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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    What is the Meluhha word to signify the Amaravati pillar, an Indus Script hypertext? 

    Śrīvatsa khambhaṛā, paṭṭaḍiphaḍā 'smithy, forge, mint, metals manufactory for wealth'.Related imageWorshippers of a fiery pillar, Amaravati stupa. 

    श्री--वत्स [p= 1100,1] m. " favourite of श्री " N. of विष्णु L.partic. mark or curl of hair on the breast of विष्णु or कृष्ण (and of other divine beings ; said to be white and represented in pictures by a symbol resembling a cruciform flower) MBh. Ka1v. &c; the emblem of the tenth जिन (or विष्णु's mark so used) L.
    श्री śrī :-वत्सः 1 an epithet of Viṣṇu.-2 a mark or curl of hair on the breast of Viṣṇu; प्रभानुलिप्त- श्रीवत्सं लक्ष्मीविभ्रमदर्पणम् R.1.1.-

    Atharva Veda (X.8.2) declares that Heaven and Earth stand fast being pillared apart by the pillar. Like the pillar, twilight of the dawn and dusk split apart the originally fused Heaven and Earth.


    Light of dawn ‘divorces the coterminous regions – Sky and Earth – and makes manifest the several worlds. (RV VII.80; cf. VI.32.2, SBr. IV 6.7.9).

    ‘Sun is spac, for it is only when it rises that the world is seen’ (Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana I.25.1-2). When the sun sets, space returns into the void (JUB III.1.1-2).

    Indra supports heavn and earth by ‘opening the shadows with the dawn and the sun’. (RV I.62.5). He ‘extends heaven by the sun; and the sun is the prp whereby he struts it.’ (RV X.111.5).

    ‘He who knows the Brahman in man knows the Supreme Being and he who knows the Supreme Brahman knows the Stambha’. (AV X. 7.17).

    Linga-Purana (I.17.5-52; 19.8 ff.) provides a narrative. Siva appeared before Brahma and Vishnu as a fiery linga with thousands of flames. As a Goose, Brahma attempted to fly to the apex of the column; Vishnu as a Boar plunged through the earth to find the foot of the blazing column. Even after a thousand years, they couldn’t reach the destination, bow in homage to the Pillar of the Universe as the Paramaatman.

    He is the ‘Pillar supporting the kindreds, that is, gods and men’. (RV I.59.1-2). He is the standard (ketu) of the yajna (equivalent of the dawn), the standard which supports heaven in the East at daybreak. (RV I.113.19; III.8.8).

    The same spectra of meanings abound in Bauddham, as a symbolic continuum. So it is, the Buddha is a fiery pillar, comprising adorants at the feet marked with the Wheel of Dharma and the apex marked by a Śrīvatsa (pair of fishes tied together by a thread, read as hieroglyph composition: ayira (metath. ariya) dhama, mandating norms of social, interpersonal conduct). Just as Agni awakens at dawn, the Buddha is the awakened.

    Related image
    Male devotees around a throne  with a turban(note feet below the throne). paa 'throne, turban' PLUS a'feet' rebus: paṭṭaḍ'mint workshop'.

    Drawing of two medallions (perhaps the inner and outer face of the same piece). [WD1061, folio 45]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed:3ft. by 3ft.2in. Outer circle 2nd. H.H. March 8th 1817.
    Location of Sculpture: Unknown.

    Image result for amaravati album
    The hypertexts are: kambha 'pillar' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' pair atop rebus: aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' PLUS kammaa 'mint,l coiner, coinage' PLUS feet PLUS throne, turban: ayo kammaṭa 'metal mint' PLUS paṭa aḍi 'throne, turban, slab' PLUS 'anvil' = hypertext, paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil workshop'.

    ayo kammaṭa dvāra 'entrance to metal mint' is an expression used in Mahāvamsa. XXV, 28,
    The expression has been wrongly translated as iron-studded gate. It is indeed a reference to the entrance to metal mjint workshop, as signified by the 'Śrīvatsa ayo kammaṭa hypertext adorning the torana of the gateways of Bharhut and Sanchi.
    Related image
    Image result for amaravati pillar huntington
    Image result for amaravati pillar huntington
    khambhā, thãbharā, khambhaṛā 'pillar, fish-fin' rebus tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' rebus kammaṭa 'mint' kambāra 'blacksmith'. These are Bronze Age Indus Script hypertexts.

    Four streams of Indus Script cipher on hieroglyphs/hypertexts are seen in the following rebus readings; the streams are: 

    tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' 
    kambāra 'blacksmith'
    kammaṭa 'mint' 

    Itihāsa  of Bhārata bronze-age, ayo kammaṭa dvāra, 'metals mint workshop entrance' (Mahāvamsa. XXV, 28); paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil workshop' based on Amaravati, Bharhut, Begram, Sanchi, Bodh Gaya ancient sculptural friezes (ca. 3rd cent. BCE), Indus Script (4th millennium BCE) & Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta(AV X.7)(undated, Bronze_Age).

    The monograph demonstrates the signifiers of two Indus Script hypertexts on iconographs of Amaravati, Bharhut, Sanchi sculptural friezes.

    The hypertexts are:

    ayo kamma
    a dvāra, 'entrance mint workshop'  
    paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil workshop'. 


    paṭṭaḍi cognate phaḍā 'smithy, metals manufactory' is cognate phaḍā 'metals manufactory' 

    Hieroglyph: फडा (p. 313phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c. Ta. patam cobra's hood. Ma. paṭam id. Ka. peḍe id. Te. paḍaga id. Go. (S.) paṛge, (Mu.) baṛak, (Ma.) baṛki, (F-H.) biṛki hood of serpent (Voc. 2154). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9040, Skt. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā- id. For IE etymology, see Burrow, The Problem of Shwa in Sanskrit, p. 45.(DEDR 47) Rebus: phaḍa फड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers.
    फडपूस (p. 313) phaḍapūsa f (फड & पुसणें) Public or open inquiry. फडफरमाश or  (p. 313) phaḍapharamāśa or sa f ( H & P) Fruit, vegetables &c. furnished on occasions to Rajas and public officers, on the authority of their order upon the villages; any petty article or trifling work exacted from the Ryots by Government or a public officer. 

    फडनिविशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniviśī or sī & फडनिवीस Commonly फडनिशी & फडनीसफडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस

    फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain). 

    फडझडती (p. 313) phaḍajhaḍatī f sometimes फडझाडणी f A clearing off of public business (of any business comprehended under the word फड q. v.): also clearing examination of any फड or place of public business. 

    फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्याचा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nach house, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singing shop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work, as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊसवांग्यामिरच्याखरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चालपडघालमांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फड पडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फड मारणेंराखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फड मारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्या मापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडास येणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. 

     பட்டரை¹ paṭṭarai n. See பட்டறை¹. (C. G. 95.) பட்டறை¹ paṭṭaṟai n. < பட்டடை¹. 1. See பட்டடை, 1, 3, 5, 7, 8, 12, 14. 2. Machine; யந்திரம். 3. Rice-hulling machine; நெல்லுக் குத்தும் யந்திரம். Mod. 4. Factory; தொழிற்சாலை. Mod. 5. Beam of a house; வீட்டின் உத்திரம். 6. Wall of the required height from the flooring of a house; வீட்டின் தளத்திலிருந்து எழுப்ப வேண்டும் அளவில் எழுப்பிய சுவர். வீடுகளுக்குப் பட்டறை மட்டம் ஒன்பதடி உயரத்துக்குக் குறை யாமல் (சர்வா. சிற். 48). பட்டறை² paṭṭaṟai , n. < K. paṭṭale. 1. Community; சனக்கூட்டம். 2. Guild, as of workmen; தொழிலாளர் சமுதாயம். (Tamil)

    Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)

    A pair of fish-fin ligatured to the face of a dwarf, kharva, gaṇa

    skabha 13638 *skabha ʻ post, peg ʼ. [√skambh]Kal. Kho. iskow ʻ peg ʼ BelvalkarVol 86 with (?).
    SKAMBH ʻ make firm ʼ: *skabdha -- , skambhá -- 1, skámbhana -- ; -- √*chambh.

    skambhá 13639 skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambhkhambhākhammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi)khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khāmkhāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmh,khāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khāmm. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi°bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho°bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- Xgambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛoʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure ʼ. Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.

    skambha 13640 *skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]S. khambhu°bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.

    skambhaghara 13641 *skambhaghara ʻ house of posts ʼ. [skambhá -- 1, ghara -- ]B. khāmār ʻ barn ʼ; Or. khamāra ʻ barn, granary ʼ: or < *skambhākara -- ?13641a †skámbhatē Dhātup. ʻ props ʼ, skambháthuḥ RV. [√skambh]
    Pa. khambhēti ʻ props, obstructs ʼ; -- Md. ken̆bum ʻ punting ʼ, kan̆banī ʻ punts ʼ?
    skambhadaṇḍa 13642 *skambhadaṇḍa ʻ pillar pole ʼ. [skambhá -- 1, daṇḍá -- ]
    Bi. kamhãṛkamhaṛkamhaṇḍā ʻ wooden frame suspended from roof which drives home the thread in a loom ʼ.

    skambhākara 13643 *skambhākara ʻ heap of sheaves ʼ. [skambhá -- 1, ākara -- ]Mth. khamhār ʻ pile of sheaves ʼ; -- altern. < *skambhaghara -- : B. khāmār ʻ barn ʼ; Or. khamāra ʻ barn, granary ʼ.Addenda: skámbhana -- : S.kcch. khāmṇo m. ʻ bed for plants ʼ.skámbhana 13644 skámbhana n. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV., skambhanīˊ -- f. VS. [√skambh]M. khã̄bṇī f. ʻ small post ʼ; -- G. khāmṇiyũ n. ʻ one of the ropes with which bucket is let down a well ʼ (i.e. from the post?); -- Or. khamaṇa ʻ pit, hole, waterchannel, lowland at foot of mountain ʼ; G. khāmṇũ n. ʻ small depression to stand round -- bottomed vessel in, basin at root of a tree for water ʼ: semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1 and skambhá -- 
    *kūpakastambha ʻ stem of a mast ʼ. [kūpa -- 2, stambha -- ] G. kuvātham m. ʻ mast of a ship ʼ.(CDIAL 3403)  *ṭhōmba -- . 1. G. ṭhobrũ ʻ ugly, clumsy ʼ.2. M. ṭhõb m. ʻ bare trunk, boor, childless man ʼ, thõbā m. ʻ boor, short stout stick ʼ (LM 340 < stambha -- ).(CDIAL 5514)
     *ut -- stambha ʻ support ʼ. [Cf. údastambhīt RV., Pk. uṭṭhaṁbhaï ʻ supports ʼ: √stambh]
    OG. uṭhaṁbha m.(CDIAL 1897) upastambha m. ʻ support ʼ Car., ʻ stay, prop ʼ Hit. 2. upaṣṭambha -- . [√stambh] 1. Pa. upatthambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ, °aka -- ʻ supporting ʼ; Paš. ustūˊm, obl. ustumbāˊ ʻ tree, mulberry tree ʼ (IIFL iii 3, 18 < stambha -- ); M. othãbā m. ʻ stake planted as a support ʼ; Si. uvatam̆ba ʻ aid, support ʼ. 2. Pk. uvaṭṭhaṁbha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Dm. uṣṭúm ʻ yoke ʼ, Kal. urt. hūṣṭhum, Phal. uṣṭúm f.; OG. oṭhaṁbha m. ʻ support ʼ. upastambhayati ʻ supports, stiffens ʼ Suśr. [úpa- stabhnāti ŚBr., upastámbhana -- n. ʻ prop ʼ TS.: √stambh] Pa. upatthambhēti ʻ supports ʼ, °bhana -- n.; M. othãbṇẽ ʻ to lean upon or from, climb upon, press down ʼ.(CDIAL 2266, *kastambha ʻ small stem ʼ. [kastambhīˊ -- f. ʻ prop for supporting carriage -- pole ʼ ŚBr.: ka -- 3, stambha -- ] M. kāthãbā m. ʻ plantain offshoot, sucker, stole ʼ.(CDIAL 2983)
    stambha m. ʻ pillar, post ʼ Kāṭh., °aka -- m. Mahāvy. [√stambh]Pa. thambha -- m. ʻ pillar ʼ, Aś.rum. thabhe loc., top. thaṁbhe, ru. ṭha()bhasi, Pk. thaṁbha -- , °aya -- , taṁbha -- , ṭhaṁbha -- m.; Wg. štɔ̈̄ma ʻ stem, tree ʼ, Kt. štom, Pr. üštyobu; Bshk. "ṭam"ʻ tree ʼ NTS xviii 124, Tor. thām; K. tham m. ʻ pillar, post ʼ, S. thambhu m.; L. thammthammā m. ʻ prop ʼ, (Ju.)tham°mā, awāṇ. tham, khet. thambā; P. thamb(h), thamm(h) ʻ pillar, post ʼ, Ku. N. B. thām, Or. thamba; Bi. mar -- thamh ʻ upright post of oil -- mill ʼ; H. thã̄bhthāmthambā ʻ prop, pillar, stem of plantain tree ʼ; OMarw. thāma m. ʻ pillar ʼ, Si. ṭäm̆ba; Md. tambutabu ʻ pillar, post ʼ; -- ext. --  -- : S.thambhiṛī f. ʻ inside peg of yoke ʼ; N. thāṅro ʻ prop ʼ; Aw.lakh. thãbharā ʻ post ʼ; H. thamṛā ʻ thick, corpulent ʼ; -- -- ll -- ; G. thã̄bhlɔthã̄blɔ m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ. -- X sthūˊṇā -- q.v. S.kcch. 
    thambhlo m. ʻ pillar ʼ, A. thām, Md. tan̆bu.

    stámbhatē ʻ supports, arrests ʼ Dhātup., stambhant<-> ʻ supporting ʼ Hariv., stambhayati ʻ supports ʼ MBh. [Cf. ástabhnāt imperf., tastámbha perf. RV.; -- úpa stabhāyati RV., pratistabdha -- MBh., Pa. upatthambhēti ʻ makes firm ʼ, paṭitthambhati ʻ stands firm against ʼ. <-> √stambh]Pk. thaṁbhaïṭhaṁbhaï tr. ʻ stops ʼ, intr. ʻ is stopped ʼ; K. thamunthāmun ʻ to be stopped, be at rest ʼ; S. thambhaṇu ʻ to support ʼ, thamaṇu ʻ to stop, subside ʼ, ṭhambhaṇu ʻ to numb, make torpid ʼ; L. (Ju.) thannaṇ ʻ to make firm by pressing in ʼ (X tunnaṇ < *tundati), awāṇ. thammuṇ ʻ to hold ʼ; P.thambhṇāthambṇāthammhṇā ʻ to support, restrain ʼ; WPah.jaun. thã̄bhṇō̃ ʻ to catch, hold, conceive ʼ, (Joshi) thāmbhṇu ʻ to hold ʼ; Ku. thã̄bhṇothāmṇoʻ to prop, hold, stop ʼ (whence intr. thamṇo ʻ to stop) ʼ; N. thāmnu ʻ to support, hold, stop, wait ʼ; A. thamā -- dai ʻ solid curd ʼ; B. thāmā ʻ to stop, be silent ʼ; Or. thāmibā ʻ to stop ʼ (whence intr. thambibāthamibā ʻ to come to a stop ʼ); Bhoj. thām(h)ab tr. ʻ to hold up ʼ, intr. ʻ to stop ʼ; H. thã̄bhnā,thã̄bnāthām(h) ʻ to prop, stop, resist ʼ (whence intr. thambhnā ʻ to stand still ʼ); G. thãbhvũ ʻ to stand firm ʼ; M. thã̄bṇẽ
    thāmṇẽthamṇẽ intr. ʻ to stop ʼ; Si. tabanavā ʻ to fix, place, preserve ʼ, tibanavā (X tiyanavā< sthitá -- ). -- Ext. -- kk -- : A. thamakiba ʻ to come to a sudden stop ʼ; B. thamkāna ʻ to stand still from surprise ʼ.WPah.kṭg. ṭhɔ́mbhṛu m. ʻ jostling, a partic. game ʼ (Him.I 82), thámbhṇõ ʻ to hold, support ʼ, J. thāmbhṇu ʻ to hold, catch ʼ; Md.tibenī ʻ waits ʼ, tibbanī ʻ places, clips ʼ (absol. tibbā ʻ while being ʼ), bētibbanī ʻ sets, detains ʼ ( -- ?).(CDIAL 13682, 13683)
    stambhana ʻ stopping ʼ MBh., n. ʻ stiffening ʼ Suśr., ʻ means of making stiff ʼ Hcat. [√stambh]
    Pa. thambhanā -- f. ʻ firmness ʼ; Pk. thaṁbhaṇa -- n., °ṇayā -- f. ʻ act of stopping ʼ; S. thambhaṇu m. ʻ glue ʼ, L. thambhaṇ m.(CDIAL 13684)

    தாம்பிரம் tāmpiram n. < tāmra. 1. Copper. See தாமிரம். (சூடா.) 2. Red; சிவப்பு. (இலக். அக.)தாம்பிரகாரன் tāmpira-kāraṉ , n. < id. + kāra. Coppersmith; செம்புகொட்டி. (யாழ். அக.) தாம்பிரசபை tāmpira-capai , n. < id. +. Dancing hall of Naṭarāja at Tinnevelly, as roofed with copper; [தாம்பிரத்தால் வேய்ந்த சபை] திருநெல்வேலியில் நடராசமூர்த்தி எழுந்தருளி யிருக்கும் சபை.தாம்பிரகம் tāmpirakam , n. < tāmraka. See தாமிரம். (யாழ். அக.) தாம்பரம் tāmparam , n. < tāmra. See தாமிரம். (பதார்த்த. 1170.)
    தாம்பாளம் tāmpāḷam, n. [T. tāmbāḷamu, K. tāmbāḷa.] Salver of a large size; ஒருவகைத் தட்டு. தளிகை காளாஞ்சி தாம்பாளம் (பிர போத. 11, 31).

    <tamba>(ZA)  {N} ``^copper''.  *Or.  #33740.<ta~ba>  {N} ``^copper''.  *De.<tama>(M),,<tamba>(G).  @N0527.  #23581.tāmrá ʻ dark red, copper -- coloured ʼ VS., n. ʻ copper ʼ Kauś., tāmraka -- n. Yājñ. [Cf. tamrá -- . -- √tam?] Pa. tamba -- ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ copper ʼ, Pk. taṁba -- adj. and n.; Dm. trāmba -- ʻ red ʼ (in trāmba -- lac̣uk ʻ raspberry ʼ NTS xii 192); Bshk. lām ʻ copper, piece of bad pine -- wood (< ʻ *red wood ʼ?); Phal. tāmba ʻ copper ʼ (→ Sh.koh. tāmbā), K. trām m. (→ Sh.gil. gur. trām m.), S. ṭrāmo m., L. trāmā, (Ju.)tarāmã̄ m., P. tāmbā m., WPah. bhad. ṭḷām n., kiũth. cāmbā, sod. cambo, jaun. tã̄bō, Ku. N. tāmo (pl. ʻ young bamboo shoots ʼ), A. tām, B. tã̄bātāmā, Or.tambā, Bi tã̄bā, Mth. tāmtāmā, Bhoj. tāmā, H. tām in cmpds., tã̄bātāmā m., G. trã̄bũtã̄bũ n.;M. tã̄bẽ n. ʻ copper ʼ, tã̄b f. ʻ rust, redness of sky ʼ; Ko.tāmbe n. ʻ copper ʼ; Si. tam̆ba adj. ʻ reddish ʼ, sb. ʻ copper ʼ, (SigGr) tamtama. -- Ext. -- ira -- : Pk. taṁbira -- ʻ coppercoloured, red ʼ, L. tāmrā ʻ copper -- coloured (of pigeons) ʼ; -- with -- ḍa -- : S. ṭrāmiṛo m. ʻ a kind of cooking pot ʼ, ṭrāmiṛī ʻ sunburnt, red with anger ʼ, f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; Bhoj. tāmrā ʻ copper vessel ʼ; H. tã̄bṛātāmṛā ʻ coppercoloured, dark red ʼ, m. ʻ stone resembling a ruby ʼ; G. tã̄baṛ n., trã̄bṛītã̄bṛī f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; OM. tāṁbaḍā ʻ red ʼ. -- X trápu -- q.v. tāmrá -- [< IE. *tomró -- T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 65]  S.kcch. trāmo,
     tām(b)o m. ʻ copper ʼ, trāmbhyo m. ʻ an old copper coin ʼ; WPah.kc. cambo m. ʻ copper ʼ, J. cāmbā m., kṭg. (kc.) tambɔ m. (← P. or H. Him.I 89), Garh. tāmutã̄bu. (CDIAL 5779)

    tāmrakāra m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ lex. [tāmrá -- , kāra -- 1]Or. tāmbarā ʻ id. ʼ.(CDIAL 5780)

     tāmrakuṭṭa m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ R. [tāmrá -- , kuṭṭa -- ] N. tamauṭetamoṭe ʻ id. ʼ.Garh. ṭamoṭu ʻ coppersmith ʼ; Ko. tāmṭi. (CDIAL 5781)

    *tāmraghaṭa ʻ copper pot ʼ. [tāmrá -- , ghaṭa -- 1] Bi. tamheṛī ʻ round copper vessel ʼ; -- tamheṛā ʻ brassfounder ʼ der. *tamheṛ ʻ copper pot ʼ or < next?(CDIAL 5782)

    *tāmraghaṭaka ʻ copper -- worker ʼ. [tāmrá -- , ghaṭa -- 2] Bi. tamheṛā ʻ brass -- founder ʼ or der. fr. *tamheṛ see prec.(CDIAL 5783)

    tāmracūḍa ʻ red -- crested ʼ MBh., m. ʻ cock ʼ Suśr. [tāmrá -- , cūˊḍa -- 1]Pa. tambacūḷa -- m. ʻ cock ʼ, Pk. taṁbacūla -- m.; -- Si. tam̆basiluvā ʻ cock ʼ (EGS 61) either a later cmpd. (as in Pk.) or ← Pa.(CDIAL 5784)

    *tāmradhāka ʻ copper receptacle ʼ. [tāmrá -- , dhāká -- ] Bi. tamahā ʻ drinking vessel made of a red alloy ʼ.(CDIAL 5785)

    tāmrapaṭṭa m. ʻ copper plate (for inscribing) ʼ Yājñ. [Cf. tāmrapattra -- . -- tāmrá -- , paṭṭa -- 1] M. tã̄boṭī f. ʻ piece of copper of shape and size of a brick ʼ.(CDIAL 5786)

    tāmrapattra n. ʻ copper plate (for inscribing) ʼ lex. [Cf. tāmrapaṭṭa -- . -- tāmrá -- , páttra -- ] Ku.gng. tamoti ʻ copper plate ʼ.(CDIAL 5787)

    tāmrapātra n. ʻ copper vessel ʼ MBh. [tāmrá -- , pāˊtra -- ] Ku.gng. tamoi ʻ copper vessel for water ʼ.(CDIAL 5788)

     *tāmrabhāṇḍa ʻ copper vessel ʼ. [tāmrá -- , bhāṇḍa -- 1] Bhoj. tāmaṛātāmṛā ʻ copper vessel ʼ; G. tarbhāṇũ n. ʻ copper dish used in religious ceremonies ʼ (< *taramhã̄ḍũ).(CDIAL 5789)

    tāmravarṇa ʻ copper -- coloured ʼ TĀr. [tāmrá -- , várṇa -- 1] Si. tam̆bavan ʻ copper -- coloured, dark red ʼ (EGS 61) prob. a Si. cmpd.(CDIAL 5790)

    tāmrākṣa ʻ red -- eyed ʼ MBh. [tāmrá -- , ákṣi -- ]Pa. tambakkhin -- ; P. tamak f. ʻ anger ʼ; Bhoj. tamakhal ʻ to be angry ʼ; H. tamaknā ʻ to become red in the face, be angry ʼ.(CDIAL 5791)

    tāmrika ʻ coppery ʼ Mn. [tāmrá -- ] Pk. taṁbiya -- n. ʻ an article of an ascetic's equipment (a copper vessel?) ʼ; L. trāmī f. ʻ large open vessel for kneading bread ʼ, poṭh. trāmbī f. ʻ brass plate for kneading on ʼ; Ku.gng. tāmi ʻ copper plate ʼ; A. tāmi ʻ copper vessel used in worship ʼ; B. tāmītamiyā ʻ large brass vessel for cooking pulses at marriages and other ceremonies ʼ; H. tambiyā m. ʻ copper or brass vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 5792)

    Smithy is the temple of Bronze Age: stambha, thãbharā fiery pillar of light, Sivalinga. Rebus-metonymy layered Indus script cipher signifies: tamba, tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' 
    The semantics of stambha, thãbharā as hieroglyphs and of tamba, tã̄bṛā, tambira as 'copper' using phonetic variants of Vedic chandas and Meluhha speech are evidenced by Meluhha glosses (Indian sprachbund) provided in the Annex.
    Dholavira excavation report has provided evidence for the locations of a pair of pillars fronting a 8-shaped temple signifying a kole.l 'smithy, temple' (Kota)(See: DEDR 2133). 
    A smithy-forge was the temple.
    Smithy as temple signifies the gestalt (structure, configuration, or pattern of physical, biological, or metaphysical phenomena) of Sarasvati's children, the artisans, Bhāratam Janam, 'lit. metalcaster folk' (expression used in Rigveda) of the civilization. 
    Ta. kol working in iron, lacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë 
    blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. (DEDR 2133) go f., gollɔ m. ʻ devotee of a goddess ʼ(Gujarati)(CDIAL 4325) Pk. kōla -- m.; B. kol ʻ name of a Muṇḍā tribe ʼ.(CDIAL 3532). kolhe 'kol, smelters' (Santali) kaula -- m. ʻ worshipper of Śakti according to left -- hand ritual ʼ(Samskritam)
    The evidence from Indian sprachbund, Meluhha speech and archaeological artifacts of the civilization, is that the pillars of the Bronze Age were worshipped as s'ivalinga while signifying the location as a smithy, forge. 
    Annex provides evidence from Rigveda associating Rudra (often linked with S'iva in ancient texts) with weapons (e.g. RV 6.74.4).
    The association of a smithy-forge with a temple is consistent with the celebration of khaṇḍōbā Rudra-s'iva and the semantics of लोखंड [lōkhaṇḍa] 'metalware' discussed in the context of hieroglyphs of Indus Script Corpra
    Temple: खंडेराव [ khaṇḍērāva ] m (खंड Sword, and राव) An incarnation of Shiva. Popularly खंडेराव is but dimly distinguished from भैरव. खंडोबा [ khaṇḍōbā ] m A familiar appellation of the god खंडेराव. खंडोबाचा कुत्रा [ khaṇḍōbācā kutrā ] m (Dog of खंडोबा. From his being devoted to the temple.) A term for the वाघ्या or male devotee of खंडोबा.

    Hieroglyph: खंडोबाची काठी [ khaṇḍōbācī kāṭhī ] f The pole of खंडोबा. It belongs to the temples of this god, is taken and presented, in pilgrimages, at the visited shrines, is carried about in processions &c. It is covered with cloth (red and blue), and has a plume (generally from the peacock's tail) waving from its top.
    The cultural link of metalwork with Rudra-Siva iconically denoted by 1) orthographic variants of linga, 2) ekamukhalinga evidences of Ancient Far East and 3) the presence of linga in the context of a metal smelter in a Bhuteshwar artifact of 2nd cent. BCE is thus an area for further detailed investigation in archaeometallurgy and historical linguistics of Indian Sprachbund.
    Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE. Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava,  AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa°ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ  Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228). 
    In Atharva Veda stambha is a celestial scaffold, supporting the cosmos and material creation.
    See: Full text of Atharva Veda ( X - 7,8) --- Stambha Suktam with translation (with variant pronunciation as skambha). See Annex A List of occurrences of gloss in Atharva Veda.
    avs.8.6 [0800605] The black and hairy Asura, and Stambaja and TundikaArayas from this girl we drive, from bosom, waist, and parts below.
    Archaeological finds: cylindrical stele in Kalibangan, a pair of polished stone pillars in Dholavira, s'ivalinga in Harappa, Kalibangan

    A Terracotta Linga from Kalibangan (2600 BC)
    Evidence for Sivalinga is provided in other sites (Mohenjodaro and Harappa) of the civilization:

    Tre-foil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Mackay 1938: I, 411; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994, p. 218.
    Two decorated bases and a lingam, Mohenjodaro. 

    Lingam, grey sandstone in situ, Harappa, Trench Ai, Mound F, Pl. X (c) (After Vats). "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I... in this jar, six lingams were found along with some tiny pieces of shell, a unicorn seal, an oblong grey sandstone block with polished surface, five stone pestles, a stone palette, and a block of chalcedony..." (Vats,MS,  Excavations at Harappa, p. 370)
    Cylindrical clay steles of 10 to 15 cms height occur in ancient fire-altars (See report by BB Lal on Kalibangan excavations).
    A number of polished stone pillars were found in Dholavira. (See April 2015 published Dholavira excavation report:
    These evidences of sivalinga and pillars evoke the imageries of a festival which is celebrated even today by Lingavantas, particularly in Karnataka. The festival is a continuum of the tradition which started in Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) Civilization during the Bronze Age, given the evidences of the worship states in which the pillars and sivalingas are found in Dholavira and Harappa and the presence of cylindrical steles as hieroglyphs in fire-altars of Kalibangan and other archaeological sites of the civilization.
    It is, thus, possible to hypothesise that the religious practices of the people of the civilization at Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Kalibangan (where a terracotta Sivalinga has been found) and Dholavira are represented by the continuum of koṇḍahabba festivals celebrated by Lingavantas.

    ”Within the group of religious buildings that remain in Hampi , highlighting the numerous temples , in front of which are these Shiva lingam . It is very common for Shiva lingam rock be excavated outside if there is a nearby temple , given its ritual , but here are carved on the granite rock of the hill. Its religious significance is emphasized by the appearance of small channels on which water is poured to perform rituals and offerings to Shiva . They were carved in succession during the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries , and are pieces of variable size and composition more or less complex. Centerpiece normally appears a larger lingam environment that provides a small bowl , around it a mesh peqrfecta organized lingams appear smaller and leave room for a small channel which runs central to the bowl surrounds the lingam greater. The pieces usually have a diameter of about 25cm and a height of 10 to 15cm . In some cases are screened lingam simpler or smaller, or their component parts are smaller .” (Translated from French). 

    Galaganatha is a village south of Varada-Tungabhadra Sangama in Haveri district. In ancient inscriptions Galaganatha is referred to as Palluni.
    Galagesvaragudi is a unique experiment of Kalyani Chalukyan temple architecture. The temple is east facing and situated on the bank of river Tungabhadra. The temple tapers right from its base to the top of the Shikhara. This temple is under the care of Archaeological Survey of India.

    The temple can be entered from 3 sides.

    Galagesvara temple of Galaganatha.

    A pillar close to temple's southern entrance. If this pattern of temple design situating skambha lingas close to the temples can be extrapolated to Dholavira times, it is possible to explain the presence of two skambhas on the Dholavira 'theatre' as memorials close to the circules of stones which may have constituted menhir-stones in memory of the departed ancestors; and hence, the two pillars might have constituted two memorial pillars venerating the departed ātman, the pitṛ-s.


    A hero-stone leaning on a Shivalinga.

    A collection of Shivalinga. In the back ground is river Tungabhadra river in Bellary district.
    I suggest that these are hieroglyphs signifying pillars of light: tã̄bṛā, tambira (Prakritam) Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund)
    See: three stumps on Sit Shamshi bronze. [kūpa -- 2, stambha -- ] G. kuvātham m. ʻ mast of a ship ʼ.(CDIAL 3403)  *ṭhōmba -- . 1. G. ṭhobrũ ʻ ugly, clumsy ʼ.2. M. ṭhõb m. ʻ bare trunk, boor, childless man ʼ, thõbā m. ʻ boor, short stout stick ʼ (LM 340 < stambha -- ).(CDIAL 5514) Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund) Numeral three: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.
    The entire message of Sit Shamshi is bronze is worship of the sun. The message signifies copper metalwork. It is significant that one of the meanings to the Meluhha gloss sūrya is: copper: சூரியன் cūriyaṉ n. < sūrya. Mountain containing copper; செம்புமலை. (W.)
    arte de la mesopotamia
    Sit-Shamshi (Musée du Louvre, París). Tabla de bronce que parece resumir sabiamente el ritual del antiguo Elam. Los zigurats recuerdan el arte mesopotámico, el bosque sagrado alude a la devoción semita por el árbol verde, la tinaja trae a la mente el “mar de bronce”. Los dos hombres en cuclillas hacen su ablución para celebrar la salida del Sol. Una inscripción, que lleva el nombre del rey Silhak-in-Shushinak, permite fijar su datación en el siglo XII a.C.
    "The texts mention the "temples of the grove," cave sanctuaries where ceremonies related to the daily renewal of nature were accompanied by deposition of offerings, sacrifice and libations. The Sit Shamshi is perhaps a representation. It is also possible that this object is a commemoration of the funeral ceremonies after the disappearance of the sovereign. Indeed, this model was found near a cave, and bears an inscription in Elamite where Shilhak-Inshushinak remember his loyalty to the lord of Susa, Inshushinak. The text gives the name of the monument, the Sit Shamshi, Sunrise, which refers to the time of day during which the ceremony takes place.Source:
    Kalibangan fire-altars. In one pit, a cylindrical clay stele was found. Could such steles located in many ancient archaeological sites, denote skambha of Atharvaveda? Such stele were 30-40 cms. in height and 10-15 cms. in diameter, and formed the centrepoint of the hearths (Lal, BB 1984, Some reflections on the structural remains at Kalibangan in inIndus civilization: New perspectives, AH Dani ed.: 57).

    Dholavira Excavation Report (April 2015) provides details of the finds of six polished stone pillars with two illustrations and a write-up:

    Fig. 8.304. Freestanding columns in situ

    " Free standing columns. At least six examples of freestanding columns were discovered from the excavations. Three freestanding columns are tall and slender pillars with circular cross-section and with a top resembling a phallus or they are phallic in nature. That is why most of them were found in an intentionally damaged and smashed condition. The phallus is depicted realistically with even the drawing of foreskin shown clearly. Two of these freestanding columns are found near eastern end of high street of Castle. These columns measure nearly 1.5m in height and are found at the strategic location of entering into the high street from the east gate of Castle. These two columns are placed in such a manner at the beginning of high street that they divide the street into three equal parts. The other freestanding columns of the same variety and typology, numbering four were found in a completely smashed and broken condition. Two of such columns were found in a secondary condition, fitted as a masonry of Tank A while the other one was found in a masonry in a later period structure near the western fortification of Castle. Two more examles, completely smashed and destroyed ones were also found, one near the western end of Ceremonial Ground and the second near the north gate of Castle. The destruction and desecration of these columns can be equated with that of the damage caused to the stone statue, which clearly indicates a change in ideology and traditions, customs after the Harappan phase."(pp. 589-591)

    A pair of Skambha in Dholavira close to kole.l'smithy, temple' ( (8-shaped stone structure): Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy.(DEDR 2133).
    Hieroglyph: tamba 'pillar'; tambu id. (Sindhi) Rebus: tambatã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' (Prakritam)
     One side of a Mohenjo-daro prism tablet (Full decipherment of the three sided inscription is embedded). What was the cargo carried on the boat? I suggest that the cargo was Meluhha metalwork -- castings and hard copper alloy ingots. Together with the pair of aquatic birds, the metalwork is with hard alloys (of copper).
    karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) Alternative: 

    pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍu, 'steel'. 

    Hieroglyph: tamar ‘palm’ (Hebrew) Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ (Santali) 

    dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Santali) Thus, together, dul tam(b)ra 'copper casting'.

    Śrīvatsa, an abiding cultural, metallurgical wealth continuum
    Silver coin of the Kuninda Kingdom, c. 1st century BCE. Obv: Deer standing right, crowned by two cobras, attended byLakshmi holding a lotus flower. Legend in Prakrit (Brahmi script, from left to right): Rajnah Kunindasya Amoghabhutisya maharajasya ("Great King Amoghabhuti, of the Kunindas"). Rev: Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbol triratna, and surrounded by a swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Legend in Kharoshti script, from righ to left: Rana Kunidasa Amoghabhutisa Maharajasa, ("Great King Amoghabhuti, of the Kunindas").

    Kuninda (or Kulinda in ancient literature) was an ancient centralHimalayan kingdom from around the 2nd century BCE to the 3rd century, located in the modern state of Uttarakhand and southern areas of Himachal in northern India.

    Triratna symbol on the reverse (left field) of a coin of the Indo-Scythian king Azes II (r.c. 35-12 BCE):
    Triratna (Srivatsa) symbol on the reverse (left field) of a coin of the Indo-Scythian king Azes II (r.c. 35-12 BCE

    Coin of Zeionises (c. 10 BCE – 10 CE). Obv: King on horseback holding whip, with bow behind. Corrupted Greek legend MANNOLOU UIOU SATRAPY ZEIONISOU "Satrap Zeionises, son of Manigul". Buddhist Triratna symbol. Rev:King on the left, receiving a crown from a city goddess holding a cornucopia. Kharoshthi legend MANIGULASA CHATRAPASA PUTRASA CHATRAPASA JIHUNIASA "Satrap Zeionises, son of Satrap Manigul". South Chach mint.

    Chukhsa was an ancient area of Pakistan, probably modern Chachh, west of the city of Taxila.

    Zeionises was an Indo-Scythian satrap of the area of southern Chach (Kashmir) for king Azes II.
    Necklaces with a number of pendants

    aṣṭamangalaka hāra

    aṣṭamangalaka hāra  depicted on a pillar of a gateway(toran.a) at the stupa of Sanchi, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, Thedeeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of Bāṇa’s Haracarita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi:fig. 62] The hāra  or necklace shows a pair of fish signs together with a number of motifsindicating weapons (cakra,  paraśu,an:kuśa), including a device that parallels the standard device normally shown in many inscribed objects of SSVC in front of the one-horned bull. 

    (cf. Marshall, J. and Foucher,The Monuments of Sanchi, 3 vols., Callcutta, 1936, repr. 1982, pl. 27).The first necklace has eleven and the second one has thirteen pendants (cf. V.S. Agrawala,1977, Bhāraya Kalā , Varanasi, p. 169); he notes the eleven pendants as:sun,śukra,  padmasara,an:kuśa, vaijayanti, pan:kaja,mīna-mithuna,śrīvatsa, paraśu,
    darpaṇa and kamala. "The axe (paraśu) and an:kuśa pendants are common at sites of north India and some oftheir finest specimens from Kausambi are in the collection of Dr. MC Dikshit of Nagpur."(Dhavalikar, M.K., 1965, Sanchi: A cultural Study , Poona, p. 44; loc.cit. Dr.Mohini Verma,1989, Dress and Ornaments in Ancient India: The Maurya and S'un:ga Periods,Varanasi, Indological Book House, p. 125). 

    Coin of the Chutu ruler Mulananda c. 125-345. Lead Karshapana 14.30g. 27 mm. Obv.: Arched hill/stupa with river motif below. Rev.: Tree within railed lattice, triratana to right.

    [CBK001] Karshapana of Chutus - Mulananda

    , Lead karshapana. Zebu. Brahmi legend: Maharathi putasa sudakana (kanhasa) Krishna Six arched hill with crescent, wavy line below, nandipada, 

    poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite ferrite ore'
    meTTu 'mound' rebus: meD 'iron' 
    kuThAru 'crucible' rebus: kuThAru 'armourer'
    kANDa 'water' rebus: kaNDa 'implements'
    kammaṭa 'mint'
    sattva 'svastika' rebus: jasta 'zinc'

    Taxila, Uninscribed die-struck Coin (200-150 BC), MIGIS-4 type 578, 3.94g. Obv: Lotus standard flanked by banners in a railing, with two small three-arched hill symbols on either side. Rev: Three-arched hill with crescent above a bold 'open cross' symbol.

    FIG. 20. ANCIENT INDIAN COIN. (Archæological Survey of India, vol. x., pl. ii., fig. 8.)Fig. 20. Ancient Indian Coin.

    The Migration of Symbols, by Goblet d'Alviella, [1894

    (Archæological Survey of India, vol. x., pl. ii., fig. 8.)

    kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'

    Ayagapatta, Kankali Tila, Mathura.

    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre, from Mathura
     The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum. 

    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura
    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura. "Photograph taken by Edmund William Smith in 1880s-90s of a Jain homage tablet. The tablet was set up by the wife of Bhadranadi, and it was found in December 1890 near the centre of the mound of the Jain stupa at Kankali Tila. Mathura has extensive archaeological remains as it was a large and important city from the middle of the first millennium onwards. It rose to particular prominence under the Kushans as the town was their southern capital. The Buddhist, Brahmanical and Jain faiths all thrived at Mathura, and we find deities and motifs from all three and others represented in sculpture. In reference to this photograph in the list of photographic negatives, Bloch wrote that, "The technical name of such a panel was ayagapata [homage panel]." The figure in the centre is described as a Tirthamkara, a Jain prophet. The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum."
    View of the Jaina stupa excavated at Kankali Tila, Mathura.
    Manoharpura. Svastika. Top of āyāgapaṭa. Red Sandstone. Lucknow State Museum. (Scan no.0053009, 0053011, 0053012 ) See:

    Ayagapata (After Huntington)

    Jain votive tablet from Mathurå. From Czuma 1985, catalogue number 3. Fish-tail is the hieroglyph together with svastika hieroglyph, fish-pair hieroglyph, safflower hieroglyph, cord (tying together molluscs and arrow?)hieroglyph multiplex, lathe multiplex (the standard device shown generally in front of a one-horned young bull on Indus Script corpora), flower bud (lotus) ligatured to the fish-tail.  All these are venerating hieroglyphs surrounding the Tirthankara in the central medallion.

    Kushana period, 1st century C.E.From Mathura Red Sandstone 89x92cm

    "Note that both begin with a lucky svastika. The top line reads 卐 vīrasu bhikhuno dānaṃ - i.e. "the donation of Bhikkhu Vīrasu." The lower inscription also ends with dānaṃ, and the name in this case is perhaps pānajāla (I'm unsure about jā). Professor Greg Schopen has noted that these inscriptions recording donations from bhikkhus and bhikkhunis seem to contradict the traditional narratives of monks and nuns not owning property or handling money. The last symbol on line 2 apparently represents the three jewels, and frequently accompanies such inscriptions...Müller [in Schliemann(2), p.346-7] notes that svasti occurs throughout 'the Veda' [sic; presumably he means the Ṛgveda where it appears a few dozen times]. It occurs both as a noun meaning 'happiness', and an adverb meaning 'well' or 'hail'. Müller suggests it would correspond to Greek εὐστική (eustikē) from εὐστώ (eustō), however neither form occurs in my Greek Dictionaries. Though svasti occurs in the Ṛgveda, svastika does not. Müller traces the earliest occurrence of svastika to Pāṇini's grammar, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, in the context of ear markers for cows to show who their owner was. Pāṇini discusses a point of grammar when making a compound using svastika and karṇa, the word for ear. I've seen no earlier reference to the word svastika, though the symbol itself was in use in the Indus Valley civilisation.[unquote]

    1. Cunningham, Alexander. (1854) The Bhilsa topes, or, Buddhist monuments of central India : comprising a brief historical sketch of the rise, progress, and decline of Buddhism; with an account of the opening and examination of the various groups of topes around Bhilsa. London : Smith, Elder. [possibly the earliest recorded use of the word swastika in English].

    2. Schliemann, Henry. (1880). Ilios : the city and country of the Trojans : the results of researches and discoveries on the site of Troy and through the Troad in the years 1871-72-73-78-79. London : John Murray.

    Khandagiri caves (2nd cent. BCE) Cave 3 (Jaina Ananta gumpha). Fire-altar?, śrivatsa, svastika
    (hieroglyphs) (King Kharavela, a Jaina who ruled Kalinga has an inscription dated 161 BCE) contemporaneous with Bharhut and Sanchi and early Bodhgaya.

    Related image
    śrivatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions Pl. 33, Nandipāda-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sanchi, Sarnath and Mathura] Pl. 27, Svastika symbol: distribution in cultural periods] The association of śrivatsa with ‘fish’ is reinforced by the symbols binding fish in Jaina āyāgapaṭas (snake-hood?) of Mathura (late 1st cent. BCE).  śrivatsa  symbol seems to have evolved from a stylied glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the Sanchi stupa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘śrivatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina āyāgapaṭa, a fish is ligatured within the śrivatsa  glyph,  emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph with śrivatsa glyph.

    (After Plates in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77)

    Section of a coping rail. 30.5x122 cm. 2nd cent. BCE Sunga. Bharhut. Note the tablet held between the hypertexts of fish-fins; it is a definitive semantic determinant of sippi who has the competence to write on, sculpt with metal.
    Stupa-1 North Torana, East pillar showing Triratna motif. Sanchi, Dist Raisen, Madhya Pradesh India

    Bharhut stupa torana replicated on a Bharhut frieze. The centerpiece mollusc hypertext is flanked by two srivatsa hypertexts. The gateway entrance is adorned with a garland.

    Bharhut gateway, Gateway model in ivory of Begram, Sanchi gateway (all three adorned with 
    ayo kammaṭa )

    The hypertexts of the following frieze signify a mint:

    Related image

    Amaravati. British Museum. Throne under the tree. Coins in the bottom register. kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'

    meD 'step' rebus: meD 'iron'.

    पट n. a thatch or roof (= पटलL.

    పటహము (p. 695) paṭahamu paṭahamu. [Skt.] n. A kettle drum, a war drum. తప్పెట. पटह [p= 579,2]m. (rarely n. or f(ई).) a kettledrum , 

    Hieroglyph: Hood of a serpent: 

    పటము (p. 695) paṭamu paṭamu. [Skt.] n. A cloth, వస్త్రము. A picture. గెరిపటము a paper kite, పతంగి. 

    paṭṭaḍi signifies 'workshop' . The hypertext is composed of paṭṭa, paṭa slab + aḍi'foot' hieroglyphs which recur oj many sculptural friezes of Amaravati, Sanchi, Bharhut.

    Vikalpa: پاتا pātā پاتا pātā, s.f. (6th) The funeral service (from A فاتحه) (E.) Sing. and Pl.; (W.) Pl. پاتاوي pātāwī. پاتا کول pātā kawul, or پاتا ویل pātā wa-yal, verb trans. To offer up prayers for the dead, to perform the funeral service, to make an exordium.

    khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'. Thus, the hypertext message is: dul aya kammaṭa 'cast metal mint' 

    Naga King
    Drawing of two medallions (probably the front and back of the same piece) showing (a) Naga king surrounded by women (b) lotus medallion. [WD1061, folio 77]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed: 6ft.1.5in. by 3ft.3in. No.59. H.H. August 1817

    The wheel on Amaravati pillar signifies dhamma cakra. The rebus word is dhmā 'bellows blower'. The lotus flower in the lower register is tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper'.
    Image result for Drawing of two medallions (perhaps the inner and outer face of the same piece). [WD1061, folio 45] amaravati
    Sanchi torana.
    धम [p= 509,3] mfn. blowing , melting (ifc. ; cf. करं- , खरिं- , जलं- &c )
    धमक [p= 509,3] m. " a blower " , blacksmith (as blowing the forge) Un2. ii , 35 Sch.
    धम-धम [p= 509,3]m. " blower " , N. of a demon that causes disease Hariv.
    धम-धमा ind. blowing repeatedly or the sort of sound made by blowing with a bellows or trumpet MW.

    धम्मल [p= 510,1] m. the breast ornamented with gold or jewels (cf. °मिल्लW. (This semantics explain why Srivatsa is shown on the chest of Vishnu, Tirthankara).

    ध्मा a[p= 509,3] or धम् cl.1 P. ध्/अमति (A1. °ते Up. MBh. p. ध्मान्तस् = धमन्तस् BhP. x , 12 , 7 ; perf. दध्मौ , 3. pl. A1. °मिरे MBh. ;aor. अध्मासीत् Ka1v. ; Prec. ध्मायात् or ध्मेयात् Gr. ; fut. धमिष्यति MBh. ध्मास्यति,ध्माता Gr. ; ind.p. -ध्म्/आय Br. ) to blow (either intrans. as wind [applied also to the bubbling सोम RV. ix , 73] or trans. as, to blow a conch-shell or any wind instrument) RV. &c  ; 
    to blow into (loc.MBh. l , 813  ; 
    to breathe out , exhale RV. ii , 34 , 1 MBh. xiv , 1732  ; 
    to kindle a fire by blowing RV. ii , 24 , 7 MBh. ii , 2483  ; 
    to melt or manufacture (metal) by blowing RV. &c  ; 
    to blow or cast away MBh. v , 7209 : Pass. धम्यते , ep. also °ति , ध्माय्/अते , °ति ( S3Br. MBh. ) to be blown&c : Caus. ध्मापयति MBh. (aor. अदिध्मपत् Gr. ; Pass. ध्माप्यते MBh. ) to cause to blow or melt  ; 
    to consume by fire , reduce to cinder MBh. Sus3r. Desid. दिध्नासति Gr.Intens. देध्मीयते Pa1n2. 7-4 , 31  ; 

    दाध्मायते , p. °यमान being violently blown (conch-shell) BhP. i , 11 , 2. [cf. Slav. dumo " smoke "]

    Location: India
    Site: India
    Monument/Object: architectural fragment, lintel and pillars
    Current Location: Sarnath Site Museum, Uttar Pradesh, India
    Photo Depicts: left pillar, side 1 (arbitrary), upper half
    Period: Sunga and Related Periods
    Date: 2nd - 1st century BCE
    Material: sandstone, pink
    Scan Number: 11614
    Photo Date: 1984
    Image Source: Huntington Archive

    On this pillar, the two fish-fins are attached to a makara clearly signifying in Indus Script cipher, adhmakara 'forge-blower' dhamaka 'blacksmith' of akammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    Location: India
    Site: India
    Monument/Object: architectural fragment
    Current Location: Amaravati Site Museum, Amaravati, Andhra Pradesh, India
    Subject: winged lion
    Period: Satavahana
    Date: 1st century BCE - 1st century CE
    Material: stone
    Scan Number: 21348
    Photo Date: 1984
    Image Source: Huntington Archive

    kambha 'wing' rebus: kammata 'mint, coiner, coiinage' kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kole.l 'smithy, forge' kol 'working in iron'

    Amaravati. British Museum. Throne under the tree. Coins in the bottom register. kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
    meD 'step' rebus: meD 'iron'.

    paṭa 'slab, turban, throne' PLUS aḍi  'foot' rebus: anvil PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. 

    Thus the hypertext paṭṭaḍi  is a metalcasting anvil, workshop.

    Ta. aṭi foot, footprint, base, bottom, source, origin; aṭimai slavery, servitude, slave, servant, devotee; aṭitti, aṭicci maidservant; aṭiyavaṉ, aṭiyāṉ, aṭiyōṉ slave, devotee. Ma. aṭi sole of foot, footstep, measure of foot, bottom, base; aṭima slavery, slave, feudal dependency; aṭiyān slave, servant; fem. aṭiyātti. Ko. aṛy foot (measure); ac place below; acgaṛ place beneath an object, position after the first in a row; ac mog younger son. To.oṛy foot. Ka. aḍi foot, measure of foot, step, pace, base, bottom, under; aḍime slavery; aḍiya slave. Koḍ. aḍi place below, down. Tu. aḍi bottom, base; kār aḍi footsole, footstep; aḍi kai palm of the hand. Te. aḍugu foot, footstep, footprint, step, pace, measure of a foot, bottom, basis; aḍime slavery, slave, bondman; aḍiyãḍu slave, servant; aḍi-gaṟṟa sandal, wooden shoe. Ga. (S.2aḍugu footstep (< Te.). Go. (G.) aḍi beneath; (Mu.) aḍit below; aḍita lower; aṛke below; (Ma.) aḍita, aḍna lower; (M.) aḍ(ḍ)i below, low; (L.) aḍī down; (Ko.) aṛgi underneath; aṛgita lower (Voc. 33). Konḍa aḍgi below, underneath; aḍgiR(i) that which is underneath; aḍgiRaṇḍ from below, from the bottom (DEDR 72)

    paṭa 'slab, throne' rebus: పటసాల (p. 695) paṭasāla paṭa-sāla. [Tel.] n. A hall or courtyard. Rebus: paṭṭaḍi 'workshop'  

    aḍi 'feet' (Note the feet shown below the fiery pillar on Amaravati sculptural frieze).
    paṭa पट । शासनपत्रम्, परिणाहः m. a slab, tablet, plate (of metal, for inscription or engraving of royal edicts, grants, etc.); a deed, a title-deed (of land), a deed of lease; a superficies, the width (of a board, piece of cloth, or the like); ˚ -- a chair, a throne; a tiara, a diadem; i.q. paṭh in all its senses. -boḍu -; । विस्तृतपरिणाहः adj. (f. -büdü ;), of great width, very wide. -holu ; । वक्रपरिणाहः adj. (f. -hüjü -ह;), (of something flat) having a crooked, or uneven, width. paṭa-rönī पट-रा&above;नी । महिषी(महाराज्ञी) f. a queen (decorated with a tiara), the principal wife of a king (K. 73, 1132). paṭuku paṭuku पटुकु; । परिणाहसंबन्धी, दानपत्रादिसंबन्धी adj. (f. paṭücü), of, or belonging to, a title-deed; of, or belonging to, width.  (Kashmiri)

    .పట్టము (p. 696) paṭṭamu paṭṭamu. [Skt.] n. A gold band or fillet tied on the forehead of one at the time of his coronation 
    as king, పట్టాభిషేక కాలమున నొసటకట్టెడుపట్టె. A diadem. 
    Silk thread, పట్టుమాలు. The bark of a tree, చెట్టుమీదిపట్ట. A grant or lease granted by asking to the ryots, రాజు రైతులకిచ్చు పట్టా. 
    A title, బిరుదు. 
    A grade or step in genealogy. A kingdom, రాజ్యము. అతనికి ప్రతాప సింహుడనే పట్టము 
    పట్టడ (p. 696) paṭṭaḍa paṭṭaḍu. [Tel.] n. A smithy, a shop. కుమ్మరి వడ్లంగి మొదలగువారు పనిచేయు చోటు. 
    పటకారు (p. 695) paṭakāru paṭakāru. [Tel. పట్టు+కారు.] n. Tongs, great pincers. 
    கொல்லன்பட்டடை kollaṉ-paṭṭaṭai

    , n. < கொல்லன் +. Anvil; அடைகல். (C. G.) சேகரம்பட்டடை cēkaram-paṭṭaṭai

    , n. < சேகரம்¹ +. 1. Village granary of a big land- lord; நிலச்சுவான்தாருக்குரிய கிராமக்களஞ்சியம். Rd. 2. The heap of grain gathered from the various threshing-floors of a landlord; ஒருவருக்குச் சொந்த மான பல களத்திலிருந்து ஒன்றுகூட்டிய நெற்குவியல். Tj.
    பட்டடை¹ paṭṭaṭai
    , n. prob. படு¹- + அடை¹-. 1. [T. paṭṭika, K. paṭṭaḍe.] Anvil; அடைகல். (பிங்.) சீரிடங்காணி னெறிதற்குப் பட்ட டை (குறள், 821). 2. [K. paṭṭaḍi.] Smithy, forge; கொல்லன் களரி. 3. Stock, heap, pile, as of straw, firewood or timber; குவியல். (W.) 4. Corn-rick, enclosure of straw for grain, wattle and daub, granary; தானியவுறை. (W.) 5. Layer or bed of olas for grain; தானியமிடுற்கு ஓலைகளாலமைத்த படுக்கை. (W.) 6. Anything held against another, as a support in driving a nail; prop to keep a thing from falling or moving; ஆணி முதலியன செல்லுதற்கு அடியிலிருந்து தாங்குங் கருவி. (W.) 7. Frame of timbers to place under a dhoney when ashore, to keep it from the ground; கரையிலிருக்கும்போது பூமி யிற் பதியாதபடி அடியில் வைக்குந் தோணிதாங்கி. (W.) 8. Support for the head in place of a pillow; தலையணையாக உதவும் மணை. (W.) 9. Piece of board temporarily used as a seat; உட் காரும் பலகை. (W.) 10. Plank used for crossin a channel; கால்வாய் கடத்தற்கு உதவும் பலகை. (W.) 11. The platform of the car that carries the idol; வாகனத்தட்டு. Loc. 12. Block of wood provided with iron-tubes for explosion of gun-powder; அதிர்வேட்டுக் குழாய்கள் பதிக்கப்பட்ட கட்டை. Loc. 13. Repeated explosion of gun-powder stuffed in iron-tubes; தொடர்ந்து வெடிக்கும் அதிர்வேட்டு. 14. A layer or course of earthwork, as in raising mud-wall; சுவரிலிடும் மண்படை. Loc. 15. Portion allowed to ploughmen from the proceeds of a harvest; குடிவாரம். Loc. 16. Cultivation, irrigation; சாகுபடி செய்கை. பட்டடைக்குத் தண்ணீர் இறைக்க. (W.) 17. Plot of wet land cultivated mainly by lift-irrigation; இறைப்புப் பாசனமுள்ள நன் செய்த் தாக்கு. Loc. 18. (Mus.) The fifth note of the gamut; ஐந்தாம் சுரமாகிய இளியிசை. வண்ணப் பட்டடை யாழ்மேல் வைத்து (சிலப். 3, 63). 19. One of the movements in playing a lute; ஓர் இசைக்கரணம். (குறள், 573, அடிக்குறிப்பு.)

    பட்டடைகட்டு-தல் paṭṭaṭai-kaṭṭu-, v. < id. +. (W.) intr. 1. To store up grain in an enclosure of straw; தானியவுறை கட்டுதல். 2. To set a prop or support; முட்டுக்கொடுத்தல். 3. To erect a workshop; தொழிற்சாலை ஏற்படுத்துதல். 4. To be avaricious; பேராசைப்படுதல்.--tr. To steal; களவுசெய்தல்.

    பட்டடையார் paṭṭaṭaiyār , n. < id. (W. G.) 1. Master of a shop; கடையின் எசமானர். 2. Overseer; மேற்பார்ப்போர்.

    Photograph of the ancient railing around the Mahabodhi Temple, Bodh Gaya, from the Archaeological Survey of India Collections, taken by Henry Baily Wade Garrick in 1880-81. The Mahabodi Temple complex is one of the holy sites related to the life of Buddha

    Bodhgaya pillar friezes with Indus Script hypertexts:

    karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'

    Composite animal, an anthropomorph: Artisan ligatured to body of a bovine:

    dhangar 'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'

    Hieroglyph: fish
    Indian mackerel Ta. ayirai, acarai, acalai loach, sandy colour, Cobitis thermalis; ayilai a kind of fish. Ma. ayala a fish, mackerel, scomber; aila, ayila a fish; ayira a kind of small fish, loach (DEDR 191) Munda: So. Ayo `fish'. Go. ayu `fish'. Go <ayu> (Z), <ayu?u> (Z),, <ayu?> (A) {N} ``^fish''. Kh. kaDOG `fish'. Sa. Hako `fish'. Mu. hai(H) ~ haku(N) ~ haikO(M) `fish'. Ho haku `fish'. Bj. hai `fish'. Bh.haku `fish'. KW haiku ~ hakO |Analyzed hai-kO, ha-kO (RDM). Ku. Kaku`fish'.@(V064,M106) Mu. ha-i, haku `fish' (HJP). @(V341) ayu>(Z), <ayu?u> (Z)  <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish''. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish''. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn''. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn''. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+GOl-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish''. #15163. Vikalpa: Munda: <aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.#10171. So<aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.


    Āyasa Āyasa (adj.) [Sk. āyasa, of ayas iron] made of iron S ii. 182; A iii.58; Dh 345; J iv.416; v.81; Vv 845 (an˚? cp. the rather strange expln. at VvA 335); Ayo & Aya (nt.) [Sk. ayaḥ nt. iron & ore, Idg. *ajes -- , cp. Av. ayah, Lat. aes, Goth. aiz, Ohg. ēr (= Ger. Erz.), Ags. ār (= E. ore).] iron. The nom. ayo found only in set of 5 metals forming an alloy of gold (jātarūpa), viz.ayo, loha (copper), tipu (tin), sīsa (lead), sajjha (silver) A iii.16 = S v.92; of obl. cases only the instr. ayasā occurs Dh 240 (= ayato DhA iii.344); Pv i.1013 (paṭikujjita, of Niraya). -- Iron is the material used kat)e)coxh/nin the outfit & construction of Purgatory or Niraya (see niraya & Avīci & cp. Vism 56 sq.). -- In compn. both ayo˚ & aya˚ occur as bases.   I. ayo˚: -- kapāla an iron pot A iv.70 (v. l. ˚guhala); Nd2 304 iii. d 2 (of Niraya). -- kūṭa an iron hammer PvA 284. -- khīla an iron stake S v.444; M iii.183 = Nd2 304 iii. c; SnA 479. -- guḷa an iron ball S v.283; Dh 308; It 43 = 90; Th 2, 489; DA i.84. -- ghana an iron club Ud 93; VvA 20. -- ghara an iron house J iv.492. -- paṭala an iron roof or ceiling (of Niraya) PvA 52. -- pākāra an iron fence Pv i.1013 = Nd2 304 iii. d 1-- maya made of iron Sn 669 (kūṭa); J iv.492 (nāvā); Pv i.1014 (bhūmi of N.); PvA 43, 52. -- muggara an iron club PvA 55. -- sanku an iron spike S iv.168; Sn 667.   II. aya˚: -- kapāla = ayo˚ DhA i.148 (v. l. ayo˚). -kāra a worker in iron Miln 331. -- kūṭa = ayo˚ J i.108; DhA ii.69 (v. l.). -- nangala an iron plough DhA i.223; iii.67. -- paṭṭaka an iron plate or sheet (cp. loha˚) J v.359.-- paṭhavi an iron floor (of Avīci) DhA i.148. -- sanghāṭaka an iron (door) post DhA iv.104. -- sūla an iron stake Sn 667; DhA i.148. (Pali)  அகி² aki , n. cf. ayas. Iron; இரும்பு. (பிங்.)*அயசு ayacu , n. < ayas. Iron; இரும்பு. (சி. சி.. 4, 8, சிவாக்.)அயம்&sup6; ayam , n. < ayas. 1. Iron; இரும்பு. (பிங்.) 2. Iron filings; அரப்பொடி. (தைலவ. தைல. 6.)அயில்¹ ayil , n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; இரும்பு அயிலாலே போழ்ப வயில் (பழமொ. 8). 2. Surgical knife, lancet; சத்திரம் வைக்குங் கத்தி. அயிலரி யிரலை விழுப்புண் (ஞானா. 30). 3. Javelin, lance; வேல். அயில்புரை நெடுங்கண் (ஞானா. 33). 4. Sharpness; கூர்மை. ஆண்மகன் கையி லயில்வாள் (நாலடி. 386). 5. Sedge; கோரை. (W.)அயோற்கம் ayōṟkam , n. < ayas. Iron filings; அரப்பொடி. (W.) అయస్కాంతము (p. 76) ayaskāntamu ayas-kāntamu. [Skt.] n. The load-stone, a magnet. సూదంటురాయి అయస్కారుడు ayaskāruḍu. n. A black smith, one who works in iron. కమ్మరి. అయస్సు ayassu. n. Iron. ఇనుము., 

    aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). Ta. ayil javelin, lance, surgical knife, lancet.Ma. ayil javelin, lance; ayiri surgical knife, lancet. (DEDR 193). aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Ta.); ayir – iron dust, any ore (Ma.) Kur. adar the waste of pounded rice, broken grains, etc. Malt. adru broken grain (DEDR 134).  Ma. aśu thin, slender;ayir, ayiram iron dust.Ta. ayir subtlety, fineness, fine sand, candied sugar; ? atar fine sand, dust. அய.³ ayir, n. 1. Subtlety, fineness; நணசம. (__.) 2. [M. ayir.] Fine sand; நணமணல. (மலசலப. 92.) ayiram, n.  Candied sugar; ayil, n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; 2. Surgical knife, lancet; Javelin, lance; ayilavaṉ, Skanda, as bearing a javelin (DEDR 341).Tu. gadarů a lump (DEDR 1196)  kadara— m. ‘iron goad for guiding an elephant’ lex. (CDIAL 2711). অয়সঠন [ aẏaskaṭhina ] a as hard as iron; extremely hard (Bengali) अयोगूः A blacksmith; Vāj.3.5. अयस् a. [-गतौ-असुन्] Going, moving; nimble. n. (-यः) 1 Iron (एति चलति अयस्कान्तसंनिकर्षं इति तथात्वम्नायसोल्लिख्यते रत्नम् Śukra 4.169.अभितप्तमयो$पि मार्दवं भजते कैव कथा शरीरिषु R.8.43. -2 Steel. -3 Gold. -4 A metal in general. ayaskāṇḍa 1 an iron-arrow. -2 excellent iron. -3 a large quantity of iron. -_नत_(अयसक_नत_) 1 'beloved of iron', a magnet, load-stone; 2 a precious stone; ˚मजण_ a loadstone; ayaskāra 1 an iron-smith, blacksmith (Skt.Apte) ayas-kāntamu. [Skt.] n. The load-stone, a magnet. ayaskāruḍu. n. A black smith, one who works in iron. ayassu. n. ayō-mayamu. [Skt.] adj. made of iron (Te.) áyas— n. ‘metal, iron’ RV. Pa. ayō nom. sg. n. and m., aya— n. ‘iron’, Pk. aya— n., Si. ya. AYAŚCŪRṆA—, AYASKĀṆḌA—, *AYASKŪṬA—. Addenda: áyas—: Md. da ‘iron’, dafat ‘piece of iron’. ayaskāṇḍa— m.n. ‘a quantity of iron, excellent iron’ Pāṇ. gaṇ. viii.3.48 [ÁYAS—, KAA ́ṆḌA—]Si.yakaḍa ‘iron’.*ayaskūṭa— ‘iron hammer’. [ÁYAS—, KUU ́ṬA—1] Pa. ayōkūṭa—, ayak m.; Si. yakuḷa‘sledge —hammer’, yavuḷa (< ayōkūṭa) (CDIAL 590, 591, 592). cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa; Old Germ. e7r , iron ;Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.

    Skambha, the Pillar or Fulcrum of all existence (Atharva Veda Skambha Suka AV X.7)

    Skambha Sukta ( Atharva Veda X-7 )

    kásminn áṅge tápo asyā́dhi tiṣṭhati kásminn áṅga r̥tám asyā́dhy ā́hitam

    kvà vratáṃ kvà śraddhā́sya tiṣṭhati kásminn áṅge satyám asya prátiṣṭhitam 1

    kásmād áṅgād dīpyate agnír asya kásmād áṅgāt pavate mātaríśva

    kásmād áṅgād ví mimīté 'dhi candrámā mahá skambhásya mímāno áṅgam 2

    kásminn áṅge tiṣṭhati bhū́mir asya kásminn áṅge tiṣṭhaty antárikṣam

    kásminn áṅge tiṣṭhaty ā́hitā dyáuḥ kásminn áṅge tiṣṭhaty úttaraṃ diváḥ 3

    kvà prépsan dīpyata ūrdhvó agníḥ kvà prépsan pavate mātaríśvā

    yátra prépsantīr abhiyánty āvŕ̥taḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 4

    kvā̀rdhamāsā́ḥ kvà yanti mā́sāḥ saṃvatsaréṇa sahá saṃvidānā́ḥ

    yátra yánty r̥távo yátrārtavā́ḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 5

    kvà prépsantī yuvatī́ vírūpe ahorātré dravataḥ saṃvidāné
    yátra prépsantīr abhiyánty ā́paḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 6

    yásmint stabdhvā́ prajā́patir lokā́nt sárvām̐ ádhārayat
    skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 7

    yát paramám avamám yác ca madhyamáṃ prajā́patiḥ sasr̥jé viśvárūpam
    kíyatā skambháḥ prá viveśa tátra yán ná prā́viśat kíyat tád babhūva 8

    kíyatā skambháḥ prá viveśa bhūtám kíyad bhaviṣyád anvā́śaye 'sya
    ékaṃ yád áṅgam ákr̥ṇot sahasradhā́ kíyatā skambháḥ prá viveśa tátra 9

    yátra lokā́mś ca kóśāṃś cā́po bráhma jánā vidúḥ
    ásac ca yátra sác cāntá skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 10

    yátra tápaḥ parākrámya vratáṃ dhāráyaty úttaram
    r̥táṃ ca yátra śraddhā́ cā́po bráhma samā́hitāḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 11

    yásmin bhū́mir antárikṣaṃ dyáur yásminn ádhy ā́hitā
    yátrāgníś candrámāḥ sū́ryo vā́tas tiṣṭhanty ā́rpitāḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 12

    yásya tráyastriṃśad devā́ áṅge sárve samā́hitāḥ
    skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 13

    yátra ŕ̥ṣayaḥ prathamajā́ ŕ̥caḥ sā́ma yájur mahī́
    ekarṣír yásminn ā́rpitaḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 14

    yátrāmŕ̥taṃ ca mr̥tyúś ca púruṣé 'dhi samā́hite
    samudró yásya nāḍyàḥ púruṣé 'dhi samā́hitāḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 15

    yásya cátasraḥ pradíśo nāḍyàs tíṣṭhanti prathamā́ḥ
    yajñó yátra párākrāntaḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 16

    yé púruṣe bráhma vidús té viduḥ parameṣṭhínam
    yó véda parameṣṭhínaṃ yáś ca véda prajā́patim
    jyeṣṭháṃ yé brā́hmaṇaṃ vidús te skambhám anusáṃviduḥ 17

    yásya śíro vaiśvānaráś cákṣur áṅgirasó 'bhavan
    áṅgāni yásya yātávaḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 18

    yásya bráhma múkham āhúr jihvā́ṃ madhukaśā́m utá
    virā́jam ū́dho yásyāhúḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 19

    yásmād ŕ̥co apā́takṣan yájur yásmād apā́kaṣan
    sā́māni yásya lómāny atharvāṅgiráso múkhaṃ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 20

    asaccākhā́ṃ pratíṣṭhantīṃ paramám iva jánā viduḥ
    utó sán manyanté 'vare yé te śā́khām upā́sate 21

    yátrādityā́ś ca rudrā́ś ca vásavaś ca samā́hítāḥ
    bhūtáṃ ca yátra bhávyaṃ ca sárve lokā́ḥ prátiṣṭhitāḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 22

    yásya tráyastriṃśad devā́ nidhíṃ rákṣanti sarvadā́
    nidhíṃ tám adyá kó veda yáṃ devā abhirákṣatha 23

    yátra devā́ brahmavído bráhma jyeṣṭhám upā́sate
    yó vái tā́n vidyā́t pratyákṣaṃ sá brahmā́ véditā syāt 24

    br̥hánto nā́ma té devā́ yé 'sataḥ pári jajñiré
    ékaṃ tád áṅgaṃ skambhásyā́sad āhuḥ paró jánāḥ 25

    yátra skambháḥ prajanáyan purāṇáṃ vyávartayat
    ékaṃ tád áṅgaṃ skambhásya purāṇám anusáṃviduḥ 26

    yásya tráyastriṃśad devā́ áṅge gā́trā vibhejiré
    tā́n vái tráyastriṃśad devā́n éke brahamvído viduḥ 27

    hiraṇyagarbhám paramám anatyudyáṃ jánā viduḥ
    skambhás tád ágre prā́siñcad dhíraṇyaṃ loké antarā́ 28

    skambhé lokā́ḥ skambhé tápaḥ skambhé 'dhy r̥tám ā́hitam
    skámbha tvā́ veda pratyákṣam índre sárvaṃ samā́hitam 29

    índre lokā́ índre tápa índre 'dhy r̥tám ā́hitam
    índraṃ tvā́ veda pratyákṣaṃ skambhé sárvaṃ prátiṣṭhitam 30

    nā́ma nā́mnā johavīti purā́ sū́ryāt puróṣásaḥ
    yád ajáḥ prathamáṃ saṃbabhū́va sá ha tát svarā́jyam iyāya yásmān nā́nyát páram ásti bhūtám 31

    yásya bhū́miḥ pramā́ntárikṣam utódáram
    dívaṃ yáś cakré mūrdhā́naṃ tásmai jyeṣṭhā́ya bráhmaṇe námaḥ 32

    yásya sū́ryaś cákṣuś candrámāś ca púnarṇavaḥ
    agníṃ yáś cakrá āsyàṃ tásmai jyeṣṭhā́ya bráhmaṇe námaḥ 33

    yásya vā́taḥ prāṇāpānáu cákṣur áṅgirasó 'bhavan
    díśo yáś cakré prajñā́nīs tásmai jyeṣṭhā́ya bráhmaṇe námaḥ 34

    skambhó dādhāra dyā́vāpr̥thivī́ ubhé imé skambhó dādhārorv àntárikṣam
    skambhó dādhāra pradíśaḥ ṣáḍ urvī́ḥ skambhá idáṃ víśvaṃ bhúvanam ā́ viveśa 35

    yáḥ śrámāt tápaso jātó lokā́nt sárvānt samānaśé
    sómaṃ yáś cakré kévalaṃ tásmai jyeṣṭhā́ya bráhmaṇe námaḥ 36

    katháṃ vā́to nélayati katháṃ ná ramate mánaḥ
    kím ā́paḥ satyáṃ prépsantīr nélayanti kadā́ caná 37

    mahád yakṣáṃ bhúvanasya mádhye tápasi krāntáṃ salilásya pr̥ṣṭhé
    tásmin chrayante yá u ké ca devā́ vr̥kṣásya skándhaḥ paríta iva śā́khāḥ 38

    yásmai hástābhyāṃ pā́dābhyāṃ vācā́ śrótreṇa cákṣuṣā
    yásmai devā́ḥ sádā balíṃ prayáchanti vímité 'mitaṃ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 39

    ápa tásya hatáṃ támo vyā́vr̥ttaḥ sá pāpmánā
    sárvāṇi tásmin jyótīṃṣi yā́ni trī́ṇi prajā́patau 40

    yó vetasáṃ hiraṇyáyaṃ tiṣṭhantaṃ salilé véda
    sá vái gúhyaḥ prajā́patiḥ 41

    tantrám éke yuvatī́ vírūpe abhyākrā́maṃ vayataḥ ṣáṇmayūkham prā́nyā́ tántūṃs tiráte dhatté anyā́ nā́pa vr̥ñjāte ná gamāto ántam 42

    táyor aháṃ parinŕ̥tyantyor iva ná ví jānāmi yatarā́ parástāt
    púmān enad vayaty úd gr̥ṇanti púmān enad ví jabhārā́dhi nā́ke 43

    imé mayū́khā úpa tastabhur dívaṃ sā́māni cakrus tásarāṇi vā́tave 44

    1Which of his members is the seat of Fervour: Which is the base
       of Ceremonial Order? p. 21
      Where in him standeth Faith? Where Holy Duty? Where, in
       what part of him is truth implanted?
    2Out of which member glows the light of Agni? Form which
       proceeds the breath of Mātarisvan?
      From which doth Chandra measure out his journey, travelling
       over Skambha's mighty body?
    3Which of his members is the earth's upholder? Which gives the
       middle air a base to rest on?
      Where, in which member is the sky established? Where hath
       the space above the sky its dwelling?
    4Whitherward yearning blazeth Agni upward? Whitherward
       yearning bloweth Mātarisvan?
      Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha to whom with long-
       ing go the turning pathways?
    5Whitheward go the half-months, and, accordant with the full
       year, the months in their procession?
      Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha to whom go seasons
       and the groups of seasons?
    6Whitherward yearning speed the two young Damsels, accordant,
      Day and Night, of different colour?
      Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha to whom the Waters
       take their way with longing?
    7Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha,
      On whom Prajāpati set up and firmly stablished all the worlds?
    8That universe which Prajāpati created, wearing all forms,, the
       highest, midmost, lowest,
      How far did Skambha penetrate within it? What portion did
       he leave unpenetrated?
    9How far within the past hath Skambha entered? How much of
       him hath reached into the future?
      That one part which he set in thousand places,—how far did
      Skambha penetrate within it?
    10Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha in whom men
       recognize the Waters, Brahma,
      In whom they know the worlds and their enclosures, in whom
       are non-existence and existence?
    11Declare that. Skambha, who is he of many,
      In whom, exerting every power, Fervour maintains her loftiest
       vow; p. 22
      In whom are comprehended Law, Waters, Devotion and Belief
    12Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
      On whom as their foundation earth and firmament and sky are
      In whom as their appointed place rest Fire and Moon and Sun
       and Wind?
    13Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
      He in whose body are contained all three-and-thirty Deities?
    14Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha.
      In whom the Sages earliest born, the Richas, Sāman, Yajus,
      Earth, and the one highest Sage abide?
    15Who out of many, tell me, is the Skambha.
      Who comprehendeth, for mankind, both immortality and death,
      He who containeth for mankind the gathered waters as his
    16Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha,
      He whose chief arteries stand there, the sky's four regions, he irk
       whom Sacrifice putteth forth its might?
    17They who in Purusha understand Brahma know Him who is.
      He who knows Him who is Supreme, and he who knows the
      Lord of Life,
      These know the loftiest Power Divine, and thence know Skam-
       bha thoroughly.
    18Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
      Of whom Vaisvānara became the head, the Angirases his eye,
       and Yātus his corporeal parts?
    19Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
      Whose mouth they say is Holy Lore, his tongue the Honey-
       sweetened Whip, his udder is Virāj, they say?
    20Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
      From whom they hewed the lichas off, from whom they
       chipped the Yajus, he
      Whose hairs are Sāma-verses and his mouth the Atharvāngi-
    21Men count as 'twere a thing supreme nonentity's conspicuous
      And lower man who serve thy branch regard it as an entity.
    22Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha p. 23
      In whom Ādityas dwell, in whom Rudras and Vasus are
      In whom the future and the past and all the worlds are firmly
    23Whose secret treasure evermore the three-and thirty Gods
      Who knoweth now the treasure which, O Deities ye watch and
    24Where the Gods, versed in Sacred Lore, worship the loftiest
      Power Divine
      The priest who knows them face to face may be a sage who
       knows the truth.
    25Great, verily, are those Gods who sprang from non-existence
       into life.
      Further, men say that that one part of Skambha is nonentity.
    26Where Skambha generating gave the Ancient World its shape
       and form,
      They recognized that single part of Skambha as the Ancient
    27The three-and-thirty Gods within his body were disposed as
      Some, deeply versed in Holy Lore, some know those three-and-
       thirty Gods.
    28Men know Hiranyagarbha as supreme and inexpressible:
      In the beginning, in the midst of the world, Skambha poured
       that gold.
    29On Skambha Fervour rests, the worlds and Holy Law repose on
      Skambha, I clearly know that all of thee on Indra is imposed.
    30On Indra Fervour rests, on him the worlds and Holy Law
      Indra, I clearly know that all of thee on Skambha findeth rest.
    31Ere sun and dawn man calls and calls one Deity by the other's
      When the Unborn first sprang into existence he reached that
       independent sovran lordship; than which aught higher never
       hath arisen.
    32Be reverence paid to him, that highest Brahma, whose base is
      Earth, his belly Air, who made the sky to be his head. p. 24
    33Homage to highest Brahma, him whose eye is Sūrya and the
      Moon who groweth young and new again, him who made
      Agni for his mouth.
    34Homage to highest Brahma, him whose two life-breathings were
       the Wind,
      The Angirases his sight: who made the regions be his means of
    35Skambha set fast these two, the earth and heaven, Skambha
       maintained the ample air between them.
      Skambha established the six spacious regions: this whole world
      Skambha entered and pervaded.
    36Homage to highest Brahma, him who, sprung from Fervour and
       from toil,
      Filled all the worlds completely, who made Soma for himself
    37Why doth the Wind move ceaselessly? Why doth the spirit take
       no rest?
      Why do the Waters, seeking truth, never at any time repose?
    38Absorbed in Fervour, is the mighty Being, in the world's centre,
       on the waters' surface.
      To him the Deities, one and all betake them. So stand the tree-
       trunk with the branches round it.
    39Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha.
      To whom the Deities with hands, with feet, and voice, and ear,
       and eye.
      Present unmeasured tribute in the measured hall of sacrifice?
    40Darkness is chased away from him: he is exempt from all dist-
      In him are all the lights, the three abiding in Prajāpati.
    41He verily who knows the Reed of Gold that stands amid the
       flood, is the mysterious Lord of Life.
    42Singly the two young Maids of different colours approach the
       six-pegged warp in turns and weave it.
      The one draws out the threads, the other lays them: they break
       them not, they reach no end of labour.
    43Of these two, dancing round as 'twere, I cannot distinguish
       whether ranks before the other.
      A Male in weaves this web, a Male divides it: a Male hath
       stretched it to the cope of heaven p. 25
    44These pegs have buttressed up the sky. The Sāmans have turned
       them into shuttles for the weaving.

    The Amaravati Album


    Although the pictures below show only a portion of each drawing, they lead into pop-up images of entire drawings. Detailed scans of each folio can be accessed through the links, but will take some time to download.

    Two Medallions

    Drawing of two medallions (perhaps the inner and outer face of the same piece). [WD1061, folio 45]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed:3ft. by 3ft.2in. Outer circle 2nd. H.H. March 8th 1817.
    Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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    Men Running Through a Crowd
    Drawing of railing medallion carved with scene of men running through a crowd. [WD1061, folio 49]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed:3ft.1.8in. across (height not given). H.H. 14th March 1817.Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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    Devotees Around a Stupa
    Drawing of medallion showing devotees around a stupa. [WD1061, folio 63].
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed:2ft.11.5in. by 3ft.3.3in. The best finished sculpture in Depaldinna. Outer gate. .H. April 1817.
    Location of Sculpture: The British Museum, Knox (1992) catalogue number 27; Barrett (1954) catalogue number 85; BM8.
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    Adoration of the Buddha Begging Bowl
    Drawing of medallion showing a man holding a begging bowl surrounded by devotees.[WD1061, folio 65]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed: 2ft.11in. by 3ft.2.6in. Outer circle No.18 (No.19 drawn by Newman) Principal figure horse. H.H. April 1817.
    Location of Sculpture: Madras Government Museum, Chennai. Accession number 132. See Sivaramamurti catalogue (1998), plate number XXVI.
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    Dancers and Musicians
    Drawings of both sides of a medallion. The front is carved with dancers and musicians and the back with a lotus medallion. [WD1061, folio 66]
    Copyright © The British Library Board
    Inscribed: 2ft.llin. by 3ft.3in. Outer Circle 16 (17 drawn by Newman). T. A.15th April 1817.
    Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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    Male Devotees Around a Throne
    Drawing of two medallions (probably the front and back of the same piece) showing (a) male devotees surrounding a throne (b) lotus medallion. [WD1061, folio 76]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed: No.61. H.H. August 1817.
    Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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    Naga King
    Drawing of two medallions (probably the front and back of the same piece) showing (a) Naga king surrounded by women (b) lotus medallion. [WD1061, folio 77]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed: 6ft.1.5in. by 3ft.3in. No.59. H.H. August 1817.
    Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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    Seated Couple
    Drawing of a medallion with seated couple surrounded by attendants. [WD1061, folio 85]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed: 2ft.6.5in. by 2ft.6.5in. T.A.
    Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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    Elephant and Riders
    Drawing of medallion with elephant and riders. [WD1061, folio 86]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed: 2ft. 11.5in. by 2ft.11.5in. The situation of this stone is to the south of the stones Mr. Hamilton drew last. T.A.
    Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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    Lotus Pattern
    Drawing of medallion with lotus pattern. [WD1061, folio 87]
    Copyright © The British Library Board

    Inscribed: Ground.
    Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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    Two Medallions

    0 0
    Location of Sakatpur, Uttar Pradesh
    Saharanpur is in the region of copperhoard sites of Ganga-Yamuna doab. Included in the hoards is an Indus Script hypertext which is called an anthropomorph of copper from Sheorajpur inscribed on the chest of the ram with curved horns, with a 'fish' hieroglyph.  This artifact with Indus Script hypertext is conclusive proof that the Indus Script documentation tradition continued in the copperhoards of Ganga-Yamuna copper hoard culture. See:

    Type I Anthropomorph, Standing with fish inscription
    Sheorajpur (Inv. No O.37a, State Museum of Lucknow. 
    ayo 'fish' mẽḍhā 'curved horn' meḍḍha 'ram' rebus: ayo meḍh 'metal merchant' ayo mēdhā 'metal expert' karṇika 'spread legs' rebus: karṇika कर्णिक 'steersman'.
    Thus, Type I anthropomorph signifies a steersman (of seafaring vessel), metals expert, metals merchant.

    Almost all known techniques of a copper-bronze technology used in Sarasvati Civilization: intersection of art-sciences of archaeology and of metallurgy

    As CC Lamberg-Karlovsky rightly notes: “It is evident that the use of and advantages of low-tin bronze were known in this area. A chisel from Nevasa contained 2.72 percent tin, with traces of lead and nickel, while an assorted copper bangle and bead were made of native copper. The techniques used to produce these objects were found out through metallographic analysis: although there was evidence for dendritic segregation in the chisel, as there is in all cast alloys, the dendrites had been broken up by hot forging after casting and finishing just above the recrystallization temperature (ca. 500 degrees C); both the bangle and the bead were worked by hot-hamering at a relatively high temperature. The distribution of these techniques, as well as that of the hoards, is still imperfectly known. A recently found hoard at Khurdi in Rajasthan brought to light flat-axes, long bar celts, and a channel-spouted bowl with similarities to distant Sialk and Navdatoli types. The possibility that these objects found in hoards represent the scattered remains of indigenous northern tribes, i.e., Nishadas, Pulindas, Savaras, or possibly a fusion of these, has been suggested by Sankalia. The rather extensive inventory of the metallic implements found in India and Pakistan covers almost all known techniques of a copper-bronze technology. The dearth of stratified metal objects, howevere, makes a study of its developmental processes almost impossible…The common heritage of metallurgy of Baluchistan of northern India, has been noted and offered as an explanation for the complex interrelationships that are found in these areas. The importance of diffusion from the west has been emphasized, possibly more the diffusion of ideas and techniques than the diffusion of forms. As might be expected with the examination of the complex art-science of metallurgy by the complex art-science of archaeology, the results can be only tentative and the quest for new data continued.”(CC Lamberg-Karlovsky, 1967, Archeology and Metallurgical ‘Technology in Prehistoric Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan, in: American Anthropologist, 69, 1967, p.160).

    Sakatpur Copper axes point to an ancient culture story

    Ancient tools: The copper axes, thought to belong to 2000 BC, from Sakatpur.  

    Archaeologists excited, as discovery may shine light on a 4,000-year-old Ganga-Yamuna culture

    Six copper axes and some pieces of pottery discovered in Sakatpur of Saharanpur district in Uttar Pradeshcould point to a separate culture that straddled the Ganga and Yamuna, coinciding with the Indus Valley Civilisation, say archaeologists.
    The Archaeological Survey of India is excavating the site at Rampur Maniharan, hoping to discover more artefacts.

    In fertile plains

    When the Indus Valley civilisation flourished in what is today Punjab, Haryana and parts of Pakistan, a parallel culture is thought to have co-existed in the fertile plains between the Ganga and the Yamuna in western Uttar Pradesh.
    The copper axes and pottery sherds found last week may be related to the Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP) culture in the doab (plains) of the two rivers in the late Harappan period, around 2000 BC.
    The Superintending Archaeologist, ASI (Agra circle) Bhuvan Vikrama, told The Hindu that going by what had been found, it could well be related to the OCP culture. OCP marked the last stage of the North Indian Copper Age.

    Found by chance

    Workers of a brick kiln in Sakatpur found the axes when they were digging to collect soil. The ASI then sent a team to excavate.
    The people who used ochre pottery and their culture are specific to the doab region.
    The first remnants of OCP culture were found in Hastinapur, in Meerut district, in 1951 and later in Atranjikhera in Eta district.

    Direct evidence

    “We are excited because this is the first time we have discovered remnants of the OCP culture directly,” Mr. Vikrama said.
    “We have done three days of excavation and found only pottery. Since excavation is a slow process we expect to find more remains like habitat dispositions in the depth of the soil. We are not yet calling it a proper civilisation and terming it only as a culture, because unlike the Harappan civilisation, we still do not know much about OCP culture. But this time we are hopeful that we will unearth interesting details,” he added.
    Scholars differ in their interpretation of the nature of OCP culture. Those like V.N. Misra see it as “only a final and impoverished stage of the late-Harappan,” while others view it as completely unrelated to Harappa.

    Image result for sakatpur archaeology
    Excavation work underway in Sakatpur village ofSaharanpur district .

    4,000-year-old copper axes point to an ancient culture story

    Sakatpur excavation may reveal startling facts

    Swati Sharma | Meerut | 
    The excavation in village Sakatpur of Saharanpur might reveal many startling facts related to the history of this area. A grinding stone set has been recovered by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in the excavation besides pottery and copper axes which are related to the human existence.
    An ASI team has been put on the task for excavation from Friday at village Sakatpur of Rampur Maniharan in Saharanpur district. This excavation is being led by Bhuwan Vikram, Supervising archaeologist of Agra Circle of ASI. Three trenches of 2X2 meters have been made at the site where the excavation has started in which some pottery has also been recovered as well as a grinding stone set which has been sent to the lab for testing.
    In fact, the area caught attention of the ASI when six copper axes were found by labourers of brick kiln while digging the mud. They immediately brought this to the notice of the owners of the kiln who approached ASI through different channels. "The discovery of copper axes sounded interesting and we decided to excavate the land in order to study the historical and archaeological significance of the region," said Vikram, who is himself supervising the excavation work.
    Although the excavation is a very  slow process, there is a hope in the archaeologists  to encounter more of  pottery and habitat deposition deep in the  soil which might add to the history on the old civilization of this doab(Land between two rivers Ganga and Yamuna) area.
    "Use of copper axes and potteries found here were quite prevalent in the region of Ganga valley," Vikram said, adding that it, however, could be interlinked only after encountering  with the habitat deposition beneath the layers of the soil after few more days of excavation".
    Vikram  admitted that  old civilizations flourished in doab of Ganga and Yamuna. The existence of old civilizations in the area was also proved by excavations in some other parts of western UP, including Hastinapur of Meerut and Sinauli of Baghpat district. Earlier, the ASI had excavated at village Sinauli on Baraut-Chaprauli road where some graveyards, axes , and stone jewellery were discovered, giving clues of existence of ancient civilizations.
    A similar excavation was done by B Lal, a well-known archaeologist of the country in 1951 in Hastinapur where pottery, stones , beads and a structure like of a grand house was discovered . In his report, Lal had concluded that  ancient civilization flourished in Hastinapur.

    Key to why Harappans moved east lies in excavations

    Artefactsalt AMRITA MADHUKALYA | Updated: Oct 5, 2017, 06:45 AM IST, DNA
    Pottery and other cultural material, dating back to over 2000 BC that was found at an excavation site in Uttar Pradesh's Sakatpur village by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) between January and March this year could help archaeologists understand why people from the late Harappan civilisation moved eastwards as the civilisation disintegrated.
    During the excavation, officials of the Agra Circle of the ASI found a host of materials, including six copper axes, over four kilns, pottery, beads and stone material.
    Superintendent Archaeologist of the Agra Circle, Dr Bhuvan Vikrama, says that the ASI carried out the excavation at the site after construction workers stumbled upon dated brick material. He adds that the findings could point at either a late Harappan civilisation, which ranges from 1800 BCE to 1700 BCE, or at the 2nd millennium BC Ochre Coloured Pottery culture (OCP).
    "The stone material and beads that we found at the site is typologically different from the Harappan civilisation, and is yet contemporary to the late Harappan period. The findings could also reveal a culture along the Yamuna with linkages to Harappan civilisation," said Dr Vikrama. He added that the ASI has now sent material from the site for carbon dating, and while 2000 BC is a tentative date, it could also be pushed back further.
    Dr. Mayank Vahia, a scientist at the department of Astronomy and Astrophysics at the TATA Institute of Fundamental Research, says that the findings could help archaeologists study why the late Harappan Civilisation moved eastwards. "Sakatpur will not be the first finding from the period, and there have been several findings in Central Maharashtra dating to periods between 1700 and 1900 BCE. Yet, the study is significant because little is known about why people moved towards Eastern India when the Harappan Civilisation was in its last days," said Dr Vahia.

    ASI finds 4,000-year-old pottery, terracotta figurine in Saharanpur

    TNN | Updated: May 7, 2017, 10:28 IST
    AGRA: A small plot of land in Sakatpur Must village under Rampur Maniharan tehsil of Saharanpur district continues to surprise Archaeological Survey of India officials with its rich deposit of 4000-year-old pottery, probably belonging to the Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP) period. Last year, the archaeological body had found six copper axes from the same spot in a chance discovery.

    Following their director general's permission, ASI's Agra circle is carrying out an excavation here, which will continue for a month or so. The department chief said they would try to determine the exact age of the finds using carbon dating. "This excavation aims at establishing the link between the Copper Hoard and the OCP culture in the area and also to search for the antecedent cultures of the land," said ASI superintending archaeologist Bhuvan Vikrama.

    "We are finding good materials from the site which is 425 sq metres in size. We will continue our excavation for some more time. There are terracotta figurines, toy cart wheels, balls, painted pottery which are being found just 30 cm below the ground and continuing up to 1.3 metre. The pottery may date back to 2000 BC, but exact dates are yet to be ascertained. The discovery may be prior to the OCP culture, but it will only be known after the carbon dating," Vikrama added.

    It was a chance discovery last year as a brick kiln owner who owned the land was digging earth in the area when he found them. ASI officials received a call from the Saharanpur administration about the axes recovered from the brick-kiln owner. Subsequently, a two-member ASI team visited the site and brought the artefacts with them here for further study.

    "Six axes were in the form of a hoard and kept one over the other. It is a prized discovery and would help us know more about that period. In the same area, bits and pieces of OCP were also found," an official said who had visited the site.

    After Saharanpur, ASI plans to focus on Bijnor where it had found a cauldron filled with copper utensils dating back to the Harappan era last year.
    The discovery was made in July last year by a farmer while he was levelling his field in Harinagar village under Chandpur tehsil of Bijnor district. The cauldron, two feet in diameter and three feet in height, was filled with mud up to the brim. Suspecting that it might have valuable items, villagers removed the mud only to find utensils and small tools, all made of copper. Subsequently, the sub-divisional magistrate of Chandpur handed it over to the ASI for further study.

    This village may hold key to a bygone civilisation

    Excavation work underway in Sakatpur village ofSaharanpur district .(HT Photo)

    A chance discovery of six copper axes and some pieces of pottery has spurred the Archaeological Survey of India into excavating a site in Sakatpur village of Rampur Maniharan area in Saharanpur district, in the hope of recovering more remains of an old civilization that once flourished in the doab (plains) of Ganga and Yamuna rivers.
    A team of archaeologists began the excavation on Friday under the supervision of Dr Bhuvan Vikram, supervising archaeologist, ASI Agra Circle. Vikram, who believes that the excavation may unearth many interesting facts, said, “Excavation is a very slow process and we hope to find pottery and habitat deposition in the depths of the soil.”
    Dr Vikram said that a chance discovery of six copper axes attracted the attention of historians and archaeologists towards this tiny village. Some labourers of a nearby brick kiln were digging to collect soil to manufacture bricks and they found six copper axes. They reported the matter to their owner and it was eventually reported to the ASI while passing through different routes. “It sounded interesting and we decided to excavate the land to ascertain the historical and archaeological significance of the region’, said Dr Vikram, who has been camping here to supervise the excavation.
    He said the use of copper axes and the type of pottery found here was quite prevalent in the Ganga valley civilisation. Locals very often came across remains of pottery and other things in their fields.
    Earlier, the ASI had excavated a site at Sinauli village on Baraut-Chaprauli Road and discovered graveyards and other archaeological remains, including stone jewellery and axes. The site is still an attraction for students of history and archaeology. The then Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh’s daughter had also visited the site and collected inputs about it.
    source: / Hindustan Times / Home> Cities> Lucknow / by S Raju, Meerut, Hindustan Times / February 26th, 2017


    Ochre Coloured Pottery culture(OCP)3000-2300BCE

    Click the image to open in full size.

    OCP and copper hoard culture overlap showing its more or less a successive culture of OCP 2300 to 1600 BCE

    Hulas is situated some 140 km north-east of Delhi across the Jamuna river in Saharanpur. 

    A hypertext of seal impression (also repeated on over 80 inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora) discovered at this site has been deciphered and indicates the significant role played by Meluhha artisans/seafaring merchants in handling tin cargo on the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi (Ancient Far East) to Haifa (Ancient Near East).

    It is a challenge to delineate the routes which enabled the seafaring trade along the navigable river channels (Ganga-Yamuna Doab, Sarasvati-Sindhu Doab), Persian Gulf, Tigris-Euphrates and Mediterranean Sea beyond Mari.
    Hulas: Late Harappan inscribed terracotta sealing.Zebu figurine. poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. 
    ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' rebus: karNika 'scribe, account' 

    If a leafy branch is signified on the middle hieroglyph, the rebus reading could be: dALa 'leafy branch' rebus: dALa 'large (oxhide) ingot'. Thus, the inscription signifies tin ingot cargo for shipment.
    Hulas, Saharanpur Dist., Uttar Pradesh. Seal impression. (Excavator: KN Dikshit, ASI) See: KN Dikxhit, ed., 1983, Excavations at Hulas (1978-1983) (From Harappan times to Early Medieval), Delhi, ASI (265 pages)

    “The geographical horizon of Harappan civilization extended even into the Ganga-Yamuna doab on the east and to Gujarat and Maharashtra in the southeasterly direction. The end was not abrupt and final as thought earlier, but like its genesis it is still a vexed issue…A survey of some of the excavated sites and other field data in north India, viz., Manda in Jammu and Kashmir, Kotla Nihan Khan, Ropar,Chandigarh,Bara, Dher Majra, Sanghol, Katpalon, Nagar and Dadheri in Panjab, Mitathal, Banawali, Balu, Mirzabpru, Daulatpur and Bhagwanpura in Haryana and Alamgirpur, Barrgaon and Hulas in Uttar Pradesh, have provided sufficient material for understanding the settlement pattern and other social and cultural aspects including the chronological framework of Harappan vis-à-vis Late Harappan cultures. In north India the migration took place along the river system but in Gujarat and Saurashtra, it was also possibly along the coastal belt…The annual floods also helped in irrigation and this may be the reason that even the banks of the smallest streams in Panjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh were directly occupied. The migratory pressures of Harappans to Gujarat and further south and to Panjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh appears to be not only for agricultural produce but were possibly coupled with some other needs such as exploitation of timber from the forest hills of Himalayas, copper from Khetri area and more clayey alluvial plains for the cultivating of cotton. The Babylonian and Greek names for cotton, Sindhu and Hindon respectively point to the Indus valley as the home of cotton…The pottery of Late Harappan period in Upper Ganga-Yamuna doab revealed a typological affinity with the Ochre Coloured Ware which Is also circumstantially associated with the Copper Hoards in western Uttar Pradesh…” (Chapter IX. Comparison and Conclusion. pp.233-235).

    I suggest that Hulas is a continuum of the epicentre of the civilization which was the Sarasvati River Basin accounting for over 2000 sites, that is, 80% of all sites of the civilization.

    Hulas, located in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab; shown in relation to Sanauli on the South and Bahadarabad on the north (on an eastern tributary of Yamuna River)
    Cluster of sites including Rakhigarhi, close to and west of Hulas.

    KN Dikshit notes the following devolutionary phases: A.      Early mature Harappa: Rakhigarhi, Banawali, Balu, Kotla Nihang Khan and Ropar B.      Late mature Harappa: Ropar, Chandigarh, Bara, Mitathal IIA Mirzapur, Alamgirpur and Hulas C.      Late Harappa: Mitathal IIB, Sanghol I, Bhagwanpura IA and Bargaon D.      Overlap (Late Harappa PGW): Bhagwanpura IB, Dadheri IB, Nagar I and Katpalon I

    Ochre coloured pottery (OCP) copper hoard sites. "About the cultural association of the Hoards with OCP, however, three major theories are common among the scholars, which are: (i) they represent the traces of Vedic Aryans; (ii) they were Harappan refugees on the move; and (iii) they are the original inhabitants of the upper Ganga valley." (AK Singh, 2015, p.130)

    “There is another and I dare say, a no less important aspect of the problem of the Ochre Colour Ware. At a number of places such as Bahadrabad, Nasirpur, Jhinjhana, Hastinapur, Noh, Ahichchatra, Atranjikhera, etc., these wares have been noticed to occur sporadically. Otherwise clean plain, which imperceptibly merge into natural soil. Indications are that these deposits may be water-laid. Are we then faced here with a huge deluge covering hundreds of miles of the Ganga-Yamuna basin? Chronologically, this deluge may have to be placed some time about the middle of the second millennium BCE. Again, though there is strong circumstantial evidence that this ware may have associated with the Copper Hoards.” (AK Singh, 2015, pp.130-131).

    Selected hoard artefacts from 1-2 South Haryana, 3-4 Uttar Pradesh, 5 Madhya Pradesh, 6-8 South Bihar-North Orissa-Bengalen
    Recorded Indian Copper hoards objects, statistic

    2600 (Mackay, EJH, 1938, Further Excavations at Mohenjodaro, Delhi : No. 600 Mohenjo-daro)

    Obverse and Reveerse of Copper Tablet m1452 Mohenjo-daro
    Pictorial motif: Could be a short-tailed antelope looking back: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS krammara 'look back' rebus: kamar 'smith, artisan'.

    Line 1: kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze'. Thus, bronze smithy
    ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS dhALa 'slope' rebus: dhALa 'large (oxhide) ingot'. Thus oxhide ingot of metal (copper)
    baraḍo 'spine' rebus:  bharata 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' 
    kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNika 'scribe, account'

    Thus, bronze smithy, oxhide ingot of metal, alloy of pewter, copper, tin (handed to) supercargo.

    Line 2: ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' rebus: karNika 'scribe, account'. 

    Thus, cargo of tin for smithy(handed over to supercargo)
    5404 Text (Vats 1940 : No. 124 1 Harappa)
    4650 (Vats, MS, 1940, Excavations at Harappa, Calcutta: 650 Harappa) Middle hieroglyph a variant of the middle hieroglyph on 5404 Text
    Chanhudaro 2
    5404 (Mackay, EJH, 1943, Chanhu-daro Excavations 1935-36, American Oriental Society, New Haven: Pl. 1.1.28 Chanhudaro)

    The inscription on the Chanhudaro 2 seal signifies cargo of tin for smithy handed over to supercargo for transport on koTiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel' and 

    sãgaḍa 'double-canoe, catamaran'.

    Pictorial motifs: young bull PLUS standard signify: 

    kōḍiya 'young bull' rebus: koTiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel' PLUS sãgaḍ, 'lathe' Rebus:  sãgaḍa 'double-canoe, catamaran'.

    One-horned young bull and the standard device signified: కోడియ (p. 326) kōḍiya Same as kode కోడె (p. 326) kōḍe kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగు"రామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడు.  కారుకోడె (p. 275) kārukōḍe karu-kode. [Tel.] n. A bull in its prime. 

    Hieroglyph 1: kōḍiya 'young bull' Hieroglyph 2: koiyum 'ring on neck' (Gujarati) Rebus: koṭiya 'dhow seafaring vessel'

    sãgaḍ, 'lathe' Rebus:  sãgaḍa 'double-canoe, catamaran'.

    There are also a large number of texts (about 80) in which the Hulas inscription occurs as part of longer hypertexts (Mahadevan, I,1977 Indus Script, Texts Concordance and Tables, New Delhi,ASI : pI. 624.- 627). See:
    See: This is an excellent summary of ancient metallurgy in Ancient India prepared by CC Lamberg-Karlovsky for his PhD dissertation in University of Pennsylvania, 1965. This summary appeared in American Anthropologist, 69, 1967, pp. 145 to 162.

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    A Survey of Ancient Sites along the "Lost" Sarasvati River

    Aurel Stein
    The Geographical Journal
    Vol. 99, No. 4 (Apr., 1942), pp. 173-182 Published by: geographicalj (Full text pdf document)
    Cave 16 of the Kailasanatha Temple, viewed from the top of the rock

    This splendour of Ancient Akhaṇḍa Bhāratam can be captured by aerial photography supported by satellite imagery.

    The challenge to ASI is to document the ancient civilization sites of Akhaṇḍa Bhāratam with such pictorial evidence..

    In the narration of the itihāsa of civilization studies, two names are outstanding: Mary-Helen Warden Schmidt and Aurel Stein.

    Mary-Helen Warden Schmidt did an aerial documentation of certain Ancient Cities of Iran.

    Aurel Stein did a field exploration of Central Asia and Sarasvati Civilization sites.

    The contributions made by these two savants is extraordinary, they blazed  new trail in exploratory studies of civilizations. Their works will endure the test of time.

    Eric Schmidt has documented the aerial flights of Mary Helen Warden in his 1940 publication as detailed below.

    Susan Whitfield, Victoria and Albert Museum celebrate the contributions of Aurel Stein as detailed below.

    Such studies should be done for all ancient cities of Eurasia with particular reference to the thousands of ancient cities of Ancient Bhāratam. Thest studies should extend from Ancient Far East (Mekong delta) to Ancient Near East (Fertile Crescent).

    New tools are available such as Google Earth which can provide very detailed maps of Ancient Cities and Ancient Settlements as guide posts for future excavation and archaeological studies.

    Is Archaeological Survey of India ready to take up this task of documentation using tools for aerial documentation of Ancient Greater India -- Akhaṇḍa Bhāratam? This is a challenge to ASI.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Centre

    Eric Schmidt, 1940, Flights over Ancient Cities of Iran, Oriental Institute, Univ. of Chicago

    Standing portrait of Sir Aurel Stein and his dog Dash. © The British Library
    Standing portrait of Sir Aurel Stein and his dog Dash. © The British Library
    Sir Marc Aurel Stein (1862-1943) was born in Budapest in 1862. He studied Sanskrit, Old Persian, Indology and philology at the universities of Vienna, Leipzig and Tübingen, and map-making as part of his military service in Budapest, before setting out for a career in India. His formal positions from 1888 onwards were as registrar of Punjab University and principal of the Oriental College, Lahore and principal of the Calcutta Madrasah. But his real passion was the exploration of Central Asia, China, India and the Middle East.
    Stein carried out three expeditions (the fourth was aborted) to the western regions of China between 1900 and 1916, where he not only conducted archaeological excavations, but also geographical and ethnographical surveys and photographing. Today, he is especially famous for 'discovering' the library cave at the Mogao Grottoes, Dunhuang.
    Stein adopted British nationality in 1904 and he was knighted for his contribution to Central Asian studies. In 1943, when he was in his 80s, Stein embarked on his long-awaiting expedition to Afghanistan, but died in Kabul a week after his arrival in the country.
    Stein at his plane table surveying in the Taklamakan Desert. © The British Library
    Sir Aurel Stein at his plane table surveying in the Taklamakan Desert. © The British Library
    Stein's Silk Road expeditions were funded by various institutions for which he promised to collect archaeological and textual artefacts. The intention was that the finds would eventually be allocated proportionately to the funders. Stein's first expedition (1900-01) was funded by the Government of India and the Government of Punjab and Bengal, and it was agreed that the finds should be studied in London and allocated to specific museums later.
    The second expedition (1906-08) was funded 60% by the Government of India and 40% by the British Museum, and the finds were to be allocated accordingly. The third expedition (1913-16) was funded entirely by the Government of India. The intention was that the majority of finds from this expedition should be the foundation of a new museum in New Delhi, and that representative specimen and 'literary remains' should be presented to the British Museum.
    Being an indefatigable scholar, he published extensively on his explorations, such as own personal narratives and extensive scholarly report. Based on his diaries, he published Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan (1903) and Ruins of the Desert Cathay (1912). Then, after extensive study and cataloguing of the finds, he would publish a more scholarly 'scientific report' which also included work by specialists in different disciplines. These are well-known titles: Ancient Khotan (1907), Serindia (1921) and Innermost Asia (1928), all including an exhaustive array of photographs, plates and maps.
    Group at Ulugh-mazar. © The British Library
    Group at Ulugh-mazar. Sir Aurel Stein in the centre with his dog Dash. © The British Library
    The Victoria and Albert Museum did not contribute financially to any of Stein's expeditions, but recognised the importance of the finds, and applied for a long term deposit to the Museum. Close to 600 textile fragments were given on permanent loan by the Government of India in three instalments (1923, 1932 and 1933). Most of these were recovered in the second expedition, but also some from his third expedition. By contrast, the over seventy ceramic and Buddhist objects stem from Stein's second expedition only.
    Many of the textile fragments appear to be scraps, cut-offs from larger pieces, or rejects, but closer examination reveals that most of them once formed part of votive and secular objects and garments.
    The Stein Collection at the V&A does not include any of the larger banners and beautiful silk paintings such as may be found in the British Museum and the National Museum of India in New Delhi. Nevertheless, the V&A loan collection offers a fascinating insight into the scope of fabrics being produced in, as well as imported into, China before the early 1200s. It is also a marvellous resource for the study of weaving.
    The V&A Stein collection demonstrate the intensity of trade and cross-cultural exchanges between East and West in north western China during the first millennium AD.
    STEIN, Sir (Marc) Aurel, Hungarian–British archeologist and explorer (b. in Pest, Hungary, 26 November 1862; d. Kabul, 28 October 1943). In the words of a younger contemporary, Stein was “the most prodigious combination of scholar, explorer, archaeologist and geographer of his generation” (Owen Lattimore, quoted in Mirsky, 1998, p. ix.) The fruits of his extremely busy and long life continue to occupy scholars from Europe to China. He wrote his doctoral dissertation on Old Iranian (see below), carried out four expeditions in Persia and Central Asia, and had a particular interest in the interface between the Indian and Iranian worlds. It is therefore ironic that he is probably best known now for his explorations and writings on Chinese Central Asia.
    Stein was the third and unexpected child of Nathan and Anna Stein. His sister and brother were his elders by twenty-one and nineteen years, respectively, and his brother took on the paternal role, aided by their uncle, Professor Ignaz Hirschler, a famous eye surgeon. The Stein family was Jewish, but both Aurel Stein and his elder brother were baptized into the Lutheran Church, giving them political and civil rights which were not accorded to the Jews of the Austro-Hungarian empire until 1867. At home, the Stein family spoke both Hungarian and German, and Aurel became fluent in both. He was first educated at Lutheran and Catholic schools in Budapest and later at the famous Lutheran Kreuzschule in Dresden, Germany, where he furthered his linguistic skills, studying Greek, Latin, French, and English.
    He returned to Budapest at the age of fifteen to complete his schooling at the Lutheran gymnasium and then went to university at Vienna, studying Sanskrit and comparative philology. A year later he transferred to Leipzig and, after a further year, to Tübingen to study for his doctorate in Old Iranian [not limited to Old Persian] and Indology under Rudolph von Roth (1821-95), Professor of Sanskrit. There he earned his degree in 1883, with a dissertation “Nominalflexion im Zend” (see the von Roth correspondence in Zeller, 1998).
    Stein received a grant from the Hungarian government for postdoctoral studies in England, thus starting a long association with the country of which he became a subject in 1904. He studied Punjabi at the Oriental Institute in Woking before returning to Hungary for his obligatory military service. This may have been an interruption to his studies, but, as with everything else in Stein’s life, the experience was not wasted, since he received training in geography and surveying. The paper presented by Stein at the 1886 Congress of Orientalists in Vienna (“Hindu Kush and Pamir in Ancient Iranian Geography”) concerned the region which was to remain central to his studies and explorations and which had informed his article, “Afghanistan in Avestic Geography” (1885); thanks also to this training, he was able to map his later explorations. Back in England, he studied coins at the British Museum, resulting in “Zoroastrian Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins” (1887). These themes—the interaction of the history, geography, and religion of the Indo-Iranian sphere—formed the core of his research.
    Stein’s time in England was not only devoted to study: he impressed important and influential people, another skill at which he excelled. Henry Rawlinson and Henry Yule both became mentors, securing Stein his first employment in India in 1887, as Principal of the Oriental College, Lahore, and Registrar of Punjab University. He traveled there after a stop in Budapest following his mother’s death (in October 1887). His father died in the following year and his uncle, who had been so influential in encouraging him on a scholarly path, two years later in 1891. But by this time Stein was fully independent, although never forgetful, of the family that had nurtured him so carefully. He had also met several men who were to prove dear friends and colleagues over the coming years: Fred Andrews, Vice-Principal of the Lahore College of Art, Percy Allen, Professor of History at the Oriental College and later President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and Thomas Arnold, Professor of Philosophy at the College from 1898.
    Two years after his arrival in India, Stein secured the loan of a manuscript of the 12th-century Kashmiri chronicles, the Rājataraṅgiṇī of Kalhaṇa, in the original Sharada script. His holidays were spent in Kashmir trying to collate the topography he saw with that described in the text. His work was helped by the Kashmiri scholar, Pandit Govind Kaul—another characteristic of Stein was his eagerness to collaborate—and he published an edition of the text in 1892 and a translation with notes, maps, and geographical comments in two volumes in 1900. This was his first major work.
    His duties at Lahore were punctuated with frequent travels and long hours of writing in his summer camp in Kashmir; he also spent time gaining greater familiarity with the travels of two “old friends”: Alexander the Great and Xuanzang, the famous Chinese Buddhist pilgrim monk of the 7th century CE. The historical accounts on the former drew him to the routes between India and Iran: he succeeded in reaching the Swat valley in 1896 and 1898, and in 1902 he made the first of many unsuccessful attempts to visit Afghanistan. The accounts of the latter drew his interests further into Central Asia, and in 1898 he presented a proposal to the Punjab government to retrace some part of Xuanzang’s journey and explore the meeting at Khotan of the Iranian, Indian, and Chinese cultural spheres.
    Stein did not come from a wealthy family and, in his early years, was neither well known nor particularly well connected, but his success in Kashmir had given him confidence and, most importantly, taught him the worth of preparation, persistence, and patronage. He continued to make important contacts: that with Rudolf Hoernle secured him the post of Principal of Calcutta Madrasah on Hoernle’s retirement in 1898. His appetite for the expedition to Central Asia was only reinforced there by the Indian birch bark manuscripts brought to Calcutta from the northern Silk Road by Captain Hamilton Bower in 1890 and Sven Hedin’s 1898 expedition, reported in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society.
    Nothing but determined and an organizational genius, Stein managed to bring everything together and, in 1900, set off from his summer camp high in the Kashmiri hills at Mohand Marg, through Gilgit and Hunza, and then over the Pamirs and down into the Taklamakan Desert at Kashgar, in Chinese Turkestan. From here he moved eastwards to the ancient settlements around Khotan, south of the Taklamakan. His excavations confirmed his hypothesis about this being an area with a rich mix of traditions, from west, east, and south. He found manuscripts—on wood, paper, leather, and other materials—in Prakrit, written in a script particular to Central Asia (Kharoṣṭhī), in the local Khotanese (an Iranian language), and in Chinese and Tibetan.
    At Niya and the Loulan sites in the Lop Nor region, he uncovered carved architectural features and mummies in simple wooden coffins desiccated by the desert sands. He also unmasked the Khotanese forger, Islam Akhun, whose indecipherable manuscripts and block-prints had occupied the attention of Hoernle for several years. The finds were sent to the British Museum to be sorted, numbered, and then divided between the Archaeological Survey of India in Delhi and the India Office and Museum in London. Stein himself followed, having traveled across Russia and Hungary to visit family, and unpacked the finds.
    Stein continued working in India, by this time an Inspector of schools in the Punjab (which allowed him greater freedom to travel), taking regular trips to Europe to visit family and friends, work on the finds, confer with his publishers, and present lectures. This became the pattern of his life. He had no private income and, in these early years, was forced to continue work that was not always congenial.
    Always alert to the value of publicity, his first mention in The Times was in March 1901, starting a long association in which he sent the paper regular expedition dispatches. His translation of the Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir was reviewed in April, and in October he was interviewed on his expedition. His popular expedition account Sand-Buried Ruins of Ancient Khotan, published in 1903 (London: Fischer and Unwin), was followed in 1907 by Ancient Khotan (Oxford: Clarendon Press), the full scholarly report.
    Stein’s association with Chinese Central Asia was to engage most of his energies for the next three decades and was to make him famous. In 1904, he started an association with the Archaeology Department in India as Surveyor of North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan and acknowledged the Department later in life for the flexibility it offered its staff to carry out explorations. He took British nationality the same year. The following year, he was already engaged on preparations for his second, more ambitious, expedition.
    He set out in April 1906, traveling through Chitral and the Wakhan corridor in Afghanistan and across the Pamirs into China. He again followed the southern branch of the Silk Road, revisiting sites near Khotan but continuing further on to Dunhuang, where he was keen to excavate along the limes or defensive frontier of the Han Dynasty. He had originally heard about Dunhuang and its Buddhist caves from his countryman, Count Lóczy, who had been there with a Hungarian expedition in the 1880s. However, since then there had been an amazing discovery: a small side cave, hidden for 900 years, was uncovered in summer 1900 by the resident Daoist priest, Wang Yuanlu. It was full of paintings on silk, manuscripts on paper, with some printed material and in several languages, Chinese and Tibetan dominating. Wang Yuanlu was most interested in using this hoard as a means of providing funds for his restoration work on the caves, and he presented several paintings to local officials in the hope of gaining patronage. But this was not forthcoming, and when, in 1907, Stein arrived and they realized that had a common admiration for Xuanzang, Wang Yuanlu eventually agreed to sell, for a small sum, many thousands of manuscripts and paintings.
    One of the signs of Stein’s greatness is the reaction his work caused, both in his lifetime and thereafter, both positive and negative. The Dunhuang manuscripts became, and continue to be, the find for which Stein is best known and for which he remains infamous in China. He is regularly reviled as an “imperialist thief” and scoundrel who acquired material “through the destruction and plundering of the important sites” (Meng Fanren, quoted in Wang, 2002, p. 150), but the Chinese translation of his five-volume account of this second expedition, Serindia (Oxford, 1921), was greeted with enthusiasm by scholars in the field. It was not only Chinese scholars who, deploring the “colonial ways of thinking,” criticized Stein and his methods; recently an American journalist published a well-researched and critical account of Stein’s fourth Central Asian expedition (Brysac, 1997).
    Although a product of his time and certainly derogatory of Chinese bureaucracy, Stein was well aware of the contribution of ancient China to human civilization. His overriding concern was to further scholarship by providing a haven for his finds where they would be accessible for present and future scholarship. It is a lasting testament to this that all of his finds are now in public collections with clear provenance.
    Stein’s second expedition took two years, and his discoveries included letters from Sogdian merchants in the Dunhuang limes, mummies in Loulan (which he photographed and reburied), Hellenized paintings at Miran, and the source of the Khotan river. Apart from tens of thousands of paintings, manuscripts, and objects, he returned with surveys of the Southern Mountains (Qilian Shan, Gansu province), thousands of photographs, and notebooks filled with anthropomorphic measurements, but missing several toes after suffering frostbite.
    Readers had been kept up to date with his travels thorough his regular dispatches to The Times and, back in England, he started a busy schedule of lecturing. Lord Curzon’s letter of congratulation, read after Stein’s lecture to the Royal Geographical Society in March 1909, noted: “We read with unfeigned sorrow of his hardship and his sufferings. But even though he left some of his toes behind him, he brought back a reputation greatly enhanced and ... a treasure-store for our museums...” (quoted in “Dr Stein’s Travels in Central Asia: Archaeological Discoveries,” The Times, 9 March 1909, p. 10 a-2, and reproduced in Wang, 2002, p. 52).
    His research on his return was comprehensive and insightful and in many cases remains useful today. One modern scholar of the Miran murals notes that “Stein’s analyses remain the most complete and often are surprisingly valid, considering the comparative material at his command” (Bromberg, 1991, p. 45), while another praises his work as “the greatest study of Khotanese art” (Williams, 1973, p. 109).
    Accolades followed: honorary degrees from Oxford and Cambridge; medals from the Asiatic Society, the Royal Geographical Society, the Académie des Inscriptions, and the University of Pennsylvania, among others. In June 1912, Stein received a KCIE (Knight Commander of the Indian Empire) from King George V. (r. 1910-36). By this time, he had already been promoted to the post of Superintendent of Archaeology in the North-West Frontier Province and Honorary Curator of Peshawar Museum, giving him the opportunity to pursue his exploration, scholarship and writing.
    His third major expedition (1913-16) saw him retrace his steps on the Southern Silk Road before trekking north to the Mongolian steppes, retrieving manuscripts left by Russian explorers at Karakhoto, a city of the Tangut people. After further excavations near Turfan, he traveled west through Russian Wakhan in the Pamirs, to ancient Sogdiana and thence south into eastern Persia, where he was the first European to carry out excavations in Sistān (Stein, 1916). Here he found Buddhist murals, the first discovered in Persia, along with pre-historic and post-Islamic finds. Further archaeological work was not carried out here until the 1960 Italian Archaeological Mission (Lamberg-Karlovsky and Tosi, 1973). The next decade encompassed numerous articles (Erdélyi, 1999), including several on one of his particular interests—“Innermost Asia: Its Geography as a Factor in History” (Stein 1925)—and the publication of his third expedition report (Stein, 1928). He made two visits to the Middle East and carried out further exploration in northwest India following in Alexander the Great’s footsteps. This resulted in the identification of the mountain Pir-Sar (in Swat district, North-West Frontier Province, Pakistan) as the Aornos, where Alexander conducted a major siege operation (327 BCE); it is discussed by Stein in another major work (Stein, 1929)This subject was a lifetime passion for Stein. Apart from Aornos, he also identified the site of the “Persian Gates” and later that of the battle of the Hydaspes (326 BCE) where Alexander fought against the Indian king Porus (Stein, 1937). Although several scholars have disputed these, most especially the site of Aornos (Tucci, 1977, pp. 52-55; Eggermont, 1984, pp. 191-200; Badian, 1987, p. 117 n. 1) and Hydaspes (Smith, 1914, pp. 78-85; Breloer, 1933, pp. 21-47; Bosworth, 1995, pp. 265-69), none traveled the ground as extensively as Stein. Bosworth (1995, pp. 178) agrees with most of Stein’s identifications, calling his work on identifying Pir-Sar a “classic piece of topographical investigation” (1995, pp. 178). More recent work on the ground by Wood (1997, and private communication) suggests that Stein’s original identifications, even that of the base camp at Hydaspes, were correct.
    Stein’s fourth expedition (1930-31) into Chinese Turkestan was not a success. Although he obtained official papers, his excavations were curtailed by bureaucracy and a change in attitude among Chinese scholars. He eventually had to cut short his stay and leave his few finds in Kashgar. Fortunately he took photographs of some manuscripts, these remaining their only record (Wang, 1998).
    In August 1930, when he embarked on this expedition, Stein was in his sixty-eighth year, having finally taken retirement two years before. For the first time he had traveled with another westerner, a Yale postgraduate, Milton Bramlette, who, half his age, was forced to retreat from Kashgar because of an upset stomach and the conditions. Stein regretted this expedition, in that it deprived him of some of the precious limited time he had remaining, but he did not consider retiring from the field. The effort was not entirely wasted: Paul Sachs and Harvard University continued to support Stein when he turned his attention to the western part of Central Asia.
    Between 1932 and 1936, he carried out four expeditions to Persia. Persia was not entirely new geographical territory for Stein. He had first visited the country in 1916 on his third expedition and again in 1924 on his way back to Europe, disembarking at Port Said for a sightseeing tour of Petra, Haifa, Tripolis, and a trip to Aleppo and Antioch. Persia was also very familiar to him through the accounts on Alexander the Great, whose routes he had followed in India, although not, to his continued regret, in Bactria. Of course, it was also familiar through his early studies and through the traces of Persian influence he had found in the arts and manuscripts of Chinese Central Asia.
    Stein thus returned to his first field of interest—Greek influence on Persian culture. He traveled, as usual, with an Indian surveyor, Muhammad Ayub Khan, having received permission to map unsurveyed areas. He was also accompanied by Persian officials (a condition of the permission to travel), and Stein found that they were “useful and pleasant company” (Bodleian MSS, Stein 23/7V, Stein to Percy Allen, 21 January 1932). On his first four-month tour in early 1932, he traveled through the Persian part of Makrān, and, when it proved empty of ancient settlements, moved northwards through Geh and Bint in Persian Baluchistan to the Bampur trough. As an ancient line of communication between Fārs and India, this proved a more fruitful focus for excavations, but, with the heat of the summer threatening, he moved up the Iranian plateau to Bam and thence to Kermān. From here he started on a six-day lorry-ride with cases of antiquities to Bushire (Bušehr), and from there, by road and rail, to Istanbul.
    After a summer break in Europe, he returned to Kermān via Baghdad, Kermānšāh, and Tehran and continued his explorations of the Makrān, to the Boluk valley, the Rudān river, and thence to the Gulf coast and Bandar(-e) ʿAbbās, where he received seventieth-birthday greetings from friends. He continued along the coast to Tāheri, the once-thriving market and harbor town of Ṣirāf, then inland to Varavi (Fārs) and, encountering problems with transport and support, back along the coast. These two expeditions were recorded in an article in the Geographical Journal (Stein, 1934).
    While there were rumors that further explorations might be forbidden by the Iranian government, Stein did not give up hope. The next expedition was to be his first expedition without external funds, but a lifetime of saving and natural thrift enabled him to set out without too many qualms. News of a small grant from the British School of Archaeology in Iraq was, nevertheless, welcome. In 1933-34, he traveled in Fārs, the ancient Persis, starting from Shiraz and covering about 1,300 miles, visiting each oasis in turn (Stein, 1935).
    The fourth and longest of his expeditions in Iran started in November 1935 and lasted a year. It led him from western Fārs to Iranian Kurdistan, and one of his Iranian traveling companions was the young Inspector of Antiquities, Mirzā ʿAziz-Allāh Bahman Khan Karimi, who kept his own account of the expedition. He noted: “It would take a young man of iron to endure all these hardships in a damp, cold climate” (Karimi, fourth report) but, unlike Bramlette (see above), Karimi did not give up. However, he made clear his continued discomfort: “Before finishing this report I must inform you of the following: one cannot call this tour a promenade. It should be called a journey of difficulty, of pain, of bitterness, of danger and illness” (Karimi, quoted in Whitfield, 2004, p. 106). Stein, on the contrary, wrote that “compared with the Taklamakan and the Kun-lun, travel both in these valleys and across the mountains, seems very ‘tame’ work” (Bodleian MSS. Stein 27/149V, Stein to Helen Allen, 14 November 1936). The difference between them was summed up in Stein’s final comments at the end of their journey: “My jovial fat Persian ‘Inspector’ beams with joy at the prospect of soon being relieved from the further hardships of travels ... I find myself it a little hard to take leave of it” (ibid.).
    Stein’s flair for identifying interesting archeological sites continued to serve him well, and his excavations on these expedition uncovered finds from the Neolithic (although he did not use this term himself) onwards at sites including Bampur, Dunkha Tepe (Dinḵā Tappe), Ḥasanlu, Tall-e Eblis, and Ṣirāf. He returned with thousands of items, the largest part being pottery sherds (Stein, 1938). The greater part from the first two expeditions went to Harvard (now at the Peabody Museum), with the rest divided between the Iranian government and the British Museum. Finds from the final two expeditions, largely self-funded by Stein, mainly went to the British Museum. He published articles on each expedition (listed above) and two expedition reports (Stein, 1937 and 1940). Dispatches were also sent to The Times, and he gave several lectures on his return to Europe. His Persian expeditions have been discussed by Apor (1989).
    In 1937, he suffered a fall (reported in The Times) and also underwent a prostate operation, but neither stopped him planning his next foray into the field. In 1929, he had traveled on a Royal Air Force transport plane, and, as always, Stein was quick to realize the potential of this technology in his archeological explorations. After field studies of defensive structures marking the western boundaries of the Chinese empire near Dunhuang in one of his earliest expeditions, he decided to carry out aerial surveys of the eastern boundaries of the Roman Empire in the Syrian desert. Père A. Poidenbard’s account of his own aerial explorations in 1925-32 enthused him; and, after meeting Poidenbard in 1938, he set out to extend the survey eastwards. In his fur-lined flying suit he was as perfectly at home on a plane as on a camel, and he carried out two such explorations in 1938-39 (Stein, 1939 and 1940). His full reports were published posthumously (Gregory and Kennedy, 1985). In May 1939, he was back in England, where he remained until the outbreak of World War II in September, before setting out again for Asia in November.
    Although he was not directly involved in the war, Stein was always aware of political events and their effects on his family, friends, and colleagues. His inter-war correspondence with his Italian friend, Count Filippo de Filippi, shows both men’s concern about the growth of fascism in Europe and its implications for several Jewish scholars in their field.
    Back in India, Stein continued his explorations in Rajasthan, Indus Kohistan, and other local sites throughout the next three years, passing his eightieth birthday in Kashmir between tours to Chilas and Las Belas.
    Stein had long tried to get permission to visit Afghanistan, but the invitation in April 1943 from the American Consul there, Cornelius van Heinert Engert, an old friend, was entirely unexpected. Despite his constant gastritis and periods of faintness, he was given a clean bill of health to travel and reached Kabul in October 1943. Sir Aurel Stein died a week after his arrival, on 26 October, and was buried in the Gora Kabur (“white graveyard”) in Kabul. Obituaries were carried in British, Indian, Hungarian, and American newspapers and scholarly journals (for a list, see Wang, 1999, p. 60). After the death of his niece and nephew, the capital left from his estate went to the British Academy to form the Stein-Arnold Exploratory Fund, which continues to provide small grants for research in the field.
    In addition to his published works, a considerable archive of Stein’s papers survives. His family correspondence and school notebooks are in the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Budapest, while the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, holds his expedition diaries, notebooks, account books, letters, and other papers relating to his expeditions and working life. A summary of Stein collections in the UK is given in Wang, 1999. Correspondence of Stein relating to the Iranian expeditions is in the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Karimlu, 2003).

    Major expedition reports and accounts of Stein’s work in Persia (fuller bibliographies can be found in Erdeleyi, 1999 and Wang 1999, listed below).
    “Afghanistan in Avestic Geography,” The Academy 27/680, 16 May 1885, pp. 348-49 and The Indian Antiquary 15, 1886, pp. 21-23.
    “Az óperzsa vallásos irodalomról” (On the Old Persian religious literature), Budapesti Szemle 44/108, December 1885, pp. 365-83.
    “Hindu Kusch und Pamir in der iranischen Geographie,” in Berichte des VII. Internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses, gehalten in Wien im Jahre 1886 II, Vienna, 1886, pp. 1080-84.
    “Zoroastrian Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins,” in Oriental and Babylonian Record, London, 1887 and The Indian Antiquary 17, 1888, pp. 89-98.
    Kalhana’s Rajatarangini, or Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, Bombay, 1892.
    “Zur Geschichte der Cahis von Kabul,” in Festgruss an Rudolph von Roth zum Doktor-Jubiläum, 24. August 1893, ed. Ernst Kuhn, Stuttgart, 1893, pp. 196-206; tr. Gustav Glaesser, “A Contribution to the History of the Sahis of Kabul,” East and West 23/1-2, 1973, pp. 13-20.
    Kalhana’s Rajatarangini, or Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, London, 1900.
    Ruins of Desert Cathay: Personal Narrative of Explorations in Central Asia and Westernmost China, London, 1912.
    “Sir Aurel Stein in Eastern Persia,” Geographical Journal 47, 1916, p. 313.
    “Innermost Asia: Its Geography as a Factor in History,” Geographical Journal 65, 1925, pp. 377-403 and 473-501.
    Innermost Asia: Detailed Report of Explorations in Central Asia, Kansu, and Eastern Iran, Oxford, 1928.
    On Alexander’s Track to the Indus: Personal Narratives on the North-West Frontier of India, London, 1929; repr. London, 2001.
    “The Site of Alexander’s Passage of the Hydaspes and the Battle with Poros,” Geographical Journal 80/1, 1932, pp. 31-46.
    “Archaeological Reconnaissances in Southern Persia,” Geographical Journal 83/2, 1934, pp. 119-34.
    “An Archaeological Tour in the Ancient Persis,” Geographical Journal 84/6, 1936, pp. 489-97.
    Archaeological Reconnaissances in North-Western Iran and South-Eastern Iran Carried out and Recorded with the Support of Harvard University and the British Museum, London, 1937.
    “An Archaeological Journey in Western Iran,” Geographical Journal 92/4, 1938, pp. 313-42.
    “The Ancient Roman Limes in Syria and the Provincia Arabia,” Naft Magazine 15, 1939, pp. 5-7.
    “Surveys on the Roman Frontier in Iraq and Trans-Jordan,” Geographical Journal95, 1940, pp. 428-38.
    Old Routes of Western Iran. Narrative of an Archaeological Journey Carried Out and Recorded by Sir Aurel Stein, K.C.I.E. Antiquities examined, described and illustrated with the assistance of Fred. H. Andrews, O.B.E., London, 1940; repr., New York, 1969, and Budapest, 1994.
    Literature and studies on Stein and his work. Les Anciennes Routes d l’Iran: voyage en compagnie et pour la surveillance des opérations de Sir Aurel Stein … de Shiras jusqu’à la dernière frontière des Kurdes de l’azerbaidjan. Iran, Banque Melli, n.d.Éva Apor, “Stein Aurél kutatásai Perzsiában” (Explorations of Aurel Stein in Persia), Földrajzi Múzeumi Tanulmányok 6, 1989, pp. 6-7.
    Éva Apor and Helen Wang, eds., Catalogue of the Collections of Sir Aurel Stein in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Keleti Tanulmányok Oriental Studies 2, Budapest, 2002.
    E. Badian, “Alexander at Peucelaotis,” Classical Quarterly 371, 1987, pp. 117-28.
    Laszlo Bardi, “Chinese Assessment of Sir Aurel M. Stein’s Work,” in Erdélyi, 1999, pp. 44-60.
    A. B. Bosworth, A Historical Commentary of Arrian’s History of Alexander II, Commentary on Books IV-V, Oxford, 1995.
    B. Breloer, Alexanders Kampf gegen Poros, Bonner Orientalische Studien 3, Stuttgart, 1933.
    Carol A. Bromberg, “An Iranian Gesture at Miran,” Bulletin of the Asia Institute, N.S. 5, 1991, pp. 45-58.
    Shareen Blair Brysac, “Last of the Foreign Devils,” Archaeology 50/6, Nov.-Dec. 1997, pp. 53-59.
    P. H. L. Eggermont, “Ptolemy, the Geographer and the People of the Dards,” Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 15, 1984, pp. 191-233.
    István Erdélyi, Sir Aurel Stein Bibliography, Arcadia Bibliographica Virorum Eruitorum, fasc. 17, Bloomington, 1999.
    László Ferenczy, “A Saljuk Bronze from Iran – A Present from Sir Aurel Stein,” Annuaire du Musée des Arts Décoratifs et du Musée d’Art d’Extrème Orient Ferenc Hopp (Budapest) 8, 1965, pp. 131-44.
    Shelagh Gregory, and David Kennedy, eds., Sir Aurel Stein’s Limes Reports: The Full Text of M. A. Stein’s Unpublished Limes Reports (his Aerial and Ground Reconnaissances in Iraq and Transjordan in 1938-9), Oxford, 1985.
    John Hansman, “Elamites, Achaemenians and Anshan,” Iran 10, 1972, pp. 101-25.
    Bahman Karimi, Rahhā-ye bāstāni va paytaḵthā-ye qadimi-ye ḡarb-e Irān(Ancient routes and old capitals of western Iran), Tehran, 1950.
    Davud Karimlu, ed., “Heyyat-e ingilisi-ye Aurel Stein, AH 1317-SH 1318 barabar ba 1899-1939,” in Tāriḵ-e miras-e melli III, Tehran, 2003.
    C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and Maurizio Tosi, “Shahr-i Sokhta and Tepe Yahya: Tracks on the Earliest History of the Iranian Plateau,” East and West, N.S. 23/1-2, 1973, pp. 21-58.
    Jeannette Mirsky, Sir Aurel Stein: Archaeological Explorer, Chicago, 1998.
    Vincent Smith, The Early History of India, Oxford, 1914.
    Henry Speck, “Alexander at the Persian Gates. A Study in Historiography and Topography,” American Journal of Ancient History, N.S. 1/1, 2002, pp. 15-234.
    Guiseppe Tucci, “On Swat, the Dards and Connected Problems,” East and West, N.S. 27, 1977, pp. 9-104.
    Annabel Walker, Aurel Stein: Pioneer of the Silk Road, London, 1995.
    Idem, “Stein, Sir (Marc) Aurel (1862-1943),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford and New York, 2004 (available online at http://www.ox, accessed on 4 February 2005).
    Helen Wang, ed., Handbook to the Stein Collections in the UK, British Museum Occasional Papers 129, London, 1999.
    Eadem, Sir Aurel Stein in The Times, London, 2002.
    Wang Jiqing, “Photographs in the British Library of Documents and Manuscripts from Sir Aurel Stein’s Fourth Central Asian Expedition,” The British Library Journal 24/1, 1998, pp. 23-74.
    Susan Whitfield, Aurel Stein on the Silk Road, London, 2004.
    Joanna Williams, “The Iconography of Khotanese Painting,” East and West, N.S. 23/1-2, 1973, pp. 109-54.
    Michael Wood, In the Footsteps of Alexander the Great, London, 1997.
    Gabriele Zeller, “Sir Aurel Stein’s Early Years : Setting Himself on the Track,” in IAOL [International Association of Orientalist Librarians] Bulletin 43, 1998; online at (accessed 21 July 2005).
    (Susan Whitfield)
    Originally Published: July 20, 2005
    Susan Whitfield, “STEIN, (Marc) Aurel,” Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition, 2005, available at (accessed on 20 September 2016).

    On Alexander's Track to the Indus: Personal Narrative of Explorations on the North-West Frontier of India Carried Out under the Orders of H.M. Indian ... (Cambridge Library Collection - Archaeology) 6 Nov 2014 by M. Aurel Stein (Author)

    Map of Qing dynasty Silk Road. Source: R. Bradeen

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     Bhāratīya Itihāsa, Rich history of India’s contributions to science

     Quartz India
    India's Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV-C25), carrying the Mars orbiter, lifts off from the Satish Dhawan Space Centre in Sriharikota, about 100 km (62 miles) north of the southern Indian city of Chennai November 5, 2013. India launched its first rocket to Mars on Tuesday, aiming to put a satellite in orbit around the red planet at a lower cost than previous missions and potentially positioning the emerging Asian nation as a budget player in the global space race. REUTERS/Babu

    There’s perhaps no better time to celebrate India’s real contributions to science.
    Over the past few months, superstitious beliefs and myths about India’s past have become increasingly pervasive, particularly promoted by local leaders. At the same time, funding for genuine research is drying up, and despite protests from the scientific community, things seem to only be getting worse.
    But at the Science Museum in London, the emphasis is on what India has done right, going as far back as the Indus Valley Civilisation. As part of its Illuminating India exhibition to mark the country’s 70th year since Independence, the museum is highlighting Indian innovation with a collection of key objects from the past, including the Bakhshali manuscript, which was recently found to be the oldest record of the zero symbol, and Jagadish Chandra Bose’s oscillating plate phytograph, which was used for the scientist’s revolutionary research on the movement of plants.
    Besides telling the stories of inspiring scientists and thinkers from the region, the exhibition also features several of India’s more recent innovations, from the Indian Space Research Organisation’s (ISRO) Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle to the affordable Micromax smartphone.
    Here are some of the objects that will be on display:

    Ancient weights

    A selection of 14 polished stone (Chert) weights from excavations at Mohenjodaro, Northern India, c.B.C.3000.
    A selection of 14 polished stone (Chert) weights from excavations at Mohenjodaro, Northern India, c.B.C.3000. (Representative collection)

    These weights date back to the Indus Valley Civilisation, which is belived to have existed at around the same time as Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. Archaeologists believe that the weights were used to measure everything from food to precious gems. Together with the linear measures and masonry tools found at excavation sites in what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, and north west India, they suggest that the people of this ancient civilisation had the mathematical tools and knowledge to build complex cities.

    The Bakhshali manuscript

    70 page Bakhshali manuscript, 224-383 CE © Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford
    The 70 page Bakhshali manuscript, 224-383 CE. (© Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford)

    This ancient manuscript was found buried in a village called Bakhshali near Peshawar (now in Pakistan) in 1881. Consisting of 70 fragile leaves of birch bark, the Bakhshali manuscript contains hundreds of zeros denoted by dots, and has been housed at the University of Oxford’s Bodleian Libraries since 1902. In September 2017, it was revealed that the manuscript was much older than previously believed, indicating that ancient Indians had pioneered the revolutionary idea of using zero as a placeholder number as early as the 3rd or 4th century Common Era.

    The Bhugola

    Bhugola or Earth-Ball by Ksema Karna, India, 1571. (© Museum of the History of Science, University of Oxford)

    Dating back to the 16th century, the Bhugola, or “Earth ball,” is a container made from brass that has a map of the world depicted on its outer surface. But this map combines two very different ideas of what the world is supposed to look like: one is the traditional Hindu idea that the universe is egg-shaped and divided across the middle by the flat disc of the Earth, while the other is the Ptolemaic idea of the Earth as a sphere, which came to India from Greece via the Islamic civilisation.

    The oscillating plate phytograph

    Jagdish Chandra Bose’s oscillating plate phytograph, early 1900s (® JC Bose Science Heritage Museum, courtesy of Science Museum Group)

    Born in 1858 in what is now part of Bangladesh, Jagadish Chandra Bose went on to become one of India’s most iconic scientists, pioneering research into radio and microwave optics, besides investigating the movement of plants, and even dabbling in a bit of science fiction writing.
    Bose created the oscillating plate phytograph to study the effects of environmental factors on plants, and made groundbreaking contributions to the understanding of tropismthe movement of a plant towards or away from stimuli such as light, warmth, or gravity. His research into the responsiveness of organic and inorganic matter helped develop the field of biophysics.

    Jaipur foot prosthesis

    Jaipur foot prosthesis, 1968
    Jaipur foot prosthesis, 1968. (® Science Museum Group)

    The Jaipur foot prosthesis is a prosthetic limb developed in 1968 by the craftsman Ram Chander Sharma and orthopaedic surgeon Dr PK Sethi. Made with a combination of rubber, plastic, and wood, the prosthesis was designed to be both cost-effective and more flexible than traditional Western versions that were made with metal or carbon fibre.
    Since 1975, the charity Bhagwan Mahaveer Viklang Sahayata Samiti has been manufacturing and distributing the prosthesis to people in need around the world. Its design has been refined over the years, notably in 2009 with help from Stanford University.

    ISRO’S Polar satelite launch vehicle

    Model of Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle. (® Indian Space Research Organisation, courtesy of Science Museum Group)

    Developed by ISRO in the early 1990s, the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV) is the most iconic Indian rocket, a mark of the country’s rapidly advancing but still frugal space programme. Though its very first mission in 1993 wasn’t a success, the PSLV has since gone on to successfully launch a number of satellites for countries such as the US, UK, and Canada, too. And earlier this year, the PSLV launched a record-breaking 104 satellites in a single effort.

    The Micromax smartphone

    E2017.0392.1 0001
    Micromax mobile phone. (Courtesy of Science Museum Group)

    Gurugram-based Micromax started out in 2000 by selling extremely affordable phones with features such as dual SIM capabilities and longer-lasting batteries. By pricing its products for as little as Rs900, the company provided innovative technology that would have otherwise been out of reach for a large segment of India’s rapdily growing mobile phone subscriber base. Over the years, it has roped in Hollywood stars such as Hugh Jackman to endore its products, and evolved into one of the country’s largest smartphone makers.

    The Mars colour camera

    Model of Mars colour camera, 2013. (® Indian Space Research Organisation, courtesy of Science Museum Group)

    In 2014, Indians celebrated the success of Mangalyaan, the Mars Orbiter Mission, which reached the red planet on its first attempt. At a cost of just $74 million, the entire mission came in cheaper than the 2013 Hollywood science fiction thriller Gravity.
    One of the instruments used was the Mars Colour Camera, which took detailed colour images of the mountain ranges, fracture systems, and dust storms on the planet and its moons. These images were used to compile India’s first Mars Atlas.

    Bakhshali, Jambudvipa and India’s role in science

    Zeroing in: A page from the Bakhshali manuscript seen at the Bodleian Libraries, Universy of Oxford.   | Photo Credit: HANDOUT

    London museum’s new exhibition traces India’s part in shaping the world’s scientific landscape

    London’s Science Museum on Tuesday unveiled a new exhibition that traces India’s contribution to science and technology over the past 5,000 years. Bringing together pieces from scientific institutes and museums across India as well as those held by British institutions, the Indian High Commission and the museum hope to be able to bring the exhibition to India too.
    The highlight is a folio from the Bakhshali manuscript, loaned to the exhibition by the Bodleian Library in Oxford, which contains the oldest recorded origins of the symbol “zero”.

    Dated to 3rd century

    In September, the Bodleian revealed that new carbon dating research into the manuscript revealed it to be hundreds of years older than originally thought and that it could be dated back to the third or fourth century.
    Another remarkable piece is an 1817 version of Jambudvipa, or Jain map of the world, and a spectrometer from 1928 designed by Nobel Prize winner C.V. Raman. The exhibition also covers significant recent contributions — from the Jaipur foot that has been used across 27 countries to the Intel Pentium processor and the Embrace Nest Neonatal pouch. The exhibition also highlights writings by some of the most influential figures, including letters from S.N. Bose to Albert Einstein, held by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and selected papers of Srinivasa Ramanujan, held by Trinity College Cambridge.
    It also includes an index chart of the great trigonometrical survey of India from 1860, which it says “no map in the world at that time could rival” for scale, detail and accuracy.
    “It encapsulates what India has gone through in terms of science and technology in the past five thousand years,” said India’s Deputy High Commissioner to the U.K. Dinesh Patnaik, who hopes to work with the museum to take the exhibition to India.
    “We wanted to tell that story of India’s role in science and technology which is an incredibly difficult and complex thing to do— - we wanted to capture just how far reaching it has been in shaping science and technology,” said the exhibition’s head of content Matt Kimberly, pointing in particular to the spectrometer and the influence it had in shaping industries from forensics to art conservation.

    Growth of photography

    A separate exhibition charts the growth of photography in India. One section of it focusses on 1857 and includes the bizarre growth of what it refers to as “mutiny tourism”, which led to sites of conflict and suffering getting turned into “postcards, stereocards and prints for a burgeoning British tourist industry”.
    It also includes works by artists like Ahmad Ali Khan, the court photographer to the last king of Avadh, and Felice Beato. The exhibition also focuses on 1947, and includes works by photojournalists Henri Cartier Bresson and Margaret Bourke-White.
    From some of the earliest cities to interplanetary exploration, Indian innovation in science, technology and mathematics has dramatically shaped the world we live in today.
    5000 Years of Science and Innovation reveals how the Mughal emperors conserved nature in the 16th century, how 20th century mathematical genius Srinivasa Ramanujan revolutionised mathematics, and how the Indian Space Research Organisation sent a camera to Mars for less than the cost of the film Gravity.
    Let us take you on a journey through the remarkable history of Indian innovation and discovery, which has been influencing and changing people's lives for 5000 years.
    There will be tours throughout the duration of the exhibition.

    Hero image: A section of the Bakhshali manuscript, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford

    Replica Ayurvedic surgical instruments  c.1900-1930

    On 3 October 2017 the Science Museum opened new season Illuminating India to VIP guests.
    Two exhibitions and an ambitious events programme that celebrate the remarkable impact of Indian civilisation on science, technology and mathematics were unveiled last night at a Science Museum launch event featuring dhol drummers, the aroma of incense and dance.
    The launch of the Illuminating India season marked the opening of two exhibitions – 5000 Years of Science and Innovation; and Photography 1857-2017 – which have drawn together extraordinary scientific objects and photographs from public and private collections in India and Britain, along with France and Israel.
    Ian Blatchford, Director of the Science Museum Group, told the 600 guests:
    “Many photographs and objects are being seen in these exhibitions for the very first time, and to allow as many people as possible to relish the cultural significance of this double bill both exhibitions will be free,”
    Guests exploring ‘Illuminating India: Photography 1857-2017’
    The Times hailed Illuminating India: 5000 Years of Science and Innovation as a “beautifully assembled show” which has at its heart the concept of jugaaad, which means the ‘art of creatively but parsimoniously solving problems for yourself.’
    The oldest objects on display belong to the Science Museum Group, a set of weights and measures from the Indus Valley civilisation. The newest are artworks commissioned by the museum from the British Indian artist Chila Kumari Burman. “I originally asked Chila for one modest painting inspired by India but she was so inspired by the exhibition she presented us with 29 pieces of artwork and created a glittering tuk-tuk that welcomes visitors as they enter the museum.” said Blatchford (who added he dreams of driving it down Exhibition Road).
    Guests exploring Chila Kumari Burman’s work
    The most sensational object on show is a folio from the Bakhshali manuscript from the Bodleian Libraries, which contains the earliest written record in Indian mathematics of the concept of zero.
    Recent radiocarbon dating by the University of Oxford instigated by mathematician and museum adviser Prof Marcus du Sautoy has proved that parts of the manuscript are more ancient than previously thought and that it contains the world’s oldest recorded origin of the zero symbol that we use today, underlining India’s pioneering development of profound mathematical concepts that include infinity and algorithms.
    When Prof du Sautoy made TV series The Story of Maths he travelled to Gwalior in India to see a zero carved on a 9th century temple. Thanks to this ground-breaking research by the university, “we now know Marcus could have crossed the road from his office in Oxford and seen a 3rd Century one in the local library,” said Blatchford.
    Illuminating India: Photography 1857 –2017 is an ambitious survey of the technological and cultural development of the medium in India, examining how photography charted the recent history of the country, from the beginnings of photography in India in the mid-19th century partition, independence and the present day.
    As Illuminating India celebrates taking a fresh look at ancient ideas and familiar objects what better event to herald the beginning of a new visual identity and branding for the Science Museum. This follows the launch earlier this year of the new look at another museum in the Science Museum Group – the National Science and Media Museum in Bradford.
    Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport. Karen Bradley, sent a recorded message to the launch from the Conservative Party Conference in Manchester, to “convey my congratulations and those of the entire UK Government…It is especially fitting that tonight the Science Museum, which is the most visited museum in the UK by school groups, celebrates India’s contribution to science, technology and mathematics.”
    The Secretary of State went on to thank the British High Commission and British Council, notably Baroness Prashar, Deputy Chairman; Alan Gemmell OBE, Director, British Council India; and highlighted key supporters, notably the Bagri Foundationthe Helen Hamlyn Trust and the John S Cohen Foundation.
    She extended a warm welcome to the Indian High Commissioner, His Excellency Mr Yashvardhan Sinha, who told the guests that it was important that the people of his country and the UK connect and share, “not just what we did in the past but what we are going to do in the future.”
    He praised the Illuminating India exhibitions and referenced India’s recent Moon and Mars missions, the Indian Space Agency’s recent record breaking deployment of 104 satellites by a dedicated group of scientists and highlighted the diversity of the team involved.
    Chairman of the Board of Trustees Dame Mary Archer, thanked Shivprasad Khened, Director of the Nehru Science Centre, Mumbai, in coordinating negotiations; the help of fellow Trustee Lopa Patel; and the distinguished historians, cultural commentators and scientists, such as Sir Venki Ramakrishnan, President of the Royal Society, who sat on the Illuminating Indiaproject board.
    L-R: Alan Gemmell, Sir Venki Ramakrishnan, Yashvardhan Sinha, Dame Mary Archer, Baroness Prasha, Dinesh K. Patnaik, Ian Blatchford
    Sir Venki, Alan Gemmell, Yashvardhan Sinha, Baroness Prasha and Dinesh K. Patnaik, India’s Deputy High Commissioner, joined Ian Blatchford and Dame Mary on stage to cut a ribbon to declare the exhibition open. “Our aspiration,’ she said, “is to develop a skills and knowledge exchange programme with Indian museums and to work far more closely with India’s industrial powerhouses from the Indian Space Research Organisation to Tata.”
    Dame Mary added:
    “It is our dearest hope that – with the support of people in this room tonight – we might see both these exhibitions heading to India once its six-month stay at this museum draws to a close.”
    A series of public events, presented in partnership with the Bagri Foundation, will run alongside the Illuminating India season, including film screenings, workshops, panel discussions and live performances.
    In his personal thanks, Ian Blatchford said he “would not have reached the finishing line” without Dinesh Patnaik, Deputy Indian High Commissioner. “On my many visits to India House, he and his team sustained my team with wise advice, gallons of tea and the best chocolate biscuits in London.” Ian finished his speech by thanking the Surveyor-General of India and his team:
     “The Survey of India is one of the most venerable scientific bodies in the world, and 250 years old this year. Despite their own celebrations they have lent generously to us and so let’s wish them a very Happy Birthday!”
    Members of the Illuminating India team from the Science Museum present last night at the launch included Zoe Few, Project Management Support Assistant, Matt Kimberley, Head of Content, 5000 Years of Science and Innovation, Shasti Lowton, Assistant Curator, Photography 1857 –2017, and Susan Mossman, Project Lead. The team were also joined by Rahaab Allana, the guest curator of Photography 1857 –2017 from the Alkazi Foundation.

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    The dot--a zero--serves as a placeholder in the bottom line of the page above. [Photo by the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford] 

    A Big Zero: Research uncovers the date of the Bakhshali manuscript

    Published on Sep 14, 2017

    The Bakhshali manuscript is an ancient Indian mathematical manuscript written on more than 70 leaves of birch bark, found in 1881. It is notable for having a dot representing zero in it. The date of the manuscript has intrigued scholars for years, with many believing it dated from the 9th century, as does the oldest known example of a zero in India, in Gwailor temple. Now a team of researchers at the University of Oxford and the Bodleian Libraries have carbon dated the manuscript and found that it dates from between the second and fourth centuries! The Bakhshali manuscript therefore contains the oldest recorded example of the symbol that we use for zero today.  This symbol would then grow into something that exists in its own right to capture the concept of nothing.

    Exploring the first realisation that zero is a number
    The invention of zero, or rather the realisation that it was a number just like any other, was one of the greatest conceptual leaps in the history of mathematics, one that would spur the rise of modern science.
    Today it was announced that the written record of zero, in the region which discovered this influential digit, dates back four centuries further than most scholars had thought, thanks to carbon dating of an ancient manuscript, written on 70 leaves of birch bark, held at the University of Oxford’s Bodleian Libraries.
    Oxford’s dating project has been surprisingly revealing about the origins of the delicate and fragmented Bakhshali manuscript, one of the star objects in a forthcoming exhibition about Indian science and technology over the past five millennia, that will form part of the Museum’s Illuminating India season from October.

    Section of the Bahkshali manuscript
    Section of the Bakhshali manuscript

    This carbon dating of the manuscript, shows that it is formed of leaves that are nearly 500 years apart in age, with some pages dating from as early as the 3rd to 4th century and others dating from the 8th and 10th centuries.
    The field of mathematics provides the logical fabric of modern life – today’s society would falter without zero – so it is hard to imagine a time when zero was, well, zero and mathematics was expressed not by numerals but in verse.
    When a written version of zero crystallised from verse in its birthplace in South Asia, it appeared in Sanskrit (not standard Sanskrit, but features of what is called Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit), as well as other Middle-Indo Aryan languages (Prakrit and Apabhraṃśa) and Old Kashmiri.
    Dots in a manuscript, found in a field in 1881 by a farmer in Bakhshali, located near modern Peshawar, Pakistan, mark the earliest written record in the location where zero was first incorporated into the system of numbers we know today, a remarkable moment in the history of mathematics and the development of modern thinking.
    Not only is it the only known Indian document on mathematics from such an early period, it also shows all 10 decimal digits which included a dot for zero, and might have been used by Buddhist merchants in trading.
    Other ancient peoples were by no means blank when it came to zero: the Babylonians and Mayans realised it was handy to have a placeholder to signal something was absent, using a double wedge or a shell shape.
    But in India the symbol grew into a numeral that exists in its own right. You could add it, subtract it, multiply it. Division remains a bit trickier, but that challenge spurred the development of a gloriously strange field of mathematics as these mathematical pioneers wrestled with infinities. By comparison, zero happened with the Babylonian or Mayan placeholder zeroes.
    “Why it is so exciting is that this zero in India is the seed from which the concept of zero as a number in its own right, represented by the same dot or circle, will emerge some centuries later, something many regard as one of the of the great moments in the history of mathematics,” comments Marcus du Sautoy, Professor of Mathematics at the University of Oxford.
    The age of the Bakhshali manuscript, and thus the dot notation for zero, has been the subject of much scholarly debate. Before this new research, most would say that the manuscript dates back to somewhere between the 8th and 12th century, according to Camillo Formigatti, John Clay Sanskrit Librarian at the Bodleian.

    Earlier this year the manuscript was carbon dated for the first time by a team including Formigatti; David Howell, Head of Heritage Science at the Bodleian Libraries; Gillian Evison, Head of the Bodleian Libraries Oriental Section; Virginia Llado-Buisan, Head of Conservation and Collection Care at the Bodleian Libraries and David Chivall, Chemistry Laboratory Manager at the Oxford Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit, which has worked on many significant projects, notably dating the Turin Shroud.
    Each sample – between 1.4 mg and 1.8 mg of bark – was taken from an unmarked area of different birch folios. The team measured levels of radioactive carbon-14, compared to stable carbon-12 in each folio, which is continually produced in the upper atmosphere as cosmic rays strike the Earth. Plants and trees incorporate the radiocarbon, in the form of carbon dioxide via photosynthesis and lock up the carbon in their structures, for instance in the birch bark on which the manuscript was written, because radiocarbon decays with a half-life of 5,730 years, once the bark is formed, the amount of radiocarbon within it continually decreases, while the amount of stable carbon remains constant. In this way, the Oxford team could work out how long ago the bark was formed by measuring the ratio of radiocarbon to stable carbon.
    The first surprise was that the results reveal that the three samples date from different centuries, one (Folio 33) dated from 885-993 CE, the expected date, but another (Folio 17) dated from 680-779 CE and another (Folio 16) dated from 224-383 CE. That was the biggest surprise of all.
    Previous dating methods had been estimated based on the style of writing and the literary and mathematical content and, though a 3rd/4th century date was not totally unprecedented among some scholars, it had not been considered realistic by most of the academic community. The emergence of proto-zero in 200-400 BC comes a long time before the 7th Century, when the astronomer Brahmagupta became the driving force behind zero’s ascendance to greatness. His text, Brahmasphutasiddhanta, The Opening of the Universe, written in 628 CE, is the first to treat zero as a number in its own right and to include a discussion of the arithmetic of zero.
    In fact, even more remarkable, the story of zero must date back even further than the Bakhshali manuscript since it is likely a recording of earlier manuscripts, which in turn were based on even earlier verbal representations of mathematics.

    A further section of the Bakhshali manuscript
    A further section of the Bakhshali manuscript

    Around the time of Christ, scholars in south Asia probably realised the importance of zero and this makes sense because this abstraction thrived on local religious and spiritual beliefs. Jain mathematicians were not intimidated by the idea of the void, or of infinite space, unlike those in the West. The reason is that zero echoed ‘Sunyata’, a Buddhist concept of emptiness.
    There was a democratic dimension to this number too: zero gave people power as they could do calculations without the need for an abacus. The story goes that when they did their sums in the sand, early mathematicians came to realise that as they removed stones that represented something, they left a hole behind, which is how we ended up with an empty circle as a zero.
    From South Asia, zero migrated into the Middle East, where it was championed by Islamic scholars. In the 8th century the great Arab mathematician al-Khawarizmi adopted it. If only the sixth-century monk, Dionysius Exiguus (“Dennis the Short” from what today is Dobruja, in Romania and Bulgaria), had known about zero when he devised Anno Domini, year of the Lord. By his reasoning, 1 CE immediately followed 1 BC, and his omission of zero would cause much confusion.
    Eventually zero arrived in Europe, where it exerted an extraordinary influence. For example, it allowed Isaac Newton in the mid-17th century to invent calculus, which charts change by focusing on “instantaneous” change, changes over tiny intervals that, effectively, are zero.
    That is how Newton found that acceleration could be modelled by simple laws of motion. The rise of calculus helped to drive the rise of modern science which in turn has been applied through myriad technologies and generated even more unsettling insights into the nature of zero, not least the ultimate zero, the Big Bang, which saw the birth of space, time and the universe 13.8 billion years ago.
    ‘The Bakhshali manuscript helps to illustrate how vibrant mathematics has been in India and the east for centuries,’ says Prof du Sautoy. ‘It is also testament to the way mathematics crosses cultural, historical and political boundaries.’
    The Professor of Mathematics adds that it is ‘deeply moving to see this dot on an ancient piece of birch bark and recognise how much I have to thank those mathematicians of the past who built the mathematical edifice I now stand on top of.’
    Written by Roger Highfield and Matt Kimberley, curator of Illuminating India: 5000 Years of Science and Innovation.

    A folio from the Bakhshali manuscript will go on public display at the Science Museum as a centrepiece of the major exhibition Illuminating India: 5000 Years of Science and Innovation, opening 4 October 2017.

    Discovery of the Earliest Zero Symbol Reshapes the History of Mathematics


    The ancient Bashkali manuscript has been confirmed to hold the earliest zero symbol on record, putting the history of mathematics in a new light.

    The dot--a zero--serves as a placeholder in the bottom line of the page above. [Photo by the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford]

    In 1881, a farmer found the manuscript buried in a field in his native Bashkali, a village in what was then Pakistan. Indologist Rudolf Hoernle acquired the manuscript and later presented it to the Bodleian Libraries at Oxford in 1902. Scholars at the Bodleian Libraries struggled to date the manuscript because it had 70 pages made of birch bark, with material that came from three different time periods. Earlier research found that the manuscript dated from the 8th and 12thcenturies. However, carbon dating has proven these findings false.

    It turns out that the manuscript is much older than previously thought. Scientists now believe that the manuscript dates back to the 3rd or 4th century. This means that the zero symbol has been around centuries earlier than mathematicians thought.

    Revolutionizing the History of Mathematics

    How the manuscript is organized today [Photo by the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford]

    India wasn't the only country to have a civilization that used a zero symbol. Ancient civilizations such as the Mayans and Babylonians used a zero symbol as well. What sets the Indian zero symbol apart, however, is what it looks like. As shown in the manuscript, dots indicated zeroes. This dot eventually evolved into the hollow circle or oval that we use today. The Bodleian Libraries also say that in the ancient times, it was only in India that zero was considered to be a number in itself.

    In the Bashkali manuscript, however, zero did not yet function as a number. Instead, the zero symbol functioned as a placeholder, as in the number 101. It was the Indian astronomer and mathematician Brahmagupta who first described zero as a number in a document called Brahmasphutasiddhanta. The Bashkali manuscript, containing the earliest zero symbol, sowed the seeds of considering zero to be a number in its own right. Outside of India, especially in the Western world, this precipitated an important revolution in the history of mathematics.

    The concept of zero—signifying nothingness—took longer to take hold in Europe. Mathematicians think that cultural differences between India and the West may have been the cause of this.

    The Philosophy and Culture of Mathematics

    The front page of the Bashkali manuscript [Photo by the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford]

    The fact that culture and cultural differences influenced the ancient days of mathematics isn't surprising. At the time, math wasn't the universal language it is today. According to Marcus du Sautoy, professor of mathematics at the University of Oxford, the culture in India was more comfortable contemplating the concept of the void to “conceive of the infinite” in philosophical tradition. “That is exciting to recognize, that culture is important in making big mathematical breakthroughs,” du Sautoy says. “The Europeans, even when it was introduced to them, were like ‘Why would we need a number for nothing?’” du Sautoy continues. “It’s a very abstract leap.”

    This is an exciting new aspect to the history of mathematics. Today, the notion and number of zero are important in several fields. It's therefore amazing that the earliest known zero symbol came from an ancient trading manual for merchants plying the Silk Road.

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    This Female from Syro-Anatolia was probably the arm of a throne.

    This can be explained as a hypertext artistic expression to signify an iron smelter: Hieroglyph: kola ‘woman’ (Nahali). Rebus: kolimi ‘smithy’ (Te.)

    The paws of the sphinx appear to be feline paws. panja'feline paw' rebus: panja 'furnace' PLUS kola'tiger' rebus: kol'working in iron'kolhe'smelter'. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ. khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali)

    The sphinx is also adorned with a scarf on the neck. This is a hieroglyph. dhatu'scarf' rebus: dhatu'mineral ore'.

    The use of Meluhha words to explain this throne fragment from Anatolia dated to ca. 1800 BCE is justified because Syro-Anatolia was -- at this time of 2nd millennium BCE-- a region known to have been a region with Proto-Indo-Aryan speakers evidenced by Mitanni treaties and Kikkuli's horse-training manual with Proto-Indo-Aryan (i.e., Meluhha speech) words.

    Comparable to this artistic expression on a throne is the depiction of feline paws on a stool. On this stool, a lady spinner is seated in front of another stool with a platter of 'fish ligatured with 6 blobs'. This lady spinner sculptural frieze from Susa is dated to 6th cent. BCE.
    Image result for lady spinner louvre bharatkalyan97
    "Hieroglyphs of a spinner bas-relief fragment from Susa dated to 8th cent. BCE (now in Louvre Museum) are identified. The Elamite lady spinner bas-relief is a composition of hieroglyphs depicting a guild of wheelwrights or ‘smithy of nations’ (harosheth hagoyim). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using lexemes of Indian sprachbund given the archeological evidence of Meluhha settlers in Susa."
    H. 9 cm. W. 13 cm. Bituminous stone, a matte, black sedimentary rock. With her arms full of bracelets, the spinner holding a spindle is seated on a stool with tiger-paw legs. Elegantly coiffed, her hair is pulled back in a bun and held in place with a headscarf crossed around her head. Behind the spinner is an attendant holding a square wickerwork(?) fan. In front is a table with tiger-paw legs, a fish with six bun ingots. Susa. Neo-elamite period. 8th to 6th century BCE. The bas-relief was first cited in J, de Morgan's Memoires de la Delegation en Perse, 1900, vol. i. plate xi Ernest Leroux. Paris. Current location: Louvre Museum Sb2834 Near Eastern antiquities, Richelieu, ground floor, room 11.

    Reviewing eight volumes of Délégation en Perse, Memories publiès sous la direction de M. J. de Morgan, délégué-général (quarto, Leroux, editeur, Paris) and noting that a ninth volume was in print (1905), Ernst Babelon offers the following comments on the ‘bas-relief of the spinner’ of the Elamite Period (3400 - 550 BCE): “Again Chaldæan in origin, although of far later date, is a small diorite fragment of bas-relief called the bas-relief of the Spinner. It represents a woman sitting on a stool, her legs crossed and feet behind in the tailor's attitude. She is holding her spindle with both hands; in front of her is a fish lying on a table, and behind her a slave is waving the fly-flap.The round chubby faces of the figures recall the bas-reliefs of Khorsabad, which represent the eunuchs of the Ninevite palace.” (Ernst Babelon, 1906, Archaeological discoveries at Susa, in: Encyclopaedia Iranica.)


    panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace'
    aya'fish' Rebus: aya'iron' (Gujarati) ayas'alloy metal' (gveda)
    kola'tiger' Rebus: kolle'blacksmith'kol'working in iron'; kolhe'smelter'kole.l 'smithy, temple'; kolimi 'smithy, forge' Hieroglyph: bhaṭa 'six' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. 

    karttr̥2 m. ʻ spinner ʼ MBh. [√kr̥t2]H. kātī f. ʻ woman who spins thread ʼ; -- Or. kãtiā ʻ spinner ʼ with  from verb kã̄tibā (CDIAL 2861) See: khātrī m. ʻ member of a caste of Hindu weavers ʼ.(Gujarati)(CDIAL 3647) kātī 'spinner' Rebus: khātī m. ʻ member of a caste of wheelwrights ʼ(Hindi) kṣattŕ̊ m. ʻ carver, distributor ʼ RV., ʻ attendant, door- keeper ʼ AV., ʻ charioteer ʼ VS., ʻ son of a female slave ʼ lex. [√kṣad]Pa. khattar -- m. ʻ attendant, charioteer ʼ (CDIAL 3647)

    A fragment called 'spinner' is a relief of bitumen mastic from Susa. This relief has remarkable Indus Script hieroglyphs and has been called a Rosetta Stone of Indus Script cipher. One characteristic feature of the hieroglyph-multiplex is the use of a numerical semantic determinative. Six round objects are shown on a fish. In this pictorial, fish is a hieroglyph. Numeral six is a hieroglyph. Together, the Indus Script cipher is: aya 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metalgoṭ 'round' Rebus: khoṭ 'alloy' PLUS  bhaṭa 'six' Rebus:  bhaṭa'furnace.' Thus, the hieroglyph-multiplex proclaims the message: aya khoṭ bhaṭa 'metal (alloy) furnace'. Similar examples of the significance of 'six' numeral as a cipher from Ancient Near East are presented to signify phrases such as: meḍ bhaṭa 'iron furnace'.  करडा karaḍā bhaṭa 'hard alloy furnace'.

    It has been shown that this entire sculptural frieze is an Indus Script Hypertext to signify a cartwright working with ayas 'alloy metal' and producing wrought iron: goṭa 'round pebble stone' rebus: khoṭaʻingot forged, alloyʼ(Marathi) PLUS bhaṭa 'six' rebus: baṭa'iron'baṭha'furnace'.

    The fish on a stool in front of the spinner with head-wrap can be read rebus for key hieroglyphs:

    Hieroglyph: small ball: *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goṟaṭe &c. listed DED 1722]K. goṭh f., dat. °ṭi f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠oṭu m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goṭi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goṭāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goṭā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goṭa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. goṭ f. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. goṭ m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔm. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ṭilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Rebus:  L. khoṭ f. ʻ alloyʼ,°ṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā ʻ forged ʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻ base, alloy ʼG. khoṭũ ʻ alloyedʼ; M. khoṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ(CDIAL 3931)
    khuṭoʻleg, footʼ. khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali)
    kāti ‘spinner’ rebus: ‘wheelwright.’ 
    vēṭha’head-wrap’. Rebus: veṭa , veṭha, veṇṭhe ‘a small territorial unit’.
    sāi kol ayas kāṇḍa baṭa ‘friend+tiger+fish+stool+six’ rebus: association (of) iron-workers’ metal stone ore kiln. 
    The Elamite lady spinner bas-relief is a composition of hieroglyphs depicting a guild of wheelwrights or ‘smithy of nations’ (harosheth hagoyim).

    khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus:kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    1. Six bun ingots. bhaṭa ‘six’ (Gujarati). Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (Gujarati.Santali) 

    2. ayo ‘fish’ (Munda). Rebus: ayas ‘metal’ (Sanskrit) aya ‘metal’ (Gujarati)

    3. kātī ‘spinner’ (G.) kātī ‘woman who spins thread’ (Hindi). Rebus: khātī ‘wheelwright’ (Hindi). kāṭi = fireplace in the form of a long ditch (Ta.Skt.Vedic) kāṭya = being in a hole (VS. XVI.37); kāṭ a hole, depth (RV. i. 106.6) khāḍ a ditch, a trench; khāḍ o khaiyo several pits and ditches (G.) khaṇḍrun: ‘pit (furnace)’ (Santali) kaḍaio ‘turner’ (Gujarati) 

    4. kola‘woman’ (Nahali). Rebus: kolimi‘smithy’ (Te.) 

    5. Tiger’s paws. panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'furnace'. kola ‘tiger’ (Telugu); kola ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.). Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil) Glyph: ‘hoof’: Kumaon. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ, °ṭī ʻgoat's legʼ; Nepalese. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ(CDIAL 3894). S. khuṛī f. ʻheelʼ; WPah. paṅ. khūṛ ʻfootʼ. (CDIAL 3906). Rebus: khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali) 

    6. Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar, furnace’ (Santali) kāṇḍa ’stone ore’.
    7. meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (P.) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) 
    8. ‘scarf’ glyph: dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu) m. ‘scarf’ (Wpah.) (CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu ‘minerals’ (Santali)
    9. Glyph 'friend': Assamese. xaï ʻfriendʼ, xaiyā ʻpartner in a gameʼ; Sinhala. saha ʻfriendʼ (< nom. sákhā or < sahāya -- ?). sákhi (nom. sg. sákhā) m. ʻfriendʼ RigVeda. 2. sakhī -- f. ʻwoman's confidanteʼ (Sanskrit), ʻa mistressʼ VarBrS. 1. Pali. sakhā nom. sg. m. ʻfriendʼ, Prakrit. sahi -- m.; Nepalese. saiyã̄ ʻlover, paramour, friendʼ (or < svāmín -- ); 2. Pali. sakhī -- , sakhikā -- f. ʻwoman's female friendʼ, Prakrit. sahī -- , °hiā -- f., Bengali. sai, Oriya. sahi, saï, Hindi. poet. saïyo f., Gujarati. saï f., Marathi. say, saī f. -- Ext. -- ḍ -- : OldMarwari. sahalaṛī f. ʻwoman's female friend’; -- -- r -- : Gujarati. sahiyar, saiyar f.; -- -- ll -- (cf. sakhila -- ): Sindhi. Lahnda. Punjabi. sahelī f. woman's female friendʼ, N. saheli, B. saylā, OAw. sahelī f.; H. sahelī f. ʻ id., maidservant, concubineʼ; OldMarwari. sahalī, sahelī ʻwoman's female friendʼ, OldGujarati. sahīlī f., Marathi. sahelī f. (CDIAL 13074). Apabhramśa. sāhi 'master'-- m.; Gypsy. pal. saúi ʻ owner, master ʼ, Sindhi. sã̄ī˜ m., Lahnda. sã̄i, mult. (as term of address) sāi; Punjabi. sāī˜, sāīyã̄ m. ʻmaster, husbandʼ; Nepalese. saiyã̄ ʻlover, paramour, friendʼ (or < sákhi -- ); Bengali. sã̄i ʻmasterʼ, (used by boys in play) cã̄i; Oriya. sāĩ ʻlord, king, deityʼ; Maithili. (ETirhut) saĩẽ ʻhusband (among lower classes)ʼ, (SBhagalpur) sã̄ĩ ʻhusband (as addressed by wife)ʼ; Bhojpuri. sāī˜ ʻGodʼ; OldAwadhi. sāīṁ m. ʻlord, master , lakh. sāī ʻsaintʼ; Hindi. sã̄ī m. ʻmaster, husband, God, religious mendicantʼ; Gujarti. sã̄ī m. ʻfaqirʼ, sã̄ ʻterm of respectful addressʼ; Marathi. sāī ʻtitle of respect, term of addressʼ; Sinhala. sāmi -- yā, hä° ʻhusbandʼ, himi -- yā ʻmaster, owner, husbandʼ (Perh. in Marathi. -- s affix to names of relationship (see śrī -- Add.). WPahari.poet. saĩ m. (obl. saĩ) ʻ friend, lover, paramour '. (CDIAL 13930). Rebus: 'association': Oriya. sāhi, sāi ʻ part of town inhabited by people of one caste or tribe '; sākhiya (metr.), sākhyá -- n. ʻ association, party ʼ RigVeda., ʻfriendshipʼ Mahāv. [sákhi] Pa. sakhya -- n. ʻ friendship ʼ (< sākhyá -- ? -- acc. sg. n. sakkhi and sakkhī -- f. from doublet sakhyaṁ ~ *sākhiya: cf. type sāmagrī -- ~ sāmagrya -- ) (CDIAL 13323). 10. Glyph: 'head-wrap': veṭha [fr. viṣṭ, veṣṭ] wrap, in sīsa˚ head-- wrap, turban M i.244; S iv.56. (Pali) Prakrit. veṭṭhaṇa -- n. ʻwrappingʼ, °aga -- n. ʻturbanʼ (CDIAL 12131). vēṣṭá m. ʻband, nooseʼ ʻenclosureʼ (Sanskrit), °aka- m. ʻfenceʼ, n. ʻturbanʼ lex. [√vēṣṭ] Marathi. veṭh, vẽṭh, veṭ, vẽṭ m.f. ʻroll, turn of a ropeʼ; Sinhala. veṭya ʻenclosureʼ; -- Pali. sīsa -- vēṭha -- m. ʻhead -- wrapʼ,vēṭhaka -- ʻsurroundingʼ; Prakrit. vēḍha -- m. ʻwrapʼ; Sindhi. veṛhu m. ʻencirclingʼ(CDIAL 12130). Rebus: 'territorial unit': veṭa , veṭha, veṇṭhe ‘a small territorial unit’ (Ka.IE8-4) (Pali) Assamese. Beran ʻact of surroundingʼ; Oriya. beṛhaṇa, °ṇi ʻgirth, circumference, fencing, small cloth worn by womanʼ. (CDIAL 12131). Pushto: باره bāraʿh, s.f. (3rd) ‘A fortification, defence, rampart, a ditch, palisade, an entrenchment, a breastwork’. Pl. يْ ey. (Pushto). Prakrit. vēḍha -- m. ʻwrapʼ; S. veṛhu m. ʻencirclingʼ; Lahnda. veṛh, vehṛ m. ʻfencing, enclosure in jungle with a hedge, (Ju.) blockadeʼ, veṛhā,vehṛā m. ʻcourtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many housesʼ; Punjabi. veṛhā, be° m. ʻenclosure, courtyardʼ; Kumaon. beṛo ʻcircle or band (of people)ʼ WesternPahari.kṭg. beṛɔ m. palaceʼ, Assamese. also berā ʻ fence, enclosure ʼ (CDIAL 12130). Hindi. beṛhnā ʻ to enclose, surround ʼ; Marathi. veḍhṇẽ ʻto twist, surroundʼ; (CDIAL 12132). kharoṣṭī 'blacksmith lip, carving' and harosheth 'smithy' kharoṣṭī the name of a script in ancient India from ca. 5th century BCE is a term cognate with harosheth hagoyim of the Old Bible. kharoṣṭī (khar + oṣṭa ‘blacksmith + lip’ or khar + uṣṭa – ‘blacksmith’ + ʻsettledʼ) is a syllabic writing system of the region where Indian hieroglyphs were used as evidenced by Indus Script corpora. The word –goy- in hagoyim is cognate with goy ‘gotra, clan’ (Prakrit). (Details in S. Kalyanaraman, 2012, Indian Hieroglyphs). gōtrá n. ʻ cowpen, enclosure ʼ RigVeda., ʻ family, clan ʼ1. Pali. gotta -- n. ʻ clan ʼ, Prakrit. gotta -- , gutta -- , amg. gōya -- n.(CDIAL 4279). Etymology of harosheth is variously elucidated, while it is linked to 'chariot-making in a smithy of nations'. Harosheth Hebrew: חרושת הגויים‎; is pronounced khar-o-sheth? Most likely, (haroshet) a noun meaning a carving. Hence, kharoṣṭī came to represent a 'carving, engraving' art, i.e. a writing system. Harosheth-hagoyim See: Haroshet [Carving]; a forest; agriculture; workmanship; harsha [Artifice: deviser: secret work]; workmanship; a wood Cognate with haroshet: karṣá m. ʻ dragging ʼ Pāṇ., ʻ agriculture ʼ Āp.(CDIAL 2905). karṣaṇa n. ʻ tugging, ploughing, hurting ʼ Manu (Sanskrit), ʻ cultivated land ʼ MBh. [kárṣati, √kr̥ṣ] Prakrit. karisaṇa -- n. ʻ pulling, ploughing ʼ; Gujarati. karsaṇ n. ʻ cultivation, ploughing ʼ; OldGujarati. karasaṇī m. ʻ cultivator ʼ, Gujarati. karasṇī m. -- See *kr̥ṣaṇa -- .(CDIAL 2907). 

    A precise note on cuneiform script as an early writing system is provided by Massimo Maiocchi (2015). This note has to be expanded for comparison with the contemporary writing system of Indus Script since Meluhha traders and artisans were in contact with this region with cuneiform script writers. While early cuneiform was used on tablets to signify and document mostly quantitative records of grains, rations and other issues to workers, Indus Script hypertexts (earliest evidence dates to ca. 3300 BCE based on a potsherd found by HARP Project) were accounting ledgers used to signify and document the nature of metallurgical products and techniques to produce wealth through trade transactions. 

    While cuneiform script is syllabic, the Indus Script is logographic and logo-semantic.

    Massimo Maiocchi, 2015, Early writing, cuneiform script and the origin of the oldest writing systems in comparative perspective, News and Notes, Members Magazine,Issue 227, Autumn 2015,

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    Researchers to revisit Harappan tech for modern use

    The researchers claim that the Harappans had perfected most of the technologies of their time which are still being used.

     Updated: Oct 07, 2017 19:29 IST
    Sanjeev K Ahuja
    The researchers will relook at the science, technology and innovations that happened in ancient India in 3,000–4,500 BC or 5,000-6,000 years ago.The researchers will relook at the science, technology and innovations that happened in ancient India in 3,000–4,500 BC or 5,000-6,000 years ago.(Saumya Khandelwal/HT FILE PHOTO)
    A group of researchers from across the country are revisiting 5,000-year-old technologies used by Harappans, including water management, in a bid to learn from the lost Indus Valley civilisation for use in modern times.

    The researchers claim that the Harappans had perfected most of the technologies such as stone-beading, crafts production, Indus ceramic technologies, metal and metallurgy, which are still used.

    The researchers from Deccan College Pune, Banaras Hindu University (BHU) Varanasi, M S University Baroda, Allahabad University, JRN Rajasthan Vidyapeeth Jodhpur, Archaeological Survey of India and Indian National Science Academy recently gathered in New Delhi for the purpose.

    Prof D Balasubramanian, chairman of research council for history of science, said the researchers will relook at the science, technology and innovations that happened in ancient India in 3,000–4,500 BC or 5,000-6,000 years ago.

    “Everybody talks about Italy having viaducts but we had it earlier than them,” he said, recalling that people in in Gujarat had Baori or step-wells that were interconnected through viaducts 6,000 years ago.

    Prof Vasant Shinde, vice-chancellor, Deccan College of Post Graduate Research & Training, Pune, said certain technologies continued from 5,000 years to modern times, “till 30 years back”.

    He highlighted the continuation of pottery-making, stone-making in Khambat region of Gujarat besides the cold hammering technique in metallurgy.

    On water harvesting, Prof Shinde said the present generation is doing a lot to deal with water scarcity but are not learning “from Harappan ancestors who had devised simple and effective tech”.

    “We can use water harvesting the way they did it. They dug underground water wells which were interconnected,” he said.

    The researchers said they would not require foreign collaborations and huge funding from abroad as they have access to better technologies and funds to conduct in-depth studies.

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    This monograph reports on two findings of great significance related to the site Binjor 4MSR on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati, near Anupgarh, Rajasthan. 

    The two findings reported from Binjor reported on three seasons' work between 2015 an 2017 by the team led by Archaeologist Sanjay Manjul of Archaeological Survey of India are:

    1. Optically Simulated Laser (OSL) techniques used on soil samples taken from palaeo-channel river embankments near 4MSR and nearby mound 43GB site evidence that the Vedic River Sarasvati (now seen as a palaeo-channel) was a flowing channel between the periods 15–10 ka or 5 ka (i.e. 13th to 3rd millennium BCE) with high moisture content seen in the sand mobilization processes of the Thar Desert area along the river basin.

    2. The discovery of 5 seals with Indus Script hypertexts and of metalwork and lapidary activities at the site provide hints that Binjor is an industrial site of Sarasvati Civilization Bronze Age.

    These are reports of extraordinary significance because they evidence the existence of Vedic River Sarasvati as a navigable waterway by seafaring merchants with transactions across the Persian Gulf into contact areas of Ancient Near East and validate the documentation of metalwork in over 8000 inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora.
    Locations on banks of Vedic River Sarasvati near Anupgarh, from which flood-silt samples were taken for Optically Simulated Luminiscence (OSL) investigations

    The OSL investigations demonstrate that the palaeo-channels seen on this satellite (LANDSAT) image which shows a wide (approx 6 km. wide) channel constituted a navigable waterway during periods between 13th and 3rd millennium BCE.

    These two findings complement the earlier stunning discovery of a yajña kuṇḍda with an octagonal brick pillar. Such an octagonal pillar is referred to as aṣṭāśri yupa in ancient Vedic texts. Binjor Yupa of  Sarasvati Vaidika civilization is yajñasya ketu (RV 3.8.8), a proclamation emblem of performance of a Soma Samsthā yajña. Such a yajña yields bahusuvarṇakam; 'many gold pieces' and thus, a wealth-producing metallurgical enterprise performed with śraddhā, 'dedication, devotion' and prayers.

    caṣāla is a unique metallurgical technique documented in the Veda texts to infuse carbon into metal in furnaces to harden the metal or to produced hardened alloys. caṣāla is godhūma, fumes of wheat chaff which infuse angāra, 'carbon'. The expression caṣāla 'wheat chaff fume' is signified by the sacred hieroglyph of caṣāla 'snout of varāha.'

    The yupa is a conclusive evidence of Veda culture in the Binjor (4MSR) site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. This is specially described in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa & Rigveda.

    An exposition by Sadhashiv A Dange: “the yūpa is described as being the emblem of the sacrifice (RV III.8.8 yajñasya ketu). Though it is fixed on the terrestrial plane at the sacrifice, it is expected to reach the path of the gods. Thus, about the many sacrificial poles (fixed in the Paśubandha, or at the Horse-sacrifice) it is said that they actually provide the path for reaching the gods (ib., 9 devānām api yanti pāthah). They are invoked to carry the oferings to the gods (ib., 7 te no vyantu vāryam devatrā), which is the prerogative of the fire-god who is acclaiemd as ‘messenger’ (dūta); cf. RV I.12.1 agrim dūtam vṛṇimahe). In what way is the yūpa expected to carry the chosen offering to the gods? It is when the victim is tied to the sacrificial pole. The prallelism between the sacrificial fire and the yūpa is clear. The fire carries it through the smoke and flames; the yūpa is believed to carry it before that, when the victim is tied to it, as its upper end is believed to touch heaven. A more vivid picture obtains at the yajapeya. Here the yūpa is eight-angled, corresponding to the eight qurters. (śat. Br. V.2.1.5 aṣṭāśrir yūpo bhavati; the reason given is that the metre Gayatri has eight letters in one foot; not applicable here, as it is just hackneyed. At Taitt.Sam. I.7.9.1, in this context a four-angled yūpa is prescribed.) The one yūpa is conceived as touching three worlds: Heaven, Earth and the nether subterranean. The portion that is above the caṣāla (ring) made of wheat-dough (cf.śat. Br. V.2.1.6 gaudhūmam caṣālam bhavati) represents Heaven. This is clear from the rite of ascending to the caṣāla, made of wheat-dough, in the Vajapeya sacrifice. The sarificer ascends to it with the help of a ladder (niśrayaṇī); and, while doing so, calls upon his wife, ‘Wife, come; let us ascend to Heaven’. As soon as he ascends and touches the caṣāla, he utters, ‘We have reached Heavven, O gods’ (ib., 12). According to Sāyaṇa on the Taiit.Sam. I.7.9.1, the sacrificer stretches his hands upwards when he reaches the caṣāla and says, ‘We have reached the gods that stay in heaven’ (udgṛhītābhyām bāhubhyām). Even out of the context of the Vajapeya, when the yūpa is erected (say in the Paśubandha), it is addressed, ‘For the earth you, for the mid-region you, for heaven you (do we hoist you)’ (Taitt. Sam. I.3.6.1-3; cf. śat. Br. III.7.1.5-6). The chiselled portion of the yūpa is above the earth. So, from the earth to heaven, through the mid-region the yūpa represents the three-regions. The un-chiselled portion of the yūpa is fixed in the pit (avaṭa) and the avaṭa, which represents the subterranean regions, is the region of the ancestors (ib.4).The yūpa, thus, is the axis mundi…Then, it gave rise to various myths, one of them being that of the stūpa of Varuṇa, developing further into Aśvattha tree, which is nothing but a symbol of a tree standing with roots in the sun conceived as the horse (aśva-stha = aśvattha), a symbol obtaining at varius places in the Hindu tradition. It further developed into the myth of the churning staff of the mountain (Amṛta-manthana); and yet further, into the myth of Vasu Uparicara, whom Indra is said to have given his yaṣṭi (Mb.Adi. 6y3.12-19). This myth of the yaṣṭi was perpetuated in the ritual of the Indra-dhvaja in the secular practice (Brhatsamhita, Chapter XLII), while in the s’rauta practice the original concept of the axis mundi was transformed into the yūpa that reached all regions, including the under-earth. There is another important angle to the yūpa. As the axis mundi it stands erect to the east of the Uttaravedi and indicates the upward move to heaven. This position is unique. If one takes into account the position of the Gārhapatya and the āhavaniya fireplaces, it gets clear that the march is from the earth to heaven; because, the Gārhapatya is associated with this earth and it is the household fire (cf. gṛhā vai gārhapatyah, a very common saying in the ritual texts), and the seat of the sacrificer’s wife is just near it, along with the wives of the gods, conceptually. From this fire a portion is led to the east, in the quarter of the rising sun (which is in tune with such expressions as prāñcam yajñam pra nayatā sahāyah, RV X.101.2); where the Ahavaniya fireplace is structured. As the offerings for the gods are cast in the Ahavaniya, this fire is the very gate of heaven. And, here stands, the yūpa to its east taking a rise heavenwards. This is, by far, the upward rise. But, on the horizontal plane, the yūpa is posted half-inside, half-outside the altar. The reason is, that thereby it controls the sacred region and also the secular, i.e. both heaven and earth, a belief attested by the ritual texts. (Tait. Sam. VI.6.4.1; Mait. Sam. III.9.4).”(Dange, SA, 2002, Gleanings from Vedic to Puranic age, New Delhi, Aryan Books International, pp. 20-24).

    The Sukta RV X.101 reads, explaining the entire yajña as a metaphor of golden-tinted soma poured into a wooden bowl, a smelting process yielding weapons of war and transport and implements of daily life (Translation of RV X.101):

    10.101.01 Awake, friends, being all agreed; many in number, abiding in one dwelling, kindle Agni. I invoke you, Dadhikra, Agni, and the divine, who are associated with Indra, for our protection. [In one dwelling: lit., in one nest; in one hall].
    10.101.02 Construct exhilarating (hymns), spread forth praises, construct the ship which is propelled by oars, prepare your weapons, make ready, lead forth, O friends, the herald, the adorable (Agni).
    10.101.03 Harness the ploughs, fit on the yokes, now that the womb of earth is ready, sow the seed therein, and through our praise may there be abundant food; may (the grain) fall ripe towards the sickle. [Through our praise: sow the seed with praise, with a prayer of the Veda; s’rus.t.i = rice and other different kinds of food].
    10.101.04 The wise (priests) harness the ploughs, they lay the yokes apart, firmly devoted through the desire of happiness. [Happiness: sumnaya_ = to give pleasure to the gods].
    10.101.05 Set up the cattle-troughs, bind the straps to it; let us pour out (the water of) the well, which is full of water, fit to be poured out, and not easily exhausted.
    10.101.06 I pour out (the water of) the well, whose cattle troughs are prepared, well fitted with straps, fit to be poured out, full of water, inexhaustible.
    10.101.07 Satisfy the horses, accomplish the good work (of ploughing), equip a car laden with good fortune, pour out (the water of) the well, having wooden cattle-troughs having a stone rim, having a receptable like armour, fit for the drinking of men.
    10.101.08 Construct the cow-stall, for that is the drinking place of your leaders (the gods), fabricate armour, manifold and ample; make cities of metal and impregnable; let not the ladle leak, make it strong.
    10.101.09 I attract, O gods, for my protection, your adorable, divine mine, which is deserving of sacrifice and worship here; may it milk forth for us, like a large cow with milk, giving a thousand strreams, (having eaten) fodder and returned.
    10.101.10 Pour out the golden-tinted Soma into the bowl of the wooden cup, fabricate it with the stone axes, gird it with ten bands, harness the beast of burden to the two poles (of the cart).
    10.101.11 The beast of burden pressed with the two cart-poles, moves as if on the womb of sacrifice having two wives. Place the chariot in the wood, without digging store up the Soma.
    10.101.12 Indra, you leaders, is the giver of happiness; excite the giver of happiness, stimulate him, sport with him for the acquisition of food, bring down here, O priests, Indra, the son of Nis.t.igri_, to drink the Soma. [Nis.t.igri_ = a name of Aditi: ditim svasapatni_m girati_ti nis.t.igri_raditih].

    Thus, what has been discovered in Binjor is in Rigveda tradition of a yupa topped by caṣāla (godhuma, wheat chaff smoke) to carburize metal in furnace, fire-altar. The yupa is RV III.8.8 yajñasya ketu, the signature tune of the prayer, the signifier. Hieroglyph for caṣāla is the snout of varāha, the Veda Purusha. caṣāla and yupa are the vajra, which yield the adamantine glue, sanghgāta which is signified by the hieroglyphs: sangaDa, 'chain, lathe-portable furnace' in Indus Script tradition of data archiving. The Binjor seal with inscription is a data archive of metalwork by the artisans of Binjor (4MSR) who are engaged in a Cosmic process of creating wealth out of mere stone and rock mediated by fire and yaj, 'prayer'.

    aṣṭāśri octagonal yupa found in Binjor 4MSR. Śivalinga found in Vizhinjam 1st cent. CE? 

    The octagonal shape of Rudra bhāga of Vizhinjam Śivalinga compares with the aṣṭāśri octagonal yupa found in Binjor Yajna kunda (ca. 2500 BCE). 
    After Plate 8 in Kumar et al opcit. Ajit Kumar* Rajesh S.V.* Abhayan G.S.*Vinod V.* and Sujana Stephen**, 2013, Indian Ocean Maritime Trade: Evidences fromVizhinjam, South Kerala, Indiain:  Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No. 9, 2013 | 195-201 and 31-33 (Plates).

    A s'ivalinga is meḍhā -- with a unique octagonal/quadrangular shape as prescribed in Vedic texts -- rebus medha 'yajña'. Scores of s'ivalingas are found in India, Nepal, Laos, Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand with such s'ivalinga and ekamukha s'ivalinga of octagonal shape in rudra bhAga (middle). Images of such lingas of octagonal shape in rudra bhAga are presented for ready reference.

    On some linga-s mukha 'face' is ligatured in the middle of the linga -- the rebus Meluhha reading is: mũh 'face' rebus: mũhe 'ingot' rebus: muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' PLUS meḍhā 'stake, yupa' rebus: medha 'yajña'.
    चषालः caṣāla on Yupa, is an Indus Script hieroglyph like a crucible to carburize ores into steel/hard alloys (vajra), i.e. calcine metals.

    From Binjor (4MSR) on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati, a yajña kuNDa with an अष्टाश्रि 'having eight corners' (Vedic) yupa (brick pillar) was discovered in April 2015 by a young team of students from Institute of Arcaheology, National Museum, New Delhi led by Dr. Sanjay Manjul.

    The yupa is a conclusive evidence of Veda culture in the Binjor (4MSR) site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. This is specially described in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa & Rigveda.

    The key expressions on the Mulavarman Yupa inscription (D.175) are in Samskritam and one fragment reads: yaṣṭvā bahusuvarṇakam; tasya yajñasya yūpo ‘yam. This means "from yaṣṭi to possess many gold pieces; this Yupa is a commemoration of that yajna."

    A remarkable discovery is the octoganal brick which is a yaṣṭ a fire-altar of Bijnor site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. Thi yaṣṭi attests to the continuum of the Vedic tradition of fire-altars venerating the yaṣṭi as a baton, skambha of divine authority which transforms mere stone and earth into metal ingots, a manifestation of the cosmic dance enacted in the furnace/smelter of a smith.

    Vajapeya is one of 7 samstha (profession) for processing/smelting soma (a mineral, NOT a herbal): सोमः [सू-मन् Uṇ.1.139]-संस्था a form of the Soma-sacrifice; (these are seven:- अग्निष्टोम, अत्यग्निष्टोम, उक्थ, षोढशी, अतिरात्र, आप्तोर्याम and वाजपेय). The Vajapeya performed in Binjor and Balibangan should have been related to the Soma-samstha: सोमः संस्था specified as वाजपेय with the shape of the yupa with eight- or four-angles.

    सं-√ स्था a [p=1121,2]A1. -तिष्ठते ( Pa1n2. 1-3 , 22 ; ep. and mc. also P. -तिष्ठति ; Ved. inf. -स्थातोस् A1pS3r. ) , to stand together , hold together (pf. p. du. -तस्थान्/ए , said of heaven and earth) RV.  ; to build (a town) Hariv.  ; to heap , store up (goods) VarBr2S. 
    occupation , business , profession W.

    At the Vājapeya, the yūpa is eight-angled (as in Binjor), corresponding to the eight quarers (Sat.Br. V.2.1.5 aSTās'rir yūpo bhavatiअश्रि [p= 114,2] f. the sharp side of anything , corner , angle (of a room or house) , edge (of a sword) S3Br. Ka1tyS3r.often ifc. e.g. अष्टा*श्रि , त्रिर्-/अश्रि , च्/अतुर्-श्रि , शता*श्रि q.v. (cf. अश्र) ;([cf. Lat. acies , acer ; Lith. assmu3]).

    The shape seen commonly in all the shapes of yupa of Isapur is that they are octagonal (eight angles). The shape matches with the drawing based on Vedic texts by Madeleine Biardeau (See slide image given below).

    The vedic text which specifies the octagonal shape of the yupa is Satapatha Brahmana.

    Sbr. V.2.1.9: While setting up the ladder, the yajñika says to his wife, 'Come, let us go up to Heaven'. She answers, 'Let us go up'. (Sbr V.2.1.9) and they begin to mount the ladder. At the top, while touching the head of the post, the yajñika says: 'We have reached Heaven' (Taittiriya Samhita, SBr. Etc.) 'I have attained to heaven, to the gods, I have become immortal' (Taittiriya samhita 1.7.9) 'In truth, the yajñika makes himself a ladder and a bridge to reach the celestial world' (Taittiriya Samhita VI.6.4.2)

    Eggeling' translation of Sbr. Pt III, Vol. XLI, Oxford, 1894, p.31 says:
    “The post is either wrapped up or bound up in 17 cloths for Prajapati is 17-fold.' The top of the Yupa carries a wheel called cas'Ala in a horizontal position. The indrakila too is adorned with a wheel-ike object made of white cloth, but it is placed in a vertical position.

    The metalwork evidences reported from Binjor by Sanjay Manjul and his team of students from the Institute of Archaeology, New Delhi, attest to the wealth-producing activities at this industrial site of Binjor of the Bronze Age on the Sarasvati River Basin.

    Considering that the Vedic River Sarasvati together with River Sindhu were navigable water-ways, the links and interactions with Mesopotamia and Ancient Near East can be explained as trade transactions by seafaring Meluhha merchants and artisans. The five seals which document the metalwork and trade transactions are as follows:

    Comparison with Kalibangan discoveries

    Kalibangan also shows an agnikunda with a quadrangular yupa base and a terracotta cake with Indus Script hieroglyphs. The Kalibangan terracotta cake hieroglyphs constitute a catalogue of metalwork. Together with the agnikunda excavated at the site, the evidence points to a vajapeya yajna performed at Kalibangan.

    Note that  the Isapur post is square at the bottom, octagonal in the middle. Kalibangan yupa shown in the agnikuNDA is square in shape signifying the bottom portion of the yupa meant for Vajapeya Soma samsthA.
    Kalibangan. Fire-altar with stele 'linga' and terracotta cakes. Plate XXA. "Within one of the rooms of amost each house was found the curious 'fire-altar', sometimes also in successive levels, indicating their recurrent function." (p.31)

    Pl. XXII B. Terracotta cake with incised figures on obverse and reverse, Harappan. On one side is a human figure wearing a head-dress having two horns and a plant in the centre; on the other side is an animal-headed human figure with another animal figure, the latter being dragged by the former. 

    Decipherment of hieroglyphs on the Kalibangan terracotta cake:

    bhaa 'warrior' rebus: bhaa 'furnace'
    kolmo'rice plant' rebus: kolimi'smithy, forge'
    ko 'horn' rebus: ko 'workshop'
    kola'tiger' rebus: kolle'blacksmith', kolhe'smelter'kol'working in iron'
    The tiger is being pulled to be tied to a post, pillar.
    Hieroglyph: Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id. Malt. kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post. (DEDR 1723) Rebus: (agni) kuṇḍa 'fire-altar, vedi'. kundaṇa'fine gold'
    Hieriglyph: meṛh rope tying to post, pillar: mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚ, mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. Pañ, mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), mihomiyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽhmẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. mehmehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur)mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīrmīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛhamehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī,meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.mēthika -- ; mēthiṣṭhá -- . mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí -- ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ] Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10317 to, 10319) Rebus: meD 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' (Slavic)
    Note the Isapur yupa which show ropes in the middle and on the top to tie an animal as shown on the Kaibangan terracotta cake. In the case of the Kalibangan terracotta cake, the hieroglyph shows a kola, 'tiger' tied to the rope. The rebus reading is kol 'working in iron'. The work in iron is signified by the post, yupa: meḍ(h), 'post, stake' rebus: me 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic). 

    Thus, the terracotta cake inscription signifies a iron workshop smelter/furnace and smithy. 

    Indus Script epigraphs/inscriptions of Binjor

    Hundreds of oblong (popular qamong archaeologists as idli-shaped), triangular terracotta cakes have been found at 4MSR and the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi in Haryana, 340 km away. While the oblong cakes were used to retain heat in domestic hearths and chulas for keeping milk and water warm, the painted triangular cakes were embedded as decorative pieces on walls and floors of houses. Photo:ASI


    Shahr-i Sokhta, terracotta cakes, Periods II and III, I, MAI 1026 (front and rear); 2. MAI 376 (front and rear); 3. MAI 9794 (3a, photograph of front and read; 3b, drawing -- After Fig. 12 in E. Cortesi et al. 2008)
    Inventory of terracotta cakes Shahr-i Sokhta. After Salvatori and Vidale, 1997-79. Table 1 in E. Cortesi et al. 2008)
    Number nd percentages of terracotta cakes found t Shahr-i Sokhta, total 31. (After Table 2 in E. Cortesi et al. 2008).

    "Terracotta cakes. Variously called 'terracotta tablets', 'triangular plaques' or 'triangular terracotta cakes' these artifacts (fig. 12, tables 2 and 3), made of coarse chaff-tempered clay, are a very common find in several protohistoric sites of the Subcontinent from the late Regionalization Era (2800-2600 BCE) to the Localization Er (1900-1700 BCE). In this latter time0-span they frequently assume irregular round shapes, to finally retain the form of a lump of clay squeezed in the hand. Despite abudant and often unnecessary speculation, archaeological evidence demonstrates tht they were used in pyrotechnological activities, both in domestic and industrial contexts. The most likely hypothesis is tht these objets, in the common kitchen areas, were heated to boil water, and used as kiln setters in other contexts. Shahr-i Sokhta is the only site in the eastern Iranian plateau where such terracotta cakes, triangular or more rarely rectangular, are found in great quantity. Their use, perhaps by families or individuals having special ties with the Indus region, might have been part of simple domestic activities, but this conclusion is questioned by the fact that several terracotta cakes, at Shahr-i Sokhta, bear stamp seal impressions or other graphic signs (in more than 30% of the total cases). In many cases the actual impressions are poorly preserved, and require detailed study. Perhaps these objects used in some form of administrative practice. Although many specimens are fired or burnt, a small percentge of the 'cakes' found at Shahr-i Sokhta is unfired (table 2). On the other hand, their modification in the frame of one or more unknown semantic contexts is not unknown in the Indus valley. At Kalibangan (Haryana, India), for example, two terracotta cake fragments respectively bear a cluster of signs of the Indus writing system and a possible scene of animal sacrifice in front of a possible divinity. While a terracotta cake found at Chanhu-Daro (Sindh, Pakistan) bears a star-like design, anothr has three central depressions. The most important group of incised terracotta cakes comes from Lothal, where the record includes specimens with vertical strokes, central depressions, a V-shaped sign, a triangle, and a cross-like sign identical to those found at Shahr-i Sokhta. Tables 2 and 3 shows a complete inventory of these objects (most so far unpublished), their provenience and proposed dating, and finally summarize their frequencies across the Shahr-i Sokhta sequence. The data suggest that terracotta cakes are absent from Period I. This might be due to the very small amount of excavated deposits in the earliest settlement layers, but the almost total absence of terracotta cakes in layers dtable to phases 8-7, exposed in some extention both in the Eastern Residential Area and in the Centrl Quarter, is remarkable. The majority of the finds belong to Period II, phases 6 and 5 (mount together to about 60% of the cases). As the amount of sediments investigated for Period III in the settlement areas, for various reasons, is much less than what was done for Period II, the percentage of about 40% obtained for Period III (which, we believe, dates to the second hald of the 3rd millennium BCE) actually demonstrates that the use of terracotta cakes at Shahr-i Sokht continued to increase." (E. Cortesi, M. Tosi, A. Lazzari and M. Vidale, 2008, Cultural relationships beyond the Iranian plateau: the Helmand Civilization, Baluchistan and the Indus Valley in the 3rd millennium, pp. 17-18)

    Indus terracotta nodules. Source: "Terra cotta nodules and cakes of different shapes are common at most Indus sites. These objects appear to have been used in many different ways depending on their shape and size. The flat triangular and circular shaped cakes may have been heated and used for baking small triangular or circular shaped flat bread. The round and irregular shaped nodules have been found in cooking hearths and at the mouth of pottery kilns where they served as heat baffles. Broken and crushed nodule fragments were used instead of gravel for making a level foundation underneath brick walls."Terracotta cake. Mohenjo-daro Excavation Number: VS3646. Location of find: 1, I, 37 (near NE corner of the room)."People have many different ideas about how these triangular blocks of clay were used. One idea is that they were placed inside kilns to keep in the heat while objects were fired. Another idea is that they were heated in a fire or oven, then placed in pots to boil liquids." Source:
    These terracotta cakes are like Ancient Near East tokens used for accounting, as elaborated by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her pioneering researches.
    The context in which an incised terracotta cake was found at Kalibangan is instructive. I suggest that terracotta cakes were tokens to count the ingots produced in a 'fire-altar' and crucibles, by metallurgists of Sarasvati civilization. This system of incising is found in scores of miniature incised tablets of Harappa, incised with Indus writing. Some of these tablets are shaped like bun ingots, some are triangular and some are shaped like fish. Each shape should have had some semantic significance, e.g., fish may have connoted ayo 'fish' as a glyph; read rebus: ayas 'metal (alloy)'. A horned person on the Kalibangan terracotta cake described herein might have connoted: kōṭu 'horn'; rebus: खोट khōṭa 'A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. Hence 2 A lump or solid bit'; खोटसाळ khōṭasāḷa 'Alloyed--a metal'(Marathi) A stake associated with the fire-altar was ढांगर [ ḍhāṅgara ] n 'A stout stake or stick as a prop to a Vine or scandent shrub]' (Marathi); rebus:ḍhaṅgar 'smith' (Maithili. Hindi)
    Harppa. Two sides of a fish-shaped, incised tablet with Indus writing. Hundreds of inscribed texts on tablets are repetitions; it is, therefore, unlikely that hundreds of such inscribed tablets just contained the same ‘names’ composed of just five ‘alphabets’ or ‘syllables’, even after the direction of writing is firmed up as from right to left.
    Humped bulls, made of terracotta, found in the trenches at 4MSR. Photo:ASI
    poḷa 'bos indicus, zebu' rebus: poḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'
    kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 
    'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'kundana 'fine gold'. Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu.kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725) Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara 'proclamation' sangara 'trade'. bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. Together, the message of the Binjor Seal with inscribed text is a proclamation, a metalwork catalogue (of) gold, 'furnace workshop'. 
    meḍ 'body' rebus: meḍ 'iron'; PLUS kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇi 'supercargo' PLUS bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. 
    A terracotta seal with three Harappan signs showing two human figures on both sides of a jar with a double handle. It belongs to the Mature Harappan period. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) koDi 'flag' rebus: koD 'workshop'. Thus metal casting workshop. kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account'.
    dhāu 'strand(cross-section view) rebus: dhāū 'red stone minerals' PLUSkolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
    Binjor seal.


    Field symbol: kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'kundana 'fine gold'. Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu.kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725) Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara'proclamation' sangara 'trade' Rebus: 

    jangaḍ 'wealth in treasury' See:

    Explanatory significance of a rebus rendering:

    Text of inscription

    Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) cognate ancu 'iron' (Tocharian) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal alloy (Rgveda) Vikalpa 1: khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236) Vikalpa 2: badho ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: bahoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali)

    gaṇḍa 'four' Rebus: khaṇḍa 'metal implements' Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements. 
    Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaṇḍa 'metallic iron alloy implements'.

    koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

    pōlaḍu 'black drongo' rebus: polad 'steel. See painted Nausharo pot with zebu + black drongo. (Note: It is possible that the octagonal brick pillar discovered in Binjor might have been used with a caṣāla on top to carburize iron to realize steel -- metallurgical transformation process of producing steel from magnetite ore, i.e., from 1. Hieroglyph: poḷa 'bos indicus, zebu' rebus: poḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' to 2. Hieroglyph: pōlaḍu 'black drongo' rebus: polad 'steel.
    A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite. The hieroglyphs are: Squirrel, wild ass, goat.
     *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1] Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? (CDIAL 12723) Rebus: śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ] Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ,seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ.

    khara Equus hemionus, 'Indian wild ass' Rebus: khā‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)
    mlekh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' mlecha ‘copper’
    A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite.
    A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite, found in the "key trench" at 4MSR. One one side are engravings of figures of a dog, a mongoose and, perhaps, a goat. On the other are the figures of a frog and a deer. The pendant belongs to the Early Harappan period (3000-2600 BCE). The pendant, with a knob-like projection at the top, had a hole too for a cord to pass through so that it could be worn around the neck [Credit: V. Vedachalam]
    Hieroglyph: Kur. mūxā frog. Malt. múqe id. / Cf. Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot'. muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.'.

    miṇḍā́l 'markhor' (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet 'iron' (Munda.Ho.). med ‘copper’ (Slavic)
    Santali glosses.

    Binjor. Potsherd with painted saffloweer. karaḍā 'safflower'.करडी [ karaḍī ] id. rebus: kaaraḍā 'hard alloy' (Marathi) Allograph: The bird hieroglyph: karaḍa  करण्ड  m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787) Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'
    dāṭu 'cross' rebus: dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhāṭnā 'to send out, pour out, cast (metal)' PLUS koḍa 'one' Rebus: ko 'workshop'. Thus, mineral (metal) casting workshop.

    September 2012, Volume 39, Issue 3, pp 221–226 | Cite as
    Quartz OSL dating of sand dunes in Ghaggar Basin, northwestern India 
    Yorinao Shitaoka, Hideaki Maemoku,Tsuneto Nagatomo


    Several studies have used luminescence dating to investigate sand mobilization activity in extreme western areas and the southern margin of the Thar Desert, India. However, room exists for a chronology of sand profiles for the northern margins of the Thar Desert. The Ghaggar River flood plain at Rajasthan, northwestern India, in the northern margin of the Thar Desert, is bordered by sand dunes. Elucidation of the environmental changes of the Ghaggar Basin requires knowledge of many aspects of sand dune formation.
    We measured optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) using the single aliquot regenerative-dose (SAR) protocol for sand of eight palaeo-dunes and two flood silts of both sides ofOpti the present Ghaggar Basin and Chautang Basin flood plains. Their OSL ages were obtained respectively, as 15–10 ka or 5 ka, and 9–8 ka. Results of this study reinforce the hypothesis that sand dune deposition had started or had already been completed by 15‐10 ka. Aeolian deposition was subdued by enhanced moisture during 9–8 ka. Our interpretation is that, at least since 5 ka, the scale of the flood plain of the Ghaggar River has remained equivalent to that of the present day.

    An oval furnace with a hub in the middle for keeping the crucible where artisans kept the copper ingots before fashioning them into artefacts. The furnace has holes for aeration and for inserting tuyeres to work up the flames. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
    The star discovery of the year at 4MSR, the Archaeological Survey of India's site in Rajasthan, was this oval-shaped furnace lined with mud bricks. It was in furnaces such as these that the laborious process of making copper artefacts began. The furnace was used to smelt copper from the copper ore. It had a hole for inserting the tuyere for fanning the flame and holes on its sides for aeration. Beside the furnace is an anvil where the sheeted ore was hammered into ingots. Photo:T.S. Subramanian
    Sanjay Kumar Manjul, ASI’s director of excavation, studying storage jars adjacent to furnaces build on brick platforms. Photo: V.V. Krishnan
    In 4MSR, trench after trench threw up furnaces and hearths in different shapes, clearly indicating that it was a thriving industrial centre. The picture shows a long, oval-shaped furnace and a circular furnace built on a mud-brick platform. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
    A circular hearth with charcoal pieces and ash. Harappans made beads out of steatite, agate, carnelian, lapis lazuli, and so on here. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
    A yoni-shaped furnace found at 4MSR. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
    This terracotta vessel with a pronounced knob at the centre has engaged the attention of archaeologists as a "unique find" and is probably used in rituals or ceremonies. Similar vessels have been depicted on Harappan seals and copper plates. Photo:ASI
    The copper plate with the engraving of the knobbed ceremonial vessel similar to the one found in the 2017 round of excavations. Photo:VASANT SHINDE
    At the ASI's 43GB site, Sanjay Kumar Manjul (right) and K. Rajan, professor of history, Pondicherry University. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
    An inverted pot, probably of the Mature Harappan period, found in situ in a trench at 4MSR. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
    A portion of the enclosure wall that has been excavated in different areas around the mound. The wall, made of mud bricks, is thought to run around the settlement, and this one is in the south-east corner. Photo:ASI
    A painted vase that was probably baked in one of the many kilns at the 4MSR site, which also yielded baked pots, storage jars, perforated jars, beakers and so on. Photo:ASI
    A painted terracotta pot. Photo:ASI
    A view of the sunset from the mound at 4MSR surrounded by wheat fields. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

    Harappan beakers for measuring liquids. Photo: V.V. KRISHNAN
    Boards announcing the names of 4MSR village near Bijnor. 4MSR is, as the crow flies, 7 km from the border with Pakistan. After Partition, Rajasthan Irrigation Department officials gave names such as 4MSR, 43GB and 86GB to newly created settlements for refugees from across the border. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
    The ASI's Arvin Manjul (third from left), co-director of the excavation at 4MSR, 43GB and 68/2GB, and other archaeologists examine a human skeleton found in the trench at 68/2GB. Photo:ASI
    On the mound at 43GB around 50 km from 4MSR. Unlike 4MSR, the mound is heavily built up with houses and other structures, making excavation a real challenge. People of the Mature Harappan period settled on a big sand dune at 43GB, which became a mound after they abandoned it. Photo: T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
    The trial trench at 68/2GB near 4MSR. It yielded Early Harappan ceramics, beads made of semi-precious stones, terracotta bangles and pestles. Photo:ASI
    Gold rings, pieces and foils found in the 2017 excavations testified to the fact that the 4MSR Harappans made gold products too. They sourced gold from present-day Karnataka. Photo:ASI
    The seal with a perfectly carved figure of a unicorn-it has been scooped out with precision on a thin slate of white steatlite-belongs to the Mature Harappan period. The ceremonial vessel in front of the unicorn is a puzzle. The seal has one Harappan sign on top and other signs that seem to have been scraped off. It has a perfectly made knob with a hole on the reverse and is a good example of seals of the Mature Harappan period. Photo:ASI
    Seven different seals were found at 4MSR in the 2017 round of excavations and they provided insights into the gradual development in the production of seals. The seal with triangular designs and a crudely made knob, with a hole through which to string a thread, belongs to the transitional phase between the Early Harappan and Mature Harappan phases. Photo:ASI
    Seven different seals were found at 4MSR in the 2017 round of excavations and they provided insights into the gradual development in the production of seals. The triangular seal with three concentric circles and no motifs on the other side belongs to the Early Harappan phase (c.3000 BCE-2600 BCE). Photo:ASI
    Arrowheads, spearheads, celts and fish hooks, all made of copper, were found in the trenches at 4MSR, affirming to the industrial nature of the site. Archaeologists found copper bangles, rings, beads, and so on. Photo:ASI
    The shell of a tortoise in one of the trenches. Two such shells were found in different trenches along with charred bones, indicating that the Harappans consumed tortoise meat. Photo:ASI

    The latest round of the Archaeological Survey of India’s excavations at 4MSR in Rajasthan gives valuable insights into how the Harappans made the transition from an agricultural society into an industrial one. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

    A CIRCULAR flat-bottomed terracotta vessel with a pronounced knob at the centre is among the artefacts that are engaging the attention of archaeologists at 4MSR, a Harappan site about 10 kilometres from Anupgarh town in Rajasthan. They found not one but two such vessels, but in the second one the knob had broken off. “This is a unique find,” says Sanjay Kumar Manjul, director of the excavation for the 2017 field season, the third so far, at 4MSR. (No one seems to know what 4MSR stands for.) “It is probably a ritualistic vessel. Similar type of pot depictions have been found on seals from Harappan sites in India and Pakistan,” he added. The vessel has been depicted on Harappan seals, placed in front of a unicorn, and on copper plates along with a seated “yogi” with a horned headdress. Manjul, who is also Director of the Institute of Archaeology, the academic wing of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), New Delhi, and other scholars make intelligent guesses that it may be a ritual/ceremonial vessel, an incense burner, or a massive dish that is placed on a stand.
    The bowl takes pride of place in the huge tent pitched on the dry bed of the Ghaggar river near 4MSR that houses all artefacts excavated at the site. Another exciting find was two tortoise shells amid charred bones of the tortoises. This suggested that tortoises formed an important part of the food of the Harappans who lived at 4MSR about 5,000 years ago.
    Among the artefacts discovered were seals; fragments of gold foils and gold beads; miniature beakers probably used for measuring liquids; painted pottery; perforated jars; goblets and storage pots; beads made of steatite, agate, jasper, carnelian, lapis lazuli, and other semi-precious stones; earrings; fish hooks; spear-heads and arrowheads made of copper; bangles made of conch shells; and terracotta figurines. The trenches also yielded hundreds of terracotta cakes in shapes that ranged from oblong (popular among archaeologists as idli-shaped) to triangle and similar to a clenched fist (mushtika). They also yielded 10 pieces of weights made of banded chert stones.
    But the most important discovery this year was a massive wall built of mud bricks stacked to a width of 8 metres, in the south-eastern corner of the excavation mound. The wall showed clear evidence of having been built during two successive phases of the Harappan civilisation, and it turns right at one point perhaps indicating that it could have run around the settlement, thus demolishing the assumption that 4MSR did not have a fortification or enclosure wall. In fact, the remains of the wall have been found on the western and northern sides of the mound.
    K. Rajan, professor of history, Pondicherry University, who gave a series of lectures to students of the Institute of Archaeology at the site, confirmed that it was an enclosure wall, a feature found in many Harappan sites. The paleo-channels of the Ghaggar river were just 500 metres away from the site, to the north and the south. The wall could have been built to prevent flooding of the site. While fortification/enclosure walls at Harappan sites in Gujarat were made of stones, as one travelled towards Mohenjo-daro or Harappa (both in Pakistan now) they began to be made of burnt bricks. In Rajasthan, the walls, be they at 4MSR or Kalibangan, were built of mud bricks that were made with fine clay, which gave the bricks a fine texture, that is, they had been well levigated, as Disha Ahluwalia, a superviser at 4MSR, explained.
    Besides the wall, the lower levels of this Harappan industrial complex showed evidence of streets having been there, belying the assumption that the settlement had no organised streets.
    Industrial secrets
    The trenches excavated in 2015, 2016 and 2017 revealed the industrial secrets of 4MSR, which lasted from circa 4000 BCE to circa 2000 BCE through what is called the Early Harappan (3000-2600 BCE) and the Mature Harappan (2600-2000 BCE) phases. Possibly the Late Harappan phase settlements may also be visible. At the time Frontline visited the mound in March, more than 15 trenches, each 10 metre x 10 metre, had been dug jointly by students of the Institute of Archaeology and archaeologists of the Excavation Branch-II of the ASI. Arvin Manjul, Superintending Archaeologist, Excavation Branch-II was the co-director of the excavation.
    The mound itself offered a spectacular sight, with tre