to the Lord of food be homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to Bhava s weapon, homage to the Lord of moving things! homage to Rudra whose bow is bent to slay, to the Lord of fields homage, homage to the charioteer who injures, none, to the Lord of forests be homage.
    yvs.16 19 Homage to the red architect, to the Lord of trees homage! Homage to him who stretched out the earth, to him who gives relief be homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to the Lord of Plants, homage to the prudent merchant! Homage to the Lord of bushes, to the shouting Lord of foot soldiers who makes foes weep be homage.
    yvs.16 20 Homage to the runner at full stretch, to the Lord of ministering spirits, homage! Homage to the conquering, piercing Lord of assailing bands, homage to the towering sword bearer, to the Lord of thieves homage! Homageto the gliding robber, to the roamer, to the Lord of forests homage! 21 Homage to the cheat, to the arch deceiver, to the Lord of stealers homage! Homage to the wearer of sword and quiver, to the Lord of robbers homage! Homage to the boltarmed homicides, to the Lord of pilferers homage! Homage to the sword bearers, to those who roam at night, to the Lord of plunderers homage! 22 To the turban wearing haunter of mountains, Lord of land grabbers homage! Homage to you who bear arrows and to you who carry bows.
    yvs.16 Homage to you with bent bows, and to you who adjust your arrows, to you who draw the bow and to you who shoot be homage! 23 Homage to you who let fly and to you who pierce, homage to you who sleep and to you who wake, homage to you who lie and to you who sit, homage to you who stand and to you who run.
    yvs.16 24 Homage to assemblies and to you lords of assemblies, homage to horses and to you masters of horses, homage to you hosts that wound and pierce, to you destructive armies with excellent bands be homage.
    yvs.16 25 Homage to the troops and to you lords of troops be homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to the companies and to you lords of companies, homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to sharpers and to you lords of sharpers, homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to you the deformed, and to you who wear all forms, homage! 26 Homage to armies and to you the leaders of armies, homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to you car borne and to you who are carless, homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to the charioteers and to you drivers of horses, homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to you the great and to you the small, homage.
    yvs.16 27 Homage to you carpenters, and to you chariot makers homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to you potters and to you blacksmiths, homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to you Nishadas and to you Punjishthas, homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to you dog leaders, and to you hunters, homage.
    yvs.16 28 Homage to dogs, and to you masters of dogs, homage.
    yvs.16 Homage to Bhava, and to Rudra homage, homage to Sarva and to Pasupati, and to Nilagriva and Sitikantha, homage.
    yvs.16 29 Homage to him with braided hair and to him with shaven hair, homage! homage to the thousand eyed and to him with a hundred bows, homage! To the mountain haunter and to Sipivishta, homage! To the most bountiful, armed with arrows, homage! 30 Homage to the short, and to the dwarf, homage, homage to the great and to the adult, homage! Homage to the full grown and to the growing, to the foremost and to the first be homage.
    yvs.16 31 Homage to the swift, and to the active be homage, and to the hasty and to the rapid mover be homage! Homage to him who dwells in waves, and in still waters, to him who dwells in rivers and on islands.
    yvs.16 32 Homage to the eldest and to the youngest, to the first born and to the last born, homage! Homage to the middle most and to the immature, to the lowest and to him who is in the depth, be homage!
    yvs.16 33 Homage to Sobhya and to the dweller in the magic amulet, homage! Homage to him who is allied to Yama, to him who prospers be homage! Homage to the famous and to the endmost, to him of the sown corn land and to him of the threshing floor be homage.
    yvs.16 31 Homage to him in woods and to him in bushes, homage! Homage to him as sound and to him as echo, homage! Homage to him with swift armies and to him with swift chariots, homage! Homage to the hero, and to him who rends asunder be homage.
    yvs.16 35 Homage to him who wears a helmet, and to him who wears a cuirass, homage! To him who wears mail and defensive armour, homage! To the renowned one and to him whose army is renowned be homage, to him who is in drums and to him who makes himself known by beating them.
    yvs.16 36 Homage to the bold one and to the prudent, homage to him who carries sword and quiver, homage to him who hath keen arrows and is armed with weapons, homage to him who hath good weapons and a good bow.
    yvs.16 37 Homage to him who dwells on paths and roads, homage to him who dwells in rugged spots and on the skirts of mountains, homage to him who dwells in water courses and lakes, homage to him who dwells in rivers and mores.
    yvs.16 38 Homage to him who dwells in wells and pits, homage to him who dwells in bright sky and sunlight.
    yvs.16 Homage to him who dwells in cloud and lightning, homage to him who dwells in rain and to him who dwells in fair weather.
    yvs.16 39 Homage to him who dwells in wind and to him who dwells in tempest, homage to the dweller in houses and to the house protector.
    yvs.16 Homage to Soma and to Rudra, homage to the copper coloured and to the ruddy One.
    yvs.16 40 Homage to the giver of weal, and to Pasupati, homage to the fierce and to the terrific.
    yvs.16 Homage to him who slays in front and to him who slays at a distance, homage to the slayer and to the frequent slayer, homage to the green tressed trees, homage to the deliverer.
    yvs.16 41 Homage to the source of happiness and to the source of delight, homage to the causer of happiness and to the causer of delight, homage to the auspicious, homage to the most auspicious.
    yvs.16 42 Homage to him who is beyond and to him who is on this side, homage to him who crosses over and to him who crosses back.
    yvs.16 Homage to him who is in fords and on river banks, homage to him who is in tender grass and in foam.
    yvs.16 43 Homage to him who is in sand and to him who is in running water, homage to him who is on pebbly ground and to him who is where still water stands.
    yvs.16 Homage to him who wears braided hair and to him whose hair is smooth.
    yvs.16 Homage to him who is in deserts and to him who is on broad roads.
    yvs.16 44 Homage to him who is in herds of cattle and to him who is in cow pens, homage to him who is on beds and to him who is in houses.
    yvs.16 Homage to him who is in hearts, and to him who is in whirlpools, homage to him who is in wells and to him who is in abysses.
    yvs.16 45 Homage to him who is in dry things and to him who is in green things.
    yvs.16 Homage to him who is in dust and to him who is in vapour.
    yvs.16 Homage to him who is in inaccessible places, homage to him who is in creeping plants, homage to him who is in the earth and to him who is in good soil.
    yvs.16 46 Homage to him who is in leaves and to him who is in the falling of leaves.
    yvs.16 Homage to him with the threatening voice and to him who slays, homage to him who troubles and to him who afflicts.
    yvs.16 Homage to you arrow makers and to you bow makers, homage to you sprinklers, to the hearts of the Gods.
    yvs.16 Homage to the discerners, homage to the destroyers; homage to the indestructible.
    yvs.16 64 Homage to Rudras, those whose home is sky, whose arrows floods of rain.
    yvs.16 65 Homage to Rudras, those whose home is air, whose arrows is the rain.
    yvs.16 66 Homage to Rudras, those whose home is earth, whose arrows is men s food.
    yvs.18 Homage to the Path! 55 Attached thou standest at the head of all the world.
    yvs.36 21 Homage to thee the lightning flash, homage to thee the thunder s roar! Homage, O Bounteous Lord, to thee whereas thou fain wouldst win to heaven! 22 From whatsoever trouble thou desirest, give us safety thence.
    yvs.38 Homage to thee, divine Gharma! Do not thou injure me.


    By the 5th millennium BCE, armlets of copper plus added lead, were cast at Mehergarh by lost-wax process. 

    (Davey. CJ, 2009, The early history of lost wax casting. Metallurgy and Civilisation, J. Mei and Th. Rehren eds. Archetype, London, 147-154). 

    At the end of 5th millennium BCE, Shahi Tump evidences lost-wax casting. 

    (Mille, B., Bessenval, R. and Bourgarit, D. Early ‘lost-wax casting’ in Balochistan (Pakistan): the “Leopards Weight “ from Shahi-Tump. Persiens antike Pracht, Bergbau-Handwerk-Archäologie, T. Stöllner, R. Slotta and A. Vatandoust (eds). Der Anschnitt Beiheft 12: Deutsches Bergbau Museum, Bochum (2004): 274- 280).

    It is suggested that a narrative based on archaeo-metallurgical researchers documenting lost-wax casting techniques and artifacts from Dong Son (Hanoi) to Nahal Mishmar (Haifa) along the Maritime Tin Route is likely to be a riveting narrative. The narrative will certainly herald the contributions made by artisans of the Bronze Age reinforced by the metalwork catalogues of Indus Script Corpora which have documented the technological splendour. 

    This splendour will be matched by utsava bera which are taken in processions all over Bharatam, that is India, even today, during days of temple festivities attesting the abiding nature of the awe-inspiring cire perdue bronze or brass castings..


    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/04/revisiting-cire-perdue-in.html  Revisiting cire perdue in archaeological context and Meluhha hieroglyphs. 
    Akkadian head made by lost-wax cassting method found at Nineveh 2300-2159 BCE (from Iraq 3 pl.6 British School of Archaeology in Iraq)



    Mohenodaro seal. Pict-103 Horned (female with breasts hanging down?) person with a tail and bovine legs standing near a tree fisting a horned tiger rearing on its hindlegs.
    Dholavira molded terracotta tablet with Meluhha hieroglyphs written on two sides. Hieroglyph: Ku. ḍokro, ḍokhro ʻ old man ʼ; B. ḍokrā ʻ old, decrepit ʼ, Or. ḍokarā; H. ḍokrā ʻ decrepit ʼ; G. ḍokɔ m. ʻ penis ʼ, ḍokrɔ m. ʻ old man ʼ, M. ḍokrā m. -- Kho. (Lor.) duk ʻ hunched up, hump of camel ʼ; K. ḍọ̆ku ʻ humpbacked ʼ perh. < *ḍōkka -- 2. Or. dhokaṛa ʻ decrepit, hanging down (of breasts) ʼ.(CDIAL 5567). M. ḍhẽg n. ʻ groin ʼ, ḍhẽgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. M. dhõgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. (CDIAL 5585). Glyph: Br. kōnḍō on all fours, bent double. (DEDR 204a) Rebus: kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner’s lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Tiger has head turned backwards. క్రమ్మర krammara. adv. క్రమ్మరిల్లు or క్రమరబడు Same as క్రమ్మరు (Telugu). Rebus: krəm backʼ(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) karmāra ‘smith, artisan’ (Skt.) kamar ‘smith’ (Santali) 

    Hieroglyph: N. dhokro ʻ large jute bag ʼ, B. dhokaṛ; Or. dhokaṛa ʻ cloth bag ʼ; Bi. dhŏkrā ʻ jute bag ʼ; Mth. dhokṛā ʻ bag, vessel, receptacle ʼ; H. dhukṛīf. ʻ small bag ʼ; G. dhokṛũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- ṭṭ -- : M. dhokṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ; -- with -- n -- : G. dhokṇũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- s -- : N. (Tarai) dhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in ʼ.2. L. dhohẽ (pl. dhūhī˜) m. ʻ large thatched shed ʼ.3. M. dhõgḍā m. ʻ coarse cloth ʼ, dhõgṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ.4. L. ḍhok f. ʻ hut in the fields ʼ; Ku. ḍhwākā m. pl. ʻ gates of a city or market ʼ; N. ḍhokā (pl. of *ḍhoko) ʻ door ʼ; -- OMarw. ḍhokaro m. ʻ basket ʼ; -- N.ḍhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in, large basket ʼ.(CDIAL 6880) Rebus: dhokra ‘cire perdue’ casting metalsmith. 

    Plate II. Chlorite artifacts referred to as 'handbags' f-g (w 24 cm, thks 4.8 cm.); h (w 19.5 cm, h 19.4 cm, thks 4 cm); j (2 28 cm; h 24 cm, thks 3 cm); k (w 18.5, h 18.3, thks 3.2) Jiroft IV. Iconography of chlorite artifacts. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/jiroft-iv-iconography-of-chlorite-artifacts


    The profession of the specialist working with metals using the specialized technique of cire perdue (lost-wax casting) during the early bronze age was called dhokra kamar

    This professional title, dhokra kamar, is evidenced by Meluhha hieroglyphs on a seal from Mohenjo-daro and on a tablet from Dholavira of Sarasvati Civilization. In ancient Indian texts, such as Manasollasa, Silparatna, Manasara,the cire perdue technique is referred to as madhucchiṭa vidhānam मधु madhu -उच्छिष्टम्,-उत्थभ्,-उत्थितभ् 1 bees'-wax; शस्त्रासवमधूच्छिष्टं मधु लाक्षा च बर्हिषः Y.3.37; मधूच्छिष्टेन केचिच्च जध्नुरन्योन्यमुत्कटाः Rām.5.62.11.-2 the casting of an image in wax; Mānasāra; the name of 68th chapter. This technique was clearly attested in the Epic Rāmāyaa. मधुशिष्ट madhuśiṣṭa 'wax' (Monier-Williams, p. 780).


    First recorded use of wax for casting by sculptors (After figure in LB Hunt (embedded) document)
    Hieroglyphs of Indus Script Cipher are sitnified on the Shahi Tump leopard weight which has been produced using the lost-wax casting method. The hieroglyphs are: 1. leopard; 2. ibex or antelope; 3. bees (flies). The rebus-metonymy readings in Meluhha are:

    karaḍa  ‘panther’; karaḍa tiger (Pkt); खरडा [ kharaḍā ]  A leopard. खरड्या [ kharaḍyā ] m or खरड्यावाघ m A leopard (Marathi). Kol. keḍiak  tiger. Nk.  khaṛeyak  panther.  Go. (A.) khaṛyal tiger; (Haig) kariyāl panther Kui kṛāḍi, krānḍi tiger, leopard, hyena.  Kuwi (F.) kṛani tiger; (S.) klā'ni tiger, leopard; (Su. P. Isr.) kṛaˀni (pl. -ŋa) tiger. / Cf. Pkt. (DNM) karaḍa- id. (DEDR 1132).Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)  kharādī ' turner, a person who fashions or shapes objects on a lathe' (Gujarati)

    Hieroglyph: miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) mr̤eka, melh 'goat' (Telugu. Brahui) Rebus: melukkha 'milakkha, copper'. If the animal carried on the right hand of the Gudimallam hunter is an antelope, the possible readings are: ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'.

    Ka. mēke she-goat; mē the bleating of sheep or goats.  Te. mē̃ka,  mēka goat. 
    Kol. me·ke id. Nk. mēke id. Pa. mēva, (S.) mēya she-goat. Ga. (Oll.)mēge, (S.) mēge goat. Go. (M) mekā, (Ko.) mēka id. ? Kur. mēxnā (mīxyas) to call, call after loudly, hail. Malt. méqe to bleat. [Te. mr̤ēka (so correct) is of unknown meaning. Br. mēḻẖ is without etymology; see MBE 1980a.] / Cf. Skt. (lex.) meka- goat. (DEDR 5087). Meluhha, mleccha (Akkadian. Sanskrit). Milakkha, Milāca ‘hillman’ (Pali) milakkhu ‘dialect’ (Pali) mleccha ‘copper’ (Prakritam).

    The bees are metaphors for wax used in the lost-wax casting method. 

    Hieroglyph: माक्षिक [p= 805,2] mfn. (fr. मक्षिका) coming from or belonging to a bee Rebus: ‘pyrites’: माक्षिक [p= 805,2] n. a kind of honey-like mineral substance or pyrites MBh. उपधातुः An inferior metal, semi-metal. They are seven; सप्तोपधातवःस्वर्णं माक्षिकं तारमाक्षिकम्  तुत्थं कांस्यं  रातिश्च सुन्दूरं  शिलाजतु  उपरसः uparasḥउपरसः 1 A secondary mineral, (red chalk, bitumen, माक्षिकशिलाजित &c).(Samskritam)  

    Tin Road between Ashur-Kultepe and Meluhha hieroglyphs




    Leopard weight. Shahi Tump. H.16.7cm; dia.13.5cm; base dia 6cm; handle on top. 

    Seashells inlays on frieze. The pair of leopard and ibex is shown twice, separated by stylized flies.


    Balochistan Anthropology

    Leopards weight from Shahi-Tump (Baluchistan). "The artefact was discovered in a grave, in the Kech valley, in eastern Balochistan. It belongs to the Shahi Tump - Makran civilisation (end of 4th millennium -- beginning of 3rd millennium BCe). Ht. 200 mm. weight: 13.5 kg. The shell has been manufactured by lost-wax foundry of a copper alloy (12.6%b, 2.6%As), then it has been filled up through lead (99.5%) foundry. The shell is engraved with figures of leopards hunting wild goats, made of polished fragments of shellfishes. No identification of the artefact's use has been given. (Scientific team: B. Mille, D. Bourgarit, R. Besenval, Musee Guimet, Paris)." 

    Mille, B., R. besenval, D. Bourgarit, Early lost-wax casting in Balochistan (Pakistan): the 'Leopards Weight' from Shahi-Tump in Persiens antike Pracht, Bergau-Handwerk-Archaologie, T. Stollner, R. Slotta, A. Vatandoust, A. ed., p. 274-80. Bouchum: Deutsches Bergbau Museum, 2004.
    Mille B., D. Bourgarit, R. Besenval, 2005, Metallurgical study of the 'Leopards Weight' from Shahi-Tump (eastern Balochistan) in South Asian Archaeology 2001, C. Jarrige, V. Lefevre, ed., p. 237-244. Paris: Editions Recherches sur les Civilisations, 2005.

    Bourgarit, D., N. Taher, B. Mille & J.-P. Mohen Copper Metallurgy in the Kutch (India) during the Indus Civilization: First Results from Dholavira in South Asian Archaeology 2001, C. Jarrige, V. Lefevre, ed., p. 27-34. Paris: Editions Recherches sur les Civilisations, 2005.
    Two dancing girls from Mohenjo-daro made of bronze, cire perdue casting. Both seem to be carrying diya or 'lamps' on their hands to ignite the smelters/furnaces of the Meluhha smelters and smiths, artisans, lapidaries of the Bronze Age.
    Bronze statue of a girl c.2500 BC, now displayed at Karachi Museum, Pakistan.
    Dancing girl. Mohenjo-daro. Now displayed at National Museum, New Delhi.Lost-wax copper alloy casting. c. 2500 BCE. 
    The Buddha. Sultanganj, Bihar. Gupta-Pala 5th - 7th cent. CE. Lost wax copper iron hollow casting. Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery.

    mákṣā f., mákṣ -- m. f. ʻ fly ʼ RV., mákṣikā -- f. ʻ fly, bee ʼ RV., makṣika -- m. Mn.Pa. makkhikā -- f. ʻ fly ʼ, Pk. makkhiā -- f., macchī -- , °chiā -- f.; Gy. hung. makh ʻ fly ʼ, wel. makhī f., gr. makí f., pol. mačin, germ. mačlin, pal. mắki ʻ mosquito ʼ,măkīˊla ʻ sandfly ʼ, măkīˊli ʻ house -- fly ʼ; Ash. mačī˜ˊ ʻ bee ʼ; Paš.dar. mēček ʻ bee ʼ, weg. mečīˊk ʻ mosquito ʼ, ar. mučəkmučag ʻ fly ʼ; Mai. māc̣hī ʻ fly ʼ; Sh.gil.măṣīˊ f., (Lor.) m*lc̣ī ʻ fly ʼ (→ Ḍ. m*lc̣hi f.), gur. măc̣hīˊ ʻ fly ʼ (ʻ bee ʼ in gur. măc̣hi̯kraṇ, koh. măc̣hi -- gŭn ʻ beehive ʼ); K. mȧchi f. ʻ fly, bee, dark spot ʼ; S. makha,makhi f. ʻ fly, bee, swarm of bees, sight of gun ʼ, makho m. ʻ a kind of large fly ʼ; L. (Ju.) makhī f. ʻ fly ʼ, khet. makkīˊ; P. makkh f. ʻ horsefly, gnat, any stinging fly ʼ, m. ʻ flies ʼ, makkhī f. ʻ fly ʼ; WPah.rudh. makkhī ʻ bee ʼ, jaun. mākwā ʻ fly ʼ; Ku. mākho ʻ fly ʼ, gng. mã̄kh, N. mākho, A. mākhi, B. Or. māchi, Bi. māchī, Mth. māchī,mã̄chīmakhī (← H.?), Bhoj. māchī; OAw. mākhī, lakh. māchī ʻ fly ʼ, ma -- mākhī ʻ bee ʼ (mádhu -- ); H. māchīmākhīmakkhī f. ʻ fly ʼ, makkhā m. ʻ large fly, gadfly ʼ; G. mākhmākhī f. ʻ fly ʼ, mākhɔ m. ʻ large fly ʼ; M. mās f. ʻ swarm of flies ʼ, n. ʻ flies in general ʼ, māśī f. ʻ fly ʼ, Ko. māsumāśi; Si. balu -- mäkka, st. -- mäki -- ʻ flea ʼ, mässa, st. mäsi -- ʻ fly ʼ; Md. mehi ʻ fly ʼ.
    *makṣātara -- , *mākṣa -- , mākṣiká -- ; *makṣākiraṇa -- , *makṣācamara -- , *makṣācālana -- , *makṣikākula -- ; *madhumakṣikā -- .
    Addenda: mákṣā -- : S.kcch. makh f. ʻ fly ʼ; WPah.kṭg. mákkhɔmáṅkhɔ m. ʻ fly, large fly ʼ, mákkhi (kc. makhe) f. ʻ fly, bee ʼ, máṅkhi f., J. mākhī f.pl., Garh. mākhi. (CDIAL 9696) 
    mākṣiká ʻ pertaining to a bee ʼ MārkP., n. ʻ honey ʼ Suśr. 2. *mākṣa -- . [mákṣā -- ]
    1. WPah.bhad. māċhī ʻ bee ʼ, khaś. mākhī; -- Pk. makkhia -- , macchia -- n. ʻ honey ʼ; Ash. mačimačík ʻ sweet, good ʼ, mačianá ʻ honey ʼ; Wg. mác̣imäc̣ ʻ honey ʼ, Kt. mac̣ī˜, Pr. maṭék, Shum. mac̣hī, Gaw. māc̣hī, Kal.rumb. Kho. mac̣hí, Bshk. mē̃c̣h, Phal. mn/ac̣hīmḗc̣hī, Sh. măc̣hīˊ f., S. L. mākhī f., WPah.bhiḍ. māċhī n., H.mākhī f.
    2. K. mã̄ch, dat. °chas m. ʻ honey ʼ, WPah.bhal. māch n. -- For form and meaning of Paš. māšmōṣ ʻ honey ʼ see NTS ii 265, IIFL iii 3, 126.
    *mākṣakulika -- , *mākṣikakara -- , *mākṣikamadhu -- .Addenda: mākṣika -- : Kho. mac̣hi ʻ honey ʼ BKhoT 70.(CDIAL 9989)*mākṣikakara or *mākṣakara -- ʻ bee ʼ. [Cf. madhu- kara -- m. ŚārṅgP., °kāra -- m. BhP., °kārī -- f. R. <-> mākṣiká -- , kará -- 1]
    Ash. mačarīk°čerīˊk ʻ bee ʼ, Wg. mac̣arīˊk, Kt. mačerík NTS ii 265, mac̣e° Rep1 59, Pr. mučeríkməṣkeríkmuṭkurīˊk, Shum. mã̄c̣hāˊrik, Kal.rumb. mac̣hḗrik, Bshk.māˊc̣ēr, Phal. māc̣hurīˊ f.; Sh.koh. măc̣hāri f. ʻ bee ʼ, gil. (Lor.) m*lc̣hari ʻ bee, wasp, hornet ʼ (in latter meaning poss. < *makṣātara -- ); P. makhīr m. ʻ bee ʼ, kgr. ʻ honey ʼ; -- Gaw. mã̄c̣(h)oṛík with unexpl. --  -- . (CDIAL 9990)  *mākṣikamadhu ʻ honey ʼ. [mākṣiká -- , mádhu -- ]
    P. mākhyō̃ f., mākho m. ʻ honey, honeycomb ʼ.(CDIAL 9991) مچئِي mac̱ẖaʿī, s.f. (6th) A bee in general. Sing. and Pl. سره مچئِي saraʿh-mac̱ẖaʿī, s.f. (6th). Sing. and Pl.; or دنډاره ḏḏanḏḏāraʿh, s.f. (3rd) A hornet, a wasp. Pl. يْ ey. See ډنبره (Pashto) माक्षिक [p= 805,2] mfn. (fr. मक्षिका) coming from or belonging to a bee Ma1rkP. मक्षिकः makṣikḥ मक्षि makṣi (क्षी kṣī) का kāमक्षिकः मक्षि (क्षी) का A fly, bee; भो उपस्थितं नयनमधु संनिहिता मक्षिका च M.2.-Comp.-मलम् wax.  madhu
    मधु a. -मक्षः, -क्षा, -मक्षिका a bee. (Samskritam) )

    माक्षिक [p= 805,2] n. a kind of honey-like mineral substance or pyrites MBh. उपधातुः An inferior metal, semi-metal. They are seven; सप्तोपधातवः स्वर्णं माक्षिकं तारमाक्षिकम् । तुत्थं कांस्यं च रातिश्च सुन्दूरं च शिलाजतु ॥ उपरसः uparasḥउपरसः 1 A secondary mineral, (red chalk, bitumen, माक्षिक, शिलाजित &c).(Samskritam) மாக்கிகம் mākkikam, n. < mākṣika. 1. Bismuth pyrites; நிமிளை. (நாமதீப. 382.) 2. Honey; தேன். (நாமதீப. 410.) செம்புத்தீக்கல் cempu-t-tīkkal
    n. < செம்பு +. Copper pyrites, sulphide of copper and iron; இரும்புஞ்செம்புங்கலந்த உலோகக்கட்டி. Loc.

    Craddock, PT, 2014, The Metal Casting Traditions of South Asia: Continuity and Innovation in: Indian Journal of History of Science, 50.1 (2015) 55-82 



    While the lost wax method of casting metals is well-documented in ancient texts of India, such documentation does NOT exist for the artifacts found in Ancient Near East and Ancient Far East, Vietnam, in particular where Dong Son Bronze Drum tradition is evidenced with the finds of over 200 ancient drums all over the Far East.
    File:Dong Son bronze drums.JPG

    Image on the Ngoc Lu bronze drum's surface,Vietnam
    The drum bears the decorative patterns of Ngoc Lu bronze drums Metalworkers recently cast the world's biggest bronze drum at the private workshop of artisan Le Van Bay in the central province of Thanh Hoa's Thieu Hoa District. Lost wax casting. Dong Son Bronze Drum surface. " BY The drum weighs eight tonnes, measures two metres in height and has a surface diameter of 2.7m. It bears the decorative patterns of Ngoc Lu bronze drums, which belong to the Dong Son civilisation(700BCE-100 CE).The drum was cast by 20 workers over two months in response to an order from local businessmen. It will likely be completed by early November and exhibited at the locality before being handed over to the buyers.The world’s current biggest bronze drum, cast in China, has a surface of 1.8m in diameter.Artisan Le Van Bay also cast the biggest bronze drum in Southeast Asia in 2009, 1.51 metres tall with a weight of 739 kilograms.(Source: Viet Nam News) " See: http://www.talkvietnam.com/tag/the-drum-surface/ The article replicates the ancient method of casting practised in the Far East.

     

    Image result for lost wax casting mehrgarhImage result for lost wax casting mehrgarhImage result for lost wax casting mehrgarh
    Nahal Mishmar. Mid-4th millennium BCE. Cu: 6% As: 12%.

    I agree with the conclusion of Vasiliki Kassianidou: “The Bronze Age metals’ trade has been a subject of paramount concern to many scholars, even so many questions remain unanswered and there is clearly a lot that remains to be learned. I do believe that what is critically needed is a detailed study of the marks on all metal ingots, not just the ones from Uluburun but also those from Cyprus, Crete, Sardinia, and elsewhere, by an expert in very much the same way as it was done for pottery.” Such a detailed study will resolve the contentions of Iberian or Cypro-Minoan scripts and  the validity of the readings suggested in mlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher).


    Two inscribed tin ingots from Hishule Carmel After Galili et al, pp. 29, 30 (Galili, E., Shmueli, N. and M. Artzy, 1986, Bronze Age ship’s cargo of copper and tin. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 15/1, pp. 25-37

    Comparable hieroglyphs composed as hypertexts are found in examples of copper tablets with Indus Script inscriptions.



    Indus Script inscriptions on 14 examples of copper tablets inscribed on two sides (C6 figure)
    Indus Script inscriptions on 7 examples of copper tablets inscribed on two sides (B19 figure)

    These two sets of inscriptions include the following hypertext (hieroglyph components) (with variants):


    The hieroglyph components in these hypertext variants are:

    1. dhāḷ, 'slanted stroke'
    2. khāṇḍā, 'notch, jag'

    Both together signify rebus: dhāḷako 'ingot' PLUS khaṇḍa 'implement'.
    dhāḷ 'slanted stroke' A. ḍhaliba ʻto leanʼ, B. ḍhalā; Or. ḍhaḷibā ʻto inclineʼ(CDIAL 5581) Rebus: dhāḷako'large ingot'(Gujarati) 
    खांड (p. 116) khāṇḍa f (खंड S) A break or opening in a dam or mound; a crack or fissure in a wall &c. 2 A jag, indentation, denticulation. 3 A gap in the teeth; a notch  खांडा (p. 116) khāṇḍā A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: khaṇḍa 'metal implements' as in:lokhaṇḍa 
    ^  adaren 'lid' rebus: aduru 'native metal'
     |   koḍa 'one' rebus:  koḍ 'workshop'

    Thus, the two sets of hypertexts on the tin ingots of Hishule Carmel are read rebus in Meluhha:

    1. dhāḷako 'ingot' PLUS khaṇḍa 'implement'.
    2. aduru 'native metal' PLUS koḍ 'workshop'

    These two examples of tin ingots are also cited in: Kassianidou, Vasiliki, 2003, The trade of tin and island of copper, in:  Alessandra Giumlia-Mair & Fulvia Lo Schiavo, 2003, Le probleme de l’etain a l’origine de la metallurgie, The problem of early tin,  Bronze Age in Europe and the Mediterranean, Colloque/Symposium 11.2, 2-8 Sept. 2001, University of Liege, Acts of the XIVth UISPP Congress, Archaeopress, Oxford, England, pp.109-119  https://www.academia.edu/4038201/The_trade_of_tin_and_the_island_of_copper

    Map of Cyprus showing Middle and Late Bronze Age sites and sites where copper oxhide ingots have been found (After Fig. 1 in Kassianidou, Vasiliki, 2003)
    Map of the Mediterranean showing sites where copper oxide and tin ingots have been found (After Fig. 2 in Kassianidou, Vasiliki, 2003)
    Image result for tin ingots haifa

    Image result for tin ingots haifa
    After the publication in 1977, of the two pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck at Haifa, Artzy published in 1983 (p.52), two more ingots found in a car workshop in Haifa which wasusing the ingots for soldering broken radiators. Artzy's finds were identical in size and shape with the previous two; both were also engraved with two marks. In one of the ingots, at the time of casting, a moulded head was shown in addition to the two marks. Artzy compares this head to Arethusa. (Artzy, M., 1983, Arethusa of the Tin Ingot, Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research, 250, p. 51-55). Artzy went on to suggest the ingots may have been produced in Iberia and disagreed with the suggestion that the ingot marks were Cypro-Minoan script.

    I suggest an alternative to with both suggestiosns identifying the script as Iberian or Cypro-Minoan script. I suggest that the script is Sindhu-Sarasvati (Indus) Script. My monograph on this conclusion has been published in Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010), pp.47-74 — The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz)http://www.indojudaic.com/index.php?option=com_contact&view=contact&id=1&Itemid=8

    All these hieroglyphs on the three tin ingots of Haifa are read rebus in Meluhha:
    Hieroglyph: ranku  = liquid measure (Santali)


    Hieroglyph: raṅku m. ʻa species of deerʼ 
    Vās.,  rankuka  id., Śrīkaṇṭh. (Samskrtam)(CDIAL 10559).


    Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali) raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m.ʻpewter, tinʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅ, rāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ. (CDIAL 10562)

    Hieroglyph: dāṭu = cross (Telugu)

    Rebus: dhatu = mineral ore (Santali) Rebus: dhāṭnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (Hindi)(CDIAL 6771).


    Hieroglyph: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali)

    Thus, two tin ingots reported from Haifa contain the following plain texts:
    raṅku m. ʻa species of deerʼ PLUS dāṭu = cross  rebus: plain text: ranku 'tin' PLUS dhatu 'cast mineral' Thus, together, the plain text reads:tin mineral casting

    raṅku m. ʻliquid measureʼ PLUS dāṭu = cross  rebus: plain text: ranku 'tin' PLUS dhatu 'cast mineral' Thus, together, the plain text reads: tin mineral casting.

    The ingot reported from a Haifa car repair workshop contains the following plain text:
    Image result for tin ingots haifaraṅku m. ʻliquid measureʼ PLUS dāṭu = cross PLUS mũh 'a face' rebus: plain text: ranku 'tin' PLUS dhatu 'cast mineral' PLUS mũh, 'ingot'. Thus, together, the plain text reads: tin mineral cast ingot

    The field symbol signifies an enclosed space with a town for metalworkers working with furnaces, smelters.
     



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    Hariyūpiya is an expression composed of two words: 

    1. हरि mfn. (for 2. » col.3) bearing , carrying (» दृति and नाथ-ह्°)

    2. यूप m. (prob. fr. √ युप् ; but according to Un2. iii , 27 , fr. √2. यु) a post , beam , pillar , (esp.) a smooth post or stake; 21 of these posts are set up , 6 made of बिल्व , 6 of खदिर , 6 of पलाश , one of उडुम्बर , one of श्लेष्मातक , and one of देव-दारुRV. &c; a column erected in honour of victory , a trophy (= जय-स्तम्भL.; N. of a partic. conjunction of the class आकृति-योग (i.e. when all the planets are situated in the 1st , 2nd , 3rd and 4th houses) (वराह-मिहिर 's बृहत्-संहिता)

    Together, the expression Hariyūpiya refers to a lcoation which carries यूप yūpa, 'stakes used to proclaim yajña-s.

    RV 6.27.5 is explained in Sāyaṇa's commentary: Favouring Abhya_vartin, the son of Ca_yama_na, Indra destroyed the varas'ikha (people), killng the descendants of Vr.ci_vat, (who were stationed) on the Hariyu_pi_ya, on the eastern part, while the western (troop) was scattered through fear. [Abhya_vartin, Ca_yama_na: names of ra_ja_s. Vr.ci_vat is the first-born of the sons of varas'ikha, thereafter others are named. Hariyūpiya is the name of either a river or a city]. 

    A number of R̥gveda people are mentioned and the ākhyāna narrative records the exploits of Indra at this river or city called Hariyūpiya where he smote the vanguard of the Vr̥cīvan-s. The exploits are also associated with cāyamāna and abhyāvartin as names of kings involved in the battles.

    अभ्य्-ावर्तिन् m. N. of a king (son of चायमान and descendant of पृथुRV. vi , 27 , 5 and 8. "Chinese scholar Hiuen Tsang (c. 640 AD) records the existence of the town Pehowa, named after Prithu, "who is said to be the first person that obtained the title Raja(king)". Another place associated with Prithu is Prithudaka (lit. "Prithu's pool"), a town on banks of Sarasvati river, where Prithu is believed to have performed the Shraddhaof his father. The town is referred as the boundary between Northern and central India and referred to by Patanjali as the modern Pehowa.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prithu

    We do not know if this is a recollection of parts of or related to the Battle of the Ten Kings (dāśarājñá) alluded to in the R̥gveda (Book 7, hymns 18, 33 and 83.4-8). The significant fact is that the battles occured on the banks of Ravi River in the Punjab.

    Is it a coincidence that Harappa is located on the banks of Ravi River? "Harappa (Urdu/Punjabiہڑپّہ) is an archaeological site in PunjabPakistan, about 24 km (15 mi) west of Sahiwal. The site takes its name from a modern village located near the former course of the Ravi River (Part of Panjnad, five rivers) which now runs 8 km (5.0 mi) in north. The current village of Harappa is 6 km (3.7 mi) from the ancient site. Although modern Harappa has a legacy railway station from the period of the British Raj, it is today just a small crossroads town of population 15,000." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harappa

    The location of Harappa in relation to some other archaeological sites of Sarasvati Civilization may be seen on the present-day map.
    Indus river.svg



    Translation (Sāyaṇa/Wilson):

    6.027.01 What has Indra done in the exhilaration of this (Soma)? What has he done on quaffing this (libation)? What has he done in friendship for this (Soma)? What have former, what have recent adorers obtained from you in the chamber of this (libation)? [The r.s.i is expressing his impatience at the dealing of the reward of his praises; in the next stanza, he recants]. 

    6.027.02 Verily, in the exhilaration of this (Soma) Indra has done a good deed; on quaffing the libation (he has done) a good deed; (he has done) a good deed in friendship for this Soma; former as well as recent adorers have obtained good of you in the chamber (of the libation). 
    6.027.03 We acknowledge no one, Maghavan, of greatness equal to yours, nor one of like affluence, nor one of equally glorifiable riches, none has (such as) your power been ever seen (in any other). 
    6.027.04 Such as your power (is) it has been comprehended (by us) as that wherewith you have slain the race of Varas'ikha, when the boldest (of them) was demolished by the noise of your thunderbolt hurled with (all your) force. [varas'ikha: name of an asura; or, perhaps, the name of a people]. 
    6.027.05 Favouring Abhya_vartin, the son of Ca_yama_na, Indra destroyed the varas'ikha (people), killng the descendants of Vr.ci_vat, (who were stationed) on the Hariyu_pi_ya, on the eastern part, while the western (troop) was scattered through fear. [Abhya_vartin, Ca_yama_na: names of ra_ja_s. Vr.ci_vat is the first-born of the sons of varas'ikha, thereafter others are named. Hariyu_pi_ya is the name of either a river or a city]. 
    6.027.06 Indra, the invoked of many, thirty hundred mailed warriors (were collected) together on the Yavya_vati_, to acquire glory, but the Vr.ci_vats advancing in a hostile manner, and breaking the sacrificial vessels, went to (their own) annihilation. [Thirty hundred: trim.s'ac chatam varmin.ah = trim.s'ada dhikas'atam, one hundred and thirty; kavacabhr.tas, wearers of breasplates or armour; yavya_vati_ = same as hariyu_pi_ya]. 
    6.027.07 He whose bright prancing horses, delighted with choice fodder, proceed between (heaven and earth), gave up Turvas'a to Sr.n~jaya, subjecting the Vr.ci_vats to the descendant of Devava_ta (Abhya_vartin). [Sr.n~jaya: there are several princes with this name in the pura_n.as; one of them, the son of Haryas'va, was one of the five Pa_n~ca_la princes; the name is also that of a people, probably in the same direction, the northwest of India, or towards the Punjab (Vis.n.u Pura_n.a)]. 
    6.027.08 The opulent supreme sovereign Abhya_vartin, the son of Ca_yama_na, presents, Agni, to me two damsels riding in cars, and twenty cows; this donation of the descendant of Pr.thu cannot be destroyed. [Two damsels: dvaya_n rathino vim.s'ati ga_ vadhu_mantah = rathasahita_n vadhu_matah stri_yukta_n dvaya_n mithunabhu_ta_n, being in pairs, having women together with cars; twenty animals, pas'u_n; perhaps, the gift comprised of twenty pairs of oxen yoked two and two in chariots; the gift of females to saintly persons; this donation: du_n.a_s'eyam daks.in.a_ pa_rthava_na_m = na_s'ayitum as'akya_; pa_rthava: Abhya_vartin, as descended from Pr.thu, the plural is used honorifically].




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    https://tinyurl.com/yckdognr


    No automatic alt text available.Image result for baudhayana migrations
    Battle of interpretation of R̥gveda texts

    The battle of ten kings in the world's most ancient text, R̥gveda, is matched by the Battle of R̥gveda texts. 

    An evidence of the battle of texts is presented in this long note, long because it includes full texts from R̥gveda (with alternative translations) and full texts of the papers of Stuhrmann, Witzel and Talageri.

    Witsel leans on Stuhrmann to distort the meanings of texts. Shrikant Talageri points out how the disagreements between Witzel and Stuhrmann are whitewashed by Witzel on the issue of the identification of the guru of Bharata-s. Some scholars see dāśarājñá as a battle between two guru-s: Viśvāmitra and Vasiṣṭha [like the academic wars fought on German indology roots, cf. Vishwa Adluri and Joydeep Bagchi's narration in:The Nay Science: A History of German Indology (2014)] about the meanings and purport of ancient Indian texts.

    The battle of texts is about wars involving dāśarājñá, battle of ten kings

    R̥gveda documents a battle between the Puru Vedic Aryan kingdoms of the Bharatas, allied with other peoples of the north west India, guided by the royal sage Viśvāmitra, and the Trtsu-Bharata (Puru) king Sudas, who emerges victorious. KF Geldner in his 1951 translation avers that this battle narrative is a historical event. Schmidt has, in 1980, discussed the details of the battle. (Schmidt, H.P. Notes on Rgveda 7.18.5-10. Indica. Organ of the Heras Institute, Bombay. Vol.17, 1980, 41-47.)

    Reasons/causes for the dāśarājñá, battle of ten kings

    What was the objective of the battle? In my view, the battlefield in the Ravi riverbasin and  the key cause for the battle is provided by the metaphor of 'hungry fish' used in RV VII.18.6:



    "Eager for spoil was Turvasa Purodas, fain to win wealth, like fishes urged by hunger.
    The Bhrgus and the Druhyus quickly listened: friend rescued friend mid the two distant peoples." (Griffith translation)

    Sayana/Wilson translate the r̥ca focussing on Turvaśa's mission to acquire wealth: Turvas'a, who was presiding (at solemn rites), diligent in sacrifice, (went to Suda_sa) for wealth; but like fishes restricted (to the element of water), the Bhrigus and Druhyus quickly assailed them; of these two everywhere going the friend (of Suda_sa, Indra) rescued his friend.

    रयि m. or (rarely) f. (fr. √ रा ; the following forms occur in the वेद , रयिस् , °य्/इम् , °यिभिस् , °यीणाम् ; रय्य्/आ,°य्य्/ऐ,°य्य्/आम् ; cf. 2. रै) , property , goods , possessions , treasure , wealth (often personified) RV. AV. VS. Br. S3rS. ChUp.

    This comparison of Matsya people with 'hungry fish' means, that there were rivalries among the people about the use of water from the rivers for their livelihoods (hence, the signifier of hungry fish) and about the impediments caused to acquire wealth.

    The pun on the word matsya, 'fish' is also a reference to the name of peoples called matsya. Matsya is one of the 16 janapada-s. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matsya_Kingdom This may explain the reason why the battle was joined by ten kings since a large number of people from the region of North India were concerned about their livelihood, searching for avenues to acquire wealth.


    A succinct narrative is the summary provided in Wikipedia.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_the_Ten_Kings

    Belligerents involved in dāśarājñá



    The Trtsu are the group led by king Sudas. Sudas himself is included in the "ten kings", as the Trtsus are said to be surrounded by ten kings in 7.33.5. But it is not made explicit how this number is supposed to be broken down: if of the peoples mentioned in 7.18, the Turvasas, Yaksuss (pun for Yadu),[4] Matsyas, Bhrgus, Druhyus, Pakthas, Bhalanas, Alinas, Shivas and Visanins are counted, the full number is reached, leaving the Anavas (7.18.14), the Ajas and Sigrus (7.18.19) and the "21 men of both Vaikarna tribes" (7.18.11) without a king, and implying that Bheda (7.18.19, also mentioned 7.33.3 and 7.83.4, the main leader slain by Sudas), Shimyu (7.18.5), and Kavasa (7.18.12) are the names of individual kings. The Bharatas are named among the enemies in 7.33 but not in 7.18.

    • Alinas: One of the tribes defeated by Sudas at the Dasarajna,and it was suggested that they lived to the north-east of Nuristan, because the land was mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang.
    • Anu: Some place them in the Paruṣṇī (Ravi) area.
    • Bhrigus: Probably the priestly family descended from the ancient Kavi Bhrigu. Later, they are related to the composition of parts of the Atharva Veda (Bhṛgv-Āṅgirasa) .
    • Bhalanas: Fought against Sudas in the Dasarajna battle. Some scholars have argued that the Bhalanas lived in the Bolan Pass area.
    • Druhyus: Some align them with the Gandhari (RV I 1.126.7).
    • Matsya are only mentioned in the RV (7.18.6), but later in connection with the Śālva.
    • Parsu: The Parśu have been connected by some with the ancient Persians.
    • Purus: One of the major tribal confederations in the Rigveda.
    • Panis: Also the name of a class of demons; later associated with the Scythians.

    A monograph in German by Rainer Stuhrmann was published in 2016 with a summary English translation by Michael Witzel.
    http://crossasia-journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/index.php/ejvs/article/view/933

    https://bharatiya-prakrtisanskrtibhakti.blogspot.in/p/bharatavarsha-ancient-kingdoms-peoples.html Bharatavarsha - Ancient Kingdoms and Peoples
    Dasarajna Yuddha and Mahabharata

    Erdosy also sees the dāśarājñá as a prototype of Mahābhārata war of later periods. (Erdosy, George (1995), The Indo-Aryans of Ancient South Asia: Language, Material Culture and Ethnicity, Walter de Gruyter).

    The two blogposts expoud a hypothesis that the Mahābhārata war narratives are recollections/re-statement of theThe Battle of Ten Kings (dāśarājñá) in R̥gveda.

    References to the Battle of Ten Kings occur in the following texts: RV VII, hymns 18, 33 and 83.4-8). The full texts of RV VII.18, 33 and 83 are presented below.








    Translation (Sayana/Wilson):
    7.018.01 Our forefathers, Indra, glorifying you, have obtained all desirable (riches); in your gift are cows easy to be milked, and horses, and you are the liberal donor of wealth to the devout. [tve = tvayi, in you]. 
    7.018.02 You dwell with your glories like a ra_ja_ with his wives; Maghavan, who are wise and experienced, (reward our) praises with the precious metals, with cows, with horses; conduct us who are dependent on your riches. [With the precious metals: pis'a_, silver or gold, and the like; ru_pen.a hiran.ya_dina_ va_; ru_pa may also mean beauty]. 
    7.018.03 These gratifying and pious hymns, emulous (in earnestness), are addressed on this occasion to you, may the path of your riches lead downwards; may we, Indra, (diligent) in your praise, enjoy felicity. 
    7.018.04 Desirous of milking you like a milch cow at pasture, Vasis.t.ha has let loose his prayers to you; every one of my people proclaims you the lord of cattle; may Indra be present at our praises. 
    7.018.05 The adorable Indra made the well-known deep waters (of the Parus.n.i) fordable for Suda_sa, and converted the vehement awakening imprecation of the sacrificer into the calumnation of the rivers. [Converted the vehement: sardhantam s'imyum uchahasya s'a_pam sindhu_na_m akr.n.od as'asti_h = utsahma_na_m bodhma_na_m stotuh s'a_pam abhis'asti_h sindhu_na_m akarot, he made the exerting awakening curse of the praiser the imprecations of the rivers; vis'varu_podbhavam a_tmano abhis'a_pam, the imprecation on his (Indra) has its birth in vis'varu_pa]. 
    7.018.06 Turvas'a, who was presiding (at solemn rites), diligent in sacrifice, (went to Suda_sa) for wealth; but like fishes restricted (to the element of water), the Bhrigus and Druhyus quickly assailed them; of these two everywhere going the friend (of Suda_sa, Indra) rescued his friend. [The legend: Indra saves one of the two, Suda_sa (and perhaps slays the other), turvas'am avadhi_t; matsyaso nis'itah, fishes limited to water; the people of the country Matsya were attacked by Turvas'a, tena matsyajanapada ba_dhitah; s'rus.t.im cakruh (applied to the Bhrigus) = as'upra_ptim cakruh; sukham turvas'asys cakruh-- making the Bhrigus and Druhyus the allies of Turvas'a]. 
    7.018.07 Those who dress the oblation, those who pronounce auspicious words, those who abstain from penance, those who bear horns (in their hands), those who bestow happiness (on the world by sacrifice), glorify that Indra, who recovered the cattle of the Arya from the plunderers, who slew the enemies in battle. [Those who dress: Denominations of the persons assisting at religious rites are: 1. paktha_sah, havis.am pa_cakah, cooks of the butter offered in oblation; 2. bhala_nasah, bhadra va_cinah, speakers of that which is lucky; 3. alina_sah, tapobhir apravr.ddhah, not eminent by austerities; 4. vis.a_n.inah, having black horns in their hands for the purpose of scratching kan.d.uyana_rtham, the same as di_ks.itah, having undergone the preliminary purification called di_ks.a; 5. s'iva_sah, ya_ga_dina_ sarvasya lokasya s'ivakarah, the makers happy of all people by sacrifice and the like]. 
    7.018.08 The evil-disposed and stupid (enemies of Suda_sa), crossing the humble Parus.n.i river, have broken down its banks; but he by his greatness pervades the earth, and Kavi, the son of Ca_yamana, like a falling victim, sleeps (in death). [Sleeps in death: killed Suda_sa]. 
    7.018.09 The waters followed their regular course to the Parus.n.i, nor (wandered) beyond it; the quick courser (of the king) came to the accessible places, and Indra made the idly-talking enemies, with their numerous progeny, subject among men (to Suda_sa). [Indra is said to have repaired the banks of the river so that the waters -- iyur artham na nyartham-- went to their object, that is, their former bed, not below or beyond it; the enemies Amitra_n are called vadhriva_cah or jalpaka_n]. 
    7.018.10 They who ride on particoloured cattle, (the Maruts), despatched by Pr.s.n.i and recalling the engagement made by them with their friend (Indra), came like cattle from the pasturage, when left without a herdsman; the exulting Niyut steeds brought them quickly (against the foe). 
    7.018.11 The hero Indra created the Maruts (for the assistance of the ra_ja_), who, ambitious of fame, slew one-and-twenty of the men on the two banks (of the Parus.n.i), as a well-looking priest lops the sacred grass in the chamber of sacrifice. 
    7.018.12 You, the bearer of the thunderbolt, did drown S'ruta, Kavas.a, Vr.ddha and afterwards Druhyu, in the waters; for they, Indra, who are devoted to you, and glorify you, preferring your friendship, enjoy it. 
    7.018.13 Indra, in his might, quickly demolished all their strongholds, and their seven (kinds of) cities; he has given the dwelling of the son of Anu to Tr.tsu; may we, (by propitiating Indra), conquer in battle the ill-speaking man. [Seven kinds of cities: purah sapta, seven cities; nagai_h sapta praka_rah or pra_ka_ra_h, seven-walled; conquer in battle: jes.ma pu_rum manus.yam mr.dhrava_cam, speaking imperfectly or barbarously; or baddhava_cam, whose speech is threatening, obstructing or adverse]. 
    7.018.14 The warriors of the Anus and Druhyus, intending (to carry off the) cattle, (hostile) to the pious (Suda_sa) perished to the number of sixty-six thousand six hundred and sixty; such are all the glorious acts of Indra. [Sixty-thousand: s.as.t.ih s'ata s'at. sahasra s.as.t.ir adhi s'at. = sixty hundreds, six thousands, sixty, with six more; s'ata_ni = thousands, sahasra_ni_tyartham]. 
    7.018.15 These hostile, Tr.tsus, ignorantly contending with Indra, fled routed as rapidly as rivers on a downward course, and being discomfited, abandoned all their possessions to Suda_sa. 
    7.018.16 Indra has scattered over the earth the hostile rival of the hero (Suda_sa), the senior of Indra, the appropriator of the oblation; Indra has baffled the wrath of the wratfhful enemy, and the (foe) advancing on the way (against Suda_sa) has taken the path of flight. 
    7.018.17 Indra, has effected a valuable (donation) by a pauper; he has slain an old lion by a goat; he has cut the angles of the sacrificial post with a needle; he has given all the spoils (of the enemy) to Suda_sa. [Indra has effected: the three impossible acts are illustrative of the wonderful power of Indra]. 
    7.018.18 Your numerous enemies, Indra, have been reduced to subjection, effect at some time or other the subjugation of the turbulent Bheda, who holds men praising you as guilty of wickedness; hurl, Indra, your sharp thuderbolt against him. [Bheda: one who breaks or separates; may mean an unbeliever, a na_stika; or, the name of the enemy of Suda_sa]. 
    7.018.19 The dwellers on the Yamuna and the Tr.tsus glorified Indra when he killed Bheda in battle; the Ajas, the S'igrus, the Yaks.as, offered him as a sacrifice the heads of the horses (killed in the combat). [Offered to him: balim s'i_rs.a_n.i jabhrur as'vya_ni : they represented the best horses, taken; bali may also have the import of a sacrifice]. 
    7.018.20 Your favours, Indra, and your bounties, whether old or new, cannot be counted like the (recurring) dawn; you have slain Devaka, the son of Ma_nyama_na, and of thine own will, has cast down S'ambara from the vast (mountain). 
    7.018.21 Para_s'ara, the destroyer of hundreds (of ra_ks.asas), and Vasis.t.ha they who, devoted to you, have glorified you in every dwelling, neglect not the friendship of you (their) benefactor; therefore prosperous days dawn upon the pious. [The destroyer: s'ataya_tu, that is, s'akti, the son of Vasis.t.ha, the father of Para_s'ara (Vis.n.u Pura_n.a 8.4)]. 
    7.018.22 Praising the liberality of Suda_sa, the grandson of Devavat, the son of Paijavana, the donor of two hundred cows, and of two chariots with two wives, I, worthy (of the gift), circumambulate you, Agni, like the ministrant priest in the chamber (of sacrifice). 
    7.018.23 Four (horses), having golden trappings, going steadily on a difficult road, celebrated on the earth, the excellent and acceptable gifts (made) to me by Suda_sa, the son of Paijavana, bear me as a son (to obtain) food and progeny. [The excellent: smaddis.t.ayah, an epithet of as'vah: prasa'sta_tisarjana_ s'raddha_dida_na_n:gayukta_, being or having part of a donation made in the belief of presenting what is excellent]. 
    7.018.24 The seven worlds praise (Suda_sa) as if he were Indra; him whose fame (spreads) through the spacious heaven and earth; who, munificent, has distributed (wealth) on every eminent person, and (for him) the flowing (rivers) have destroyed Yudhyamadhi in war. 
    7.018.25 Maruts, leaders (of rites), attend upon this (prince) as you did upon Divoda_sa, the father of Suda_sa; favour the prayers of the devout son of Pijavana, and may his strength be unimpaired, undecaying].

    Alternative translation (Grifffith): HYMN XVIII. Indra. 18
    1. ALL is with thee, O Indra, all the treasures which erst our fathers won who sang thy praises.
    With thee are milchkine- good to milk, and horses: best winner thou of riches for the pious.
    2 For like a King among his wives thou dwellest: with glories, as a Sage, surround and help us.
    Make us, thy servants, strong for wealth, and honour our songs wirth kine and steeds and
    decoration.
    3 Here these our holy hymns with joy and gladness in pious emulation have approached thee.
    Hitherward come thy path that leads to riches: may we find shelter in thy favour, Indra.
    Vasistha hath poured forth his prayers, desiring to milk thee like a cow in goodly pasture.
    All these my people call thee Lord of cattle: may Indra. come unto the prayer we offer.
    5 What though the floods spread widely, Indra made them shallow and easy for Sudas to traverse.
    He, worthy of our praises, caused the Simyu, foe of our hymn, to curse the rivers' fury.
    6 Eager for spoil was Turvasa Purodas, fain to win wealth, like fishes urged by hunger.
    The Bhrgus and the Druhyus quickly listened: friend rescued friend mid the two distant peoples.
    7 Together came the Pakthas, the Bhalanas, the Alinas, the Sivas, the Visanins.
    Yet to the Trtsus came the AryasComrade, through love of spoil and heroes' war, to lead them.
    Fools, in their folly fain to waste her waters, they parted inexhaustible Parusni.
    Lord of the Earth, he with his might repressed them: still lay the herd and the affrighted
    herdsman.
    9 As to their goal they sped to their destruetion: they sought Parusni; even the swift returned
    not.
    Indra abandoned, to Sudas the manly, the swiftly flying foes, unmanly babblers.
    10 They went like kine unherded from the pasture, each clinging to a friend as chance directed.
    They who drive spotted steeds, sent down by Prsni, gave ear, the Warriors and the harnessed horses.
    11 The King who scattered oneandtwenty— people of both Vaikarna tribes through lust of glory-
    As the skilled priest clips grass within the chamber, so hath the Hero Indra, wrought their
    downfall.
    12 Thou, thunderarmed-, overwhelmedst in the waters famed ancient Kavasa and then the Druhyu.
    Others here claiming friendship to their friendship, devoted unto thee, in thee were joyful.
    13 Indra at once with conquering might demolished all their strong places and their seven castles.
    The goods of Anus' son he gave to Trtsu. May we in sacrifice conquer scorned Puru.
    14 The Anavas and Druhyus, seeking booty, have slept, the sixty hundred, yea, six thousand,
    And sixandsixty— heroes. For the pious were all these mighty exploits done by Indra.
    15 These Trtsus under Indras' careful guidance came speeding like loosed waters rushing downward.
    The foemen, measuring exceeding closely, abandoned to Sudas all their provisions.
    16 The heros' side who drank the dressed oblation, Indras' denier, far over earth he scattered.
    Indra brought down the fierce destroyers' fury. He gave them various roads, the paths' Controller.
    17 even with the weak he wrought this matchless exploit: even with a goat he did to death a lion.
    He pared the pillars' angles with a needle. Thus to Sudas Indra gave all provisions.
    18 To thee have all thine enemies submitted: even the fierce Bheda hast thou made thy subject.
    Cast down thy sharpened thunderbolt, O Indra, on him who harms the men who sing thy praises.
    19 Yamuna and the Trtsus aided Indra. There he stripped Bheda bare of all his treasures.
    The Ajas and the Sigrus and the Yaksus brought in to him as tribute heads of horses.
    20 Not to be scorned, but like Dawns past and recent, O Indra, are thy favours and thy riches.
    Devaka, Manyamanas' son, thou slewest, and smotest Sambara from the lofty mountain.
    21 They who, from home, have gladdened thee, thy servants ParasaraVasisthaSatayatu,
    Will not forget thy friendship, liberal Giver. So shall the days dawn prosperous for the princes.
    22 Priestlike-, with praise, I move around the altar, earning Paijavanas' reward, O Agni,
    Two hundred cows from Devavans' descendant, two chariots from Sudas with mares to draw them.
    23 Gift of Paijavana, four horses bear me in foremost place, trained steeds with pearl to deck
    them.
    Sudass' brown steeds, firmlystepping-, carry me and my son for progeny and glory.
    24 Him whose fame spreads between wide earth and heaven, who, as dispenser, gives each chief his
    portion,
    Seven flowing Rivers glorify like Indra. He slew Yudhyamadhi in close encounter.
    25 Attend on him O ye heroic Maruts as on Sudass' father Divodasa.
    Further Paijavanas' desire with favour. Guard faithfully his lasting firm dominion.


    7.033.01 The white-complexioned accomplishers of holy ceremonies, wearing the lock of hair on the right side, have afforded me delight, when, rising up I call the leaders (of rites) to the sacred grass; the Vasis.t.has, (my sons) should never be far from me. [White-complexioned: s'vity an~cah = s'vetavarn.ah, white-coloured (applied to the vasis.t.has); wearing the lock of hair on the right side: daks.in.atas kaparda_h: kaparda = cu_d.a or single lock of hair left on the top of the head at tonsure; Vasis.t.has wear it on the right of the crown of the head, daks.in.e s'iraso bha_ge]. 
    7.033.02 Disgracing (Pa_s'adyumna), they brought from afar the fierce Indra, when drinking the ladle of Soma at his sacrifice, to (receive) the libation (of Suda_sa); Indra hastened from the effused Soma of Pa_s'adumna, the son of Va_yata, to the Vasis.t.has. [They brought: A legend is related. The sons of Vasis.t.ha had undertaken a soma sacrifice to Indra on behalf of Suda_sa. They found that he was present at a similar solemnity instituted by the ra_ja_ Pa_s'adyumna, the son of Va_yata, on which they abused the ra_ja_, broke off his sacrifice, and by their mantras, compelled Indra to come to that of their patrons]. 
    7.033.03 In the same manner was he, (Suda_sa) enabled by them easily to cross the Sindhu river; in the same manner, through them he easily slew his foe; so in like manner, Vasis.t.has, through your prayers, did Indra defend Suda_sa in the war with the ten kings. [He easily sle his foe: bhedam jagha_na: bheda may also be a proper name; in the war with ten kings: da_s'ara_jn~e = das'abhi_ ra_ja_bhih saha yuddhe]. 
    7.033.04 By your prayers, leaders (of rites), is effected the gratificcation of your progenitors; I have set in motion the axle (of the chariot); be no you intert, for by your sacred metres, Vasis.t.has, (chanted) with a loud voice, you sustain vigour in Inda. [Of your rogenitors: pitr.n.a_m, in the gen., pl. used honorifically, implying father, i.e. Vasis.t.ha; I have set in motion: aks.am avyayam = rathasya aks.am avyaya_mi, ca_laya_mi, I cause to move the axle of the car, ascribing the words to Vasis.t.ha, as announcing his intention to return to his hermitage]. 
    7.033.05 Suffering from thirst, soliciting (rain), supported (by the Tr.tsus) in the war with the ten ra_ja_s, (the Vasis.t.has) made Indra radiant as the sun; Indra heard (the praises) of Vasis.t.ha glorifying him, and bestowed a spacious region on the Tr.tsus. 
    7.033.06 The Bharatas, inferior (to their foes), were shorn (of their possessions), like he staves for driving cattle, (stripped of their leaves and branches); but Vasis.t.ha became their family priest, and the people of the Tr.tsus prospered. [People of the Tr.tsus: Tr.tsus are the same as the Bharatas. Sam.varan.a, the son of R.ks.a, the fourth in descent from Bharata, the son of Dus.yanta, was driven from his kingdom by the Pa_n~ca_las, and obliged to take refuge with his tribe among the thickets on the Sindhu until Vasis.t.ha came to them and consented to be the ra_ja_'s purohit, when they recovered their territory]. 
    7.033.07 Three shed moisture upon the regions, three are their glorious progeny, of which the chief is night; three communicators of warmth accompany the dawn; verily the Vasis.t.has understand all these. [Three shed moisture: S'a_tya_ana is cited: the three who send rain on the three regions of earth, mid-air, and heaven, are Agni, Va_yu and A_ditya; they also diffuse warmth; thei offspring are the Vasus, the Rudras, the A_dityas, the latter of whom are the same as Jyotis., light]. 
    7.033.08 The glory of these Vasi.s.t.has is like the splendour of the sun; their greatness as profound as (the depth of) the ocean; your praise, Vasis.t.has, has the velocity of the wind; by no other can it be surpassed. 
    7.033.09 By the wisdom seated in the heart the Vasis.t.has traverse the hidden thousand branched world, and the Apsarasas sit down wearing the vesture spread out by Yama. [The hidden thousand-branched world: nin.yam sahasravals'am abhisan~caranti, they completely go over the hidden, tirohitam, or durjn~a_nam, ignorant, sahasra vals'am, thousand-branched, that is, sam.sa_ram, the revolving world of various living beings, or the succession of many births; the allusion is to the repeated births of Vasis.t.ha, who is the first of the Praja_patis, or mind-born sons of Brahma_, who is the son of Urvas'i_; hr.dayasya praketaih prajn~a_naih, internal convictions or knowledge; this may imply the detachment of Vasis.t.ha or his sons from the world. The apsaras sit down: yamena tatam paridhim vayanto apsarasa upasedur vasis.t.ha_h: te vasis.tha_h, those vasis.t.has or that vasis.t.ha; yamena = sarvaniyantra_, by the restrainer or regulator of all; ka_ran.a_tmana_, identical with cause, that is, by acts, as the causes of vital condition; the garb paridhim, vastram, spread, tatam, by him, is he revolution of life and death; janma_diprava_ha_h, weavin, vayantah; connecting this with apsarasah, the myphs, or, the nymph Urvas'i_, who sat down or approached in the capacity of a mother, jananitvena, wearing that vesture which he was destined by former nets to wear]. 
    7.033.10 When Mitra and Varun.a beheld you, Vasis.t.ha, quitting the lustre of the lightning (for a different form), then one of your births (took place), inasmuch as Agastya bore you from your (former) abode. [Agasya bore you: agastyo yat tva_ vis'a_ a_jabha_ra = yada_ purvavastha_na_t tva_m a_jaha_ra, when Agastya took you from the former condition; mitra_varun.au a_va_m janayisya_va, we two Mitra and Varun.a, will beget; or, a_va_bhya_m ayam ja_yeta iti samakalpata_m, the two divinities determined this Vasis.t.ha shall be begotten by us]. 
    7.033.11 Verily, Vasis.t.ha you are the son of Mitra and Varun.a, born, Brahma_, of the will of Urvas'i_, after the seminal effusion; all the gods have sustained you, (endowed) with celestial and Vedic vigour in the lake. [Born of the will of Urvas'i_: Urvas'i_, on seeing the birth of the R.s.i, said to herself, let this be my son; Endowed with celestial and vedic vigour: brahman.a_ daivyena; adding an epithet: yuktam, joined with; devasambandhina vedara_s'ina_hambhuva yuktam; pus.kara = kumbha, pitcher used at sacrifice, or the vasati_vara, the pool of water prepared for the same. Vasis.t.ha was born when the vessel, pus.kara, was over-filled and some contents fell upon the earth. Agastya was born of the contents in the vessel; the overflowing fluid being collected together, Vasis.t.ha remained in the lake, tato apsu gr.hyama_n.a_su vasis.t.ha_h pus.kare sthitah; Pus.kara is also the name of a lake in Ajmer; Padma Pura_n.a cites it as the hermitage of Agastya (Sr.s.t.i khan.d.a)]. 
    7.033.12 He, the sage, cognizant of both worlds, was the donor of thousands; he was verily donation; wearing the vesture spread spread by Yama, Vasis.t.ha was born of the Apsaras. 
    7.033.13 Consecrated for the sacrifice, propitiated by praises, they, Mitra and Varun.a, poured a common effusion into the water-jar, from the midst of which Ma_na arose, and from which also, they say, Vasis.t.ha was born. [Consecrated: satre ja_tau = ya_ge di_ks.itau, prepared by preliminary purifications for the ceremony; Ma_na: a name of Agastya with reference to his being of the measure of a span at his birth; udiya_ya tato agastyah s'amyama_tro mahitapah ma_nena sammito yasma_d ma_nya ihocyate, thence arose the great asceic Agastya of the measure of a span, as measured by a measure (ma_na); he is therefore, caled upon earth Ma_nya. Another legend: Agastya was, in a preceding birth, the son of Pulastya]. 
    7.033.14 Pratr.ts, Agastya comes to you; welcome him with devoted minds, and he in the foremost station directs the reciter of the prayer, the chanter of the hymn, the grinder of the stone, and repeats (what is to be repeated). [Pratr.ts = Tr.tsus; in the foremost station: agre, in front, that is, as their Purohita].

    Alternative translation (Griffith): HYMN XXXIII Vasistha. 33
    1. THESE who wear hairknots- on the right, the movers of holy thought, whiterobed-, have won me
    over.
    I warned the men, when from the grass I raised me, Not from afar can my Vasisthas help you.
    2 With Soma they brought Indra from a distance, Over Vaisanta, from the strong libation.
    Indra preferred Vasisthas to the Soma pressed by the son of VayataPasadyumna.
    3 So, verily, with these he crossed the river, in company with these he slaughtered Bheda.
    So in the fight with the Ten KingsVasisthas! did Indra help Sudas through your devotions.
    4 I gladly, men I with prayer prayed by our fathers have fixed your axle: ye shall not be injured:
    Since, when ye sang aloud the Sakvari verses, Vasisthas! ye invigorated Indra.
    5 Like thirsty men they looked to heaven, in battle with the Ten Kings, surrounded and imploring.
    Then Indra heard Vasistha as he praised him, and gave the Trtsus ample room and freedom.
    6 Like sticks and staves wherewith they drive the cattle, Stripped bare, the Bharatas were found
    defenceless:
    Vasistha then became their chief and leader: then widely. were the Trtsus' clans extended.
    7 Three fertilize the worlds with genial moisture: three noble Creatures cast a light before them.
    Three that give warmth to all attend the morning. All these have they discovered, these Vasisthas.
    8 Like the Suns' growing glory is their splendour, and like the seas' is their unflathomed
    greatness.
    Their course is like the winds'. Your laud, Vasisthas, can never be attained by any other.
    9 They with perceptions of the heart in secret resort to that which spreads a thousand branches.
    The Apsaras brought hither the Vasisthas wearing the vesture spun for them by Yama.
    10 A form of lustre springing from the lightning wast thou, when Varuna and Mitra saw thee.
    Thy one and only birth was then, Vasistha, when from thy stock Agastya brought thee hither.
    11 Born of their love for UrvasiVasistha thou, priest, art son of Varuna and Mitra;
    And as a fallen drop, in heavenly fervour, all the Gods laid thee on a lotusblossorn-.
    12 He thinker, knower both of earth and heaven, endowed with many a gift, bestowing thousands,
    Destined to wear the vesture spun by Yama, sprang from the Apsaras to life, Vasistha.
    13 Born at the sacrifice, urged by adorations, both with a common flow bedewed the pitcher.
    Then from the midst thereof there rose up Mana, and thence they say was born the sage Vasistha.
    14 He brings the bearer of the laud and Saman: first shall he speak bringing the stone for
    pressing.
    With grateful hearts in reverence approach him: to you, O PratrdasVasistha cometh.


    7.083.01 Indra and Varun.a, leaders (of rites), contemplating your affinity, and desirous of cattle, the worshippers, armed with large sickles, have proceeded to the east (to cut the sacred grass); destroy, Indra and Varun.a, your enemies, whether Da_sa_s or A_rya_s and defend Suda_sa with yor protection. [Sickles: pr.thupars'avah = visti_rn.a s'vapars'u hasta, holding large rib-bones of horses; as'vapars'u = an implement for cutting the kus'a grass (as'vapars'va_ barhiracchaiti: Taittiri_ya Bra_hman.a 3.2.2.1), either the rib of a horse, or an instrument like it; it is frequently alluded to in the Bra_hman.as and Su_tras; Taittiri_ya Sam.hita_ 1.1.2: ghos.ad asi: Baudha_yana says that this is addressed to the As'vapars'u; you are the implement, the priest having taken it in his hand; as'vapars'u as'vapars'vasthi, the rib-bone of a horse, the edge of which is as sharp as a sword, and fit for cutting; tac ca khad.gavat ti_ks.n.adbaratvat lavane samarthah]. 
    7.083.02 Where men assemble with uplifted banners, in whatever conflict, there is something unfavourable; where living beings, looking to heaven, are in fear, there, Indra and Varun.a, speak tous (encouragement). [There is something unfavourable: 'everything is evil'; yatra ca yuddhe bhuvana_, bhuvana_ni, bhu_taja_ta_ni svardr.s'ah, s'ari_rapatad u_rdhvam svargasya dras.t.a_ro vitas' ca bhayante, bibhyati, tatra, tadris'e san:gra_me he indra_varun.au no'sman adhivocatam, asmatpaks.apa_tavacanau bhavata_m = in whatever (battle) living beings and those seeing heaven (i.e. gone to heaven, departed) are in fear, there, Indra and Varun.a, plead our cause]. 
    7.083.03 The ends of the earth are beheld laid waste; the clamour has ascended, Indra and Varun.a, to heaven; the adversaries of my people approach me; having heard my invocation, come for my defence. 
    7.083.04 Indra and Varun.a, you protected Suda_sa, overwhelming the yet unassailed Bheda with your fatal weapons; here the prayers of threse Tr.tsus in time of battle, so that my ministration may have borne them fruit. 
    7.083.05 Indra and Varun.a, the murderous (weapons) of my enemy distressme; foes among the malignant (assail me); you two are sovereigns over both (celestial and terrestrial) wealth; protect us therefore, onthe day of battle. 
    7.083.06 Both (Suda_sa and the Tr.tsus) call upon you two (Indra and Varun.a), in combats for the acquisition of wealth, when you defend Suda_sa, together with Tr.tsus, when attacked bythe ten ra_ja_s. 
    7.083.07 The ten confederated irreligious ra_ja_s did not prevail, Indra and Varun.a, against Suda_sa; the praise of the leaders (of rites), the offerers of sacrificial food, was fruitful; the gods were present at their sacrifices. 
    7.083.08 You gave vigour, Indra and Varun.a, to Suda_sa when surrounded on all sides by the ten ra_ja_s (in the country) where the pious Tr.tsus, walking in whiteness, and wearing braided hair, worshipped with oblations and praise. [Walking in whiteness: s'vit yan~cah kapardinas tr.tsavah: the epithes are explained: svaityam nairma_lyam gacchantah, going in, or to, whiteness, or freedom from soil; and jat.ilah, having braided hair. The Tr.tsus are the pupils of Vasis.t.ha, Vasis.t.has'is.ya_h etasanjn~a_h r.tvija_h]. 
    7.083.09 One of you destroys enemies inbattle, the other ever protects religious observances; we invoke you, showerers (of benefits), with praises; bestow upon us, Indra and Varun.a, felicity. 
    7.083.10 May Indra, Varun.a, Mitra, Aryaman grant us wealth and a large and spacious mansion; may the lustre of Aditi, the augmentress (of sacrifice), be innoxious to us; we recite the praise of the divine Savita_.

    Alternative translation (Griffith): HYMN LXXXIII. IndraVaruna-. 83
    1. LOOKING to you and your alliance, O ye Men, armed with broad axes they went forward, fain for
    spoil.
    Ye smote and slew his Dasa and his Aryan enemies, and helped Sudas with favour, IndraVaruna-.
    2 Where heroes come together with their banners raised, in the encounter where is naught for us to
    love,
    Where all things that behold the light are terrified, there did ye comfort us, O IndraVaruna-.
    3 The boundaries of earth were seen all dark with dust: O IndraVaruna-, the shout went up to
    heaven.
    The enmities of the people compassed me about. Ye heard my calling and ye came to me with help.
    4 With your resistless weapons, IndraVaruna-, ye conquered Bheda and ye gave Sudas your aid.
    Ye heard the prayers of these amid the cries of war: effectual was the service of the Trtsus'
    priest.
    5 O IndraVaruna-, the wickedness of foes and mine assailants' hatred sorely trouble me.
    Ye Twain are Lords of riches both of earth and heaven: so grant to us your aid on the decisive day.
    6 The men of both the hosts invoked you in the fight, Indra and Varuna, that they might win the
    wealth,
    What time ye helped Sudas, with all the Trtsu folk, when the Ten Kings had pressed him down in
    their attack.
    7 Ten Kings who worshipped not, O IndraVaruna-, confederate, in war prevailed not over Sudas.
    True was the boast of heroes sitting at the feast: so at their invocations Gods were on their side.
    8 O IndraVaruna-, ye gave Sudas your aid when the Ten Kings in battle compassed him about,
    There where the whiterobed- Trtsus with their braided hair, skilled in song worshipped you with
    homage and with hymn.
    9 One of you Twain destroys the Vrtras in the fight, the Other evermore maintains his holy Laws.
    We call on you, ye Mighty, with our hymns of praise. Vouchsafe us your protection, IndraVaruna-.
    10 May IndraVarunaMitra, and Aryaman vouchsafe us glory and great shelter spreading far.
    We think of the beneficent light of Aditi, and Savitars' song of praise, the God who strengthens
    Law.


    For a translation of RV VIII.18 by Kant Singh see: 

    "Sudas’ battle with the ten tribes Hymn 7.18 Translated by Kant SinghThe hymn is famous as an account of the famous dasrajanya battle (the battle of ten kings). As my translation shows below, this is a misunderstanding. Sudas’ war was with 21 kings. It may be that they belonged to ten tribes in all (and these ten tribes are named in the hymn). A number of their misunderstandings based on previous faulty translations are also cleared in the below work. For example,it’s clear that there was no matsya tribe involved in this battle; Sudas was himself a Bharata; Aja, Sigru and Yakshu were not his enemies; (The war is over. A celebration has been organized to felicitate Indra and Sudas. People have come from far, to pay tribute.)"

    Sudas’ battle with
    the ten tribes
    Hymn 7.18
    Translated by Kant Singh
    ar, to pay tribute.)

    Die Zehnkönigsschlacht am Ravifluß

    Rainer Stuhrmann

    Abstract

    The present study investigates the question whether and how far the “Ten Kings’ Battle” of RV 7.18 can be understood as an historical occurrence; further, how one has to evaluate the mutual relationship of the tribes and kings involved, as well as the cause, the actual process and the political outcome of the battle. Even though the battle was “the main political occurrence of the Rig-Veda “(Witzel 2007: 435), and thus has been treated frequently, Jamison and Brereton regard the actual events as “anything but clear” (2014, vol. II, p. 903) and even doubt the actual historical value of this hymn.
    However, just like the Rig-Veda can indeed be used as an historical source, as indicated by the work of Michael Witzel (1995a, b), in this case too, historical events can be detected in the poetry of the mighty wordsmith Vasiṣṭha.
    In favor of an actual battle speak the following arguments: Vasiṣṭha portraits himself as an eye-witness, he describes the progress of the battle with evocative details – quite contrary to other, merely commemorated battles – , the surprising turn of the battle, that is the piercing of the dykes of the Ravi River, and the realistic stance of Vasiṣṭha regarding war, RV 7,83,2: yátrā náraḥ samáyante kr̥tádʰvajo yásminn ājā́ bʰávati kíṃ caná priyám / yátrā bʰáyante bʰúvanā svardŕ̥śas tátrā na indrāvaruṇā́dʰi vocatam //: “where men with hoisted banners encounter each other in battle, where nothing dear occurs, where the beings regarding the sun have fear – there, Indra and Varuṇa, speak for us!” (ch. 1).
    It is clear that, next to the king of the Bharata, Sudās, the head of a poet clan, Vasiṣṭha, too, has to be included among the victors of the battle: Vasiṣṭha was richly honored by Sudās for his spiritual aid during the battle, and became the head of the Tṛtsu clan, whose rise to fortune began with the victory in this battle (ch. 2). Along the Bharatas’ trail of conquest – originally apparently just a subtribe of the Pūru, and both late Vedic arrivals – Sudās had crossed the Ravi from west to east, just as he had, earlier on, the Indus. Shortly after crossing the Ravi River, he was encircled by an enemy alliance of Aryan and non-Aryan tribes. Upstream, they cut the dykes, as to inundate Sudās and his army, probably located at an oxbow extension of the river or inside one of its old branches. Instead it was them who, for the most part, ended up in the spreading flood. Therefore the battle took place, at least in part, in the inundated area.
    In the end Sudās was victorious. Many enemies were killed, fled in panic, were slain in the ensuing pursuit, and were partly swept away by the flood (Ch.3).
    The alliance consisted of Aryan and non-Aryan tribes with whom the earlier Aryan immigrants, such as the Turvaśa, Yadu and Druhyu, had allied themselves. As one cannot quickly “take apart” a river (verse 8), much points to non-Aryan indigenous tribes settled on the banks of the Ravi River and belonging to a “hydraulic” civilization that had mastered the knowledge and tools necessary to affect a river system.
    In fact, there are many indications in the Rig-Veda of a hydraulic civilization that was familiar with river management by canals, dykes, re-enforcement of dykes and with sluices, – in other words: the Indus civilization (Ch. 4).
    Because of stanza 13 most interpreters of hymn 7.18 are of the opinion that the Pūru, who are allied with the Bharata throughout the Rig-Veda, belong to the defeated enemies of Sudās. However Pāda d of stanza 13 only says, after depicting the actual battle that ends with stanza 12, that one – to be more precise, Vasiṣṭha and the Tṛtsu – wishes to defeat the Pūru in the distribution of the spoils.
    If conflict only arose during the distribution of the spoils, the Pūru somehow must have been on the side of King Sudās and the Bharata, though not in the actual Ten Kings’ battle. However, in the first two Pādas of stanza 13, the conquest of the “seven” or “seven old cities”, ascribed to the Pūru throughout the Rig-Veda, is here presented as a direct consequence of the victory in the Ten Kings battle:
    ví sadyó víśvā dr̥ṃhitā́ny eṣām índraḥ púraḥ sáhasā saptá dardaḥ /
    vy ā́navasya tŕ̥tsave gáyam bʰāg jéṣma pūrúṃ vidátʰe mr̥dʰrávācam 
    //
     “On the same day Indra ruptured all of their fortifications, one after another, the seven cities, with force. To the Tṛtsu he shall apportion the possessions of the Anu King; may he defeat the Pūru, who talks denigratingly, at the distribution (of the spoils)”
    Both occurrences, the victory of Sudās in the Ten Kings’ battle and the conquest of the “seven cities”, are joined in the same context also in another Rig-Veda hymn, 1.63.7:
    tváṃ ha tyád indra saptá yúdʰyan púro vajrin purukútsāya dardaḥ /
    barhír ná yát sudā́se vŕ̥tʰā várg aṃhó rājan várivaḥ pūráve kaḥ //
    “You Indra, fighting with the club in your hand, have broken the seven cities for Purukutsa, while you threw down, like sacrificial straw, (the enemies) for Sudās, when you, the king, created open space for Pūru from constriction.” (ch. 5)
    According to this, one can regard both occurrences as the parallel action of the allied tribes of the Pūru and the Bharata. While the Bharata, led by Sudās, crossed the Ravi, attracted the main force of the enemies, were then wedged in, but were finally victorious due to the mismanaged piercing of the dykes by the Alliance, the Pūru could more easily attack the “seven old cities” that were devoid of protection and conquer them.
    This is a strategy similar to that, by which more than a thousand years later, Alexander the Great was successful against King Poros at the Jhelum River: he himself crossed the river with a part of his army and defeated the main force of Poros that was rushing toward him, while the other part of his army under Krateros, which had been left on the other side of Poros’ main camp, only then crossed the Jhelum and, pursuing the fleeing enemy, annihilated it.
    As the Ten Kings battle took place after the crossing of the Ravi River from west to east, and as it apparently also led to the conquest of the seven old cities, the conclusion presents itself that the “seven old cities” are indicating Harappa with its partly very old settlement hills as well as settlements farther in the hinterland. Next to the great importance of the Ṛgvedic battle itself, this is supported by the number of participating kings and tribes, that of fallen warriors and by other details such as the denigration of the enemies as “fish” – a main source of nutrition in Harappa – or the apparently totemistic designations of some of the non-Aryan tribes, as well as archeological finds pointing to overpopulated quarters and an unusual high percentage of men, women and children killed by force that are found in the cemeteries and burial pits of late phase Harappa. (ch. 6). As a further consequence of the battle, we can observe, on the one hand, that Sudās and the Bharata under the new Purohita Viśvāmitra crossed over, further east, the Sutlej at its confluence with the Beas, and later on carried out a horse sacrifice. On the other hand, in the seventh Maṇḍala, both the Pūru, Vasiṣṭha and the Tṛtsu are found at the Sarasvatī River, and later on the Yamunā.
    Vasiṣṭha who appears as a real personality in the 7th Maṇḍala, and as a historically trustworthy source, describes the Sarasvatī as the only river flowing from the mountains to the sea. This is less incredible than usually thought as the archeological research of Mughal and others have shown that until the mid-second millennium BCE the banks of the Sarasvatī were still dotted with Indus Culture settlements south of Yazman, and that the Sarasvatī received water by a paleo-channel from the Sutlej (Hakra portion), as well as by its northern tributaries (in the Ghaggar area) that had not yet turned, along with the Yamunā, towards the Ganges.
    Even though the Sarasvatī, already before mid-second millennium BCE, could no longer, or only occasionally, carry its waters to the Rann of Kutch, Vasiṣṭha - even though he did not venture that far himself - could easily have assumed that because of the many settlements on its banks.
    We thus have to date the Ten King’s battle as a double battle fought around Harappa before or, at the latest, around the middle of the second millennium BCE; on the one hand, after a point in time when the Sutlej, in its movement westward, had already met the Beas and both rivers started to create a new, joint bed up to the Chenab, on the other hand, at a time when the Sarasvati could still appear as a mighty river going to the sea (ch. 7).
    The Ten Kings’ battle thus marks the culmination of Ṛgvedic history, in so far as – on the one hand – it concluded the conquest of the Panjab by the Pūru and Bharata latecomers, – and on the other hand, as it opened up the further path eastward into the Indian core territory, where the Vedic conquerors followed the carriers of the Indus civilization that had been weakened in its resources by tectonic and hydrological changes.
    Translated by Michael Witzel

    Full Text:


    This text has to be read together with another monograph of Rainer Stuhrmann:
    Schifffahrt im Rigveda von Rainer Stuhrmann

    This has also been translated by Michael Witzel:


    Summary

    The present study addresses the question of what kind of ships existed that are mentioned in

    the Rigveda and for what purpose the (semi-) nomadic Ṛgvedic people used it. After all, the

    word nā́u- f. "ship" is attested in the Rigveda with many of the passages, about a quarter of

    those found for rátha- m., "chariot". While Wilson, Lassen and Bühler still assumed

    oceangoing vessels, the prevailing opinion of Western Indology views the Rigvedic naus as

    small rowing boats or punts, used to cross the numerous Panjab rivers (Klaus,

    Wasserfahrzeuge, 1989, p. 26).

    The mention of the miraculous ship of the two Aśvin – flown by self-hitched birds or

    equipped with a hundred oars – by which they rescued Bhujyu from marine distress, is

    relegated to the realm of fable and myth (e.g. Lüders p.110f, Zeller p. 67ff, Gotō p. 264ff).

    An examination of all relevant passages of Ṛgvedic nā́u, however, shows that the

    Vedic people used the naus to cross rivers; and also that this involved, in part, larger vessels,

    by which one could transport collapsible chariots and dwellings as well as many people over

    the sometimes very wide Panjab rivers.

    Additional verses indicate that the Ṛgvedic people obviously also transversed large

    wind and wave swept waters with their naus, and that they also undertook sporadic

    explorations and trade expeditions.

    A study of ship propulsion by arítra- n., previously translated "oar," and of aritŕ̥-, m,

    "rower, ferryboat man," reveals that these are not isolated derivatives of a questionable root,

    lost in Old Indic (and Greek), er- : or- r- 'to row.' (Pokorny). Rather, as already Grassmann,

    Wörterbuch, had assumed, they were - either inherited or newly formed Ṛgvedic derivatives

    of a root √ar indicating “movement” (AR1, Mayrhofer).

    A comparative investigation of the semantic distribution of this root in the Ṛgveda and

    in Homer (ὄρνυμι) shows that this root originally indicated the driving (hither) of fluid

    substances such as smoke, dust, fog, and especially of wind, clouds and waves, and it is used

    to describe the motion of these weather phenomena.

    Next the gods who, in Homer, drive especially adverse winds and weather against the

    seafaring Greeks, the only other, however natural agent in the Ṛgveda is the wind.

    This suggests for the Ṛgveda to try out a translation for aritrá "sail" as a means to

    propel a vessel by the wind, and "sailor" for aritŕ̥.

    Checking out these suggested meanings does not only provide a better sense for the

    concerned Ṛgvedic verses than that of “oar” but it also allows to discover poetically beautiful

    images, e.g., 10,46,7:

    asyā́járāso damā́m arítrāarcáddhūmāso agnáyapāvakā́ḥ/

    śvitīcáyaśvātrā́so bhurayávo vanarádo vāyávo ná sómāḥ//

    "His ageless smoke-singing fires, the sails of the houses, are pure, whitish, swelling, fluttering

    (undulating), sitting in the wood, like the winds, like the Somas. "

    Unlike the (also otherwise) quite incomprehensible comparison of fire with oars, the

    comparison with a sail encompasses all epithets (see p. 60).

    The Vedic people obviously did not build these sailboats themselves and were not a

    seafaring people, however, they immigrated into the area of a hydraulic culture, as several

    references in the Ṛgveda indicate about artificial dams, dug out canals and reinforcements of

    dams, either by sheet piling or stack dykes (made of wood).

    Also, the attempted inundation of Bharatas at the Battle of the Ten Kings on the River

    Ravi, effected through piercing dams by the local tribes, points to a civilization experienced in

    hydraulic engineering.

    The alternative between mere crossing the rivers with rowing boats or punts (Klaus,

    Wasserfahrzeuge, 1989, p.26), and travel on the high seas is wrongly put. The latter has

    recently been brought up again – partly in a nationalistic fashion – to prove that the Ṛgvedic

    people were the suspected bearers of the Indus Civilization.

    Rather, the Rigvedic people have used the existing ships and the nautical knowledge

    of the Indus Civilization to transport, with large ships, all of their belongings across the rivers

    of the Punjab, but then also to undertake a few expeditions down the Indus.

    A re-examination of relevant critical Ṛgvedic verses, especially in confrontation with

    Klaus (Samudrá, 1989), indicates that they also reached the Indus estuary and therefore

    attained knowledge of the Arabian Sea.

    I reach a conclusion similar to that of Zimmer (p. 25) and also Lüders (p.102f),

    namely, that in some instances samudrá can reasonably well mean only the Arabian Sea, as a

    marginal part of the Indian Ocean.

    Obviously, the Indo-Aryans did not settle there at the time the Ṛgveda was composed,

    but some individuals knew of the Arabian Sea from their own experience. This is indicated, in

    addition to the knowledge of the saltiness of the sea (Thieme, 1961), by the mention of the sea

    tide in at least one Ṛgvedic passage, and the mighty tidal wave, bore, moving up the Indus.

    The Kavis did not wax greatly about the sea – a fact that Zimmer (p. 26f) and,

    concurring, Lüders (p. 106f) miss in this context. However, this is entirely understandable as

    they did not settle there, and only some adventurous Ṛgvedic persons advanced that far.

    Even the historian Arrian mentions the huge tidal range in the Indus delta only in two

    or three sentences, and only as the tidal wave caused damage to a large part of Alexander’s

    fleet.

    Why should the Ṛgvedic poets, who had only sporadic knowledge of the sea, have

    praised the sea tide like they did for the dawn?

    Finally, the question remains when the Ṛgvedic persons undertook such trips down the Indus,

    and when they made use of the existing sailing ships and nautical knowledge of the Indus

    culture.

    The answer can only be: when river navigation of the Indus Civilization still existed.

    This does not necessarily mean during its Late Mature stage.

    On the one hand, the decline of the Indus culture did not occur as abruptly as

    previously assumed ('localization era', Shaffer, 1995, p. 137ff), and on the other hand, basic

    technologies such as river navigation in one of the largest river systems of the world were not

    likely to have been lost very quickly, even if the volume of trade had declined sharply.

    The pearls of King Bhavya (Ṛgveda 1,126) who settled on the Indus, are witness of

    trade from the coast the Indus upstream, even at the time the Ṛgveda was composed.

    I have shown elsewhere that the Indo-Aryans migrating into India encountered a broad

    front of stubbornly resisting Purs,

    They were built of stone in the mountains, and thus to be translated "castles," and in

    the plains of Northwest India built of clay and (also, of baked) adobe bricks, thus to be

    translated with "towns" or "cities."

    These towns were permanently inhabited by several thousand inhabitants; they offered

    rich booty for the Indo-Aryans (Stuhrmann, 2008, p. 39ff).

    The Vedic people conquered these cities, plundered them and made their inhabitants

    pay tribute, but they did not destroy them - or only in some individual cases.

    The Ṛgvedic Purs were more than local fortifications of mud and wood, made by

    agricultural settlers, as has previously been thought (Rau, 1976).

    The Ten Kings’ Battle on the River Ravi occurred in a core settlement area of the

    Indus Civilization, where the late Bharata conquerors were confronted by an alliance of

    earlier immigrant Aryans and indigenous tribes, apparent experts of water management.

    It seems to me, that all this cannot be ruled out for the end of the Late Mature phase

    and the beginning of the Late phase of the Indus civilization.

    At any rate I detect the immigration and conquests of the Indo-Aryans at a time when

    major urban structures and river navigation, accompanied by trade, still were intact in the

    Indus culture, at least to an appreciable extent, so that the Ṛgvedic people, on the one hand,

    had to fight vehemently to conquer the castles and towns of the Indus Civilization and to

    obtain their goods, but on the other hand, so that they could use its river sailing ships and its

    nautical knowledge for their incidental expeditions.

    To me, this seems to indicate - despite the cladistically older language of the Mitanni

    agreements - the first half of the second millennium BCE, and specifically, closer to the

    beginning rather than to the middle period of the millennium.

    Translated by Michael Witzel


    On 24 June 2017, Shrikant Talageri has critiqued the views of Rainer Stuhrmann at

    Full text of the critique is as follows:

    Stuhrmann, Witzel and the Joke that is Western Indology

    Shrikant G Talageri


    A German scholar, Rainer Stuhrmaan, has written a paper in German, entitled "Die Zehnkönigsschlacht am Ravifluß" ("The Ten Kings' Battle on the Ravi"), appearing in Witzel's "Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies", Volume 23 (2016), Issue 1:


    The paper itself is in German, a language which is Greek to Indian (Hindu) bank-employee yokels like myself, but, fortunately, we have a summary of the paper translated (from German to English) by none other than Witzel himself, which sheds a little light on the scholarly findings published in this paper. This paper is important because it shows more clearly than anything else how Indological studies in western academia are nothing short of a joke: paper after paper is still written by scholar after scholar, reiterating utterly discredited and disproved themes and ideas which carry on nineteenth century misconceptions with the doggedness of the horse with cast-iron blinkers, who can neither see, nor is expected to see, newer interpretations and new facts and data in deeply-researched papers by writers outside the hallowed circle of the closed-door clique that constitutes the "peer reviewed" mutual admiration society that is western academia. It shows the utterly fake, fraudulent and outdated nature of present-day western "Indology", which has become nothing more than a powerful, academically recognized and financed, propaganda club or juvenile writers' cottage industry.

    Before examining (on the basis of the translated summary of the paper by Witzel) the hopelessly outdated aspects of Stuhrmann's paper, it will be pertinent to point out a few positive points in Stuhrmann's paper:

    1. First, when he quotes Witzel in describing the Battle of the Ten Kings as the "main political occurrence of the Rig-Veda (Witzel 2007:435)". Indeed it is the main (and oldest recorded) political occurrence in Indo-European history, since it records the presence of five (Indo-Aryan, Iranian, Armenian, Greek and Albanian) of the twelve recognized branches of Indo-European languages, in fact the very five branches classified by linguists as being the last five branches to remain in any proposed Homeland after the departure of the other seven branches, in the most important historical event in the Homeland before the migration of four of these branches from that Homeland. See the last section of part 3 of my blogspot article:


    2. Two, when he goes against the consensus of most western Indologists that treats the Pūru tribe as being among the enemies of Sudās in the battle. Apart from accepting that the Bharata-s were "a subtribe of the Pūru", he writes: "Because of stanza 13 most interpreters of the hymn 7.18 are of the opinion that the Pūru who are allied with the Bharata throughout the Rig-Veda, belong to the defeated enemies of Sudās. However [….] the Pūru somehow must have been on the side of King Sudās and the Bharata, though not in the actual Ten kings' battle". Of course, he immediately spoils it by reiterating the usual Indological confusion, identifying Purukutsa with the Pūru tribe! [Note: in his pointless "review" of my second book in 2001, Witzel had treated my use of the word "king" for Sudās as indicative of my pathetic ignorance of the state of the Civilization in Rigvedic times!]

    3. Three, when, in the face of a determined trend among political scholars, including Witzel, who have all along maintained that the Sarasvatī of the Rigveda is the present-day Ghaggar-Hakra river, but (after my three books) have now suddenly started a campaign to deny the identification, Stuhrmann writes: "archeological research of Mughal and others have shown that until the mid-second millennium BCE the banks of the Sarasvatī were still dotted with Indus Culture settlements", thus confirming the identity of the two rivers.

    Apart from these little points, Stuhrmann writes as if nothing has been written about the Battle of the Ten Kings since the nineteenth century (apart, of course, from the writings of "scholars" like Witzel, who also have not moved beyond the nineteenth century). Hecompletely ignores (as we will see in detail presently) not only the irrefutable conclusions demonstrated by me in my books, but also the actual data in the Rigveda on the basis of which I have drawn those conclusions, and bases his interpretations wholly and solely onpurely extraneous theories and hypotheses which have been concocted by the Indologists on the principle that the Rigveda simply should not be treated as a source book of data and that theories and hypotheses about the Rigveda are to be concocted strictly without reference to any data from the text.

    The two main discredited points Stuhrmann reiterates throughout his paper are a) that the enemies of Sudās and the Bharata-s in the battle were mainly "indigenous non-Aryans" native to the area of the Indus Civilization, and b) that the direction of movement and conquest of Sudās and the Bharata-s was from "west to east":


    I. "Indigenous Non-Aryans"

    Stuhrmann tells us: "Shortly after crossing the Ravi river, he[Sudās] was encircled by an alliance of Aryan and non-Aryan tribes", and again: "The alliance consisted of Aryan and non-Aryan tribes with whom the earlier Aryan immigrants, such as the Turvaśa, Yadu and Druhyu, had allied themselves". He continues: "much points to non-Aryan indigenous tribes settled on the banks of the Ravi river and belonging to a 'hydraulic' civilization that had mastered the knowledge and tools necessary to affect a river system. In fact, there are many indications in the Rig-Veda of a hydraulic civilization that was familiar with river management by controls, dykes, reinforcement of dykes and with sluices - in other words: the Indus civilization". In short, the "Aryan Invasion" of the "non-Aryan indigenous" Indus civilization, according to Stuhrmann, is actually recorded as the "main political occurrence of the Rig-Veda (Witzel 2007:435)". He generously concedes that these "non-Aryan indigenous tribes" (i.e. the people of the Indus civilization) had some "allies" among some "earlier Aryan immigrants, such as the Turvaśa, Yadu and Druhyu", thereby making it perfunctorily "an alliance of Aryan and non-Aryan tribes".

    The insolence of such claims continuously being made in these Indological papers is breath-taking. These "scholars" at least should be aware that "Aryan" and "non-Aryan" (as they use these terms) are not general adjectives meaning something like "good" and "bad" or "pleasant" and "unpleasant" or "noble" and "ignoble" to be used in a general and subjective sense. Precisely speaking, in the context in which these "scholars" use them, they mean "Indo-European" and "non-Indo-European" in a very precise linguistic sense. But, even as they freely describe the enemies of Sudās as "non-Aryan", they are not able to give one single example of a word, in the hymns referring to the battle, which could be interpreted as a reference to any entity which could be categorized as linguistically non-Indo-European: not one word which can be linguistically identified as referring to speakers of a Dravidian language, an Austric (Kol-Munda) language, the Burushaski language, or an Andamanese dialect, or, for that matter, a Semitic, Sino-Tibetan, Uralo-Altaic or any other language belonging to any known language family in existence (or now extinct, like the Sumerian language) anywhere in the world. Then in exactly what sense do they have the academic guts to describe the enemies of Sudās as "non-Aryan"?

    On the other hand, the data in the Rigveda makes it very clear that the enemies of Sudās (who belonged to the Bharata sub-tribe of the Pūru tribal conglomerate) belonged to the Anu tribal conglomerate. In fact, as I have pointed out in detail in my books, and in the last section of part 3 of my blogspot article cited earlier, the enemy tribes, specifically named in the two battle hymns, bear the names of the ancient tribes among the Iranian, Armenian, Greek and Albanian branches of Indo-European languages. To quote from that blog, the two hymns use the following tribal appellations for the enemies of Sudās who belonged to the Anu tribal conglomerate:
    VII.18.5 Śimyu.
    VII.18.6 Bhṛgu.
    VII.18.7 Paktha, Bhalāna, Alina, Śiva, Viṣāṇin.
    VII.83.1 Parśu/Parśava, Pṛthu/Pārthava, Dāsa.
    [Puranic Anus: Madra.]

    To further quote from my above blog:
    These tribal names are primarily found only in two hymns, VII.18 andVII.83, of the Rigveda, which refer to the Anu tribes who fought against Sudās in the dāśarājña battle or "the Battle of the Ten Kings". But see where these same tribal names are found in later historical times (after their exodus westwards referred to in VII.5.3 and VII.6.3).  Incredibly, they cover, in an almost continuous geographical belt, the entire sweep of areas extending westwards from the Punjab (the battleground of the dāśarājña battle) right up to southern and eastern Europe:

    (Avestan) Afghanistan: Proto-Iranian: Sairima (Śimyu), Dahi (Dāsa).
    NE Afghanistan: Proto-Iranian: Nuristani/Piśācin (Viṣāṇin).  
    Pakhtoonistan (NW Pakistan), South Afghanistan: Iranian: Pakhtoon/Pashtu (Paktha).
    Baluchistan (SW Pakistan), SE Iran: Iranian: Bolan/Baluchi (Bhalāna).
    NE Iran: Iranian: Parthian/Parthava (Pṛthu/Pārthava).
    SW Iran: Iranian: Parsua/Persian (Parśu/Parśava).
    NW Iran: Iranian: Madai/Mede (Madra).
    Uzbekistan: Iranian: Khiva/Khwarezmian (Śiva).
    W. Turkmenistan: Iranian: Dahae (Dāsa).
    Ukraine, S, Russia: Iranian: Alan (Alina), Sarmatian (Śimyu).
    Turkey: Thraco-Phrygian/Armenian: Phryge/Phrygian (Bhṛgu).
    Romania, Bulgaria: Thraco-Phrygian/Armenian: Dacian (Dāsa).
    Greece: Greek: Hellene (Alina).
    Albania: Albanian: Sirmio (Śimyu).

    Further:
    a) The leader of the enemy alliance is Kavi Cāyamāna: Kauui is an Iranian (Avestan) name.
    b) The priest of the enemy alliance is KavaaKaoša is an Iranian (Avestan) name.
    c) Kavi Cāyamāna  of the battle hymn was a descendant of Abhyāvartin Cāyamāna, who is described in the Rigveda (VI.27.8) as a Pārthava. The later Iranian (Avestan) dynasty (after the Iranians migrated westwards from the Rigvedic Greater Punjab into Afghanistan, and composed the Avesta), the oldest Iranian dynasty in historical record (outside the Rigveda) to which belongedZarathushtra's patron king and foremost disciple Vištāspa, is theKavyān (Pahlavi Kayanian) dynasty descended from this sameKavi/Kauui. In later historical times, it is the Parthians (Parthava) who maintained a strong tradition that the kings of the Kavyāndynasty of the Avesta belonged to their tribe.

    In the face of all this very specific and detailed evidence within the hymns, in the form of the actual concrete data in the Rigveda, can these Indological papers, which continue to describe the enemies of Sudās in the Battle of the Ten Kings as linguistic "non-Aryans", without finding it necessary to produce an iota of evidence for this claim, be regarded as anything but lies and trash?

    In the process, Stuhrmann refers to Sudās and the Bharata-s as "the Pūru and Bharata latecomers", and as "Vedic conquerors". Hindu opponents of the AIT will object to these phrases, especially to the idea that the actions of Sudās and the Bharata-s were the actions of "conquerors", and would instead insist that it was a fight  between "good Aryans" (represented by Sudās and the Bharata-s) and "fallen Aryans" (represented by their enemies), and insist that these "good Aryans" were somehow provoked into attacking, or were even fighting in self-defence against, an unholy alliance. However, the two phrases are right, but not in the sense that Stuhrmann uses them: the Pūru-Bharata tribes were indeed imperialistic "conquerors" of the land and territory of other tribes, but they were not originally non-Indian "Aryan/Indo-European" tribes from the west conquering the land of indigenous Indian "non-Aryans/non-Indo-Europeans", they were indigenous Indian "Aryans/Indo-Europeans" (Pūru-s) from the east conquering the land of other equally indigenous Indian "Aryans/Indo-Europeans" (Anu-s) to their west, a normal (if unfortunate) phenomenon of mutually warring and conquering tribes that can be seen in any ancient civilization in the world. And they were "newcomers" not into India, but "newcomers" (as conquerors) from Haryana and western U.P. in the east into the then Punjab area of the Anu-s. Both these groups of tribes were components of what Stuhrmann calls "the Indus civilization" (or, more correctly, "the Indus-Sarasvati civilization").


    II. "From West to East" or "From East to West"?

    Even more brazenly, Stuhrmann tells us: "Along the Bharatas' trail of conquest [….] Sudās had crossed the Ravi from west to east, just as he had, earlier on, the Indus". He repeats the lie: "the Ten Kings battle took place after the crossing of the Ravi river from west to east". And then: "it opened up the further path eastward into the Indian core territory, where the Vedic conquerors followed the carriers of the Indus civilization that had been weakened by tectonic and hydrological changes".

    Let us start examining this trail of lies from the starting point in Stuhrmann's story: the crossing of the Indus river "earlier on" by Sudās:
    The three Oldest Books of the Rigveda, in that order, are 6, 3 and 7. In any case, more relevant to the point under discussion, these are the books associated with the periods of Sudās and his ancestors: "In Book 6 of the Bharadvāja, the Bharatas and their king Divodāsa play a central role" (WITZEL 1995b:332-333), and "Book 3 [….] represents the time of king Sudās" (WITZEL 1995b:317) (as, obviously does book 7, the Book of the Battle of the Ten Kings). In these three Books, the word "Sindhu" is used only in its original etymological sense of "river": except in 8 verses, it is used in the plural in the sense "rivers". In the 8 verses where the word is used in the singular, it refers in every case to a specific "river" whose identity is clear from the reference itself: Vipāś (III.33.3,5; 53.9),Paruṇī (VII.18.5), Yamunā (VII.33.3), Sarasvatī (VII.33.6; 95.1), and the ocean (VII.87.6).
    Nowhere in these three Books is there a single reference even to the Indus river itself, let alone (either in these three Books or elsewhere in the Rigveda) to any "earlier crossing" of the Indus, let alone to any "earlier crossing" of the Indus by Sudās, let alone to any "earlier crossing" of the Indus by Sudās "from west to east". So where do Witzel and Stuhrmann get the information about this "earlier crossing" of the Indus by Sudās "from west to east"? Did Sudās appear in a dream and convey this information to them?

    According to Stuhrmann's fairy-tale (and Witzel's before him), Sudās, and obviously his ancestors before him, were somewhere beyond (to the west of) the Indus river till the time Sudās and the Bharata-s set out on their "trail of conquest". Does the data in the Rigveda support this blatant and brazen lie? See what the geographical data in the Rigveda tells us, for which I will quote from part 2 of my blogspot article:


    a) The geographical area of the Early Old Books (6,3,7 in that order) [….] covers only the eastern parts of the Rigvedic area. These Early Old Books show complete ignorance of western areas, but easy familiarity with and emotional attachment to the eastern areas (in VI.61.16, the composer begs the river Sarasvatī: "let us not go from thee to distant countries"):
    These three oldest books mention the eastern riversGaṅgā/JahnāvīYamunāDṛṣadvatī/Hariyūpīyā/Yavyāvatī,ĀpayāSarasvatīŚutudrīVipāśParuṣṇīAsiknī, but they do notmention the western rivers MarudvṛdhāVitastā,  Ārjīkīyā,SuṣomāSindhu and its western tributaries TriṣṭāmāSusartu,AnitabhāRasāŚvetiShvetyāvarīKubhāKrumuGomatī,SarayuMehatnuPrayiyuVayiyuSuvāstuGaurīKuṣavā, all of which are mentioned in the New Books.
    They mention the eastern place names Kīkaṭa, Iḷāspada (also calledvara ā pṛthivyā or nābhā pṛthivyā, i.e. "the best place on earth" or "the centre of the earth") but they do not mention the western place names SaptasindhavaGandhāri, both of which are mentioned in the New Books.
    They mention the eastern lake Mānuṣā, but they do not mention thewestern lake Śaryaṇāvat(ī) and the western mountains Mūjavat,Suṣom and Arjīk, all of which are mentioned in the New Books.
    They mention eastern animals like the buffalo, the gaur (Indian bison), the elephant, the peacock and the spotted deer, but they do not mention western animals (whose names are found in common with the Avesta) like the uṣṭravarāhamathrachāga,vṛṣṇiurā and meṣha, all of which are mentioned in the New Books.

    b) Further, the western place names, lake name, mountain names and animal names are missing not only in the Early Old Books (6,3,7), but also in the Middle Old Books (4,2) and in the New Book 5: in short, in all the family books. And the river names appearfrom east to west in historical contexts:
    i) The oldest Book 6 refers only to the Sarasvati (which is deified in three whole hymns, VI.61, VII.95-96, and in 52 other verses in the three Early Old Books) and to the rivers east of it: in VI.45.31 the long bushes on the banks of the Gaṅgā figure in a simile (showing their long acquaintance and easy familiarity with the topography and flora of the Gaṅgā area).
    ii) The next Book 3 refers in III.58.6 to the banks of the Jahnāvī(Gaṅgā) as the "ancient homeland" of the Gods. In III.23.3-4, it remembers the establishment of a perpetual sacred fire byDevavāta, a far ancestor of the Rigvedic king Sudas, at Iḷaspada (in Haryana) on the eastern banks of the Sarasvatī. In III.33, it refers for the first time to the first two easternmost rivers of the Punjab, theVipāś and Śutudrī, in the context of the militarist expansion in all directions (after a religious ceremony performed at vara ā pṛthivyāin Haryana) by Sudās, and the reference is to his moving from Haryana into the Punjab and crossing the two rivers with his warriors.
    iii) The next book 7 (which refers to the Yamunā in VII.18.19) describes (in VII.18, and also 19,33 and 83) the dāśarājña battle (the Battle of the Ten Kings) in which Sudās, fighting from the east on the banks of the third easternmost river of the Punjab, theParuṣṇī, fights the coalition of ten Anu tribes who are described (inVII.5.3) as the Asiknī people (as they are fighting from the west, from the direction of the fourth easternmost river of the Punjab, theAsiknī).
    The three Early Old Books (6,3,7) do not refer to rivers further west.
    iv) The Middle Old Book 4 (but not yet the Middle Old Book 2, whose riverine references are restricted to the Sarasvatī) for the first time refers to the Indus (Sindhu) and its western tributaries (Sarayu andRasā), in clear continuation of the earlier westward movement: it refers (in IV.30.18: which, incidentally, is a Redacted Hymn) to the battle fought by Sahadeva and Somakadescendants of Sudās, in an area "beyond the Sarayu".
    In short, the geography of the Rigveda in the period of the oldest book 6 and in the pre-Rigvedic period [….] is completely restricted to the area to the east of the Sarasvatī river, in Haryana and western U.P., which is regarded as "the ancient homeland". Needless to say, there is not the faintest trace in the Rigveda, even at this point of time [….], of any extra-territorial memories or migrations from the totally unknown far western areas.

    c) Even in this oldest period [….], there is not the faintest reference in the Rigveda to any non-Indo-European language speaking (let alone specifically Dravidian or Austric language speaking) people or entities, friend or foe, in the Rigvedic area, past or present,  let alone any reference to the "Aryans" having invaded and displaced them.

    d) Even in this oldest period [….], the rivers in the Rigvedic area have (undeniably or arguably) purely Indo-European names, with no indication that there ever were any other names. [This is a powerful indication of the indigenous nature of the Vedic Aryans. As Witzel points out: “In Europe, river names were found to reflect the languages spoken before the influx of Indo-European speaking populations. They are thus older than c. 4500-2500 B.C. (depending on the date of the spread of Indo-European languages in various parts of Europe).” (WITZEL 1995a:104-105). But, in sharp contrast, “in northern India rivers in general have early Sanskrit names from the Vedic period, and names derived from the daughter languages of Sanskrit later on". (WITZEL 1995a:105). This is "in spite of the well-known conservatism of river names. This is especially surprising in the area once occupied by the Indus Civilisation where one would have expected the survival of older names, as has been the case in Europe and the Near East. At the least, one would expect a palimpsest, as found in New England with the name of the state of Massachussetts next to the Charles river, formerly called the Massachussetts river, and such new adaptations as Stony Brook, Muddy Creek, Red River, etc., next to the adaptations of Indian names such as the Mississippi and the Missouri”].

    In the face of all this clear data in the Rigveda, which shows that the ancestors of Sudās were inhabitants of the areas (in Haryana and eastwards) to the east of the Sarasvati river many generationsbefore Sudās set out on his "trail of conquest", can these Indological papers, which continue to tell us fairy-tales about Sudās starting out "from west to east" from areas beyond (to the west of) the Indus,  and about "the Ten Kings battle" opening up "the further path eastward into the Indian core territory, where the Vedic conquerors followed the carriers of the Indus civilization that had been weakened by tectonic and hydrological changes", without finding it necessary to produce an iota of evidence for these claims, be regarded as anything but lies and trash?


    III. Common Sense and Logic

    This is the state of Western Indology today: the prestigious western Universities, and their respected "scholars", churning out Indological paper after paper full of blatant and brazen trash, completely ignoring the massive historical data in the Rigveda, and retailing centuries-old (and totally discredited) fairy tales about "Vedic conquerors" conquering "non-Aryan indigenous tribes settled on the banks of the Ravi river and belonging to a 'hydraulic' civilization [….] - in other other words: the Indus civilization". To buttress his fairy-tale, Stuhrmann goes a few steps ahead of his colleagues and cites "archeological" evidence about "an unusual high percentage of men, women and children killed by force that are found in the cemeteries and burial pits of late phase Harappa (ch 6)". So he combines his textual "evidence" with archeological "evidence" about Sudās' conquest of "the non-Aryan Indus civilization"!

    While books and research papers (such as mine) failing to uphold the "Aryan Invasion Theory" are completely ignored by the western Indologists, such trash is accepted as academically sound scholarship, published in "peer-reviewed" journals, given doctorates, and quoted as gospel truth (or veda-vākya) by official academic circles all over the world, including or especially in the Indian media and academia.
            
    One reason why this happens is because Indian/Hindu/anti-AIT scholarship is divided into umpteen political slots, and the writers and scholars are more busy pandering to their own religious biases, beliefs and prejudices (and those of their devout fans and admirers), or fighting their own personal ego-battles, than they are interested in countering Falsehood with Truth. In fact, the Truth pinches these scholars more than the Lies of the western Indologists. So, until all anti-AIT scholars, and all those sympathetic to the Indian side in the various "clashes of civilization" taking place in India, decide to keep aside their personal biases and prejudices, and adopt a united stance in support of what is True, Sensible and Logical, and in keeping with the facts and data, this supremacy of Lies and Falsehood will continue to prevail in the field of Indological Studies.



    BIBLIOGRAPHY.

    WITZEL 1995a: Early Indian History: Linguistic and Textual Parameters. Witzel. Michael.  pp. 85-125 in “The Indo-Aryans of Ancient South Asia”, ed. by George Erdosy. Walter de Gruyter. Berlin, 1995.

    WITZEL 1995b: Rgvedic History: Poets, Chieftains and Politics. Witzel, Michael. pp. 307-352 in “The Indo-Aryans of Ancient South Asia”, ed. by George Erdosy. Walter de Gruyter. Berlin.    

    Further comments by Talageri:
    27 June 2017
    Visvamitra was the earlier guru of Sudas, and this is agreed upon by everyone, which makes the reference to the Vipas and Sutudri in Book 3 earlier than the references to the Parusni and Asikni in Book 7. In fact, it is because he is replaced by Vasishtha that Witzel (among many other scholars) have unilaterally decided that Visvamitra was on the side of the enemies of Sudas in the Battle of the Ten kings out of resentment and sense of revenge. Actually, however, Visvamitra is totally absent from this battle, and his role as an enemy of Sudas in this battle is purely a figment of the scholarly imagination of these scholars.
    In fact, Witzel gets so confused by his own mixed-up fairy-tales, that he ends up writing any nonsense. I quote the following from my third book (The Rigveda and the Avesta - The Final Evidence, p.52-53:

    At this point, it may be noted that Witzel, like all liars, gets so entangled in his own lies and fairy tales that he loses track of what he is writing: On the one hand, he writes: “the other tribes began to unite against them [the Bharatas], either due to the intrigues of the ousted Viśvāmitra, or simply because of intratribal resentment. This led to the famous battle of the ten kings which, however, is not mentioned by Book 3, as Viśvāmitra (its author) had by then been displaced by Vasiṣṭha as the purohita of Sudās. There is even the possibility that it was Viśvāmitra who ― in an act of revenge ― forged the alliance against his former chief. Whatever the reason, however, the alliance failed and the Pūrus were completely ousted (7.8.4 etc) along with Viśvāmitra (=Bhṛgu, 7.18.6)” (WITZEL 1995b:334). This fairy tale becomes a staple in all of Witzel’s versions of the events in subsequent papers and articles.

    But, in the very same above article, on the previous page, Witzel writes about Book 3: “This book was composed by Viśvāmitra (and his clan), the purohita of Sudās until his ouster by Vasiṣtha, the reputed author of much of book 7. It praises the dominant position of the Bharata in an area more or less corresponding with the later Kurukṣetra, culminating in an aśvamedha by Sudās to commemorate his triumphs in a late hymn ([footnote] i.e. 3.53.11-14)” (WITZEL 1995b:333). In his critique of my earlier book, Witzel elaborates this further: “RV 3.53.14 clearly speaks of Kurukṣetra and surroundings, some 750 miles to the west. It refers to the performance of the aśvamedha (3.53.11) after Sudās’ victory in the Ten Kings’ Battle (7.18: cf. Witzel 1995)” (WITZEL 2001b:§8). 

    In other words, according to Witzel’s account of the events, Vasiṣṭha ousted Viśvāmitra as the priest of Sudās; and, in revenge, Viśvāmitra led a coalition of tribes in the Ten Kings’ Battle against Sudās and Vasiṣṭha, and was “completely” defeated. And, later, the descendants of Viśvāmitra composed a hymn, III.53, in “praise” and glorification of the Bharatas, in fond memory of the aśvamedha organized to “commemorate” and celebrate the “triumphs” of Sudās and Vasiṣṭha and the defeat and humiliation of their own ancestor Viśvāmitra!         

    Note: Ambi notes, in his comment on 28 June 2017: "Struhmann contradicts Witzel when he refers to Visvamitra as the "new Purohita" after Vasistha and dates the encounter on the Satlaj after the Battle of the Ten Kings! Witzel presents his translation of Struhmann without discussing this disagreement."

    An earlier comment of Talageri:
    It is obvious that this contact between the Purus (Vedic Aryans) and the Hittites was during the period when the proto-Hittite Druhyus were still in Central Asia to the nortwest of Bactria (the "Uttara-madra" people of Puranic memory)before they migrated westwards and southwards into Turkey.
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    https://tinyurl.com/ybechyjt

    Abstract


    Battle of Ten Kings of dāśarājñá in R̥gveda predates Mahābhārata war by two millennia. 

    Belligerents are bhāratam janam, based on texts, geographical information and archaeometallurgical evidence.


    Dating the Battle of Ten Kings (dāśarājñá) documented in R̥gveda to 6th millennium BCE

    For scholars' debates on the texts, see: https://tinyurl.com/yckdognr 

    Battle of R̥gveda texts. Battle of Ten Kings (dāśarājñá) in R̥gveda 


    War narrated in Mahābhārata starts on November 22, 3062 BCE on Bhara

    ṇi nakṣatra day



    The 

    Kuru was born after 25 generations of Puru's dynasty, and after 15 generations  of Kuru, Kauravas and Pandavas were born. Thus, Mahābhārata narratives are far removed in time – about 40 generations or about two millennia -- fromBattle of Ten Kings (dāśarājñá) documented in R̥gveda

     

    Since, start of Mahābhārata war is dated by the Great Epic text itself to November 22, 3062 BCE, the dāśarājñá war predates this by 40 generations or about two millennia.


    Who were the belligerents in dāśarājñá war? 

    Belligerents are bhāratam janam. Bharata were the main group from whom the name is derived and identity proclaimed by ṣi Viśvāmitra in RV 3.53.12: विश्वामित्रस्य रक्षति ब्रह्मेदम भारतं जनम (RV 3.53.12) His prayer, his brahma shall protect the Bharata nation.

    I have suggested that the word bharata is derived from a semantic derivation of bharata as 'metalcaster folk'' from cognate etyma: भरती (p. 353) bharatī a Composed of the metal bharataभरत (p. 353) bharata n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. भरताचें भांडें (p. 353) bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ n A vessel made of the metal भरत.

    Thus, bhāratam janam signifies a grouping of metalworkers across an extensive area surrounding the Sarasvati River Basin. Their work is of fundamental importance in explaining the wealth created for the Rāṣṭram by metalworker guilds. Ancient India recorded 34% of World GDP in 1 CE thanks mainly to this Tin-Bronze Revolution.

    I suggest that the dāśarājñá covering the following people groups is related to equitable sharing of wealth resources, with particular reference to metalwork and access to water resources from the Himalayan glacial waters flowing through various river systems.

    Tr̥tsu people, a sub-group of Puru, but distinct from Bharata-s are led to victory by King Sudāsa. RV 7.33.5 refers to Tr̥tsu surrounded by ten kings who led ten groups of people with names such as Alina, Parsu etc.

    Alinas are people north-east of Nuristan, because the land was mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang.

    Parsu (Parśu) - have been connected with the Persians This is based on the evidence of an Assyrian inscription from 844 BCE referring to the Persians as Parshu, and the Behistun Inscription of Darius I of Persia referring to Parsa as the home of the Persians.

    Panis: are the name of a class of merchants, later associated with the Scythians.

    Puru are a confederation of clans, mentioned many times in the RigvedaRV 7.96.2 locates them at the banks of the Sarasvati River. There were several factions of Purus, one being the Bharatas

    Bhr̥gus: Probably the priestly family descended from the ancient Kavi Bhr̥gu. According to Manusmriti, Bhrigu was a compatriot of and lived during the time of ManuBhrigu had his Ashram (Hermitage) on the Vadhusar River, a tributary of the Drishadwati River near Dhosi Hill in the Vedic state of Brahmavarta, presently on the border of Haryana and Rajasthan in India.

    Bhalanas: Fought against Sudas in the Dasarajna battle. Some scholars have argued that the Bhalanas lived in the Bolan Pass area. Some scholars have argued that the Bhalanas lived in Eastern Afghanistan Kabulistan, and that the Bolan Pass derives its name from the Bhalanas.

    Druhyus normally mentioned with the Anu people. Epic and the Puranas, locate Druhyu-s in the "north", that is, in Gandhara, Aratta and Setu. (Vishnu Purana IV.17) The Druhyus were driven out of the land of the seven rivers, and their next king, Gandhara, settled in a north-western region which became known as Gandhāra.

    Anu. mentioned with Turvaśa people. Ānava, the vrddhi derivation of Anu, is the name of a ruler in the Rigvedic account of the Battle of the Ten Kings (7.18.13). Some scholrs place Anu in the Paruṣṇī (Ravi) area.

    तुर्वशTurvaśa  lived southeast of the Sarasvati river region.  Puranas dynasties of the South India,including the Cholas, PandyasCheras have descended from the Turvaśa. (Asiatic Society of Bombay, Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Bombay Branch. Journal, Volume 24. Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. p. 49.)

    Matsya is a kingdom located south of the Kurus, and west of the Yamuna river which separated it from the kingdom of the Panchalas. It roughly corresponded to the former state of Jaipur in Rajasthan, and included the whole of HindaunAlwar with portions of Bharatpur. The capital of Matsya was at Viratanagari (present-day Bairat) which is said to have been named after its founder king, Virata. In Pali literature, the Matsya tribe is usually associated with the Surasena. The western Matsya was the hill tract on the north bank of the Chambal River.

    Yadu (metaphored at yaku), later  Yadu Ahiras aka yadava. According to P. L. Bhargava, when the original territory was partitioned between Sahasrajit and Kroṣṭa, the former received the part lying to the western bank of the river Sindhu and the latter received the territory situated along the east bank of the river.

    See: 

    Battle of R̥gveda texts. Battle of Ten Kings (dāśarājñá) in R̥gveda 


    Chandravanshi lineage, according to Purāṇa-s:


    Brahma -> Atri -> Chandra -> Budha (married to Manu's daughter Ila) -> Pururava -> Ayu -> Nahusha -> Yayāti -

    Yayāti divided up his kingdom into five quarters (VP IV.10.1708). To Turvaśa he gave the southeast (Bay of Bengal); to Druhyu the west Gāndhāra; to Yadu the south (By Arabian sea); to Anu the north Punjab; and to Puru the center (Sarasvati region) as the supreme king of Earth.

    Por (King Porus in Greek Chronicles) (until c. 320 BC), descendant of the Pandava dynasty, ruled between the Jhelum and Chenab (Hydaspes and Acesines in Greek) Rivers (ie.near Srinagar), fought Alexander in the Battle of the Hydaspes River—the eastern terminus of Alexander the Great's empire.


    The dynasty of king Yadu - Andhak, Vr̥ṣṇi and Bhoj, under the leadership of Śri Kr̥ṣṇ a, helped the Pāṇḍava-s win the battle. According to Puranic tradition, the war occurred 95 generations after Manu Vaivasvata.The Puranas state that there are 1,050 years between Parikshit of the Kurus and the last Kuru king at the time of Mahāpadma Nanda.


    Locus of dāśarājñá, river systems and resource maps

    The following maps may have to be related, after further multi-disciplinary researches--including ancient pyrotechnologies, archaeometallurgy, migrations of river channels, archaeological excavations along Sarasvati River Basin -- to detail the contributions madeby the specific groups of people to the wealth of the nation.


    No automatic alt text available.Image result for baudhayana migrations

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    22 Ancient Gold Plates Inscribed with Names of Gods Unearthed in Stone Box in Java

    Twenty-two small gold plates with divine symbols and characters have been unearthed in central Java, a large island in the Indonesian archipelago. When archaeologists went to investigate, they found a candi (Buddhist or Hindu temple) in the same location as the stone box in which the gold plates were discovered.
    Workers constructing a water aquifer project struck gold when they found the box with the gold plates that date to the 8 th century AD, says a story about the find on The Jakarta Post online.
    An example of fine candi or temple on Java
    An example of fine candi or temple on Java ( Wikimedia Commons photo /Anandajoti)
    The workers found the small gold plates in a pile of stones in Ringilarik village, Musuk district in the Boyolali area of Central Java, an island that is presently home to more than 100 million people.
    The gold plates are 18 karat gold and are inscribed in ancient Javanese letters, Gutomo of the Central Java Heritage Conservation Agency told The Jarkarta Post.
    The Post article says the inscriptions give the names of the cardinal and ordinal directions of the wind gods, called Dewa Lokapala, of the old Hindu-based religion of Java.
    “We recorded eight names of wind Gods. We have also declared the location as a heritage site,” Gutomo told The Jarkarta Post.
    A Buddhist stupa in India. Much smaller stupas have been found recently on the Indonesian island of Java.
    A Buddhist stupa in India. Much smaller stupas have been found recently on the Indonesian island of Java. (Wikimedia Commons photo/ Nandanupadhyay)
    The owner of the land and the workers who discovered the gold plates will get some monetary compensation.
    So far in 2016, people have made three big discoveries of ancient features in Boyolali, including another candi foundation that a brick maker found in April in the Giriroto village Ngemplak district. He found a Mahakala statue in the candi ruins.
    Mahakala is a fierce, wrathful protector aspect of Buddhism’s Bodhisattva of Infinite Compassion, Avalokiteshvara. Mahakala is also identified in a story on IB Times as an avatar of Shiva, the great god of Hinduism.
    Mahakala, seen here in a statue from Tibet, is described variously as an aspect of the Bodhisattva of Infinite Compassion and of Shiva.
    Mahakala, seen here in a statue from Tibet, is described variously as an aspect of the Bodhisattva of Infinite Compassion and of Shiva. ( Wikimedia Commons photo /Daderot)
    Shiva is identified with another ancient god of India and Java, Rudra, who is associated with winds and storms, apparently like the Dewa Lokapala. It is said “Shiva” originated as an epithet of the earlier Rudra, who is known as “mightiest of the mighty.”
    In the final age, the Indian gods Rudra and Vishnu will incarnate in one person as Kalkin-Rudra to save the world from the intensifying horrors of the final age.
    Of Mahakala as Avalokiteshvara, the Web page Thranguhk.org states :
    “This tutelary deity is one of the Dharmapalas in Vajrayana Buddhism who defend the Dharma from corruption and degeneration and from forces hostile to it; to keep the site of the ritual free from impure thoughts and actions; to guide and protect the individual practitioner from all kinds of deception and delusion; bestow the power to overcome life struggles; and to eliminate one’s obstacles and impediment that hinders.”
    Experts estimated the statue dates to the ninth century, a period when Shiva Hinduism was ascendant in Java. Earlier at the same location, a Nandeswara statue was discovered.
    In another village, Nepen, four stupas or dome-shaped Buddhist shrines about 1.5 meters (5 feet) tall, were discovered.
    Featured image: Gold plates found in Java ( Jakarta Post / Ganug Nugroho Adi )

    Ancient gold plates found in Boyolali

    • Ganug Nugroho Adi
      Ganug Nugroho Adi
      The Jakarta Post
    Jakarta | Thu, September 8, 2016 | 12:06 pmAncient gold plates found in BoyolaliLucky find: Ancient gold plates are found in a stone box in Ringinlarik village in Musuk district, Boyolali, on Sept. 7. (JP/Ganug Nugroho Adi)
    Construction workers have found 22 small gold plates estimated to date back to the eighth century, in Ringilarik village, Musuk district, Boyolali in Central Java.
    The workers were digging as part of activities of a water aquifer project when they hit a box made of stone. The stone box was found among rocks piled up after digging.
    At the end of July, the structure of a candi (Buddhist or Hindu temple) was also found at the same location.
    Sumardi, 42, one of the workers, said the box had a lid and looked like jewelry box.
    Gutomo, an official with the Central Java Heritage Conservation Agency (BPCB) confirmed the gold found was 18 carats. Each plate has an inscription in ancient Javanese letters. The inscriptions are names of cardinal and ordinal directions of Dewa Lokapala’s wind Gods.
    “We recorded eight names of wind Gods. We have also declared the location as a heritage site,” Gutomo said.
    He said the BPCB would give compensation to those who found the plates, as well as the landowner.  
    Throughout 2016, Boyolali has seen three findings. In April, a brick maker found a Mahakala statue and a candi foundation when he was digging in Giriroto village in Ngemplak district.
    The statue was estimated to be from the Shiva Hindu period in the ninth century. It was found at a depth of 30 centimeters. In March, at the same location, a Nandeswara statue was found.
    At separate places in Nepen village, four stupas were found. One measured 1.5 meters in height with a diameter of 1 meter.
    http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2016/09/08/ancient-gold-plates-found-in-boyolali.html

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    https://tinyurl.com/ybsuk2pj

    The monograph URL cited below suggested the date of 5th millennium for the dāśarājñá, battle of ten kings detailed in R̥gveda

    See: https://tinyurl.com/y95mn2gq Evidence presented for dāśarājñá war of 5th millennium BCE among bhāratam janam 


    The date of 5h millennium BCE was suggested based on the Mahābhārata narratives (which have been dated precisely to 4th millennium BCE (thanks to astronomical information provided in the Great Epic, which constitute skymaps of calendar of events; the Mahābhārata war started on November 22, 3067 BCE). The Great Epic events are far removed in time – about 40 generations or about one millennium -- from Battle of Ten Kings (dāśarājñá) documented in R̥gveda; hence, the date of dāśarājñá, battle of ten kings was suggested as 5th millennium BCE.

    I find that this suggested date of 5th millennium BCE is consistent with the R̥gveda astronomical references discussed by Narahari Achar.


    Narahari Achar has provided further astronomical insights to date Vedic R̥ṣi-s in a path-breaking monograph:  B. N. Narahari Achar, 2012, Chronology of Vedic R̥ṣi-s -- An Archaeoastronomical Approach, in: Vedic Venues,  No.1, 2012) (embedded). The observations of Narahari Achar are consistent with the observations of other scholars who identifyi astronomical information provided in ancient Veda texts. Time reckoning was integral to the processes detailed for the performance of yajña-s. Time as mahākāla is divine and sacred and is a dimension which links cosmic phenomena and terrestrial activities.

    Narahari Achar traces astronomical knowledge of a Vedic text of 1800 BCE, Vedānga Jyotia to R̥gveda: “Astronomy was essential in determining the proper times for performing the ritual yajna…a discussion of a number of misrepresentations about the concepts of astronomy in R̥gveda. After presenting a new list of identification of Vedic nakatras with modern names of asterisms using simulations with planetarium software, the dates of Śatapatha Brāhmaa and the Mahābhārata war are discussed.” (Achar, Narahari, opcit., p.29). Narahari Achar dates the Śatapatha Brāhmaa text to 3000 BCE.. His dating of the start of the Mahābhāratawar (Nov. 22, 3067 BCE) has already been mentioned.


    Extending the arguments, Narahari Achar demonstrates selected astronomical references in R̥gveda and other Veda texts. One such reference relates to the ‘Frog song’ in R̥gveda:

    “The so called Frog Song”, is the famous maṇḍūka sūktain R̥gveda VII.103. Jacobi finds in this maṇḍūka sūktaa reference to the beginning of the year in the rainy season, which  ccurs after the summer solstice. According to Jacobi, the first rainy month was bhādrapada, the full moon near the nakatra proṣṭhapada with the summer solstice occurring in the uttaraphalgunīnakatra. Jacobi finds support for his argument from the ritual of upākaraṇa mentioned in the dharma and gr̥hya sūtra-s... Nirukta also indicates that this hymn is an invocation by vasiṣṭha to parjanya for rainfall. Law indicates that summer solstice in uttaraphalgunīalso corresponds to vernal equinox in mr̥gaśiras.” (opcit., p.57)


    Narahari Achar finds this astronomical information drawn from Rgveda text, Narahari Achar matches with the skymaps of dates 4240-3820 BCE. (Figures 9 and 10 opcit.)





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    https://tinyurl.com/ybgaekkc

    Wars of Sudāsa, are narrated in  R̥gveda. Sudāsa is a Bharata. His wars are a reference to his gaining control over metalwork resources, by acquisition of wealth of bharata, 'copper-zinc-tin alloys'. Led by King Sudāsa, Tr̥tsu people and perhaps Matsya people defeated the Puru confederacy in Battle of ten kings dāśarājñá in R̥gveda of 5th millenniu BCE.

    Archaeological evidences for the people may be found along the River basins of Sarasvati and Ganga-Yamuna doab with particular reference to the artifacts discovered in Sarasvati Civilisation and Copper Hoard Cultures.


    See: https://tinyurl.com/y95mn2gq Evidence presented for dāśarājñá war of 5th millennium BCE among bhāratam janam

    See: https://tinyurl.com/ybsuk2pj Battle of ten kings dāśarājñá in R̥gveda, Date of 5th millennium BCE validated by skymaps 


    Bhārata भारत, lit. means "descended from Bharata", i.e. 'descended from bharata alloy-metalworkers.'


    Both guru-s Viśvāmitra and Vasiṣṭha eulogise the victories of King Sudāsa, who is a Bharata. The several battles in which Sudāsa, a Bharata, is involved point to the conflicts during the Tin-Bronze Age for control over the wealth acquired through metalwork, particularly of hard alloys like bharata. The words: baranbharat 'mixed alloys' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi. Marathi). I suggest that the name of the group of people is derived from bharata, 'hard alloy metalworkers', who started working with hard alloys from ca. 5th millennium BCE (attested by archaeo-metallurgy). I further suggest that these artisans are referred to firmly establishing their identity as Bhāratam Janam (RV 3.53.12). The expression can be translated as 'people who are bharata, hard-alloy metalworkers'. The control over acquisition of resources for wealth of a nation is achieved by Indra's thunderbolt (vajra) which is a recurrent metaphor in the R̥gveda. Vajra has two meanings: 'thunderbolt weapon', 'adamantine metall