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Stolen Amaravati relief exhibited by Louvre Abu Dhabi. Louvre, return it to Amaravati.

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Artefact at Louvre raises doubt

CHENNAI , NOVEMBER 11, 2017 23:33 IST

Amarnath stupa is displayed in Louvre Museum in Dubai.   | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement

Amaravati relief could have been procured from Subhash Kapoor, says researcher


The prestigious Louvre Museum has had a grand opening of its Abu Dhabi branch. But even before the inauguration, charges started flying that the artefacts on display include one allegedly procured from antique smuggler Subhash Kapoor.
S. Vijayakumar, a heritage enthusiast of India Pride, said, “We are shocked to notice that the list of prestigious buys include a relief from Amaravati. Our research shows that this was a direct purchase from Subhash Kapoor. Hope they can acknowledge this piece and ensure that the Louvre’s famous clean-up policy starts from home.”
Mr. Vijayakumar claimed that a video of the new museum available on Saturday clearly showed that the Amaravati artefact was very much on display.
This fragment was sold by Subhash Kapoor and it has now been proven that Kapoor’s associates in India sold similar Amaravati fragments to him.
A few of them were secured from the now arrested smuggler Deenadayalan’s godown in Chennai during a raid last year.
 
Sourcing Amaravati fragments from Chennai, Kapoor reportedly sold to the National Gallery of Australia, Asian Civilizations Museum in Singapore and the Louvre.
Following the raid, investigators said Deenadayalan might have been behind the looting of artefacts from Amaravati, an important archaeological site in Andhra Pradesh where he grew up. A few Amaravati architectural fragments were seized from him.
Mr. Vijayakumar claims that the Louvre has not made the provenance paperwork on this purchase public, adding that it was rather evident in the cover photo of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) press release,” Mr. Vijayakumar said.
Art enthusiasts say that the best practice is for such prestigious institutions to review their collections and be inspired by the National Gallery of Australia and take efforts to return objects that are proven to be stolen.
A.G. Ponn Manickavel, Inspector General of Police, Idol Wing, told The Hindu, “If any one provides conclusive evidence that the artefact to be displayed at the Louvre’s new unit in Abu Dhabi was stolen from India, we will not hesitate to initiate action and bring it back.”
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tamil-nadu/artefact-at-louvre-raises-doubt/article20242825.ece?homepage=true

Stolen Amaravati Relief in Louvre Abudhabi with Indus Script hypertext message of metals manufactory

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Stolen Amaravati relief exhibited by Louvre Abu Dhabi. Louvre, return it to Amaravati.

This note demonstrates that the Amaravati relief is an Indus Script hypertext to signify wealth-accounting ledger. The expression signified is: 
phaḍa फड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers.

The spoked wheel with the Śrivatsa hieroglyphs superimposed on many spokes is an Indus Script hypertext.

 
arā 'spoke of wheel' arye 'lion' rebus: āra 'brass' eraka 'knave of wheel' rebus: arka 'gold', eraka 'moltencast copper'.


Orthography of Śrivatsa hypertext is clearly seen on the Sanchi toraṇa.

Śrivatsa hypertext is clearly seen on the Sanchi toraṇa.


aya 'fish' aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus:dul 'metal casting' PLUS 
khambhaā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaa 'mint, coinage, coiner'


Śrivatsa hypertext ligatured to many spokes of the wheel contains a hieroglyph 'seed, stone, pebble': goa, ‘seed’ rebus: goi, ‘silver, laterite, ferrite ore’.


skambha 'pillar' rebus:
kammaa 'mint, coinage, coiner'


That the locale is phaḍā is reinforced by other hieroglyphs.

Hieroglyph: throne: pāṭa ʻ plain, throne ʼ (Oriya)(CDIAL 7699)

Hieroglyph: turban: paṭṭa  m. ʻ cloth, woven silk ʼ Kāv., ʻ bandage, fillet turban, diadem ʼ MBh ; NiDoc. paṭa ʻ roll of silk ʼ Lüders Textilien 24; Pk. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ cloth, clothes, turban ʼ(CDIAL 7700) Rebus: phaḍā 'metals manufactory'

Dancers flanking the pillar signify that the celebration is taking place in a फडा (p. 313phaḍā 'A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.)'

Hieroglyph: फडा (p. 313phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c. Ta. patam cobra's hood. Ma. paṭam id. Ka. peḍe id. Te. paḍaga id. Go. (S.) paṛge, (Mu.) baṛak, (Ma.) baṛki, (F-H.) biṛki hood of serpent (Voc. 2154). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9040, Skt. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā- id. For IE etymology, see Burrow, The Problem of Shwa in Sanskrit, p. 45.(DEDR 47) Rebus: phaḍa फड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers.
फडपूस (p. 313) phaḍapūsa f (फड & पुसणें) Public or open inquiry. फडफरमाश or  (p. 313) phaḍapharamāśa or sa f ( H & P) Fruit, vegetables &c. furnished on occasions to Rajas and public officers, on the authority of their order upon the villages; any petty article or trifling work exacted from the Ryots by Government or a public officer.  फडनिविशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniviśī or sī & फडनिवीस Commonly फडनिशी & फडनीसफडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीसफडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain). फडझडती (p. 313) phaḍajhaḍatī f sometimes फडझाडणी f A clearing off of public business (of any business comprehended under the word फड q. v.): also clearing examination of any फड or place of public business. फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्याचा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nach house, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singing shop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work, as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊसवांग्यामिरच्याखरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चालपडघालमांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फड पडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फड मारणेंराखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फड मारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्या मापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडास येणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. Ta. paṭṭaṭai, paṭṭaṟai anvil, smithy, forge. Ka. paṭṭaḍe, paṭṭaḍi anvil, workshop. Te. paṭṭika, paṭṭeḍa anvil; paṭṭaḍa workshop.(DEDR 3865)

goi, ‘silver, laterite’ are signified by goa, ‘seed’ hieroglyph.

 

Hieroglyph: seed, something round: *ṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goae &c. listed DED 1722]K. goh f., dat. °i f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠ou m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. go f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goo ʻ piece ʼ, goi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. go ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, gui ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. gof. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. go m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, gouā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ ( K. goa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. go ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*ḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *ṭṭa -- : also Ko. u ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Ta. koṭṭai seed of any kind not enclosed in chaff or husk, nut, stone, kernel; testicles; (RS, p. 142, items 200, 201) koṭṭākacci, koṭṭācci coconut shell. Ma. koṭṭakernel of fruit, particularly of coconut, castor-oil seed; kuaṭṭa, kuraṭṭa kernel; kuraṇṭi stone of palmfruit. Ko. ke testes; scrotum. Ka. koṭṭe, goae stone or kernel of fruit, esp. of mangoes; goṭṭa mango stone. Ko. koraṇḍi id. Tu. koṭṭè kernel of a nut, testicles; koṭṭañji a fruit without flesh; koṭṭayi a dried areca-nut; koratu kernel or stone of fruit, cashew-nut; goṭṭu kernel of a nut as coconut, almond, castor-oil seed. Te. kuriī dried whole kernel of coconut. Kol. (Kin.) gova stone of fruit. Nk. goage stone of fruit. Kur. goṭā any seed which forms inside a fruit or shell. Malt. goa a seed or berry. / Cf. words meaning 'fruit, kernel, seed' in Turner, CDIAL, no. 4271 (so noted by Turner).(DEDR 2069) Rebus: khōa 'alloy ingot' (Marathi)

 



Call for papers, International Conf. Bengaluru June 29 to July 1, 2018 Dr SR Rao Foundation

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We would like to invite you to submit an abstract for participation in the International Conference on

The Growth and Development of Indian Culture: Historical and Literary  Perspectives  (Prehistoric Period - 12th century CE) which will be held in Bengaluru, India on June29-July 1, 2018

Sponsors: Dr. S.R.Rao Memorial Foundation for Indian Archaeology, Art and Culture; IGNCA,             Archaeological Survey of India (ASI); ICHR

Activities: Archaeological tours to historical sites

                  Book and Art Exhibition, Cultural Programs

                  Publication of papers

Website: http://www.srraofoundation.org/international-conference.html


We do hope you can contribute to our academic activities.

My best regards

Nalini Rao

Prof of Art History

Chair of Memorial Foundation

Indo-Pacific Hindu mahāsāgar parivār, the Rāṣṭram of R̥gveda

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RV 10.125 is called Rāṣṭrī Sūkta using the feminine gender of Rāṣṭram. The Devatā of the kta is ātmā, 'the phenomenon of sensation, life and consciousness'. Griffith translation of the soliloquy by Vāgdevi, RV 10.125: 


अहम् राष्ट्री संगमनी वसूनां ...


1. I TRAVEL with the Rudras and the Vasus, with the Adityas and AllGods- I wander.
I hold aloft both Varuna and MitraIndra and Agni, and the Pair of Asvins.
2 I cherish and sustain highswelling- Soma, and Tvastar I support, Pusan, and Bhaga.
I load with wealth the zealous sdcrificer who pours the juice and offers his oblation
3 I am the Queen, the gathererup- of treasures, most thoughtful, first of those who merit worship.
Thus Gods have stablished me in many places with many homes to enter and abide in.
4 Through me alone all eat the food that feeds them, each man who sees, brewhes, hears the word
outspoken
They know it not, but yet they dwell beside me. Hear, one and all, the truth as I declare it.
5 1, verily, myself announce and utter the word that Gods and men alike shall welcome.
I make the man I love exceeding mighty, make him a sage, a Rsi, and a Brahman.
6 I bend the bow for Rudra that his arrow may strike and slay the hater of devotion.
I rouse and order battle for the people, and I have penetrated Earth and Heaven.
7 On the worlds' summit I bring forth the Father: my home is in the waters, in the ocean.
Thence I extend over all existing creatures, and touch even yonder heaven with my forehead.
8 I breathe a strong breath like the wind and tempest, the while I hold together all existence.
Beyond this wide earth and beyond the heavens I have become so mighty in my grandeur.

map 2
China is Zhong-guo meaning “Middle Kingdom”. In Indo-Pacific, India is central, not China.
map1
http://www.news18.com/news/india/indo-pacific-what-the-new-us-construct-means-for-india-1574601.html

India, Aus, Japan and US discuss cooperation in Indo-Pacific

Updated: Nov 12, 2017 | 13:58 IST | PTI
Indo-Pacific regionThe Indian side highlighted India's Act East Policy as the cornerstone of its engagement in the Indo-Pacific region.   | Photo Credit: Indiatimes
Manila: Officials from India, Australia, the US and Japan met here on Sunday and discussed issues relating to cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region, seen as a first move to set up a quadrilateral grouping to pursue common interests in the strategically key area.
The external affairs ministry said the discussions focused on cooperation based on converging vision and values for the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in an increasingly inter-connected region.
"They agreed that a free, open, prosperous and inclusive Indo-Pacific region serves the long-term interests of all countries in the region and of the world at large. The officials also exchanged views on addressing common challenges of terrorism and proliferation linkages impacting the region as well as on enhancing connectivity," it said in a statement.The Indian side highlighted India's Act East Policy as the cornerstone of its engagement in the Indo-Pacific region.
Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono last month had said that Tokyo favours a dialogue between Japan, the US, India and Australia to further boost strategic partnership among them.
The move to set up the quadrilateral comes in the backdrop of growing Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea. The US has been favouring a larger role for India in the strategically key Indo-Pacific region.
Reacting to the Japanese move, India had said it was open to working with like-minded countries on issues that advance its interests.
The US had said it was looking at a "working-level" quadrilateral meeting in the near term with India, Japan and Australia. 

India, Japan, U.S., Australia hold first ‘Quad’ talks at Manila ahead of ASEAN Summit

Talks over dinner: Prime Minister Narendra Modi with U.S. President Donald Trump, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and other leaders at a dinner in Manila on Sunday.   | Photo Credit: PTI

‘Open’ and inclusive regional vision and anti-terrrorism cooperation were discussed.

Beginning a diplomatic initiative, India on Sunday participated in the first formal official-level discussions here under the recently floated regional coalition known as the ‘Quad’, the quadrilateral formation that includes Japan, India, United States and Australia. The quadrilateral talks were held even as Prime Minister Narendra Modi interacted with Premier Shinzo Abe of Japan and U.S. President Donald Trump at a gala dinner thrown by President Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines for the leaders who are here to participate in the 31st ASEAN and the 12th East Asia summits.
“The discussions focussed on cooperation based on their converging vision and values for promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in an increasingly inter-connected region that they share with each other and with other partners. They agreed that a free, open, prosperous and inclusive Indo-Pacific region serves the long-term interests of all countries in the region and of the world at large. The officials also exchanged views on addressing common challenges of terrorism and proliferation linkages impacting the region as well as on enhancing connectivity,” the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) said in a statement on the quadrilateral.
A statement from the U.S. State Department said the discussions would continue as the partners were “committed to deepening cooperation, which rests on a foundation of shared democratic values and principles.”However, indicating the simmering regional tension with China and Beijing’s assertiveness over the South China Sea issue, a statement from the Australian Foreign Ministry informed that freedom of navigation was discussed at the ‘Quad.’ It said, “Upholding the rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific and respect for international law, freedom of navigation and overflight; increase(ed) connectivity; ... challenges of countering terrorism and upholding maritime security in the Indo-Pacific” were also discussed.
The Indian team at the ‘Quad’ consisted of the Joint Secretary in charge of the East Asia division in MEA, Pranay Verma, and the Joint Secretary in charge of South division, Vinay Kumar.
The leaders of the quadrilateral countries, Mr. Abe, Mr. Modi, and Mr. Trump participated in the dinner dressed in the Barong Tagalog, the traditional Filipino shirt for men.
The event was also attended by Premiers Li Keqiang of China and Dmitry Medvedev of Russia.
The U.S.’s statement indicated that further cooperation “to curtail DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea)’s nuclear and missile programmes and unlawful acts” were also on the agenda of Sunday’s discussions.
Indian official sources emphasised that the quadrilateral was not aimed at any other country and said New Delhi was also involved in similar groupings in the region to deal with security and political issues.
The quadrilateral meeting is significant as it was held in the backdrop of the comments by the Chinese Premier urging reduction in tension over regional issues like the South China Sea dispute. “The wise expand common ground while the unwise aggravate differences,” said Premier Li in a newspaper article, defending the Chinese position in the dispute.

    Discovery of 5th century BCE fire-worship in Oluz Höyük settlement in Toklucak village, Amasya Province, Turkey

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    Ancient Persian temple discovered in northern Turkey could rewrite religious history

    November 6, 2017
    Artifacts uncovered at the ancient Persian Oluz Höyük settlement in Toklucak village, Amasya province, Turkey (AA Photo).
    Artifacts uncovered at the ancient Persian Oluz Höyük settlement in Toklucak village, Amasya province, Turkey (AA Photo).

    Archaeologists have uncovered an ancient Persian temple from the fifth century B.C. in Turkey's northern Amasya province that could rewrite the history of the region.
    Istanbul University Archaeology Professor Şevket Dönmez said discoveries at the ancient Persian Oluz Höyük settlement in Toklucak village have the potential to change long-held notions of religion and culture in Anatolia.
    In 11 seasons of excavations, the team uncovered thousands of artifacts, as well as temple structure.
    "In this settlement from the fifth century B.C., we discovered a temple complex which is related to a fire culture, more precisely to the early Zoroastrian religion, or to the very original religious life of Anatolian people," Dönmez told Anadolu Agency.
    Zoroastrianism, one of the world's oldest extant religions, is believed to have originated from the prophet Zoroaster in present-day Iran. The discovery of a temple for fire worship suggests the religion may have had roots in Anatolia, as well.
    "No 2,500-year-old artifacts have been found in Iran, yet they appeared in Anatolia. [With this discovery] Anatolia has entered the sacred geography of today's Zoroastrians," said Dönmez.
    Describing the temple, Dönmez said it includes a holy room for burning fires and other stone-paved areas with many goods used in worship practices.
    "They built a massive religion system here," added Dönmez.
    Dönmez also said Oluz Höyük is the only known Persian settlement in the region.
    Excavations at Oluz Höyük started in 2007, after the site was first discovered during surface research near Tokluca village in 1999.
    Dönmez and his team plan to continue research work at the site, possibly working on restoring the temple area in the future.
    https://www.dailysabah.com/history/2017/11/06/ancient-persian-temple-discovered-in-northern-turkey-could-rewrite-religious-history

    Mahābhārata, Resource for Bhāratīya Arthaśastra Itihāsa 1. an ādhyātmikā enquiry, 2. an Itihāsa, narration of historical events

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    https://tinyurl.com/ych547ga

    See: https://tinyurl.com/y8sqqg7o

    There are two streams of thought in the Great Epic, Mahābhārata



    First stream relates to:Karma, svabhāva, Daiva with an exposition on ingredients of māyā, besides guṇa-s.


    The second stream relates to Itihāsa, narration of historical events


    Stream 1: ādhyātmikā enquiry



    Is ātmā master of self? Or Daiva, destiny (jyotiṣa)? Or karma (mīmāmsaka)? Or svabhāva (Lokāyatika)? (SB 1.17.19) There is no higher cause for happiness and distress besides one’s own work (Nāstika)


    “Some authorities in the science of action [karma] point to human initiative (puruṣakāra) [as the cause of events]. However, other learned scholars say [that it is a matter of] destiny (Daiva), [while] the materialists [say that] nature (svabhāva or character) [is responsible]. But yet others [maintain that] human initiative, action (karma) and destiny are [nothing but] the naturally-occurring product of [previous] mental states. These three [factors] are inseparable, without distinction. [It is argued] ‘it is like that: it is not like that’ how the world comes into being.” – Vyāsa



    Stream 2: Itihāsa, narration of historical events


    Historicity of Mahābhārata is recognized in the names of regions and janapada-s which are repeatedly referred to in ancient texts and inscriptions. Almost all the place-/region-names shown on the map of 6th century BCE occur in the Great Epic.


    There are two streams of thought in the Great Epic, Mahābhārata


    First stream relates to:Karma, svabhāva, Daiva with an exposition on ingredients of māyā, besides guṇa-s.


    The second stream relates to Itihāsa, narration of historical events

    Stream 1: ādhyātmikā enquiry


    Is ātmā master of self? Or Daiva, destiny (jyotiṣa)? Or karma (mīmāmsaka)? Or svabhāva (Lokāyatika)? (SB 1.17.19) There is no higher cause for happiness and distress besides one’s own work (Nāstika)


    “Some authorities in the science of action [karma] point to human initiative (puruṣakāra) [as the cause of events]. However, other learned scholars say [that it is a matter of] destiny (Daiva), [while] the materialists [say that] nature (svabhāva or character) [is responsible]. But yet others [maintain that] human initiative, action (karma) and destiny are [nothing but] the naturally-occurring product of [previous] mental states. These three [factors] are inseparable, without distinction. [It is argued] ‘it is like that: it is not like that’ how the world comes into being.” – Vyāsa


    Stream 2: Itihāsa, narration of historical events

    Historicity of Mahābhārata is recognized in the names of regions and janapada-s which are repeatedly referred to in ancient texts and inscriptions. Almost all the place-/region-names shown on the map of 6th century BCE occur in the Great Epic.

    Historicity of Mahābhārata


    This article is based on the information that I found in March 1995 issue of Saptagiri published in Telugu by Tirumala Tirupati Devastānam, authored by Shrii Janamaddi Hanumanta Rao. The article itself was based on the research effort by Professor K. Srinivasa Raghavan. The research was acclaimed by several famous pundits of Pancānga Shaastra including the Secretary of the All India Pancānga Samskarana Sangha, Pandit Radhashyaam Shāstri from Hariyana, and Vice chancellor of Sourashtra University, Shrii D.R. Mankad, etc.


    Based on the astrological information provided by Veda Vyāsa (Position of the stars etc), Mahābhārata war was estimated to have started on 3067B.C. on 22nd November. On the day of the war, the astrological positions of the Sun, Moon, Rahu, Saturn, Guru, Mangala and Sukra planets have been described by Vyāsa. By looking at the position based on Pancāngam, Indian Calendar, and matching with the position of the stars described by Vyāsa and comparing with the Julian Calendar, one can arrive at the precise dates for the war. Furthermore all other related incidents that took place before and after the war were described in Mahābhārata, and the dates for these can be precisely matched with the Julian calendars, as discussed bellow.


    Shrii Kr̥ṣṇa made a last minute effort to make peace but failed. He left the Upaplaavya city on Kārtiika Shuddha Dvādasi day in Revati Nakshatra (star) between 7:36 8:24AM. He reached Hastinaapura in Bharani Nakshatra, and had discussions with the Kouravās till Pushyami Nakshatra. The day Duryodhana rejected the peace proposal was Kr̥ṣṇa Pancami. Kr̥ṣṇa left Hastinaapura, and had consultations with KarNa before he departed. (He revealed to KarNa that he was the eldest son of Kunti) on Uttara Palghuni day. Kr̥ṣṇa informed KarNa that Duryodhana must get ready to fight, seventh day from that day, which will be Amaavāsya day (New-moon day) with JyeshTa Nakshatra. Kr̥ṣṇa returned to Upaplāvya city on Chitta Nakshatra. Three days after that on Anuradha Nakshatra Balarama came to Upaplāvya. Next Pushya Nakshtra day Pāṇḍavās left with Kr̥ṣṇa to Kurukshetra.


    Fifteen days after return from Upaplaavya City, Balarama left on Punarvasu Nakshatra on the tour of sacred places. (Balarama did not want to participate in the war that involved cousins on both sides). He returned to Kurukshetra after forty-two days in the ShravaNa Nakshatra. The war already started eighteen days back. On the nineteenth day, BahuLa Caturdashi day on ShravaNa Nakshatra, Duryodhana died. It was the fifty-ninth day after Amaavaasya with JyeshTaa Nakshatra.


    Krishana returned from Hastinaapura after his unsuccessful peace mission on Uttara Palghuna day. Starting from that day, the seventh day is New-moon day (amaavaasya) with Saturn on Rohini Nakshatra as discussed by Vyāsa. Rahu was approaching the Sun, and the Moon was turning towards Amaavaasya (New-Moon day).


    36 years after the Mahābhārata war, Yaadava kula was destroyed. This was predicted by Krishana by astrological happening Rahu has compressed Purnima on Chaturdasi day. This happened once before the Mahābhārataa war and again will be happening soon and this will lead to our destruction. He remembered Gandhāris curse on the Yādava kula.


    Astrologically a strange phenomenon occurred during the Mahābhārataa war. The lunar cycle (paksha normally is 15 days) sometimes happens in fourteen days. But during the Mahābhārataa wartime a rare thing happened the paksha got compressed to 13 days. (May be 13 is a bad number). This aspect has been discussed in the Bhīshma parva 3rd Adhyāya. Guru and Shani are in Vaishaaka, Moon and the Sun entered in the same house one after the other making amaavaasya on the Trayodasi day it self. This peculiar condensation of the thithiis into thirteen from fifteen is a rare phenomenon as discussed by Vyāsa in Mahābhārata and has inevitably followed by mass destruction due to war. This incident provided a direct means to establish the precise date of Mahābhārata war.


    According to Julian calendar this type of planetary collusion occurred definitely in 3076 BC in November.


    Vyāsa writes:


    Caturdashiim panchadashiim


    Bhuuta puurvamca shoodhashiim


    Imaantu naabhi jaaneham


    Amaavaasyaam trayodashiim


    Chandra suurya bhougrastou


    Ekamevam trayodashiim


    AparvaNi grahaNe tou


    Prajaa sakshapaishyataH||


    I have seen fourteen days a paksha, fifteen day completion orextension to sixteenth day also. This amaavaasya falling on the thirteenth day itself I have never seen before says Vyasa. That, on the same month Sun and Moon eclipses falling during the missing thitiies is a rare phenomenon, resulting in large-scale disaster to people.


    One month before, in Margashira, during Purvaashhaada Nakshatra, armies of Pandavās and Kouravās have assembled on the West and the East sides of the Hiranya River, respectively. The next day was Navarātri and Durga Puja day. Duryodhana was itching for the war. That evening Duryodhana sends a word with Sekunis son Ulaka, We have finished the prayer to the arms and everybody is ready why there is further delay in starting the war? The next day, Margashira Shudda Ekadashi day, in KRittika Nakshatra, the war started. Hence, the famous Bhagavad Geeta teaching also started on that day. The war began at 6:30 am. The date according to Julian calendar was 22nd November, 3067B.C. Other notable incidences that occurred:


    Bhiishmas death:


    Maagha Shuddha AshTami day in Rohini Nakshtra in the afternoon that 58th day after the war started, Bhiishma died. ( This is the actual death He actually fell in the war on the 10th day after the war started).


    Sri Kr̥ṣṇas Birth He was born on 3112B.C. on Friday at 11:40 PM.


    Pāṇḍavās Birth YudhishTara was born on August 31, 3114BC, Tuesday (Mangala Vaaram) Shudda Panchami JyeshhTaa Nakshatra He was 696 days elder to Kr̥ṣṇa.


    Bhīma was 347 days younger to YudhishTara. Kr̥ṣṇa Trayodashi, Makha Nakshatra, and Arjuana was 303 days younger to Bhīma. Shukla Chaturdashi Soma Vaaram (Monday) Uttara PhalguNi Nakshtra.


    When Pandavās came to Hastināpura after the death of their father Pandu, it was 3091BC and YudhishTara was 14years, 9 months and 11days old.


    When he was coranated by Bhīshma as a prince, YudhishTara was 20 years, 1 month and 26 days old. (November, 3094BC).


    They reached Varanasi in PalguNa Shuddha AshTami RohiNi Nakshtra.


    Droupadis Swayamvaram in 3091BC, April to reach the Wax-house it took 10 days for Pāṇḍavās. They stayed there for an year. After the burning of the wax-house, they spent six months in the Shālihotrās ashram and seven months in Ekachatra city.


    The second coronation and building of Indraprasta was in November 3091BC, seven months after the marriage.


    Rajasuuya yagna was performed after Arjunas dig vijaya tour It took five years and six months for Arjuna.


    Subhadras marriage was in April 3084BC. Three months after that was Khadava vana dahanam.


    Abhimanyu was born in 3083BC, February.


    Kaliyugam started in 3105BC, October 13th, Amaavaasya Mangala (Tuesday) JyeshaTa Nakshatra - Kali was born. This was the most inauspicious day.


    The next Pournima day (Full-moon day) was full eclipse of the Moon, October 1, 3104BC. That was the day, when the five grahaas along with moon were in DhanishTaa Nakshatra.


    Dharmajaas Rajasuuya Fifteen years before the Mahābhārataa war was the Rajasuuya yagna of Dharmaja. That day was amaavaasya (new-moon day) JyeshTa Muula nakshtra. YudhishTara shakam started in 3082BC, October 26th. The gambling and the banishment of Pāṇḍavās to forest was in


    November 3081BC, Margashira shukla-Trayodashi.


    Vanavaasam was 12 years and living incognito was for one year (13 lunar years + 5 lunar months + 12 days or 13 solar years plus 18 days)


    Bhiimshma calculates and declares that Dhurodhanas calculations were wrong.


    AJNaata vaasam (living incognito) began in Margashira 3069BC. Arjuna was noticed on Margashira Kr̥ṣṇa Navami, 3068BC.


    The Great war began on 3067BC, Friday 22nd November, Margashira shudda ekadashi Nakshatra.


    The war lasted for 18 days.


    Dharmaraju ruled for only 36 years.


    25years later YudhishTara shaka started. (Thursday October 26th).


    Fifteen years after Dharmaja rule started, Dhutaraashtra, Gandhaari, Vidura, Kunti and Sanjaya left for Vaanaprasta (forest living). That year itself Vidura performed praayopavesham.


    Two years after that Dhrutaraashtra, Gandhaari and Kunti got caught in the forest fire and died.


    Sanjaya was only left.


    Shrii Kr̥ṣṇa passed away on 3031BC, April 13th Friday.


    Pāṇḍavās Maahā Prastānam was in 3031BC, in November.


    These are the dates that matched the Indian astrological description of the stars and the moon, and Julian Calendar predictions.


    There is so much self consistency in all the events and the descriptions that it makes one to wonder. Based on these exact information Mahābhārata must be Five thousand years Old (from today) as per the historical accounting.


    The analysis is extremely precise and scientific, matching the astrological position of the Indian and the Julian Calendars.


     The beauty and the scientific psychoanalysis of Bhagavad Geeta stand out as monumental contribution by the Mahābhārata period to the mankind. Based on the above facts the historicity of Mahābhārata cannot be questioned.


    Translation by K. Sadananda

    http://www.engr.mun.ca/~asharan/bihar/Mahābhārata/historicityofMahābhārata.htm

    Chronology of dynasties according to the Purāṇa-s

    1. The Barhadradha Dynasty 22 rulers 1006 years 3138 – 2132 BCE
    2. Pradyota Dynasty 5 rulers 138 years 2132 – 1994 BCE
    3. Sisunaga Dynasty 10 rulers 360 years 1994 – 1634 BCE (Nirvāa of the Buddha 1807 B.C.E)
    4. Nanda Dynasty 9 or 2 rulers 100 “ 1634 – 1534 BCE
    5. Maurya Dynasty 12 rulers 316 years“ 1534 – 1218 BCE (Coronation of Chandragupta Maurya 1534 B.C.E)
    6. Sunga Dynasty 10 rulers 300years“ 1218 – 918 BCE (Coronation of Pushyamitra Sunga 1218 B.C.E)
    7. Kanva Dynasty 4 rulers 85 years “ 918 – 833 BCE
    8. Andhra Satavahana Dynasty 32 rulers 506 years 833 – 327 BCE
    9. Gupta Dynasty 7 rulers 245 years 327 – 82 BCE
    10. Panwar or paramara Dynasty from Vikramaditya 24 rulers 1275 years B.C.E 82 – 1193 CE.

    Note on Yavana kingdoms: ‘Amtiyoka’ (mentioned in numismatics as Greek) belonged to a branch of Bharatiya Yavana Kṣatriyas. He was the ruler of ‘Simhapura’ one of the five Yavana kingdoms 1. Abhisara 2. Uraga 3. Simhapura 4. Divyakataka 5. Uttarajyotisha. The other four rulers were subordinate to him. These five kingdoms were all beyond the borders of Asoka’s empire on the North-west and a group stretching in sequence from west to northeast. Now we find them included 1. in Kashmir, 2. in the North-west Frontier Province and 3, 4, 5, in Afghanistan. They were very small kingdoms. The people of these regions were Yavana Kshatriyas and martial people who lived on their arms...The kingdoms surrounding the Yavana states were: –
    On the East – Kashmir and Gandhara.
    On the South – Gandhara.
    On the West – Ramatha, Amara Parvata, Hara, Huna.
    Of these Ramatha was inhabited by a Kshatriya race known as Ramathas or Romakas or Rummas, Amara-Parvata by another Kshatriya sub-sect known as Barbaras, Hara by Haras (or Hurs) and Huna by Hunas-all kshatriyas. In course of time these Bharatiya Yavana Kshtriyas, as they increased in numbers’ migrated further west and established their colonies there. Rome was such a colony of the Ramathas or Romakas. The Barbaras colonised in the North and East of Africa now called the Barbary States. The Hurs settled down in the North-Western-Frontier Province and became Muhammadans and in Rajastan etc., they are now found among Hindus. The Hunas first settled down in Central Asia, but later as they became too numerous spread and came to the west raiding countries, in central Asia and India, sometimes in Europe also and settled down in various countries in Asia and Europe and established many kingdoms of their own mixing with the natives of those regions and evolving into the several nations of Europe of modern times.
    Modern Europe might as well be termed a composite Huna kingdom...On the North:-1. Saka or Sakasthan (modern Drangiana comprising the river valley region at the bend of the river Helmond, 2. Aryanaka (Aria) Capital Herat, 3. North Bahlika. Capital Balkh, 4. Darada (or Daradastan)
    The above four were to the north of the Yavana kingdoms; towards the west of the Yavana kingdoms were located in order Ramatha, Hara, Huna, Sakasthana, then Iran, then Iraq and Syria and beyond the Red Sea and Suez, Egypt to the North-west...Only the Yavana, Kambhoja and Gandhara states have been mentioned as the states beyond the frontiers of Asoka's empire on the north-west and so it is clear his empire extended to the east of these Bharatiya mlechcha states. The Yavana prince across the border of his empire ‘Amtiyoka’ mentioned in his inscriptions could be only one of the princes or the Bharatiya Yavana Kshatriya states viz. “Simhapura.” The other four princes mentioned along with him in the inscriptions should be identified as the rulers of the other four Yavana states 1.Abhisara 2.Urasa 3.Divya Kataka and 4.Uttara jyotisha (Bharatiya Yavana states). From the western region of modern Afghanistan (comprising in those days these five Bharatiya Yavana states) to the eastern end of China the distance is 800 yojanas as mentioned in the inscriptions and throughout this region touching on the western and northern borders of Bharat Buddhism was propagated, to the north of northern Latitude 300, from the meridian of 62° east to the meridian of 120° east the distance works out to 58° x 69 (1 degree = 69 miles) = 4002 miles 800 yojanas (1 Jyotisha Yojana being equal to about 5 English miles) the distance mentioned in the inscriptions of Asoka... The coronation of Asoka took place 335 years after the demise of the Buddha in 1807 B.C.E i.e. in 1472 B.C.E.

    https://kmrao.wordpress.com/author/kmrao/page/4/

    Bhimaswarga is Mahābhārata version of Swargārohaṇa Parvan

    This text in Javanese recounts the wealth-creating life activities of Bhīma and Arjuna with the intermediation of Gaṇeśa's dance-step as narrated in the following sculptural frieze of Candi Sukuh, Java, Indonesia.
     
    Bhīma is the blacksmith working at the smithy/forge/kiln/metals workshop producing kris sword; Gaṇeśa's dance-step is an Indus Script hypertext me'dance-step' rebus: meḍ'iron, ferrite ore'; Arjuna is the dhmakara, dhamaka, 'bellows blower'. dhmakara is also signified by the makara'composite animal -- crocodile, feline paw, elephant trunk, fish-fin -- hypertext' on many sculptural friezes of Ancient Far east and ancient Bhāratam.

    In my view, this sculptural frieze is a definitive attestation of the wealth-producing activities during the Bronze Age in an extensive area of Eurasia, resulting in Bhāratam contributing to over 32% of global GDP in 1 CE (Pace Angus Maddison's economic history submitted to OECD before the formation of European Union).


    I also submit that the Mahābhārata should be researched further to identify the contributions made by various regions and janapada-s during the Bronze Age from ca. 4th millennium BCE to 1 CE to document the Bhāratīya Arthaśastra Itihāsa beyond mere chronicling of names of kings and dynasties. A brilliant beginning has been made by Prafulla Chandra Ray in his 2-volume History of Hindu Chemistry. This has to be complemented by 1. histories of cotton, silk production, ayurveda herbals for healing, cultivation of maize, millets, wheat, rice and other cereals starting from 7th millennium BCE and 2. the evolution of śreṇi dharma, (guild) as a corporate form for generation of wealth, -- organization as a factor to explain the wealth of a nation together with other economic factors of land, labour and capital. Evidence is emerging on the contributions made by seafaring merchants and artisans of the Bronze Age thanks to the discovery of over 8000 Indus Script Inscriptions constituting a corpora of hypertexts detailing wealth-creating accounting ledgers.

    Bhāratīya Intermediation between the Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East using the Indian Ocean Maritime Tin Route and along the Himalayan ranges stretching from Hanoi (Vietnam) to Teheran (Iran)

     


    Evidence provided by Indus Script hypertexts on tympanums of Karen and Dong Son Bronze Drums is emphatic that there was was interaction between the Indus Script scribes and the artisans of the Ancient Far East.
     
     


    Further archaeometallurgical investations and researchers are needed to delineate the Ancient Maritime Tin Route which predated the Silk Road by 2 millennia using the cassiterite tin resources of Himalayan River Basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween which sonstitute the largest Tin Belt of the Globe which catalysed the Tin-Bronze Revolution of the Bronze Age from 5th millennium BCE attested by Nahal Mishmar artifacts and scores of cire perdue artifacts comparable to the cire perdue methos used to signify Indus Script hypertexts on the tympanums of Karen and Dong Son Bronze Drums.
     
    Image result for dongson bronze drums findspots


    Tell Asmar cylinder seals with Indus Script hypertexts of wealth-accounting ledgers of metalwork

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    Image result for tell asmar cylinder sealImage result for tell asmar cylinder seal Tell Asmar Cylinder seal modern impression [elephant, rhinoceros and gharial (alligator) on the upper register] bibliography and image source: Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 642. Museum Number: IM14674 3.4 cm. high. Glazed steatite. ca. 2250 - 2200 BCE. Imported Indian seal from Tell Asmar. "The Indus civilization used the signet, but knew the cylinder seal. Whether the five tall ivory cylinders [4] tentatively explained as seals in Sir John Marshall's work were used for that purpose remains uncertain. They have nothing in common with the seal cylinders of the Near East. In the upper layers of Mohenjo Daro, however, three cylinder seals were found [2,3]. The published specimen shows two animals with birds upon their backs [2], a snake and a small conventional tree. It is an inferior piece of work which displays none of the characteristics of the finely engraved stamp-seals which are so distinctive a feature of early Indian remains. Another cylinder of glazed steatite was discovered at Tell Asmar in Iraq, but here the peculiarities of design, as well as the subject, show such close resemblances to seals from the Indus valley that its Indian origin is certain [3]. The elephant, rhinoceros and crocodile (gharial), foreign to Babylonia, were obviously carved by an artist to whom they were familiar, as appears from the faithful rendering of the skin of the rhinoceros (closely resembling the plate-armour) and the sloping back and bulbous forehead of the elephant. Certain other peculiarities of style connect the seal as definitely with the Indus civilisation as if it actually bore the signs of the Indus script. Such is the convention by which the feet of the elephant are rendered and the network of lines, in other Indian seals mostly confined to the ears, but extending here over the whole of his head and trunk. The setting of the ears of the rhinoceros on two little stems is also a feature connecting this cylinder with the Indus valley seals." (H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, Macmillan and Co., 1939, p. 304-305.)
    https://www.harappa.com/blog/indus-cylinder-seals Indus Script hypertexts: karibha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron' ibbo 'merchant'; kāṇḍa'rhinoceros' rebus: kaṇḍa'implements'; karā'crocodile' rebus: khār'blacksmith'
    Image result for tell asmar cylinder sealAkkadian Seal and modern impression (Oriental Institute museum), showing Mesopotamian sun god in a boat with human torso; from Tell Asmar (Iraq); date: ca. 2,200 B.C. (copyright: Oriental Institute) 
    http://www-news.uchicago.edu/releases/04/040408.looting.shtml A replica of this cylinder is sold in the Orieintal Institute Museum. It is notable that the impression is taken on pewter. This word is derived from pittala2 n. ʻ brass ʼ lex. [pītala -- 2 n. ʻ brass ʼ lex. -- Cf. pītala -- 1: see pittá -- ] Pk. pittala -- n. ʻ brass ʼ; P. pittal m. (→ S. pitalu m.), Ku. pĭ̄tal, N. A. B. pital, Or. pitaḷa, Bi. Bhoj. pītar, H. pītal m., G. pĭ̄taḷ n., M. pitaḷ n. -- Deriv.: P. pitlī°līā ʻ brazen ʼ; A. pitalīyā ʻ made of brass ʼ; -- Ku. pitlaiṇo ʻ tasting of brass, rather bitter ʼ; H. pitrāī f. ʻ verdigris ʼ.paittala -- ; pittalagandha -- .Addenda: pittala -- 2: S.kcch. pittar m. ʻ brass ʼ, WPah.kṭg. pitəḷ m., J. pitḷ m.(CDIAL 8184)
    Heavy pewter replica of a Cylinder Seal Impression excavated at Tell Asmar, Iraq by the Oriental Institute in 1932.  
    The impression depicts the Sun-god Shamash in his boat.  Shamash steers a reed boat whose prow is in the form of a deity and whose stern has a snake head.  Standing before Shamash is a human-headed lion and behind him a goddess with ears of grain sprouting from her shoulders. This implies the life-giving rays of the sun which promotes the fertility of the earth and the crops.  1.75" x  2.75"  Akkadian Period (2330-2150 B.C.E)
    https://oi.uchicago.edu/visit/museum-shop-suq kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements' Hieroglyphs: kola'woman'kola'tiger'panja'feline paws' rebus: kol 'working in iron'kolhe'smelter'kolle 'blacksmith'kole.l'smithy forge'panja'kiln, furnace'; phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága rebus: phaḍā f (फटा S) 'metals manufactory, accounting ledger' 
    I suggest that the Akkadian Shamash 'sun divinity' is related to and cognate with the glosses: षष् num. a. (used in pl., nom. षट्; gen. षण्णाम्) Six; तेषां त्ववयवान् सूक्ष्मान् षण्णामप्यमितौजसाम् Ms.1.16;8.43. अशीतिः f. (-ष़डशीतिः) 1 eighty-six. -2 N. of the four passages of the sun from one zodiacal sign to the other. शोषयित्नुः [शुष्-इत्नुच् Uṇ.3.29] The sun. शोषिणी Ether. Fire; शुचि a. [शुच्-कि] 1 Clean, pure, clear; the sun शुचीनां हृदयं शुचिः Mb.12.193.18. शाश्वत a. (-ती f.1 [शश्वद् भवः अण्] 1 Eternal, per- petual, everlasting; शाश्वतीः समाः Rām.1.2.15 (= U.2. 5) 'for eternal years', 'ever more', 'for all time to come'; श्रेयसे शाश्वतो देवो वराहः परिकल्पताम् U.5.27 (v. l.); R.14.14. -2 All. -तः 1 N. of Śiva. -2 Of Vyāsa. -3 The sun
    These two cylinder seals are evidence for the useof Indus Script hypertext messages in Ancient Near Easst.

    Concept of time in Mahābhārata. Jyotiṣa, a vedānga which reckons time explains daivam, 'celestial, destiny', the Epic's framework to date historical events

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     "The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars."

    See: 
    Mahābhārata, Resource for Bhāratīya Arthaśāstra Itihāsa 1. an ādhyātmikā enquiry, 2. an Itihāsa, narration of historical events https://tinyurl.com/ych547ga
    Mahābhārata is the most accurately dated historical text in the history of world literature, a golden-page in the Story of Civilization https://tinyurl.com/y8sqqg7o

    It will be a gross error to define Jyotiṣa as 'predictive astrology'. Jyotiṣa, is a vedānga which reckons time tracks movements, passage of celestial bodies. The resultant skymaps provide for an accurate dating of terrestrial events. Such a skymap dictates the timing of performance of a yajña in Veda tradition. Such a skymap is the framework of Mahābhārata to date historical events.

    I submit that this text provides an accurate device for the historians to delineate the chronology of historical events from the days of the Great Epic. Kr̥ṣṇa Dwaipāyana Vyāsa, the narrator is a witness to the events and records them reckoning/determining the dates of events using Skymaps. I submit that it will be a gross error on the part of historians, indeed a cop-out -- to cite alleged interpolations or layering of texts -- to question the integrity of the Kavi who recorded timings of the events. There could be differences in interpretation of texts which are couched in poetic diction of a Kavi but there should be no doubts whatsoever about the celestial skymaps provided which are consistenly repeated in hundreds of ancient manuscripts. To cite a famous quote from Shakespeare's Julius Caesar: "The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, But in ourselves, that we are underlings." [Julius Caesar (I, ii, 140-141)].

    ज्योतिष [p= 427,3] m. an astronomer (Buddhist literature)L.; the sun (Demetrius Galanos's Lexiko: sanskritikes, anglikes, hellenikes)n. (g. उक्था*दि) the science of the movements of the heavenly bodies and divisions of time dependant thereon, short tract for fixing the days and hours of the Vedic sacrifices (one of the 6 kinds of वेदा*ङ्ग texts) आपस्तम्ब-धर्म-सूत्रमुण्डक-उपनिषद् i , 1 , 5 MBh. xiif. &c (Monier-Williams)

    muhūrta denotes a division of time: one-thirtieth of a day, or a period of forty-eight minutes (each muhūrta is further divided into 30 (Indian) minutes or kalā (making 30 Kalā≈ 48 western min). Each kalā is further divided into 30 (Indian) seconds or Kāṣṭhā, making 30 Kāṣṭhā ≈ 1.6 western minute.मुहूर्त a [p= 825,2] m. n. a moment , instant , any short space of time RV. &c (ibc. , in a moment ; °तेन ind. after an instant , presently); (in pl. personified as the children of मुहूर्तS3Br. &c काष्ठा 
    [p= 281,2] (a measure of time (= 1÷30 कला Mn. i , 64 Sus3r. ; = 1÷12 कला Jyot. ; = 1÷15 लघु , = 1÷225 नाडिका , = 1÷450 मुहूर्त BhP. iii , 11 , 7MBh. i , 1292 &c)(Monier-Williams)

    Celestial movements of nakṣatrā (stars) and graha (planets, comets) reckon time in Veda tradition.

    It appears that the ancient people saw a close nexus between the celestial events and terrestrial events. Related to daiva are the observances of traditional samskāra-s: In that Kalpa when Brahma the Creator, O king, took his birth in the mind of Narayana and issued from the latter's mouth, Narayana himself performed, O Bharata, his Daiva and Paitra rites in accordance with this religion. (MBh. 12.348.23207). Performance of yajña has to be in conformity with the passage of celestial time, the movements of celestial phenomena of the stars and the planets. 

    Daiva is NOT fatalism. It is a recognized reality of the observed celestial movements which define the passage of time as a cosmic dimension in the affairs of men and terrestrial activities.

    CK Raju provides an elaborate excursus to present a perspective on the concept of time in various cultural settings. http://ckraju.net/11picsoftime/oldbook/index.html Raju notes: "Time is a difficult notion, since time beliefs underlie a variety of seemingly unrelated areas like (1) scientific theory, (2) philosophy of science, (3) religious beliefs about the the nature of life after death, and consequently about the soul (4) human values (5) nature of language and logic, etc...Non-Western views of time have typically been represented in Western literature and scholarship by contrasting Western “linear” time with non-Western “cyclic” time. “Linear” time is endowed with a variety of positive properties: rationality, progress, “free will”, etc. while “cyclic” time is attached to a variety of negative properties: spirituality, stasis, fatalism. ..Since there are different notions of “linear” time, such as superlinear time and mundane time, which do not cohere with each other, so the very category of “linear” time is not meaningful. The category of “cyclic” time is not meaningful for similar reasons. On the other hand, there need not be any particular conflict between a locally superlinear time, and a globally recurrent cosmos. If the cosmos is restricted to a finite region, like a gas in a box, and evolves deterministically—according to Newtonian mechanics, say— then the Poincaré recurrence theorem tells us that, with probability 1 every state of the cosmos must repeat to an arbitrary degree of precision, infinitely often. Recurrence would similarly take place even if the cosmos evolves probabilistically rather than deterministically, so long as the future state of the cosmos depends only on its present state, an assumption more precisely formulated in current mathematics as the Markovian assumption for the evolution of a stochastic process. These recurrence theorems assure us that a recurrent cosmos, instead of being in conflict with superlinear time, is a logical consequence of it, under some rather general conditions, such as finiteness. In the above situations of cosmic recurrence, it could be argued that time only seems superlinear because the time scale of cyclicity—the recurrence time—may be very large, just as the earth seems flat, although it is round, since it is very large. Thus, a “linear” picture of time, need not be in conflict with a “cyclic” picture of time. This meaningless dichotomy of “linear” versus “cyclic” time has nevertheless been persistently used in the West to characterize non-Western thought about time...The duration of a cycle of the cosmos is reckoned in the Vishnu Purana as a day and night of Brahma, and amounted to 8.64 billion years. (An ordinary day and night amount to 86400 seconds.) This notion of a soul which persists across vast cosmic cycles is not a metaphysical notion, since it presupposes a cosmic state of affairs, which may or may not be the case. That is, this notion of the soul is a physical notion, since it involves a refutable, or falsifiable picture of the cosmos...In India, this was the traditional view of time and life after death held from before the time of the Buddha. The Lokāyata denied the belief in life after death as a fraud. An interesting feature of this denial is how Pāyāsi sought to establish the non-existence of the soul by performing some 37 experiments with dying men, and condemned felons. It is unlikely that such experiments were ever performed anywhere else. The Buddhists did not deny this cosmic state of affairs. Indeed, popular stories like the Jātaka tales, clearly accepted what was then the prevalent common belief about the world. What Buddhists denied was only the significance of cosmic recurrence, for they denied the existence of a soul or any continuity between two similar individuals across two cycles of the cosmos. In fact, they denied also that anything essential persisted between two similar individuals across even two instants of time: they maintained that the seed in the granary is a distinct entity from the seed in the ground, which is bloated up etc. The seed in the granary cannot be the cause of a plant, because the seed in the granary remains a seed at the next instant. There is a similarity between the two seeds, and hence, due to the paucity of names, one gives the same name to both seeds. Therefore, in the Buddhist view it would not be proper to say that there is some essential sameness in an individual which persists even from birth to death: on the Buddhist view, a individual exists (unchanged) only for a single instant...Indeed, it is little known that this belief in quasi-cyclic time was the anchor also of early Christianity, as enunciated by one of its greatest real (as opposed to mythical) teachers, Origen of Alexandria (3rd-4th c. CE). This early-Christian notion of “cyclic” time was remarkably similar to what is today known as the “Hindu” doctrine of karma-samskāra. According to this doctrine the actions (karma) in one cycle, determine the dispositions (samskāra) in the next cycle, and the objective of life is taken to be deliverance (moksa) from these repeated births and deaths.  " http://ckraju.net/new/Time-Non-Western-views.pdf 

    In summary, ancient concept of time in Jyotiṣa, a vedānga is simply to state the reality of celestial passage of time matching the terrestrial passage of time. Karma, svabhāva, Daiva with an exposition on ingredients of māyā, besides guṇa-s are explained succinctly by Vyāsa:

    “Some authorities in the science of action [karma] point to human initiative (puruṣakāra) [as the cause of events]. However, other learned scholars say [that it is a matter of] destiny (Daiva), [while] the materialists [say that] nature (svabhāva or character) [is responsible]. But yet others [maintain that] human initiative, action (karma) and destiny are [nothing but] the naturally-occurring product of [previous] mental states. These three [factors] are inseparable, without distinction. [It is argued] ‘it is like that: it is not like that’ how the world comes into being.” – VyāsaIs ātmā master of self? Or Daiva, destiny (jyotiṣa)? Or karma (mīmāmsaka)? Or svabhāva (Lokāyatika)? (SB 1.17.19) There is no higher cause for happiness and distress besides one’s own work (Nāstika) 
    The graha are seen to influence or seize the destinies of terrestrial activities. This destiny is referred to in Mahābhārata as daivam. The word has two meanings: daivam  दैवम् 1 Fate, destiny, luck, fortune; पूर्वजन्म- कृतं कर्म तद्दैवमिति कथ्यते H. दैवमविद्वांसः प्रमाणयन्ति Mu.3; विना पुरुषकारेण दैवमत्र न सिध्यति 'God helps those who help themselves'; दैवं निहत्य कुरु पौरुषमात्मशक्त्या Pt.1.361. (दैवात् by chance, luckily, accidentally.) -2 A god, deity. (Apte) दैव 1 [p= 497,2]mf(/ई)n. or दैव्/अ (fr. देव्/अ) belonging to or coming from the gods , divine , celestial AV. Br. Mn. MBh. &c; sacred to the gods ( -तीर्थ n. the tips of the fingers Mn. ii , 59 ; cf. s.v. ; °वीदिक् f. the north L. cf.  2. दिश्); royal (वाच्Ra1jat. v , 205; depending on fate , fatal Ka1v.; n. divine power or will , destiny , fate , chance ( °वात् ind. by chance , accidentally)
    AV. Mn. MBh. &c; ind. , »दैव 96788.60, by chance , accidentally(Monier-Williams)

    Celestial bodies between the earth and the fixed stars are called planets are the moon, Mercury, Venus, the sun, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. The planet are in orbit close to the plane of the sun’s orbit, the ecliptic.


    grahḥ ग्रहः [ग्रह्-अच्] A planet, (sometimes more particularly 'Rāhu'; वध्यमानेग्रहेणाथआदित्येमन्युराविशत् Mb.1.24.7.) (the planets are nine :-- सूर्यश्चन्द्रोमङ्गलश्चबुधश्चापिबृहस्पतिःशुक्रःशनैश्चरोराहुःकेतुश्चेति ग्रहा नव); नक्षत्रताराग्रहसंकुलापि (रात्रिः) R.6.22;3.13;12.28; गुरुणास्तनभारेणमुखचन्द्रेणभास्वताशनैश्चराभ्यांपादाभ्यांरेजेग्रहमयीवसा Bh.1.17.; (-नम्) friction of the planets; -पीडनम्, -पीडा 1 oppression caused by a planet. -2 an eclipse; शशिदिवाकरयोर्ग्रहपीडनम् Bh.2.91; H.1.51; Pt.2.19. (Apte) 

     ग्रह [p= 372,1] m. a planet (as seizing or influencing the destinies of men in a supernatural manner ; sometimes 5 are enumerated , viz. Mars , Mercury , Jupiter , Venus , and Saturn MBh. vi , 4566 f. R. i , 19 , 2 Ragh. iii , 13 &c ; also 7 i.e. the preceding with राहु and केतु MBh. vii , 5636 ; also 9 i.e. the sun [cf. S3Br. iv , 6 , 5 , 1 and 5 MBh. xiii , 913 ; xiv , 1175] and moon with the 7 preceding Ya1jn5. i , 295 MBh. iv , 48 VarBr2S. ; also the polar star is called a ग्रह , Garg. ?? ( Jyot. Sch.) ; the planets are either auspicious शुभ- , सद्- , or inauspicious क्रूर- , पाप- VarBr2S. ; with जैनs they constitute one of the 5 classes of the ज्योतिष्कs); m. seizure of the sun and moon , eclipse AV. xix , 9 , 7 and 10 VarBr2S. (Monier-Williams)


    Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (1.7.4.1.4) presents a metaphorical account: Creator Prajāpati takes the form of a stag to mate with his daughter Rohiṇī in the form of a doe. One explanation for this bizarre metaphor is that the reference is to two nakṣatra-s (stars) which are adjacent to one another: Mr̥gaśiras, 'deer's head' (Orionis in Orion constellation) and Rohiṇī, 'reddish' (Aldebaran which is 'reddish' in Taurus constedllation).

    The metaphor is explained, by inference, as a signifier of the vernal equinox shifting from Mr̥gaśiras, 'deer's head' star (star Orionis in constellation Orion)  to  रोहिणी Rohiṇī, 'reddish' star (constellation Taurus). 

    If this explanation and inference are valid, the celestial,sky map observation contained in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (ŚBr.)  can be dated to an event that occurred, astrochronologically, in ca. 4000 BCE. Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa is a detailed manual of sacred mantra-s of R̥gveda which predates this ŚBr. text by several centuries.

    Mr̥gaśiras मृग--शिरस् [p= 828,3] n. (मृग्/अ-N. of the 3rd (or 5th) नक्षत्र (q.v.) containing 3 stars (one of which is Î» Orionis ; it is figured by an antelope's head) AV.Gr2S3rS. VarBr2S. (Monier-Williams)

    Rohiṇī रोहिणी N. of the ninth नक्षत्र or lunar asterism and of the lunar day belonging to it (in this sense it may optionally have the accent on the last syllable ; it is personified as a daughter of दक्ष , and as the favourite wife of the Moon , called " the Red one " from the colour of the star Aldebaran or principal star in the constellation which contains 5 stars , Tauri , and is figured by a wheeled vehicle or sometimes by a temple or fish ; it is exceptionally pl. , and in TS. and TBr. there are 2 नक्षत्रs of this name ; it may also be used as an adj. and mean " born under the नक्षत्र रोहिणी " Pa1n2. 4-3 , 34 Va1rtt. 1)(Monier-Williams)

    Kim Plofker who has provided a succinct account of Mathematics in India notes: “In another passage (2.1.2.3-4), the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa mentions the nakṣatra on the other side of Rohiṇī, the Kr̥ttikā, identified as a group of six or seven stars that are almost certainly identical to what we call the Pleiades, which also lie in Taurus, to the west of Aldebaran. These stars are said to be married to the stars known as the Seven Sages forming the constellation which we call the Big Dipper, but the spouses are permanently separated because the Sages are in the north while the Pleiades ‘never swerve from the east.’ If this phrase is interpreted to mean that the Pleiades rise exactly at the east point of the horizon, then it must imply that the vernal equinox was located in the Pleiades at the time when the statement was made, which would put its date around 2950 BCE.”(Kim Plofker, 2009, Mathematics in India, Princeton University Press, p.33). 

    Figure 1 Equinox at Mrgasira (zeta Tau) 4240 BCE

    Figure 2 Equinox at Mrgasira  (beta-Tau) 3820 BCE 
    This is based on the new identification of m=ga^iras with Beta-Tau rather than Lambda-Ori, as the former is closer to the Ecliptic and brighter.
    Figure 8. Equinox at Krittika 2220 BCE
    "The dates derived from astronomical references span a range from 7000 BCE-2200 BCE. The references are derived from almost all the books of RgVeda  These dates are consistent with the date of Mahabharata war derived on the basis of astronomical references and planetarium software by the author. "



    The Hindu American community won a significant victory in its quest for historically accurate and culturally competent Textbooks -- Krishna Maheshwari

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    • 09:38 PM, Nov 13, 2017
    •  Krishna Maheshwari

    • On November 9th, the California State Board of Education ratified the recommendations made by the Instructional Quality Commission on September 28th.
      In September, the Instructional Quality Commission (IQC) of the California Department of Education had voted to recommend that Houghton Mifflin Harcourt’s (HMH) Kids Discovery & Social Studies Programs be rejected for California based specifically on
      ·       52 specific instances in HMH’s texts that were historically inaccurate, had adverse reflection against Hinduism, failed to adhere to the History Social Science Framework (adopted by the State Board of Education in 2016), and failed to adhere to California Education codes as discussed in a letter to them from Hindupedia
      ·       FAIR act violations as discussed by a letter from the LGBTQ community
      ·       More than 3,000 edits proposed by HMH which would amount to “rewrites,” something not allowed in the state’s process. 
      They also voted to adopt many of the edits recommended by Prof. Jeffry Long of Elizabethtown College to McGraw Hill’s texts.  Other than for HMH and Studies Weekly, they adopted most of the changes being requested by the LGBTQ community to bring those texts in line with the FAIR act.
      On November 9th, approximately 800 people including many children from across California came to Sacramento to ask the SBE to ensure that textbooks are culturally competent and equitable in their coverage of India & Hinduism. 
      The State Board of Education (SBE) in days leading up to the hearing had received thousands of letters from Hindu American parents, children, educators and community members from across California, including immigrant Hindus from Fiji, Caribbean and India, as well as letters from a broad coalition of more than 75 interfaith and community groups, 17 state and federal elected officials, and 75 leading academics.  On the day of the hearing, they listened to testimony from approximately 500 people. 
      Many parents & children who testified talked to their negative experiences with the current California curricula discussing the children being bullied, being ashamed of their religion or being mocked by their teachers.  They felt that other students would be forced to repeat their experience if the textbooks were approved as is.  Other messages that found repetition included an ask that.  Others asked why translations of Hindu scriptures were used by translators outside of the tradition as opposed to excerpts for other religions. 
      “Its really exciting to see how many people are passionate enough about protecting our children’s future to come to Sacramento during a weekday.  It is important that textbooks present our culture in our voice as is done for other cultures and religions” said Balimardana Das.

    • Mala Gavin, a retired educator expressed her concern during her testimony.  She reminded SBE commissioners that “all teachers were trained on Cultural Proficiency recently.  So, how could they approve textbooks that are filled with bias and misinformation? “

    • At the end, the SBE voted unanimously to adopt the recommendations by the IQC. They rejected HMH’s two programs and adopted the remaining 8 programs from the other publishers as long as the publishers implemented the edits recommended by the IQC.   Commissioner Rucker, in the final deliberations, stated that “history social sciences always raise people’s passion as it provides a personal history.  While there will always be disputes but textbooks are not the place to resolve them.” 
      • The SBE’s decision is technically limited in scope to school districts in California, however, majority of states either follow the guidelines and textbooks approved in California or are deeply influenced by them.  The only other states to have a formal approval process are Texas and New York.

    The Ignorance Within: How Hindutva Plutocrats are weakening the Intellectual Battle for Hindu Survival -- Vamsee Juluri

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    Sri Ashok Chowgule, a businessman with shipping and other interests and sometime Working President of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), has written a long response in Swarajya to my recent analysis of why Hindus are losing the cultural battle against media and academic Hinduphobia despite a nominally Hindu-friendly political party and proudly Hindu Prime Minister being in power. From his long but mostly disjointed response, it seems as if Sri Chowgule has glanced passingly at my carefully drawn map of the narrative terrain today, divided as it is unequally between popular Hindu resistance and institutional Hinduphobic hegemony, and then grotesquely misrepresents it as essentially a set of “laments” that have at best only a little cause for concern. He also offers some advice; namely that I should write, speak, and most importantly, “castigate” other members of the academic class, instead of bothering the NDA government which is busy with governance.
    Specifically, this is how he characterizes my arguments:
    “1. The media and the academe (that is, those occupying the intellectual space) have created a narrative that has made the Hindus ashamed of being a Hindu. He says that this has been going on for a long time, and accepts that this narrative is false.
    2. This false and toxic narrative is robbing the masses of their dignity and happiness and is turning them rootless.
    3. The present National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government is doing nothing to counter this toxic narrative.”
    This is a vague and inaccurate a summary of my original article, which readers are free to study at Huffpost for themselves, but let us examine what Sri Chowgule makes of it.

    Wrong Claim Number 1:

    He says I say: The media and the academe (that is, those occupying the intellectual space) have created a narrative that has made the Hindus ashamed of being a Hindu. He says that this has been going on for a long time, and accepts that this narrative is false.
    In response to the first straw man he sets up, he says “the real issue is not that a narrative has been created (but that) this is at least a couple of centuries old, started by the British.” He then devotes several paragraphs to Macaulay and the British. I have no idea why he thinks the focus of our debate ought to be the dating of when anti-Hindu ideologies began. As far as I know, I did not say it happened overnight, nor does it really matter in the context of an essay which is about what has to be done to translate political power now, legitimated by Indian democracy at that, into cultural power in the context of concerted global mass media and digital media campaigns against India and Hindus. I am sure he knows that I have written extensively about the history of colonial propaganda against Hinduism before, as I do happen to have some formal education in postcolonial cultural studies. In any case, he contradicts himself. On the one hand, he admits that I say “that this has been going on for a long time” (above) and yet, he chooses to act as if I am saying the narrative has only just been created. Anyway, this is not the main point of our debate, so I will let it pass at that.

    Wrong Claim Number 2:

    He says I say: This false and toxic narrative is robbing the masses of their dignity and happiness and is turning them rootless
     This too is an imaginative and inaccurate reading of my essay. I do not know where I have remotely even said that the masses are being robbed of their dignity and happiness and roots. My critique in this, and several other recent articles and public social media posts, has been of the vulnerability of Indian elites, especially the upper and upper middle class, urban, English-educated ones, to toxic anti-Hindu propaganda, and the indirect effect it will have on weakening the presently still pro-Hindu attitudes of the masses. If Sri Chowgule had read what I had written with attention and not presumption, perhaps he would have noticed this part from my essay: “Indians are deeply aspirational at the moment, and even if the vast majority of small town working and lower middle classes oppose the elites of media and academia today, they will eventually be forced to buy into a fashionable soft Hinduphobia as a marker of upward mobility. This is for the simple reason that there are careers and paths to advancement galore in bashing Hinduism and India. There are none at all, not in media and academia at last, in defending them.”
    My point, simply, and precisely, has been about translating the popular Hindu resistance/ revival, one dimension of which is indeed the BJP’s electoral success, into appropriate institutional transformations; not simplistic top-down changes, but organic, competent, and successful engagements with the appropriate institutions (mainly schools, colleges, and media, in India, mainly, but elsewhere too as needed). Specifically my concern is not with some vague “deracination” of the people (I do not think, as Sri Chowgule seems to have assumed, I ever underestimate the power of our people or civilization at all) but specifically, that “a movement will also need to engage and win over a place for itself in the establishment as well. It cannot remain a movement forever. It will be like running on a treadmill and shouting fire instead of actually reaching the place and putting it out.” I also referred here to an earlier piece I had written in The Organizer’s special issue on intellectual decolonization, and if Sri Chowgule has heard of that piece, or journal, he hasn’t shown any signs of it here at least.

    Wrong Claim Number 3:

    He says I say: The present National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government is doing nothing to counter this toxic narrative.
    I did not say the government is “doing nothing,” but very specifically and explicitly described three sorts of responses the government (or party and party leaders, broadly), are involved with:
    But how the government will deal with this remains to be seen. So far, one can note three tendencies:
    One, to ignore the whole narrative front. After all, the longer the big media and academic elites continue their increasingly mendacious attacks on Hindus, the more isolated they become from the majority of Indians, who will in turn strengthen the political base of the party.
    Two, to reach out to opponents on the assumption that the BJP is now the grand new party and must be inclusive and “coopt” everyone (though the “coopting” attempts seems like genuflecting and are often brashly rebuffed). This step is usually accompanied by an embarrassed silencing and distancing of sympathetic voices, as if it’s infra dig to still be seen with Hindus.
    Three, to dismiss opponents as “antinationals” and “presstitutes” and push the buttons of government force wherever possible to enforce top-down, statist solutions like compulsory national anthem singing on campuses, regurgitation of supposedly patriotic content, and so on.”
    I will grant that I did write that “all three approaches are seriously immature and flawed, in my view.” That still remains my view, and unfortunately, another, deeper set of flaws are also apparent now given the sort of readings and solutions Sri Chowgule advocates for in his article.
    Does he really believe, as he writes, that the “programme of demonising Hinduism is not working” and somehow the “intellectuals” (presumably he means only the anti-Hindu intellectuals) are now experiencing angst for that reason? What does he make of the recent Hyderabad school incident, where hundreds, literally, hundreds of school-age children ganged up against one small child who wanted to merely speak in the assembly against the school’s (not even a “missionary” school at that) anti-Deepavali posturing and draw attention to real and major causes of pollution instead of the much demonized “Hindu fireworks”? When one girl speaks for Deepavali and the whole school screams at her, is it a sign that the demonization of Hinduism is not working or that it has simply become the new normal, even among school-children? What use is all the internet resistance he talks about, or even the noble example of Gita Press that he mentions, if ultimately anti-Hinduism continues by legitimized by state and market (I hope Sri Chowgule is aware of how hurt many Hindus felt when Prime Minister Modi went to give an award to a writer for a book devaluing the very same Gita Press, and how much worse it looked when that writer rebuffed the sitting Prime Minister of the country by not coming to take the award)?
    And does he really believe that the best advice he can give, as a senior leader from an important Hindu cultural organization inspired by the venerated Swami Chinmayananda himself, is for me “to castigate those colleagues in the intellectual community who are being unprofessional”? Do these sort of personal attacks really help? Have they helped in the past? On the contrary, the bumbling, blustering intrusion by self-important hotheads into the private university in-boxes of professors has only given them the excuse they need to duck out of the precise challenges that we, the small number of non-Hinduphobic scholars in academia, such as we are, were confronting them with. I will ask Sri Chowgule to recall what happened when I, Professor Ramesh Rao, and a few other American-based scholars countered the anti-Modi petition started by Hinduphobic faculty (which is probably the majority of academia, though not all) in September 2015. They were thoroughly caught off guard when the Academe blog published our rational and forceful dissent against their anti-Modi claims, and then cheerfully turned attention from us to their having received threatening, intrusive emails from the nameless leader of a Hindu group asking about their communist party affiliations and other ludicrous diversions.
    For a non-academician, and one who has shown not even the basic care of attention to an author’s words as might be done by a general reader, to pontificate on what an academician ought to do (Sri Chowgule’s advise to me doesn’t get more specific than to “write in publications(general and specialized), speak at programmes (again general and specialized), attend other programmes where he can question a speaker if there is falsehood being propagated) is frankly as unhelpful, and perhaps absurd, as a liberal arts professor trying to tell a business magnate how to do his job (invest your money, balance your account books, hire workers…).
    Finally, since the topic has turned to this, I have to address a potential larger problem in the Hindu movement today. It may or may not pertain directly to Sri Chowgule, but I think this is a general cultural challenge we must all recognize if we are to succeed. I have seen two extremely different cultures and sensibilities in the organized Hindu movement ever since my book brought me into friendship with many wonderful, inspiring people in it. One is the extremely selfless, sincere, affectionate and austere culture of the Sangh, particularly of the Swayamsevaks some of the younger ones whom I have seen grow through sheer dedication to work smartly, and successfully, in new frontiers such as academic and intellectual activism. The other is more consistent with what I, before I actually had the privilege of meeting people from the Sangh, used to think of as the culture of mindless wealth-worship in and around the BJP. No one who is honest would equate this with the vile corruption of another political party for the last century perhaps, but yet, there is a troubling aspect to parts of the political culture here which is inconsistent with all its gestures towards Sarasvati. I know of at least three scholars, profoundly gifted and erudite, and bravely and openly pro-Hindu, who have been treated most crudely by individuals or groups supposedly stepping up to fund and support pro-Hindu scholars (since academia and conventional funding sources remain largely hostile to us). They were literally made to travel hundreds of miles with dangling promises of grants and opportunities, and simply discarded by their supposedly benevolent patrons.
    Hindu/Indic philanthropists, real or self-proclaimed, need to know this about the scholars, writers and artists they purport to support, or in whose name they fund-raise (and whose intellectual work they presume to comment upon simply because you know, they are rich, and therefore must know everything). Every single scholar and writer who is speaking up for the truth in their professions against Hinduphobia is doing so out of sheer conviction, and against the odds. We are in the frontlines of this battle, and we will remain so because what has driven us is our love of knowledge, and our pain at our Hinduphobic colleagues’ failure to represent it. We do not need to be scolded by those who have put neither actions, money, nor even helpful words into our cause and struggle here.  It’s an empty indulgence of the rich, vain, and ultimately, ignorant.
    Dr. Vamsee Krishna Juluri is a professor of media studies at the University of San Francisco and the author of Rearming Hinduism (www.rearming hinduism.com).

    In Post-colonial Bhārat, jāti social-engineering provides for vibrant śreṇi corporate trusteeship form. Colonial legacy of caste system stands annihilated.

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    https://tinyurl.com/yb2vk4u5

    Caste 'system' in India is a western, colonial racist fiction. 

    This false 'caste system' which has no basis in reality, stands annihilated in Post-Colonial, Swarajya Bhārat.

    The recent initiatives of MUDRA (Micro Units Development & Refinance Agency Ltd.) will unleash phenomenal employment opportunities further strengthening the jāti institutions as engines for dharma, for abhyudayam, social welfare. Castes do NOT exist, only jāti exists. The meaning of this term is a different from the Spanish root word: casta which is a western colonial racist idiom used to justify the legitimacy of the colonial regimes, obfuscating the loot of the wealth of nations during the colonial era. Bhārat, that is India, contributed to over 32% of Global GDP in 1CE (pace Angus Maddision's report for OECD, predating the European Union). This contribution was due to the economic activities creating the wealth of the nation governedby the abiding principles of śreṇi dharmm. of artisan, seafaring merchant guilds, building upon the discoveries of cotton, organized farming systems ca. 7th millennium BCE and Tin-Bronze revolution from ca. 5th millennium BCE (pace Prafulla Chandra Ray's two volume History of Hindu Chemistry) and Kalyanaraman's 3-volume Epigraphia Indus Script -- Hypertexts and Meanings (2017).which posit a Maritime Tin Route between Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East mediated by artisans and seafaring merchants of Bhārat,

    I entirely agree with the thesis proposed in the recent book.

    Western Foundations of the Caste System


    Editors: Fárek, M., Jalki, D., Pathan, S., Shah, P. (Eds.) Palgrave,Macmillan (2017) No. of pages 274
    978-3-319-38761-1 ebook
    978-3-319-38760-4 hard cover

    This book argues that the dominant descriptions of the ‘caste system’ are rooted in the Western Christian experience of India. Thus, caste studies tell us more about the West than about India. It further demonstrates the imperative to move beyond this scholarship in order to generate descriptions of Indian social reality.
    The dominant descriptions of the ‘caste system’ that we have today are results of originally Christian themes and questions. The authors of this collection show how this hypothesis can be applied beyond South Asia to the diasporic cultures that have made a home in Western countries, and how the inheritance of caste studies as structured by European scholarship impacts on our understanding of contemporary India and the Indians of the diaspora.
    This collection will be of interest to scholars and students of caste studies, India studies, religion in South Asia, postcolonial studies, history, anthropology and sociology.
    For Marianne's article linking Aryan Invasion Theory and Caste system.

    For Balagangadhar's article.


    For Views of Jack De Roover. Brahmins are Jews of India.


    Introduction: Caste Studies and the Apocryphal Elephant
    Fárek, Martin (et al.)
    Caste-Based Reservation and Social Justice in India
    Balagangadhara, S. N.
    Are There Caste Atrocities in India? What the Data Can and Cannot Tell Us
    Jalki, Dunkin (et al.)
    Dissimulating on Caste in British Law
    Shah, Prakash
    Were Shramana and Bhakti Movements Against the Caste System?
    Fárek, Martin
    Pages 31-55
    Pages 1-30

    See Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_PcyHubO3xI (1:54:45)


    Abstract
    In caste studies today there is certainty about the existence of a caste system in India. This certainty extends to the existence of such a system in the Indian diaspora. However, whenever an assessment is attempted as to what the properties of the caste system are, we encounter anomalies. Yet the awareness of anomalies does not lead to the questioning of why there is certainty about the existence of the system. This lecture given by Prakash Shah at the Indian Council for Historical Research, New Delhi on 9 November 2016, presents the results of collaborative research which is due to be shortly published as a book. The research shows that when the caste system idea is interrogated more deeply one cannot maintain the stance that such a system exists in India at all. Rather, we can now show that the idea of an Indian caste system is a feature of Western culture and its way of coming to terms with its experience of India. Hence our book bears the title, Western Foundations of the Caste System (eds. Martin Farek, Dunkin Jalki, Sufiya Pathan and Prakash Shah). We can now show that contemporary ideas about the caste system and the certainty about its existence are dependent on Christian theological reflections on Indian society and culture. Multiple questions are consequently raised about what various movements in India said to be fighting the caste system, what the laws and policies of caste-based reservation, what legislation against caste atrocities, and what the recent law against caste discrimination in the UK, are really meant to be doing. If their foundations are false then critical new questions should also arise about what our understanding and future study of India should be concerned with.

    Foundations of the Caste System, Prakash Shah

    jāti in Bhārat is a social organization co-terminus with the śreṇi, a cororate form. What were erroneously translated into English from all  Bhāratīya languages in 'caste' terms have proved to be meaningless and gross misrepresentations of the economic realities of independent  Bhāratam.  The list of terms from almost all Indian languages which were mistranslated in terms of caste are presented in Annex I.

    This śreṇi corporate form predates the Roman corporation by two millennia has emerged strong and vibrant thanks to the political interventions in Post-colonial Bhārat by expanding the Constitutional sanctions for quots and reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to include Other Backward Classes -- exemplified by the National Commission for Backward Classes. A jāti certificate is a more important document than the aadhar card for enterprising youth of the nation with assured access to educational institutions of their choice at all levels and to employment opportunities in all sectors of the economy. This social engineering of an unprecedented scale since 1947, together with the institution of the Panchayati Raj or local governance mechanisms, has strengthened the jāti-śreṇi social structure by ensuring the participation members of the śreṇi-a in economic activities of the nation and complementing the extended family insurance cover provided by śreṇi-dharma for the members of the śreṇi. The śreṇi-dharma operates in the socio-economic spheres of observance of samskarā-s, festivals, community fairs, tīrthayātrā-s,   vows and ordinances enjoined by paramparā, tradition. Stellar examples of the trusteeship system of social responsibility providedby the śreṇi are the estabishment of jāti-based educational institutions, temples and small- and large-scale industrial and service sector enterprises, be they in Tiruppur textiles or Gujarat handicrafts or among Varanasi silk weavers and handlooms.

    There is no word for caste in Bhāratīya languages. 

    Social-engineering in Bhārat has been, for millennia, governed and continue to govern life activities of people of all regions of the nation with phenomena such as 

    श्रेणि, व्रात्य--स्तोम, vratá, jāti-/kula-/gotra-/varṇa paramparā -- terms explained below. These terms do NOT constitute the 'caste system' as mischievously interpreted by the western colonial regime. Varṇāśrama dharma is firmly anchored on the Veda, Itihāsa ordinances and the paramparā of celebrating community festivals exemplified by kumbha-mela-s, bali yatra, deepavali and scores of fairs held round the year such pola festivities celebrating cattle wealth, harvest festivals and festivities in sacred, indelible memories of Daśāvatāra, Sri Rāma, Sri  Kr̥ṣṇa, Sri Sankarṣaṇa Balarāma, Durga, Sarasvati or Śivarātri or Ganga ārati and hundreds of local festivties and fairs, in addition to tīrthayātrāps.

    श्रेणि [p= 1102,2] troop , flock , multitude , number RV. &c; a company of artisans following the same business , a guild or association of traders dealing in the same articles Mn. MBh. &c (Monier-Williams)

    व्रात्य--स्तोम [p= 1043,2] m. N. of partic. एका*S3rS. Gaut. Vas.; (with क्रतु) a partic. sacrifice (performed to recover the rights forfeited by a delay of the संस्कारs) Ya1jn5. i , 38. (Monier-Williams)

    vratá n. (also m. lex.) ʻ ordinance, religious duty ʼ RV. Pa. vata -- m.n. ʻ religious vow, manner of behaviour ʼ, Dhp. vada -- ; Pk. vaya -- m.n. ʻ ordinance, vow ʼ.vrāˊtya ʻ a divine epithet ʼ AV., ʻ relating to a partic. vratá -- ʼ PañcavBr.com., m. ʻ one who has undertaken parivrajyā -- vrata -- , term of address for a guest, vagrant ʼ Br., ʻ one who has lost caste ʼ Mn. [vratá -- ]K. bôcu m. ʻ one who lives by gifts and without any trade ʼ: doubtful bec. of -- c -- (not -- ċ -- ) < -- ty -- .(CDIAL 12228, 12231)

    jātá ʻ born ʼ, m. ʻ son ʼ RV., jātaka -- m. ʻ new -- born son ʼ Kauś. [√janPa. jāta -- ʻ born ʼ, °aka -- m. ʻ son ʼ; Aś. jāte ʻ was born ʼ, jāta -- n. ʻ disposition ʼ; NiDoc. jatajadajataṁti ʻ have been born ʼ; Pk. jāya -- ʻ born ʼ, m. ʻ son ʼ; Kt. zeyə ʻ born ʼ, Wg. zayōi; Dm. zay -- ē̃c̣i ʻ she -- bear with cubs ʼ; Niṅg. zākə́ ʻ son ʼ; Bshk. ǰāwāt m., ǰāˊyē f. ʻ were born ʼ; Phal. ǰōlo ʻ born ʼ, Sh. ǰālŭ ʻ was born ʼ, ǰālŭ -- dez ʻ birthday ʼ; K. zāv m., zāy f. ʻ was born ʼ, zā -- dŏh ʻ birthday ʼ; S. j̄āo pp. of j̄amaṇu ʻ to be born ʼ (whence anal. pres. st. j̄āpaṇu); L. jāeā pp. of jammaṇ, (Ju.) j̄āyā -- jamã̄ m. ʻ birth -- place ʼ; P. jāu m. ʻ child ʼ, jāeā m. ʻ son ʼ, jāī f. ʻ daughter ʼ; WPah. bhad. e_u n., pl. j̈ã̄ ʻ born ʼ; B. --  in family names e.g. BasujāODBL 684; H. jāyā ʻ born ʼ, m. ʻ son ʼ, jāī f. ʻ daughter ʼ, jāpā m. ʻ childbirth ʼ (< jāta -- tva -- or der. from verb *jāp -- see S. above); G. jāyũ ʻ born ʼ, jāyɔ m. ʻ son ʼ, jāyī f. ʻ daughter ʼ; OM. jālā pp. of verb ʻ to be ʼ, jahālājāhalā < jālā + *ā̆halā pp. of āhe ʻ is ʼ J. Bloch BSL 51, 12, M. j̈hālā; Si.  ʻ born, son ʼ, dā̤va pret. of dananavā. *jātavāla -- , jātarasa -- ; sajātá -- ; *agratōjāta -- , aṅgajāta -- , *āṇḍajāta -- , *urōjāta -- , dēśajāta -- , návajāta -- , *pitryajāta -- , *mātr̥ṣvasr̥jāta -- , *sapatnījāta -- .Addenda: jātá -- : WPah.poet. j̈ao m. ʻ son ʼ, j̈ai f. ʻ originating from ʼ (a married woman in relation to her village); (with diminutive or pejorative suffix) kṭg. j̈aṭṭu m. ʻ illegitimate child ʼ Him.I 70. jāti f. ʻ birth ʼ AitBr., ʻ position fixed by birth ʼ Mn., ʻ kind ʼ KātyŚr. [√janPa. jāti -- f. ʻ birth ʼ, KharI. jatijadi, Pk. jāi -- f.; K. zāy f. ʻ birth, festival at a birth ʼ; OSi. jäy ʻ birth ʼ, Si. dā̤ pl. ʻ births, sorts, kinds ʼ, däyak ʻ thing, matter ʼ.*jātiya -- , jāˊtya -- ; *jātipattrikā -- ; sajātíya -- , samajātīya -- .jāˊtya ʻ of the same family ʼ ŚBr., ʻ of good family ʼ R., ʻ genuine ʼ Suśr. 2. *jātiya -- , jātīˊya -- in cmpds. ʻ of the race of ʼ KātyŚr. [jāti -- ]1. Pa. jacca -- in cmpds. ʻ of the family of ʼ; Pk. jacca<-> ʻ of good birth, best, beautiful ʼ.
    2. Wg. ǰai ʻ good, in good health ʼ (← Ind.); H. an -- jāī ʻ hybrid (of animals) ʼ; Si. inscr. -- dā̤ ʻ being of the rank of ʼ.(CDIAL 5182, 5185, 5190)

    várṇa1 m. ʻ appearance, colour, class ʼ RV., ʻ good colouring ʼ Mn., varṇaka -- m.n. ʻ model, specimen ʼ Kathās., ʻ pigment ʼ AitĀr., °ṇikā -- f. ʻ id. ʼ lex., ʻ dress of actor ʼ Mālatīm. Pa. vaṇṇa -- m. ʻ colour, appearance ʼ, °aka -- n. ʻ paint, rouge ʼ, NiDoc. varna; Pk. vaṇṇa -- m. ʻ bright colour, class ʼ, vaṇṇiā -- f. ʻ sample ʼ; Phal. āgha -- bāˊnu ʻ skycoloured ʼ; L. (Ju.) van m. ʻ form ʼ; P. bannī f. ʻ red earth for colouring pots ʼ; Ku. bānī f. ʻ colour, appearance, beauty ʼ; N. bāni ʻ character ʼ; Or. eka -- bani ʻ of one colour (of a cow) ʼ, bānā ʻ known attribute ʼ; Mth. bāni ʻ habit ʼ, Aw.lakh. bāni; H. bān f. ʻ quality ʼ, bānām. ʻ appearance ʼ; G. vān m. ʻ colour ʼ, vānī f. ʻ kind ʼ, vānũ n. ʻ ingredient, hint ʼ, vānɔ m. ʻ fragrant yellow powder rubbed on bride on auspicious day before wedding ʼ; M. vān m.n. ʻ colour, specimen ʼ; OSi. vaṇa, Si. van -- a sort ʼ, -- van at end of cmpds. ʻ like ʼ. -- Ext. -- kk -- (?): S. vanika f. ʻ sample ʼ, P. vannagība° f., N. bānkibāngi, G. M. vāngī f. -- MIA. *vāṇa -- (< *vārṇa -- ? -- For form cf. vārṇa -- ʻ relating to letters ʼ Gr., vārṇika -- m. ʻ scribe ʼ lex.): P. bāṇā m. ʻ profession ʼ; Ku. bāṇ ʻ habit ʼ; M. vāṇ m.n. ʻ colour, specimen ʼ, vāṇī ʻ like, as ʼ LM 405.varṇin -- , varṇita -- , varṇya -- ; avarṇa -- , durvárṇa -- . vivarṇa -- , suvárṇa -- , saúvarṇa -- ; ēkavarṇa -- , tāmravarṇa -- , *pītalavarṇa -- , nīlavarṇa -- , suvarṇavarṇa -- , híraṇyavarṇa -- .Addenda: várṇa -- 1: WPah.poet. bano m. ʻ dress, costume ʼ ( -- n -- ← H. Him.I 134). -- MIA. *vāṇa -- : J. bāṇā m. ʻ disguise ʼ.(CDIAL 11338)

    kúla n. ʻ herd, troop ʼ RV., ʻ race, family ʼ Pāṇ., ʻ noble family ʼ Mn., ʻ house ʼ MBh.
    Pa. kula -- n. ʻ clan, household ʼ, Pk. kula -- n.m. ʻ family, house ʼ; Dm. kul ʻ house ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) d*lda -- kul ʻ grandfather's relations ʼ; K. kŏl m. ʻ family, race ʼ; S. kuru m. ʻ tribe, family ʼ, L. kull m., P. kul f.; WPah. bhad. kul n. ʻ sub -- caste, family ʼ; N. A. B. kul ʻ clan, caste, family ʼ, Or. kuḷa, OMth. kula; H. kul m. ʻ herd, clan, caste, family ʼ, Marw. kul; G. kuḷ n. ʻ family, tribe ʼ, M. kūḷ n., °ḷī f.; OSi. -- kolaṭ dat. ʻ family ʼ; -- Si. kulaya ʻ family, caste ʼ ← Pa. or Sk. -- Deriv. Or. kuḷā ʻ of good family ʼ, akuḷā ʻ illegitimate (of birth) ʼ.
    kulīˊna -- ; kuladīpa -- , *kulapañjī -- , kulaputra -- , *kulāgāra -- ; *akulanīya -- ; alikula -- , *ācāriyak°, *āryak°, *gaṇakulika -- , gōkula -- , *gōviṣṭhāk°, dēvak°, *nānnīpitāk°, niṣk°, *pañcak°, *patik°, *pituḥk°, *bhusak°, *makṣikāk°, *madhuk°, *mākṣakulika -- , *mātr̥kula -- , *yuvatik°, rājak°, *svakuliya -- .(CDIAL 3330)


    gōtrá n. ʻ cowpen, enclosure ʼ RV., ʻ family, clan ʼ ChUp., gōtrā -- f. ʻ herd of cows ʼ Pāṇ. 2. gōtraka -- n. ʻ family ʼ Yājñ. [gṓ -- ]1. Pa. gotta -- n. ʻ clan ʼ, Pk. gotta -- , gutta -- , amg. gōya -- n.; Gau.  ʻ house ʼ (in Kaf. and Dard. several other words for ʻ cowpen ʼ > ʻ house ʼ: *gōśrayaṇa -- , gōṣṭhá -- , *gōstha -- (?), ghōṣa -- ); Pr. gūˊṭu ʻ cow ʼ; S. g̠oṭru m. ʻ parentage ʼ, L. got f. ʻ clan ʼ, P. gotargot f.; Ku. N. got ʻ family ʼ; A. got -- nāti ʻ relatives ʼ; B. got ʻ clan ʼ; Or. gota ʻ family, relative ʼ; Bhoj. H. got m. ʻ family, clan ʼ, G. got n.; M. got ʻ clan, relatives ʼ; -- Si. gota ʻ clan, family ʼ ← Pa. 2. B. H. gotā m. ʻ relative ʼ. gōtrin -- ; sagōtra -- , *sāgōtriya -- ; *gōtragharaka -- ; mātr̥gōtra -- , *mātr̥ṣvasr̥gōtra -- .Addenda: gōtrá -- : Garh. got ʻ clan ʼ; -- A. goṭāiba ʻ to collect ʼ (CDIAL 4279)


    Ma. kara parish. Tu. karè parish, a social or caste jurisdictional division.(DEDR 1294) Note: This is an absurd translation. The words signify jāti institutions to protect dharma and the paramparā, 'tradition'.

    Ta. kaṭaiñaṉ man of low caste, man of mean character (DEDR 1109) Note: The semantics related to bahaviour or character are unrelated to 'caste system'.

    Ta. kūṭṭam assembly, flock, heap, caste, assembly, court, quarrel; kūṭṭar companions, of the same class; Ma. kūṭa, kūṭi along with; kūṭṭuka to bring together, join, heap up, add, acknowledge as belonging to the caste or family, make to pass;Ka. kūṭa joining, connexion, assembly, crowd, heap, fellowship, sexual intercourse (DEDR 1882) Note: kūṭṭam or kūṭa is a bringing together member of a jāti with commonly shared traditions and samskāra0s,

    Ta. cāttu (cātti-) to put on, adorn (idols, great persons), wear as a caste mark; n; wearing as a garland. Te. cātu to wear (K, esp. holy clothes, caste mark, etc.). Cf. Ma. cārttuka, s.v.(DEDR 2449)

    Ta. tīṇṭu (tīṇṭi-) to touch, feel, come in contact with, pollute by contact, defile, contaminate, infuse poison as snake by biting, catch, seize hold of, beat; tīṭṭu touching, defilement, pollution, menses; tīṭṭam menses, faeces; tīṇṭal menses. Ma. tīṇṭuka to touch, infect another or oneself by coming too near, (venom) to enter a constitution; tīṇṭal pollution (esp. by proximity); tīṇṭikka to defile; tīṭṭam uncleanness, excrements. Ko. ti·ṇḍ- (ti·ṇḍy-) to be polluted by illegal sexual intercourse (as with person of another caste, or virgin with man); ti·ṭ pollution. To. ti·ṭ id. Ka. tīḍu to touch (as air or wind), blow (as the wind), touch (as with the fingers); tīṭablowing. (DEDR 3274)

    What is a title has been transformed into a 'caste': Ta. piḷ tender beauty of a child; piḷḷai child, son, youth, daughter, young of many animals; title of Veḷḷāḷa caste; pīḷ embryo, tender ears of corn, tenderness. Ma. piḷḷa child, infant, young of animals, small fruit. To. peḷ xo·f- (xo·t-) to be married to a man (ko·f- [woman] marries [man]; see 1416); töwfi the lower-ranking moiety of the Todas (who are priests of the sacred dairies, i.e. servants [*piḷḷi] of the gods [töw, DBIA no. 219]). Ka. piḷḷe, piḷḷa, pilla child, young of any animal, that which is small or petty. Koḍ. paḷḷefemale of various wild animals (also dog, horse). Tu. piḷḷè child, baby; puḷḷi grandchild. Te. pilla child, baby, young of any animal, girl; small, little, young; pilaka, piluka a young one, young shoot; pilladi girl, lass, young woman. Kol. pilla baby, daughter, woman; pilla pedda females and males. Nk. pilla girl, daughter. Go. (A.) pilla, (Y.) pila, (Driberg) pilal young of animal; (Mu.) pīla girl, young one of animals; (Ma.) pīla, (Ko.) pilla child; (L.) pilā id., young of an animal (Voc. 2253). Konḍa pila child, a small one. Pe. pilka young shoot of tree. Kur. pellō female child, female not arrived at puberty, bride or young woman (before she has had children), maidservant; pell maidservant. Malt. 
    peli woman; pelo female (of plants). Br. pillōta poor child, small child, orphan, miserable. / Cf. Skt. pillika- chicken (Mānasollāsa); Pali pillaka-, pillika- young of an animal, child; Pkt. pilha- small bird; pella-, pellaga- young one, child; Mar. pīl young one (of dogs, cats, hares, etc., and of some birds); pil(l)ū̃, pilē, pilvā young of the smaller beasts, of birds, or of reptiles; H. pillāpuppy, cub; Sgh. pilavā young of animal; etc., Turner, CDIAL, no. 8214. (DEDR 4198)

    Ta. pul meanness, baseness; pulai baseness, defilement, vice, lie, adultery, outcaste; pulaiyaṉ low-caste person; fem. pulaicci, pulaitti; pulaimai baseness; puṉmai meanness, vileness, uncleanness; pullaṉ vile, base person; pulliyār low, base persons; pollā bad, vicious, evil, severe, intense; pollāṅku, pollāppu evil, vice, defect, deficiency, ruin; pollā̆tu vice, evil; pollāmai evil, fault; pollāṉ wicked man; polam badness, evil. Ma. pula taint, pollution, defilement (esp. by birth or death); pulayan an outcaste; (Shanmugam) pulacci a low-caste woman; pollā to be bad, evil; pollāta bad; pollāppu mischief. Ka. pol, polla meanness, badness, noxiousness; pole menstrual flow, impurity from childbirth; defilement, meanness, sin; poleya low-caste man; fem. polati; polasu impurity. Kod. pole pollution caused by menstruation, birth, or death; poleyë low-casteman; fem. polati. Tu. polè pollution, defilement; polasů dirty, unclean; pilè impurity from birth or menstruation, humility. Te. pulu blemish or flaw (as in precious stone); (K.) pulli-āku (pullāēku), pulli vistari a leaf on which one has eaten food (lit. uncleanness leaf-plate); pullayya, pullamma (apotropaic proper names); (all Te. items comm. by K.; MBE 1978, pp. 127 f.). ? Go. (Grigson) polo taboo (Voc. 2423). Kuwi (S.) pola'atasi a bad man; (Isr.) pōlaˀa ki- to do wrong. Br. pōling stain, stain on one's character. (DEDR 4547)

    Ta. maṭi ceremonial purity, as of one who has bathed; cloth made of fibre of trees, coarse silk, cotton, etc., as ceremonially pure. Ka. maḍi cleanness, purity; a washed, clean cloth; maḍivā̆ḷa, maḍivaḷḷa, maḍivāḷiwasherman; fem. maḍivāḷi, maḍivāḷagitti. Koḍ. maḍi ritual purity; maḍi baṭṭe clean clothes; (Shanmugam) maḍivāḷë washerman; fem. maḍivāḷati. Tu. maḍi a newly washed cloth, bleached cloth, a garment of bark, silk or wool worn by brahmans and other high-caste people during meals or any ceremony; maḍḍele, maḍyele washerman. Te. maḍi, maḍũgu purity, state of being unpolluted; a pure or unpolluted cloth; maḍivālu, maḍivēluwasherman; fem. maḍiyālu. / Cf. Jaina Skt. maḍḍi- a whole piece of cloth (?; B. J. Sandesara and J. P. Thaker, Lexical Studies in Jaina Sanskrit, p. 176). (DEDR 4654)

    Ta. mēlōr those who are seated high, as on horses; the great, those of superior rank or caste (DEDR 5082)

    Ta. mōṭi arrogance, way, style, air, grandeur, display, military bearing, dignified bearing, exhibition, show; mōṭāmōṭi ostentation, pomp. Ma. mōṭi high bearing, stateliness; fashion. Ka. mōḍi a turn, caste, style, fashion (of speech, composition, action); mōḍāmōḍi a beautiful, elegant fashion or style. Te. mōḍi way, manner, style, fashion.(DEDR 5133)

    Ta. vaku (-pp-, -tt-) to separate, divide, apportion, distribute; (-v-, -nt-) to split (intr.); vakuti division, class, category; vakuppu dividing, classifying, section, division, class; vakiṭu parting in woman's hair; vakai (-v-, -nt-) to be divided; divide, cut, arrange a subject; n. division, branch, section, class, caste, manner, method, way, means, nature. quality; vakir (-v-, -nt-) to slice, cut in slips, split, cleave, tear open, divide; n. tearing, scratch, slice; vaci (-v-, -nt-) to split, cut. Ma. vakukka to divide; vakuppu kind, sort, section, paragraph; vaka division, kind, item, means, property, stock; vakayuka to divide, compose; vakaccal distribution, composition of a work; vakayikka to accomplish a business. Ka. bagaru to scratch with the nails or claws (or with 5322 Ta. vaṟaṇṭu); bagi to separate, disunite, divide, make pieces, cleave, tear, lacerate, scratch, dig, scrape (bottom of pot with spoon); bage division, portion, part, section, sort, vanity, class, caste; bay-tale parting of the hair. Koḍ. bavtale id. Tu. bagè kind, manner, way, species, means, resource, income; bakala gash, deep incision; baktalè, bagůtalè parting of the hair bycombing, combing the hair into curls, crown of the head, chaplet. Te. vaga manner, mode, means; trick, pretence, dissimulation. Kui vaka variety, sort, kind. Kuwi (S.) waga ānai to simulate; wageli ānai to pretend, simulate; (F.) bakṛali, (Isr.) bark- (-it-), brak- (-h-) to claw (or with 5322 Ta. vaṟaṇṭu; cf. Ka. bagaru)(DEDR 5202)

    Ta. vaṭa northern; vaṭakku north, north point of the compass; vaṭantai that which is in the north, north wind; vaṭavar northerners; vaṭātu that which is in the north, north; vaṭuku the region immediately north of the Tamil country, the Telugu country, the Telugu language; vaṭukar people of the Telugu country, a caste of Telugu immigrants; vāṭai north wind, cold wind, wind. Ma. vaṭa north; vaṭakku id., in or towards the north; vaṭakkan northern; vāṭa wind. Ka. baḍa, baḍaga, baḍagal, baḍagu the north, in the north. Koḍ. baḍakï north. Tu. baḍakāyi the north, northern. Te. vaḍãkũgoṇḍa Himalaya.(DEDR 5218)

    Ta. vaḷḷuvaṉ a Pariah caste, the members of which are royal drummers, and priests for Paraiyas. Ma. vaḷḷuvan a priest of the Parayas, a low-caste sage, a caste of slaves.(DEDR 5318)

    Ta. eḷimai, eḷumai despicablesness, lowness of rank, circumstances, or character, poverty, weakness, depression of spirit; eḷi (-pp-, -tt-) to cry down, disparage; eḷiñar the poor; eḷitaravu humility, poverty; eḷiyavaṉ, eḷiyaṉ poor man, man of low caste; eḷḷu (eḷḷi-) to ignore, disregard, ridicule; eḷku (eḷki-) to despise, slight; eṇmai lowness of rank or condition; iḷamai inferiority, baseness; iḷappam id., meanness, flimsiness. Ma. eḷi to be light, slight; eḷima, eḷuppam lowliness; eḷutu mean, slight; iḷappam slightness, worthlessness; iḷama inferiority, lowliness. Ka. (PBh.) iḷi to become sapless or weak; iḷisu to make less or low. Tu. elli, ellya small, inferior, mean. Te. ellidamu scorn, contempt, disregard; contemptible.(DEDR 856)

    Ta. eccam remainder, remains of food, spittle, whatever has come in contact with the mouth (as defiling), dung of birds, lizards, etc.; deficiency, defect; eccil saliva, spittle, anything defiled by contact with the mouth, anything defiled, refuse of food, leavings, excretions from the body (as faeces, urine, semen), leavings of sacrificial oblation made of pounded rice; eccilār persons defiled by contact with eccil, low-caste people, untouchables; eccu defect; eñcu (eñci-) to remain, be left behind, survive, lack, be deficient, be spoiled, marred, transgress; eñcal defect, blemish, extinction; eñcalār strangers; eñcali (-pp-, -tt-) to bring discredit upon, cause degradation, cause discomfiture. Ma. eccil, iccil remains and refuse of victuals; ecci remains of victuals; eccam excrements of lizards, flies; eñcuka to become surplus. Ko. ecl water that has been used to wash hand after eating, remnants of food, food eaten as part of ceremony as leavings from offering. To. icïl pollution of food by being left as a remnant, pollution caused by death or birth. Ka. eñjal that which in eating is left on the plates, sticks to the mouth or hands, or falls to the ground, that of which a piece is bitten off, i.e. all food or drink which has somehow come in contact with the mouth or hands of the eater and therefore is regarded as impure; eñjalisu to defile; (Hal.) nEñjəla spittle, food or drink which has come in contact with the mouth and is regarded as impure. Koḍ. ecci scraps of food that fall to the floor during meal. Te. eṅgili contamination or defilement by contact with the mouth or spittle, food defiled by touching with the mouth, leavings or remnants of food; defiled by contact with the mouth. Go. (F-H.) yengul defiled; (Mu.) iŋgul sikṛiŋ leavings of food (Voc. 334). Konḍa enz- (-it-) to remain, be left over; es- (-t-) to leave or save (food, etc.) for others, let something remain, leave over. Pe. eŋ(g)- (eŋt-) to be left over; ek- (-t-) to leave over. Kur. eŋgrnā to remain over, be in excess, be passed over, escape; caus. eŋgrta'ānā; eŋgrkā what remains over and above, excess, surplus, remainder. Malt. eṉge, eṉgre to remain over. / Cf. Sgh. i&nangle;dul broken, desecrated food, anything defiled by contact with the mouth (Turner, CDIAL, no. 1850).(DEDR 780)

    Ka. (Gowda) amE purification after childbirth. Tu. amè ceremonial impurity or defilement in case of birth. Kur. emsnā to allow (oneself or one's food) to be defiled by someone of a different caste;emsrnā to touch, come in contact with, defile (by touch, unlawful relations, etc.).(DEDR 171)

    Annex I. Mistranslations of śreṇi corporate trusteeship forms or jāti-based socio-economic groups into English erroneously as 'caste system'

    The hundreds of etyma provided in the following translations clearly demonstrate that the so-called 'caste system' are in fact, professional guilds governed by śreṇi corporate trusteeship forms. The etyma DO NOT provide for interpreting the jāti in discriminatory terms or in reference to poorly defined concepts of 'social justice''equity''equality'.

    haḍḍika m. ʻ servant belonging to the lowest caste ʼ, haḍḍi -- , haḍḍipa -- , haḍḍaka -- , haḍika -- m. lex., haṇḍā -- f. ʻ low -- caste female ʼ lex. B. Or. hāṛi ʻ low untouchable caste of nightsoil sweepers ʼ, Or. hāṛiāṇī f. ʻ a woman of this caste ʼ; H. hāṛī m. ʻ a low caste ʼ, hāṛiānī f.(CDIAL 13953)

    hrasvá ʻ short, weak (of voice) ʼ VS., ʻ insignificant ʼ BhP. Pk. rahassa -- ʻ small, light ʼ; H. rāsī ʻ of middling quality ʼ; G. rāśī ʻ bad, of average quality ʼ; M. rāśī ʻ mean, impotent, of average quality ʼ; Si. rähä ʻ vile, mean, of low caste ʼ.(CDIAL 14184)

    sākhiya (metr.), sākhyá -- n. ʻ association, party ʼ RV., ʻ friendship ʼ Mahāv. [sákhi -- ]
    Pa. sakhya -- n. ʻ friendship ʼ (< sākhyá -- ? -- acc. sg. n. sakkhiṁ and sakkhī -- f. from doublet sakhyaṁ ~ *sākhiyaṁ: cf. type sāmagrī -- ~ sāmagrya -- ); Or. sāhisāi ʻ part of town inhabited by people of one caste or tribe ʼ; -- ext. --  -- and -- ll -- : S. sāheṛī f. ʻ woman's female friend ʼ, G. sāhelī f. (CDIAL 13323)


    Ta. iṇai (-v-, -nt-) to join, unite (intr.), agree, be suited, be like, resemble; (-pp-, -tt-) to join (tr.), tie (as a garland); n. union, likeness, pair, couple; iṇaippu union, equality; iṇaṅku (iṇaṅki-) to consent, comply with;n. union, friendship, fit mate; iṇaṅki girl's companion; iṇaṅkaṉ friend; iṇaṅkal consent; iṇaṅkar match, comparison; iṇakku (iṇakki-) to cause to agree, unite, connect, fit; n. union, comparison, match; iṇakkam fitting well together, fitness, friendship, agreement; ? eḷḷu (eḷḷi-) to equal. Ma. iṇa pair, couple, mate, companion, union; iṇayuka to agree well, suit; iṇekka to unite, couple, be equal; iṇakkam concord, union, submission; iṇakku agreement; iṇaṅṅuka to agree, make peace, grow tame; iṇakkuka to pacify, tame; iṇaṅṅu relationship, those of the same caste; iṇaṅṅan kinsman; fem. iṇaṅṅatti. Ka. eṇe, eṇa a couple, pair, connexion, adjustment, equality, similarity, a match. Koḍ. ëṇe double (ëṇe makka twins; ëṇe ba·ḷe double plantain); ëṇe a·ḍ- (snakes) mate. Tu. inè, iṇè a couple, pair, companion, mate. Te. ena equal; equality, a match; enayincu to mix, mingle, join, unite; enayika fitness, mingling; enayu to resemble, be equal or similar to, mingle, unite, (K. also) fit, suit; eniyu to mingle, mix, join, unite; enucu, enupu to mix (tr.), mingle, stir with a stick as ingredients in a dish; enupuḍu act of mixing, mingling (DEDR 457)

    Ta. fem. maruki, maru-makaḷ; maru-makkaḷ cross nephews and nieces; marumakkaṭṭāyam system of inheritance in which sister's sons become heirs to man; marapu lineage, established usage; marapiṉōr descendants, forefathers, kinsfolk, people of one's own caste; maruṅku relative; race, tribe, family. Ma. marumakan sister's son, son-in-law; marumakattāyam = Ta. marumakkaṭṭāyam.(DEDR 4715)

    sajātá m. ʻ kinsman ʼ RV. [jātá -- ] S. siāu m. ʻ male member of a family with which one is connected by marriage ʼ, ext. -- lla -- in siālu m. ʻ a relative ʼ; Si. siyā ʻ kinsman ʼ (or < svaka -- : separate from siyo < sagōtra -- ). *sajātiya -- . Addenda: sajāta -- : WPah.kṭg. sáu m. ʻ elder or younger sister's husband, relative ʼ -- perh. rather < sahāya -- . *sajātiya ʻ kinsman ʼ. [Metr. for sajātyà -- n. ʻ kinship ʼ RV. or sajātá -- sajāti -- (Pa. id.), °tya -- , °tīya -- ʻ of same caste ʼ Mn.]Ku. sāī ʻ relatives ʼ.sajātīya -- , sajātyà -- see (CDIAL 13086, 13087)  samajātīya ʻ of the same kind ʼ MBh., samajāti -- MW. [samá -- 1, jāti -- ]Pa. samajātika -- ʻ of same caste ʼ; OSi. samajäy ʻ of equal birth ʼ, Si. samadā̤. (CDIAL 13180)

     sōdara ʻ co -- uterine ʼ Mn., ʻ next of kin ʼ Kathās. [sa -- 2, udára -- ]
    Pk. sōara -- m. ʻ full brother ʼ; Ku. soro, pl. swārā m. ʻ kinsman, caste -- fellow ʼ, gng. śwar; M. soyrā ʻ relation by marriage, friend ʼ. -- See sahōdara -- .
    Addenda: sōdara -- : WPah.poet. soro m., sore f. ʻ blood -- relative ʼ; -- śoro m., śore f., Ku.gng. śwar. (CDIAL 13350)


    *sājjanya ʻ collection of good men ʼ. [sajjana -- 2]G. sājan n. ʻ gathering of respectable gentlemen attending a wedding, the bridegroom's party ʼ, sājnũ n. ʻ a meeting of caste -- members to decide a caste question ʼ; OM. sājaneṁ n. ʻ association, friendship ʼ.
    sāḍhá -- ʻ overcome ʼ AV. (áṣāḷha -- ʻ invincible ʼ RV.). [√sah](CDIAL 13330)


    *varajuṣṭi ʻ marriage feast ʼ. [vará -- 2, júṣṭi -- ]G. varɔṭhī, vareṭhī f. ʻ caste -- dinner to celebrate marriage or investiture with sacred cord ʼ.(CDIAL 11312)

    *sapādaśatika ʻ consisting of 125 ʼ. [*sapādaśata -- ]M. savāśā m. ʻ a class of Brahmans (originating from a company of 125 Brahmans defiled by partaking of a śrāddha ceremony given by a Brahman who had had connexion with a low -- caste woman) ʼ. -- Cf. Pk. savāsa -- m. ʻ a Brahman ʼ Deśīn.(CDIAL 13136)

    Ta. kaṭṭu (kaṭṭi-) to tie, fasten, build, wear, put on, bind by spells, marry, shut up, store, hug, compare with, be equal; n. tie, band, fastening, regulations, custom, building, marriage, bundle, packet, dam, causeway;kaṭṭaṭam building, binding of a book, setting of a jewel; kaṭṭaṇam building; kaṭṭaḷai code, rule, regulations, etc.; kaṭṭai dam. Ma. keṭṭuka to tie, build, clasp, yoke, dress, marry, make into a bundle, stop, restrain, build, become entangled, clot; keṭṭikka to cause to tie, make to wear, give in marriage; keṭṭu tie, bundle, band, connexion (as of marriage), restraint, dam, bank, building; keṭṭakam house; kaṭṭu tie, bundle. Ko. kaṭ- (kac-) to tie, build, manage (house), be equal; kaṭ knot, caste custom, case of which decision has been given; kaṭaṛm (obl. kaṭaṛt-) wall of brick or stone; kaṭaṇ caste custom, individual's habit; kaṭma·nm caste custom, order given. To. koṭ- (koṭy-) to tie, build, kill by witchcraft, obstruct, hug, manage (a house); koṭ knot, bundle, amulet; koṭas̱ noose (in song unit: mïṛ xoṭas̱ [to tie] a noose on the neck); koṭy a tie  (DEDR 1147)

    973 (a) Ta. ottu (otti-), oṟṟu (oṟṟi-) 973 (a) Ta. ottu (otti-), oṟṟu (oṟṟi-) to make room for; oṟṟi-ppō- to go away from; oṟṟi-vai- to place out of the way, adjourn. Ma. oṟṟuka to step aside, retire, cringe. Ko. ot- (oty-) to precede on the way, go fast. Ka. ottuto give way, leave space, step aside. Te. ottu, ottilu, ottillu, ottigillu to step aside, make way, move out of the way. (b) Ta. otuṅku (otuṅki-) to get out of the way, step aside (as a mark of respect, before a superior), retreat, be defeated, seek refuge; be finished, settled, adjusted, completed; otukku (otukki-) to put on one side (as the hair), cause to get out of the way (as cattle in the road), push into a corner, separate (as persons in a quarrel), gather on one side or tuck up (as one's clothes while crossing a river), place out of reach, expel (as from caste), dispatch (as a business), settle; n. that which is apart, refuge, screen; otukkam privacy, retiring, hiding-place. Ma. otuṅṅuka to give way, step aside, yield; be adjusted; otukkuka to subdue, settle; otukkam subjection, being settled and compressed; otukku shelter. To. wïQx- (wïQxy-) (horns of fighting buffaloes) slip apart. Te. odūgu to move or step aside, make room, sidle, shrink from, sneak, slink. (DEDR 973)

    Ta. kaṭaiñaṉ man of low caste, man of mean character; kaṭaimai meanest condition; kaṭaiyar men of the lowest caste or status (DEDR 1109)

    vrāˊtya ʻ a divine epithet ʼ AV., ʻ relating to a partic. vratá -- ʼ PañcavBr.com., m. ʻ one who has undertaken parivrajyā -- vrata -- , term of address for a guest, vagrant ʼ Br., ʻ one who has lost caste ʼ Mn. [vratá -- ]K. bôcu m. ʻ one who lives by gifts and without any trade ʼ: doubtful bec. of -- c -- (not -- ċ -- ) < -- ty -- .(CDIAL 12231)

    vyāˋla ʻ wicked, mischievous ʼ AV., m. ʻ beast of prey ʼ Gaut., ʻ snake ʼ MBh., ʻ vicious elephant ʼ lex., vyāḍa<-> ʻ malicious ʼ lex., m. ʻ beast of prey ʼ R. 2. *víyāla -- .1. Pa. vāla -- ʻ malicious ʼ, vāḷa -- m. ʻ beast of prey, snake ʼ, vāḷa -- miga -- m. ʻ beast of prey (such as tiger, leopard, &c.) ʼ; Pk. vāla -- m. ʻ noxious wild animal, snake ʼ; M. vāḷ ʻ ejected from caste ʼ; Si. vaḷa ʻ tiger ʼ.
    2. NiDoc. vyalaviyala ʻ wild, unmanageable (of camels) ʼ Burrow KharDoc 121 (rejected by H. Lüders BSOS viii 647); Pk. viyāla -- ʻ wicked ʼ, m. ʻ thief ʼ; Si. viyala ʻ tiger, panther, snake ʼ (← Sk.?).(CDIAL 12212)


    vāgurika m. ʻ deer -- catcher ʼ Kālid. 2. *vāggurika -- . [Cf. vāgura -- m. ʻ member of a mixed caste ʼ lex. <-> vāgurāˊ -- ]
    1. Pa. vāgurika -- m. ʻ hunter who uses nets ʼ, Pk. vāguri -- , °iya -- , vāuriya -- m.; P. baurīā m. ʻ member of a low caste of thieves who use nets for catching animals ʼ; B. bāuri ʻ member of a low caste usu. employed as litter -- bearers ʼ; Or. bāuri ʻ a low caste ʼ.
    2. Pk. vagguria -- ʻ living by snaring birds and beasts ʼ, M. vāghrī m.(CDIAL 1147)


    vāruḍa m. ʻ a low mixed caste ʼ Pāṇ.vārtt., varuḍa- m. ʻ a caste whose work is splitting canes ʼ Kull., varuṭa<-> m. lex.Pk. varuḍa -- m. ʻ tribe of outcasts ʼ, varuṁṭa -- m. ʻ a caste of artisans ʼ; Ku. bāruṛī m. ʻ basket -- maker ʼ.(CDIAL 11562)

    akṣatra ʻ separated from the Kṣatriya caste ʼ MBh.(CDIAL 29) niḥkṣatra ʻ *having no estate ʼ (ʻ having no military caste ʼ BhP.). [kṣatrá -- ] Pk. ṇikkhatta -- ʻ without authority ʼ; L. nikhattar°ttrā ʻ childless ʼ usu. in ôtrā (< aputra -- ) nikhattrā ʻ without child or land ʼ, (Ju.) āutr -- nikhatr ʻ childless ʼ; P. nakhattrā°ttā ʻ poor, wretched, worthless, stupid ʼ.(CDIAL 7094)


    niṣkula ʻ having no kindred ʼ Mn. [kúla -- ] Si. nukula ʻ of no caste ʼ; -- more prob. Si. cmpd. with nu -- ʻ not ʼ.(CDIAL 7487)

    rājakula n. ʻ palace ʼ ṢaḍvBr., ʻ royal race ʼ Kāv. [rāˊjan -- , kúla -- ]Pa. rājakula -- n. ʻ palace ʼ; Pk. rāyaüla -- , rāula -- , rāōla -- m. ʻ palace, king's family, collection of kings ʼ; P. rāulraul m. ʻ a wandering caste of beggars who practise quackery and ṭhaggī ʼ; Ku. raul ʻ head priest of a temple, caste of Khasiyā appointed to worship the liṅga of Śiva ʼ, gng. rɔ̈̄w ʻ chief priest of the temple of Badrināth ʼ; A. rāul ʻ master, overseer ʼ; MB. rāula ʻ king ʼ; Or. rāuḷa ʻ title of Kṣatriya and Khaṇḍāeta castes ʼ; Bi. raurraurā hon. pron. ʻ you ʼ S. K. Chatterji Calcutta Review 1936, 294 (Bloch IA 195 < rājarāja -- ), Bhoj. rāur; OAw. raüre ʻ you ʼ, rāura, f. °rī ʻ your ʼ; H. rāulrāur m. ʻ prince, royal palace ʼ; G. rāvaḷ m. a surname, rāvḷũrāvṇũ n. ʻ an assembly of Rajput Ṭhākurs, caste meeting, merrymaking ʼ; M. rāūḷ n. ʻ palace, temple ʼ, m. ʻ tribe of Śūdras ʼ; OSi. rajol -- , radol -- ʻ royal family ʼ. -- Deriv. G. rāvḷiyɔrāvṇiyɔ m. ʻ man of Sūdra caste, village watchman ʼ.rājakulya -- ; *rājakulāgāra -- .Addenda: rājakula --  WPah.poet. rauṛ 
    m. ʻ idler, good-for-nothing ʼ (Him.I 184, but why not ?); G. rāvḷiyɔrāvṇiyɔ m. ʻ man of Śūdra caste, village watchman ʼ (or < *rājāpaṇika -- ).(CDIAL 10676)

     *rājāpaṇika ʻ royal market official ʼ. [rāˊjan -- , āpa- ṇiká -- ] G. rāvaṇiyɔ m. ʻ a village servant subordinate to the headman ʼ.
    Addenda: *rājāpaṇika -- : -- read G. rāvṇiyɔrāvḷiyɔ m. ʻ man of Śūdra caste, village watchman ʼ (or < rājakula -- ).(CDIAL 10686)

    rājaputrá m. ʻ king's son ʼ RV., °trī -- f. MBh. [rāˊjan -- , putrá -- 1Pa. rājaputta -- m. ʻ king's son ʼ, °tī -- f.; Pk. rāyaütta -- , rāutta -- m. ʻ warrior ʼ; P. rāut m. ʻ a partic. caste ʼ; Ku. raut ʻ master ʼ; N. rāut ʻ a Chetri clan ʼ; B. (h)ut ʻ cavalry soldier ʼ; Or. rāuta ʻ a Kṣatriya clan, soldier, gardener, cowherd ʼ; Bhoj. rāut ʻ a caste of cowherds ʼ; Aw.lakh. rāut ʻ a partic. caste ʼ; H. rāū˘trāwat m. ʻ prince, a caste of sweepers who do not eat the leavings of others ʼ; G. rāut m. ʻ brave man ʼ; M. rāūt m. ʻ cavalier ʼ, Ko. rāut. (CDIAL 10682)

    rāṣṭrakūṭa m. ʻ name of a people ʼ inscr. (orig. or by pop. etym. ʻ head of the kingdom ʼ). [rāṣṭrá -- , kūṭa -- 4]
    S. rāṭhoṛu m. ʻ a caste of Rajputs, bold hardy man ʼ; H. rāṭhaur m. ʻ a tribe of Rajputs (a caste name) ʼ, G. rāṭhɔṛ m. -- Poss. hypochoristic in L. rāṭh m. ʻ title of Jats, Gujjars, and Ḍogras, cruel hardhearted man ʼ; P. rāṭhm. ʻ gentleman, noble -- hearted fellow ʼ rather than < rāṣṭrín -- . -- See Add. 
     rāṣṭravāsin m. ʻ inhabitant, subject ʼ lex. [rāṣṭrá -- , vāsin -- ]Pa. raṭṭhavāsin -- m. ʻ subject ʼ; -- Si. raṭaväsiyā (EGS 144 ← Pa.Addenda: rāṣṭravāsin -- : Md. rařvehi ʻ native, non -- Male, civilized ʼ.rāṣṭrín ʻ possessing a kingdom ʼ ŚBr., rāṣṭrika -- m. ʻ governor ʼ Hariv. [rāṣṭrá -- ]Pa. raṭṭhika -- m. ʻ governor ʼ, Pk. raṭṭhiya -- m., OSi. raṭiya. -- L. P. rāṭh see rāṣṭrakūṭa -- .(CDIAL 10722 to 10724)


    yṓni m. (later f.) ʻ womb, birthplace, abode ʼ RV., ʻ station in life, caste ʼ MBh. Pa. yōni -- f. ʻ womb, origin ʼ, Pk. jōṇi -- f.; P. jūṇ f. ʻ birth, transmigration, age ʼ; N. juni ʻ life, lifetime ʼ; B. joni ʻ womb ʼ; H. jon m.f. ʻ womb ʼ, jūn f. ʻ body (as repository of soul), transmigration ʼ; Si. yon ʻ vulva ʼ.(CDIAL 10535)

    mahattara ʻ greater ʼ MBh., m. ʻ chief, village eldest ʼ R., ʻ courtier, royal servant ʼ, °aka -- ʻ id. ʼ Kathās. [mahāˊnt -- ]
    Or. mahātare ʻ greater, better ʼ; M. mahātārā ʻ old ʼ LM 392; Ko. mhāntāro ʻ old man ʼ, °ri ʻ old woman ʼ. <-> P. mihtar m. ʻ headman of village, head of a caste, hon. name for cobbler or sweeper ʼ, H. mehtar m. ʻ sweeper ʼ: both ← or infl. by Pers. mihtar. (CDIAL 9932)

    mēda m. ʻ a mixed caste, any one living by a degrading occupation ʼ Mn. [→ Bal. d ʻ boatman, fisher- man ʼ. -- Cf. Tam. metavar ʻ basket -- maker ʼ &c. DED 4178] Pk. mēa -- m., mēī -- f. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; S. meu m. ʻ fisherman ʼ (whence miāṇī f. ʻ a fishery ʼ), L.  m.; P. meũ m., f. meuṇī ʻ boatman ʼ. -- Prob. separate from S. muhāṇo m. ʻ member of a class of Moslem boatmen ʼ, L. mohāṇā m., °ṇī f.: see *mr̥gahanaka -- .(CDIAL 10320) Ta. mētaravar, mētavar a class of people who do bamboo work. Ka. mēda, mēdā̆ra, mādara man who plaits baskets, mats, etc. of bamboo splits, man of the basket-maker caste. Koḍ. me·dë man of caste who make baskets and leaf-umbrellas and play drums at ceremonies; fem. me·di. Te. mēdara, mēdari the basket-maker caste, a basket-maker; of or pertaining to the basket-maker caste. Kuwi (S.) mētri, (Isr.) mētreˀesimatmaker. / Cf. Skt. meda- a particular mixed caste; Turner, CDIAL, no. 10320. (DEDR 5092)

    mātaṅga m. ʻ man of the lowest caste ʼ Daś., °gī -- f. ʻ Caṇḍāla woman ʼ Kathās. [Cf. Kan. mādiga ʻ man of very low caste, cobbler ʼ, Tel. mādige DED 3942] Pa. mātaṅga -- m. ʻ low -- caste man ʼ, Pk. mā̆yaṁga -- m., °gī -- f.; G. mã̄g m. ʻ representation in soot on a plate of a low -- caste woman as an object of worship ʼ; M. mã̄g m. ʻ name of a caste ʼ; Ko. māṅgo ʻ penis ʼ.(CDIAL 10000) 
    To. mo·Qyxn low-caste man (< Badaga ma·DiGa any low-caste man). Ka. mādiga cobbler, chuckler, outcaste. Tu. mādige id. Te. mādiga id. Nk. (Ch.) madig (pl. -er) man of the sweeper caste; fem.madigra. / Cf. Skt. mātaṅga- a Caṇḍāla, a man of the lowest rank; Turner, CDIAL, no. 10000.
    (DEDR 4810)

    Pa. ucca -- , °aka -- , Pk. ucca -- , °aa -- , Gy. eur. (v)učo ʻ tall, high ʼ, wel. ručō (whence r -- ? unexplained by Sampson DGW iv 320 ʻ prosthetic ʼ), Paš. ūč; Bshk. učat (prob. ← Psht. učat ʻ high ʼ ← IA., Morgenstierne AO xviii 223, EVP 30 s.v. hask); S. uco ʻ excellent ʼ (ūcoū̃co ← centre); L. uccā ʻ high ʼ; P. uccūc ʻ high in caste or rank ʼ, īc -- nīc f. ʻ high and low orders of society ʼ, uccā ʻ high ʼ ucerā ʻ a little higher ʼ(CDIAL 1634)

    nīcá ʻ low ʼ Mn., nīcaka -- ʻ low ʼ lex., ʻ gentle ʼ MBh., nīcaga -- ʻ belonging to a lower caste ʼ; nīcāˊ ʻ below ʼ RV., nīcaíḥ AV., nīcāˊt ʻ from below ʼ RV. [nyàñc -- : √añcPa. nīca -- ʻ low, humble ʼ, Pk. ṇīya -- , ṇia -- ; Aś.shah. nica, man. nicaṁ ʻ in the south ʼ; Si. nidu ʻ low, outcaste ʼ (ND 344 a 32 wrongly as lw. from Sk.); -- P. nīhal adv. ʻ below ʼ, m. ʻ low country ʼ, nīhlā ʻ undermost ʼ (+?).
    With -- cc -- after opposite ucca -- rather than < nīcya<-> ʻ western ʼ AitBr.: Pk. ṇicca -- low ʼ, K. nyūċu, S. nīcu; L. mult. nīc ʻ wicked ʼ; P. nīc ʻ low, mean ʼ, nīcā ʻ low ʼ, Ku. nīcnīco, N. nicnico; A. nis ʻ low ʼ, B. nica, Or. nicā̆nice adv.; Mth. nīc ʻ low, vile ʼ; H. nīcnīcā ʻ low ʼ; OMarw. nīcaï ʻ below ʼ; G. nīcnīcũ ʻ low ʼ, nīce adv.; M. nīċ ʻ low ʼ, nĩċā ʻ inferior in quality ʼ.
    nīcya -- see prec.Addenda: nīcá -- : WPah.kṭg. níśṭɔ ʻ low ʼ < *nicṭɔ (cf. baśṭu < *vac -- ṭu, but uċ -- ṭɔ < ucca -- Him.I 167).(CDIAL 7540)

    pr̥thagjana m. ʻ man of lower caste ʼ, pl. ʻ the common people ʼ Mn. [pŕ̊thak, jána -- ] Pa. puthujjana -- m. ʻ ordinary man ʼ, Si. puhudunā.(CDIAL 8356)

     baṭu m. ʻ boy (esp. a young Brahman), term applied contemptuously to an adult ʼ MBh., baṭuka -- m. Kathās. [PMWS 99 of Mu. origin: prob. one of a group of ʻ defective ʼ words, cf. *baḍu -- s.v. baṇḍá -- and *bēṭṭa -- . <-> There appears to be a base bā̆ -- in both IE. and nonAryan ʻ defective ʼ and ʻ nursery ʼ words and interjections: cf. batá -- ʻ wretch ʼ RV., bālá -- ʻ fool, child ʼ, balā -- ʻ youngest sister ʼ lex., * -- , Lat. bārō ʻ fool ʼ; batabáṭbaḷāˊ RV., bāˊl AV., Av. da interjections. Attempts to distinguish between such IE., non -- Aryan, and spontaneous creations (with *bā̆ -- ~ *vā̆) seem fruitless (J. C. W.)] Pk. baḍu -- , °ua -- m. ʻ boy ʼ, Ku. baṛuā ʻ caste of inferior Brahmans, cheat ʼ; B. baṛu ʻ a Brahman title ʼ; Or. baṛu ʻ servant ʼ; H. baṛuā m. ʻ Brahman boy, pupil ʼ; OG. baḍūu, G. baṛvɔ m. ʻ Brahman boy who is being initiated ʼ.(CDIAL 9121)
    N. H. jhā m. ʻ a caste of Maithili Brahmans ʼ; adhyāpaka m. ʻ teacher ʼ Mn., -- adhyāya -- (at end of cmpd.) ʻ reader ʼ Pāṇ. [√i2]
    Pa. ajjhāyaka -- m. ʻ Brahman student of the Veda ʼ; Pk. ajjhāvaa -- m. ʻ teacher ʼ(CDIAL 278)upādhyāya m. ʻ preceptor, teacher of Veda ʼ Mn. [√i2]Pa. upajjhāya -- , °jha -- m., °jhā -- f., Pk. uajjhāa -- , uj°oj°ujjha -- m., KharI. upajaya -- ; S. wājho m. ʻ Hindu schoolmaster ʼ (ojho m. ← H. type); L. ojhā m. ʻ Brahman teacher ʼ; Ku. ojho ʻ sorcerer ʼ, gng. wāj̈h ʻ name of a caste ʼ; N. ojhā ʻ wizard ʼ, ojhi°ini ʻ his wife ʼ; A. ozā ʻ teacher (esp. a subordinate one), head artisan, wizard ʼ; B. ojhā ʻ snake -- charmer, exorcist ʼ; Or. ojhā ʻ schoolmaster ʼ; Bi. Mth. ojhā ʻ wizard, magician ʼ; Bhoj. ojhā ʻ name of a caste ʼ; Aw. lakh. ojhā ʻ snake -- charmer, exorcist ʼ; H. ojhā m. ʻ wizard ʼ, ojhāin f. ʻ his wife ʼ; G. ojhɔ m. ʻ a partic. surname in Kathiawar, potter ʼ, ojhī f. ʻ his wife ʼ; M. vaj̈hā°j̈ā m. ʻ title of honour for a man who is both blacksmith and carpenter ʼ. (CDIAL 2301) Ta. ōccaṉ male of a caste, members of which officiate as priests in temples sacred to village goddesses; uvaccaṉ member of a caste of temple drummers and pūjāris of Kāḷi. Ma. ōccar a class of Mārān Sūdras, who beat the drum in temples. / Turner, CDIAL, no. 2301; Skt. upādhyāya- > Pkt. ojjhāa- > H. ojhā, etc. (DEDR 18)

    avarṇasaṁyōga-- m. ʻ no connexion with caste ʼ Āp. [várṇa-- 1] Pk. avaṇṇa-- ʻ without colour or shape ʼ; G. avan ʻ being below the four castes, low, mean ʼ.(CDIAL 818)

    ābhīra m. ʻ name of a people ʼ MBh., ʻ herdsman ʼ Mn., °rī-- f. lex. Pk. ābhīra--, āhī°ahira--, āhēra--; Ku. ahīr ʻ a partic. low caste ʼ; B. āhir, f. āhīri ʻ cowherd ʼ, Or. āhira, f. °ri, Bi. ahīr, Bhoj. Aw. ahir, H. ahīr, f. °ran°rnī; G. āhīr m., f. °rṇī ʻ pastoral tribe in Kathiavad, herdsman ʼ,(CDIAL 1232)
    ārāmika m. ʻ gardener ʼ Rājat. [ārāmá -- ]
    Pa. ārāmika -- m., °kinī -- f. ʻ garden attendant ʼ, Pk. ārāmia -- m.; K. āram m., āramĕñ f. ʻ market gardener ʼ; S. ārã̄ī m.; ʻ gardener ʼ; L. arāĩ m., °āiṇ f. ʻ market gardener ʼ; P. arāī˜rāī˜ m. ʻ Moslem gardening caste ʼ; G. rāmī m. ʻ Hindu gardener ʼ.(CDIAL 1318)

    ucca ʻ tall, lofty ʼ Mn.; uccāˊuccáiḥ ʻ above ʼ RV., uccakáiḥ Pañcat. -- Forms in mod. lggs. with a nasal poss. from or influenced by údañc -- ʻ turned upwards, upper ʼ RV., but apparent absence of such forms in MIA. (except Pk. udaṁcida -- ʻ raised high ʼ, see údañcati) makes this very doubtful.
    uttarārdhíya--, °dhyà-- ʻ northern ʼ TS. [uttarārdhá-- ]. S. utirādhī ʻ northern ʼ, L. uttarādhī; P. utrādhī m. ʻ a caste among the Aroṛās ʼ.(CDIAL 1777)

    ōḍra1 m. ʻ a tribe of Śūdras ʼ Mn., ʻ name of a people ʼ MBh., uḍra -- , auḍ°. 2. *auḍrika -- ʻ of that people ʼ. [S. Lévi JA 1923, 20 ff., EWA i 132] 1. Pk. oḍḍa -- , uḍ° m. ʻ the land of Utkala ʼ, uḍḍa -- m. ʻ a caste of well -- diggers ʼ; S. oḍru m. ʻ a caste that make mud walls, blockhead ʼ, L. oḍ̠ m.; P. oḍ m. ʻ a tribe that clear out watercourses or build houses ʼ; Ku. oṛwoṛ ʻ mason ʼ, N. oṛ; Or. oṛa ʻ an aboriginal inhabitant of Orissa ʼ; G. oḍ m. ʻ a caste of Hindus who dig and carry earth and build mud houses ʼ.
    2. oḍḍia -- ʻ pertaining to Utkala ʼ; B. oṛiyāuṛ° ʻ an inhabitant of Orissa ʼ, Or. oṛiā, Bhoj. oṛiyā; EH. (Chattisgarh) oṛiyā m. ʻ navvy ʼ.
    ōḍradēśa -- .Addenda: ōḍra -- 1 ʻ a tribe of Śūdras ʼ Mn.: WPak.kṭg. ōḍ m. ʻ carpenter, name of a caste ʼ; Garh. oḍ ʻ mason ʼ.(CDIAL 2549)


    *kaṅkatakara ʻ comb-- maker ʼ. [káṅkata--, kará-- 1] H. kãgherā m. ʻ caste of comb-- makers ʼ, °rī f. ʻ a woman of this caste ʼ.(CDIAL 2599)

    kaccha m. ʻ bank, shore, marshy ground ʼ MBh. [Conn. with kákṣa -- (EWA i 139) doubtful, but see kacchapa -- ]
    Pa. kaccha -- n. ʻ marshy land ʼ; Pk. kaccha -- m. ʻ bank, shore, flooded forest, land near a river, garden to grow radishes &c. in ʼ, kacchara -- m. ʻ mud, morass ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) k*lč with obl. ʻ beside, near ʼ, k*lči adv. ʻ near ʼ,k*lčilo adj.; P. kāchaṛ°al f. ʻ river bank ʼ; N. kachār ʻ hillside, foot of hill ʼ; B. kāchāṛ ʻ steep slope ʼ; Bi. kāch ʻ low marshy land ʼ; H. kachār m. ʻ moist lowland by a river ʼ, kāchī m. ʻ caste of market gardener ʼ (< *kacchin -- ), kachiyānākachwārā m. ʻ vegetable plot ʼ.(CDIAL 2618)

    kándu f. ʻ iron pot ʼ Suśr., °uka -- m. ʻ saucepan ʼ. Pk. kaṁdu -- , kaṁḍu -- m.f. ʻ cooking pot ʼ; K. kō̃da f. ʻ potter's kiln, lime or brick kiln ʼ; -- ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kã̄dur m. ʻ oven ʼ. -- Deriv. Pk. kaṁḍua -- ʻ sweetseller ʼ (< *kānduka -- ?); H. kã̄dū m. ʻ a caste that makes sweetmeats ʼ. (CDIAL 2726)

    kanyálā f. ʻ maiden ʼ AV. [kanya -- ]S. kañirī f. ʻ prostitute ʼ (whence m. kañaru m. ʻ a caste who play, sing and dance ʼ).(CDIAL 2734)

    karmāˊra m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ RV. [EWA i 176 < stem *karmar -- ~ karman -- , but perh. with ODBL 668 ← Drav. cf. Tam. karumā ʻ smith, smelter ʼ whence meaning ʻ smith ʼ was transferred also to karmakāra -- ] Pa. kammāra -- m. ʻ worker in metal ʼ; Pk. kammāra -- , °aya -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, A. kamār, B. kāmār; Or. kamāra ʻ blacksmith, caste of non -- Aryans, caste of fishermen ʼ; Mth. kamār ʻ blacksmith ʼ, Si. kam̆burā. *karmāraśālā -- .Addenda: karmāˊra -- : Md. kan̆buru ʻ blacksmith ʼ.(CDIAL 2898)

    karmīˊṇa ʻ competent ʼ in anuṣṭúp -- karmīˊṇa -- ʻ being per- formed with an a° verse ʼ ŚBr., alaṁ -- k° ʻ competent for any work ʼ Pāṇ. [kárman -- 1Sh. (Lor.) krāmīn ʻ low -- caste labourer such as a Ḍom ʼ; WPah. bhal. kamīṇ m.f. ʻ labourer (man or woman) ʼ; MB. kāmiṇā ʻ labourer ʼ (ODBL 667 < karmín -- ).(CDIAL 2902)

    kalyapāla -- , °yāp° m. ʻ distiller of spirituous liquor ʼ Rājat. [Some NIA. forms < *kallāla -- from which kalyapāla -- is an IA. creation: kalya -- 4, pālá -- ] Pk. kallavāla -- , kallāla -- m. ʻ distiller ʼ; K. kalawāl m. ʻ seller of spirits ʼ; L. P. kalāl m. ʻ distiller and seller of spirits ʼ (→ S. kalālu m.); WPah. bhal. kalālī m. ʻ man who boils kodrā -- meal for a partic. religious ceremony ʼ; Bi. kalwār ʻ Hindu seller of country wine ʼ (→ N. kalwār ʻ distiller ʼ); H. kalārkalāl m. ʻ distiller ʼ (→ Mth. kalāl; Bi. kalāl ʻ Moslem seller of spirits ʼ), kalārī°ālī m. ʻ seller of spirits ʼ, G. kalāl (← H. or P.) m., °lālaṇ f. -- M. kāḷaṇ m. ʻ caste of distillers ʼ < *kalāḷ?
    Addenda: kalyapāla -- : S.kcch. kalāl(ī) m. ʻ liquor -- seller ʼ.(CDIAL 2951)

    *kācahāra ʻ bearer of a carrying -- pole ʼ. [kāca -- 3, hāra -- ] Pa. kājahāraka -- m.; Pk. kāhāra -- m. ʻ carrier of water or other burdens ʼ, n. ʻ carrying -- pole ʼ; K. kahar m. ʻ palanquin -- bearer ʼ, S. kahāru m.; P. kahār m. ʻ palanquin -- bearer, water -- carrier ʼ; N. kahār ʻ a class of cultivators who also act as bearers ʼ; B. kāhār ʻ a low caste of palanquin -- bearers and water -- carriers ʼ; Or. kāhāḷa°ārakāã̄ḷa°ã̄ra ʻ a low caste of bearers ʼ, Bhoj. kahār, Aw. lakh. kahārkaharawā; H. kahār m. ʻ palanquinbearer, water -- drawer ʼ; M. kahār m. ʻ palanquin -- bearer ʼ.*kācca -- ʻ glass ʼ see kācá -- 1Addenda: *kācahāra -- : G. kahār m. ʻ litter -- bearer ʼ.(CDIAL 3011)

    daṇḍapāśika m. ʻ hangman ʼ Apte, ʻ chief of police ʼ Mudrār., °śaka -- m. ʻ policeman ʼ Pañcat., °pāsika -- m. ʻ city governor ʼ lex. [Cf. MIA. forms sansktritized as daṇḍavāsin -- , °ika -- m. ʻ chief magistrate ʼ lex., ʻ watchman ʼ BHS ii 261. -- daṇḍá -- , pāˊśa -- 2]
    Pk. daṁḍavāsiya -- , daṁḍapāsi -- m. ʻ policeman ʼ; Or. daṇḍuāsidaṇḍāsi ʻ caste of watchmen ʼ.(CDIAL 6134)

    dāˊśa (dāśá -- Uṇ.)m. ʻ fisherman, ferryman ʼ VS., ʻ a mixed caste ʼ Mn. [Same as dāsá -- 1 (P. Thieme ZDMG 91, 113)?]
    L. ḍ̠ahā m. ʻ a tribe of Jats ʼ? dāśēra -- see daśēra -- .  dāśēraka -- , daś° m. pl. ʻ name of the people of Maru (Marwar) ʼ MBh., dāsēraka -- m. ʻ name of a people ʼ Pāṇ.Kāś. [P. Thieme ZDMG 91, 113 dial. form of dāsēra -- ʻ slave girl's son ʼ]

    S. ḍ̠āhiriḍ̠aharī m. ʻ name of a Sindhi tribe ʼ; L. (Ju.) ḍ̠āhrā m. ʻ a division of the Kerār tribe. ʼ(CDIAL 6134, 6135)daśēra ʻ inclined to bite ʼ Uṇ., m. ʻ beast of prey ʼ W. [~ daṁśēra -- ; -- cf. daśēraka -- m. ʻ ass ʼ MBh., dāśēradāsēra -- , °aka -- m. ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat.? EWA ii 28. <-> √daṁś]B. daser ʻ beast of prey ʼ, Or. dasera. (CDIAL 6239)

    dhánus n. ʻ bow ʼ RV., dhanú -- 1 m. Hit. Pa. dhanu -- n. ʻ bow ʼ, °uka -- n. ʻ small bow ʼ; Pk. dhaṇu -- , °uha -- , °ukka -- m., °uhī -- f., D. d*lnua, Sh. dān&utodgrave; m.; P. dhaṇuk(h), °ṇak(h) m. bow ʼ, dhaṇukhī f. ʻ carding -- bow ʼ; WPah.jaun. dhaṇu, bhal. dhaṇũ f. ʻ bow ʼ, kādhaṇū f. ʻ rainbow ʼ (kã -- ?); Or. ḍhaṇa ʻ bow ʼ, Bi. dhanuhi; H. dhandhanuā m. ʻ bow ʼ, dhanuī f. ʻ small bow ʼ, dhanuhī°hiyā f. ʻ child's bow ʼ; OG. dhaṇuṁ n. ʻ bow ʼ, Si. dunna, st. dunu -- , Md. duni. -- X dhūnṓti: H. dhunwī f. ʻ cottoncarding bow ʼ, Or. dial. dhuṇa.*dhanurvant -- , dhánvan -- 1; indradhanúṣ -- , *vīdhradhanus -- .
    Addenda: dhánus -- : WPah.kṭg. dhɔˋṇɔ m. ʻ bow ʼ, J. dhaṇu m.; Md. duni ʻ arrow ʼ; -- Pk. dhāṇukka -- m. ʻ archery expert ʼ (→ dhānuṣka -- m. MBh.) der. dhaṇukka -- m.n. ʻ bow ʼ (dhanuṣka -- n. Lāṭy.): OP. dhāṇaku m. ʻ member of a low caste of hunters ʼ, H. dhānak.(CDIAL 6726)

    dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]
    Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)

    dhīvará m. ʻ a partic. mixed caste ʼ Gaut., ʻ fisherman ʼ MBh., °raka -- m. MBh., °rī -- f. ʻ a woman of this caste ʼ Kathās. 2. tīvará -- m. ʻ caste of hunters (offspring of a Kṣatriya with a Rajput woman) ʼ BrahmavP. 1. Pk. dhīvara -- m. ʻ caste of fishermen ʼ; L. dhīvarī f. ʻ fisherman's wife ʼ, awāṇ. ḍhīvur m. ʻ cook ʼ; P. jhīvarjhiur m. ʻ water -- carrier ʼ; H. dhīwardhī˜wardhīmar m. ʻ caste of fishermen ʼ, G. dhīmar m., M. ḍhivarḍhĩvar m., Ko. divaru. 2. Pa. tīvarā m. pl. ʻ name of a people ʼ; B. tiyar ʻ subcaste of fishermen ʼ, Or. tiara. Addenda: dhīvará -- . 3. †*jhīvara -- : WPah.kṭg. j̈hèwəḷ m. ʻ fisher ʼ, P. H. jhīwar m.; P. jhīurjhiūr m. ʻ water -- carrier ʼ.(CDIAL 6819)

    náṭa m., naṭī -- f. ʻ dancer, actor ʼ MBh., °aka -- m. lex. [Prob. MIA., cf. nr̥tú -- ʻ dancing ʼ RV., and to be separated from naṭati1 (despite Kuiper IL 16, 105) which is ← Drav. -- See √nr̥t] Pa. naṭa -- , °ṭaka -- m. ʻ dancer ʼ, °ṭikā -- f., Pk. ṇaḍa -- m.; B. naṛ ʻ caste of actors ʼ; G. naṛ m. ʻ low -- caste man ʼ; Si. naḷuvā ʻ dancer, actor ʼ (or < nāṭaka -- ), niḷī ʻ dancing girl ʼ.(CDIAL 6933)

     *paṭṭakara ʻ cloth -- maker ʼ. [Cf. paṭṭakarman -- n. ʻ weaving ʼ Pañcat. -- paṭṭa -- 2, kara -- 1]Or. pāṭarā ʻ a Hindu caste of cloth -- dealers ʼ; Bi. paṭaherā ʻ maker of fancy silk ʼ; -- cf. Pk. paṭṭakāra -- m. ʻ weaver ʼ.(CDIAL 7702)

    paṇḍitá ʻ learned, clever ʼ Br̥ĀrUp, m. ʻ scholar, teacher ʼ MBh. [No certain etymology. EWA ii 197 poss. < *prajñita -- (cf. paṇḍā -- f. ʻ wisdom ʼ ~ prajñāˊ -- ) > MIA. *paṇṇita -- > paṇḍita -- as hypersanskritism, reversing Pk. ṇṇ ~ Sk. ṇḍ. H. W. Bailey BSOAS xxiv 479 connects rather with Khot. pandara ʻ foolish ʼ (see paṇḍá -- ). DED 3299 ← Drav. with (?)] Pa. paṇḍita -- , °aka -- m. ʻ learned man ʼ, Dhp. paṇida, Pk. paṁḍia -- m., P. paṇḍā m.; N. pã̄ṛe ʻ a class of Brahmans ʼ; OB. pāṇḍiā, B. pã̄ṛe ʻ a North Indian Brahman ʼ; Or. pāṇḍa ʻ a class of Brahmans in Northwest India ʼ, paṇḍā ʻ Brahman priest of lower status ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. pã̄ṛe ʻ a class of Brahmans ʼ; H. pã̄ḍepã̄ṛepã̄ḍā m. ʻ learned man ʼ, paṇḍā m. ʻ priest presiding at a temple ʼ; G. paṇḍyɔ m. ʻ Brahman ʼ; M. pã̄ḍyā m. ʻ a class of Brahmans ʼ; -- Si. pan̆ḍi ʻ learned ʼ EGS 93 is ← Pa.paṇḍra -- 1 ʻ eunuch ʼ see paṇḍá -- .*paṇḍra -- 2 ʻ white ʼ see pāṇḍú -- .Addenda: paṇḍitá -- : Garh. pã̄ḍe ʻ a Brahman sub -- caste ʼ, OMarw. (Vīsaḷa) voc.sg.m. paṁḍyā.(CDIAL 7718)

    puṇḍra2 m. ʻ name of a people ʼ AitBr., °aka -- m. Mn. [Orig. ʻ light -- skinned ʼ and same as puṇḍra -- 1? Cf. pāṇḍú -- , pāṇḍa -- ~ Pāṇḍu -- , Pāṇḍa -- (J. C. W.)] B. pũṛi ʻ name of a caste ʼ.(CDIAL 8260)

    pratihāra m. ʻ a closure ʼ RPrāt., ʻ door ʼ (in cmpd.) BhP., pratīhārá -- m. ʻ conclusion (of Sāman) ʼ AV., ʻ door ʼ lex.; pratihāra -- m. ʻ doorkeeper ʼ R. (pratīh° BhP.), ʻ juggler ʼ lex. [√hr̥] Pk. paḍihāra -- m. ʻ doorkeeper ʼ, OB. paḍihārī, Or. paṛhiārī; G. paḍhiyār m. ʻ a caste of labourers ʼ.(CDIAL 8618)

    prājaka m. ʻ driver of beasts of burden ʼ Mn. [√aj] Si. paduvāpaddā ʻ man of a caste of elephanttenders, palanquin -- carriers, &c. ʼ.(CDIAL 8923)

    *bārujīvin ʻ having one's livelihood from betel ʼ. [*bāru -- , jīvá -- 1] B. bārui ʻ caste of betel -- growers ʼ.(CDIAL 9214)

    bhaṭṭa2 m. ʻ mixed caste of bards ʼ lex. [Cf. bhaṭa -- m. ʻ mixed caste ʼ lex., bhaḍa -- m. Cat., bhaṇḍa -- m. BrahmavP.
    Pk. bhaṭṭa -- m. ʻ bard ʼ; K. bāṭh, dat. °ṭhas m. ʻ bard, panegyrist ʼ, S. bhaṭu m., P. bhaṭṭ m., Ku. N. A. B. bhāṭ, Or. bhāṭa, Bhoj. Aw.lakh. H. G. M. bhāṭ m., Si. bäṭṭayā; -- S. bhaṭiṇī f. ʻ woman of this caste ʼ, P. bhaṭṭaṇ°ṇīf., N. bhaṭini, H. bhāṭan f.; -- N. bhaṭyāunu ʻ to lead a chorus ʼ. bhaṭṭāra -- see bhártr̥ -- .Addenda: bhaṭṭa -- 2: WPah.kṭg. (kc.) bhāˋṭ m. ʻ poet and singer ʼ, kṭg. bhāˋṭṭəṇ, kc. bhāṭiṇ f. ʻ his wife ʼ; Garh. bhāṭ ʻ bard ʼ.(CDIAL 9366) bhártr̥ -- , acc. bhártāram m. ʻ husband ʼ, bhartŕ̊ -- m. ʻ bearer ʼ RV.: > MIA. bhaṭṭāra -- m. ʻ noble lord ʼ lex., °aka -- m. Hit., bhaṭṭa -- 1 ʻ term of address from lowborn to superior, lord ʼ Daś. [√bhr̥]Pa. bhattā nom., bhattāraṁ acc. sg. m. ʻ husband ʼ; NiDoc. bhaṭara°aǵa ʻ master ʼ, bhaṭariyae gen. sg. f. ʻ mistress ʼ; Pk. bhattu -- , °ti -- , bhaṭṭu -- , °ṭi -- m. ʻ husband, master ʼ, bhaṭṭiṇī -- f. ʻ mistress, non -- anointed queen ʼ, bhaṭṭāraya -- m. ʻ worshipful one, (in drama) king ʼ, bhaḍāraya -- with abnormal change of -- ṭṭ -- in term of address (> K. brôru m. ʻ god, esp. Śiva ʼ, brörü f. ʻ goddess ʼ); K. baṭa m. ʻ a Brahman ʼ; Ḍ. bitṓr, pl. °tāˊra ʻ husband ʼ, S. bhatāru m., Ku. A. bhatār, OB. bhatāra, B. bhātār, Bi. bhatār, Aw.lakh. bhatarā; H. bhatār m. ʻ husband, master ʼ. -- See *bharitr̥ -- s.v. *bhāriyāpa -- .bhaṭṭārikāmaṭha -- .BHARTS ʻ threaten ʼ: bhartsana -- .Addenda: bhártr̥ -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) bhāˋṭ m. ʻ member of a brahman caste, priest ʼ, J. bhāṭ m. ʻ term for a brahman ʼ; A. bhatarā ʻ uncastrated bull ʼ(CDIAL 9402) bhr̥ta ʻ carried, brought ʼ MBh. 2. ʻ hired, paid ʼ Mn., m. ʻ hireling, mercenary ʼ Yājñ.com., bhr̥taka -- m. ʻ hired servant ʼ Mn.: > MIA. bhaṭa -- m. ʻ hired soldier, servant ʼ MBh. [√bhr̥]
    1. Ash. 3 sg. pret. bəṛə, f. °ṛī ʻ brought ʼ, Kt. bŕå; Gaw. (LSI) bṛoet ʻ they begin ʼ.2. Pa. bhata -- ʻ supported, fed ʼ, bhataka -- m. ʻ hired servant ʼ, bhaṭa -- m. ʻ hireling, servant, soldier ʼ; Aś.shah. man. kāl. bhaṭa -- ʻ hired servant ʼ, kāl. bhaṭaka -- , gir. bhata -- , bhataka -- ; Pk. bhayaga -- m. ʻ servant ʼ, bhaḍa -- m. ʻ soldier ʼ, bhaḍaa -- m. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; Paš. buṛīˊ ʻ servant maid ʼ IIFL iii 3, 38; S. bhaṛu ʻ clever, proficient ʼ, m. ʻ an adept ʼ; Ku. bhaṛ m. ʻ hero, brave man ʼ, gng. adj. ʻ mighty ʼ; B. bhaṛ ʻ soldier, servant, nom. prop. ʼ, bhaṛil ʻ servant, hero ʼ; Bhoj. bhar ʻ name of a partic. low caste ʼ; G. bhaṛ m. ʻ warrior, hero, opulent person ʼ, adj. ʻ strong, opulent ʼ, ubhaṛ m. ʻ landless worker ʼ (G. cmpd. with u -- , ʻ without ʼ, i.e. ʻ one without servants ʼ?); Si. beḷē ʻ soldier ʼ < *baḷaya, st. baḷa -- ; -- Pk. bhuaga -- m. ʻ worshipper in a temple ʼ, G. bhuvɔ m. (rather than < bhūdēva -- ).(CDIAL 9588)

    bhaṇḍa2 m. ʻ jester, mime ʼ BhP. 2. bhāṇḍa -- 2 n. ʻ mimicry ʼ lex. [√bhaṇḍ]1. Pk. bhaṁḍa -- m. ʻ jester ʼ, P. bhaṇḍ m. (→ S. bhaṇḍu m. ʻ caste of actors ʼ), WPah.bhal. bhann m., Ku. bhānbhanyālo; N. bhã̄ṛ ʻ buffoon ʼ (whence bhãṛini ʻ his wife ʼ), B. bhã̄ṛ; Or. bhāṇḍa ʻ buffoon ʼ; Mth. bhã̄ṛ ʻ rogue, pimp ʼ; Bhoj. bhã̄ṛ ʻ buffoon ʼ; H. bhã̄ṛ m. ʻ caste of jesters ʼ, G. M. bhã̄ḍ m.2. Ku.gng. bhã̄ṛ ʻ impersonation ʼ; Or. bhaṇḍā ʻ cheating ʼ; -- K. bã̄ḍ m. ʻ buffoon ʼ; S. bhānu m. ʻ begging musician ʼ.Addenda: bhaṇḍa -- 2. 2. bhāṇḍa -- 2: WPah.kṭg. bhàṇḍi f. ʻ joke, mischief ʼ.(CDIAL 9371)

    *bhulla ʻ defective ʼ. 2. *bhōla -- (bhōla -- m. ʻ a mixed caste ʼ lex.). 3. *bhōlla -- . [Cf. *bhōra -- , bulvá -- : see list s.v. *bukka -- 4]
    1. Ku. bhulo ʻ simple, frank, honest ʼ. 2. Pk. bhōla -- ʻ straightforward ʼ; S. bhoro ʻ foolish ʼ; L.awāṇ. P. bhōlā ʻ simple -- minded ʼ; Or. bhoḷa ʻ maddened, enchanted ʼ, sb. ʻ forgetfulness ʼ (cf. *bhōl -- ), bhoḷā ʻ mad, intoxicated ʼ; Mth. bhorā ʻ bewildered, forgetful ʼ; OAw. bhorā ʻ simple ʼ; G. bhoḷũ ʻ foolish, credulous ʼ; M. bhoḷā ʻ foolish ʼ; Ko. bhoḷo ʻ simple ʼ; -- altern. < *bhōlla -- : WPah. (Joshi) bholā ʻ simple -- minded ʼ; Ku. bholo ʻ simple, artless ʼ; N. bholo ʻ foolish ʼ; A. bholā ʻ foolish, simple, frank, peaceful ʼ; H. bholā ʻ foolish, guileless ʼ; Si. bol ʻ chaff ʼ (for this meaning see busa -- ).3. S. bholo ʻ foolish ʼ, Or. bholā; OAw. bholī f. adj. ʻ simple ʼ; -- forms of Ku. N. A. H. Si. s.v. *bhōla<-> above.*bhusa -- ʻ chaff ʼ see busa -- .*bhusakuṭaka -- ʻ chaff -- store ʼ see *busakuṭikā -- .Addenda: *bhulla -- . 2. *bhōla -- : OP. bholattaṇu m. ʻ simplicity ʼ; WPah.kṭg. (kc.) bhòḷɔ ʻ simple minded, honest, dull ʼ; OMarw. (Vīsaḷa) f.adj. bhoḷī ʻ simple ʼ.3. *bhōlla -- : WPah.J. bholā ʻ simple ʼ.(CDIAL 9539)

    *bhūmihāra ʻ carrier of earth ʼ. [bhūˊmi -- , hāra -- 1] Bhoj. bhuĩhār ʻ name of a caste ʼ.(CDIAL 9565)

     bhōgin ʻ wealthy ʼ MBh., m. ʻ headman of a village, barber ʼ lex. [bhṓga -- ] Pa. bhōgin -- m. ʻ wealthy man, owner ʼ (cf. gāmabhōjaka -- m. ʻ village headman ʼ); Pk. bhōi -- , bhōia -- m. ʻ village headman, royal official (P. Thieme ZDMG 91, 116) ʼ, bhōiṇī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ; H. bhoībhuī m. ʻ head of a Goṇḍ village, palanquin -- bearer, porter ʼ, bhoyin°nī f. ʻ his wife ʼ; G. M. bhoī m. ʻ palanquin -- bearer ʼ.Addenda: bhōgin -- [bhōgika -- m. ʻ village headman ʼ Hemac.; Pa. bhōgin -- also id. -- Emeneau Sk. bhōgin -- concludes that Drav. Mal. and Tu. bōyi ʻ caste of palanquinbearers and fishermen ʼ DED 3750, Go. pōī ʻ fisherman ʼ DEDS are ← IA.]Or. bhoi ʻ village accountant ʼ; poss. bhuiā ʻ caste of weavers (LOL), fisherman (Emeneau Sk. bhōgin<-> 216) ʼ, bhuĩã ʻ caste of wild hillmen ʼ; -- bhuiã̄ ʻ pertaining to cornfields ʼ, m. ʻ feudal lord, sylvan deity ʼ < bhūmiyá -- .(CDIAL 9626)

    malla1 m. ʻ wrestler by profession, athlete ʼ MBh., ʻ member of a mixed caste ʼ Mn. [← Drav., Tam. mallaṉ ʻ wrestler ʼ &c. DED 3871] Pa. Pk. malla -- n. ʻ wrestler ʼ; S. malu m. ʻ wrestler brave man ʼ; P. mall m. ʻ wrestler ʼ, A. B. māl, Or. māla Bhoj. H. māl m., OG. māla m.; -- L. malhaṇ f. ʻ assembly for wrestling ʼ; M. malaī f. ʻ altercation and blows ʼ(CDIAL 9907)

    mahallaka ʻ old, feeble ʼ Lalit., mahalla -- , °lika -- m. ʻ eunuch in a king's palace ʼ, mahallikā -- f. nom. prop. [mahāˊnt -- ]
    Pa. mahallaka -- ʻ venerable, old ʼ, m. ʻ old man ʼ, °likā<-> f. ʻ old woman ʼ; Aś.shah. man. dh. mahalaka -- , gir. kāl. dh. mahālaka -- ʻ great, old ʼ; Pk. mahalla -- ʻ big, wide, old ʼ, mahālaya -- ʻ big ʼ; -- Ash. m*l/l*l ʻ very great ʼ, məläˊ adv. ʻ very, much ʼ; Kt. mali -- bŕō ʻ mother's brother ʼ, Pr. (LSI) melig ʻ uncle ʼ: these ← Dard.; -- Tir. m*l/, (Leech) mhala ʻ father ʼ, Mai. māhlomāhli ʻ mother ʼ, Chil. mhālo m., mhāli f., Sh. mālṷm. ʻ father ʼ (Lor. also ʻ father's brother, mother's sister's husband ʼ), māli̯ f. ʻ mother ʼ (Lor. also ʻ mother's sister ʼ), jij. māˊlu m., maēli f.; K. môlu, voc. māli m. ʻ father ʼ, möjü f. ʻ mother ʼ, pog. maul m., kash. mhālu m., mhāili f.; WPah.roh. mali ʻ priest possessed by the god ʼ Hendriksen; M. mahālā m. ʻ term of courtesy affixed to the name of barbers ʼ; Ko. mahāllo ʻ a caste of barbers ʼ; Si. mahalumālu ʻ old, aged ʼ. -- Si. mehelimähäli ʻ old woman (esp. one's own wife) ʼ rather with H. Smith JA 1950, 186 < *mahilikā<-> s.v. mahilāˊ -- .(CDIAL 9935)

    mahāvr̥ddha ʻ very old ʼ R. [mahā -- , vr̥ddhá -- 2] G. moḍh m. ʻ name of a caste of Brahmans who serve as priests to a caste of Baniās also called moḍh ʼ? (CDIAL 9959)
    mālākāra m. ʻ garland -- maker, gardener ʼ MBh., °rī -- f. VarBr̥S. [māˊlā -- , kāra -- 1]
    Pa. mālākāra -- m. ʻ garland -- maker ʼ, Pk. mālā̆gāra -- m.; L. maleār m., °rī f. ʻ one of the gardening caste ʼ, awāṇ. miliār m.; Si. malvaru ʻ garland -- maker ʼ.(CDIAL 10093)
    *rakka ʻ defective ʼ. 2. *rakkara -- . 3. raṅká -- ʻ slow, dull ʼ Uṇ., ʻ poor, hungry ʼ Prab., m. ʻ starveling ʼ Mālatīm., °aka -- m. Bharaṭ. (~ *laṅka -- 1). 4. *raṅkha -- . 5. *raṅga -- 4. [~ *lakka -- 1. --raṅka -- ʻ poor ʼ PMWS 140 ← Mu. cf. Sant. r&eline;ṅg&eline;c' ʻ poor ʼ (cf. rhyming vaṅka<-> ʻ vagabond ʼ Bhadrab.). -- Other ʻ defective ʼ wordgroups with initial r -- s.vv. *raṭṭa -- (*raḍḍa -- , *raṇṭa -- , *raṇṭha -- , raṇḍa -- , *rāḍa -- , *rāṇa -- ), *rigga -- (*rēṅga -- ), *rēñca -- (*rēñja -- ), *rēṇṭa -- (*rēṇḍa -- ), *rēnda -- , *rēppa -- , *rugga -- , *rōcca -- (*rōñca -- ), *ruḍa -- (*ruḍha -- , *ruṇṭa -- , *ruṇṭha -- , ruṇḍa -- , *ruṇḍha -- , *rōṭṭa -- 2, *rōḍa -- 1, *rōḍḍa -- ), *runda -- , *rōbba -- , *rōra -- , *rulla -- . -- Similar series s.vv. kuṇṭha -- , *naṭṭa -- , baṇḍá -- , *bukka -- 4, *maṭṭa -- , *lakka -- 1, vaṇṭa -- 2, *śaṭṭa -- ] 1. L. rakkaṛ m. ʻ poor soil ʼ; P. rakkaṛ ʻ hard and barren (of land) ʼ; M. rakṭẽ n. ʻ contemptuous term for an old or worn or coarse or undersized or tattered blanket or for any old and bad clothing ʼ.2. P. rakkar = rakkaṛ above. 3. Pk. raṁka -- ʻ poor ʼ; L. raṅguṛ ʻ poor, bad (of crops) ʼ; OAw. rāṁka ʻ wretched, poor ʼ; H. rã̄k ʻ poor ʼ, rã̄kaṛ f. ʻ poor stony ground ʼ; G. rã̄krã̄kṛũ ʻ poor, humble ʼ, rã̄kũ n. ʻ beggar ʼ; M. rã̄kaṭ ʻ big and boorish ʼ; -- Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ (or < raṅku -- ?).4. P. raṅghaṛ m. ʻ a Moslem caste who are slothful agriculturists, conceited person ʼ.5. OAw. rāṁga m. ʻ wretch ʼ.*rakkara -- ʻ defective ʼ see prec.Addenda: *rakka -- : cf. also OP. rañcarañcaka f. ʻ a little bit ʼ.(CDIAL 10538)

     lāˊvaṇika ʻ dealing in salt ʼ Śiś. [lavaṇá -- ] Pk. lōṇiya -- ʻ connected with salt ʼ (with ō after lōṇa -- < lavaṇá -- ); N. nuniyã̄ ʻ importer of salt ʼ; B. nuniyā ʻ caste of makers of salt and saltpetre ʼ; Or. luṇiānuṇiā ʻ importer of salt ʼ; Bi. noniyã̄ ʻ maker of saltpetre ʼ; H. noniyā m. ʻ salt -- dealer ʼ.(CDIAL 11033)

    vaṇíj m. ʻ trader ʼ RV., f. ʻ trade ʼ Gaut. Pk. vaṇi -- m. ʻ trader ʼ; -- Ash. vaṇiċ -- , vãṛiċ -- ʻ to sell ʼ, Kt. vŕäī˜č ʻ sale ʼ. (Rep1 62) rather ← Ind. s.v. vaṇijyāˊ -- .vaṇija -- , vaṇijā -- , vaṇijyāˊ -- , vāṇijá -- , vāṇijya -- , vāṇijyaka -- . vaṇija -- , °aka -- m. ʻ trader ʼ lex. [vaṇíj -- ] Pk. vaṇia -- m. ʻ trader ʼ, S. vaṇyo m., P.ludh. baniā m., Ku. baṇiyā, gng. b*l_&rtodtilde;i, N. A. baniyā, Or. baṇiā, Bi. baniyā, Mth. baniã̄, Bhoj. Aw.lakh. H. baniyā m.; <-> Sh. (Lor.) b*lnyo m. ʻ big shopkeeper ʼ prob. ← H.  vaṇijā f. ʻ trade ʼ lex. [vaṇíj -- ]A. benā ʻ trade ʼ? vaṇijyāˊ f. ʻ trade ʼ ŚBr., °jyá -- n. lex. [vaṇíj -- ]Pa. vaṇijjā -- f. ʻ trade ʼ, Pk. vaṇijja -- n., S. vaṇiju m., L. (Ju.) vaṇj m., awāṇ. vaṇuj, P. vaṇj, baṇaj, ludh. banaj m., Ku. baṇaj, gng. b*l_&rtodtilde;ij̈, Or. baṇija, Bi. Aw.lakh. banij, Bhoj. baniji, H. banij, banaj m., G. vaṇaj m.; M. vaṇaj̈ f. ʻ trade journey ʼ. -- Deriv. S. vaṇjaṇu ʻ to buy ʼ; H. banajnā ʻ to trade ʼ; -- Ash. vaṇiċ -- , vãṛiċ -- ʻ to sell ʼ, Kt. vŕäī˜č -- ← Ind. rather than direct < vaṇíj -- .vāṇijyaka -- ; *vaṇijyākāra -- .Addenda: vaṇijyāˊ -- : Garh. baṇja ʻ trade ʼ, A. baniz. 4 *vaṇijyākāra ʻ trader ʼ. [vaṇijyāˊ -- , kāra -- 1]Pk. vaṇijjāraya -- m. ʻ trader ʼ, S. vaṇjāro m., L. vaṇjārā m. (→ Psht.waz. wanǰorai ʻ intermediary ʼ), P. vaṇjārā, baṇ° m., Or. baṇijāra, °ru, H. banijārā, banjārā m. (→ Ku. banjāro); G. vaṇjāri f. ʻ a number of traders, caravan ʼ, vaṇjārɔ m. ʻ travelling trader ʼ; M. vaṇj̈ār m. ʻ troop of travelling sellers of grain and salt ʼ, vaṇj̈ārā m. ʻ carrier of grain, salt, &c. (a caste) ʼ; -- A. bānizār ʻ trade ʼ, MB. bāṇijāra ʻ trader ʼ with secondary lengthening of ā rather than < *vāṇijyakāra -- .(CDIAL 10230 to 10234)

    vapa1 m. ʻ weaving ʼ Apte. [√vap3] P.  m. ʻ weaver of Camār caste ʼ.(CDIAL 11280) *vapana1 ʻ weaving ʼ. [Cf. vapanī -- f. ʻ weaver's instru- ment, weaver's shop ʼ Apte, vápati ʻ weaves ʼ Dhātup. <-> √vap3] P. boṇā m. (f. °ṇī) ʻ weaver of Camār caste ʼ; A. bowan ʻ cost of weaving ʼ.Addenda: *vapana -- 1: delete vápati ʻ weaves ʼ Dhātup. (CDIAL 11283)

    *vāpakārin ʻ one who shaves ʼ. [Cf. kr̥tavāpa- ʻ shaven ʼ Mn. -- vāpa -- 1, kārín -- ]Pk. vāria -- m. ʻ barber ʼ; H. bārī m. ʻ a caste who sell torches and occasionally act as barbers ʼ; M. vārīk m. ʻ barber ʼ(CDIAL 11422)

     vípra ʻ eloquent ʼ, m. ʻ priest ʼ RV., ʻ member of the Brahman caste ʼ Mn. [√vip]Pa. Pk. vippa -- m. ʻ member of the Brahman caste ʼ, KharI. vipra, Si. vip. (CDIAL 11800)

    vaíśya m. ʻ peasant as member of the third caste ʼ RV. adj. ʻ belonging to such ʼ MBh. (n. ʻ vassalage ʼ TS.). [vḗśa -- 1 or vēśyà -- ]
    Pa. vessa -- m., °sī -- , °sikā -- f. ʻ member of the third caste ʼ, Pk. vessa -- , vēsa -- m., vēsī -- f.; Si. vessā, st. ves<-> ʻ merchant ʼ; -- A. behā ʻ trade ʼ.vaiśyavr̥tti -- Add.
    12150a vaiśyavr̥tti -- Add. 14810.(CDIAL 12150) vaiśyavr̥tti -- f. ʻ trade ʼ Mn. [vaíśya -- , vr̥tti -- ]B. besād ʻ trade ʼ ODBL 446, besāti, Bhoj. bisātī. (CDIAL 14810)


    vyavahāraka m. ʻ trader ʼ Pañcat. 2. *viyavahāraka -- . [vyavahāra -- ]1. K. buhuru m. ʻ vendor of drugs &c. ʼ (← Ind.); N. bohorā ʻ name of a clan of Chetris ʼ; H. bohrābauhrā m. ʻ class of village bankers (Muhammadans originally from Gujarat) ʼ; G. vahɔrɔvɔrɔhɔrɔ m. ʻ trader ʼ (bɔrɔm. ← H.).2. Aś.jau. nagala -- viyohālakā nom. pl. m. ʻ city magistratesʼAddenda: vyavahāraka -- : WPah.poet. bōro m. ʻ member of a caste of bankers ʼ (poss. ← H. Him.I 144).(CDIAl 12175)

    śabára (often śavara -- ) m. ʻ a wild mountain tribe in the Deccan ʼ AitBr., °aka -- m. ʻ a savage ʼ Kāv.Pa. Pk. savara -- m.ʻ an aboriginal tribe ʼ; Or. saharasaarasaüra, f. saaruṇi ʻ a caste of aboriginal Gaṛajāts ʼ; Si. savara ʻ a savage ʼ, habarayā ʻ archer, a Väddā ʼ ( -- b -- ?) EGS 188.(CDIAL 12296) Ta. paratar, paratavar, paravar inhabitants of a maritime tract, fishing tribes. Ma. paravan dwellers on the seacoast, a caste of fishermen; fem. paratti. Tu. parave a man belonging to a low class of devil-dancers. /? Cf. Skt. bharata- barbarian, mountaineer (= śabara-). (DEDR 3957)

    śāka2 n. ʻ potherb, vegetable ʼ Gr̥Śr. 2. *śākin- ʻ vegetable grower ʼ.1. Pa. sāka -- n., Pk. sāga -- , sāya -- m., Wg. ċā, Dm. ċâ; Kho. šax ʻ green vegetables ʼ (but x, not g? -- → Kal. šak, Kt. šok?), Phal. šō, Sh. šā.2. B. cã̄i ʻ a caste of vegetable growers in Rajsahi ʼ (c -- ?).(CDIAL 12370)

    śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut., śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- ]Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc. śilpiǵa, Pk. sippi -- , °ia -- m.; A. xipini ʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw. sīpī m. ʻ artizan ʼ; M. śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si. sipi -- yā ʻ craftsman ʼ.(CDIAL 12471)

    śuṇḍin m., °nī -- f. ʻ preparer of spirituous liquor ʼ Cat. [Cf. śauṇḍiká -- m. R., Pa. soṇḍika -- , Pk. soṁḍia -- . <-> śuṇḍā -- 2]
    Pk. suṁḍia -- m. ʻ id. ʼ; N. sũṛi ʻ a caste in the Tarai ʼ; A. xũri ʻ distiller ʼ, OB. śuṇḍinī f., B. sũṛi m., Or. suṇḍi, Mth. sū̃ṛi, H. sū̃ḍīsū̃ṛī m.(CDIAL 12519)


    śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]
    Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭhʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12726)


    sthávira ʻ broad, thick, strong ʼ RV. 2. ʻ old, venerable ʼ ŚBr. [~ sthūrá -- ]1. Ash. təwəläˊ ʻ flat ʼ, Wg. tawére ʻ low ʼ; Dm. thäwara ʻ flat, low ʼ, thawara ʻ low, short ʼ; Kal.urt. thawərīˊk ʻ short ʼ; -- as ʻ palm of hand ʼ (semant. cf. Gk. pala/mh, &c. IEW 805 s.v. pelə -- ): Gaw. thor*l ʻ palm of hand ʼ; Bshk. the_r (Biddulph ther f., LSI thair) ʻ hand ʼ; Tor. ṭhe ʻ lower part of arm ʼ.2. Pa. thēra -- (with or without bhikkhu -- ) m. ʻ senior member of the Saṅgha ʼ, thērī -- , °rikā -- f., Dhp. thera<-> m., NiDoc. ṭera (BHSk. sthēra -- ʻ old ʼ, m. ʻ an elder ʼ, thēra -- m. ʻ old decrepit man ʼ BHS ii 260); Aś.gir. thairānaṁ gen. pl. ʻ older persons ʼ (= vuḍhānaṁ of other versions); Pk. thavira -- , ṭhavira -- , ṭhēra -- ʻ old ʼ, thēra -- m., °rī -- f. ʻ Jain elder ʼ; P. ṭherā m. ʻ aged person ʼ; Mth. ṭhair ʻ two year old heifer ʼ (semant. cf. sthaurá -- ); G. thaiṛɔ m. ʻ old man ʼ (< *thairaṛau); M. thertherḍā ʻ decrepit ʼ; Si. tera ʻ senior monk ʼ, teri f.; -- M. ther m. ʻ caste of strolling players ʼ (from the mng. ʻ monk, &c. ʼ?).(CDIAL 13347)

    Ta. akavu (akavi-) to utter a sound as a peacock, sing, dance as a peacock, call, summon; akavar bards who arouse the king in the morning; akaval calling, addressing, screech of a peacock, high tone, n. of a metre; akavalaṉ bard of the Pāṇar caste; akavunar dancers, singers. Ma. akaval screech of a peacock, name of a metre in Tamil; akaṟuka, akiṟuka to roar, bellow, children to cry; akaṟal, akiṟal, akiṟcca roaring, bellowing. (DEDR 10)

    Ta. aḷam saltpan, maritime tract, saline soil, sea; aḷakkar sea, ocean, saltpans; aḷatti woman of maritime tracts; aḷavar persons belonging to the caste of salt manufacturers; aḷar saltishness, brackishness; uppaḷamsaltpan, saline land; ump-aḷam saltpan. Ma. aḷam salt marsh, saltpan; aḷakkar sea; upp-aḷam salt marsh; aḷavan a member of the caste of salt manufacturers. Te. upp-aḷamu saltpan, salt-works. (DEDR 299)

     Ta. ā, āṉ female of ox, sambur, and buffalo; āy the cowherd caste; āyaṉ herdsman; fem. āytti; āyam a herd of cows; ā-ppi cowdung. Ma. ā, ān cow; āyan cowherd; fem. āyi, ācci. Ko. a·v cow. To. -of suffix in some names of female buffaloes (MBE 1979, p. 226). Ka. ā (pl. ākal), āvu cow; ākaḷ, ākaḷa a cow. Koḍ. atta (pl.) cattle. Tu. ambi cowdung. Te. āvu (old pl. ālu) cow; ã̄-dōka the shape of a cow's tail, a tapering form (DEDR 334)

    Ta. iṭai the herdsman caste; iṭaiyar men of the herdsman caste inhabiting the mullai country; fem. iṭaicci. Ma. iṭayan, eṭayan the middle caste of shepherds and cowherds, rather foreigners in Malabar; fem. iṭacci; iṭaśśēri herdsmen's quarter. Cf. Ta. iṇṭar shepherds. / Cf. Sgh. e&nangle;ḍēra herdsmen. (DEDR 450)

    Ta. īr̤am toddy, arrack; īr̤avaṉ, īr̤uvaṉ one of the caste of toddy-drawers; īr̤a-ccēri street inhabited by toddy-drawers. Ma. īr̤avan = Ta. īr̤avaṉ. Ka. īḍi toddy; īḍiga man of the toddy-drawers caste; fem. īḍigitti. Te.īḍiga, īṇḍra the toddy-drawer caste; īṇḍravã̄ḍu man of the toddy-drawer caste; fem. īṇḍradi. Cf. 550 Ta. īr̤am; legend current in Malabar ascribes the origin of this caste to Ceylon. (DEDR 549)

    Ta. upparavar a Telugu caste who are usually tank- and well-diggers and road-workers (< Te.). Te. uppara name of a caste whose occupation is digging tanks, etc.; uppari a digger, tank-digger; fem.upparadi. Cf. 628 Ta. uppārakkāraṉ. (DEDR 626)

    Ta. okkal relations, kinsfolk; okkali (-pp-, -tt-) to hold friendly communion with one's relations, maintain one's relations, give them medical aid, etc.; okkiliyaṉ member of a caste of cultivators from the Kannada provinces who have settled in the districts of Madura and Coimbatore. Ma. okkiliyan a cultivating class. Ko. okl family. To. wïkïl family within clan. Ka. okkal residing, residence, home, tenancy, tenant, husbandman, farmer, subject; okkala, okkaliga husbandman, farmer, Śūdra; okkalagitti, okkaligiti, okkaliti a farmer woman; okkalatana husbandry, farming. Koḍ. okka patrilineal joint family. Tu. okkelů a tenant; okkelme one of a cultivating class called the Bants, a Bant; fem. okkeldi, okkendi. / Cf. Pkt. okkia- a dwelling, residence.(DEDR 925)

    Ma. bōy palanquin-bearers, fishermen. Ka. bōyi, bōva a caste who are palanquin-bearers and fishermen. Tu. bōyi, bōvi id. Te. bōya, bōyãḍu, bōyavã̄ḍu savage, barbarian, inhabitant of the forest, huntsman, fisherman; bōyata, bōyeta woman of a savage tribe; bōyī˜ḍu man of the cow-keeper's orshepherd's caste; a palanquin-bearer; bōyĭ̄ a palanquin-bearer. Pa. bōyid (pl. bōyil) Muria Gond. Go. (Ph.) pōī male member of the fisherman caste; fem. paitār (Voc. 2433); (SR.) poy-paṭlal village headman; (F-H.)poiur patel (Voc. 2400). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9626, bhōgin- wealthy; headman of a village; barber; Pkt. bhōi-, bhōia- village headman; Guj. Mar. bhoī palanquin-bearer, fisherman; H. bhoī, bhuī palanquin-bearer, (?) fisherman; Emeneau, "Sanskrit bhōgin- 'wealthy'→ 'village headman; fisherman, palanquin-bearer'", American Indian and Indoeuropean Studies, Papers in Honor of Madison S. Beeler (Mouton, 1980), pp. 315--25.(DEDR 51)

     Ta. iraṭṭi, reṭṭi name of a Telugu caste of cultivators. Ka. raḍḍi, reḍḍi Reddi, a petty baron, title of a caste of Telugu cultivators. Te. reḍ(ḍ)i, raḍ(ḍ)i name of a certain caste; headman of a village. / Turner, CDIAL, nos. 10722 rāṣṭrakūṭa-, 10724 rāṣṭrin-, rāṣṭrika-, Pali raṭṭhika-, Pkt. raṭṭhiya-; Su. 1973, p. 145; Te. Inscr.&super2; s.vv. raṭṭaḍi, raḍḍi. (DEDR 54)

    Ta. vēḷ petty ruler, chief, Cāḷukya king, illustrious or great man, hero; ? title given by ancient Tamil kings to Vēḷāḷas; vēḷir a class of ancient chiefs in the Tamil country, the Cāḷukyas, petty chiefs; ? vēḷāḷaṉ a person of Vēḷāḷa casteKur. bēlas king, zemindar, god; belxā kingdom; belō, (Hahn) bēlō queen of white-ants. (DEDR 5545) Ta. veḷḷāḷaṉ, vēḷāḷaṉ, veḷḷār̤aṉ 

    man of the Vēḷāḷa caste; fem. veḷḷāḷacci, veḷḷār̤acci; veḷḷāṇmai, veḷḷāmai cultivation; vēḷāṇmai agriculture, husbandry. Ma. veḷḷāḷar Tamil Śūdras; veḷḷāyma agriculture; Veḷḷāḷas. Te. velama name of a caste, man of this caste; (DCV) agriculture; (Inscr.) vēlāṇḍu a cultivator; affix to the names of cultivator caste in Tamilnad.
     (DEDR 5507)
    Ta. vēr̤ampar pole-dancers. Ma. vēr̤ampan a small colony of a Tamil caste near Palghat; (DCV) vēr̤ampar pole-dancers. / Cf. Pkt. velamba(ga)-, BHS velambaka- jester, buffoon. (DEDR 5543)

    Ta. vaṉṉiyaṉ a caste; caste title among certain castes (as the Kaḷḷar, Valaiyar, etc.); vaṉṉi person of the Vaṉṉiya casteMa. vanniyan a Tamil tribe immigrated from Trichinopoly. (DEDR 5331)

    Ta. valai net; valaiyaṉ fisherman; fem. valaicci; vala (-pp-, -nt-) to encircle, surround, spin as a spider its thread, plait, weave, string in a series, tie, bind. Ma. vala net, web; valkka, vakkuka to catch fish; valayancaste of hunters; fem. valayacci. Ko. val net, box-trap for rats made of netting. To. pal net. Ka. bale id. Koḍ. bale id. Tu. balè net, web, snare. Te. vala net, snare. Ga. (S.) valla, (S.2vala net. Go. (Ko.) vala id. (Voc.3207); (Pat.) olla id. Konḍa vala id. Kuwi (Su.) vala id. (DEDR 5288)

    Ma. muta jungle land brought for the first time under cultivation; mutiruka to grow up, become mature, mutircca growth, tallness; mutirppu maturity; mutt-appan grandfather; mutu-mutt-appan great-grandfather; muttan old man; mutti old woman; grandmother; mūkka to grow, grow old, ripen, ferment; mū-dēvi elder sister of Lakṣmī, goddess of misfortune; mūtu prior; mūtta old, grown (opp. iḷaya); mūttatu old, elder; mūttappan father's elder brother, father's father; mūttamma elder sister of mother or father, mother's mother; mūttācci grandmother; mūttavan elder, senior, elder brother; mūttān an old Nayar, senior; mūttōr old men; a title of barons in Kaḍattuwanāḍu; mūppu old age, maturity, seniority, a right of inheritance, an office of dignity; mūppan old man, senior, elder, president; the headman of a class (a title bestowed by Rājas on Tīyars and Māpḷas); a caste of jungle dwellers in Wayanāḍu, agrestic slaves. Ko. mud, mudk old age; old; mudkn old man; (DEDR 4954)

    Ta. mālar children born of a Brahman mother and a Śūdra father; hunters, savages, outcastes. Ka. māla low, base; n. of a barbarous tribe. Te. māla the pariah caste [of the Telugu country], outcaste, pariah; vile, mean, ignoble; mālãḍu pariah, outcaste; fem. māladi. / Cf. Skt. māla- son of a Śūdra and a Sūta; n. of a barbarous tribe.(DEDR4824)

    Ta. maṟam valour, bravery, anger, wrath, enmity, hatred, strength, power, victory, war, killing, murder, Yama; maṟal hate, enmity, disagreement, fight, war, death; maṟali Yama; maṟalu (maṟali-) to oppose, give fight, kill; maṟavai anything cruel by nature; maṟavōṉ warrior, boy between the ages of 10 and 14; maṟavaṉ inhabitant of desert tract, of hilly tract, one belonging to the caste of hunters, person of Maṟava caste, warrior, hero, commander, military chief, cruel, wicked person; maṟatti woman of Maṟava caste, woman of desert tracts, woman of hilly tracts. Ma. maṟam disagreement, war; maṟal death, Yama; maṟavar Maravas, the Tamil tribe of warriors. Tu. marava the caste of Maravas.(DEDR 4763)

    Ta. puḷiñaṉ, puḷiṉaṉ hunter, mountaineer; puḷḷuvaṉ dweller in a desert tract. Ma. puḷiyan a caste of jungle dwellers; fem. puḷicci. Ka. (K.2) puṇaje a hunter woman. /? Cf. Skt. pulinda- name of a barbarous tribe. (DEDR 4323)

    Ta. piy (-v-, -nt-) to be tattered, torn off, torn into bits, be loosened, be carded (as cotton), be put to rout; (-pp-, -tt-) to rip, tear, rend, card (cotton), tear into small bits. Ma. pīccuka, piccuka to tug, tear in pieces, prepare wool for carding. Ka. piñju, hīcu, īcu to card cotton. Te. pinju to card cotton with the fingers; penjāri the cotton-cleaner caste (< IA; Turner, CDIAL, no. 8163). / Cf. Skt. piñjana- bow for carding cotton; *piñjati cards cotton; Turner, CDIAL, nos. 8160, 8159.(DEDR 4171)

    (a) Ta. pār (-pp-, -tt-) to see, look at, examine, inspect, know, look for, desire, search, look after; pārval looking; pārvai id., eye, appearance, etc. Ma. pārkka to regard, behold, wait for; pārppu considering, expectation. Ka. pār to look for, wait for, look after, consider, regard, desire; pār(u) looking to or after; pāraysu to desire; hārayisu, hāraysu to look for, get a longing after, desire; hārayke desire. Tu. pāra guard, custody, keeping. Te. pāruva sight, glance.
    (b) Ta. pār, pārppāṉ, pārppaṉaṉ brahman; fem. pārppaṉi, pārppiṉi, pārppātti, pārppaṉatti, pārppi; pārppu the brahman casteMa. pārppavar the seers, brahmans; pāppān brahman; fem. pāppātti; pāppini a caste of lower brahmans. Ko. pa·rvn brahman, Badaga of Harva subcaste; fem. pa·rvty. To. o·rfn brahman, Badaga of Harva subcaste (< Badaga ha·ruva). Ka. pārva, pārba, pāruva, hāruva, hārva brahman; fem.pārviti; pārvike, pārbike brahmanism. Kor. (O.) pārne, (T.) hārne brahman. Te. pāṟũḍu, pāṟuvã̄ḍu id.; fem. pāṟuta, pāṟuṭakka; (some contamination with Skt. brāhmaṇa- and its derivatives in the following) bã̄pũḍubrahman; fem. bã̄pata; bã̄pana the brahman caste. Nk. (Ch.) pār brahman; fem. pāriya.(DEDR 4091)

    Ta. pāṇ song, melody; Pāṇar caste; praise, flattery; pāṇaṉ an ancient class of Tamil bards and minstrels; pāṇi song, melody, music; pāṇu song; paṇ music; paṇṇu (paṇṇi-) to sing in an instrument (as a tune), tune musical instruments; paṇṇal tuning the lute strings according to the required melody; paṇṇumai quality of a melody; paṇṇiyam musical instrument; paṇṇavaṉ bard; paṇṭar bards. Ma. pāṇan a caste of musicians, actors and players. ? To. pa·ṇ festival (any except funeral). Ka. pāṇbe (DCV, no. 1218) dancing girl, (Kitt.) whore, adultress; (K.2pāṇa an expert in singing and dancing. Tu. (pada) paṇpini to recite a verse, sing a song. Go.(Ch. W. Ph. Mand.) pānā̆l a Pardhan man; fem. pāne (Voc. 2184). Manḍ. peṇmi song. Kuwi (Mah.) paṇbu, (Isr.) pāṇbu id. / Cf. BHS pāṇa- a cāṇḍāla, untouchable; Pkt. pāṇa- id.; Or. pāno name of the Ḍomb caste in Ganjam. (DEDR 4068)

    Ta. pākkam seaside village, town, village. Ma. pākkanār n. of a famous low-caste sage. Ka. pāka-nāḍu jōgi a kind of Śudra beggars. Te. pāka hut, hovel; (K.) -pāka (village name suffix); pāka-nāḍu one of the Telugu districts under the Reddi kings. Konḍa pāka hut. / Cf. Skt. pakkaṇa- hut of a Cāṇḍāla, village inhabited by barbarians; Turner, CDIAL, no. 7620. (DEDR 4047) pakkaṇa m.n. ʻ hut of a Caṇḍāla, village inhabited by barbarians ʼ MBh. [← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 382]
    Or. pakāṇa ʻ woodman's hut, hamlet of woodmen's huts ʼ.(CDIAL 7620)

    Ta. paṟai drum, a measure of capacity, Paṟaiya caste; paṟaiyaṉ member of the Paṟaiya caste; fem. paṟaicci. Ma. paṟa drum, a rice measure, disk, circle; paṟayan a Pariah; fem. paṟayi, (Shanmugam) paṟacci. Ko.par drum; parn Pariah; fem. parc. To. 
    paṟ drum. Ka. paṟe id. Koḍ. pare drum (large, double-headed barrel drum beaten by Me·dë). Te. paṟṟa a certain measure of capacity. Go. (A.) para, (G.) parra, (Mu.) par(r)aydrum; (SR.) pharā small drum (Voc. 2125). (DEDR 4032)

    Ta. paṇ service, work, business, employment, decoration; paṇi act, action, performance, work, service, decoration; paṇati workmanship, action, creation, ornament; paṇiti work, structure, ornament; paṇikkaṉmaster-builder, carpenter; paṇikkam, paṇikku accuracy of design, elaboration in a work; paṇinar servants; paṇpu action, deed; paṇṇu (paṇṇi-) to make, effect, produce, adorn; paṉṉu (paṉṉi-) to do anything with consideration and skill. Ma. paṇi work, labour, service, building, exertion; paṇikkan workman, artificer; paṇiyuka to build; paṇiyan a caste of cultivators in hilly districts; game-trackers, living chiefly in Wynad; paṇṇuka, paṇṇikka vb. denoting coitus (obscene). Ko. paṇyn man of a caste at Gudalur in Wynad; fem. paṇc; ? paṇ anvil. To. poṇy work. Ka. paṇṇu to make ready, prepare, equip, decorate; paṇṇika, paṇṇige, paṇṇuge arranging, making ready, equipping. Koḍ. paṇi work. Tu. paṇipuni to give a shape (e.g. to a vessel). Te. pani work, labour, act, deed, workmanship, art; (inscr.) paṇi work; pannu to contrive, plan, design, invent; (K. also) be ready, make ready; (K. also) n. suitability. Kol. (SR.) pannī work, labour. Nk. pani work. Pa. panḍp- (panḍt-) to make, do. Ga. (Oll.) panḍ- to be able. Go. (LSI, Kōi) paṇi, (Grigson) paṛī, (Ko.) paṛiwork (Voc. 2092); panḍ- (G.) to build (house), (Mu.) to make, build, repair, (Ma.) to make, construct; (L.) pandānā to make, repair (Voc. 2093). Konḍa pand- (-it-) to prepare, construct, devise, plan; paṇi work.(DEDR 3884)

    Ta. tīyar a caste in Malabar. Ma. tīyan, tīvan the caste of the palm-cultivators, toddy-drawers, sugar-makers, etc. (said to be 'islanders' [< Skt. dvīpa- island] from Ceylon); fem. tīyatti. Koḍ. ti·yë Tiyan; fem.ti·yatti. (DEDR 3277)

    Ka. taḷavā̆ra, taḷāra, talāri watchman, beadle. Tu. taḷavāre village watchman. Te. talāri watchman. / Cf. Skt. talāra(ka)-, talavarga- city guard (Bṛhatkathākośa; Udayasundarīkathā 75); Pkt. talāra- town watchman; Mar. taḷvār an officer of a village; tarāḷ a man of low caste whose duty it is to protect a village (DEDR 3129)

    Ta. tampi younger brother or male parallel cousin; empi my younger brother; numpi, umpi your younger brother; (Ciṟupāṇāṟṟuppaţai 239) taṉmuṉ younger brother; nampi the elite among men, a term of endearment, (Caldwell3, 400) a title of inferior priests; nampaṉ = nampi; nampiyāṉ the title of officiating temple-priests; ampi younger brother. Ma. tampi, tampān younger brother; nampi Vaishnava priests, inferior brahmans, actors; fem. nampicci; nampiyān a title of princes; the steward of a pagoda (hon. nampiyār). Ka. tamma younger brother; tammaḍi an attendant on an idol. Koḍ. tammaṇë (voc. tammayya·&supern;) younger brother; nambi a Malabar brahman. Tu. tammaiya an affectionate form of addressing a younger brother; nambi a Vaishnava priest. Te. tammũḍu younger brother; (inscr.) tabunṟu (? for tambunṟu), (Inser.) tambul, tammu id.; tambaḷa a certain caste (Thurston, s.v., of temple priests), (B.) a caste of Saivite priests; tambaḷi a member of that caste; (Inscr.) tammaḍi, tammalavāru priest of a Siva temple; nambi a class of priests employed in Vaishnava temples. Go. (Tr.) tammur, (hon.) tammuṛāl, (Mu.) tammur, (Ma.) tammor̥, (S.) tammun (pl. tammur) younger brother (Voc. 1662); (Koya Su.) tammāl id.; (Koya T.) tammuṇḍu (pl.tammask) id. Konḍa tambeṟi id.; tambeṟsi id. (referring to 3rd person). Kui ambesa, tambesa id. (DEDR 3085)

    Ta. cēṇṭiravar weavers. Ka. jāḍa, jēḍa a weaver belonging to the Liṅgavanta sect; spider. Tu. jāḍe, jāḍye weaver; spider. Te. jēṇḍra, dēṇḍra a caste of weavers. Cf. 2475 Ta. cāliyaṉ.(DEDR 2809) Ta. cālikaṉ, cāliyaṉ a caste of weavers. Ma. cāliyan a weaver. Ka. sāliga, sāliya id. Tu. tālye weaver; spider; (Shanmugam) sālye caste of weavers; fem. sālyetti. Te. sāle caste of weavers; sālī˜ḍu, sālevã̄ḍu a weaver. Ga. (S.2) sāle pinḍake spider; sāle paṭṭu spider-web. Kuwi (S.) sāliesi weaver. (DEDR 2475)

    (a) Ta. uppu salt, alkali, saltness; uppar salt manufacturers; uppaḷam salt-pans, saline land (cf. 299 aḷam salt-pan); uppaḷavaṉ salt-maker; uvaḷakam, umpaḷam salt-pan; umaṇaṉ salt-maker, dealer in salt; fem.umaṇatti. Ma. uppu salt, saltness, condiment; uppikka to be salty; uppaḷam salt marsh. Ko. up salt. To. up id. Ka. uppu id.; uppaliga man who belongs to a division of the salt-maker caste, the members of which are also fishermen; uppaḍa salted and dried vegetables. Koḍ. uppï salt. Tu. uppu id.;
     uppāḍu pickles; uppuḍa salted fish; uppārů brackishness. Te. uppu salt; uppana saltness, salt taste; uppani saltish, brackish; uppaḷamu salt-pan, salt-works. Kol. sup salt. Nk. supp id. Nk. (Ch.) sup id. Pa. cup id. Ga. (Oll.) sup, (S.) cuppu id.
    (b) Ta. uvar (-pp-, -tt-) to taste saltish, be brackish, taste astringent, dislike, abhor, loathe; n. saltishness, brackishness, salt, brackish soil, fuller's earth, sea, pleasantness (= Skt. lāvaṇya-); uvarppu saltishness, astringency, dislike, aversion; uvari brackish water, urine, sea. Ma. uvar salt taste, brackishness; uvari sea; ōr saltness. Ka. ogar an astringent taste. Tu. ubarů, ubārů brackishness; ugarů 
    brackish; ogarů brackishness; salty, brackish; ogaruni to become salty or brackish. Te. ogaru, vagaru astringent taste; having an astringent taste. Go. (Tr.) sawwor, sawwar, (M.) havar, (L.) hovar, ovar, (Ma. Ko.) ovor salt (Voc. 3360). Konḍa sōru id. Pe. sōr id.
     Manḍ. jār id. Kui sāru id. Kuwi (F.) hārū, (S. Su.) hāru id. Cf. Ta. cavar, s.v. 2386 Ta. cavaṭu. / Cf. Nahali copo salt. (DEDR 2674)

    Ta. iravu, ira, irā, rā night; iru black; iruṭci, iruṭṭu, iruṇmai, irumai darkness; iruḷ darkness, dark colour, ignorance; (iruḷv-, iruṇṭ-) to become dark, dim, obscure, be black in colour, be darkened (as the mind);iruḷaṉ Irula (member of a tribe in the Nilgiris); iruntai, iruntu, iruntil charcoal. Ma. iravu, irā, rā night; iru to be dark; iruṭṭu, iriṭṭu, iruḷ darkness; iruḷka to grow dark; iruḷar a caste of jungle dwellers; irunnalcharcoal; ikkari soot, grime. Ir. ra·vu, ra·podu, ra·vepodu night. Ko. irl night; iḷma·rm night, the whole night. To. i·ḷ night; iṣQa·s̱ night-time; erl Irula; fem. er&cangle; (Sak. er&lstroketod;, er&lstroketod;&cangle;); ? ermoḷn sand (obl. ermoḷt-; cf. 4666 (b) Ta. maṇal sand). Ka. iruḷ, iraḷu, iraṭu, irḷu night; iddal, ijjalu charcoal; (eastern dialects) iglu, (western dialects) ijlu coal (LSB 1.3). Koḍ. irï night;irïlï night-time; irïṭï darkness. Tu. irků night; irlů, irḷů dusk, darkness, night. Te. irulu darkness, shades, shadows; irulu konu to become dark or obscure; rēyi (in cpds. rē-) night. Kol. (Kin.) cirum very dark; sindi soot. Pa. ciruŋ charcoal. Ga. (Oll.) siriŋg black; sirŋaṭ black, rusty; (S.) sirŋgaṭi black; (P.) siriŋ (pl. sirŋil) charcoal, cinders; (S.3sirriŋ soot, ashes; (Oll.) sirtal evening. Go. (Mu.) hirk, (S.) hirki, (M.) hi̱rki,-irki, (Ma. Ko.) irk charcoal (Voc. 3551). Konḍa siruki coal; ? ṟeyu night; (BB) sirik charcoal. Pe. rīka, rīŋga id. Manḍ. rīŋgaŋ (pl.) id. Kui srīva soot; sīnga charcoal. Kuwi (Su. P.) rīŋga, (S.) rīngla id. Cf. 483 Ta. īṭṭi, 486 Ta. irumpu, and 2604 Te. cī˜kaṭi.(DEDR 2552)

    Ta. cāṇāṉ member of the Shāṇār caste whose occupation is toddy drawing; cāṉṟār Shāṇārs. Ma. cāṇān, cānnān a caste of palmyra cultivators in Travancore. (DEDR 2446)

    Ta. cākkaiyaṉ member of a caste whose profession in ancient times was to sing and dance in temples and palaces; cākkai-kkūttu dance performed by Cākkiyaṉ. Ma. cākki, pl. hon. cākkiyār, cākyār a caste of half-brahmans who sing and dance before gods and brahmans. (DEDR 2432)

    Ta. cakkili caste of shoemakers; cakkiliyaṉ chuckler, worker in leather; cakkilicci woman of the Cakkili caste; cekkili cobbler. Ma. cakkiliyan a Tamil shoemaker; fem. cakkilicci. Ka. cakkaḷa skin, leather. Kuwi (S.) jaggelaasi, (Isr.) jākera shoemaker. / Cf. Mar. sāgaḷ goat's skin leather. (DEDR 2272)

    Ta. kōmaṭṭi Telugu-speaking merchant caste. Ma. kōmaṭṭi a tribe of Lingaite merchants, e.g. in Wayanāḍu. Ka. kōmaṭi, kōmaṭiga a Vaisya shopkeeper. Tu. kōmaṭi, kōmaṭige a class of merchants. Te. kōmaṭi a Vaisya. Nk. (Ch.) kōmṭi man of the trader caste; fem. kōmṭigra.(DEDR 2220)

    Ta. kuṟam Kuṟava tribe, palmistry as practised by Kuṟava women; kuṟavaṉ man of a caste of fowlers, snake-catchers, basket-makers, and fortune-tellers; fem. kuṟatti, kuṟavi, kuṟavañci; kuṟavāṇar the Kuṟava tribe of the mountain; kuṟiñci hilly tract; kuṟicci village in the hilly tract; village; kuṟumpar petty chieftains; an aboriginal tribe; hunters; a caste of shepherds who weave blankets; kuṟumpu petty chieftains; a class of savages supposed to form a part of the aborigines of south India; village. Ma. kuṟavan wandering tribe of basket-makers, snake-catchers, and gipsies; kuṟicci hill country; kuṟicciyan a hill tribe; kuṟumpan shepherd; caste of mountaineers in Wayanāḍu; kuṟuppu a chief. To. kurb (r, not ṟ) man of Kurumba tribe living in the Nilgiri jungles; fem. kur&cangle;, kurb&cangle;. Ka.koṟava, koṟama man of a now settled tribe who make blankets, mats, etc., are musicians, etc.; fem. koṟavañji, koṟavati, koṟaviti (commonly fortune-tellers); koṟaca a thievish wandering hill tribe that sell wooden combs, etc.; kuṟuba man of the shepherd caste; kuṟumba a caste of mountaineers; kuṟike village. Koḍ. kurubë shepherd; (Shanmugam) Kuruba caste man; fem. kurubati. Tu. korage man of a tribe that feeds on carrion and whose women wear leaves; fem. korapaḷu; koraji, koraju a serpent charmer; kurube shepherd. Te. koṟava name of a tribe of mountaineers; fem. koṟavata; koravanji a gipsy; kurupa, kuruma a caste of shepherds who weave blankets. Go. (Pat.) kurmal shepherd (Voc. 783).(DEDR 1844)

    Ta. kuyam (kucam- first member of cpd.) potter caste; kuyavaṉ, kucavaṉ potter; fem. kuyatti, kucatti; kō potter. Ma. kuyavan, kuśavan potter; fem. kuyatti, kuyavi, kuśavi. Ko. ko·v Kota man; ko·ty Kota woman; ko· mog Kota child; ko· ka·l Kota village (for ka·l, see 1484). To. kw&idieresisside;f Kota man; kw&idieresisside;ty Kota woman; kw&idieresisside; ko·l Kota village. Ka. kōva, kuvara potter. Tu. kusaveid (DEDR 1762)

    Ta. kuppam village, small village of fishermen and other low-caste people; kumpai settlement (esp. of Pañcamas). Ka. koppa, koppal small village; koppaḷa n. of villages; kompe small village or hamlet, hut; (Badaga; Hock.) kombe Kurumba village. Tu. koppa hut of the lowest grade of pariahs called Mārimanšerů. Te. kuppamu small village or hamlet; kompa house (used only in contempt). Kol. (SR.) kuppī hut. Kuikumbu house (balance word of iḍu id.). Kur. kumbā log-hut. / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 3938, *khōppa-, *khōmpa-. (DEDR 1732)*khōppa3 ʻ hut ʼ. 2. *khōmpa -- . [Prob. ← Drav. DED no. 1441]
    1. M. khop°pī f. ʻ cottage, hut ʼ. -- Ext. with --  -- : K. khŏpürü f. ʻ ruined thatched mud hut ʼ; Ku. khopṛo ʻ hovel ʼ; N. khopro ʻ slave's house ʼ; A. khupari ʻ small dark room ʼ; Mth. khopaṛī ʻ hut ʼ, M. khopḍī f.; -- with -- ṭṭ -- : G. khopṭũ n. ʻ cottage, hut ʼ, M. khopaṭ n., °pṭī f.2. Bi. khõp°pī ʻ house for storing chaff ʼ; Mth. khõp ʻ hut, nest ʼ; Bhoj. khõp ʻ cover of a granary ʼ; M. khõp f. ʻ hut ʼ. -- Ext. with --  -- : Bi. khõpṛī ʻ shed on threshing floor ʼ. (CDIAL 3938)
    Ta. kuṭi house, abode, home, family, lineage, town, tenants; kuṭikai hut made of leaves, temple; kuṭical hut; kuṭicai, kuṭiñai small hut, cottage; kuṭimai family, lineage, allegiance (as of subjects to their sovereign), servitude; kuṭiy-āḷ tenant; kuṭiyilār tenants; kuṭil hut, shed, abode; kuṭaṅkar hut, cottage; kaṭumpu relations. Ma. kuṭi house, hut, family, wife, tribe; kuṭima the body of landholders, tenantry; kuṭiyan slaves (e.g. in Coorg); kuṭiyān inhabitant, subject, tenant; kuṭiññil hut, thatch; kuṭil hut, outhouse near palace for menials. Ko. kuṛjl shed, bathroom of Kota house; kuṛm family; kuḍḷ front room of house; kuṛḷ hut; guṛy temple. To.kwïṣ shed for small calves; kuṣ room (in dairy or house); kuḍṣ outer room of dairy, in: kuḍṣ was̱ fireplace in outer room of lowest grade of dairies (cf. 2857), kuḍṣ moṇy bell(s) in outer section of ti· dairy, used on non-sacred buffaloes (cf. 4672); kuṛy Hindu temple; ? kwïḏy a family of children. Ka. kuḍiya, kuḍu śūdra, farmer; guḍi house, temple; guḍil, guḍalu, guḍisalu, guḍasalu, guḍasala, etc. hut with a thatched roof. Koḍ. kuḍifamily of servants living in one hut; kuḍië man of toddy-tapper casteTu. guḍi small pagoda or shrine; guḍisalů, guḍisilů, guḍsilů, guḍicilů hut, shed. Te. koṭika hamlet; guḍi temple; guḍise hut, cottage, hovel. Kol.(SR) guḍī temple. Pa. guḍi temple, village resthouse. Ga. (Oll.) guḍi temple. Go. (Ko.) kuṛma hut, outhouse; (Ma.) kurma menstruation; (Grigson) kurma lon menstruation hut (Voc. 782, 800); (SR.) guḍi, (Mu.) guḍḍi, (S. Ko.) guṛi temple; guḍḍī (Ph.) temple, (Tr.) tomb (Voc. 1113). Kui guḍi central room of house, living room. / Cf. Skt. kū˘ṭa-, kuṭi-, kū˘ṭī- (whence Ga. (P.) kuṛe hut; Kui kūṛi hut made of boughs, etc.; Kur. kuṛyā small shed or outhouse; Malt. kuṛya hut in the fields; Br. kuḍ(ḍ)ī hut, small house, wife), kuṭīkā-, kuṭīra-, kuṭuṅgaka-, kuṭīcaka-, koṭa- hut; kuṭumba- household (whence Ta. Ma. kuṭumpam id.; Ko. kuṛmb [? also kuṛm above]; To. kwïḍb, kwïḍbïl [-ïl from wïkïl, s.v. 925 Ta. okkal]; Ka., Koḍ., Tu. kuṭumba; Tu. kuḍuma; Te. kuṭumbamu; ? Kui kumbu house [balance word of iḍu, see s.v. 494 Ta. il]). See Turner, CDIAL, no. 3232, kuṭī-, no. 3493, kōṭa-, no. 3233, kuṭumba-, for most of the Skt. forms; Burrow, BSOAS 11.137.(DEDR 1655) kuṭī 3232 kuṭī f. ʻ hut ʼ MBh., °ṭikā -- f. Divyāv., °ṭīkā -- f. Hariv. [Some cmpds. have °ṭa(ka) -- : ← Drav. EWA i 222 with lit.: cf. kōṭa -- 3]Pa. kuṭī -- , °ṭikā -- f. ʻ single -- roomed hut ʼ; Pk. kuḍī -- f., °ḍaya -- n. ʻ hut ʼ; Gy. pal. kúri ʻ house, tent, room ʼ, as. kuriguri ʻ tent ʼ JGLS New Ser. ii 329; Sh. kúi ʻ village, country ʼ; WPah. jaun. kūṛo ʻ house ʼ; Ku. kuṛī°ṛo ʻ house, building ʼ, ghar -- kuṛī ʻ house and land ʼ, gng. kuṛ ʻ house ʼ; N. kur ʻ nest or hiding place of fish ʼ, kuri ʻ burrow, hole for small animals ʼ, kaṭ -- kuro ʻ small shed for storing wood ʼ; B. kuṛiyā ʻ small thatched hut ʼ; Or. kuṛī°ṛiā ʻ hut ʼ; H. kuṛī f. ʻ fireplace ʼ; M. kuḍī f. ʻ hut ʼ; Si. kiḷiya ʻ hut, small house ʼ. *indhanakuṭaka -- , *kāṣṭhakuṭaka -- , *guḍakuṭī -- , *gōkuṭī -- , *ḍōmbakuṭaka -- , *busakuṭikā -- , *bhēḍrakuṭikā -- .Addenda: kuṭī -- : WPah.kṭg. krvṛi f. ʻ granary (for corn after threshing) ʼ; Garh. kuṛu ʻ house ʼ; -- B. phonet. kũṛe.†*antaḥkuṭī -- , †*mēṣakuṭī -- .kuṭumba 3233 kuṭumba n. ʻ household ʼ ChUp. 2. kuṭumbaka -- m. Daś.1. Pa. kuṭumba -- , °ṭimba -- n. ʻ family, riches ʼ; Pk. kuḍuṁba -- , °ḍaṁba -- n. ʻ family ʼ, S. kuṛmu m., Ku. gng. kū̃m; H. kuṛum -- codī f. ʻ incest ʼ.2. P. kunbā m. ʻ kindred, caste, tribe ʼ; WPah. jaun. kuṇbā ʻ family ʼ; A. kurmā, f. °āni ʻ a connexion by marriage ʼ; H. kuṛmākumbākunbā m. ʻ family, caste, tribe ʼ.*kuṭumbatva -- , kauṭumba -- , kauṭumbika -- .

    Ta. kavaṟai Balija caste among the Telugus. Ma. kavaṟa a tribe trading with glass bracelets, baskets, etc. Ka. gavaṟiga a man of the basket- and mat-maker caste.(DEDR 1330)

    Ka. kabbila huntsman, fowler, rustic; kabbiliga, kabbeya boatman, fisherman. Te. kabbili toddy-drawer;? gamaḷḷavã̄ḍu man of the toddy-drawer caste; gavuṇḍlavã̄ḍu a toddy-drawer.(DEDR 1227)

    Ta. kaṇṭai a small cloth for wear. Te. kaṇḍuvā upper garment. Kol. (Kin.) khanḍva cloth; (SR.) kandvā dhoti, garment. Nk. khanḍa, khanḍva cloth. Pa. ganḍa id. Ga. (Oll.) garnḍa id. 
    Go. (W.) gānḍāl men's cloth; (Ma.) gānḍa women's cloth; (Mu.) gānḍo man of weaver caste; fem. gānḍke; (W.) gã̄ṛāl Panka caste (Voc. 1066). Konḍa gaṟṇḍa garment, piece of cloth. Kuwi (Mah.) gandā cloth. / Cf. Or. khaṇḍuā shawl, etc. (Turner, CDIAL, no. 3801); Krishnamurti, Language 39.563 (Dr. < IA)(DEDR 1180)

    Social oganization of every village with 12 public servants बलुतेदार or बलुता balutēdāra or balutā

    बलुतें (p. 328) balutēṃ n A share of the corn and garden-produce assigned for the subsistence of the twelve public servants of a village, for whom see below. 2 In some districts. A share of the dues of the hereditary officers of a village, such as पाटील, कुळकरणी &c. 

    बलुतेदार or बलुता (p. 328) balutēdāra or balutā or त्या m (बलुतें &c.) A public servant of a village entitled to बलुतें. There are twelve distinct from the regular Governmentofficers पाटील, कुळकरणी &c.; viz. सुतार, लोहार, महार, मांग (These four constitute पहिली or थोरली कास or वळ the first division. Of three of them each is entitled to चार पाचुंदे, twenty bundles of Holcus or the thrashed corn, and the महार to आठ पाचुंदे); कुंभार, चाम्हार, परीट, न्हावी constitute दुसरी or मधली कास or वळ, and are entitled, each, to तीन पाचुंदे; भट, मुलाणा, गुरव, कोळी form तिसरी or धाकटी कास or वळ, and have, each, दोन पाचुंदे. Likewise there are twelve अलुते or supernumerary public claimants, viz. तेली, तांबोळी, साळी, माळी, जंगम, कळवांत, डवऱ्या, ठाकर, घडशी, तराळ, सोनार, चौगुला. Of these the allowance of corn is not settled. The learner must be prepared to meet with other enumerations of the बलुतेदार (e. g. पाटील, कुळ- करणी, चौधरी, पोतदार, देशपांड्या, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, सुतार, कुंभार, वेसकर, जोशी; also सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, कुंभार as constituting the first-class and claiming the largest division of बलुतें; next न्हावी, परीट, कोळी, गुरव as constituting the middle class and claiming a subdivision of बलुतें; lastly, भट, मुलाणा, सोनार, मांग; and, in the Konkan̤, yet another list); and with other accounts of the assignments of corn; for this and many similar matters, originally determined diversely, have undergone the usual influence of time, place, and ignorance. Of the बलुतेदार in the Indápúr pergunnah the list and description stands thus:--First class, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, महार; Second, परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग; Third, सोनार, मुलाणा, गुरव, जोशी, कोळी, रामोशी; in all fourteen, but in no one village are the whole fourteen to be found or traced. In the Panḍharpúr districts the order is:--पहिली or थोरली वळ (1st class); महार, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, दुसरी or मधली वळ (2nd class); परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग, तिसरी or धाकटी वळ (3rd class); कुळकरणी, जोशी, गुरव, पोतदार; twelve बलुते and of अलुते there are eighteen. According to Grant Duff, the बलतेदार are सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, मांग, कुंभार, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, जोशी, भाट, मुलाणा; and the अलुते are सोनार, जंगम, शिंपी, कोळी, तराळ or वेसकर, माळी, डवऱ्यागोसावी, घडशी, रामोशी, तेली, तांबोळी, गोंधळी. In many villages of Northern Dakhan̤ the महार receives the बलुतें of the first, second, and third classes; and, consequently, besides the महार, there are but nine बलुतेदार. The following are the only अलुतेदार or नारू now to be found;--सोनार, मांग, शिंपी, भट गोंधळी, कोर- गू, कोतवाल, तराळ, but of the अलुतेदार & बलुते- दार there is much confused intermixture, the अलुतेदार of one district being the बलुतेदार of another, and vice versâ. (The word कास used above, in पहिली कास, मध्यम कास, तिसरी कास requires explanation. It means Udder; and, as the बलुतेदार are, in the phraseology of endearment or fondling, termed वासरें (calves), their allotments or divisions are figured by successive bodies of calves drawing at the कास or under of the गांव under the figure of a गाय or cow.) 

    Many of these functionaries are traceable to Indus Script hypertexts which date from ca.3300 BCE.








    Decipherment of Ur Indus Script hypertexts, metalwork wealth accounting ledgers. Ur excavationx Full texts of reports.

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    https://tinyurl.com/y7fryz3x

    Decipherment of Gadd Seals of Ur with Indus Script hypertexts

    Black drongo is pōlaḍu, rebus pōlaḍ  'steel'పసులపోలిగాడు pasula-pōli-gāḍu perched on pōḷa'zebu, bos indicus' Rebus: pōḷa'magnetite ore'.
    Image result for black drongo zebu

    Cylinder seal with a zebu, scorpion, man, snake and tree. Enstatite.H. 2.6 cm (1 in.); diam. 1.55 cm (5/8 in.). Mesopotamia, Ur, U. 16220. Late 3rd millennium BCE. British Museum. BM 122947 Gadd seal 6. (cut down into Ur III mausolea from Larsa level; U. 16220), enstatite; Legrain, 1951, No. 632; Collon, 1987, Fig. 611 Cylinder seal;humped bull stands before a palm-tree, a thorny stone(?), tabernae montana (five-petalled fragrant flower); snake; person with long legs; behind the bull a scorpion ... 

    Deciphered Indus Script hypertext: 

    aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloyed metal'

    nāga 'snake' Rebus: nāga 'lead' Alternatives: kula 'hooded snake' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'; phain 'hooded, serpent' rebus: फणिन् [p= 716,2] phain 'lead or tin'.फड, phaḍa, 'cobra hood' rebus: फड, phaḍa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal'

    pōḷa 'zebu' Rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite ore'. पोळ (p. 534) [ pōḷa ] m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large.पोळा (p. 534) [ pōḷā ] m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship.पोळींव (p. 534) [ pōḷīṃva ] p of पोळणें Burned, scorched, singed, seared. (Marathi)
    bicha ‘scorpion’ (Assamese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ (Mu.); hematite ore.  meṛed-bica = 'iron (hematite) stone ore' (Santali) .
    tagaraka 'tabernae montana'; tagara 'tin''
    ran:ga ron:ga, ran:ga con:ga = thorny, spikey, armed with thorns; (Santali) Rebus: ran:ga, ran:pewter is an alloy of tin lead and antimony (añjana) (Santali). 
    kanka, karaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karaka 'helmsman'; karika 'scribe, account' karī 'supercargo'
    hanga = tall, long shanked; maran: hangi aimai kanae = she is a big tall woman (Santali) Rebus: hangar ‘blacksmith’ (WPah.): āngro = a term of contempt for a blacksmith (N.)(CDIAL 5524) hākur = blacksmith (Mth.); hākar = landholder (P.); hakkura – Rajput, chief man of a village (Pkt.); hakuri = a clan of Chetris (N.); hākura – term of address to a Brahman, god, idol (Or.)(CDIAL 5488). dha~_gar., dha_~gar = a non-Aryan tribe in the Vindhyas, digger of wells and tanks (H.); dha_n:gar = young servant, herdsman, name of a Santal tribe (Or.); dhan:gar = herdsman (H.)(CDIAL 5524).   

    Deciphered Indus writing: pola 'zebu, bos indicus'; pola ‘magnetite ore’ (Munda. Asuri); bichi 'scorpion'; 'hematite ore'; tagaraka 'tabernae montana'; tagara 'tin'; ranga 'thorny'; Rebus: pewter, alloy of tin and antimony;  kankar., kankur. = very tall and thin, large hands and feet; kankar dare = a high tree with few branches (Santali) Rebus: kanka, kanaka = gold (Samskritam); kan = copper (Tamil) nAga 'snake' nAga 'lead' (Samskritam).

    Jiroft artifacts with Meluhha hieroglhyphs referencing dhokra kamar working with metals.

    Dark grey steatite bowl carved in relief. Zebu or brahmani bull is shown with its hump back; a male figure with long hair and wearing akilt grasps two sinuous objects, representing running water, which flows in a continuous stream. Around the bowl, another similar male figure stands between two lionesses with their head turned back towards him; he grasps a serpent in each hand. A further scene (not shown) represents a prostrate bull which is being attacked by a vulture and a lion. 
    Image result for bharatkalyan97 serpent tabernae montana
    The zebu is reminiscent of Sarasvati Sindhu seals. The stone used, steatite, is familiar in Baluchistan and a number of vessels at the Royal Cemetery at Ur were made out of this material. 


    The bowl dates from c. 2700-2500 B.C. and the motif shown on it resembles that on a fragment of a green stone vase from one of the Sin Temples at Tell Asmar of almost the same date. 


    Khafajeh bowl; a man sitting, with his legs bent underneath, upon two zebu bulls. This evokes the proto-Elamite bull-man; the man holds in his hands streams of water and issurrounded by ears of corn. He has a crescent beside his head. On the other side of the bowl, a man is standing upon two lionesses and grasping two serpents.


    Figure 11: a. mountains landscape and waers; (upper part) a man under an arch with sun and crescent moon symbols; (lower part) man seated on his heels holding zebus; b. man holding a snake; c. two men (drinking) and zebus, on a small cylindrical vessel; d. Head of woman protruding from  jar, and snakes; 3. man falling from a tree to the trunk of which a zebu is tied; f. man with clas and bull-man playing with cheetahs, and a scorpion in the center (on a cylindrical vessel). http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/jiroft-iv-iconography-of-chlorite-artifacts.

    The classifier is the cobra hood hieroglyph/hypertext: फडा phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága Rebus: phaḍa फड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers.

    bica 'scorpion' rebus; bicha 'haematite, ferrite ore'

    पोळा [ pōḷā ] rebus: पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'magnetite, Fe3O4' 
    Hieroglyph: kāṇḍə ‘water’ Wg. káṇṭä ʻ water -- channel ʼ, Woṭ. kaṇṭḗl f., Gaw. khāṇṭ*l, Bshk. kāṇḍə (CDIAL 2680). காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16)
    khaṇḍa ‘implements (metal)’
     Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 7-8, pl. I, no.7;  Mitchell 1986: 280-1, no.8 and fig. 112; Parpola, 1994, p. 181; fish vertically in front of and horizontally above a unicorn; trefoil design
    Seal; BM 118704; U. 6020; Gadd PBA 18 (1932), pp. 9-10, pl. II, no.8;  two figures carry between them a vase, and one presents a goat-like animal (not an antelope) which he holds by the neck. Human figures wear early Sumerian garments of fleece.
    Seal; BM 122945; U. 16181; dia. 2.25, ht. 1.05 cm; Gadd PBA 18 (1932), p. 10, pl. II, no. o; each of four quadrants terminates at the edge of the seal in a vase; each quadrant is occupied by a naked figure, sitting so that, following round the circle, the head of one is placed nearest to the feet of the preceding; two figures clasp their hands upon their breasts; the other two spread out the arms, beckoning with one hand.
    Seal; BM 120576; U. 9265; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), p. 10, pl. II, no. 10; bull with long horns below an uncertain object, possibly a quadruped and rider, at right angles to the ox (counter clockwise)
    Seal; UPenn; a scorpion and an elipse [an eye (?)]; U. 16397; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 10-11, pl. II, no. 11Rectangular stamp seal of dark steatite; U. 11181; B.IM. 7854; ht. 1.4, width 1.1 cm.;  Woolley, Ur Excavations, IV (1956), p. 50, n.3Seal impression; UPenn; steatite; bull below a scorpion; dia. 2.4cm.; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), p. 13, Pl. III, no. 15; Legrain, MJ (1929), p. 306, pl. XLI, no. 119; found at Ur in the cemetery area, in a ruined grave .9 metres from the surface, together with a pair of gold ear-rings of the double-crescent type and long beads of steatite and carnelian, two of gilt copper, and others of lapis-lazuli, carnelian, and banded sard. The first sign to the left has the form of a flower or perhaps an animal's skin with curly tail; there is a round spot upon the bull's back.
    Seal; BM 122841; dia. 2.35; ht. 1 cm.; Gadd PBA 18 (1932), p. 12, pl. II, no. 13; circle with centre-spot in each of four spaces formed by four forked branches springing from the angles of a small square. Alt. four stylised bulls' heads (bucrania) in the quadrants of an elaborate quartering device which has a cross-hatched rectangle in the centre.Seal; UPenn; cf. Philadelphia Museum Journal, 1929; ithyphallic bull-men; the so-called 'Enkidu' figure common upon Babylonian cylinders of the early period; all have horned head-dresses; moon-symbols upon poles seem to represent the door-posts that the pair of 'twin' genii are commonly seen supporting on either side of a god; material and shape make it the 'Indus' type while the device is Babylonian.
    Seal impression; BM 123208; found in the filling of a tomb-shaft (Second Dynasty of Ur). Dia. 2.3; ht. 1.5 cm.; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 13-14, pl. III, no. 16; Buchanan, JAOS 74 (1954), p. 149.Seal impression, Mesopotamia (?) (BM 120228); cf. Gadd 1932: no.17; cf. Parpola, 1994, p. 132. Note the doubling of the common sign, 'jar'.Seal and impression (BM 123059), from an antique dealer, Baghdad; script and motif of a bull mating with a cow; the tuft at the end of the tail of the cow is summarily shaped like an arrow-head; inscription is of five characters, most prominent among them the two 'men' standing side by side. To the right of these is a damaged 'fish' sign.cf. Gadd 1932: no.18; Parpola, 1994, p.219. 




    Seal; BM 122187; dia. 2.55; ht. 1.55 cm. Gadd PBA 18 (1932), pp. 6-7, pl. 1, no. 2
    Seal; BM 122946; Dia. 2.6; ht. 1.2cm.; Gadd PBA 18 (1932), p. 7, pl. I, no.3; Legrain, Ur Excavations, X (1951), no. 629.


    -- Sag kusida, 'chief money-lender' for bharata, 'metalcasters'  -- cuneiform text on an Indus seal of Ur including kusida as a borrowed word from Meluhha PLUS hieroglyph 'ox' read rebus in Meluhha as bharata, 'metal alloy of copper, pewter, tin'.


    Seal impression and reverse of seal from Ur (U.7683; BM 120573); image of bison and cuneiform inscription; cf. Mitchell 1986: 280-1 no.7 and fig. 111; Parpola, 1994, p. 131: signs may be read as (1) sag(k) or ka, (2) ku or lu orma, and (3) zor ba (4)?. The commonest value: sag-ku-zi
    This may be called Gadd Seal 1 of Ur since this was the first item on the Plates of figures included in his paper.
    Gadd, CJ, 1932, Seals of ancient Indian style found at Ur, in: Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932, Plate 1, no. 1. Gadd considered this an Indus seal because, 1) it was a square seal, comparable to hundreds of other Indus seals since it had a small pierced boss at the back through which a cord passed through for the owner to hold the seal in his or her possession; and 2) it had a hieroglyph of an ox, a characteristic animal hieroglyph deployed on hundreds of seals.
    This classic paper by Cyril John Gadd F.B.A. who was a Professor Emeritus of Ancient Semitic Languages and Civilizations, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, opened up a new series of archaeological studies related to the trade contacts between Ancient Far East and what is now called Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) civilization. 
    There is now consensus that Meluhhan communities were present in Ur III and also in Sumer/Elam/Mesopotamia. (Parpola S., A. Parpola & RH Brunswig, Jr., 1977, The Meluhha village. Evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the late Third Millennium Mesopotamia in: Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, 20, 129-165.
    Use of rebus-metonymy layered cipher for the entire Indus Script Corpora as metalwork catalogs provides the framework for reopening the investigation afresh on the semantics of the cuneiform text on Gadd Seal 1, the Indus seal with cuneiform text.
    This renewed attempt to decipher the inscription on the seal starts with a hypothesis that the cuneiform sign readings as: SAG KUSIDA. The ox is read rebus in Meluhha as: barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. The gloss bharata denoted metalcasting in general leading to the self-designation of metalworkers in Rigveda as Bharatam Janam, lit. metalcaster folk.
    While SAG is a Sumerian word meaning 'head, principal' (detailed in Annex A), KUSIDA is a Meluhha word well-attested semantically in ancient Indian sprachbund of 4th millennium BCE. The semantics of the Meluhha gloss, kusida signifies: money-lender (Annex B). Thus SAG KUSIDA is a combined Sumerian-Meluhha phrase signifying 'principal of chief money-lender'. This could be a clear instance of Sumerian/Akkadian borrowing a Meluhha gloss.
    SAG KUSIDA + ox hieroglyphon Gadd Seal 1, read rebus signifies: principal money-lender for bharata metal alloy artisans. This reading is consistent with the finding that the entire Indus Script Corpora are metalwork catalogs.
    The money-lender who was the owner of the seal might have created seal impressions as his or her signature on contracts for moneys lent for trade transactions of seafaring merchants of Meluhha.
    The Gadd Seal 1 of Ur is thus an example of acculturation of Sumerians/Akkadians in Ur with the Indus writing system and underlying Meluhha language of Meluhha seafaring merchants and Meluhha communities settled in Ur and other parts of Ancient Near East.
    Annex A: Meaning of SAG 'head, principal' 
    (Sumerian)
    The Sumerians called themselves sag-giga, literally meaning "the black-headed people"
    B184ellst.png Cuneiform sign SAG
    phonetic values
      • Sumerian: SAG, SUR14
      • Akkadian: šag, šak, šaq, riš
      • sign evolution
    Cuneiform sign SAG.svg
    1. the pictogram as it was drawn around 3000 BC;
    2. the rotated pictogram as written around 2800 BC;
    3. the abstracted glyph in archaic monumental inscriptions, from ca. 2600 BC;
    4. the sign as written in clay, contemporary to stage 3;
    5. late 3rd millennium (Neo-Sumerian);
    6. Old Assyrian, early 2nd millennium, as adopted into Hittite;
    7. simplified sign as written by Assyrian scribes in the early 1st millennium.

    Akkadian Etymology

    Noun

    𒊕 (rēšu, qaqqadu) [SAG]
    1. head (of a person, animal)
    2. top, upper part
    3. beginning
    4. top quality, the best
    Sumerian:
     (SAG)
    1. head

    Derived terms[edit]

    • SAG(.KAL) "first one"
    • (LÚ.)SAG a palace official
    • ZARAḪ=SAG.PA.LAGAB "lamentation, unrest"
    • SAG.DUL a headgear
    • SAG.KI "front, face, brow"
    http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%F0%92%8A%95
    Annex: Meaning of kusīda 'money-lender'
    कुशीदम् Usury; see कुसी. कुषीद a. Indifferent, inert. -दम् Usury. कुसितः 1 An inhabited country. -2 One who lives on usury; see कुसीद below. कुसितायी kusitāyī  (= कुसीदायी).कुसी kusī (सि si) द d कुसी (सि) द a. Lazy, slothful. -दः (also written as कुशी-षी-द) A monkey-lender, usurer; Mbh.4.29. -दम् 1 Any loan or thing lent to be repaid with in- terest. -2 Lending money, usury, the profession of usury; कुसीदाद् दारिद्र्यं परकरगतग्रन्थिशमनात् Pt.1.11; Ms. 1.9;8.41; Y.1.119. -3 Red sandal wood. -Comp. -पथः usury, usurious interest; any interest exceeding 5 per cent; कृतानुसारादधिका व्यतिरिक्ता न सिध्यति कुसीदपथमा- हुस्तम् (पञ्चकं शतमर्हति) Ms.8.152. -वृद्धिः f. interest on money; कुसीदवृद्धिर्द्वैगुण्यं नात्येति सकृदाहृता Ms.8.151. कुसीदा kusīdā  कुसीदा A female usurer. कुसीदायी kusīdāyī कुसीदायी The wife of a usurer. कुसीदिकः kusīdikḥ कुसीदिन् kusīdin कुसीदिकः कुसीदिन् m. A usurer.  (Samskritam. Apte) kúsīda ʻ lazy, inert ʼ TS. Pa. kusīta -- ʻ lazy ʼ, kōsajja -- n. ʻ sloth ʼ (EWA i 247 < *kausadya -- ?); Si. kusī ʻ weariness ʼ ES 26, but rather ← Pa.(CDIAL 3376). FBJ Kuiper identifies as a 'borrowed' word in Indo-Aryan which in the context of Indus Script decipherment is denoted by Meluhha as Proto-Prakritam: the gloss kusīda 'money-lender'. (Kuiper, FBJ, 1948, Proto-Munda words in Sanskrit, Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uit. Mij.; Kuiper, FBJ, 1955, Rigvedic loan-words in: O. Spies (ed.) Studia Indologica. Festschrift fur Willibald Kirfel Vollendung Seines 70. Lebensjahres. Bonn: Orientalisches Seminar; Kuiper, FBJ, 1991, Arans in the Rigveda, Amsterdam-Atlanta: Rodopi).

    Paripraśna (question and answer) A paripras’na is: why would even wild animals be shown in front of feeding troughs, unless both the animal and the trough are hieroglyphs? Why was the water-carrier shown in parenthesis together with star hieroglyphs on a circular Gadd seal? 
    Seal impression, Ur (Upenn; U.16747); dia. 2.6, ht. 0.9 cm.; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 11-12, pl. II, no. 12; Porada 1971: pl.9, fig.5; Parpola, 1994, p. 183; water carrier with a skin (or pot?) hung on each end of the yoke across his shoulders and another one below the crook of his left arm; the vessel on the right end of his yoke is over a receptacle for the water; a star on either side of the head (denoting supernatural?). The whole object is enclosed by 'parenthesis' marks. The parenthesis is perhaps a way of splitting of the ellipse (Hunter, G.R., JRAS, 1932, 476). An unmistakable example of an 'hieroglyphic' seal.

    kuTi ‘water-carrier’ rebus: kuThi ‘smelter’ meDha ‘polar star’ rebus: meD ‘iron’ dula ‘pair’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’

    Some hieroglyphs which recur on Ancient Near seals and their Meluhha rebus readings:

    bull-man, bull ḍangar 'bull' read rebus ḍhangar 'blacksmith'; ṭagara 'ram' Rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) ṭhakkura, ‘idol’, ṭhākur ʻ blacksmith ʼ, ṭhākur m. ʻmaster’.ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’.
    tiger kol 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'
    lion arye 'lion'āra 'brass'
    aquatic bird karaḍa ‘aquatic bird, duck’ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' 
    eagle eraka 'eagle' Rebus: erako 'moltencast copper
    buffalo கண்டி kaṇṭi , n. 1. Buffalo bull Rebus: Pk. gaḍa -- n. ʻlarge stoneʼ? (CDIAL 3969)
    six hair-curls āra 'six curls' Rebus: āra 'brass'
    face mũh ‘face’ Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’.
    stag karuman 'stag' karmara 'artisan'
    antelope melh 'goat' Rebus: milakkhu 'copper'
    calf khoṇḍ 'young bull-calf' Rebus khuṇḍ '(metal) turner'. 
    scorpion bica ‘scorpion’ (Assamese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’
    stalk daṭhi, daṭi  'stalks of certain plants' Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral.kāṇḍa काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed. Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. 
    twig kūdī ‘twig’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’
    fish ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo, ayas  'metal'.  
    overflowing pot lo ‘pot to overflow’ kāṇḍa ‘water’. Rebus: लोखंड lokhaṇḍ Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general.
    spear  మేడెము [ mēḍemu ] or మేడియము mēḍemu. [Tel.] n. A spear or dagger. Rebus: meḍ  ‘iron’. 
    ring, bracelet kaḍum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; 
    star मेढ [ mēḍha ]  The polar star (Marathi). [cf.The eight-pointed star Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mundari. Remo.)
    safflower karaḍa -- m. ʻsafflowerʼ Rebus:  करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)  
    twig kūdī ‘twig’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ 
    frond (of palm), palm tamar, ‘palm tree, date palm’ Rebus: tam(b)ra, ‘copper’ (Prakrit) 
    tree kuṭhāru 'tree' Rebus:  kuṭhāru ‘armourer or weapons maker’(metal-worker)
    ram, ibex, markhor 1.ram मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] m (मेष S through H) A male sheep, a ram or tup.(Marathi) meḍ 'iron' (Mundari. Remo.)
    goat melh 'goat' Rebus: milakkhu 'copper'
    knot (twist) meḍ, ‘knot, Rebus: 'iron’
    reed, scarf dhaṭu  m.  (also dhaṭhu)  m. ‘scarf’  (WPah.) (CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu ‘minerals’ (Santali); dhātu ‘mineral’ (Pali) kāṇḍa काण्डः m. stem of a reed. Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’
    mountain डोंगर [ ōgara ] m A hill. डोंगरकणगर or डोंगरकंगर [ ōgarakaagara or ōgarakagara ] m (डोंगर & कणगर form of redup.) Hill and mountain; hills comprehensively or indefinitely. डोंगरकोळी [ ōgarakōī ] m A caste of hill people or an individual of it. (Marathi) ḍāngā = hill, dry upland (B.); ḍã̄g mountain-ridge (H.)(CDIAL 5476). Rebus: dhangar ‘blacksmith’ (Maithili) dhokra 'cire perdue metallurgist'
    wing eraka 'wing' eṟaka, ṟekka, rekka, neṟaka, neṟi ‘wing’ (Telugu)(DEDR 2591). Rebus: erako 'moltencast copper'.
    snake nāga 'snake' nāga 'lead'
    frame of building sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ (M.)(CDIAL 12859) Rebus: sangāṭh संगाठ् । सामग्री m. (sg. dat. sangāṭas संगाटस्), a collection (of implements, tools, materials, for any object), apparatus, furniture, a collection of the things wanted on a journey, luggage (Kashmiri) jangaḍ 'entrustment note' (Gujarati) 
    monkey kuṭhāru = a monkey (Sanskrit) Rebus: kuṭhāru ‘armourer or weapons maker’(metal-worker), also an inscriber or writer.  
    kick kolsa 'to kick' Rebus: kol working in iron, blacksmith
    foot . khuṭo ʻ leg, foot ʼ Rebus: khũṭ  ‘community, guild’ (Santali)
    copulation (mating) kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali) Rebus: kampaṭṭa ‘mint, coiner’
    adultery ṛanku, ranku = fornication, adultery (Telugu)  ranku 'tin'



    koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari)

    meṭ sole of foot, footstep, footprint (Ko.); meṭṭu step, stair, treading, slipper (Te.)(DEDR 1557). dula ‘pair’.

    Rebus: dul 'metal casting'

    Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) dul meṛed, cast iron (Mu.) mẽhẽt bai = iron (Ore) furnaces (Santali).A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhī, bhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v. S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.(CDIAL 9656).  

    Hieroglyph: sãgaḍ f. ʻa body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together' (Marathi). sãghāṛɔ  (Gujarati) 'joined animal or animal parts, linked together' Rebus: sangara 'proclamation'. 

    Hieroglyph: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'

    Hieroglyphs:
    1. kolom 'three'
    2. Hieroglyph: kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

    Hieroglyph: 'human face': mũhe ‘face’ (Santali)  Rebus: mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking (Bi.); ingot (Santali) mũh metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) kaula mengro ‘blacksmith’ (Gypsy) mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) The Samskritam gloss mleccha-mukha should literally mean: copper-ingot absorbing the Santali gloss, mũh, as a suffix.

    Hieroglyph: करडूं or करडें [karaḍū or ṅkaraḍēṃ ] n A kid. Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy of metal (Marathi) Allograph: करण्ड  m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787)

    ko `horn' (Kuwi) Rebus: ko `artisan's workshop' (Gujarati).

    कुठारु [p= 289,1] kuhāru monkey (Samskritam) Rebus: armourer (Samskritam)

    kohāri 'crucible' Rebus: kohāri 'treasurer' (If the hieroglyph on the leftmost is moon, a possible rebus reading: قمر ḳamar قمر ḳamar, s.m. (9th) The moon. Sing. and Pl. See سپوږمي or سپوګمي (Pashto) Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith')

    Hieroglyph: arka ‘sun’; agasāle ‘goldsmithy’ (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tulu) Rebus: eraka = copper (Ka.) eruvai = copper (Tamil); ere - a dark-red colour (Ka.)(DEDR 817). eraka, era, er-a = syn. erka, copper, weapons (Kannada)

    Hierolyphs:
    1. kuDi 'to drink'
    2. kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'

    Hieroglyphs: 

    1. gaṇḍa 'four' 
    2. కాండము [ kāṇḍamu ] kānamu. [Skt.] n. Water. నీళ్లు (Telugu) kaṇṭhá -- : (b) ʻ water -- channel ʼ

    3. khaṇḍ 'field,division' (Samskritam) Rebus 1: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) Rebus 2: khaṇḍa 'metal implements' lokhãḍ, kāṇḍa ‘flowing water’overflowing pot’  Rebus: lokhãḍ, kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’(Gujarati)

    kole.l 'temple' Rebus: kole.l 'smithy' (Kota)


    kāṅga 'comb' Rebus: kanga 'brazier, fireplace' (Kashmiri)


    Hieroglyphs:

    1. kula 'hooded snake

    2. kur.i 'woman' 

    3. kola ‘tiger’ (Telugu); kola ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.). Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil)  kolhe 'smelter' 


    mē̃ḍh 'antelope, ram'; rebus: mē̃ḍ 'iron' (Mu.)


    క్రమ్మర krammara. adv. క్రమ్మరిల్లు or క్రమరబడు Same as క్రమ్మరు 'look back' (Telugu). Rebus: krəm backʼ(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) Rebus: kamar 'artisan, smith'

    pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattar 'guild, goldsmith'.

    ḍhangar ‘bull’ Rebus: dhangar ‘blacksmith’ (Maithili) ḍangar ‘blacksmith’ (Hindi)

    balad m. ʻox ʼ, gng. bald, (Ku.) barad, id. (Nepali. Tarai) Rebus: bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)(Punjabi) pattar ‘trough’ Rebus: pattar ‘guild, goldsmith’. Thus, copper-zinc-tin alloy (worker) guild. Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' (Marathi) bhāraṇ = to bring out from a kiln (G.)  bāraṇiyo = one whose profession it is to sift ashes or dust in a goldsmith’s workshop (G.lex.) In the Punjab, the mixed alloys were generally called, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin). In Bengal, an alloy called bharan or toul was created by adding some brass or zinc into pure bronze. bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (G.lex.) Bengali. ভরন [ bharana ] n an inferior metal obtained from an alloy of coper, zinc and tin. baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi)

    Hieroglyph: ‘hoof’: Kumaon. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ, °ṭī ʻgoat's legʼ; Nepalese. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ(CDIAL 3894). S. khuṛī f. ʻheelʼ; WPah. paṅ. khūṛ ʻfootʼ. (CDIAL 3906). Rebus: khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali) 

    Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar, furnace’ (Santali) kāṇḍa ’stone ore’. kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans ‘scarf’ hieroglyph: dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu) m. ‘scarf’ (Wpah.) (CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu ‘minerals’ (Santali)

    [First posted in AWOL 22 October 2014, updated 14 November 2017]

    Publications of the Joint Expedition of the British Museum and of the University Museum,University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia to Mesopotamia: Ur Excavations 















    Who invented zero Śūnya and when?

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    Bashkālī manuscript. The academic polemics... When was zero Śūnya invented from Greek/Mesopotamian sources?
    https://www.academia.edu/35002969/The_Bakhsh%C4%81l%C4%AB_Manuscript_A_Response_to_the_Bodleian_Librarys_Radiocarbon_Dating …

    Cast in foam, a law set in stone -- Prakash Shah |

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    CAST IN FOAM, A LAW SET IN STONE

     |  |
    Cast in foam, a  law set in stoneThe proposed British law against caste discrimination is a classic case of first constructing a demon and then proceeding to, rather showily, demolish it
    Watchers of the torrid background and progress of the British law against caste discrimination may have noticed that the British media has one-sidedly positioned itself in favour of the legislation. Although the perfunctory, both-sides-of-the-debate stance, is often disingenuously cited in their own defence by journalists, the whole range of British media outlets pushes the position advocated by the legislation's promoters. This includes the BBC, The Guardian, and The Sunday Times, joined now by the Mail Online which carried a hatchet job by David Dawkins on October 31 -- "Modi's India on Britain's doorstep? MP and 'Hindutva' charity accused of 'pushing into the long grass' the proposed law on caste discrimination". One does not have to be a Noam Chomsky to see how consent is being manufactured.
    As the Mail Online piece indicates, the British media's coverage of things Indian, is skewed by an old-school, bankrupt reliance on the tired tropes of Hindu nationalism and caste oppression. It does not help that universities in Western countries, including the old colonial centre, Britain, continue to produce a large body of substandard, hardly-worth-reading work on India. Notions that depend on the evangelist view of India as despotic and corrupt prevail among the intelligentsia. It does not help that Indian universities and academics slavishly take their cue from intellectual trends in the West. As a result, they are unable to produce work that would shift the paradigm that takes India out of the basket case, dependency framework. It is a shocking contrast to the robust, successful defence of, say, reprehensible shariah practices by adherents or the reputation of the brutal Chinese Communist Party by apparatchiks.
    It is to be remembered that the kind of American-influenced identity politics that imputes oppression in every tradition has its earlier avatar in how the British constructed the idea of the Indian caste system. In their book, 'Western Foundations of the Caste System', writers Martin Fárek, Dunkin Jalki Sufiya Pathan, and Prakash Shah, say that India has no caste system, and it never had one. The importance of this claim needs to be appreciated. It means that the legislation that politicians, clergymen and various organizations have made it their mission to ensure the British Government passes, is based on a ghost idea for which Jeremy Bentham's phrase, 'nonsense on stilts', is an apt description. Since our claim is likely to be misunderstood both in India and the West, some clarification is in order.
    Jakob de Roover and Martin Fárek demonstrate in Western Foundations of the Caste System how the claim of the Indian caste system is based upon Protestant theological polemic about India's false religion, Hinduism. Lacking access to this theological foundation against which it makes any kind of sense, Indians nevertheless appear to have settled for some vague idea of the caste system.
    Although fractious and hyperbolic claims about caste oppression continue to be made, there seems wide conventional acceptance that caste hasn't anything much to do with oppression or its redress, but is there to claim and allocate some goods, such as employment and education places. Questions of ability or competence don't enter into it. Although no scientific account of the caste system has been provided, caste-based reservations and criminal laws punishing atrocities are justified through the nebulous image of the caste system. In Western Foundations of the Caste System, Dunkin Jalki and Sufiya Pathan show how the presupposition that Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are the disproportionate victims of crimes lacks substance. Still, every political party and ideological faction in India today has to take an anti-caste oppression stand, Hindutvawadis included. Even as the wide and unwarranted extensions to the caste atrocities legislation took effect in 2016, Indian parliamentarians chose not to debate them.
    Britain continues to be a participant, if not leader, in reproducing old Christian evangelist ideas about India or its diaspora, repackaged in 21st century secularized form. Weighed down by this heritage, its intellectuals, whether or not they have anything to do with the study of India, are unable to regard India as a culture on symmetrical terms of mutual respect and equality. The consensus in the British Press about the spread of India's caste problem to the diaspora is testimony to that. Diaspora intellectuals of Indian origin take their cue from their Western masters and act pretty much as Homi Bhabha's mimic men, who feign resistance, but all the while connive in perpetuating claims of the morally deficient nature of Indian society and culture.
    With the Equality Act's provision on caste, Britain, not India, promises to be the pioneer in producing anti-discrimination law, allowing civil claims for damages. Such claims are already possible under the case law produced by the British courts and tribunals, even if the alleged facts that led to precedent being established were fabricated. The case law also allows prosecutions on caste grounds under the criminal laws on racial hatred and racially aggravated offences, introducing a British version of the Indian caste atrocities law. The British Government made its position transparent during its recent consultation on the caste law, the pre-determined result of which is still awaited. The Government favours the case law rather than the travail of drafting a contentious and technically near-impossible piece of legislation. Indian leaders have been drafted in to commend the poisoned chalice to the community, while the Government hopes to keep at bay the pro-legislation groups and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, which has been lobbied from Britain.
    So why should some parties continue to demand legislation? Legislating to entrench caste into the Equality Act would ensure existing judgements are proofed against challenges that they are tainted with error of fact and law, as those who promoted the case law, including Britain's Equality and Human Rights Commission, probably realise. Anyone can take legal action for discrimination against anyone else on the basis of their antecedent historical caste identity and effectively bankrupt them since the costs will be astronomical. In any event, the British legal system is merely a model and testing ground for India. There is no reason to assume that the UN body's demand for an anti-discrimination law on caste, currently addressed to Britain, should not extend to India. What is good for the goose…
    It is an unlikely coincidence that Congress leader Shashi Tharoor introduced his Anti-Discrimination and Equality Bill in the Lok Sabha in March this year. The Bill covers caste among other 'protected characteristics' - the terminology is borrowed directly from the British Equality Act - that include "food preference: Persons who are not vegetarians". India, it seems, remains incapable framing legal models suitable to its own culture and traditions. And as if to underline India's continued subjection to Britain, Tarunabh Khaitan, Associate Professor and Fellow, Wadham College, Oxford University, helped draft the Bill. It provides multiple complaint mechanisms, including Centre and State Equality Commissions as well as recourse to courts. Its terminology is wide enough to cover many existing practices as discriminatory. Unlike the British Equality Act, this law opts for criminalizing discrimination, the kind of coercive legal preference that is reminiscent of the British Raj. The Bill also extends to Christians and Muslims, taking care of the most significant and historic aims of European lobby organizations and churches which object to the currently restricted reservations laws.
    Even though India has no experience with general anti-discrimination law of the British or American kind, Press comments on Tharoor-Khaitan Bill are laudatory, with no acknowledgment that, if passed, India would witness a war of all against all. The proposed legislation carries many risks for India's population, making the British controversy on the caste law look like a kindergarten affair. The private sector, which so far shielded from having to adopt reservations, would be faced with endless challenges of caste discrimination, and it would not be irrational for investors to flee India as a consequence. It is far from certain the legislature, the commissions or the courts, are geared up to addressing the problems such alien legislation might create. If the precedent provided by the recent extension of the caste atrocities law is anything to go by, the Indian Parliament is unlikely to be willing to exercise the kind of oversight required. As often happens, the ensuing pain will have to be borne by the ordinary Indian.
    (The writer is a Reader in Culture and Law and Director of GLOCUL: Centre for Culture and Law at the Department of Law, Queen Mary, University of London)

    Megiddo griffin is Indus Script hypertext dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter', marakaka 'copper alloy, calcining metal', āra 'brass' panja 'furnace'

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    https://www.flickr.com/photos/28433765@N07/15061437088
    Ivory plaque depicting a reclining griffin (winged crested peacock + body of lion, feline paws) with dotted circles along the top layers of wing feathers, carved in relief , Megiddo, Israel, 1300-1200 BCE. OIM 22212

    Related imagePeacock crest.
    I have gathered the following information to trace the roots of the Megiddo grifin hypertext composed of hieroglyphs:peacock crest, feline paws, wings, body of lion. From Source: http://www.vakras.com/griffin.html 

    I suggest that these are Indus Script hypertexts: 

    dāya'dotted circle';  dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red ore' (gveda) rebus: dhā̆vaḍ priest of 'iron-smelters',
    maraka 'peacock' Rebus: marakaka loha'copper alloy, calcining metal'.; 
    panja'feline paw' rebus: panja'kiln, furnace' 
    arye'lion' rebus: āra'brass'. 
    eruvai 'eagle' rebus: eruvai 'copper'
    kambha 'wing' rebus: kammaṭa'mint, coiner, coinage'

    Thus, the ivory plaque of Megiddo is a metalwork wealth accounting of --dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' working with copper alloy, calcining metal PLUS brass furnace.

    "The earliest depictions of griffins occur on the Greek island of Thera and date to the 17th century BC or earlier. These frescoes were painted some time before the volcano erupted. The date of the eruption of the volcano at Thera has now  been dated to 1623 BCE."  (refer: 


    Below (left) portion of griffin wing from a fresco from Avaris, capital of the Hyksos
    Below (right) portion of griffin from a fresco fromThera
    Scans from AVARIS the capital of the Hyksos. Recent excavations at Tell el-Dab'a by Manfred Bietak, published by the British Museum Press. isbn 0 7 141 09681 

    Above left, portion of wing from fresco fragments, Avaris, Egypt. Above right, griffin on pre-eruption fresco Thera.


     

    Griffin from Mycenae, dated to before c. 1300 BC.

    This image is scanned from: 

    Plate XXXVII, A, Greece in the Bronze Age, by Emily Vermeule, published by the University of Chicago Press. isbn 0 226 85354 3

    page 128, illus. 119  The Arts in Prehistoric Greece, by Sinclair Hood, published by Pelican History of Art (series). isbn 0 14 056142 0

    "An exquisite gold seal found by Carl Blegen in a tomb at Pylos showing a winged griffin (c. 1420 BC)."

    This image and quote come from: 

    page 79, In Search of the Trojan War, by Michael Wood, published by BBC. isbn 0 563 20579 2

    (A good synopsis of Bonze-Age east Mediterranean civilizations & their interactions.)


    National Water Grid, Rivers Sarasvati and Kaveri lifelines of Bharatam. Gadkari takes charge.

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    Hon'ble Rivers Minister, Shri Nitin Gadkari should be complimented for his drive and initiative to put the project of Interlinking of Rivers on a fast track. This is a project which has the blessings of a 2012 jusgement by three-Judge Bench of the Supreme Court led by the then CJI, Kapadia.

    With the treasure of Himalayas, the nation is blessed with abundant waters in the World's Greatest Water Tower. The Himalayan ranges keep accumulating more water as snow and ice than the glacier melts because the ranges rise 1 cm per year thanks to Plate tectonics with Indian plate lifting up the Eurasian Plate and consequently leading to the dynamic rise of the Himalayan glacier ranges with increased accumulations of Northern Monsoon waters.

    I suggest that the priorities should be to ensure the lifelines of Rivers Sarasvati and Kaveri through:

    Netravati-Hemavati link
    Ghagra-Yamuna link
    Sarda-Yamuna link
    Yamuna-Rajasthan link
    Rajasthan-Sabarmati link

    Sahyadri Contour canal
    Interlking of tanks of South India


    The southern rivers can be made jīvanadi-s by transferring flood waters of Brahmaputra using the principle of gravity (without any power needed for lifting up waters) through the following links which should be put on fast track for completion of feasibility and detailed technical studies for

    Manas-Sankosh-Tista-Ganga link

    Kosi-Ghagra link

    Gandak-Ganga link

    Ganga-Damodar-Subarnarekha link

    Subarnarekha-Mahanadi link

    Kosi-Mechi link

    Farakka-Sunderbans link

    Jogighopa-Tista-Farakka link (Alternative to 1)


    Ganga(Farakka)-Damodar-Subarnarekha.jpg

    In addition, all lakes of southern India should be interlinked, together withthe formation of a contour canal in the Sahyadri ranges paralleling the Konkan Railway.


    ‘Just leave the rivers to me’

    By Santwana Bhattacharya  |   Published: 18th November 2017 10:46 PM  |  
    Last Updated: 19th November 2017 11:11 AM  | 




    Nitin Gadkari, graphic, illustration, BJP , Rivers,
    As the nation’s river minister, Nitin Gadkari has bound himself to essentially two tasks: one to clean up the rivers, and to stop them from flowing into the sea, which he says is a waste of water. “Some 70 per cent of our water, rain and river water coming out of the Himalayan ecosystem flows into the sea. I’m trying to reverse the situation,” he said in an interview with The Sunday Standard. Asked if this doesn’t go against the current thinking on sustainable development, he brushes aside “the microscopic minority of critics” who “always come in development’s way.”
    Armed with such a drive, Gadkari is piloting multiple river projects that will have a transformative impact on India—an end to suicides in Vidarbha, restoration of the Ganga’s purity, a nation-wide grid of river transport systems.
    At the recent AgroVision exhibition in Nagpur—India’s biggest such event—Vice-president Venkaiah Naidu, in his inimitable style, called him ‘Niteen Gadkari’.
    He is one of the most crucial ministers in the Modi cabinet, handling three vital infrastructure ministries—roads, shipping and water resources—a fact that invited Naidu’s humorous encomium. Nitin Gadkari has the image of a doer and an achiever.
    As a corporator in Nagpur, he is known to have raised crores by selling recycled sewage water. At the moment, he is on mission mode to remove the tragic taint his home turf—Vidarbha—has acquired as a ‘suicide belt’. But he’s also hands-on across a wide range of water issues—whether it is the Polavaram project in Andhra Pradesh, or Cauvery river sharing, or cleaning up the Ganga, or the Brahmaputra floods.
    He is also the key factor in how roadways expansion will produce jobs by 2019.
    Speaking to The Sunday Standard on the sidelines of AgroVision, the Union minister shares his action plan on all fronts. Excerpts for the interview:
    Water is an issue everywhere — from pollution in our rivers to disputes over river water sharing. At AgroVision, you spoke about irrigation and access to water solving the problem of Vidarbha farmers. After over 1.4 lakh farmer suicides, Vidarbha needs a solution for sure. How do you mean this?
    It’s an integrated `6,000 crore project plan sent from my ministry (Water Resources and River Development) to the World Bank. It will improve water facilities and the capacity of several states—Maharashtra, Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat. And if we extend our plans to Odisha, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan, it will be truly transformative. The Ghosikhurd project in Vidarbha too will be completed.
    You said the Ghosikhurd irrigation project has been languishing since Rajiv Gandhi’s time, and is now being completed on a war footing.
    It started 35 years ago. We’ll see to it that it’s completed by 2019. The project cost has grown enormously, from `461 crore to a `7,777 crore, because of the delay. But I’m not short of funds, and we’ll get it done. Instead of water canals, we’re laying pipelines — 99 km on the right bank and 23 km on the left — that will reduce land requirement, cost and future wastage. Some 2,50,800 hectares across three districts of Maharashtra will get irrigated.
    But resettlement for big projects is an issue. What about the question of human displacement?
    Farmers will be immensely benefited, the suicides will stop. There’s also the Daman Ganga-Pinjal river connectivity project — the Centre’s giving 90 per cent of the money required (`25,000 crore). It will solve the water issues of Marathwada and North Maharashtra 100 per cent. The water capacity will go up like anything.
    But isn’t there a serious rethink the world over on big dam projects?
    It’s a microscopic minority of critics who have little concern for water availability and always try to come in the way of development. We’ve to do a balancing act. When farmers don’t get water to drink or irrigate their fields, such criticism doesn’t solve their problems. We have to save our farmers from a situation where they don’t have to take their lives. We’ve to create the infrastructure that will make the village economy and farming viable, attractive. So that the youth don’t have to run to the cities. But we’re open to all ideas, small and big dams, small and big irrigation projects — I’ve kept my mind open to innovative ideas.
    Even agricultural land gets submerged under big projects.
    I’m working on all fronts, but the thrust is on mainly two: conservation as a long-term goal and completion of new and old projects. Some 70 per cent of our water, rain and river water coming out of the Himalayan ecosystem flows into the sea. I’m trying to reverse the situation. River connectivity is one way of arresting water flowing into the sea. We’ve to always look at the larger picture. In the Polavaram project, for instance…
    Odisha has some problems with Polavaram, the Andhra Pradesh CM too has been complaining about funds.     
    No problem, everything is sorted out. Odisha’s concerns have been addressed. Our team has visited. The Centre is funding the Polavaram project…you’ll see we will connect Godavari, Krishna, Cauvery, the tributaries. That will solve our problems up to Tamil Nadu. We have a vision, I’m working towards it. Funding is not an issue. We’ll double our irrigation potential.
    Your big challenge is Namami Gange. Right since Rajiv Gandhi’s time much money has been sunk into cleaning the Ganga without any tangible result.
    Forget the past, we’ll give results. I’m doing it differently, engaging the public as well as the private sector.  It’s not something only government officials can do. I’m not saying it’s going to be easy, it will take time. The projects we have assigned now — STPs (sewage treatment plants) — will take two years to come up. But by 2019, I’m hopeful the BOD and COD levels (the two pollution level indicators, biochemical oxygen demand and chemical oxygen demand)  will improve before we go to the elections. Kanpur (which has tanneries) is a problem area, but we’re talking to all stakeholders and the state government to find a way out. I’ve got positive responses. We’re fast-tracking all projects. Once the water is clean, the flow of Ganga will automatically increase.
    The latest STPs have been awarded in Varanasi and Haridwar.
    They will come up in all places. In Allahabad too. I’ll divert sewage water from Ganga to the railway sheds in the vicinity...use it for cleaning trains. Nothing will be wasted. I’ve divided up the banks in terms of responsibility. I am asking the private sector to take up areas along the river — construction, operation and maintenance (of STPs also) through SPVs. Some 40 per cent will be paid on completion of construction, and the rest over 15 years of operation and maintenance expenses — in total 93 projects have been approved. About 12,000 MLD of sewage is emptied into the Ganga across 11 states, from Uttarakhand to West Bengal. Tackling all of it will take a little time. As part of it, I’m also initiating a plantation exercise across 4,500 villages—with geo-tagging, so that the saplings actually grow as plants. People also have to take ownership of the projects for it to succeed.
    Would you have liked to head an integrated infrastructure ministry, including the railways, as was being suggested?
    That is the Prime Minister’s prerogative. I should not comment on such issues, I’m very happy with what I’m doing. From Brahmaputra to Cauvery…
    But China is planning to build a big dam to divert water from the Brahmaputra.
    That’s an international issue, I should not be talking about it. They (China) are doing many things to disturb us, including not sharing river water data. We too have plans…we’re not sitting idle.
    You have your plate full. In the government’s latest `6.92 lakh crore infrastructure package to boost the economy, your other ministry—Roadways—has been given a big chunk, primarily for employment generation. But a part of it is for maintenance. And with the part for new projects—83,677 km of new roads—isn’t land acquisition an issue?
    I will not deny that there are issues, litigation may arise. But leave it to me. I have no dearth of funds, so what we’ve set out to do will be done on a fast track. The results will be evident.
    On the political front, in the BJP’s bastion state Gujarat, isn’t this going to be a tough election after 22 years of uninterrupted rule?
    No one should have any doubt that we’ll form the next government in Gujarat and win Himachal with a two-thirds majority.
    http://www.newindianexpress.com/thesundaystandard/2017/nov/18/just-leave-the-rivers-to-me-1704855.html


    Nitin Gadkari: Just leave the rivers to me

    By Santwana Bhattacharya  |  Express News Service  |   Published: 19th November 2017 08:28 AM  |  
    Last Updated: 19th November 2017 08:28 AM  

    http://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2017/nov/19/nitin-gadkari-just-leave-the-rivers-to-me-1705025.html

    Arthaśāstra Itihāsa of Story of Civilization reconciles Nicholas Kazanas, Thomas McEveilley, Georges Dumezil

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    Did Greek adapt Veda thought? Indo-European roots traced to Veda Samskr̥tam? Was there an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from 5th millennium BCE, which predated Silk Road by two millennia? https://tinyurl.com/y7mxowzx 
    Evidence of 8000+ wealth accounting ledgers on Indus Script inscriptions provides a framework
     for Economic History of Wealth of Nations from 5th millennium BCE.


    The answers can be found as we venture into narrating Arthaśāstra Itihāsa of Story of Civilization Or, Economic History of Wealth of Nations from 5th millennium BCE.  Acquisition of artha for commonwealth trust is a puruṣārtha 'goal of life,' together with protection of dharma, 'global ethic, righteous self-less conduct' and fulfilment of kāma, 'desire' impelling human initiatives' and mokṣa 'Pilgrim's progress from being to Becoming'.


    It is now clear that cotton was domesticated in 6th millennium BCE.

    Reflected-light micrography of the mineralized cotton fibres (X500) (Copyright C2RMF, C. Moulherat).

    It is now clear that silk fiber was used to create necklaces threading perforated beads.
    New Evidence for Early Silk in the Indus Civilization
    Coiled copper-alloy wire necklace discovered at Harappa in 2000 with traces of silk fibers preserved on the inside
    London News reported Chanhu-daro discoveries of metalwork as from The Sheffield of Ancient India.
    Image result for london news chanhudaro
    Metalware catalog in London News Illustrated, November 21, 1936.A 'Sheffield of Ancient India: Chanhu-Daro's metal working industry 

    Thomas McEveilley traces the foundations of Western Civilization in Ancient Veda thought. Dumezel traces the foundations of social organization into tripartite varṇa to Indo-European roots. Nicholas Kazanas finds R̥gveda thought predates Sarasvati Civilization and Avestan and explains the foundations of Greek/Egyptian philosophies and Proto-Indo-European languages.


    An excellent summary of Thomas McEveilley's thesis is found in the following interview (video):




    Thomas McEvilley on 'The Shape of Ancient Thought'


    Published on Apr 23, 2011"A revolutionary study by the classical philologist and art historian Thomas McEvilley is about to challenge much of academia. In THE SHAPE OF ANCIENT THOUGHT, an empirical study of the roots of Western culture, the author argues that Eastern and Western civilizations have not always had separate, autonomous metaphysical schemes, but have mutually influenced each other over a long period of time.


    This monograph reconciles the insights of Nicholas Kazanas, Thomas McEveilley and Georges Dumezil 1. thanks to new light provided by Indus Script hypertexts on over 8000 inscriptions, and 2. correlating the Austro-Asiatic language map with Early Bronze Age sites of the Ancient Far East to explain the Tin-Bronze Revolution which started ca. 5th millennium BCE. Evidences from ancient Veda texts and the meanings of the Indus Script hypertexts are presented to explain the Arthaśāstra Itihāsa of Story of Civilization and role of Bhāratam Janam and draws upon the insights of Nicholas Kazanas who presents the fallacies of a reconstructed Proto-Indo-European Language. 



    Yes, there were intense interactions among Proto-Indo-European language speakers, but attempts fo reconstruct a PIE language are flawed with racist theories such as Aryan Invasion or Aryan Migration to explain the common language features across Eurasia.  I suggest that ancient Bhāratam constituted a language union, a sprachbund. The spoken versions of the language of ca. 4th millennium of the artisans and seafaring merchants was Meluhha (mleccha) attested in all 8000+ Indus Script inscriptions which are wealth accounting ledgers of metalwork. These are the nucleus of activities which created the wealth of a nation as evidenced in Angus Maddison's work (presented to OECD before formation of European Union):

    An Arthaśāstra framework is posited with śreṇi 'guilds' of artisans, seafaring merchants using the corporate form of organization to acquire wealth for the commonwealth -- to explain the reality that 34% of the World GDP was contributed by Bhāratam Janam (i.e. Ancient India of Vedic times preceding 1 CE by several millennia).


    The epicentre of life-activities of these wealth-acquiring artisans/seafaringmerchants was Veda River Sarasvati Basin which accounts for over 80% (over 2000) of the 2600+ archaeological sites of Sarasvati Civilization.

    Image result for wifs sarasvati river
    Indian Remote Sensing IRS Wide-Field Senso (WiFS) image showing palaeochannel signature -- From Himalayas to Rann of Kutch, GujaratImage result for sites sarasvati river
     . 
    Dumezil saw tripartite division of communities governed by varṇa classification of life-activities and the metaphor of pañcabhūta, पाञ्चभौतिक (five elements: pāñcabhautikaपाञ्चभौतिक a. (-की f.) Composed of the five elements or containing them; पाञ्चभौतिकी सृष्टिः Mv.6; Y.3.175; bhautika भौतिक a. (-की f.) [भूत-ठक्] 1 Belonging to created or living beings; प्रहुतो भौतिको बलिः Ms.3.74; आहंकारिकत्वश्रुतेर्न भौतिकानि Sāṅkhya S. -2 Formed of coarse elements, elemental, material; वृक्षाणां नास्ति भौतिकम् Bhāg. 12 184.9; पिण्डेष्वनास्था खलु भौतिकेषु R.2.57; bhauta भौत a. (-ती f.) [भूतानि प्राणिनो$धिकृत्य प्रवृत्तः, तानि देवता वा अस्य अण्] 1 Relating to living beings. -2 Elemental, material. -3 Demoniacal.

    Ancient India had the unique practices related to पाञ्चभौतिक (five element classification. These life practices are called pāñcayajñika पाञ्चयज्ञिक a. (-की f.1 Belonging to the five great yajña-s. -कम् Any one of the five great yajña-s; एकमप्याशयेद् विप्रं पित्रर्थे पाञ्चयज्ञिके Ms.3.83 The five yajña-s are: bhautika'elements', manuṣya'people', daiva'destiny, related to divine phenomena', pit ṟ-/ṣi-'ancestors, sages', brahma 'paramātman or Supreme Divine'. These five types of yajña signify all-inclusive life activities and ādhytātmikā or philosophical enquiries which synthesise as Veda thought. Yoga is a medium to achieve the unity of the ātman with the paramātman (that is, unity of life sensation, consciousness with Supreme or Cosmic Energy and Consciousness).

    It is certainly possible that there was a diffusion of the Veda thought into early Greek thought exemplified by Socrates, Plato and Aristotle. At a bhauta level,the 8000+ Indus Script Inscriptions evidence the wealth accounting ledgers handled as mercantile transactions by ancient artisans and seafaring merchants linking Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East through an Ancient Maritime Tin Route catalyzing the Tin-Bronze revolution with the resources of cassiterite tin ore from the largest Tin Belt of the Globe in Himalayan River Basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween. These Himalayan glacial rivers had grounded down granite rocks to create the accumulation of cassiterite mineral ore in the Tin Belt.
    Image result for dong son bronze drum find spotsImage result for dong son bronze drum find spotsIndus Script hypertexts on Karen/Dong Son Bronze Drums


    Image result for pinnow austro-asiatic

    An Indian Ocean Community existed in the Bronze Age transacting on the Tin Road.

    The monograph is a postscript to the decipherment of 'backbone' and 'skeleton' hieroglyphs used extensively on Indus Script Corpora in the context of metalwork catalogues of the civilization contact areas. The hieroglyhphs signify hard alloy and deep boat (canoe) respectively which indicate the need for researches on seafaring and maritime activities of Meluhha artisans and merchants of the Indian Ocean. A Tin Road of the Bronze Age is posited preceding the Silk Road of Sutra texts from Indian sprachbund. This hypothesis is framed on the George Coeded, French savant's magnum opus, in the wake of discovery of Angkor Wat: Ancient History of Hinduised States of Far East (French original: Histoire ancienne des états hindouises d'Extrême Orient, 1944.) The state formation in Ancient Far East should have been founded on centuries of earlier contacts and cultural exchanges between the seafaring Meluhha merchants and seafaring artisans of the Ancient Far East. A profound set of researches related to the spread of Austro-Asiatic languages from Indian sprachbund to Ancient Far East provide the evidence for this possibility of cultural exchanges starting from the Bronze Age. (See correlating maps embedded. 
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/archaeometallury-and-meluhha.html). An archaeometallurgical evidence of the discovery of a Bronze Age village and cemetery site of Ban Chiang of Thailand is compelling and matches with the geological reality of the largest tin belt of the globe located in the Ancient Far East.

    The presentation is organized in three sections suggesting the pursuit of an area of research of Bronze Age suggested by Wilhelm G. Solheim's hypothesis of a trade/culturfal link between Ancient Near East and the Mediterranean (referenced at 

    Section 1: Backbone of Indus Script Corpora. Archaeometallurgical messages revealed by the cipher, suggesting Tin Road links between Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East

    Section 2: Seafaring Ancient Near East -- Rationale for linking messages from Indus Script Corpora and Archaeometallury of Ancient Far East

    Section 3. Background profiles on Indus Scipt Corpora and related archaeometallurgy as a framework for further researches to define the Tin Road of the Bronze Age linking Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East
    अहम् राष्ट्री संगमनी वसूनां ... (RV 10.125)


    1. I TRAVEL with the Rudras and the Vasus, with the Adityas and AllGods- I wander.

    I hold aloft both Varuna and MitraIndra and Agni, and the Pair of Asvins.
    2 I cherish and sustain highswelling- Soma, and Tvastar I support, Pusan, and Bhaga.
    I load with wealth the zealous sdcrificer who pours the juice and offers his oblation
    3 I am the Queen, the gathererup- of treasures, most thoughtful, first of those who merit worship.
    Thus Gods have stablished me in many places with many homes to enter and abide in.
    4 Through me alone all eat the food that feeds them, each man who sees, brewhes, hears the word
    outspoken
    They know it not, but yet they dwell beside me. Hear, one and all, the truth as I declare it.
    5 1, verily, myself announce and utter the word that Gods and men alike shall welcome.
    I make the man I love exceeding mighty, make him a sage, a Rsi, and a Brahman.
    6 I bend the bow for Rudra that his arrow may strike and slay the hater of devotion.
    I rouse and order battle for the people, and I have penetrated Earth and Heaven.
    7 On the worlds' summit I bring forth the Father: my home is in the waters, in the ocean.
    Thence I extend over all existing creatures, and touch even yonder heaven with my forehead.
    8 I breathe a strong breath like the wind and tempest, the while I hold together all existence.
    Beyond this wide earth and beyond the heavens I have become so mighty in my grandeur.
    Image result


    Pinnow-map of Austro-Asiatic language speakershttp://www.ling.hawaii.edu/faculty/stampe/aa.html
    Image result for bronze age austro-asiatic
    Some Bronze Age sites, Far East. (After Fig. 2.2 in Higham, Charles, 1996, The bronze age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge Univ. Press

    Stannifrous areas of the world (From RG Taylor, Geology of Tin Deposits, Amsterdam 1979, 6, fig. 2.1)

    Bronze Age sites of eastern Bha_rata and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2. Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6. Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa; 8. Mohenjo-daro; 9. Ahar; 10.Kayatha; 11. Navdatoli; 12. Inamgaon; 13. Non Pa Wai; 14. Nong Nor; 15. Ban Na Di and Ban Chiang; 16. Non Nok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press].


    The views related to Indo-Greek contacts and the roots of Indo-European peoples and language, have a direct bearing on the Itihāsa of Bhāratam Janam and the Story of Civilization. 



    The term Bhāratam Janam is an expression used by R̥ṣi Viśvāmitra (RV 3.53.12)


    Translation (Griffith): 12 Praises to Indra have I sung, sustainer of this earth and heaven. This prayer of Visvamitra
    keeps secure the race of Bharatas. (I have suggested that the expression 'bharata' is related to metalwork as an Indus Script hypertext: 
    भरत (p. 353) bharata n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.
    भरताचें भांडें (p. 353) bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें. 
    भरती  (p. 353) bharatī a Composed of the metal भरत.
    भरिताचें भांडें (p. 353) bharitācē mbhāṇḍēṃ n (भरीत & भांडें) A vessel made up to the amount or quantity of; up to the measure of the contents or charge of.


    Thus, bharata signifies alloy metal work, alloy of copper, pewter, tin; hence, an alloy metal worker. The guilds of such metalworkers are called bharata..



    It is time to revisit the differing views presented by Thomas McEvelley and Georges Dumezil on the Indo-European roots of ancient Indian culture.  KcEvelley sees ancient Indian thought which influenced Greek thought. Dumezil posits Indo-European roots for ancient Indian thought. The apparent differences in view between McEvelley and Dumezil are resolved by Nicholas Kazanas.



    The resolution of the antiquity of Veda culture is emphatically presented by Nicholas Kazanas on a number of planes of analyses:



    1.Indo-European linguistics, all-inclusiveness of R̥gveda, 

    2. Archaeological and literary evidences for R̥gveda pre-dating Sarasvati Civilization, R̥gveda precedence over Avestan
    3. A firm believer in Proto-Indo-European language, Nicholas Kazanas rejects false constructions of a PIE language. "I do not belong to the small circle of sanskritists, classicists and others who reject the existence of PIE. Admittedly there is no hard evidence for this language – no texts, no fragments anywhere. But the astonishing similarities that unmistakably exist between Sanskrit, Old Greek, Latin and other languages cannot be dismissed as chance events or borrowing or wave-influences. The languages involved starting in the East and moving westward are chiefly these: Sanskrit (or Vedic or Old Indic), Avestan (or Iranian in Ancient Persia/Iran), Tocharian (in Central Asia), Armenian, Hittite (Luvian, Palaic and few others in what is today Turkey), Slavic (branches in Russia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Czechoslovakia, Poland and few other areas), Albanian, Greek, Latin (and few other dialects in today’s Italy, Spain, France and Rumania), Celtic (Old Irish/Welsh), Germanic (the largest family with Gothic, Old High German, Old Icelandic etc) and Baltic (=Latvian, Lithuanian and Old Prussian)."
    4. Comparative studies of Vedic, Mesopotamian and Egyptian Religio-philosophical Thought (for example, Advaita and Gnosticism; Homer, Hesiod and the Mahabharata; Plato & Upaniṣad-s; Greek philosophy upto Aristotle; Philosophy in Hellenistic and Roman Times (analysing philosophical thought after Socrates, Plato and Aristotle)
    5. Shamans, Religion, Soma and R̥gveda.

    Eight fallacies of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) studies

    Nicholas Kazanaslists the following fallacies:

    The first fallacy is that the comparative method is “scientific” and can offer predictions. 


    The second fallacy is that PIE can be reconstructed; such a reconstructed language cannot be verified.


    The third fallacy is that PIE can be reconstructed.


    The fourth fallacy is that the reconstructed PIE is real.  PIE elements suggested are a new formation “reconstructed” with entities from different languages and projected as “real”. Such reeconstructions DO NOT constitute reality. Nicholas Kazanas notes: “According to my reading of anthropological, archaeological, genetic, linguistic and literary data, all expounded in detail in my two books (2009, 2015), the original IE homeland was in the larger area of Saptasindhu and covering Bactria. From there the various IE-speakers radiated to their northern and north-western and western migrations. The Avestan speakers are the last to leave and for this reason their tongue Old Iranian bears the greatest resemblance to Old Indic.


    Baudhāyana’s ŚrautaSūtra 18.14 mentions two migrations: one eastward, the Āyava; one westward, the Āmāvasa producing the Gāndhāris, Parśus (=Persians) and Arāttas (=of Urartu and/or Ararat on the Caucausus).



    The fifth fallacy is  the notion of uniform phonological change in the selfsame environment.This does sound most reasonable. In fact, it is quite otherwise in the actual world of the texts. I shall take only one example from Sanskrit and Avestan, since they are such close relatives and neighbours, the sonorant vowel ||, which is by full consensus held to be PIE Observe please that this ||, remains in fact in all the Sanskrit words but changes variously in the corresponding Avestan!

    S

    ṛṣṭi ‘spear’;

    amta ‘immortal’;

    vka ‘wolf’;

    vka ‘tree’;

    ākti ‘form’

    A

    aršti ;

     amǝša ;

    vǝhrka ;

    varǝša ;

    ākǝrǝti

    There are, in fact, more variations in Avestan – ōrǝ , ar , ra

    Writing on Kurylowitz’s ‘laws of change’, Heinrich Hock, one of the most eminent IE comparativists stated – “a prediction of when a change will or must occur is impossible” (1991:211).


    The sixth fallacy is fallacy is the division into satem and centum languages: satem being Sanskrit, Avestan, Baltic etc; centum being Tocharian, Greek, Latin etc. “As is generally known, the distinction is due to the appearance of palatals in satem (from Avestan ‘one hundred’ = S śata) and of velars (gutturals) in the centum (from L ‘one hundred’). However, this distinction is not so absolute as one might think. Palatals are found in some places in centum tongues and velars in satem.”

    Nicholas Kazanas goes on to cite the biggest, eighth fallacy which “is exposed by the presence of roots or more correctly dhātus ‘lexical seedforms’ in Sanskrit. When all the paraphernalia of PIE reconstructions are laid aside the investigator finds that, in plain fact, only Sanskrit and Avestan (to a much lesser degree) have roots! The other IE languages have verbs and nouns etc but not roots, as such, from which verbs and nouns etc are derived. Even Sanskrit has many words that cannot be analysed or traced back to a dhātu (apart from borrowed words): e.g. kakud ‘peak’, n/nara ‘ man’, putra ‘child/son’, balaka ‘white’, śūdra ‘servile’ etc. But it has 2000 dhātus all told and about 700 fully active in the early language…The most telling aspect for the antiquity and significance of Sanskrit is precisely this organic coherence arising from roots generating verbs, nouns etc. This functions with the regular use of suffixes, verbal and nominal. I shall give only two examples, but the instances are hundreds.

    Citing the insights of Edmund Leach, NicholasKazanas concludes: “Edmund Leach, provost of King’s College Cambridge, wrote many years ago: “Because of their commitment to a unilateral segmentary history of language development that needed to be mapped onto the ground, the philologists took it for granted that proto-Indo-Iranian was a language that had originated outside India or Iran…. From this we derived the myth of the Aryan invasions”. But he went further: “Indo-European scholars should have scrapped their historical reconstructions and started again from scratch. But this is not what happened. Vested interests and academic posts were involved” (Leach 1990:238).I am afraid that the edifice of IE linguistics and reconstructions continues to be based on those “vested interests”


    In summary, the sum total of the eight fallacies of PIE relate to the exclusion of R̥gveda Samskr̥tam from the discourses of PIE linguistic arguments.



    R̥gveda is such a dominant historical reality of several millennia prior to Sarasvati Civilization that the archaeological evidence of Binjor on the Sarasvati RiverBasin (near Anupgarh) has produced the evidence of Veda culture with a yajna kuṇḍa with aṣṭāśri yupa (octagonal pillar) and an inscription (Indus Script hypertext) to signify wealth-accounting ledger of metalwork.

    See: https://tinyurl.com/jtcyr3o for a decipherment of the Yupa inscription on an Indus Script Hypertext seal.

    Binjor yupa inscription on Indus Script seal is यष्ट्वा बहुसुवर्णकम् सोमः-संस्था







    I disagree with some views linking 1.Shamanism and Soma, 2. Shamanism and Yoga



    Linking Soma with Shamanism is based erroroneous deecipherment of Soma (as an inembriant drink). Soma is a metallurgical artifact purchased from the merchant from Mujavant, resulting in acquisition of wealth. (Mujavant may be Mushtag Ata in Kyrgystan which has mountains of gold-electrum reserves.).



    I disagree with the views expressed linking Soma Yajña and Yoga of ancient Vedic thought with European Shamanism. The views linking Vedic thought and Yoga with Shamanism are flawed because, they are highly opinionated and arise from a patently wrong identification of Soma as an inebriant drink or as a mushroom. I have argued extensively that Soma is NOT a drink; Soma is a metaphor for metallurgical processing in fire to create hardened alloys using the skambha (yupa with caṣāla of godhuma, 'wheat chaff' bundles) to infuse carbon into molten metal to harden the alloy metal. It will be an error to view Soma merely in ādibhautika levels of analysis ignoring the metaphors presented at ādidaivika, ādhyātmikā and turīya levels of thought. At an ādibhautika level also, Soma has a synonym amśu which is cognate with ancu 'iron' in Tocharian (pace Georges Pinault). The activities narrated in R̥gveda relate to the early tin-bronze revolution of  period earlier than 5th millennium BCE, attested by references to ayas'alloy metal'. This is signified on Indus Script hypertexts by the hieroglyphs/hypertexts with variant orthographies of aya, ayo'fish'. There are also repeated references to alloys such as bharat, ranga. barad, barat, 'ox' rebus: bharat, baran 'mixed alloys' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi). 'factitious alloy of copper, zinc, tin'; ranga 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter'; पोळ pōḷa 'zebu'& pōlaḍu 'black drongo' signify पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore and polad 'steel' respectively. sattva, 'svastika hieroglyph' rebus: sattva, jasta 'zinc'  ranku 'liquid measure, antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin'. The Indus Script evidence now consites of over 8000 inscriptions and all of them evidence wealth accounting ledgers of metalwork by artisans and seafaring merchants of the Bronze Age. A Maritime Tin Route existed predating the Silk Road by 2 millennia linking Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East through the Indian Ocean and Ancient India, along the riverine waterways of Himalayan rivers. Himalayan river basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween evidence the largest tin belt of the globe which supplied the tin (cassiterite) to realize the Tin-Bronze Revolution. Cassiterite accumulation in the tin belt is caused by millions of years of grounding down of granite rocks of the river basins to create mineral ore reserves of cassiterite (tin ore). The availability of tin in the Tin Belt of the Himalayan rivers explain the unique phenomena of Dong Son and Kareen Bronze drums with tympanums displaying Indus Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts to signify metalwork. The tympanums are made in cire perdue (lost-wax) metallurgical technique of casting sculptural/orthographic friezes. This Ancient Tin Route which predated the Silk Road by 2 millennia has to be unravaled by further archaeometallurgical and marine archaeological investigations. The presence of artisans with knowledge of Indus Script hypertext representations explains the roots of Khmer languages from Santali/Munda Austro-Asiatic languages of Bharat, that is India. The cultural presence of Hindu and Vedic thought in the Ancient Far East is attested by the largest Vishnu mandiram of the world in Angkor Wat and hundreds of Śivalings with octagonal shaped rudrabhāga proclaiming the octagonal aṣṭāśri yupa topped by caṣāla to proclaim the performance of Soma Yajña. The presence of 19 Yupa inscriptions including 5 Yupa inscriptions of Mulavarman in Borneo, Ancient Far East are emphatic evidences of the performance of bahusuvarṇaka  Soma Yajña in East Borneo. Śivalings identified as jaṭālinga and ekamukha linga are also evidences of wealth-creation activities through metalwork. The jaṭālinga is an extended caṣāla metaphor to create hard metal alloys. Ekamukha linga is an Indus Script hypertext: mũh 'a face' in Indus Script Cipher signifies mũh, muhã'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' The Skambha Sukta of AV (X.7,8) is a philosophical enquiry into the nature of the pillar, the fiery pillar of light which is adored in a फडा phaḍā 'metals manufactory' signified by the Indus Script hieroglyph फडा phaḍā 'cobra hood'.  A further embellishment in orthography expands the Indus Script hypertext  method to include a Śrivatsa atop a fiery pillar to signify ayo'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS skambha,kambha'pillar', 'khambhaṛā'fish-fin' rebus: kammaa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, Śrivatsa is an Indus Script hypertext to signify wealth accounting ledger of alloy metal casting work in a mint-- ayo kammaṭa, an expression evidenced in Mahavamsa.(Mahavamsa, XXV, 28,ayo-kammata-dvara, "iron studded gate",'"gateway of alloy metalmint.")

    Image result for amaravati pillar bharatkalyan97Image result for amaravati pillar bharatkalyan97




    Amaravati sculptural friezes signifying Śrivatsa and Skambha Yupa with फडा phaḍā 'metals manufactory' signified by the Indus Script hieroglyph फडा phaḍā 'cobra hood'. the feet hieroglyph as a semantic determinative: pada'feet'paṭam'instep' rebus:  फडा phaḍā 'metals manufactory', paṭṭaḍa, 'metals workshop'.

    Linking Shamanism with Yoga is based on an erroroneous understanding of the philosophical foundations of Yoga

    Yes, there are intimations of magical practices in, for example, Atharva Veda.These practices are related to the perceived links between cosmic phenomena and ailments of human beings or animals on the terrestrial plane. These practices led to the efflorescence of Ayurveda as a medical system understanding the nature of a living being and the therapeutic effect of herbals and minerals.

    There are varieties of tantra-s which do present some magical practices.

    The foundations of Yoga are NOT based on these practices, but on the primordial concept of praṇava, OM sound which signifies paramātman, Brahman. The enquiry of Yoga is premised on the prāṇāyāma, the repetition of the OM sound together with deep-breathing to realize inner peace and tranquility.

    Together with Bhagavad GitaYoga Vasistha, texts attributed to Yajnavalkyaand Hiranyagarbha, as well as literature on hatha yoga, tantric yoga and pashupata yoga, Pātañjalayogaśāstra ("The Treatise on Yoga according to Patañjali") presents succinct accounts of the Yoga practices which include samādhi postures taught in the text which resemble the Buddhist jhanas with outlines of  two different traditions, namely "eight limb yoga" (ashtanga yoga) and action yoga (Kriya yoga).

    The definition of Yoga is contained in this statement: "Yogaś citta-vritti-nirodhaḥ" ("Yoga is the restraint of mental modifications"). This clear definition is a clear that there are no intimations of any type of magical practices. Yoga is simply a meditative exercise, together with deep breathing and repetition of the OM sound.

    samādhi pada (51 Sutras) are states described to unify the ātman with the Brahman.

    Sādhana Pada (55 Sutras) in two parts  Kriya Yoga (Action Yoga -- also known as karma yoga, delinking the results of action from human initiatives) and Aṣṭānga Yoga (Eightfold or Eightlimbed Yoga or eight limbs of Rāja Yoga).

    Vibhuti Pada (56 Sutras) signify DhāraṇāDhyana and Samādhi  (referred to as Samyama) to achieve perfections or siddhi-s.

    Kaivalya Pada (34 Sutras) are a process of liberation, moving from Being to Becoming, to reach the state of united ātman with the paramātman.

    The so-called Shamanic pratices are a result of misinterpretation of the Yoga as a means to attain kaivalyam. The purpose of using samadhi is not to gain siddhis but to achieve Kaivalya. Siddhis are but distractions from Kaivalaya and are to be discouraged. Siddhis are but maya, or illusion. Some Siddhi-practices may have resulted in emphasis on 'magical poweers' of healing etc. Such distortions DO NOT negate the foundational principle of Yoga in Vedic thought wich is simply: Yogaś citta-vritti-nirodhaḥ.

    There are intimations of practice of Yoga in Sarasvati Civilization (from ca. 4th millennium BCE) with many toys signifying Yoga postures.
    Image result for yoga indus valleyImage result for yoga indus valleySeveral clay figurines of the Sarasvati Civilization in Yoga postures.


    Kalyanaraman had interviewed Nicholas Kazanas in Chennai on March 1, 2011: Two videos of the interview:



    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pEYYmyZmuCU  (33:41) In Chennai on 1 March 2011, the interview covered a wide range of issues related to vedic civilization, sprachbund (language union or linguistic area), indian ocean community and vedic studies.


    Nicholas Kazanas, Vedic scholar interviewed by S. Kalyanaraman (2/2)



    Thomas McEvelley breaks new ground in comparing common features seen in ancient Greek and ancient Indian philosophies. McEvelley's thesis is that Greek thought was significantly influenced by ancient Indian knowledge systems; he cites examples of 1. the tripartite system of varṇa for social organization of ancient communities and 2. Yoga linked with Shamanic practices. (McEvilley, Thomas. 2002. The Shape of Ancient Thought: Comparative Studies in Greek and Indian Philosophies. New York: Allworth Press.)



    'Planetarium Software and the Date of the Mahabharata War', by B. N. Narahari Achar
    The University of Memphis, Memphis TN 38152
    The importance of determining the date of the Mahabharata war for ancient Indian chronology can hardly be overstated. A plethora of dates, derived on the basis of a number of diverse methodologies have been proposed and a consensus has yet to be reached. A number of authors have concentrated on the references to astronomical events such as eclipses found in the epic as a basis for determining the date of the war. However, it has not been possible to arrive at a definite date on the basis of astronomical references either. A new tool in the form of Planetarium Software has become available for examining the astronomical references. It is the purpose of this paper to report some preliminary results that have been obtained in applying this tool for the purpose of determining the date of the Mahabharata war.
    Preliminary results indicate that Planetarium software can be used with advantage by simulating views of the ancient skies to determine the date of the Mahabharata war .
    The work is supporte

    d in part by a Faculty Research Grant of the University of Memphis. The author also wishes to thank Dr. Kalyanaraman for suggesting this problem and for bringing Raghavan's work to his notice.


    Rigvedic all-inclusiveness' by N. Kazanas

    The Rigveda contains and seems to preserve more common elements from the Proto-Indo-European Culture than any other branch of the family. This essay examines various points of language, poetry and philosophy but it focuses mainly on grammatical elements, lexical and syntactical, and on aspects of (fine) poetry. This is one aspect showing that Vedic and its culture is much closer to the PIE language and culture than any other branch in that family. Moreover, it shows that it is most unlikely that Vedic moved across thousands of miles over difficult terrains to come to rest in what is today N-W India and Pakistan, in Saptasindhu or the Land of the Seven Rivers. Certain other aspects show that Iranian moved away from Vedic and Saptasindhu and most probably the other branches did the same at a very distant but undetermined period. Finally, monotheism is also a notable feature in the RV despite its pronounced polytheism.
    The article has already been presented in two Conferences in India and will be published in the book Perspectives on Origin of Indian Civilization edited by Angela Marcantonio & Girish Nath Jha in association with the Center for Indic Studies, Dartmouth (USA). 

    Fallacies of Proto-Indo-European
    Kazanas, December 2016

    0.There was a P(roto)I(ndo-)E(uropean) language 10.000 years ago. Its reconstruction is impossible now despite enormous efforts by fanciful scholars. The closest extant language is (old) Sanskrit.
    1. I do not belong to the small circle of sanskritists, classicists and others who reject the existence of PIE. Admittedly there is no hard evidence for this language – no texts, no fragments anywhere. But the astonishing similarities that unmistakably exist between Sanskrit, Old Greek, Latin and other languages cannot be dismissed as chance events or borrowing or wave-influences. The languages involved starting in the East and moving westward are chiefly these: Sanskrit (or Vedic or Old Indic), Avestan (or Iranian in Ancient Persia/Iran), Tocharian (in Central Asia), Armenian, Hittite (Luvian, Palaic and few others in what is today Turkey), Slavic (branches in Russia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Czechoslovakia, Poland and few other areas), Albanian, Greek, Latin (and few other dialects in today’s Italy, Spain, France and Rumania), Celtic (Old Irish/Welsh), Germanic (the largest family with Gothic, Old High German, Old Icelandic etc) and Baltic (=Latvian, Lithuanian and Old Prussian).
    From these ancient languages various scholars have over almost two centuries now, starting around 1800, “reconstructed”, so they claim, the ancient PIE. I shall not cite any of these reconstructions, except on rare occasions as absurd examples, because they are all imaginary, having no true basis in reality, since no trace of PIE itself has survived. Some laws of change and interrelation between (some of) the extant languages are valid since they are based on actual lexemes (=forms of words). But as soon as one moves out of these few oases of rationality, one wallows in uncertainty and conjecture.
    1. Let me start by giving some examples of close similarities. I leave out Avestan (or Iranian) because in most case the lexeme is very similar to Sanskrit. But I deal with some Indo-Iranian affinities in §8, below.
    belly : S(anskrit) udara , Gk hoderos, L(atin) (venter?) uterus, B(altic) vēderas .
    flesh : S māṃsa, Toch(arian) misa, Arm(enian) mis, Sl(avic) mesa, Alb(anian) mish, G(er)m(anic) mimz/mensā, B mesa.
    knee : S jānu , Gk gonu , L genu , Gm kniw.
    molar(tooth): jamba, Toch keme, Sl zebn, Alb(anian) dhëmb, Gk gomphos.
    Some human relations.
    father : S pitṛ/pitar , Gk patēr, L pater, C athir (Celtic lost |p| almost everywhere), Gm fadar .
    mother : is found in various forms in all except H(ittite)
    son : sūnu , Toch soy, Sl synǔ, Gk hui-, Gm sunu(s), B sūnus.
    Natural phenomena
    dawn : S uṣās ,  Gk ēōs, L au[s]rora, Gm eostre, B  aušra.
    fire : S agni , H agnis, Sl ognǔ, L ignis , B ugnis.
    rainwater : S abhra, Arm amb, Gk ombro, L imber.
    star : S star- , Toch śreñ/ścirye, Arm astl-, Gk astēr , L stella , C sterenn , Gm stairnō .
    Man-made objects
    awl : S ārā , Gm al/āla , Old Prussian ylo , B yla .
    butter : S sarpis , Toch sälyp-e, Alb gjalp, Gk helpos, Gm salba.
    house :  S dhāma, Sl domǔ, Gk dom-a/-o, L domus.
    wheel :  S cakra , Toch kukäl, Gk kuklo-, Gm hwēol.
    Some verbs
    be : S asti, Gk esti, Gm ist etc etc.
    beget : S jan-, Gk gen-, Lt gen-, C gen-a/i.
    grab : S grabh, H karp, Sl grabi-, Gm gre(i)pan, B grābt.
    put : S dhā- , Toch täs/tēs, H dai, Sl dĕ-ti,  Gk ti-thē-, C do-di, B détí.
    think : S man, Sl mǐnĕ-, Gk mna-/main-, L me-min-, C de-moin-, Gm mun, B many.
    There are hundreds more. But enough examples have been given to show that far too many lexemes have close resemblance to assume anything other than a genetic relation. That is to say, the languages mentioned descended from one original mother tongue and each retained many or few aspects according to the influences it received once they had split, when groups of people speaking the original PIE began to diverge and move to different distant areas.
    1. Apart from lexemes there are similarities in the declension of nouns and conjugation of verbs and in syntax. Moreover, there are similarities in themes and motifs in mythology and in several customs, laws and social practices.
    Below are the 1st Sing, 1st and 3rd Plural persons of the verb to be:
    SanskritHittiteGreekGermanic(Gothic)
    sing 1asmiēšmieimiim
    pl 1smas–––e-smensijum
    pl 3santiašanzieisi/entisind
    Except for the Gothic sijum ‘we are’ the resemblances are so close as to need no further comment.
    I shall close this section with one of the many mythologems that are common to three or more IE cultures. Versions of this are found in the Sanskrit, Greek, Celtic and Germanic (Scandinavian) cultures.
    In the Vedic literature we find Saraṇyu, daughter of creator god Tvaṣṭṛ, marrying the Sungod Vivasvat. But soon afterward she disappeared leaving behind her a shadowy likeness and assumed the form of a mare. Vivasvat located her, assumed the form of a stallion and mated with her. As a result the twin horse deities Aśvins were born.
    In Greece, goddess Demeter disappeared to escape the sexual harassment of seagod Poseidon. She assumed the form of a mare. Poseidon located her with the aid of Sungod, became a stallion and mated with her. As a result was born a noble horse Areion and a girl. Then the goddess was worshipped in Arcadia as Demeter Erinus (=Saraṇyu: a sure cognation).
    In Scandinavia the gods asked a giant-mason to build for them a huge wall within a certain date and would win a goddess as reward. With the help of his horse Svadilfari, the mason worked very fast and would win the bet with the gods. So they sought the help of Loki, god of tricks and transformations. He became a mare and kept distracting the mason’s horse. Thus the gods won their bet as the mason was unable to finish on time. The mare became pregnant and bore the eight-legged horse Sleipnir, the fastest ever. This was given to kinggod Odin.
    Again the similarities are quite extraordinary when one considers how far apart the three traditions were and how none of the intermediate IE or non-IE cultures had this legend. But the element of sex with a mare is found in other legends and the Irish should be mentioned here. In one tribe in Ulster, the future king had to mount a white mare before his coronation. Then the mare was slaughtered and cooked and all people involved in the ritual partook of the mare’s meat.
    In some IE countries bestiality was forbidden except for mares and in some cases cows. Wherever Christianity was established all bestiality was  prohibited.
    1. It is an established fact that we scholars love conjectures, models, suppositions, theories, about all subjects. When the similar IE languages were discovered and explored in the 19th cent, the desire arose naturally to find the mother tongue PIE. This was not forthcoming and it is unlikely that it will be discovered. So linguists specialising in this area, comparativists, began to contrive this PIE on the basis of the facts in these extant languages. They thought then, and now many of them are certain, that PIE could be “reconstructed”. The early attempts in the 20th cent were not very satisfactory and one generation after another “improved”, as they thought, on the work of the previous. By the 1990’s they felt confident that their methods had been refined and become very exact and scientific. And soon thereafter followed several studies presenting the last word on comparative IE philology and the reconstructed mother tongue PIE. (E.g. B. Fortson 2004, N. Ritt 2004, J. Clackson 2006.)
    The first fallacy is that the comparative method is “scientific” and can offer predictions.   And the comparativists are very proud of their “science” – although there are some few who dissent and consider all this a waste of time (e.g. Leach 1990; Angela Marcantonio 2009, 2013).
    There are in fact no predictions outside observable phenomena in the fairly rich documentation of comparatively early languages like Sanskrit, Avestan, Greek and Latin. For instance, Sanskrit |ś| appears in Greek most frequently as |k|, as in S daśa = Gk deka for the number 10, and S śăta = Gk he-kato for the number 100. But S /ś/ appears in Greek as |p| also, as in S aśva = Gk hipposfor horse. When Mycenaean Greek was deciphered in mid-20th cent., it was discovered that it had iqo-/iqe- for horse. So the equation S |ś| = Gk |k| held true if |k| = |q|.
    This discovery is, of course, no prediction at all. Because the other Greek dialects do not conform to this rule and the causes for the disparity are totally unknown.
    In any event, the scientific predictions and reconstructions should concern the PIE itself. But this cannot be verified. Thus we are asked to accept the results of a “scientific” method that can in no way be verified. And this proposition comes from scholars who are regarded as mature, serious and well-educated. Yet they disregard one of the most basic conditions of scientific investigation: the results must be amenable to independent verification.
    1. Closely related to the previous fallacy, is the fallacy that PIE can be reconstructed.
    It cannot. Apart from the impossibility of verifying the reconstructions since we have no genuine, original PIE linguistic facts, the data available from the various IE extant tongues contain many variations and contradictions. It is acknowledged by the more sober, older scholars that the extant languages descend not from the PIE itself but from dialects that had descended from it.
    1. Burrow who wrote a study of Sanskrit (1955, revised 1973), that still remains a standard text, wrote: “In the case of Indo-European it is certain that there was no such unitary language which can be reached by means of comparison… In fact detailed comparison makes it clear that the Indo-European that we can reach… was already deeply split up into a series of varying dialects” (11: 1973).
    2. Szemerényi, an eminent comparativist in his day but now out of favour and fashion, writes on one page that “the first task of the Indo-Euroepanist is … the fullest possible reconstruction of the Indo-European” to be used as “a starting-point for the interpretation of the system and its prehistory” but on another page writes that we need the reconstructed forms for easier reference (one form rather that the many in the diverse IE tongues) and elsewhere cites other scholars who assert that “complete forms cannot be reconstructed at all” (1996: 33)!
    Like Szemerényi and others, I think all indoeuropeanist comparativists are aware of the absurd side of the matter, that is of reconstructing a language that cannot be verified, that is spoken by nobody and has no texts whatever! Don Ringe also, a respected contemporary comparativist, mentions the difficulties of reconstruction (2004: 1117). Yet the indoeuropeanists continue their “scientific” reconstructions degrading every sense of science and scientific investigation. In 2000 Calvert Watkins published The American Heritage Dictionary of Indo-European Roots , while others publish textbooks for students!!!
    It is customary to place an asterisk initially on every reconstructed lexeme (e.g. *deiwos = S devas ‘god’) but Watkins has put no stars on his roots: anɘ ‘breathe’ (PIE *h2en-?!!?) = S angnō‘know’= S jñā ; mē ‘measure’ = S  mā ;  stā ‘stand’ = S sthāyag ‘worship’ = S yaj ‘sacrifice’; etc. So readers uninformed in the subject may well think that these concoctions are actual roots of an actual language. This is a minor difficulty. Watkins indulges at length in misleading everybody by not providing adequate information or by providing only secondary inessential facts. E.g. root anɘ: he refers to L anima ‘soul’ and derivatives, to Gk anemo ‘wind’ and derivatives and the name ‘Enid’ from Welsh eneit ‘soul’. But he does not say that only S has the root (dhātu) itself √an and the conjugation of the verb ‘to breathe’!
    The epidemic with proto-languages has spread to linguistic studies of other groups of languages, like Afro-Asiatic, Dravidian, Finno-Ugric, Kurtvelian etc. Even within IE family, the comparativists deal with Proto-Germanic, Proto-Celtic, Proto-Italic (i.e. Latin etc) and so on. R. Woodward edited, with the help of numerous other comparativists, in 2004, the Cambridge Encyclopedia of Ancient Languages (Cambridge, Britain). Chapter 17, incidentally, describes briefly in 14 pages and in “scientific” terms, the IE Protolanguage admitting that it is not attested but “reconstructed”.
    However, the mentality behind this reconstructed PIE is not all that different from the belief, current in St Augustine’s time in the 4th cent CE that all languages descended from Hebrew. It was Joseph Scaliger (1540-1609) who first challenged this mainstream inane notion.
    1. Another fallacy is very subtle: it is the fallacy that PIE can be reconstructed.
    If by some miracle a tablet should be discovered from say 10 000 BCE with a genuine (fragment of a) text of PIE, these experts would not recognise it as such because, I am sure, it would be vastly different from their reconstructions. I shall explain the reasons for my certitude below (§§ 7-11).
    In an effort to convince others of the validity of the reconstructions, the IEnists use two analogies: one is the depiction of an animal, a drawing, in a biology textbook which is according to J. Clackson, “an idealised depiction”: the drawing corresponds to the creature (cat or caterpillar) but it is not the same as it (2013:270). Obviously the learned comparativist does not see the frightful fallacy here. The cat or caterpillar is drawn from real life; they are existing entities and the artist, or photographer in our days, has actually seen the animal itself and has not “reconstructed” it from scattered pieces, here and there, as philologists do!
    The second analogy is the “map” of the sky and “constellations” like the Orion. These are presented in two dimensions whereas the actual positions of stars differ in depth and distance in space: some lie further away from earth than others (Clackson 2013:271). Here too our comparativist falls into the same fallacy. Sky-maps and constellations are real objects seen and photographed, not a concoction of pieces from different constellations in different areas of heaven as seen by us. The PIE tongue is not seen or photographed from real PIE elements: it is a new formation “reconstructed” with entities from different languages and projected as “real”. What has actual existence are the extant languages; the PIE is an imaginary collage, a conjectural projection without any real existence except in the linguistic books!
    1. The development of reconstruction has not been a straight line. At first Sanskrit was given prominence. Eventually a more “democratic” approach prevailed but one that regards Hittite as an older and closer descendant of the PIE. And since Hittite has a sound that came to be designated “laryngeal”, i.e. |h̯|, gradually this sound and variants were introduced to fill many gaps and solve difficulties met in comparisons. At one time these laryngeals were 10, now they have been reduced to 3. But they are wilfully introduced even in languages that do not have them, like Sanskrit and Avestan!
    Sanskrit is not given the attention it deserves because it is regarded as more “modern” than Hittite, Iranian (=Avestan) etc.
    This is due to the wretched AIT, the Aryan Invasion/Immigration Theory. This states that the Indoaryans (=ancient Indians/Aryans) came from Iran into N-W India c 1700 after spending some time in Iran with the Iranians and speaking a common Indo-Iranian protolanguage. They spread southward and eastward into the Gangetic plain driving the old natives south into the Dravidian area of India, or reducing them into the servile class.
    This absurd Theory, like so many others, has become mainstream doctrine. It ignores glaring facts. The Avestan hymns say that the Iranians themselves wandered much before settling into South Iran and the first place they passed from was the Land of the Seven Rivers (in N-W India and Pakistan). A Sanskrit text, again, Baudhāyana’s Śrautasūtra (18.14) says that there was the Āmāvasa migration from Saptasindhu (Land of 7 rivers) westward and the Ṛgveda hymn 6.61.9,12 says that the 5 Aryan tribes spread beyond the seven sister-rivers!
    However, I leave this fallacious theory as I have deconstructed it in my Vedic and Indo-European Studies (N. Delhi, 2015) and in numerous other publications.
    According to my reading of anthropological, archaeological, genetic, linguistic and literary data, all expounded in detail in my two books (2009, 2015), the original IE homeland was in the larger area of Saptasindhu and covering Bactria. From there the various IE-speakers radiated to their northern and north-western and western migrations. The Avestan speakers are the last to leave and for this reason their tongue Old Iranian bears the greatest resemblance to Old Indic.
    Baudhāyana’s ŚrautaSūtra 18.14 mentions two migrations: one eastward, the Āyava; one westward, the Āmāvasa producing the Gāndhāris, Parśus (=Persians) and Arāttas (=of Urartu and/or Ararat on the Caucausus).
    1. Another fallacy is the notion of uniform phonological change in the selfsame environment.
    This does sound most reasonable. In fact, it is quite otherwise in the actual world of the texts. I shall take only one example from Sanskrit and Avestan, since they are such close relatives and neighbours, the sonorant vowel ||, which is by full consensus held to be PIE.
    Observe please that this ||, remains in fact in all the Sanskrit words but changes variously in the corresponding Avestan!
    Sṛṣṭi ‘spear’;amṛta ‘immortal’;vṛka ‘wolf’;vṛkṣa ‘tree’;ākṛti ‘form’
    Aaršti ; amǝša ;vǝhrka ;varǝša ;ākǝrǝti
    There are, in fact, more variations in Avestan – ōrǝ , ar , ra …
    Writing on Kurylowitz’s ‘laws of change’, Heinrich Hock, one of the most eminent IE comparativists stated – “a prediction of when a change will or must occur is impossible” (1991:211).
    1. Another fallacy is the division into satem and centum languages: satem being Sanskrit, Avestan, Baltic etc; centum being Tocharian, Greek, Latin etc. As is generally known, the distinction is due to the appearance of palatals in satem (from Avestan ‘one hundred’ = S śata) and of velars (gutturals) in the centum (from L ‘one hundred’). However, this distinction is not so absolute as one might think. Palatals are found in some places in centum tongues and velars in satem.
    The Baltic languages are three: Old Prussian, Latvian and Lithuanian. Well, in Lithuanian we find god Perkunas (and variants = Sl Perenu) who is cognate with S Parjanya. Thus S has the palatal |j| as is proper for satem but Lithuanian has the velar |k| which is proper to centum languages.
    1. The biggest fallacy and central to any discussion regarding the Protolanguage in IE studies is exposed by the presence of roots or more correctly dhātus ‘lexical seedforms’ in Sanskrit. When all the paraphernalia of PIE reconstructions are laid aside the investigator finds that, in plain fact, only Sanskrit and Avestan (to a much lesser degree) have roots! The other IE languages have verbs and nouns etc but not roots, as such, from which verbs and nouns etc are derived. Even Sanskrit has many words that cannot be analysed or traced back to a dhātu (apart from borrowed words): e.g. kakud ‘peak’, nṛ/nara ‘man’, putra ‘child/son’, balakṣa ‘white’, śūdra ‘servile’ etc. But it has 2000 dhātus all told and about 700 fully active in the early language.
    In his Dictionary Walkins gives 5 roots ser, and of these he connects number 2 with S ̦√sṛ > sarati/sisarti ‘moves/flows/runs’ and then gets lost in the labyrinth of IE complexities. This |sṛ| is not found as an independent word noun or adjective, but is found in S as stem in sṛ-t ‘running’, sṛ-ta ‘having gone/passed’, sṛti ‘way’ etc. Then there are sara saraṇasaritsārasārin etc. This is found also in a cognate form in Tocharian salate, in Gk hallomai and L salio, all meaning ‘leap/rush’, but only as verbs, not as roots and with very few derivatives. The most curious fact is that its derivative saras ‘eddy, whirl, wave, lake’ is in the name of the ancient river saras-vatī. This is cognate with Avestan haraxvaiti, also a river’s name; but there is no root nor other word connected with this harah in Iranian, so it stands alone! The mainstream theory, that wants the common Indo-Iranian tongue and culture in Iran, says that the Indoaryans went to Saptasindhu and there gave their version of the name to a river to remind them of their former country. This of course is utter, wilful nonsense, because saras has a rich family of lexemes and a dhātu but the Iranian haraḥ is a lonely orphan! So the movement must have been the other way round and the Iranians just lost dhātu and derivatives retaining only the name and memory of the river in Saptasindhu. (See§7-8.) Otherwise, it is impossible that the Indoaryans left Iran with only harah/saras and once in their new habitat started developing other lexemes and the dhātu √sṛ.
    1. Of the 700 dhātus in the early Vedic texts, 200 are found in the root-form as nouns or adjectives and also stems for verbs. Thus Vedic has √īś (m) ‘lord’ and verb īś-e ‘I reign’; but also derivatives īśa, īśinīśvara etc. Similarly √ruc > ruc (f) ‘lustre’ and á-ru-ruc-at‘one shone’ (in a past tense, called reduplicated aorist); but also derivatives ruk-maruca-karucinrocana etc. Similarly √sad > sad (adj) ‘sitting’ and verb á-sad-at (aorist) ‘one sat’. 200 such dhātus with their families of derivatives (nouns and verbs etc) form a very rich inheritance – considering that no other IE language has anything. Tatiana Elizarenkova, the renowned Russian vedicist, put it like this: “the verb-root [=dhātu] is basic to both inflexion and derivation…it is irrelevant that for some root as such nouns are not attested”(1995: 50). Sanskrit has organic coherence.
    The most telling aspect for the antiquity and significance of Sanskrit is precisely this organic coherence arising from roots generating verbs, nouns etc. This functions with the regular use of suffixes, verbal and nominal. I shall give only two examples, but the instances are hundreds.
    S has the stems pad/pād- (weak/strong) ‘foot’ and √pad > vb padyate ‘befalls, falls’. Since the foot is the bodily part that in movement constantly rises and “falls” we see semantic as well as phonetic agreement. Gk has pous (Gen podos) and L pes (Gen pedis); Armenian, Hittite and Tocharian have similar cognates for ‘foot’. But none has a cognate verb like S √pad- ! Gm does have ge-fetan ‘to fall’ (Old English) and has cognates fôt/fuoz ‘foot’. Slavic also has pada/pasti‘falls’ but no other nominal cognates. Lithuanian has the verb peduoti but its padas is ‘sandal, shoe’ (not foot).
    The IE cognates for “daughter” present a similar case. S duhitṛ for daughter is the √duh and the suffixes i-tṛ, as in pitṛ ‘father’, aritṛ ‘rower’, aśitṛ ‘eater’ etc. The verb is duḥ- > dogdhi ‘extracts, milks’ (hence duhitṛ = milkmaid!). Gk thugatēr, Gmc tohter, Sl dušti and Oscan (old Italic) futir , have no other plausible cognates in their total diction. Surprisingly neither Latin nor Hittite have any cognations for IE daughter! The others have the noun but not the verb.
    1. I could give dozens of more cases which show this organic coherence in Sanskrit, which is totally absent in other IE tongues (See my 2015: ch 2). In another paper, “Rigvedic All-comprehensiveness”, I show that most of the significant cultural and linguistic IE features common in the other IE cultures are found in the Ṛgveda. All other branches show enormous losses in all respects – except erosion.
    Is this aspect known and studied in depth by IEean comparativists? Perhaps. But they do not draw the natural conclusion that Sanskrit alone should be the basis for PIE. The other languages are made up of highly eroded and fragmented materials. In my view all the mainstream academic publications on the subject of reconstructing PIE are worthless.

    Edmund Leach, provost of King’s College Cambridge, wrote many years ago: “Because of their commitment to a unilateral segmentary history of language development that needed to be mapped onto the ground, the philologists took it for granted that proto-Indo-Iranian was a language that had originated outside India or Iran…. From this we derived the myth of the Aryan invasions”. But he went further: “Indo-European scholars should have scrapped their historical reconstructions and started again from scratch. But this is not what happened. Vested interests and academic posts were involved” (Leach 1990:238).

    I am afraid that the edifice of IE linguistics and reconstructions continues to be based on those “vested interests”.


    Bibliography
    Burrow T.                 1973  The Sanskrit Language, London, Faber & Faber.

    Clackson J.               2007  Indo-European Linguistics, Cambridge (Brit), CUP.
    2013  The Origin of the Indic Languages… The Indo-European Model, in Marcantonio (ed) 2013, ch9.
    Fortson B.                2004  Indo-European Language & Culture Oxford, Blackwell.
    Hock H.                      1991 Principles of Historical Linguistics 2nd ed, Berlin, NY, de Gruyter.
    Kazanas N.                 2009 Indo-Aryan Origins… N. Delhi, Aditya Prakashan.
    2015 Vedic & Indo-European Studies N. Delhi, Aditya Prakashan.
    Leach E .                    1990 “Aryan invasions over four millennia” in Culture through Time (ed) E. Ohnuki-Tierney, Stanford, Stanford University (227-245).

    Marcantonio A.       2009  (ed) The Indo-European Language Family: Questions about its StatusWashington, Journal of IE Studies Monograph Series No 55. «Most reconstructions are artefacts».
    2013 (ed with Girish Nath Jha) Perspectives on the Origin of Indian Civilisation N. Delhi, D.K. Printworld; Center for Indic Studies, Univ. of Massachussets, Dartmouth (MA).
    Ringe Don               2004 in Woodword R. (ed) The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the World’s Ancient Languages, Cambridge (Brit), CUP.
    Ritt N.                     2004  Selfish Sounds & Linguistics… Cambridge (Brit), CUP
    Szemerényi O.        1996  Introduction to Indo-European Linguistics (1990 transl from German) Oxford, OUP.
    Watkins C.              2000  The American Heritage Dictionary of Indo-European Roots Boston/NY, H. Mifflin Co.
    Mirror: http://indiafacts.org/fallacies-proto-indo-european-2/
    http://indiafacts.org/fallacies-proto-indo-european/


    'Vedic and Avestan' by N. Kazanas

    In this essay the author examines independent linguistic evidence, often provided by iranianists like R. Beekes, and arrives at the conclusion that the Avesta, even its older parts (the gaθas), is much later than the Rigveda. Also, of course, that Vedic is more archaic than Avestan and that it was not the Indoaryans who moved away from the common Indo-Iranian habitat into the Region of the Seven Rivers, but the Iranians broke off and eventually settled and spread in ancient Iran.
    Vedic and Avestan was first published in Vedic Venues: Journal of the Continuity of Vedic Culture 2012, vol 1, published by Aditya Prakashan for the Kothari Charity Trust.


    'Diffusion of Indo-European Theonyms: what they show us'

    This paper was published in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society (Bangalore) Vol 97, No 1 (Jan-March 2006).
    In presenting this collection of 20 Vedic and Indo-European theonyms the writer discusses the derivation of some and argue that, since the Rigveda alone contains all these names, it must be older than other IndoEuropean texts and more clearly indicative of the Proto-Indo-European culture, while Vedic is both older and closer to Proto-Indo-European than any other branch. Moreover, since the RV is richer in cultural and linguistic elements than other early IE traditions we can conclude that the Vedic speakers moved very little or not at all from the PIE homeland. These ideas have been published elsewhere and attracted some criticism mainly from J. P. Mallory; this is now being refuted.


    'Sanskrit and Proto-Indo-European' by N. Kazanas
    This essay is published in 2004 Indian Linguistics. It challenges many generally accepted notions in IndoEuropean linguistics like the 5-grade ablaut, labio-velar sounds, roots etc. At the same time it discloses the great antiquity of Sanskrit (or Vedic) and argues that the Sanskrit retroflex sounds are ProtoIndoEuropean, but lost in the other IE stocks. 


    'Coherence and Preservation in Sanskrit

    Published in VVRI 2006 (Updated Feb 2012)
    This paper examines more than 400 lexical items that have cognations in 3 or more IE branches (Vedic, Greek, Italic etc) and denote as far as possible invariable things, qualities and activities (bodily parts, relations and actions like breathing, dressing, rising etc). Sanskrit appears to have lost far fewer items and preserves much greater inner organic coherence than the other branches. This supports the general idea that Sanskrit is much closer to Proto-Indo-European and that, since this could happen only in sedentary conditions, the Indoaryan speakers of Sanskrit did not move (much) from the original homeland. Moreover, the criticism that this conclusion does not take into account the large literature in Sanskrit is shown to be fallacious. This collection of words is a good treasury for any comparisons.


    'The RV is pre-Harappan

    This paper was presented as a talk in June 2006 at the Center for Indic Studies in the University of Massachusetts.
    This paper presents the evidences and arguments for a Rigveda composed in its bulk in the 4th millennium BCE. A basic consideration (but not the only one) is that the RV has no knowledge at all of many features that characterise the Harappan culture which began to emerge solidly c3000. Since the bulk of the RV must be assigned to a period before 3000 and since this is by general consensus stated to have been composed in Saptasindhu, then the Indoaryans or Vedic people were present in that location before 3000 and must therefore be regarded as indigenous by 1500, when, they are alleged to move in by the Aryan Invasion/Immigration Theory.


    'A new date for the Rgveda', by N. Kazanas. 
    This was published in Philosophy and Chronology, 2000, ed G C Pande & D Krishna, special issue of Journal of Indian Coucil of Philosophical Research (June, 2001). A shorter, slightly different version with the title 'The Rgveda and Indo-Europeans' by N Kazanas was published in the Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (ABORI), vol 80, 1999 (Pune, India, 2000). It presents the thesis that the RV is far older than mainstream indologists maintain and ascribes the composition of the bulk of it to the fourth millennium BC (some hymns even earlier). It argues that the IndoAryans were natives of Saptasindhu (ie the land of the Seven Rivers in what is today north-west India and Pakistan) examining archaeological, literary, linguistic and comparative-mythological material. Some of the arguments would need reformulation in view of new and firmer (mainly archaeoastronomical) evidence, which in fact reinforce the conlusions on the early date of the RV.

    'The RV Date - a Postscript', by N. Kazanas 
    This examines some of Prof M Witzel's (erroneous) notions which perpetuate the AIT (=Aryan Invasion Theory) and which had not been discussed in 'The RV and IndoEuropeans'. It presents some new evidence and new ideas for a pre-3100 BC date of the RV and the indigenous origin of the IndoAryans and criticizes Prof Witzel's vicious attacks on some Indian and non-Indian scholars, who promote the indigenist point of view.


    'Indigenous Indoaryans and the Rigveda', by N. Kazanas
    In this paper I argue that the IndoAryans (IA hereafter) are indigenous from at least 4500 (all dates are BCE except when otherwise stated) and possibly 7000. In this effort are utilized the latest archaeological finds and data from Archaeoastronomy, Anthropology and Palaeontology. I use in addition neglected cultural and linguistic evidence. I find no evidence at all for an invasion. The new term "migration" is a misnomer since a migration could not have produced the results found in that area. The Rigveda (=RV) is neither post-Harappan nor contemporaneous with the ISC but much earlier, ie from the 4th millennium (with minor exceptions) and perhaps before.
    The bibliography of this study is available as a separate pdf file.
    This paper was published in the Journal of IndoEuropean Studies 2002.



    'Indo-Aryan indigenism and the Aryan Invasion Theory arguments' (refuted)
    by N. Kazanas
    This paper examines the general IndoEuropean issue and argues in favour of Indoaryan indigenism against the AIT (Aryan Invasion/Immigration Theory) which has been mainstream doctrine for more than a century. The extreme positions that there was no ProtoIndoEuropean (PIE) language or that this language is as currently reconstructed are refuted: the evidence suggests there was a PIE language but this cannot be reconstructed and all efforts and confidence in this reconstruction are misplaced. Indeed, all reconstructions of Proto-languages seem futile and, since they are in no way verifiable, should not be used as evidence for historical events. Indeed all the data used as evidence by the AIT are wholly conjectural and arbitrary and often consist of misrepresentations and distortions, as will be clearly demonstrated in detail. All the arguments used for the AIT have been analytically presented by E. Bryant (2001) and summed up in his concluding chapter. These will be examined one by one and shown to be fallacious. We shall also refer to some material not in Bryant - e.g. genetic studies after 2001CE and mythological motifs never examined in this connection. 




    'Vedic Religio-philosophical Thought', Sept. 2003
    Part A of the study Vedic, Mesopotamian and Egyptian Religiophilosophical Thought (in print by PHISPC in the volume Chain of Golden Civilizations). 
    This paper is a study of Vedic thought tracing the theme of One and Many and Man's Self-realization from the RV to the Upanishads. In this the writer examines some ideas about the nature of 'civilization' and traces a unifying thread running through the RV, AV, Brahmanas and Upanishads, i.e. man's return to his source which is the Supreme Godhead, Itself unmanifest but the Primal Cause of all manifestations.



    'Advaita & Gnosticism', by N. Kazanas
    A study on the possible connection between the ancient Indian philosophical system Advaita (an aspect of Vedanta) and certain ideas that circulated in the first two centuries of the Christian Era in the Easter Mediterranean and particularly in Egypt. Also, an attempt to trace great philosophical ideas e.g. The Unity of Being, The identity of Man's self with the Godhead, etc in Hermetic texts, Vedanta, Christianity, Gnostic writings, Judaism, Greek Thought and Egyptian culture. 
    Published in VVRI Research Bulletin (Hoshiarpur) vol 2 (43-112), 2003.


    'Philosophy and Selfrealization in the Rgveda', by N. Kazanas

    This paper presents evidence that man's highest good, the shreyas, as taught by the Bhagavad Gitaa and the Upanishads, the aatmajNaana 'Self-knowledge', brahmajNaana'knowledge of the Absolute', moksha 'liberation' of the Vedaanta and related themes, are already present in the RV (=Rigveda), not just as spermatic ideas but very fully. Only the terminology differs.
    This paper was published in 2005 in D.P. Chattopadhyaya (ed) Self, Society and Science...PHISPC, Centre for Studies in Civilizations, N. Delhi.


    'Indo-European Deities and the Rigveda', by N. Kazanas

    This paper was published in the Journal of IndoEuropean Studies 2001. In this paper are examined the names of various deities that appear in two or more branches of the Indo-European family. The examination shows that the Rigveda contains more of these deities than any other branch of mythology. The elements examined are the names of certain deities which appear in two or more branches and are demonstrably not borrowings of one from another at some later period. We concentrate on names of deities because these indicate immediate correlation and provide a firm criterion for the common origin. Interpretation and speculation are kept to the barest minimum. The IE branches to be examined are Vedic, Avestan, Hittite, Greek, Roman, Slavonic, Baltic, Germanic and Celtic; also some additional evidence from the Mitanni and the Kassites in the Near East. The Germanic branch comprises some early Germanic material (reported by Roman authors), some Anglo-Saxon and the later, richer Scandinavian lore. The Celtic branch consists of early Gallic (again reported mainly by Romans), Britannic, Welsh and Irish. (Other IE branches like Armenian, Tocharian, etc, provide negligible relevant material.)http://www.omilosmeleton.gr/pdf/en/indology/IDR.pdf


    'Vedic and Mesopotamian Cross-influences'.

    Published in Migration & Diffusion (Vienna) 2005 and after some minor revisions it was subsequently published by the Adyar Library Bulletin (2006: Olcott commemorative issue). This was incorporated in the study Vedic, Mesopotamian and Egyptian Religiophilosophical Thought (in print by PHISPC in the volume Chain of Golden Civilizations)


    'Homer, Hesiod and the Mahabharata', by N. Kazanas
    In this paper I examine some legends of archaic Greek literature (texts ascribed to Homer and Hesiod) and their relationship to the Indian epic Mahaabhaarata (MB, hereafter). One is the parallel of Penelope's archery contest, set for her suitors (Odyssey 19, 171ff) and Draupadi's svayam-vara 'choice of husband', which also entails an archery contest (MB I, 175-180); the parallels of Damayanti's svayam-varas in the story of Nala (MB III, 50-55 and 68) will also be discussed. A second parallel will be the Peleus-Thetis marriage in the Iliadand subsequent sources and that of Santanu-Gangaa (MB I, 91-3). A third parallel is the Five Races in Hesiod' s Works and Days 109-201 and the Four Ages or Yugas in MB III, 148 and 186-9. Another parallel is that of Dionysus being born out of Zeus's thigh (GM 1: 56) and of Aurva springing out of his mother's thigh (MB I, 169-71). 
    These parallels have been noted and discussed in the past from different viewpoints. I believe they deserve another close look which reveals two things. First, a consideration of the probable dates of composition of the Greek poems and of the Indian epic shows that these tales are independent, involving no borrowing by one culture from the other; they are therefore of common IE origin. Second, such considerations highlight the need for revision of the chronology of ancient Indian texts and the fact that the MB contains considerable early material; this material consists of myths current in the Vedic period but only briefly or sporadically referred to by the Vedic texts. Much, if not most, of the MB seems to be much older than is generally thought, even though, in its present form it was written down perhaps in the third or second century BCE - and some sections even later.



    'Indo-European Linguistics and Indo-Aryan Indigenism' by N. Kazanas
    The essay Indo-European Linguistics and Indo-Aryan Indigenism is included in the book Indo-Aryan Origins and other Vedic Issues written by N. Kazanas, ed. Aditya Prakashan, Dec 2009, N. Delhi. It examines the general IE issue and argues in favour of Indoaryan indigenism against the AIT (Aryan Invasion/Immigration Theory) which has been mainstream doctrine for more than a century. The extreme positions that there was no PIE(=Proto-Indo-European) language or that this language is as currently reconstructed are refuted: the evidence suggests there was a PIE language but this cannot be reconstructed and all efforts in this reconstruction are misplaced. Since they are in no way verifiable, they should not be used as evidence for historical events. It is admitted even by rabid Indian nationalists that humans came to India from Africa sometime in the Pleistocene, and now there is evidence of change in the skeletal record of the region indicating that a new people may have entered c 6000-4500; even so, if these people were the IAs(=Indoaryans), they must, surely, be regarded as indigenous by 1700. Recent genetic studies do not suggest any entry of IAs within the last 10 000 years but state that the European peoples came out of South Asia after 50 000 B(efore)P(resent). Apart from such studies, other kinds of evidence and arguments will be used in full to demonstrate indigenism.



    'Archaic Greece and the Veda' by N. Kazanas
    This paper examines many parallels in the archaic Greek culture and the Vedic one. These are themes, poetic techniques, motifs and ideas in literature, mythology, philosophy, religion and ritual. For example, it is obvious that the names Zeus (Gr) and Dyaus (Vedic) are closely related. As in Greek mythology there is dog Kerberos guarding the entrance to Hades, so in the Vedic myths there are two dogs watching the path to Yama's netherworld. Many of these parallels have affinities with similar motifs in other Indo-european cultures like Celtic, Germanic and so on. Most classicists ignore these affinities or similarities and claim ( as W. Burkert does extensively) that many such elements in the Greek culture derive from Near-eastern sources. Thus Burkert thinks that the practice in Greece of having a young man or a seer sprinkling with a branch of laurel or tamarisk a polluted person or place came from Mesopotamia. However, the same practice is found in early Vedic texts where an apamarga branch is used. Consequently this paper argues with many examples that where such motifs and practices in Greece are found in the Vedic and other Indo-european cultures, they are most probably inherited forms from the Proto-Indo-European period before the dispersal of the various branches.




    'Anatolian Bull and Vedic Horse'

    'Anatolian Bull and Vedic Horse' was first published in the Adyar Library Bulletin (2003) but this version is revised and expanded.
    In this paper the writer examines the presence of bull and horse in the various IE branches. It is noteworthy that the IE stem for 'horse' is absent in Hittite while all other major branches have it. The horse has no place at all in the religion, ritual or mythology; the horse's function is taken over by the bull. This alone suffices to show that the Hittites are not indigenous in Anatolia as some scholars claim and that therefore, Anatolia is not the original PIE homeland. Other types of evidence are used from mythology and linguistics to support this conclusion. The myth of the Weather god killing the dragon, which is a common IE theme (India, Greece, Scandinavia etc), is quite swamped by Near-eastern material. The Hittite language itself has some IE relics but is otherwise flooded with Mesopotamian, Hurrian and Assyrian elements.

    'Vedic and Egyptian Affinities'

    This paper was written independently in 2002 and has been published in 2006 in PuratattvaThis piece was incorporated in the study Vedic, Mesopotamian and Egyptian Religiophilosophical Thought (in print by PHISPC in the volume Chain of Golden Civilizations)
    There are more than 20 motifs/themes exhibiting close affinities in the religious texts of the Vedic and Egyptian peoples. Some like the Sungod's boat, the Water as a primal cosmogonic element, the Cow of plenty and the sacred Bull are common to the Mesopotamian culture too. Some are quite extraordinary and occur only here with some weak echoes in other Indoeuropean branches: the lotus-born one, the eye running off, etc, including many elements in the famous Isis-Osiris tale. These affinities are close and suggest either a common origin for both cultures or cross influences. However, most of the motifs, including the Isis-Osiris and Yama tales, have correspondences in other IE traditions: this fact suggests that the motifs are inherited in the Vedic texts and not borrowed from Egypt. Thus we must conclude either that Saptasindhu, the land of the Vedic people, influenced Egypt or that both cultures derive or borrow from a third unknown one. The former case is difficult to determine as there is no firm evidence for an early contact between Egypt and Saptasindhu. Consequently, without entirely ruling out the possibility of Vedic influences on Egyptian culture we must assume a devolution from an older unknown civilization.



    'Plato and the Upanishads' by N. Kazanas

    Plato and Upanishads has been published in 2005 by The Adyar Library and Research
    Center, Chennai, India. Prof. Kazanas examines here some apparent and significant
    similarities as well as some important differences between the Dialogues of Plato and the
    (early) Upanishads. The essay is quite scholarly and readable.
    'Philosophy in Hellenistic and Roman Times' by N. Kazanas
    This study examines the main philosophical trends after Socrates, Plato and Aristotle. It includes the Cynics and other Socratic offshoots; the Epicureans, the Stoics and the Sceptics; Also certain individuals like Cicero, Seneca, Philo (Alex), Plutarch et al. It attempts to extract Christ's teaching itself from the early sources ignoring the usual theological doctrines; the Gnostic texts are also examined in this connection. It ends with a look at Plotinos and the subsequent Neoplatonists.


    'Greek Philosophy up to Aristotle' by N. Kazanas, November 2003

    This study outlines the philosophical ideas in Ancient Greece from the Homeric epics to Aristotle examining briefly the essential views of every thinker. Of course, with the Pre-socratics one relies only on the extant fragments. (It is to be published in India by the PHISPC). 


    "Shamans, Religion, Soma & the RV" by N. Kazanas
    It is almost universally assumed that religion began with animistic beliefs and practices and/or the attribution of divine powers to natural forces (lightning, wind etc). It is also assumed generally that shamans through ingestion of substances and/or dancing achieve higher states of consciousness and greater powers. All such notions are derived from the assumptions of early anthropologists that certain peoples they met are "primitive" and that it is from their beliefs and practices that modern religions arose. The Rgveda provides altogether different evidences that refute these assumptions. In its hymns all deities are said to be expressions of The One and higher states could be achieved through specific practices, meditation and ethical behaviour. So called primitives may well be devolving or degenerate forms of former advanced peoples.
    It was first published in Kazanas 2015, Vedic and Indo European Studies, New Delhi, Aditya Prakashan.



    "Thomas McEvilley (/məkˈɛvɪl/; July 13, 1939 – March 2, 2013) was an American art critic, poet, novelist, and scholar. He was a Distinguished Lecturer in Art History at Rice University and founder and former chair of the Department of Art Criticism and Writing at the School of Visual Arts in New York City...In The Shape of Ancient Thought, McEvilley explores the foundations of Western civilization. He argues that today’s Western world must be considered the product of both Greek and Indian thought, both Western philosophy and Eastern philosophies. He shows how tradeimperialism and currents of migration allowed cultural philosophies to intermingle freely throughout IndiaEgyptGreece and the ancient Near East. This book spans thirty years of McEvilley's research, from 1970 to 2000." 



    I present below a critique by J. Nicholas Allen of the work of McEvilley. 



    Allen, J.Nicholas, 2005, Thomas Mcevilley: The missing dimension in: IJHSInternational Journal of Hindu Studies, 2005, 9:59-75



    Nicholas Allen's principal critique is that Thomas McEvilley ignores the views of Georges Dumezll who posited  Indo-European roots (or common origin) of the tripartite system of varṇa for social organization of ancient communities..



    Nicholas Allen's critique is stated as follows, underlining McEvilley's failure to cite Dumezil's contrary views: "By “social structures” McEvilley is thinking of the varṇa system in Manu, the classes in Plato’s Republic, and the social organization of early Latin peoples. “But in order to account for striking comparative details, such studies must be supplemented by postulates of historical influences.” Neither Dumézil nor the relevant others are cited, and the topic scarcely surfaces again." (opcit., p.60)



    Dumezil notes that Plato's Republic contains “remarkable expositions of the tripartite ideology.” Nicholas Allen observes:" Having summarized the correlations between the classes in the Republic (philosopher kings, warriors, and commoners—farmers and artisans being grouped together), the virtues (wisdom, courage, and prudence), and the metals (gold, silver, then iron and bronze), Dumézil comments that, since Pythagoras and no doubt before him, Greek philosophers had speculated a lot on social tripartition; it was a concept they retained no doubt from the Indo-European past..." opcit., (p.64)



    Dumezil's views correlating 'Immortals' with 'Elements' are presented in the context of Zoroastrian Bounteous Immortals (BI or Amesa Spentas) in the following table:



    Bounteous Immortal         Function of B.I.       Material Culture of B.I.



     I Good Intention              F1                           bovine 

    II Best Righteousness       F1                           fire 
    III Desirable Dominion      F2                           metal 
    IV Bounteous Devotion     F3                            earth 
    V Wholeness                    F3                           water
    VI Life                             F3                           plants


    In this framework, the functions signified in the Veda are: Mitra-Varuṇa (F1), Indra (F2), the Aśvin twins (F3).



    "McEvilley gives plenty of attention to yoga, suggesting tentatively that an early Mesopotamian doctrine diffused in both directions and that the Indian variety, after elaboration, spread back west to Greece in the sixth century BCE (287). But the network of similarities between Arjuna’s ascent to heaven in Mahābhārata Book 3, Odysseus’ passage to Scheria in Odyssey Book 5, and the yogin’s undertaking in Śvetāśvatara Upaniad and Patañjali (Allen 1998a) suggests that the protonarrative told of a cosmic/shamanic journey, presumably relating to shamanic practice, that somehow fed into yoga. It is not clear at what stage or stages the shamanic tradition underwent the interiorization that characterizes yoga, where this occurred, or whether it was a process that essentially occurred just once or one that occurred in parallel in different branches of the tradition. Even so, discussion of the shamanism-yoga complex needs to take account of the Indo-European common origin hypothesis which, here again, can relate to striking details. For instance, the references to thistles and chaff in the Odyssey passage are cognate with Patañjali’s references to thorns or cotton fibers." (opcit., p.70-71)





    Dumézil, Georges. 1941, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus. Volume 1: Essai sur la conception indo-européennes de al Souveraineté. Paris: Gallimard.

    Dumézil, Georges. 1968. Mythe et épopée. Volume 1: L’idéologie des trois fonctions dans les épopées des peuples indo-européens. Paris: Gallimard.
    Dumézil, Georges. 1973 [1959]. Gods of the Ancient Northmen (ed. Einar Haugen, trans. Alan Toth ). Berkeley: University of California Press.
    Dumézil, Georges. 1981 [1973]. Mythe et épopée. Volume 3: Histoires romaines. Paris: Gallimard.
    Dumézil, Georges. 1982 [1971]. Mythe et épopée. Volume 2: Types épiques indoeuropéens: un héros, un sorcier, un roi. Paris: Gallimard.
    Dumézil, Georges. 1977. Les dieux souverains des indo-européens. Paris: Gallimard.
    Dumézil, Georges. 1985a [1969]. Heur et malheur du guerrier: aspects de la fonction guerrière chez les indo-européens. Paris: Flammarion.
    Dumézil, Georges. 1985b. L’oubli de l’homme et l’honneur des dieux: esquisses de mythologie. Paris: Gallimard.
    Dumézil, Georges. 1994. Le roman des jumeaux: esquisses de mythologie (ed.Joël H. Grisward). Paris: Gallimard.
    Dumézil, Georges. 2000. Mythes et dieux de la Scandinavie ancienne (ed.François-Xavier Dillmann). Paris: Gallimard.



    Jeffrey Gold - 1996 - Philosophy East and West 46 (1):17-32.
    The Philosophy of Classical Yoga.
    Georg Feuerstein - 1980 - Inner Traditions International.
    The Yoga-Sūtra of Patañjali: A New Translation and Commentary.
    Georg Feuerstein - 1982 - Philosophy East and West 32 (1):113-117.
    Religion, Philosophy, Yoga: A Selection of Articles.
    Jean Filliozat - 1991 - Motilal Banarasidass Publishers.
    Yoga-Technique in the Great Epic.

    E. Hopkins - 1901 - Journal of the American Oriental Society 22:333-379.



    kamaḍha 'penance, yoga', rebus kammaṭa 'mint'. A tribute to Thomas McEvilley for Archaeology of Yoga and the shape of Ancient Thought

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                                                                                                                                                        Thomas McEvilley realized the significance of yoga postures in defining ādhyātmikā or philosophical foundations of a civilization. These foundations are firmly anchored in Veda texts, which are enquiries into phenomena, which are knowledge systems.






    Yoga postures of penance are Indus Script hypertexts, signifiers of kamaḍha'penance', rebus kammaṭa 'mint' -- an institutional structure of artisan śreṇi , 'guilds', to create wealth of a nation.

    This tribute is in memory of an ātman, Thomas McEvilley, who wrote about Archaeology of Yoga (1981) and The Shape of Ancient Thought: Comparative Studies in Greek and Indian Philosophies (2001). 

    Thomas McEvilley (July 13, 1939 – March 2, 2013) was an American art critic, poet, novelist, and scholar. He was a Distinguished Lecturer in Art History at Rice University and founder and former chair of the Department of Art Criticism and Writing at the School of Visual Arts in New York City
    Thomas McEvilley did not live to see the  initiative of  Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi to popularise Yoga worldwide as a knowledge system, as a practitioner's Kriya or aṣṭānga, 'eight limbs' Yoga. 

    Thomas McEvilley's Archaeology of Yoga which appeared in Spring 1981 Journal RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology draws upon the evidence of Indus Script hypertexts. The archaeological evidence used by Thomas McEvilley are images on Indus Script seals; he cites the following images from Indus Script Corpora with the observation that the yogāsana polstures should have continued into the historical periods from the days of the civilization which produced these images on seals and tablets:
     
      
    Text on obverse of the tablet m453A: Text 1629. m453BC Seated in penance, the person is flanked on either side by a kneeling adorant, offering a pot and a hooded serpent rearing up. फड, phaḍa, 'cobra hood' rebus: फड, phaḍa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal,metasls manufactory' . 

    Horned deity seals, Mohenjo-daro: a. horned deity with pipal-leaf headdress, Mohenjo-daro (DK12050, NMP 50.296) (Courtesy of the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan); b. horned deity with star motifs, Mohenjo-daro (M-305) (PARPOLA 1994:Fig. 10.9); courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India; c. horned deity surrounded by animals, Mohenjo-daro (JOSHI – PARPOLA 1987:M-304); courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India.

    If Thomas McEvilley is alive today, he would have been fascinated by the meanings of the Indus Script hypertexts on such seals and tablets proclaiming the wealth creation through wealth accounting ledgers of metalwork of the Bronze Age by artisans and seafaring merchants of the Civilization. For meanings of the hypertexts on the seals and tablets with yogāsana polstures see 

    Annex A 

    The article of Thomas McEvilley's on An Archaeology of Yoga (1981) provides the foundation for his tour de force --  Shape of Ancient Thought (2001)




    RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics






    Thomas McEvilley, An Archaeology of Yoga in:
    RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics
    No. 1 (Spring, 1981), pp. 44-77
    Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2016665

    Read on...
    https://tinyurl.com/yc4vwr9k

    A critique of Thomas McEvilley's Art appreciation of Ancient Near East Glyptic Art

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    Glyptic Art of ANE Thomas McEvilley's comment on triple-headed bull as precursor of Indus Script Hypertexts
    Image result for thomas mcevilley motilal banarsidasPublisher: Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 2008

    Thomas McEvilley comments on a Proto-Elamite seal impression which signifies a triple-headedbull  as follows:  "...a Mesopotamian or proto-Elamite cylinder seal impression shows a striding bull with three heads and a kneeling bull-man with three heads. A Persian Gulf type seal from Mohenjo-daro portrays six animals, perhaps part bull and part tiger, whose bodies merge into a common center, creating a pinwheel-shape, joined at a center and forming a cross between a pinwheel and swastika effect...The possibility of these and other shared motifs having migrated from the Indus to the Euphrates seems less plausible thn the other way around, because they show developmental background in Mesopotamia from Samarra and Ubaid sites, and because they are both more common and seem more culturally integrated in Mesopotamia..Another reason why it is easier to imagine these motifs diffusing from Mesopotmia into India than the other way around is that there is no doubt that they did diffuse from Mesopotamia to numerous other ancient cultures including Syrian, Urartian, Egyptian, Persin, Cretan, and Greek. Thus this complex of motifs should have arrived in the Indus V alley too is just more business as usual. If indeed it should turn out that the Sumerians came from north India, it nevertheless remains the case that Mesopotamia became the center from which the forms of civilization spread outward."(p.254)

    The major flaw in Thomas McEvilley's argument is that he did NOT realize the central hypertexting feature of the Indus Script Cipher. The Indus Script Hypertexts are Meluhha signifiers of hieroglyphs and their meanings as rebus readings of wealth accounting ledgers of metalwork created by artisans of Sarasvati Civilization. Many artisans of this civilization had settled in many parts of Ancient Near East and continued the hypertexting tradition of Indus Script.

    For example, the cylinder seal impression cited with tripled-headed bull is dciphered as follows: kolom'three' rebus: kolimi'smithy, forge' mũh 'a face' rebus: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.'.dula 'pair or two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' फडा phaḍā 'cobra hood' rebus: फडा phaḍā 'metals manufactory' पोळ [ pōḷa ]  'zebus, bos indicus' rebus: पोळ [ pōḷa ] 'magnetite, ferrite ore' dhangar 'bull' Rebus:dhangar 'blacksmith' . Thus, the hypertext message of bull-man with three bull heads is dhangar kolimi 'smithy/.forge of blacksmith'; the hypertext message of bull with two tails of cobra-hoods and three heads is   dul pōḷa kolilmi phaḍā 'metals manufactory of 'magnetite metal casting smithy./forge', 

    This decipherment suggests an alternative to Thomas McEvilley's scenario of diffusion of glyptic art. The alternative is that the hypertexts on many cylinder seals and artifacts of Ancient Near East were signifiers proclaimed by Meluhha artisans of wealth-creting metalwork accounting ledgers.

    I submit that the Glyptic Aart examples cited by Jerome M. Eisenberg in Minerga should be re-visited to identify contributions by Meluhha artisans of Indus Script Hypertexts. with meanings related to wealth-creting metalwork accounting ledger entries.











    Jerome M.Eisenberg, Glyptic Art of the Ancient Near East, 'A Seal upon your heart' in: Minerva: International Review of Ancient Art and Archaeology, May/24 June 1988 and Ju.ly/August 1998


    Brief critique of Thomas McEvilley's work 'The Shape of Ancient Thought' (2002)

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    https://tinyurl.com/yapxmkl5

    https://tinyurl.com/y9pbnsrc Download pdf for Full text. The Shape of Ancient Thought: Comparative Studies in Greek and Indian Philosophies Author: Thomas C. McEvilley (2002)

    A brief critique of Thomas McEvilley's magnum opus:


    There is little or NO mention of the contributions made by Ancient India to world GDP and organization of śreṇi, 'guilds' to create wealth as a dharma trusteeship. He doesn't understand the profundity and centrality of ātman in Veda enquiries. He misses out the contributions of the people of Ancient Far East completely and the samudramanthanam metaphor exemplified in Suvannaphom Airport, explained in Rajiv Malhotra's pathbreaking works on Indra's Net and Being Different.

    I suggest that McEvilley has not made efforts to understand the meanings of over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions which are breathtaking wealth accounting ledgers of mercantile transactions related to metalwork. These inscriptions partly explain the contribution of 34% of World GDP made by ancient artisans and seafaring merchants from Bhāratam.
    Related imageImage result for rajiv malhotra indra's net

    Syrian seal impression, c. 1700 B.C., showing four entwined male figures suggesting swastika form (After Figure 23 in McEvilley (2008) opcit., p.257.)
    McEvilley comments on this image with a terse comment (continuing his thesis of Mesopotamian roots of Sarasvati Civilization): "An Indus seal showing four tigers mergedinto a swastika shape is even close to the Mesopotamian versions (Figure 24)" (opcit., p.254)

    sattva 'svastika glyph' Rebus:sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada) jasta 'zinc' (Hindi)

    The Figure 24 McEvilley cites is shown below:
    Image result for four entwined tigers mohenjodaro seal
    m0295 Mohenjo-daro seal
      
    Indus valley seal impression, Mohenjo-Daro, thirs to second millennium BCE showing four eentwined tigers suggesting swastika form, detail. (After Figure 24 in McEvilley opcit., p.258)
    The rebus readings of Indus Script hypertext are:
    Hieroglyph: cAli 'interlocking bodies' Rebus: sal 'workshop'?
    Hieroglyph: Four (four tiger bodies): गंडा[gaṇḍā ] m An aggregate of four (cowries) rebus: kaṇḍā 'fire-altar, furnace'. 

    Hieroglyph: kul 'tiger' (Santaliकोल्हें [ kōlhēṃ ] A jackal (Marathi) kol 'tiger, jackal' (Konkani.) kOlupuli 'tiger' (Telugu) కోలు [ kōlu ] kōlu. [Tel.] adj. Big, great, huge పెద్ద. కోలుపులి or కోల్పులి a royal tiger. Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, temple'; kol 'working in iron'. Thus kol(m) could have connoted a tiger. 
    kammasālā 'workshop' (Prakritam) < kol(m) PLUS śāˊlā, i.e. smithy workshop.

    Image result for bharatkalyan97 kole.l indus script sign
    Distribution of seals/tablets within House AI, Block 1, HR at Mohenjodaro (After Jansen, M., 1987, Mohenjo-daro -- a city on the Indus, in Forgotten Cities on the Indus (M. Jansen, M. Mulloy and G. Urban Eds.), Mainz, Philip Von Zabern, p. 160). Jansen speculated that the house could have been a temple. 
    For decipherment of inscriptions see:

     http://tinyurl.com/glaltdl

    I suggest that an archiectural design of 'temple' is signifiedby the Sign of Indus Script Corpora which has three divisions within a rectangle.

    Indus Script hypertext kole.l 'smithy, forge' is rebus:kole.l 'temple'.
    Varint of 'room' glyph with embedded rimless pot glyph (Sign 243 - Mahadevan corpus).

    The tripartite division of rectangle Sign seen on the entwined tigers seal may also be seen on the Mohenjo-daro seal:
    Image result for bharatkalyan97 kole.l indus script sign
    m1186A Composite animal hieroglyph. Text of inscription (3 lines).

    Hieroglphs on text of inscription read rebus:

    Smithy (temple), Copper (mineral) guild workshop, metal furnace (account) 

    Sign 216 (Mahadevan). ḍato ‘claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs’; ḍaṭom, ḍiṭom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; ḍaṭkop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Vikalpa: erā ‘claws’; Rebus: era ‘copper’. Allograph: kamaṛkom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarmaṛā (Has.), kamaṛkom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.) kamat.ha = fig leaf, religiosa (Skt.)

    Sign 342. kaṇḍa kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali): karṇaka rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe, accountant’ (Te.); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Thus, the 'rim of jar' ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account)

    Sign 229. sannī, sannhī = pincers, smith’s vice (P.) śannī f. ʻ small room in a house to keep sheep in ‘ (WPah.) Bshk. šan, Phal.šān ‘roof’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 12326). seṇi (f.) [Class. Sk. śreṇi in meaning "guild"; Vedic= row] 1. a guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dāvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. ˚ -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni -- ). -- 2. a division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- ˚ J vi.81, 49; seṇimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. senā and seniya). (Pali)

    'body' glyph. mēd ‘body’ (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)

    aya 'fish' (Mu.); rebus: aya 'iron' (G.); ayas 'metal' (Skt.)

    sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) *ஆலை³ ālai, n. < šālā.


    Varint of 'room' glyph with embedded rimless pot glyph (Sign 243 - Mahadevan corpus).

    'Room' glyph. Rebus: kole.l = smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.) kolme smithy' (Ka.) kol ‘working in iron, blacksmith (Ta.)(DEDR 2133) The ligature glyphic element within 'room' glyph (Variant Sign 243): baṭi 'broad-mouthed, rimless metal vessel'; rebus: baṭi 'smelting furnace'. Thus, the composite ligatured Sign 243 denotes: furnace smithy.
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