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Startling conflict of interest -- Ranganatha Sharma exposes N. Ram & Mariam Ram donation in 2014 to AAP of Rs. 40,30,000

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Startling conflict of interest case stares in the face of N. Ram

Should N. Ram, publisher of a famous paper, donate to a party, even if it is in her personal capacity?

 
Unknown nexus between AAP and The Hindus comes out in the openUnknown nexus between AAP and The Hindus comes out in the open

When Aam Aadmi Party was launched in late 2012, they managed to create a huge buzz among the citizens of Delhi. They made a decent start in the 2013 elections, but they reached the peak of their popularity only during the next election which was held in 2015. Between 2014 and 2015, AAP was at the peak of their popularity, and there were two main reasons for this.The first reason of course the push they had received from the Anna Hazare faction, but to be honest, the second and main factor which contributed to their victory was the Indian media. AAP had full page ads, and several journalists who were going out of the way to give AAP a good name. But till date, there was no explanation or solid proof for why the media was really supporting them.

The Hindu stands exposed!

Going through the old databases of AAP’s donor list, we came across something that shook us. Although AAP’s donor list is now unavailable online, we got in touch with some sources deep inside the party and got it verified that the media had actually contributed huge sums to AAP! One such popular name that popped up, was that of N. Ram, the former Managing Direcor and Chief Executive Officer of The Hindu.
There were 3 donations that we were able to trace and verify back to our source within Aam Aadmi Party. The first donation amounting to Rs. 20 Lakhs was made by Mariam Ram, the wife of N. Ram. The other two donations which total to Rs. 20 Lakhs and 30 thousand were made by a company in which both N. Ram and his wife are directors and share holders.

Details of the donations

What is interesting is that both these donations were made to AAP at a time when they were gearing up for their second round of elections. The first donation of Rs. 20 Lakhs by TNQ Books and Journals Pvt Ltd was made on Mar 31 2014 at 12:00AM against receipt number HO314287670. The second and third donations of Rs. 20 Lakhs by Mariam Ram and Rs. 30,000 by TNQ Books and Journals were both made on Apr 22 2014 at 12:00AM vide receipts numbers HO414353817 and HO414353821, respectively.
What is interesting, is that all these three donations were made exactly at 12:00AM, once again raising doubts whether this is another case just like the infamous “Hawala at Midnight” scam, in which AAP was caught.
N Ram and his wife donations to AAP
Information about TNQ books and journals private limited
Information about TNQ books and journals private limited

It still remains to be seen how N. Ram will react to this expose. The left leaning journalism of N. Ram, who was once the student wing leader of the Communist Prrty in Tamila Nadu, and the same attitude of The Hindu is very well known. Yet, one simple question remains to be answered, is it right on the part of a media house to donate to a political party? 
This article was complied based on inputs from Sanjay Shiva R. 
Comments
  1. Mr. Ram has dragged the name of “The Hindu” down the drains. He can think in terms of renaming the paper as “The Anti-Hindu”. It will fit in Communist way of looking at things. For Commies, a pen is “anti-pencil” and vice versa. Worst part of The Hindu is they publish :ghost headlines” (sensationalising like “X” cooks beef etf.) and when questioned by “X” paper says, THE HINDU had reproduced an article (of some 4th grade Tamil paper to escape the consequences. It was a child-habit for me and millions in (TN, AP, Karnataka). But I no longer read “The Hindu”. The HIndu is loosing circulation even in Chennai, papers like ToI and even Deccan Chronicle have eroded its circulation. May be “like the Dawan” of the past, Ram will make “The Hindu” a relic soon.
  2. It’s the biggest irony in India that the newspaper named “The Hindu” is perpetually anti-Hindu in its approach to political reporting. As for the legality and morality of the Rams having the right to give donations to a political party, the basic issue is their honesty in publishiing unbiased coverage of that political party. Has “The Hindu” done that ? Not at all. Therefore, the right to donate funds to a political party by a newspaper must necessarily be linked to its unbiased coverage of that party. As long as that is not done, there definitely is conflict of interest insofar as it is against the interest of the general public that read the newspaper.
      • 101% true. Ram has shamelessly hijacked the good will created by his forefathers in the name HINDU. Morever, as typical convert, he has been painstakingly demolishing HINDU belief and traditions and creating and expanding the market for anti-hindu forces. I ve stopped purchasing hindu and also discourage my friends and family especially my children from reading the HINDU long long ago. He does not have guts to speak about practices in other religions for fear of being lynched. Any way the damage done to him by hindu and his own family in the name of professionalising the newspaper cannot be undone now.
  3. I have been reading Hindu for many years. And I have been noticing this bias in their reporting. The only problem is that it required this much wait, for this government has to break the spine of the Lutyens Journalist to see through. I am not sure if they have some many grudges against hindus they can drop that name Hindu from their publications – after all for the sake of money right?
  4. The Hindu became anti national and anti Hindu paper after N Ram took charge. Stopped reading that paper hence. If each and every one with pateriotic feeling does stop that filthy paper it will see its end soon as NDTV does stare the same fate. Eagerly waiting for that D day
  5. I feel there is nothing bad in donating to the party. If he is personally donating something from his heart then it want be any scam. I am also against AAP party leaders but it doesnt mean that a individual cannot donate anything to the political party then tomorrow same media will ask why people donating huge donations in the temples or charity organisation. Come on be mature let everybody stay independently in our country.
  6. Every individual has rights to donate to a political party in a democratic country. Just that when it comes to social responsibility like media, as long as they are unbiased, there is no issue.
  7. Ram is a pseudo journalist and a card-carrying member of the Communist Party of India, but living in Penthouse! Some Communist! He is a jackass! Sad to see the reputable name of Kasturi Iyengar and the great HINDU paper (not great anymore) being dragged in mud.
  8. N.ram for unknown reasons has been very vindictive and vitriolic towards anything to do with Hindus. One can sense his seething anger and hatred in his interviews. It’s high time someone in the higher up exposes his wheeling dealing… maybe he is a bigger charlatan than prannoy roy.
  9. Media preaches. We have to listen them but they are not for them to follow.They are beyond corruption. NDTV, Hindu are being funded by antinationals. How can we expect them to behave differently.
  10. This man is a compromised man with shady dealings in every sphere of his activities, be it his journalism or personal life involving a woman named above who donated huge sums of money. Both shouild be investigated for anti-national acts and financial frauds..
  11. Why they can not donate?All individuals have right to pursue their political leaning. Mr. And Mrs. Ram, in their personal capacity can donate if they so wish. As a media house, they should have majority shareholders’ support. If it is declared in their IT returns, then it is legal and moral too. To prove it is moral, then they should declare it before their readers/viewers.
Brief on N. Ram and Mariam Ram: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/N._Ram Excerpts: "Narasimhan Ram (born 4 May 1945) is an Indian journalist and prominent member of the Kasturi family that controls The Hindu Group of publications. Ram was the Managing-Director of The Hindu since 1977 and its Editor-in-Chief since 27 June 2003 until 18 January 2012.[2] Ram also headed the other publications of The Hindu Group such as FrontlineThe Hindu Business Line and Sportstar, and has been awarded the Padma Bhushan by the Government of India and Sri Lanka Ratna by the Government of Sri Lanka. He is referred to as a left-wing editor and known to believe in left/communist ideology.[Subsequent to changes in the Editorial & Business of 'The Hindu' on 21 October 2013, N.Ram has become Chairman of Kasturi & Sons Limited and Publisher of 'The Hindu'... Mariam comes from a prosperous family that owned the now defunct Travancore National and Quilon Bank, liquidated in 1938.Has worked in advertising agencies, HTA and O&M. Mariam Ram is presently the managing director of TNQ Books and Journals, that she founded in Chennai in 1998.The company does editing, pagination and design for scientific, technical and medical publishers of the US, the UK and the European Union. As of 2008, the company had an annual turnover of Rs 50 crores and employs 1200 staff."

Bringing our antiquities home: Historic judgment of Madras HC

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A fact-finding team of UNESCO has informed the Madras High Court that the lacunae in temple conservation work by the state government in Tamil Nadu has badly affected some of the most historic shrines, which include two near Chennai, reported The Times of India.
The report stated that the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department (HR & CE) does not have capacity nor quality experts to carry out work on these monuments. Moreover, no proper system is being followed for documenting, assessing, reporting and tendering of heritage works, the report said. 
The UNESCO conducted a study between May and June in 10 temples in Tamil Nadu to understand the conservation process used by HR&CE department.
The study was conducted in temples like Meenakshi Amma Temple in Madurai, Nellaiyappar temple and Vanamamalai Perumal temple in Tirunelveli, Marudhakali Amman temple in Namakkal, Nageswara Swamy temple in Kumbakonam, Naganadha Swamy temple in Manambadi, Aadhi Narayana Perumal temple in Pazhaverkadu near Chennai, Arunachaleswarar temple in Tiruvannamalai, Ranganathaswami temple in Srirangam, Trichy and Kamatchi Amman temple in Kancheepuram, reported TOI. 
Last year, the Madras High Court had asked UNESCO to be part of restoration projects of Tamil Nadu temples. The court has asked the state government to include UNESCO and requested their presence in the court by August 23. The High Court had also clarified that the government should slow down works on the monuments and it should carry out work only if they thought that the delay will lead to its collapse. 
The report also stated that UNESCO could carry out a demonstration on one of temples to show the guidelines to be followed while carrying out conservation works. The department might also get macro level management support from UNESCO to maintain 38000 registered by them, reported TOI.













http://indiafacts.org/bringing-antiquities-home-implications-hrce-judgment-madras-high-court/

Independence day, 2017 शुभ कामनायें Vande Maataram

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The spoked wheel, srivatsa around rim is ArakammaTa 'brass mint', maraka 'peacock' marakaka loha 'copper calcining metal'. Nation's wealth.
Vrishni Coin

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fUK0ki0bL80

SAMPOORNA JANA GANA MANA WITH LYRICS


Published on Aug 26, 2011

Sampoorna Jana-Gana-Mana!
Music Arrangement - Sukhada Bhave
Singers - Bhakti Athavle, Anuradha Gangal-Kelkar, Sudhanshu Gharpure, Nikhil Nijasure
Recording & Mixing - Parikshit Kulkarni (Prabha Digital Studio, Dombivli)
Produced By - Raashtrapurush Smruti Jaagaran Samiti Dombivli, Bhaarateey Shikshan Mandal Konkan Praant, Bhaarateey Itihaas Sankalan Samiti, Dombivli Shahar Itihaas Mandal

शुभ कामनाएँ
Image result for शुभ कामनायें swatantra diwas


Keynote of PM's address: Rs. 3 lakh cr black money has come back to the system

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NaMo (15 Aug. 2017 address to the nation) also speaks about demonetisation and black money. "We have achieved major milestones in relation to anti-corruption through demonetisation. All the currency stashed away had to return to the mainstream. After demonetisation around Rs. 3 lakh crores worth of black money has come back to the system," he says. "Over 18 lakh people have been identified whose income is more than what they have declared." 
"Out of these 1.75 lakh shell companies have been shut down. Till now, many of these companies were operating from a single address," he says. "I started a war against black money for the sake of the future of the country's youth," he adds.

British divided India, the Muslims just played along -- Rakesh Krishna Sinha

Rohith Vemula's suicide: Inquiry commission report nails naxal-commie lies

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Rohith Vemula didn’t kill self over University action, says inquiry commission

 | Updated: Aug 16, 2017, 04:36 AM IST 
File photograph shows Rohith Vemula's mother
NEW DELHI: University of Hyderabad student Rohith Vemula committed suicide of his own volition and the varsity's act of expelling him and four other students from the hostel did not become a trigger for him to end his life, an inquiry commission has said.

The report, that was made public on Tuesday, said Vemula was a troubled individual and was unhappy for several reasons. "His suicide note is on the record which shows that Rohith Vemula had his own problems and was not happy with worldly affairs," the report said. "He was frustrated for the reasons best known to him...He also wrote that he was all alone from childhood and was an unappreciated man. This also indicates his frustration. He did not blame anybody for his suicide," said the report of the one-man judicial commission under former Allahabad high court judge Justice A K Roopanwal, set up by the HRD ministry.

The report also did not find then HRD minister Smriti Irani and BJP leader Bandaru Dattareya responsible for the events. Vemula's death had kicked up a controversy that the disciplinary action against him had been prompted by complaints by BJP leaders.


"If he would have been angry with the decision of the university, certainly either he would have written in specific words or would have indicated in this regard. But he did not do the same. It shows that the circumstances prevailing in the university at that time were not the reasons for committing the suicide," it the report said.

The report also states that Vemula was not a Dalit by caste. The case gained prominence as a "Dalit" issue as protests, mainly organised by Left groups, said that Vemula was a victim of oppression unleashed by the university and BJP leaders.
The report, however, said the university does not have a proper mechanism for redressal of the grievances of students in general and those from the reserved categories in particular. Regarding the disciplinary action taken in the case of Vemula, a research scholar, Justice Roopanwal's report said: "In my opinion, the view taken by the Executive Council was the most reasonable one in the circumstances prevailing at that time. The Executive Council mainly focused that the students should keep concentration on their academic career and not on other things. The leniency shown by the Executive Council itself shows that the university administration was not functioning under any influence or pressure, otherwise there could be no occasion to be lenient or to reduce the punishment recommended by the Proctorial Board."

The report was submitted in August 2016 to the HRD ministry. The UoH's Executive Council in November 2015, expelled five students, all said to be Dalits, from the hostel and barred them access to public places on campus. They were, however, allowed to attend lectures and pursue research. They were punished for allegedly assaulting an ABVP student leader. Vemula committed suicide in a hostel room on January 17, 2016.


·         Report on Rohith Vemula's death tabled in Par, is now public


New Delhi, Jan 23 (PTI) The HRD ministry on Monday made it clear that the Justice (retd.) A K Roopanwal Commission report on the death of Rohith Vemula at Hyderabad Central University has been tabled in both Houses of Parliament and hence it is a public document that can be accessed through RTI


The ministry was responding to reports that it had rejected an RTI appeal for making public the commission's report on the death of Vemula


Replying to an RTI query, the ministry had said that the file concerned was "under submission" and a copy of the report cannot be provided


In a statement on Monday, the 


ministry said, "The fact of the matter is the said response to an RTI query was given at a time when the report of the Commission of Inquiry constituted by the government had not been laid in Parliament." 


It is a statutory requirement under the Commissions of Inquiry Act, 1952 to lay the report of the Commission on the Inquiry together with a memorandum of the action taken thereon, before each House of Parliament within six months of submission of the report by the Commission to the government, it said


"The said report has since been laid in both the Houses of Parliament on December 15, 2016. Therefore, it is a public document and anyone applying now under RTI Act can be provided with a copy of the same," the HRD ministry said.







End of Sangam Age, arrival (ca. 300 to 600 CE) of kalabhra, kalavar 'navigators' from Andhra-Karnataka

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Kalabhras were "vaduga-karunadaththavar" (people from Andhra-Karnataka) as noted in Periyapurāṇam, Saivite literature and copperplates of 10th-12th cent. CE. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalabhra_dynasty M. Raghava Iyengar, identifies the Kalabhras with the Vellala Kalappalars. Kalava-s were navigators.

Kalabhra dynasty relate to Pandyan Kingdom(Under Kalabhras) between 300 to 600 CE.
Fronting the elephant on the Kalabhra coin is a ladder. I suggest that both elephant and ladder are Indus Script hypertexts. It appears that the ladder is topped by 'srivatsa' hypertext which has been deciphered elsewhere as dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' fish fins khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaa 'mint'. Thus, the 'srivatsa' hypertext together with elephant hieroglyph signifies, iron metalcasting mint.

களபம்² kaḷapam , n. < kalabha. 1. Young elephant; யானைக்கன்று. மதகரிக் களபமும் (சிலப். 25, 49). 2. Elephant; யானை. (திவா.) The elephant on kalabhra coins signifies kalabha 'elephant', kaḷāra (adj.) cf. Sk. karāla 'projecting of teeth' (Pali) rebus: karba 'iron' (Tulu.Kannada) rebus: கலவர் kalavar n. < கலம்¹. 1. Navigators, sailors; மரக்கலமாக்கள். கடற்குட்டம் போழ்வர் கல வர் (நான்மணி. 16). 2. Passengers in a ship; கப் பலிற் செல்வோர். காற்றத் திடைப்பட்ட கலவர் மனம் போல் (திவ். பெரியதி. 11, 8, 2). 3. Inhabitants of a maritime tract; fishermen; நெய்தனிலமாக்கள். கலவர் . . . மீனெறி சால நேர்விரித் துலர்த்தலும் (சே துபு. கந்தமா. 91). 4. Warriors; படைவீரர். (W.)

கலப்பற்றுக்காரன் kala-p-paṟṟu-k-kāraṉ 

n. < id. +. One whose occupation is the calking of ships, boats, etc., calker; படகின் நீக் கலடைப்பவன்.
கலப்பற்றுத்தோணி kala-p-paṟṟu-t-tōṇi
n. < id. +. Calked boat, surf-boat, the seams of which are formed by joining planks without lapping; நீக்கலடைக்கப்பட்டுள்ள தோணி. (W.)கலப்பற்றுளி kala-p-paṟṟuḷi
n. < id. + பற்று + உளி. Calking-iron; படகின் நீக்கலடைக்குங் கருவி.
Sign 186 *śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720)*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus: śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726)

कलभ [p= 260,3] m. ( √3. कल् Un2. iii , 122), a young elephant (one thirty years old) Ragh. Mr2icch. Pan5cat. &c; a young camel Pan5cat. iv (Monier-Williams)

Kalabha [cp. Sk. kalabha] the young of an elephant: see hatthi˚ and cp. kalāraKalāra in hatthi˚ at Ud 41, expld in C by potaka, but cp. the same passage at DhA i.58 which reads kalabha, undoubtedly better. Cp. kaḷārikā. Kaḷārikā (f.) [fr. last, lit. with protruding teeth] a kind of large (female) elephant M 1. 178 (so read with v. l. for kāḷ˚). Cp. kalāra. Kaḷāra (adj.) [cp. Sk. karāla projecting (of teeth), whereas kaḍāra means tawny] always referring to teeth: with long, protruding teeth, of Petas (cp. attr. of the dog of the "Underworld" PvA 152: tikhiṇâyatakaṭhina -- dāṭho and the figure of the witch in fairy -- tales) J v.91 (=nikkhantadanto); vi.548 (=sūkara -- dāṭhehi samannāgato p. 549); Pv ii.41 (=k˚ -- danto PvA 90).káḍāra ʻ having projecting teeth ʼ (for this meaning see H. Lüders AO xvi 131), karāla -- (< *kaḷāra -- J. Charpentier MO xxvi 150) ʻ gaping ʼ R., ʻ gaping with projecting teeth ʼ BhP., ʻ dreadful ʼ MBh.Pa. kaḷāra -- ʻ projecting (of teeth) ʼ; Pk. karāla<-> ʻ gaping, dreadful, high ʼ; Ash. kaṛák ʻ wolf ʼ NTS ii 262 with (?), Paš. lagh. kaṛāˊl, dar. karāˊṛ, nir. koṛá̃̄ IIFL iii 3, 98, Phal. karāˊṛo m., karḗṛi f.; N. karālo ʻ steep, slanting ʼ; H. karāl ʻ lofty, terribleʼ, karāl, kaṛāṛā, karārā
 m. ʻ precipice ʼ; G. karāḷ ʻ formidable, lofty ʼ, (Surat) karār ʻ sloping ʼ, karāṛi f. ʻ precipice ʼ, karāṛɔm. ʻ high and steep bank ʼ, °ṛī f. ʻ deep hollow in river -- bed ʼ; M. karaḷ n. ʻ interstice (e.g. in a basket) ʼ, karāḷ or °raḷ j̈āṇẽ ʻ to slope ʼ, kaḍā m. ʻ precipice ʼ (?). -- L. awāṇ. karārā ʻ humorous ʼ (< ʻ *opening the mouth to laugh ʼ?). (CDIAL 2655) kālābhra ʻ black cloud ʼ Apte. [kāla -- 1, abhrá -- 1]OSi. (SigGr) kalab ʻ black cloud ʼ, Si. kalaba, °lam̆ba.(CDIAL 3096) 
कराल [p= 255,2] mfn. opening wide , cleaving asunder , gaping (as a wound) Mr2icch. Pan5cat. R. &c
[L=44490]having a gaping mouth and projecting teeth BhP. R. Prab.; formidable , dreadful , terrible MBh. R. Sus3r.காராளர்² kārāḷar

n. < karāla. 1. A rude tribe of ancient times; முற்காலத்திருந்த ஒரு முருட்டுச்சாதியார். காராளர் சண்பையில் (மணி. 7, 102). 2. A tribe of hunters and cultivators in the hills of Salem and S. Arcot; சேலம் தென்னார்க்காடு ஜில்லாக்களிலுள்ள மலைவாசிகளான ஒரு வேடச்சாதியார். (E. T.) Rebus: காராளர்¹ kār-āḷar
n. < கார் + ஆள்-. 1. [M. kārāḷar.] Husbandmen, agriculturists; பூவைசியர். (பிங்.) 2. Sudras; சூத்திரர். (பிங்.)

‘Galapra’ period coin die made by Roman smiths minted in Sangam Era?


By Express News Service  |   Published: 02nd March 2017 03:59 AM  |  

By Express News Service  |   Pub

lished: 02nd March 2017


The two faces of the Galapra period coin | Express


CHENNAI. After a gap of several years, a ‘Galapra’ period coin has been discovered and deciphered in Tamil Nadu, thanks to the efforts of R Krishnamurthy, president, South Indian Numismatic Society (SINS).  
The coin was collected from the Amaravathi river bed Karur in 1986. The period immediately after Sangam Age in the Tamil Country is called the Kalabhra (also Galapra) Interregnum and  an alien tribe occupied the Tamil Country throwing out the  ancient Chera, Chola and  Pandya kingdoms and ruled for some period for which there is no proper evidence.
“This is an accidental discovery. When I was rearranging my old collection of Pallava Coins six months ago, I saw a coin which has a different texture not at all connected with the Pallava coin. In the coin holder,  I have written in 1986 that the coin was collected from the Amaravathi river bed, Karur,” Krishnamurthy, an expert in deciphering Brahmi scripts, told Express.
He also recalled that in 1986 he had published a square copper coin with  an elephant on the obverse and a legend in Brahmi-script  “I read the legend as ‘GALAPIRA’.   Many scholars did not accept  my reading because of some reasons,” he recalled. Krishnamurthy had presented a paper on his recent discovery at the recent conference of SINS at Hyderabad.
Regarding the date of the coin, Krishnamurthy said, “The coin is die struck and the minting is of high quality. It looks similar to the Roman bronze coin of Third century AD. On going through a Roman Coin  catalogue, I found a coin similar in diameter and weight. The Galapra coin die might have been designed and made by Roman coin die-makers.”
He further said the ‘Galapra’ coin had four symbols on the obverse top right near the border  which are usually seen in Sangam Age Tamil coins.
 “So, the coin may have been minted  at the fag end of Sangam  Age,” Krishnamurthy said.

 

http://tinyurl.com/k2gvsnn

The Itihāsa narratives of kalabhras of Sangam Age are shrouded in mystery and 

subject to historians' speculations. Some link them to Karnataka-s, some to kalavar 

(lit. navigators). One reality is emphatic. The kalabhras did issue some coins with unique 

hieroglyphs.


Kalabhra coinSince it is speculation

time, I suggest that some coins attributed to Kalabhras bear Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs.
In particular, the hieroglyph 'elephant' is a dominant hieroglyph.


This 'elephant' hieroglyph has clear metallurgical connotations in Meluhha (mleccha):

 karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron'. I am unable to identify other
hieroglyphs shown on Kalabhra coins. These do NOT seem to be Brahmi syllabary
but a continuum of Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs. There are indications that Kalabhra
spoke Prakritam and possibly used words of that that language in their coins.


One hieroglyph on this square coin of Kalabhra is significant. It signifies 'wave' of water.

This is a Sarasvati Script hieroglyph: ṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍa 'implements'. 


Ta. koṭu curved, bent, crooked; Pa. kũḍaŋgey elbow; koḍka billhook.(DEDR 2054)

rebus: kōḍa 'workshop'.


I hypothesise that thee word karabha 'elephant' was pronounced in a variant: kalabhra or

kalabha in ancient times.


Numismatist R.Krishnamurthy reports a coin found in Amaravathi River, Karur

which is attributed to Kalabhra. I suggest that the coin is in the Sarasvati Script tradition
and the hieroglyph 'elephant' signifies karabha 'elephant' (variant in Kannada: kalabha
'young elephant') rebus: karba 'iron':a. ayil iron. Ma. ayir, ayiram any ore. Ka. aduru
native metal. Tu. ajirda karba very hard iron. (DEDR 192) Ta. karum poṉ iron;
kari (-v-, -nt-) to be charred, scorched, become black; (-pp-, -tt-) to char;
n. charcoal, charred wood, lampblack;Tu. kari soot, charcoal; kariya black;
karṅka state of being burnt or singed; karṅkāḍuni to burn (tr.); 
karñcuni to be burned to cinders; karñcāvuni to cause to burn to cinders;
kardů black; karba iron; karvāvuni to burn the down of a fowl by holding it over the fire;
(DEDR 1278a)

Karabha the trunk of an elephant; in karabhoru (k˚+ūru) (a woman) with
 beautiful thighs Mhbv 29.(Pali)


karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., ʻ young elephant ʼ BhP. 2.

kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. [Poss. a non -- aryan kar -- ʻ elephant ʼ
also in karḗṇu -- , karin -- EWA i 165 2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ,
Pk. kalabha -- m., °bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛo ʻ young calf ʼ; Or. kālhuṛi ʻ
young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si. kalam̆bayā ʻ young elephant ʼ.

Addenda: karabhá -- : OMarw. karaha ʻ 
camel ʼ.(CDIAL 2797)


கலவர் kalavar n. < கலம்¹. 1. Navigators, sailors; மரக்கலமாக்கள். கடற்குட்டம்

போழ்வர் கல வர் (நான்மணி. 16). 2. Passengers in a ship; கப் பலிற்
செல்வோர���. காற்றத் திடைப்பட்ட கலவர் மனம் போல்
(திவ். பெரியதி. 11, 8, 2). 3. Inhabitants of a maritime tract; fishermen;
நெய்தனிலமாக்கள். கலவர் . . . மீனெறி சால நேர்விரித் துலர்த்தலும்
(சே துபு. கந்தமா. 91). 4. Warriors; படைவீரர். (W.)


See: M. Arunachalam, 1979, The Kalabhras in the Pandiya country and their impact on the life and letters there, Univ. of Madras


"A number of theories have been advanced for the identity of the Kalabhras.

T. A. Gopinath Rao equates them with the Muttaraiyars, and Kallars and an
inscription in the Vaikunta Perumal temple at Kanchi mentions a Muttaraiyar
named as Kalavara-Kalvan.  The word Kalabhra might possibly be a Sanskrit derivation of the Tamil Kalvan. M. Raghava Iyengar, on the other hand, identifies the Kalabhras with the Vellala
Kalappalars.The c. 770 Velvikudi plates of the Pandyan king Parantaka 
Nedunjadaiyan mention the Kalabhras and R. Narasimhacharya and
V. Venkayya believe them to have been Karnatas.K. R. Venkatarama Iyer
suggests that the Kalabhras might have settled in the Bangalore-Chittoor region
early in the 5th century....The history of Cholas of Uraiyur (Tiruchirappalli) is
exceedingly obscure from 4th to the 9th century, chiefly owing to the occupation of
their country by the Kalabhras. Buddhadatta, the great writer in Pali, belonged to
Uraiyur. He mentions his contemporary, King Achyutavikranta of the Kalabharakula,
as ruling over the Chola country from Kaveripumpattinam. He was a Buddhist. Tamil literary
tradition refers to an Achyuta who kept the Chera, Chola and Pandya rulers in captivity.
On the basis of the contemporaneity of Buddhadatta with Buddhaghosha, Achyuta may
 be assigned to the 5th century. ...It is known that the Kalabhras patronised Hinduism,
Buddhism and Jainism. The late Kalabhras appear to have been Shaivite and Vaishnavite.
 Scholar F. E. Hardy traced the palace ceremony to a Vishnu or Mayon temple to the rule of
 the Kalabhras. They are known for patronising the Hindu god, Skanda or Subramanya.
They imprinted his image on their 5th-century coins, especially those of the
 Kaveripumpattinam rulers. King Achyuta worshipped Vaishnava Tirumal...
The rule of the Kalabhras of South India was ended by the counter-invasions of
Pandyas, Chalukyas and Pallavas. There are other references to the Kalabhras in
Pallava and Chalukya inscriptions. They were conquered by Pallava, Simhavishnu and Pandya, Kadungon.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalabhra_dynasty

Kalabhra dynasty 
[quote]Historians have accepted that the people Muthuraja and its subsects are the descendants of the Kalabhras who invaded the South Indian peninsula including Ceylon and ruled it over for about 300 years. 


Mutharayars andThe Kalabhra dynasty ruled over entire Tamil country in South Indian between the 3rd and the 6th century C.E. It is speculated that a warrior race called Kalabras were causing havoc all over south India. They terrorized the region for several centuries until at the beginning of the seventh century when the Pandias defeated them. They won over the ancient Chola, Pandya and Chera dynasties and replaced them. There is little information about their origin and details about their reign. They did not leave any monuments. The only source of information on them are to be found in Buddhist and Jain literature.


A tribe called Kalabhra hailing from the northern borders seems to have occupied and ruled the central and southern parts of the Tamil country. The northern languages, Prakrit first and Sanskrit subsequently, became to some extent the languages of the court and the elite in South Indian lands. Marches and migrations of warlike groups seem to have marked the later half of this period. A prominent martial group called the Kalabhra (or Kalappalar) occupying and ruling over the central and southern parts of the Tamil country is mentioned in some Pali works of the fifth century and in a few later records.

They were displaced around the 7th century by the revival of Pallava and Pandya power. Hindu scholars and authors who wrote in the 7th and 8th century C.E. when Pandya and Pallava had taken over again have written very little about the Kalabhra in their texts. Perhaps therefore the period of their rule is known as a 'Dark Age'– an interregnum.

The identification of the Kalabhras is difficult. The most satisfactory theory identifies the Kalabhras with the Kalavar. The chieftains of this tribe mentioned in Sangam literature are Tiraiyan of Pavattiri and Pulli of Vengadam or Tirupati. The latter is described as the cattle lifting robber chief of the frontier. The Kalavar must have been dislodged from their habitat near Tirupati by political events of the third century A.D., viz. the fall of the Satavahanas and the rise of Pallavas, resulting in political confusion in Tondaimandalam.

Kalabhra => Kalabhrar => Kalabrar => Kalabar => Kalavar
Kalavar => Kalvar => Kallar

These Kalavars are the same as Kalabhras. When Satvahanas put pressure on them, these anti-Brahmanic Buddhist people who were ruling around Tirupati migrated to whole of South India and ruled most of it for centuries, and these centuries are now termed by Brahmin historians as `dark age', not only because scanty information is available from Brahmanic sources but also because it was anti-Brahmanic age. They were abused by the Brahmins and their history was wiped out. But the Buddhist books still preserve their history.

They have also been identified with the line of Muttaraiyar of Kondubalur eighth to eleventh century C.E. Another view is that the Kalabhras were Kalappalar, belonging to the Vellala community referred to in Tamil literature and inscriptions.

Kalabhra => Kalabhra => Kalabbra => Kalabba => Kalappa => Kalappalar

Others regard Kalabhras as Karnatas on the strength of a reference in Tamil literature to the rule of a Karnata king over Madurai. Kalappirar or Kalabras were native karnatakas and some claim they even belong to Southern Madhyapradesh.

Even after Sangam Chola's period, Poompuhar occupied a significant place during the regime of Kalabras, in the 6th century A.D. After Kalabras, Poompuhar came under the Pallava rulers and during that time they built the Pallavaneeswaran temple. Poompuhar in ancient times was the port capital of the Cholas, and indeed puhar means "estuary" or "river mouth of the sea." During the reign of Karikala Cholan, Poompuhar became a great city and Inscriptions at Thiruvengadu talk of a grand festival of Indra later Chola's times.

Kalabhras of South India were the Kalachuris of Central India
Basically, Kalchuri kings were supporters of Jainism. Many Pallava and Pandya writings describe that the Kalabhras attacked the Tamil country and defeated the Cholas, Cheras and Pandyas and established their kingdom. Prof., Ramaswami Ayangar asserts that these valiant Kalabhra kings were the devoted followers of Jainism. He proved it on the basis of copper plate of Veluikudi and Painyapuranam of Tamil language. Jainism flourished after their reaching in Tamil country. Shri Ayangar presumes that these Kalabhras were a branch of Kalchuri clan. The Kalchuri kings of M.P. wore supporters of Jainism. The evidence on this is that they were closely related to Rashtrakuta. The Rashtrakuta kings had their faith in Jainism. The influence of Jainism during reign of Kalchuri kings of Kalyani was perceptible. The prominent king Vijjala of this clan and his several statesmen had adopted Jainism. Rechmayya, the minister of Kalchuri State set up the image of Tirthankar Shantinath at Shravanabelagola.

A lot of feudatories of the cholas had kalabra origin.It is the openion of some historians that in the lack of absence of one fight to break the back bone of the all powerful kalbras is that they slowly broke up and emerged as mutharayar, sambuvarayars etc.

Meenavars ( Kolis ?) might have mixed with Parada or Paratarajas or Parvata Raja Kulam ( Valmikis ? ) , an Indo- Scythian clan and got alienated from the Villavar and Nadalvar (Nadar) clans. Mudirajus or Mutharaiyar a Kalabhra aristocracy who once ruled Chera, Chola and Pandyan kingdoms as Muvendars regard Paratas as one of their own clan. Parataraja.

Kalabhras were Buddhist & Jain Kings 
Tamil Sangam Literature such as Manimekalai indicate that there were Buddhists in the Tamil country and that the Buddhist missionaries were active in spreading their religion. Buddhism entered South India during the period of Asoka who established Buddhist missions all over the Indian sub continent and sent missionaries to Sri Lanka and to China.

Some controversial historians speculate that the Kalabhras followed the Buddhist or Jain faiths and were antagonistic towards the Hindu and Brahman religions of the majority population of the Tamil region during the early centuries C.E. Other controversial historians speculate that they were the product of 'Brahmanism' and tried to destroy 'casteless society'.

Kalabhras, by invading the Tamil country, disturbed the prevailing order. The Velvikudi inscriptions of the third regnal year of Pandya king Nedunjadaiyan (c.765 - c. 815 C.E.) say that Pandya king Mudukudumi Peruvaludi gave the village of Velvikudi as brahmadeya (gift to a Brahmins). It was enjoyed for a long time. Then a Kali king named Kalabhran took possession of the extensive earth, driving away numberless great kings.

The period of Kalabhras was marked by the ascendancy of Buddhism, and probably also of Jainism. It was characterized by considerable literary activity in Tamil. Most of the works grouped under the head, 'The Eighteen Minor works' might have been written during this period as also the Cilappadhikaram, Manimekalai and other works. Many of the authors were characterised as belonging to the `heretical' sects (meaning Buddhists and Jains).

The Kalabras were Buddhist, but a remarkable thing about their coins is their popularization of the gods of the Hindu religion like that of Subramanya and Vinayaka. Kalabhras fought against Brahmin supremacy and were abused by Brahmin epigraphists after their rule ended.

The late Kalabras appear to have been Shivite and Vaishnava. Scholar F.E. Hardy traced the palace ceremony to a Vishnu or Mayon temple to the rule of the Kalabras. Scholar Alice Justina Thinakaran writes that perhaps they were Saiva, Jain or Buddhist.

In the Brahmanical literature, the Kalabhras are "roundly as evil kings (kali-arasar) who uprooted many and abrogated brahmadeya rights". However, the modern researches have shown that the Kalabhras were neither nor enemies of civilization but were a very civilized people and in fact their reign saw the creation of excellent Tamil mixture. The primary reason as to why they were ignored or by the brahmins was because they were Buddhists.

The date of Kalabhra invasion looks realistic as we have approximately determined the date of the Arimarthana Pandiyan around A.D.312, and possibly the Kalabhra invasion took place during the rule of his son the Sakanaatha Pandiyan in A.D.350 who is known to us from the "Thiruvilaiyaadal Puraanam". The Buddhism and Jainism had already spread to some extent in Tamil Nadu earlier during the 3rd Sangam Period, but it was only after the Kalabhra capture of Tamil Nadu the Jainsm became deeply rooted as a religion of this region with the patronage of this king.

The Velvikkudi Grant
These inscriptions are one of the few sources that provides information about the Kalabhra Dynasty rule in South India.

The Velvikkudi grant of Parantaka Nedunjadaiyan, consists of two parts, the Sanskrit and Tamil parts (like the other copper plates) The Sanskrit portion stops with the listing of the geneaology of Parantaka. The Tamil part begins straight away with the details of the appeal that the village Velvikkudi was gifted to one Narkorran (also kniown as Korkai Kilan), by the Pandya ruler, Palyagasalai Mudukudumip peruvaludi, when he completed a Yaga (Velvi). It is said that the village was in the long possession of the donee (nidu bhukti tuyttapin) when the Kali king, named Kalabhra, who overthrew a number of rulers (Adhirajaas), deprived the donee's family, the enjoyment of the village.

Kalabhras, by invading the Tamil country, disturbed the prevailing order. The Velvikudi inscriptions of the third regnal year of Pandya king Nedunjadaiyan (c.765 - c. 815 C.E.) say that Pandya king Mudukudumi Peruvaludi gave the village of Velvikudi as brahmadeya (gift to a Brahmins). It was enjoyed for a long time. Then a Kali king named Kalabhran took possession of the extensive earth, driving away numberless great kings. and resumed the (village mentioned) above. After that...the Pandyadhiraja Kodungon recovered the territory under the Kalabhra occupation.
What copper plate grant says ? : One Narkorran complained to the Jatila Varama Parakantan that the village which was given to one of his ancestors by Mutukudumi Peruvaludi was taken possession of by the Kalabhras during their invasion of Madura and that, since then it had remained as Government property. After satisfying that the proofs furnished by Narkkoran were authentic, the king granted the village back to him.

Not much is known about Kadungon. Most of the knowledge about him comes from the Velvikudi (or Velvikkud) inscription of the Pandya king Parantaka Nedunchadaiyan (also Nedunjadaiyan or Nedunchezhiyan). According to this inscription, Kadungon defeated several petty chieftains and destroyed "the bright cities of unbending foes". It describes him as the one who liberated the Pandya country from the Kalabhras and emerged as a "resplendent sun from the dark clouds of the Kalabhras". His defeat of Kalabhras (considered Jains or Buddhists) was hailed as the triumph of Brahminism.

In the Sendalai Pillar inscription of Perumbidugu Muttaraiya, the latter is styled "the king Maran, the Lord of Tanjai (Ko-Maran-ranjai-kkon) and Kalvar-Kalvan, Tanjai-nar-pugal-alan, a Kalva of Kalvas, the distinguished Lord of tanjai." It is very likely that in the title Kalvar-Kalvan we have to seek the origin of the name Kalabhra. Perhaps Perumbidugu Muttaraiyan was a member of the latter family which in the Velvikudi plates is said to have held the Pandya country under its sway prior to Kadungon.

King Achchutavikranta 
The history of Cholas of Uraiyur (Tiruchirappalli) is exceedingly obscure from fourth to the ninth century C.E., chiefly owing to the occupation of their country by the Kalabhras. Buddhadatta, the great writer in Pali, belonged to Uraiyur. A Buddhist writer Buddhadatta or Thera Buddhaatta as he is called lived during the time of Accyutarikkanta, Kalabra ruler of the Cola-nadu. He mentions his contemporary, King Achchutavikranta of the Kalabharakula, as ruling over the Chola country from Kaveripattinam. He was a Buddhist. Tamil literary tradition refers to an Achchuta who kept the Chera, Chola and Pandya kings in captivity. On the basis of the contemporaneity of Buddhadatta with Buddhaghosha, Achchuta may be assigned to the fifth century. Thus, after the Sangam age, the Cholas were forced into obscurity by the Kalabhras, who disturbed the placid political conditions of the Tamil country. Acchchutakalaba is likely the last Kalabhra king.

The best known of the Kalabhras, Accuta Vikkanta, the Kalabhra ruler and conqueror of Madurai was himself, according to Stein, probably a Buddhist. Jainism and Buddhism had thus a practical egalitarian significance for those who did not want to accept the rigid caste-based socio-ideological frame which was advancing with the agricultural civilization".

Accuta Vikranta could be the same as Achutha Kalappalan 
We have little information about the Kalabhra rule in the Tamil country. The Tamil grammar Yapperunkalam refers to a Kalabhra king, namely Achutha Kalappalan. It appeared that he ruled the Tamil country from Uraiyur. He had also patronised the Tamil poets. A Buddhist scholar namely Buddhadatta lived in his kingdom. According to traditions, he imprisoned the Chera, Chola and Pandyan rulers. He had extended patronage to Buddhism and Buddhist monasteries.

King Kootruva Nayanar 
In Periya Puranam we find a Kalabhra King (Kootruva Nayanar) asking theDikhsitars to crown him.But the dikshtars say that "Chozharku anri Veru yarrukum Mudi sootamaatom" and refuse.Also as they have refused to crown the kalabhra they fled to north for safety leaving behind several families.

For more details about the abovekalabhra kings, readers are requested to see web page "KINGS" in this website.

King Karunada Venthan 
According to the text "Life and Works of Buddagosha" by K.C.Law, extracted from "Pallavar Varalaaru" by Dr.M.Rasamanikkanar) and confirmation by the following reference in in Tamil Saiva work titled "Kalladam"

"……padai naangu udan Panchavan thuranthu Mathurai vaviya Karunada venthan Aruhar sarnthu nintru arutpani adaippa…….",br>
Panchavan is the Pandiyan and "Karunada venthan" is the Kalabra king, and "Aruhar" are the followers of Jain religion.This Venthan could be a Vethan / Vedhan / Vedan. So the Kalabheas who invaded the South Indian Penensula could be the Valmikis of Thirupathi - Srikalahasti region of Andhra Pradesh. These Valmikis were part of Mudiraja community during medieval times and still a subcaste of Mudiraj in some parts of Andhra Pradseh. These valmikis who are known as vetars / Vetans / Vedans / Kannappakula in Tamilnadu are also a subcaste of Muthuraja community. In Telugu Veta means hunting and Vetar means hunter.

Veta => Vetar => Vetan => Vethan => Venthan

King Kurran 
From about the end of 4th century about the last quarter of 6th, the district, like many other parts of Tamil Nadu was under the Kalabhras. It must have come under the King Kurran, inscription of whom has been found in Pulankurichi near Ponnamaravathi in the district.

Dr.R.Nagaswamy : Epigraphy The most outstanding discovery in the field of Epigraphy in recent years, is the Pulankuruchi rock inscriptioin of King Cendan ( Centan ) Kurran, brought to light by the Tamilnadu State Department of Archaeology, during the village to village survey of Epigraphs and Antiquities. The Trichy District Archaeological Officer, Thiru D. Tulasiraman discovered this epigraph, inscribed on the slopes of a hillock. The inscription is significant in many respects. It is the longest early inscription noticed so far, running to over 15 metres (45 feet) in length and two metres (6 feet) in height. The record is in excellent Tamil and written with great care, free from orthographical errors. The inscription is dated in the year 192, (Nurru Tonnurru Irandu) and day 36, and month Tai and is inscribed in the reign of King Ko-Cendan Kurran.

Pulamkuruchi / Pulankuruchi: In this connection, a remarkable epigraph in Tamil, from Pulamkuruchi in the Pudukkotai region deserves notice. (Read and published by me for the first time in 1981). The inscription, is dated in the 3rd cent. CE. There are three segments of the inscriptions. The central one is damaged fully, the first one is damaged at the beginning while the third is in good shape. The record is dated in the year, one hundred ninety two, probably Saka era, and was issued by the king Koccendan Kurran.

Krishnan reads "Koc Cendan marraimpadu". The word after Cendan has been read as "marrai" i.e. 'and' consequently it is taken that the record dated in the 30th regnal year of Koc Cendan. The ruler is identified by Krishnan with Cendan, the son and successor of Maravarman Avani sulamani. The revised reading according to me would be "Koc Cendan Maran aimpadu" which means the 50th regnal year of Cendan Maran,i.e.Maran, son of Cendan and not of Cendan himself.

Kalabhra King of Pundra
Details about this Kalabhra king of Pundra are not available except that he is known to be the ancestor of Dhatusena King of Ceylon 459-477 AD. Kasyapa son of king Dhatusena (459 - 477 AC.) had his father arrested and walled alive within his tomb. His brother Moggallana, who was the legitimate successor to the throne, was sent into exile abroad, and Kasyapa was named king. For more details about King Dhatusena and his sons, readers may see web page "KINGS" in this website. Kasyapa or Kassapa is one of the gotrams of Telugu Mudiraj people today.

The standing Buddha statue at Aukana, is the one of the tallest in Sri Lanka and is an architectural marvel of the ancient Sri Lankans, and is carved out of a rock boulder. The rock cut statue which stands 38 feet 10 ins (39') above its decorated lotus plinth and 10 feet across the shoulders, belongs to the period of King Dhatusena (459-477 AD), the builder of the great reservoir Kalawewa.

End of Sangam period with the advent of Kalabhras 
The Sangam Age came to an end during the middle of theThird century A.D. The closing years of the Sangam Age was called the post-Sangam period. Then the Kalabhras captured the Tamil country from the Chera, Chola and Pandyan rulers.

The classical period ended around the fourth century AD with invasions by the Kalabhra, referred to as the kalappirar in Tamil literature and inscriptions. The Cheras of the Sangam Age temporarily went off the stage of Tamil history when the country came under Kalabhra rule. The Tamil Navalar Charitai speaks of Chera submission to the kalabhras.

There were indications of the declining trends in the Tamil society even during the post-Sangam period. The North Indian religions, namely Buddhism and Jainism began to spread in the Tamil region. The traditional religious beliefs of the Tamil people gave way to the new religious ideas.

The post-Sangam literature consists of the twin epics - Silappathikaram and Manimekalai and also Pathinen Keezhkanakku. The impulse of these works was oriented towards reforming the society. Morality in political and social life had been strictly insisted in the poems of Thirukkural, Inna Narpathu, Iniyavai Narpathu and Naladiyar. But finally, the Kalabhra rule had put an end to the classic age of the Sangam.

The Golden Age of Kalabhras termed as Dark Age ( Kalabhra Interregnum ) 
The last Sangam ended around the 2nd century CE with the invasion of Kalabras from the north. Interregnum is the period starting sometime after the end of the third Sangam and ending sometime prior to the rise of the Pallavas (mid 5th century CE), during which there was a definitive break in the continuity of Tamil culture.

Kalabhra interregnum is called as 'dark period' because it is so called by earliest Pallava and Medieval Pandya sources. 95% of the earliest Tamil inscrptions called Tamil Brahmi are for the sake of Jain ascetics. These inscriptions are very short, one or two lines only. During kalabhras rule, the Jain and Buddhist religions and literature flurished. Unfortunately, we have very few sources to study the history of the Kalabhras other than the Jain & Buddhist literature. This is one of the reasons to call this period as Dark Age.

Kalappirar are Jains, and appear to have come from Karnataka, a Jain strong hold. During the Kalabhra period, heterodoxy, opposed to Brahmanical orthodoxy, reigned supreme. Pallavas and Medieval Pandyas, who accepted the varnashrama and Brahmanical orthodoxy, driven out the kalabhra rulers and completely routed out the "heterodox" religions. Both Buddhism and Jainism were practically extinguished. Hence, these "orthodox" sources portray Kalabhra period as "dark period".

With the ending of the progressive Sangam Age that was beamed with the literary advance in South Indian literature, the light faded and Kerala underwent a dark phase that lasted almost for four centuries. This epoch is known as 'Kalabhra Interregnum' and has been referred as the Dark Age in the history of Kerala. The Kalabhra Kings created mayhem and disrupted the social and political order of the South Indian Peninsula by overthrowing and deracinating the Adhirajas of Chera, Chola and Pandya dynasties which were a part of present day Kerala and Tamil Nadu. These valorous Kalabhra Kings ruled with an upper hand, relentlessly for almost three hundred years from 300 AD to 600AD. The reign of Kalabhras of South India finally came to an end in the 8th Century AD when the Pallavas, Pandyas, Chalukyas and the Rashtrakutas extirpated them from South India.

Little is known about the transition period of around three centuries from the end of the Sangam age (300 AD) to that in which the Pandyas and Pallavas dominate the Tamil country. An obscure dynasty, the Kalabhras, invaded the Tamil country, displaced the existing kingdoms and ruled for around three centuries. Later Kalabhras were displaced by the Pallavas and the Pandyas in the sixth century AD.

The Kalabhras had occupied the Tamil country from the middle of the Third century A.D. to the end of the Sixth century A.D. The literary sources for this period include Tamil Navalar Charithai, Yapperunkalam and Periyapuranam. The Velvikkudi and Dalavaipuram copper plates also mention about the Kalabhras. The inscriptions at Thiruppugalur and Vaikunda Perumal temple in Kanchipuram also refer to the Kalabhra rule.

It is significant that during the Kalabhra reign which lasted nearly 300 years, Buddhism was at its best in and around Kanchi, ancient Tondaimandalam. And there flourished a number of Buddhist saints and scholars, such as Nagaguttanar, author of Kundalakesi, (4th century), Buddhadatta, the Pali commentator, (5th Century), Dinaga, the great logician, (5th century), Dhammapala, another Pali commentator, (6th century), and Bodhidharma, the great Dhyana teacher, (6th century). The association of Buddhaghosha, the greatest Pali scholar and commentator, who was contempoary of Buddhadatta, further confirms the ascendency of Buddhism during the Kalabhra Interregnum in the Tamil land.

Even the Tamil literature got a boost during the Kalabhra reign and this period was marked by great literary activity. Nilakanta Sastri observes: "This dark period marked by the ascendency of Buddhism and probably also of Jainism, was characterized also by great literary activity in Tamil. Most of the works grouped under the head The Eighteen Minor Works were written during this period as also the Silappadikaram, Manimckhalai and other works. Many of the authors were the votaries of the 'heretical' sects.

We can find a lot of difference between the society and culture of the Sangam Age and those of the Kalabhra rule. There was a political chaos during the Kalabhra rule. The secular outlook of the Sangam period gave way to the religious outlook of the Kalabhras. Both Buddhism and Jainism became dominant religions during the Kalabhra period. Particularly, the Jain monks had preached Jainism in the Tamil country. They were patronised by the Kalabhra rulers. At the same time, efforts were made to remove the evils from the society. The Tamil Siddhars like Thirumoolar had preached their philosophical ideas. Morals and ethics had been preached through education and literature.

The Kalabhra rule in the Tamil country had witnessed the growth of education and literature. Sanskrit and Prakrit languages had been introduced in the Tamil region. This had resulted in the development of a new script called Vattezhththu. The Tamil literature had also taken new forms and the Tamil grammar had also undergone a few changes during this period. Many works under Pathinen Kilkanakku were composed during this period. Epics like Sivaka Chinthamani and Kundalakesiwere written. Nigandus were also composed during the Kalabhra period.

The Buddhist and Jain monks had contributed much to the growth of education. The Buddhist educational institutions were called Ghatikas. Scholars like Buddhadatta, Buddhaghosha and Bodhidharma lived during this period. The Jain Pallis had remained important educational centres during the Kalabhra rule. The Jain Palli (School) at Thirupathirippuliyur remained an important educational centre during this period. Sarva Nandi and Vajra Nandi were the two great Jain scholars, who lived in this period.

Vajra is a gotra among Telugu Mudiraj people today and it is difficult to to say if it is having any direct or indirect relation to Vajra Nandi, the jain scholar. 

During the end of the Kalabhra rule, the religion Saivism began to emerge as a great religion. Some of the Kalabhra rulers had embraced Saivism. However, it was only after the end of the Kalabhra rule, the Bakthi-cult flourished in the Tamil country through which both Saivism and Vaishnavism began to flourish.

It is significant that during the Kalabhra reign which lasted nearly 300 years, Buddhism was at its best in and around Kanchi, ancient Tondaimandalam. And there flourished a number of Buddhist saints and scholars, such as Nagaguttanar, author of Kundalakesi, (4th century), Buddhadatta, the Pali commentator, (5th Century), Dinaga, the great logician, (5th century), Dhammapala, another Pali commentator, (6th century), and Bodhidharma, the great Dhyana teacher, (6th century). The association of Buddhaghosha, the greatest Pali scholar and commentator, who was contempoary of Buddhadatta, further confirms the ascendency of Buddhism during the Kalabhra Interregnum in the Tamil land.

There are also literary sources which tell that Woraiyur continued to be under the control of Cholas even during the days of Kalabhra interregnum (A.D. 300 - 575). Tamilakam, the traditional name for the Tamil lands, was politically united during the Kalabhra rule in 3rd and the 6th century CE.

There was the concept of the Kalabhra Interregnum, based on the statement in Iraiyanar Akapporul that the Kalabhras displaced the Three Great Kings – Muvarasar of Tamilakam – and uprooted the old order of society, polity and culture. In the absence of clear evidence it is difficult to accept that a major shake up of this magnitude occurred in South India. On the other hand we find the continuation of the Muvarasar politics in the later period also.

Coins of Kalapiras 
A small number of coins attributed to this dynasty have recently come to light, found in and around Madurai. One of the Kalabhra coins is a small, square specimen, each side measuring 2 cm. made of copper and weighs 7.45 grams. The obverse portrays a big tusker with its trunk hanging downwards and terminating in an inward twist. Above the elephant is a legend in Tamil language and Tamil-Brahmi script, written in anti-clockwise direction. It reads Kalapira.

The most remarkable thing about the coins is the popularisation by the Kalabras of the cults of the Hindu pantheon like that of Subramanya and Vinayaka. It appears that at a later stage the Kalabras became Hindu. The Kalabras appear to have been Vaishnava. Scholar F.E. Hardy traced the palace ceremony to a Vishnu or Mayon temple to the rule of the Kalabras. Scholar Alice Justina Thinakaran writes that perhaps they were Saiva, Jain or Buddhist

Kalabhras could be internal revolters but in favour of Buddhism and against Hinduism 
he Tamil Kings (Pandiyan, Cholan and Cheran) had friendly relations with Mauryan Empire. The Brahamin champaign gradually spread to South India and destroyed the casteless Sanagam Tamil Era. In Tamilnadu a casteless, Sangam period came to an end at about the 2nd or 3rd Century A.D. with the attack or upraisal of Kalavars. With this attack the Tamil Sangam (Champaign to spread Tamil) came to a halt. Kalavaram means upraisal, revolution, chaos in Tamil; The Kalavars were later on called as Kalabras. The raise of the Kalabras made sweeping changes in the South Indian Society. (Though there is no details on who the Kalavars / Kalabras were, Thiru.Devasirvatham thinks the Kalavars / Kalabras were internal revolters that revolted against the Tamil Kings to establish a new order). So the Kalabras may be part of a Brahamin campaign to destroy Tamil Kingdoms that did not support Brahamanism or can be Jain revolters or Robbery tribes that simply looted the well established and civilized non-Brahamin Tamil society and established a different order from 3rd Century A.D. to 5th Century A.D.

After the 5th Century A.D. the Pallavas and Later Cholas who were Mallas, destroyed the Kalabras and rose to power but gradually and partially adopted Brahamanism because by the time Brahamanism became an unavoidable phenomenon.

The City of Poompuhar 
Kalabhras invaded the Poompuhar city of Cholas. Presently it is known as Kaveripoompattinam. Puhar means the estuary of river in the sea. Poombuhar is located in Sirkali Taluk of Nagapattinam District. The ancient Kings like Sembiyan, Musugundhan, Manuneethicholan and Karikal cholan.

Even after Sangam Chola`s period Poompuhar occupied a significan place during the regime of Kalabras. After the Kalabras in the 6th century A.D. Poompuhar came under the Pallava regime and during that time Pallavaneesswaram temple was built by them.

The City of Uraiyur 
he early Chola Empire lasted from 300 BC to 200 AD. Its major cities were Urayur and Kaveripattinam with the original capital being at Urayur. Around 200 AD, they were conquered by the Kalabhras.

The history of Cholas of Uraiyur ( Tiruchirappalli ) is exceedingly obscure from fourth to the ninth century C.E., chiefly owing to the occupation of their country by the Kalabhras. Buddhadatta, the great writer in Pali, belonged to Uraiyur. He mentions his contemporary, King Achchutavikranta of the Kalabharakula, as ruling over the Chola country from Kaveripattinam.

The first Pali scholar of Tamil Nadu was Buddhadatta. He was at Uragapura, modem Uraiyur, in the fifth century AD. He called Pali and Buddhism at the Mahavihara at Anuradhapura of Sri Lanka. Buddhadatta was contemporary of the great Pali and commentator, Buddhaghosha.

The Tamil grammar Yapperunkalam refers to a Kalabhra king, namely Achutha Kalappalan. It appeared that he ruled the Tamil country from Uraiyur. He had also patronised the Tamil poets. A Buddhist scholar namely Buddhadatta lived in his kingdom. According to traditions, he imprisoned the Chera, Chola and Pandyan rulers. He had extended patronage to Buddhism and Buddhist monasteries.

End of Kalabhra Dynasty rule 
The rule of Kalabhras of South India was ended by the counter invasions of Pandyas, Chalukyas and Pallavas. There are other references to the Kalabhras in Pallava and Chalukya inscriptions. They were conquered by Pallava Simhavishnu and Pandya Kadungon.

By the end of the Sixth century A.D. the Pandyan ruler Kadungon had liberated the southern part of the Tamil country from the Kalabhras. By the same period, the Pallava king, Simhavishnu had captured Tondaimandalam and Cholamandalam from the Kalabhras. Thus, the Kalabhra rule in Tamil country came to an end due to the ascendancy of the Pandyas and Pallavas.

The rise of the Pallavas began with Simhavishnu about the middle of tile sixth century A.D. He put an end to the Kalabhra Interregnum in Tandaimandalam (Kanchi Region), and extended his kingdom southward up to the Kaveri delta.

Vikramaditya II (733 – 744 CE) was the son of King Vijayaditya and ascended the Chalukya dynasty throne following the death of his father. The capture of Kanchipuram which in itself symbolised the cumulative power of the three traditional kingdoms of Tamil country placed the Pandyas, Chola and the rulers of Kerala kingdoms at the mercy of Vikramaditya II. He then overran these kingdoms and defeated a Kalabhra ruler as well. These victories were inscribed in his inscription on the shores of the Indian ocean.

After the decline of the Kalabhra rule, Hinduism was once again revived and Buddhism and Jainism began to decline. The Pandyan kings had patronized Vaishnavism, Saivism and Jainism. The Nayanmars had preached Saivism while the Alwars preached Vaishnavism. They had spread the spirit of Bakthi among the people. The spread of Bakthi cult inculcated religious feelings and service mindedness among the people. These qualities had taken deep roots in the Tamil society. [unquote]

Senthil Kumaras' note on Kalabhra (3 May 2015

[quote]

THE GLORIOUS TAMIL KALABHRAS and THE FIRST REPUBLICS in ancient India


THE FIRST PEASANT REVOLUTION of the World: South India c.240 CE -the rise of the commons: THE KALABHRAS REPUBLICS:
  • MYTH : Kalabhras were "vaduga-karunadaththavar" as noted in Periyapuraanam and Saivite literature and copperplates of 10th-12th cent. CE. 
  • TRUTH: These literary mentions were a solid 500-700 years past the end of Kalabhras period (250-550 CE). They were  just mentions of misquotes of dreaded legends. Kalabhras were fearsome to the Sanatana Hindus (Brahmins), but friendly to the native followers of the Ancient Tamil Sivanerri, the religion of the masses. They had forbidden the northern Sanatana rituals. 
  • Regarding the names "VADUGA" and "KARUNADU": Vaduga in Tamil denotes "those of the northern boundaries" which are the regions south of the river Krishna and north of the river Tunghabhadra, including  Guntur, Kurnool, Raichur, Koppal, Hospet, and Panjim (Goa). Except Panjim which was probably the Paazhi naadu which is an ancient Tamil kingdom in tussle with the Cheras in the Cankam ages even from around 250 BCE, all the above regions on the southern banks of Krishna, were occupied by Tamil tribals who were illiterates, less civilized, predominantly hunters, robbers, and never formed a kingdom anytime in their history. Kalabhras were called as barbarians by the brahmins and the brahmin-supporting Tamil kings, solely because of the Kalabhras' anti-Vedic preferences, hence the use of the term VADUGA to denote them as barbaric sects. 
  • KARUNADU is nothing but the alternate name for the ancient Tamil country of ERUMAIYUR lying south of Kudagu (Coorg), and to the north of Thoatti malai (Doddabetta, Ooty). Erumaiyur kings were well documented in the Cankam literature from before 300 BCE. Erumaiyur is the current Mysore, the colloquially used name for (Eru)Maiyur. Mai denotes black(or Karu), and Ur denotes place(or nadu), hence  Mysore or Erumaiyur and Karunadu or Karnataka both denote the same region. As seen below one of the seven prime instigators of the Kalabhras revolts was the chieftain of Erumaiyur Aai Viyankoe. Hence partly true in the later mentions is that atleast one of the seven prime Tamil Kalabhra chiefs was a "Karunadagan" from the Tamil country of Erumaiyur.
  • One other important perspective is that the British called the Tamil Nadu in the 1700's as "the Carnatic" region (as evidenced in their historical maps of Eaßt India Company) most probably owing to the dark complexion of the Tamil masses.
  • The ancient kingdoms in the present Karnataka state were the Tamil countries of Kadamba (Uttar Kannad and Hubli), Paazhi (Goa), Erumaiyur (Mysore), Kuttuva nadu (Kodagu), etc. The natives of Karnataka are historically and genotypically Tamils -offshoots of ancient Tamils, and spoke Tamil until the early medieval period, when offshoots of Pallavas and the frequent encroaches of the foreign Chalukyas (of Kolhapur, Badami, and Kalyani present Maharashtra) and Rashtrakutas,  brought isolation and metamorphosis of the Tamil population there into a different culture and language -Kannada.


                                      

  • MYTH: They were barbaarians who brought in the dark ages in ancient Tamil countries.
  • TRUTH: The Kalabhras age was no less in richness and literature than the Cankam or the later religious renaissance ages.
  • Religion of the masses during Kalabhra era: The popular and the state religion was predominantly the ancient Tamil Saivitism (தமிழ்ச் சிவநெறி) from Porunai and Indus ages, in the Pagan mode. The alien Sanskritic practice of Sanatana and the influence of the refugee/immigrant brahmins and their odd rituals were kept to a bare minimum. Secularism was in vogue, and Ajivika, Buddhist and Jain monks were free to practice their modes of worshipping God -Naasthika -"any mode of worship other than the six old north Indian Vedic Aasthikas." 
  • Literature in Tamil from this era include most of the Eighteen of the Next Row -Pathinennkeezhkanakku anthologies, the last three  of the Five Great Epics -Aimperungaapiyangal and the Five Small Epics -Ainjirrukaappiyangal.
  • The first few of Nayanmars and Azhwars were supposed to hail from this era, and some enjoyed the patronage of the heads of these Kalappara states. Most importantly few of the earliest Naayanmaars were some of the Kalabhra chiefs themselves, like Meipporulh Naayanaar and Sundarar.
  • Kalabhras or Kalapparar in Tamil, were literally common men -"peasants" and "labourers" from the Tamil ethnic community. It had been misunderstood that they were outsiders from grossly misinterpreted documentations in Post-Cankam Tamil literature, which just call them as "sects from outside the royal clans".
  • These sects formed a consortium of "kala-parar"  -beginning with widespread successful coups by the "field-toilers" (kalham-field, para/paadu-toil) --the peasants, and the footsoldiers of the infantry in the armies of the three kings the Cholas, Pandyas, and Cheras, dismantling the regimes of these kings.
  • Background: Towards the end of 2nd century CE, immigrant Brahmins on the pretext of being Saivites and practicing novel religious rituals such as the Yaagas, Mantras, etc.,  started claiming and enjoying special status with the kings. 
  • It had been documented clearly that whole villages en bloc were used to be donated  by the kings to these Sanskritite scholars, just for the maintenance of rituals in the temples were the brahmins were posted, all carried out on the advice of the latter. 
  • As a fallout of excessive land allocations and donations to the immigrant Brahmin people, large number of people lost their agricultural lands, farms, livelihood areas and even their residential sites to the incoming sects. 
  • Soon the common people rose up against the emperors, kings and overlords, threw the incumbent rulers who were unconcerned about the plight of the natives off their thrones, and established small city-states governed by elected representatives, with the support of local chieftains. Lost lands were secured back from the brahmins. (Though similar grants to the latter visitors were made again extensively in medieval Chola and Pandya periods).
  • Principally headed by Thiraiyan of Pavutirai, Milattumalaiyan, Ilankumanan and Aai Viyankoe, the partial rulers-list of Kalabhras include:
  1. Thiraiyan of Pavuthirai (Thondainadu)    c250 CE
  2. Pulli of Vengadam c250 CE
  3. Kaazhimalaiyan of Miladu c250  CE
  4. Velkezhu Nallikkoen of Thottivettuvam c250 CE
  5. Ilankumanan of Mudhiramalai c250 CE
  6. Idakali of Nadunadu c250 CE
  7. Aai Viyankoe of Erumaiyur c250  CE
  8. Idagazhinan II c325 CE
  9. ...
  10. Achu-thaavi Karanthan c450-506 CE
  11. Kootran a.k.a Kootruva Nayanar        c510 CE
  12. Meyyapporul Nayanar c530 CE
  13. Cedivallavan c540 CE 

  14. ... 
  • From around 76 CE, the Thondaimaans of Kanchi, who were primarily from Ilanthiraiyan Thondaimaan I born to Karikala Chola and a Naga princess from Eezham(Srilanka) continued to rule as kings even during and after the widespread Kalabhra revolts and coups in Tamilagam, since they had befriended the Kalabhras as they had supported the Kalabhra risings in the south. Pavuthiraiyan Thondaiman IIIaround 240 CE had marital relationships with the Pullis of Venkata Nadu, the Vakatakas, and the erstwhile Satavahanas of the far north. The Satavahanas had patronized both Prakrit and Tamil, Tamil because it was probably the lingua franca of their masses.(Evidenced from Tamil script in the Satavahana coins of 1st and 2nd cent. CE).
  • Around 210 CE, the Thondaimaans had unified ten kingdoms - nine smaller neighbour kingdoms like Malli, Poozhi, Aruvaa, Maavilankai, Aamoor, Venkatam, Kanimalai, Kadalmallai and Vaiyavi along with their own Thondainaadu. Hence the unified region was called as "the country of ten states" or "Pallava naadu" and the rulers"Pallavas". (Pal and Paththu in Tamil mean "a set of ten").
  • The Cholas and the Milaattu Malaiyans were the guardians and army chiefs for the Central and Oriental Kalabhra Republican city states. The Chola princes patronized the republic states and gave up their regal claims for the welfare of their masses, and people lived in peace and wars were unheard of until the resurgence of brahminical influence among the Pandiyan kings, that necessitated yet another cleansing of the Madurai aristocrats. 
  • Seemingly the Kalabhras  in the Chola country were not that frequently bothered by the Pallavas due to the cordial relationship with them until Simmavishnu's reign (550 CE). (Mentions of Chola princes and princesses are seen in the documentation of reign and battles of Narasimma Varman and Kochadaiyan Ranadeeran).
  • Starting from around 250 CE until 560 CE, the Kalabhras ruled the city states all over Tamilagam except Kanchi in the northeast. They had replaced the Pandiyas, the Cheras, and the Cholas from the power. 
  • By 506 CE Cholas were handed over the reins by the Kalabhras when they had to concentrate on Madurai following the sudden demise of Achchu-Thaavi Karanthan the Kalabhra great. Pugazhkkoe Cholatook over the Chola country (as per Mahavamsa); he was highly ambitious, he invaded the Cheras defeating Maakkoathai and also sent armies to and conquered Srilanka, and placed five Chola noblemen as governors in North and Central Srilanka who ruled there for the next 27 years. 
  • By 560 CE, Pandiyas under Kadunkoen II had completely seized the Madurai throne after the Kalabhra ruler of Uraiyur, Miladu and Madurai, Meipporul Naayanaar was murdered by a Pandya prince in the disguise of a Saiva saint.
  • Pandya kings' victories over the masses' Kalabhra republics were documented to have been hailed and celebrated by the brahmins in the copperplate inscriptions. 
  • From the earliest times until the 8th-9th century CE there were apparently no unequivocal caste based divisions in Tamilagam. The Brahmins had started moving close with the Pandiya kings by the early 8th century CE and this seemed to have irritated the Chola chiefs of the central Tamilagam, as the former started dominating the political arena and re-instigated northern Sanatana rituals and the brahmadeya grants - the bestowals of  commoners' lands to the Sanatanic Sanskritites.
  •  This bias had been the original cause for the uprising of the foot-soldiers and peasants - the "Kalabhras" about 5 centuries ago.
  • Notwithstanding these discriminations, the Oriental chiefs under the leadership of Chola chieftain Iranhmaya Chola of Pazhaiyaarrai, by 690 - 725 CE had started warring repeatedly with the Pandyas, losing many and winning some battles. Kochadaiyan Ranadeeran seems to have lost his life in one such battle. Around 695 CE when the Pallavas threatened with an invasion he had already defeated and killed Iraniya Varman, the Pallava crown-prince, in a battle on the banks of Vellarru, hence this title. 
  • The Pandyas captured Uraiyur and Southern frontiers of the Cholas by the start of 9th cent. CE, and placed one of their own dominant sects the Mutharaiyas as heads, and initiated the caste hierarchy in the Chola country as well. Due to continuous warfare with the Pandyas and the immigrant dominant Mutharaiyas, the enemy-plotted communal intrusions and the social instability, the Chola chieftains once again were granted overall kingship over erstwhile Kalabhra regions, to safeguard the ancient Tamil-social structuralism and to ward off the varnas-modelled newly synthesized hierarchy of castes. For the next 80 odd years Cholas fought alongside the Pallavas against the Pandyas, to protect their motherland.
  • Brahmins had started propagating their varnasrama theories into the royal minds and into the society via the discretions in the advocacy of various religious practices.
  • As a consequence, the caste and the community systems gradually got rooted down among the overlords who inturn began using these systems as an instrument to extend their domination over the then peasants and downtrodden, and specific sects that were the then dominant ones in each major province had started claiming themselves as of the upper strata community. This has been the unchanged social scene over the past 1300 years in the south and over the past 800 years in the north Tamilakam, till this date.
  • When in 870 CE, Seermaaran Vallabhan tried to eliminate brahmanical influence from the Pandiyan aristocracy, communal riots were instigated and a distant royal cousin and son of a landlord, seized the Madurai throne as an imposter and crowned himself with the regal title "Varagunan II", after the mysterious demise of the king and disappearance of the incumbent royal family along with the next-in scions. The Later Pandyas all belong to another usurper the next ruler, who initiated the Mara-Sundara dynasty, who was killed after just twenty years.
  • The Later Pandyas have the dubious record of abandoning the throne and their country in the early 14th cent. CE, fighting among themselves, letting Malikkafur and the Sultanate into Madurai region, and responsible for creating a power vacuum even long after they were gone, filled in later by the Vijayanagar kings and Nayaks. The current dominant communal sects (of the 20th cent. CE Tamilagam) principally in the south and the east, and also in the central, the west and the north, were the primary reasons for the decline of Tamil supremacy and empires, and handing over of the land to non-native non-Tamil rulers, over the past 700 years. It is to be noted that for many millenia until 700 years ago the integrity and solidarity of Tamilagam had been successfully hailed and maintained by men from those labelled currently the lowest classes in the social hierarchy. (Evidences are overwhelming. There were no records of names of currently dominant sects in Sangam literature. On the contrast there had been umpteen mentions of names of the branded-to-be-lowest social sects. Also the archaic word Pandya has the root word Pallha, denoting people of the plains).
  • The Vijayanagar-Nayak domination was minimized and delayed by some 225 years till 1530's by the Maavali Vaanhar (Banas) rulers of North Madurai, and Cholaraaya Vaanhar rulers of Tanjore.
[unquote]


Who are Kalabhras?
[quote]Who are Kalabhras? 
  1. Let us find out what the existing theories say.
    Muttaraiyar of Kondubalur (eighth to eleventh century C.E.). Some historians believe that Muttaraiyar (Mudirajas) are the descendants of Kalabhras , who lived in the uplands Karnataka (Hampi Region), and Tirupati (Vengadam) Hills. The areas of Hampi and Tirupati hills were part of Dandakaaranya in Deccan India.
  2. Karnatas on the strength of a reference in Tamil literature to the rule of a Karnata king over
  3. MaduraiKalappalar, belonging to Vellala community and referred to in Tamil literature .
  4. Kalabhras with the Kalavar, and the chieftains of this tribe mentioned in Sangam literature are Tiraiyan of Pavattiri and Pulli of Vengadam or Tirupati. The latter is described as the cattle lifting robber chief of the frontier. The Kalavar must have been dislodged from their habitat near Tirupati by political events of the third century A.D., viz. the fall of the Satavahanas and the rise of Pallavas, resulting in political confusion in Tondaimandalam.
  5. Kalabhras => kalabbha => kalamba => kadamba. He is said to have flourished when king Accutavikkanta of the Kalamba (Kadamba) dynasty was one the throne. It is difficult to identify King Accuta or Accutavikkanta (Acyta Vikrama) of Kalabhra with the Kadamba dynasty. But the Kalabhras once made a great influence over the Chola territory and Simhavishnu, the Pallava king, defeated them in late sixth century. Colian king Acytavikranta or Acytavikrama who is described as 'Kalambakulnandana' or 'Kalabbhakulanandana' (also Vaddhana).
  6. According to Poygai Alvar, the Vengadam hill was the habitat of elephants, which the "Kuravars" or "Kurbas" who inhabited or frequented the hill used to capture and tame and also scare away huge pythons. He observes that, the Tamil term Kuravar used by the early Alvars is corruption of "Kuraba", who were residents of this area and also of Kurnool, Mysore, Salem, coimbatore and the Nilgiris. He mentions the names of Kurubalakota, Kurubalpatti, Kuruba Nagalapuram, Kurumba Palayam, Kurumbapatti, Kurumbharhalli etc. in various areas. He says Kurabas or Kuravar were a verile people, who were in possession of Tirupathi Hills and surrounding area before Pallavas conquerred it. Kalabhras => karabhras => kurabhras = kurabaskurabars <=> kuravarskurubas <=> kuruvas
what does literature says?
  1. Buddhadatta, the great writer in Pali, mentions his contemporary, King Achchutavikranta of the Kalabharakula, as ruling over the Chola country from Kaveripatnam. He was a Buddhist, Tamil literary tradition refers to an Achchuta who kept the Chera, Chola and Pandya king in captivity. On the basis of the time of Buddhadatta with Buddhaghosha, Achchuta may be assigned to the fifth century. Thus after the Sangam age, the Cholas were forced into obscurity by the Kalabhras, who disturbed the placid political conditions of the Tamil country.
  2. The period of Kalabhras was marked by the ascendancy of Buddhism, and probably also of Jainism, was characterized by considerable literary activity in Tamil. Most of the works grouped under the head, 'The Eighteen Minor works' might have been written during this period as also the Cilappadhikaram, Manimekalai and other works. Many of the authors were the characterised to belong to the `heretical' (meaning Buddhists and Jains) sects. However, the great Tamil lexicographer Vaiyapuri Pillai had ascribed later dates to many of these works. This theory would undermine the link between the Kalabhras and the Eighteen Minor works.
what does inscriptions say?The Velvikudi inscriptions of the third regnal year of Pandya king Nedunjadaiyan (c.765 - c. 815 C.E.) say that Pandya king Mudukudumi Peruvaludi gave the village of Velvikudi as brahmadeya (gift to a Brahmins). It was enjoyed for long. Then a Kali king named Kalabhran took possession of the extensive earth, driving away numberless great kings.[unquote]

Virarajendra's brief study on the Kalabhra (Kalappirar) period of rule in Tamil Nadu

[quote] A brief study on the Kalabhra (Kalappirar) period of rule of Tamil Nadu

In the mid fourth century in North India the Sathavaahana Empire reached its maximum territorial expansion with Thondalmandalam and it's capital Kanchipuram being the southern limits of his empire. The Sathavahana king appointed the Andhra-Pallava kings Sivaskandavarman and his brother Vishnu Gopa his allys ruling from the Bellary region of Andhra Pradesh consecutively as his viceroys of the southern region of his empire. 

With the weakening of the Sathavaahana Empire and the rise of Gupta kings in North India, the king Samudra Gupta invaded and captured many regions of the Sathavaahana's including the Thondaimandalam and its capital the Kanchipuram down south in the year A.D.355. He appears to have handed over the region to its traditional kings the Tamil Thiraiyar dynasty probably under a treaty.

Taking the opportunity with no North Indian empires holding sway in the South, the Kalabhra dynasty known as 'Vadukak Karunaader' (Vaduka=Andhra) tracing their origin from Andhra and ruling from Kolar region of Karnataka - around Nandhi hills also known as the Kalabhra hills, showed interest in the conquer of the Tamil countries down south leaving the Thondaimandalam and it's capital Kanchipuram being the territories of their ally the Tamil Thiraiyar dynasty of this region. 

During the the Paandiya country of Tamil Nadu was ruled by king Palyaaka Muthukudumi Peruvaluthi while the Chola country and Chera country were ruled by kings whose name have still not ben established.

In the year around A.D.355 the king Achchutha Vikkiraanthakan of the Kalabhra dynasty (Kalappirar) invaded Tamil Nadu with a sea of warriors on elephants, horses and foot soldiers with spears - spread all over defeated the Chola king and captured the Chola country with their capitals the Uraiyur and Kaviripoompattinam. They then proceeded towards the south to Pandiya (Paandiya) Nadu defeated the king Palyaaka Muthukudumi Peruvaluthi and captured his capital city the Mathuraapuri (Mathurai). Subsequently he also defeated the Chera king (at Vanchi Nagar) and spread his authority over most parts of then Tamil Nadu (MuthThamil Nadu). It appears the Kalabhra king Atchchutha Vikranthahan kept the three kings the Chera Chola and Pandiya in captivity at Thillai (present Chithambaram). 

With his capture of Mathurai the Karnataka king gradually favoured the spread of the Jain religion (Samana Samayam) in this region and prevented the Saivite religious practices in Mathurai. They established a Sangam under the Jain monk Vajjira Nanthi at Mathurai probably to promote Jainism through Tamil Lauguage. 


Evidence


"......Padai Naanku udantru Panchavan thuranthu Mathurai vaviya Karunada venthan, Arukar saarnthu nintru (Aran) arutpani addaippa......."


Kallaadam by Kallaadanaar, Vidvan Naarayana Velupillai edition. 

".......Palyagasaalai Muthukudumi Peruvaluthi ennum Paandiyathi rasan......Velvikkudi enra pathiyai seerodu thiruvalara seithaar venthan appoluthe neeroda atti koduththamai yaan need pukthi thuiththa pin alavariya Aathiraasarai ahala neekki ahal idaththaik Kalappararennum kali arasan kaikondu athanai irakkiyapin......"

Velvikkudi Cheppedukal of Nedunchadaiyan Paranthaka Paandiyan - 


.......kaanak kadisool Vaduhak Karunaadar Kaava(la)n maanap padai mannan valinthu nilam kolvaanaay yaanai kuthirai karuvippadai veerar thinder senai kadalung kodu then thisai noakki vanthaan.


Vanthuttra perumpadai manputhaip parappi santha Pothiyil Thamil naadudai mannan veeram sintha seru ventru than Aanai seluththu maa aartral kantha polil sool Mathurapuri kaaval kondan.

......thaalum kaiyar thavaththai meiyentru saarnthu veelum kodi yon athuvantriyum veyya munnai soolum vinai yaal aravanj sudarthingalodum vaalum sadaiyaan adiyaaraiyum vanmai seivaan......"


Periya Puraanam by poet Seikeelaar, Moorthi Naayanaar padalam. Thirup Pananthaal Sri Kaasi Madam publication

It appears Buddhism too flourished during the period of Kalabhras in certain regions of Tamil Nadu unhindered. It was during the period of the Kalabhra king Achchutha Vikkranthahan the Buddhist Monk Buddhadatta a native of Uragapuram (Uraiyur) while at the monastry at Kaviripoompattinam composed the Buddhist text Abhidhammavatara and when residing at the monastry at Bhutamangalam he composed the Buddhist texts Vinaya-Vinicchaya, the Uttara-Vinicchaya, and the Rūpārūpa-Vibhāga all in Pali language. Another Buddhist Monk by the name Buddhagosa who lived both in the Chola country Tamil Nadu and in Sri Lanka around the period (A.D.370-450) was a contemporary of Buddhadatta, which gives us an indication of the actual period of Buddhadatta and the Kalabhra king Achchutha Vikkranthakan. 


Evidence


(1) “In the lovely Kaveripattana, crowded with hordes of man and women, not belonging to impure castes, endowed richly with all the requisites of a town ……. beautified with many gardens, and in a beautiful and pleasant monastery adorned with a mansion as high as the peak of Kailasa, built by Kanhadasa ………..while I was living in an old house there, by me who shining with qualities, such as writing beautifully on good topics ………this was composed and propounded extensively.” Colophon: This work named Abhidhammavatara was composed by Buddhadatta Achariya, inhabitant of Urugapuram (‘Uragapuranivasikena Acariyena bhadanta Bhuddhadattena katoAbhidhammavataro namayam’).

".......Kaveri-pattane ramme, nanaramo pasobhite
Karite Kanhadasena dassaniye manorame......." 


Abhidhammavatara - Slokas 1409-13, Buddhadatta’s Manuals, Parts. I and II, Pali Text Society Publication. 

Note

The Urugapuram and Kaveripattana in the above were known then and now as Uraiyur close to present Thirutchiraappalli and Kaviripoompattinam close to present Seerkaali of Tamil Nadu.


(2) “In the undisturbed town of Bhutamangala, containing all kinds of people which was the navel of the great Chola kingdom and ……… in the beautiful and pleasant monastery surrounded by well built outer walls and moat belonging to Venhudasa, brilliant with vanira trees lining the banks of the river …. by me who lived in a mansion which clarifies the mind was composed in honour of Buddhasimha this compilation on the principles of Vinaya taught by Buddhasimha for the sake of my pupils and for the good of the Bhikkus who wanted to learn the Vinaya in a short time without difficulty. Colophon: It was begun and finished during the reign of the blemishless Acchuta Vikkanta of the Kalabbha kula. ('Accuta Vikkanta Kalabbha kulanandane mahim samanusasante araddho ca samapito')


".... Colaratthe Bhutamaiigala-game
Venhudasassa arame vasantena
Accutavikkama-namassa colaraiino kale kato...." 


Vinaya Vinicchaya - Slokas 3168-3179, Buddhadatta’s Manuals, Parts. I and II, Pali Text Society Publication.

Note

Bhutamangalam of referred in the above, is presently located halfway in-between the Thanjavur and Nagapattinam highway of Tamil Nadu known as the Budamangalam.

However the Pallava king Simhavishnu re-established himself at Kanchi and also captured the Chola country from the Kalabhras in the year...... At Mathurai in Paandiya country the Paandiya king Kadungkon drove the Kalabhras and re-established their control over their region in the year....... [unquote]

Love jihad, rampant radicalisation in Kerala: Supreme Court orders NIA probe into Kerala woman’s conversion and marriage case

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Supreme Court orders NIA probe into Kerala woman’s conversion and marriage case




Historicism has Collapsed, Mahabharata the way forward -- Joydeep Bagchee and Vishwa Adluri

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In an interview with News18, scholars like Joydeep Bagchee and Vishwa Adluri talk about historicism. They also drew links between secularism and anti-semitism.

Eram Agha | News18.com Aug. 16, 2017 4:24 PM

File photo: Joydeep Bagchee & Vishwa Adluri

Last week Indian Council for Historical Research organised a lecture on ‘History of History’, a critique of historicism. Speakers — Joydeep Bagchee, post-doctoral fellow Ludwig-Maximilians University, Munich and Vishwa Adluri, professor of Religion and Philosophy Hunter College, New York — questioned German Indology for authoring “anti-Brahmanic polemic”.

In an interview with News18’s Eram Agha they said historicism has collapsed. Hence, time for Mahabharata has come. The scholars also drew links between secularism and anti-semitism.


Edited excerpts:

How do you define historicism and what are the deficiencies you see in it?

The term historicism has many meanings. Minimally, it is the view that all phenomena are historically determined. Beyond this, historicism is associated with an epistemological and ethical relativism — the view that all knowledge is a product of its time (and hence can only be understood out of its social conditions) and that no absolute, eternal, or transcendent values exist. As a movement, historicism traces its origins to figures like Wilhelm von Humboldt and Leopold von Ranke. It emerged in the late eighteenth century as a reaction to Enlightenment Universalism.

By the nineteenth and twentieth century, it was the centerpiece of the German belief in the uniqueness and superiority of German culture. As a tradition of historical writing, historicism’s distinctive feature is the central role it accords the state. Essentially, historicism is a political theory masquerading as historical research or, rather, it is a tradition of scholarship that subsumes historical research to the needs of political rationality.

Historicism is deficient because, by denying the natural law tradition, it makes an ethical grounding impossible. The consequences are visible from recent German history. But despite its professed agnosticism towards transcendent, “metaphysical” truths, historicism has a highly determinate anthropology and a theology. It takes its departure from Luther’s view of man as hopelessly fallen and privileges an irrational faith over a rational soteriology. From the Indian perspective, one must know that historicism will always work against traditional cultures, whether Hindu or Jewish.


You have said that historicism collapsed in post war-Germany. What is the way forward?
Historicism collapsed in post-war Germany. In the 1960s several historians argued that historicism was implicated in the German intellectual and moral debacle. There is much in favor of this argument.

If we see historicism as the central concept uniting many elements of the specific course Germany pursued after the eighteenth century (including the peculiar form its academic life took), then we are only now experiencing the aftershocks of this collapse. The way forward will require a reconfiguration of academic and intellectual life given that the modern research university is a German invention.

Scholars today talk about the humanities’ decline but few see that this decline is not just related to its institutional causes. Rather, an entire approach to the humanities has ended. The way forward requires us to rethink the role of history in human life. This is where the Mahabharata becomes relevant.


How relevant are Nietzsche and Foucault in questioning historicism?
Nietzsche was the first to draw attention to historicism’s problems. He diagnosed the European and, especially, German obsession with history as a sickness. For him, the purpose of studying history ought to be life, affirmation of life, and the creation of new values rather than anodyne fact-gathering. Nietzsche was also aware of historicism’s theological dimension: he linked it with philology, and showed how historicist philology served Christianity by burying the ancients.

As Nietzsche’s greatest student after Bataille, Foucault provides a succinct distillation of Nietzsche’s critique: “The historian is insensitive to the most disgusting things; or rather, he especially enjoys those things that should be repugnant to him. His apparent serenity follows from his concerted avoidance of the exceptional and his reduction of all things to the lowest common denominator. Nothing is allowed to stand above him; and underlying his desire for total knowledge is his search for the secrets that belittle everything: ‘base curiosity’.”


While talking about the history of German Indology, you made a point about secularism and said that Secularism is the source of anti-semitism. Please explain.
No, what we said is that Secularism is linked with anti-semitism and that it has an anti-semitic component that cannot be ignored. As scholars now recognize (Anidjar, Yelle, Mufti), secular discourse often targeted Judaism as the paradigmatically “non-modern” tradition.

Hobbes, for example, combines a defense of a secular republic with explicit anti-Judaic statements in Leviathan. These criticisms were later also extended to other non-Christian traditions, especially insofar as they were thought to replicate features of rabbinic Judaism (e.g., Hinduism which had priests “just like” Judaism).

If there is one thing lacking in debates on secularism in India today, it is recognition that secularism in its inception had a strong anti-Judaic bias. When individuals in India today attack “Brahmanism” they implicitly draw on these remote German sources. As the paper “Jews and Hindus in Indology” (See Conclusion of the paper appended) argued we must be careful not to delegitimize, wittingly or unwittingly, entire segments of society in our pursuit of a grand narrative of progress.


Does that mean in the Indian context secularism is a misfit? If yes, then what is the alternative for a pluralistic Indian society’?
It depends on the vision. If the vision is nineteenth-century Prussia, where the state expanded to absorb the religious, communal, and pedagogic functions the church previously exercised, then secularism is an essential component, though we should be under no illusion that secularism is really secular. But this vision, besides being nostalgic, is also anachronistic. After World War II, no one seriously contemplates a return to nineteenth-century forms of government.

Philosophers and intellectual historians have critiqued the architects of nineteenth-century Prussia (e.g., Hegel). Incidentally, the real problem with secularism is not the ones usually advanced — it conflicts with people’s religious beliefs, it is a European import, it does not provide a lasting solution to the problem of religious tolerance, Indian society has always had a tradition of religious pluralism. Rather, secularism is problematic because it does not address questions of ultimate meaning, or, rather, it transfers those questions or those expectations to the state. The state now takes the place of religious visions of paradise; it becomes the center around which “religious” forms of life are organized.

Basically, a new idol. Rather than reduce violence, secularism exacerbates it. José Casanova did an interesting study, where he showed that when people blame religion for violence they are reporting not from their own experience but a seventeenth-century experience, actually, in the terms in which the Enlightenment saw the previous century when it looked back and saw “wars of religion.”


What are your views on German Indology? Could you please also talk about your book The Nay Science?
As we showed in The Nay Science, German Indology was far from secular. Most German Indologists were theologically trained Protestants. Several were pronounced anti-semites (Christian Lassen, Rudolf von Roth, Otto von Böhtlingk, Albrecht Weber, Jakob Wilhelm Hauer, Johannes Hertel). Yet others are complicit in the cover-up of the Indologists’ anti-semitism (Klaus Mylius, Eli Franco). The number is larger if we recognize that, in the Indologists’ writings, “Brahmans” was a code for “Jews.” Almost every leading German Indologist of the past two centuries authored an anti-Brahmanic polemic. Besides making explicit comparisons between “Brahmanic” Hinduism and Jewish tradition, the Indologists explicitly advocated a program of reform, entailing breaking the Brahmans’ social status, taking away their authority, and transferring custody of Sanskrit texts to the new priesthood-professoriate.

A prejudice against traditional hermeneutics and textual transmission was inscribed at the very level of the method. Consequently, regardless of whether they originally shared these prejudices, once students graduated from Indology programs they emerged as critics of Brahmanism. These students now also had a vested interest in attacking Brahmanism, since their livelihood was parasitic on replacing the Brahmans as educators. But if German Indology’s credibility is shot today, it is not merely because it pretended to be an objective, non-confessional science, when, in reality, it was a sub-discipline of Protestant theology. Rather, its credibility is shot because, other than espouse a naïve historicism, German Indologists could never explain what made their discipline scientific.

Thus, although they claim to represent the heights of European consciousness, their work has become anachronistic within the German university itself. Little wonder that their programs are in decline. From twenty-two and a half chairs in 1997, only sixteen survive. More closures are inevitable.


How do you see German Indology vis-à-vis American Indology?
American Indology is a stepchild of German Indology. Almost every leading American program at some point imported German expertise, in the form of either German professors (U. Penn, Harvard) or German-trained returnees (Yale, Bryn Mawr) or German models and ideals of study (almost every Sanskrit doctoral program in the US). Many principles of American Indology (a suspicion of traditional hermeneutics, criticism of the Brahmans, restricting works’ meaning to their sociological context, historicism and a so-called critical philology) are borrowed from German Indology. If American Indology is to survive it will have to learn from German Indology’s demise. We are hopeful American universities will grasp The Nay Science as an historic opportunity to rethink the goals of Sanskrit education. The student numbers are there; the interest is there. The only thing lacking is professors who can engage students and teach the texts with passion, rather than bait Indians and seek to justify their salaries through petitioning, provoking controversy, and inflaming an already volatile political situation.

What initiatives should be taken to promote Indology among Indians?
We are skeptical of institutional solutions. If the Indian state suddenly entered, offering to create an indigenous Indology, this would lead to similar problems as the Prussian experiment. You would suddenly get people willing to prostitute themselves to a state ideology — people disinterested in the texts except as they served them as a means to power and a fat salary. Our work is therefore fundamentally apolitical.
The texts have always survived and will survive because of individuals who care about them. That said, programs are needed to replace those that have collapsed or been discredited. A resurgence of the Indian tradition is underway as people rediscover the texts and are willing to read them with a hermeneutics of respect. The old model of suspicion, a jejune “criticism for criticism’s sake,” has exhausted itself. 

Forthcoming dissertations and books will be the better for it.



Conclusion


The analysis presented here lets us now appreciate the full scope of The Nay Science’s project. Our aim in this work was to ask four questions about Indology as it is currently practiced. The first was epistemological: how was German Indology a science? How did it generate certain, universally valid propositions? Here we showed that Indology did not correspond to any acceptable definition of science. Even though the Indologists claimed that their work was objective and scientific as compared with 
the allegedly arbitrary interpretations of native commentators, their work was not any more scientific.

Rather, it was based on racial, anti-Semitic, and anti-Brahmanic principles. The second question we asked was ethical: how did the German Indologists address these problematic aspects of their history? Were they cognizant of them? Had they engaged in a self-critique? Had they corrected for the historical-critical method’s anti-Judaic bias? Once again, we found that, far from addressing these problems, the Indologists were obsessed with defending an institutional hegemony. They failed to acknowledge either their discipline’s involvement in Nazism or their share of responsibility in legitimating Aryanism. The third question we asked was pedagogic: how did German Indology contribute to pedagogy? What was its value to students? Here we showed that the discipline did not actually aim to make texts accessible and transparent. Indeed, it rejected philosophical interpretationas incommensurable with the “scientific” task. Although German Indologists claimed to be part of the humanities, their work favored an arcane, technical style that restricted these texts to other disciplinary “initiates.”  Their work set aside both ethics and pedagogy as beyond Indology’s ambit,and posited a fantastic objectivity instead. The fourth question we asked concerned German Indology’s public value: if the discipline contributed neither to science nor to ethics nor to pedagogy, what function  did it serve? 


Why was it funded? Here we found that Indology’s main function consisted of oversight over the Brahmanic (read: priestly) tradition. German Indologists had failed to evolve a single positive justification for their discipline, other than offering a counterpoint to the tradition.


Yet, although they claimed to be historically self-aware, they could not answer a simple question: in what way was their scholarship “critical”? Parasitic on the Indian tradition, using their corporate status to compel respect from the Indians, and yet incapable of dialoguing with them, the Indologists thus represent a failed chapter in German intellectual history. They survive merely on the strength of their institutional arrangements, that is, what Ringer terms “legality.” The present paper brought these points together and showed how, on the back of a supersessionist narrative of liberation from Brahmanism, the German Indologists actually constituted themselves as a new priesthood. Their example is instructive for anyone concerned with the university’s future direction.


Itihāsa unfolding righteous action is the answer to failed historicism

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In Hindu tradition, Itihāsa has a clear role in human life. Itihāsa is a narrative of human experiences and provides guidelines on dharma, the universal ethic.
Contrast Itihāsa with Historicism as elaborated by Vishwa Adluri and Joydeep Bagchee. Historicism makes a bogus claim that it is 'scientific' defying any definition of 'science'. Historicism has a muddled role in human life, impelled by the importance given to legitimise the state. Such legitimisation led to the moral collapse of the German historicist during the Second World War. This moral collapse led to the collapse of historicism.
Itihāsa offers clear ethical narratives to ground human life in universal ethics.
dhárma m. ʻ what is established, law, duty, right ʼ AV. [dhárman -- n. RV. -- √dhr̥Pa. dhamma -- m. (rarely n.), Aś.shah. man. dhrama -- , gir. kāl. &c. dhaṁma -- ; NiDoc. dham̄a ʻ employment in the royal administration ʼ; Dhp. dharma -- , dhama -- , Pk. dhamma -- m.; OB. dhāma ʻ religious conduct ʼ; H. kāmdhām ʻ work, business ʼ; OSi. dama ʻ religion ʼ (Si. daham ← Pa.).6762 dharmin ʻ pious, just ʼ Gaut. [dhárma -- ] Pa. dhammika -- ʻ righteous ʼ; NiDoc. dharmiyas̱a gen. sg. ʻ title of a king ʼ; Pk. dhammi -- , °ia -- ʻ righteous ʼ (dhamma -- < dharmya -- , cf. Pa. dhammiya -- , or < dhārmá -- ); Paš.ar. dräm ʻ friend ʼ; Si. dämi ʻ righteous ʼ.dharmiṣṭha -- , dhārmiká -- .dharmiṣṭha ʻ very righteous ʼ Mn. [dharmin -- ] Pk. dhammiṭṭha -- ʻ very righteous ʼ; Si. dämiṭudam ʻ kind ʼ. dharmya -- ʻ customary ʼ Mn., ʻ endowed with qualities ʼ KaṭhUp., n. ʻ a customary donation ʼ Pāṇ. [dhárma -- ](CDIAL 6753, 6762, 6763).  dhārmá ʻ relating to dharma ʼ ŚBr. [dhárma -- ] S. dhāmo m. ʻ one person's share in a feast, invitation ʼ; P. dhāmmādhāmã̄ m. ʻ great feast, invitation to a Brahman to a feast ʼ; K.kash. WPah.paṅ. jaun. dhām ʻ feast ʼ; G. dhāmɔ m. ʻ long and continuous stay as a guest ʼ. -- Pa. Pk. dhamma -- ʻ righteous ʼ rather < dharmya -- . dhārmiká ʻ righteous ʼ Mn., m. ʻ judge ʼ lex., ʻ juggler ʼ Ratnāv. [dharmin -- ]Ku. dhāmī m. ʻ drummer who excites people to dance under the inspiration of a deity ʼ; N. dhāmi ʻ wizard ʼ, dhamini ʻ his wife ʼ; H. dhāmiyã̄ m. pl. ʻ a Hindu sect who are followers of Prānnāth ʼ; M. dhāmyā°mādhām -- gãḍ m. ʻ insulting term of address to a Mādhyandina or Yajurvedī ʼ (LM 354 < dharmya -- ).Addenda: dhārmiká -- : Garh. dhāmī ʻ a priest of folk -- religion ʼ.(CDIAL 6796, 6798).
Contrast this role with the role of Historicism. (Excerpted from Vishwa Adluri & Joydeep Bagchee's writings):
Historicism muddles the role of history in human life.

Historicism denies natural law tradition, and hence, it makes an ethical grounding impossible.

[quote]Historicism collapsed in post-war Germany. In the 1960s several historians argued that historicism was implicated in the German intellectual and moral debacle. 

The term historicism has many meanings. Minimally, it is the view that all phenomena are historically determined. Beyond this, historicism is associated with an epistemological and ethical relativism — the view that all knowledge is a product of its time (and hence can only be understood out of its social conditions) and that no absolute, eternal, or transcendent values exist. As a movement, historicism traces its origins to figures like Wilhelm von Humboldt and Leopold von Ranke. It emerged in the late eighteenth century as a reaction to Enlightenment Universalism.
By the nineteenth and twentieth century, it was the centerpiece of the German belief in the uniqueness and superiority of German culture. As a tradition of historical writing, historicism’s distinctive feature is the central role it accords the state. Essentially, historicism is a political theory masquerading as historical research or, rather, it is a tradition of scholarship that subsumes historical research to the needs of political rationality.

Historicism is deficient because, by denying the natural law tradition, it makes an ethical grounding impossible. The consequences are visible from recent German history. But despite its professed agnosticism towards transcendent, “metaphysical” truths, historicism has a highly determinate anthropology and a theology. It takes its departure from Luther’s view of man as hopelessly fallen and privileges an irrational faith over a rational soteriology. From the Indian perspective, one must know that historicism will always work against traditional cultures, whether Hindu or Jewish.

Conclusion: collapse of historicism with its bogus 'scientific' claim

The analysis presented here lets us now appreciate the full scope of The Nay Science’s project. Our aim in this work was to ask four questions about Indology as it is currently practiced. The first was epistemological: how was German Indology a science? How did it generate certain, universally valid propositions? Here we showed that Indology did not correspond to any acceptable definition of science. Even though the Indologists claimed that their work was objective and scientific as compared with 
the allegedly arbitrary interpretations of native commentators, their work was not any more scientific.


Rather, it was based on racial, anti-Semitic, and anti-Brahmanic principles. The second question we asked was ethical: how did the German Indologists address these problematic aspects of their history? Were they cognizant of them? Had they engaged in a self-critique? Had they corrected for the historical-critical method’s anti-Judaic bias? Once again, we found that, far from addressing these problems, the Indologists were obsessed with defending an institutional hegemony. They failed to acknowledge either their discipline’s involvement in Nazism or their share of responsibility in legitimating Aryanism. The third question we asked was pedagogic: how did German Indology contribute to pedagogy? What was its value to students? Here we showed that the discipline did not actually aim to make texts accessible and transparent. Indeed, it rejected philosophical interpretationas incommensurable with the “scientific” task. Although German Indologists claimed to be part of the humanities, their work favored an arcane, technical style that restricted these texts to other disciplinary “initiates.”  Their work set aside both ethics and pedagogy as beyond Indology’s ambit,and posited a fantastic objectivity instead. The fourth question we asked concerned German Indology’s public value: if the discipline contributed neither to science nor to ethics nor to pedagogy, what function  did it serve? 
Why was it funded? Here we found that Indology’s main function consisted of oversight over the Brahmanic (read: priestly) tradition. German Indologists had failed to evolve a single positive justification for their discipline, other than offering a counterpoint to the tradition.
Yet, although they claimed to be historically self-aware, they could not answer a simple question: in what way was their scholarship “critical”? Parasitic on the Indian tradition, using their corporate status to compel respect from the Indians, and yet incapable of dialoguing with them, the Indologists thus represent a failed chapter in German intellectual history. They survive merely on the strength of their institutional arrangements, that is, what Ringer terms “legality.” The present paper brought these points together and showed how, on the back of a supersessionist narrative of liberation from Brahmanism, the German Indologists actually constituted themselves as a new priesthood. Their example is instructive for anyone concerned with the university’s future direction. [unquote]

It is time to revisit historiography or history of history.

The tyranny and abuse of 'etc' by BCCI top brass. Remove the brass: CoA asks SC

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CoA Seeks Supreme Court Directive to Remove BCCI Top Brass

Cricketnext Staff | Updated: August 16, 2017, 5:52 PM IST

Committee of Administrators Chief Vinod Rai with BCCI CEO Rahul Johri (Getty Images)
New Delhi: In a scathing report submitted to the Supreme Court, the Committee of Administrators (COA) has sought the removal of the entire top brass of the Board of Control for Cricket in India. These include acting president CK Khanna, secretary Amitabh Choudhary and treasurer Anirudh Chaudhry for non-compliance of Lodha Panel reforms.

The fifth status Report, a 26-page report which has now been uploaded on the BCCI website, has asked the apex court to hand over the "governance, management and administration" of the BCCI to them. The CoA has further requested that they would need the help of a professional group, currently headed by BCCI CEO Rahul Johri, to run the board.

"...it is only fair that the current office-bearers be treated in the same manner because a further period of six months have elapsed since the said office-bearers submitted their undertakings and reforms mandated by Hon'ble Court have still not been implemented.

"It is clear that current office-bearers are not in position to make good on their undertakings and ensure that reforms mandated by this Hon'ble Court is implemented."

The SC-appointed Committee of Administrators further pulled up the Board of Control for Cricket in India for deliberately misconstruing the apex court’s order dated July 24 and barring the CEO Rahul Johri and the legal team from attending the Special General Meeting on July 26.

In what is quoted as a supplement to the previous status report dated July 9, 2017, the COA has said that the BCCI officials also used the apex court’s expression of ‘etc’ with regards to looking into some of the reforms suggested by the Lodha committee to their advantage and included a series of issues aimed at unravelling the fundamental core of the reforms mandated by the SC.

“First, the CEO of BCCI as well as the administrative staff including the legal team was asked to leave the meeting on the basis that they are not office bearers. Secondly, the totally neutral expression ‘etc’ was treated as an excuse to bring in a series of issues aimed at unravelling the fundamental core of the reforms mandated by this Hon’ble Court including disqualification of office bearers, constitution of apex council, clear demarcation of functions, powers, duties and obligations between professional management and Apex Council, etc,” the report stated.

The COA has also pulled up the BCCI for not looking into basic issues like ‘conflict of interest’ and the appointment of Ombudsman. “Even fundamental issues such as conflict of interest rules and appointment of Ombudsman were not implemented during the SGM held on July 26, 2017. It is obvious that the whole idea was to stonewall the fundamental core of reforms mandated by this Hon’ble Court and make the same a dead letter.

“It appears that the intention was also to ensure that the Committee of Administrators would not receive a firsthand account of the proceedings during the SGM and hence the CEO of BCCI and other administrative staff including the legal team were asked to leave the meeting,” the report said.

“The CEO was asked to leave despite clear directions from the CoA to the effect that the CEO shall be entitled to attend every SGM and other meetings of the BCCI. The office bearers of the BCCI, instead of reprimanding the constituent members who were suggesting that BCCI officials including the CEO leave the meeting, did absolutely nothing.”

The report also states that DDCA administrator, Justice (Retd) Vikramjit Sen, also pointed out during the SGM that BCCI is "acting contrary" to the Lodha Committee Report.

The COA also submitted that apart from issues pertaining to membership and selection committees (reducing it from 5 to 3), other issues identified during the SGM held on July 26 form the fundamental core of the reforms mandated by the Supreme Court judgement of July 18, 2016.

The report states: "Describing these issues as "impracticable" or "difficult" is nothing short of "gross abuse/contempt of the court order dated July 24, 2017 and ought to attract appropriate consequences."

The status report also mentions about BCCI's failure to appoint an Ombudsman since Justice AP Shah's tenure ended in September, 2016. The COA mentioned that despite giving the BCCI names of six retired judged, it entrusted the office bearers to take a call.

The other issue mentioned is "failure to adopt new conflict of interest" rules.

The report mentions that there has been resistance to adopt a new fund disbursement policy as the addition of members would reduce the share of the existing units.
(With PTI Inputs)
http://www.news18.com/cricketnext/news/coa-seeks-supreme-court-directive-to-remove-bcci-top-brass-1492845.html

Mother uṣas, veneration of mother divine and participant, smelting process, in Indus Script Corpora

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https://tinyurl.com/ycu5csox

Br̥haspati is अधिष्ठाता देवता of puṣya nakshatra. In Bhāratīya Itihāsa,‘ancient traditions’, पुष्य--रथ of इन्द्र--मह Indra festival carries गण--देवता, उषा and two Aśvinīkumāras. उषा f. morning light , dawn , morning RV. AV. xii , 2 , 45 VS. &c.

Uā (उषस्) is R̥gveda identification with dawn, revealing herself with the daily coming of light to the world, chasing away darkness evil demons, rousing all life, setting all things and activity in motion. She is the life of all living creatures, the impeller of action and breath, the foe of chaos and confusion, the auspicious arouser of cosmic and moral order called the Ṛta in Hinduism. Mother is venerated in all ancient Hindu texts, her disciplined devotion is signified by the sindhur she wears on the maang, the parting of her hair. This method of applying sindhur on the maang is evidenced on to terracotta toys discovered in Nausharo. 

This is a tribute to Massimo Vidale who has vividly provided an archaeological narrative on what could be pushyaratha of uṣas

Two bronze statues of 'dancing girls' carrying a lamp on their hands are Indus Script hypertexts attesting to metalwork of the Bronze Age. The deepam-s held in their hands lights up the smelter. They are metaphors of uṣas, 'one who kindles'(smelter).

A woman's breast and face ligatured to feline hieroglyphs is Indus Script hypertext signifying kola 'woman' kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', kol 'working in iron'. Sime female figurines with the beaks of birds are Indus Scripthypertexts signifying मुखम् mukham 'beak of a bird', mū̃h 'face' rebus: mū̃h 'ingot' (Santali). mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Ko. mu·k nose, funnel of bellows signifies the blacksmith as forge-blower: dhamaka'blacksmith'dhmakara'forge-blower'. In an artisan family, the mother is also a participant in the smelting process, performing her role as a forge-blower.
women blacksmith - Google SearchBlacksmithing mother.
वाराहीthe शक्ति or female Energy of the Boar form of विष्णु Ya1jn5. Sch.; N. of one of the मातृs attending on स्कन्द MBh. and Gaṇeśa. 

Image result for ganesa ancient manuscripts

Gaṇeśa with Saptamatrikas, Aihole, Karnataka, 8th century CE.
Related image
The Devi Matrikas (flanked by Shiva and Ganesha), representing various Shakti aspects, from 9th-century Madhya Pradesh
Saptamātkā-s with Gaṇeśa, at Panchalingeshvara temple in Karnataka.

Image result for ganas sculptureGaṇeśa with Gaṇa-s in Kailasanatha temple, Kanchipuram (685 to 705 CE, Rajasimha, Pallava dynasty)

https://www.academia.edu/1315116/Bibliography_for_Archaeology_of_the_goddess_an_Indian_paradox_ Bibliography [for Archaeology of the goddess: an Indian paradox] by A. Di Castro

Alexandra Ardeleanu-Jansen, “The Terracotta Figurines from Mohenjodaro: Considerations on Tradition, Craft and Ideology in the Harappan Civilization (C. 2400-1800 B.C.)” in S. Settar and Ravi Korisettar eds., Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, Protohistory: Archaeology of the Harrapan Civilization, Vol. II. New Delhi ICHR and Manohar pp. 205-222.

 



See: http://tinyurl.com/jqw4ltk  Itihāsa of Uā,औषस and links to artisanal work of त्वष्टृ’s ten daughters 

Maybe, some of these daughters are venerated and signified as Utsava bera on this terracotta artifact of Sarasvati Civilization? Unfathomable are the metaphors in ādibhautika, ādidaivika and ādhyātmika/turiya levels of representation in the Ṛcas of Ṛgveda.


The Ṛcas which adore Uṣā,औषस in Ṛgveda are embedded for ready reference.

Lady of the spiked throne. If this not a spiked throne but rays of the Sun, the lady may be Uṣā,औषस of Ṛgveda. प्र- √ भा 1 a [p= 683,3] P. -भाति , to shine forth , begin to become light , shine , gleam RV. &c  ; to appear , seem , look like (nom. with or without इव) MBh. Ka1v. &c  ; to illuminate , enlighten TUp.; N. of a शक्ति Hcat.; of the city of कुबेर L.

The Power of a Lost Ritual

An exceptional and controversial recent find in a private collection is analyzed by a leading Italian archaeologist in this fully illustrated complete volume. With many potential implications for understanding ancient Indus culture.

From the Preface

In Autumn 2009, I was invited by a private collector to see an artefact that was mentioned as unique and very complex, and reportedly belonged to the cultural sphere of the Indus civilization. I do not have professional links with the antique market and the world of private collectors, but the descrip- tions I had of the find were so puzzling that for once I accepted the invitation to examine the new find. I was generously hosted by the family of the collector and what I saw fully rewarded the trip and the time. There I spend two whole days, looking in detail to the most amazing and better preserved terracotta group sculpture of the 3rd millennium cal BC I had ever seen, while a professional photographer and her assistant took the pictures you see in this book.

. . . in this case the find is so exceptional, and its archaeological and historical implica- tions so important, that to bury forever the information in the shelves of a private collector would only add damage to damage. After consulting with several colleagues, I decided to publish it. The only purpose of this book is to make the find available to the specialists and to open a discussion on its meaning.

https://www.harappa.com/content/lady-spiked-throne

https://www.harappa.com/sites/default/files/pdf/Spiked-Throne.pdf (Full text of the book, 72 pages)
Total Number of figurines -- riders -- on the boat or chariot: 15. Lady with rays emanting is seated in the middle. On either side of the cabin, 4 male and 4 female figures are seated on cube-like stools (like two rows of rowers or holding reins of the bull which draws the chariot).
6 other male figurines are standing on the sides, 4 in a cabin and 2 in front, as a sort of entourage.
See: https://cogniarchae.wordpress.com/2016/08/02/the-lady-of-the-spiked-throne-decoding-the-symbols/
See: http://learning.brac.net/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=736:eshika-dutta&limitstart=10
Uṣā Usually means physical dawn. Dawning of spiritual knowledge could be considered as Uṣā (spiritual)(Jñānodaya).


Uṣā is devata in the following Ṛca-s:

RV 1.30, 1.48, 1.49, 1.92, 1.95 (?), 1.113, 1.123, 1.124,

RV 3.61, 4.30, 4.51, 4.52, 5.79, 5.80, 6.64, 6.65, 7.41, 7.75 to 7.81, 8.47, 10.172


RV 1.95 adores auṣas 'relating to uṣas. This Rca holds the key linking her to artisanal work.

Reference to त्वष्टृ’s ten daughters in RV 1.95.2

The reference occurs in the context of devat ā औषस .

त्वष्टृ [p= 464,1] m. a carpenter , maker of carriages (= त्/अष्टृ) AV. xii , 3 , 33; " creator of living beings " , the heavenly builder , N. of a god (called सु-क्/ऋत् , -पाण्/ , -ग्/अभस्ति , -ज्/अनिमन् , स्व्-/अपस् , अप्/असाम् अप्/अस्तम , विश्व्/-रूप &c RV. ; maker of divine implements , esp. of इन्द्र's thunderbolt and teacher of the ऋभुs i , iv-vi , x Hariv. 12146 f. R. ii , 91 , 12 ; former of the bodies of men and animals , hence called " firstborn " and invoked for the sake of offspring , esp. in the आप्री hymns RV. AV. &c MBh. iv , 1178 Hariv. 587 ff. Ragh. vi , 32 ; associated with the similar deities धातृ , सवितृ , प्रजा-पति , पूषन् , and surrounded by divine females [ग्न्/आस् , जन्/अयस् , देव्/आनाम् प्/अत्नीस् ; cf. त्व्/अष्टा-व्/अरूत्री] recipients of his generative energy RV. S3Br. i Ka1tyS3r. iii ; supposed author of RV. x , 184 with the epithet गर्भ-पति RAnukr. ; father of सरण्यू [सु-रेणु Hariv. ; स्व-रेणु L. ] whose double twin-children by विवस्वत् [or वायु ? RV. viii , 26 , 21 f.] are यमयमी and the अश्विन्s x , 17 , 1 f. Nir. xii , 10 Br2ih. Hariv. 545 ff. VP. ; also father of त्रि-शिरस् or विश्वरूप ib. ; overpowered by इन्द्र who recovers the सोम [ RV. iii f. ] concealed by him because इन्द्र had killed his son विश्व-रूप TS. ii S3Br. i , v , xii ; regent of the नक्षत्र चित्रा 

TBr. S3a1n3khGr2. S3a1ntik. VarBr2S. iic , 4 ; of the 5th cycle of Jupiter viii , 23 ; of an eclipse iii , 6 ; त्वष्टुर् आतिथ्य N. of a सामन् A1rshBr. )


RV 1.95.2 recites:

Who are he ten daughters of त्वष्ट?  An asterism is called tvāṣṭ त्वाष्ट्र ष्ट्री 1 The asterism चित्रा;  rī त्वाष्ट्र a. [त्वष्टा देवताअस्य अण्] Belonging to Tvaṣṭṛi; U.6.3. (v. l.). 

Derived fr. उषस्, ‘dawn’, औषसी, औषस refer to 1. several सामन्1s and 2. ten daughters of त्वष्टृ [p= 464,1] who is a form of the sun MBh. iii , 146 Hariv. 13143 BhP. iii , 6 , 15.

त्वष्टृ is surrounded by divine females [ग्न्/आस् , जन्/अयस् , देव्/आनाम् प्/अत्नीस् ; cf. त्व्/अष्टा-व्/अरूत्री] recipients of his generative energy RV. S3Br. i Ka1tyS3r. iii

Could the expression औषस refer to the generative energy of त्वष्ट and related to uṣas? If so, the reference औषस may explain the ‘dawn’ energy kindling agni to purify somabrought in the chariot by uas.

त्वष्टृ is father of सरण्यू [सु-रेणु Hariv. ; स्व-रेणु L. ] whose double twin-children by विवस्वत् [or वायु ? RV. viii , 26 , 21 f.] are यमयमी and the अश्विन्s x , 17 , 1 f. Nir. xii , 10 Br2ih. Hariv. 545 ff. VP. ;

औषस [p= 240,2] mf()n. (fr. उषस्) , relating to dawn , early , matutinal TBr. Ii; f. daybreak , morning S3Br. Vi; n. N. of several सामन्1s. (matutinal ‘of or occurring in the morning’).

1.095.01 Two periods, of different complexions, revolve for their own purposes, and each in succession severally nourishes a son; in one, Hari is the receiver of oblations, in the other, the brilliant Agni is beheld. [viru_pe, of various nature; i.e. of various complexions: black and white, night and day. Day is the mother of fire, which is then, as it were, in an embryo state and is not fully manifested or born until it is dark; hence, the sun is in the womb of night, and is born, or shines, in the morning; Hari, or the sun, being manifested in the morning, is then to be worshipped; Agni, shining at night, is to be worshipped in the evening---tasma_ agnaye sa_yamhu_yate su_rya_ya pra_tar (Taittiri_ya Bra_hman.a 2.1.2.6); aus.asagun.avis'is.t.o agni, s'uddho agnir va_: Agni endowed with the properties of dawn or the simple, discrete Agni].
1.095.02 The vigilant and youthful Ten beget, through the wind, this embryo Agni, inherent (in all beings), sharp-visaged, universally renowned, shining among men; him they conduct (to every dwelling). [Ten: the ten regions of space, which generate lightning, as an embryo in the clouds, using the winds: agner hi va_yuh ka_ran.am, va_yor agnih, wind is the cause of fire, fire of wind. Tvas.t.uh = wind or its agency: dipta_nmadhyama_d va_yoh sa_kas.a_t, the brilliant central proximity of wind. Ten: the ten fingers which generate Agni through the act of attrition as an embryo in the sticks. vibhr.tram = deposited in all creatures,i.e. inherent].
1.095.03 They contemplate three places of his birth; one in the ocean, one in the heaven, one in the firmament; and, dividing the seasons of the year for the benefit of earthly creatures, he formed, in regular succession, the eastern quarter. 
1.095.04 Which of you discerns the hidden Agni? a son, he begets his mothers by oblations; the germ of many (waters), he issues from the ocean, mighty and wise, the recipient of oblations. [hidden agni: latent heat in the waters, in the woods and in all fixed and moveable things; he begets his mothers: Agni, as lightning is the son of the waters collected in the clouds; he generates those waters by the oblations which he conveys; he issues from the ocean: upastha_t (smudra_t) nirgacchati, Agni is thought to rise in the morning in the shape of the sun from out of the ocean].
1.095.05 Appearing amongst them (the waters), the bright-shining (Agni) increases, rising above the flanks of the waving waters, spreading his own renown; both (heaven and earth) are alarmed, as the radiant Agni is born, and, approaching the lion, they pay him honour. [above the flanks of the waving waters: jihma_na_m apa_m upasthe, above, on the side, or tip, of the crooked waters; reference to Agni as the lightning; approaching the lion: sim.ha applied to Agni, implying sahanas'i_lam, abhibha_vana s'i_lam, ability to suffer or be overcome].
1.095.06 Both the auspicious ones (day and night or two pieces of wood rubbed together to produce flame) wait upon him like two female attendants, as lowing kine (follow their calves) by the paths (that they have gone); he has been the lord of might among the mighty, whom (the priests) on the right (of the altar) anoint.
1.095.07 Like the sun, he stretches forth his arms, and the formidable Agni, decorating both heaven and earth (with brightness), labours (in his duties); he draws up from everything the essential (moisture), and clothes (the earth) with new vestments (derived) from his maternal (rains).
1.095.08 Associated in the firmament with the moving waters, he assumes an excellent and lustrous form, and the wise sustainer (of all things) sweeps over the source (of the rains with his radiance), whence a concentration of light is spread abroad by the sportive deity. [budhna = antariks.a or firmament, as the source of the rains].
1.095.09 The vast and victorious radiance of you, the mighty one, pervades the firmament; Agni, who have been kindled by us, preserve us with all your undiminished and protecting glories.
1.095.10 He causes the waters to flow in a torrent through the sky, and with those pure waves he inundates the earth; he gathers all (articles of) food in the stomach, and for that purpose sojourns in the new-sprung parents (of the gain). [navasu prasus.u = in the new parents, or mothers; i.e. in the os.adhis, the annual crops which ripen after the rains and bear food, being impregnated by the terrestrial Agni].
1.095.11 Agni, who are the purifier, growing with the fuel we have supplied, blaze for the sake of (securing) food to us, who are possessed of wealth; and may Mitra, Varun.a, Aditi--ocean, earth, and heaven, preserve it to us.

Griffith: HYMN XCV. Agni 95


1. To fair goals travel Two unlike in semblance: each in succession nourishes an infant.
One bears a Godlike Babe of golden colour; bright and fairshining-, is he with the other.
2 Tvastars' ten daughters, vigilant and youthful, produced this Infant borne to sundry quarters.
They bear around him whose long flames are pointed, fulgent among mankind with native splendour.
3. Three several places of his birth they honour, in midair-, in the heaven, and in the waters.
Governing in the east of earthly regions, the seasons hath he stablished in their order.
4 Who of you knows this secret One? The Infant by his own nature hath brought forth his Mothers.
The germ of many, from the waters' bosom he goes forth, wise and great, of Godlike nature.
5 Visible, fair, he grows in native brightness uplifted in the lap of waving waters.
When he was born both Tvastars' worlds were frightened: they turn to him and reverence the Lion.
6 The Two auspicious Ones, like women, tend him: like lowing cows they seek him in their manner.
He is the Lord of Might among the mighty; him, on the right, they balm with their oblations.
7 Like Savitar his arms with might he stretches; awful, he strives grasping the worlds' two
borders.
He forces out from all a brilliant vesture, yea, from his Mothers draws forth new raiment.
8 He makes him a most noble form of splendour, decking him in his home with milk and waters.
The Sage adorns the depths of air with wisdom: this is the meeting where the Gods are worshipped.
9 Wide through the firmament spreads forth triumphant the far resplendent- strength of thee the
Mighty.
Kindled by us do thou preserve us, Agni, with all thy selfbright- undiminished succours.
10 In dry spots he makes stream, and course, and torrent, and inundates the earth with floods that glisten.
All ancient things within his maw he gathers, and moves among the new fresh sprouting- grasses.
11 Fed with our fuel, purifying Agni, so blaze to us auspiciously for glory.
This prayer of ours may Varuna grant, and Mitra, and Aditi and Sindhu, Earth and Heaven.



Four Rcas of Āngīrasa are succinct and precise statements on Uṣas: RV 10.172

RV 1.30:

20 What mortal, O immortal Dawn, enjoyeth thee? Where lovest thou?
To whom, O radiant, dost thou go?
21 For we have had thee in our thoughts whether anear or far away,
Redhued- and like a dappled mare.
22 Hither, O 
Daughter of the Sky, come thou with these thy strengthenings,
And send thou riches down to us.

RV 1.48

HYMN XLVIII. Dawn. 48


1 DAWN on us with prosperity, O Usas, Daughter of the Sky,
Dawn with great glory, Goddess, Lady of the Light, dawn thou with riches, Bounteous One.
2 They, bringing steeds and kine, boongivers- of all wealth, have oft sped forth to lighten us.
O Usas, waken up for me the sounds of joy: send us the riches of the great.
3 Usas hath dawned, and now shall dawn, the Goddess, driver forth of cars
Which, as she cometh nigh, have fixed their thought on her, like gloryseekers- on the flood.
4 Here Kanva, chief of Kanvas' race, sings forth aloud the glories of the heroes' names,
The. princes who, O Usas, as thou comest near, direct their thoughts to liberal gifts.
5 Like a good matron Usas comes carefully tending everything:
Rousing all life she stirs all creatures that have feet, and makes the birds of air fly up.
6 She sends the busy forth, each man to his pursuit: delay she knows not as she springs.
O rich in opulence, after thy dawning birds that have flown forth no longer rest.
7 This Dawn hath yoked her steeds afar, beyond the rising of the Sun:
Borne on a hundred chariots she, auspicious Dawn, advances on her way to Men.
8 To meet her glance all living creatures bend them down: Excellent One, she makes the light.
Usas, the Daughter of the Sky, the opulent, shines foes and enmities away.
9 Shine on us with thy radiant light, O Usas, Daughter of the Sky,
Bringing to us great store of high felicity, and beaming on our solemn rites.
10 For in thee is each living creatures' breath and life, when, Excellent! thou dawnest forth.
Borne on thy lofty car, O Lady of the Light, hear, thou of wondrous wealth, our call.
11 O Usas, win thyself the strength which among men is wonderful.
Bring thou thereby the pious unto holy rites, those who as priests sing praise to thee.
12 Bring from the firmament, O Usas, all the Gods, that they may drink our Soma juice,
And, being what thou art, vouchsafe us kine and steeds, strength meet for praise and hero might.
13 May Usas whose auspicious rays are seen resplendent round about,
Grant us great riches, fair in form, of all good things, wealth which light labour may attain.
14 Mighty One, whom the Rsis of old time invoked for their protection and their help,
O Usas, graciously answer our songs of praise with bounty and with brilliant light.
15 Usas, as thou with light to day hast opened the twin doors of heaven,
So grant thou us a dwelling wide and free from foes. O Goddess, give us food with kine.
16 Bring us to wealth abundant, sent in every shape, to plentiful refreshing food,
To allsubduing- splendour, Usas, Mighty One, to strength, thou rich in spoil and wealth.


RV 1.49


HYMN XLIX. Dawn. 49


1 EEN' from above the skys' bright realm come, Usas, by auspicious ways:
Let red steeds bear thee to the house of him who pours the Soma, juice.
2 The chariot which thou mountest, fair of shape, O Usas light to move,
Therewith, O Daughter of the Sky, aid men of noble fame today.
3 Bright Usas, when thy times return, all quadrupeds and bipeds stir,
And round about flock winged birds from all the boundaries of heaven.
4 Thou dawning with thy beams of light illumest all the radiant realm.
Thee, as thou art, the Kanvas, fain for wealth, have called with sacred songs.


RV 1.92


HYMN XCII. Dawn. 92

1.    THESE Dawns have raised their banner; in the eastern half of the midair- they spread abroad
their shining light.
Like heroes who prepare their weapons for the war, onward they come bright red in hue, the Mother
Cows.
2 Readily have the purple beams of light shot up; the Red Cows have they harnessed, easy to be
yoked.
The Dawns have brought distinct perception as before: redhued-, they have attained their fulgent
brilliancy.
3 They sing their song like women active in their tasks, along their common path hither from far
away,
Bringing refreshment to the liberal devotee, yea, all things to the worshipper who pours the juice.
4 She, like a dancer, puts her broidered garments on: as a cow yields her udder so she bares her
breast.
Creating light for all the world of life, the Dawn hath laid the darkness open as the cows their
stall.
5 We have beheld the brightness of her shining; it spreads and drives away the darksome monster.
Like tints that deck the Post at sacrifices, Heavens' Daughter hath attained her wondrous
splendour.
6 We have overpast the limit of this darkness; Dawn breaking forth again brings clear perception.
She like a flatterer smiles in light for glory, and fair of face hath wakened to rejoice us.
7 The Gotamas have praised Heavens' radiant Daughter, the leader of the charm of pleasant voices.
Dawn, thou conferrest on us strength with offspring and men, conspicuous with kine and horses.
8 O thou who shinest forth in wondrous glory, urged onward by thy strength, auspicious Lady,
Dawn, may I gain that wealth, renowned and ample, in brave sons, troops of slaves, farfamed- for
horses.
9 Bending her looks on all the world, the Goddess shines, widely spreading with her bright eye
westward.
Waking to motion every living creature, she understands the voice of each adorer.
10 Ancient of days, again again born newly, decking her beauty with the selfsame- raiment.
The Goddess wastes away the life of mortals, like a skilled hunter cutting birds in pieces.
11 She hath appeared discovering heavens' borders: to the far distance she drives off her Sister.
Diminishing the days of human creatures, the Lady shines with all her lovers' splendour.
12 The bright, the blessed One shines forth extending her rays like kine, as a flood rolls his
waters.
Never transgressing the divine commandments, she is beheld visible with the sunbeams.
13 O Dawn enriched with ample wealth, bestow on us the wondrous gift
Wherewith we may support children and childrens' sons.
14 Thou radiant mover of sweet sounds, with wealth of horses and of kine
Shine thou on us this day, O Dawn auspiciously.
15 O Dawn enriched with holy rites, yoke to thy car thy purple steeds,
And then bring thou unto us all felicities.
16 O Asvins wonderful in act, do ye unanimous direct
Your chariot to our home wealthy in kine and gold.
17 Ye who brought down the hymn from heaven, a light that giveth light to man,
Do ye, O Asvins, bring strength hither unto us.
18 Hither may they who wake at dawn bring, to drink Soma both the Gods
Healthgivers- WonderWorkers-, borne on paths of gold.

RV 1.113

HYMN CXIII. Dawn. 113


1. This light is come, amid all lights the fairest; born is the brilliant, farextending-
brightness.
Night, sent away for Savitars' uprising, hath yielded up a birthplace- for the Morning.
2 The Fair, the Bright is come with her white offspring; to her the Dark One hath resigned her
dwelling.
Akin, immortal, following each other, changing their colours both the heavens move onward.
3 Common, unending is the Sisters' pathway; taught by the Gods, alternately they travel.
Fairformed-, of different hues and yet oneminded-, Night and Dawn clash not, neither do they
travel.
4 Bright leader of glad sounds, our eyes behold her; splendid in hue she hath unclosed the portals.
She, stirring up the world, hath shown us riches: Dawn hath awakened every living creature.
5 Rich Dawn, she sets afoot the coiledup- sleeper, one for enjoyment, one for wealth or worship,
Those who saw little for extended vision. All living creatures hath the Dawn awakened.
6 One to high sway, one to exalted glory, one to pursue his gain, and one his labour:
All to regard their different vocations, all moving creatures hath the Dawn awakened.
7 We see her there, the Child of Heaven apparent, the young Maid, flushing in her shining raiment.
Thou sovran Lady of all earthly treasure, flush on us here, auspicious Dawn, this morning.
8 She first of endless morns to come hereafter, follows the path of morns that have departed.
Dawn, at her rising, urges forth the living him who is dead she wakes not from his slumber.
9 As thou, Dawn, hast caused Agni to be kindled, and with the Suns' eye hast revealed creation.
And hast awakened men to offer worship, thou hast performed, for Gods, a noble service.
10 How long a time, and they shall be together, Dawns that have shone and Dawns to shine hereafter?
She yearns for former Dawns with eager longing, and goes forth gladly shining with the others.
11 Gone are the men who in the days before us looked on the rising of the earlier Morning.
We, we the living, now behold her brightness and they come nigh who shall hereafter see her.
12 Foechaser-, born of Law, the Laws' protectress, joygiver-, waker of all pleasant voices,
Auspicious, bringing food for Gods enjoyment, shine on us here, most bright, O Dawn, this morning.
13 From days eternal hath Dawn shone, the Goddess, and shows this light today-, endowed with
riches.
So will she shine on days to come immortal she moves on in her own strength, undecaying.
14 In the skys' borders hath she shone in splendour: the Goddess hath thrown off the veil of
darkness.
Awakening the world with purple horses, on her wellharnessed- chariot Dawn approaches.
15 Bringing all lifesustaining- blessings with her, showing herself she sends forth brilliant
lustre.
Last of the countless mornings that have vanished, first of bright morns to come hath Dawn arisen.
16 Arise! the breath, the life, again hath reached us: darkness hath passed away and light
approacheth.
She for the Sun hath left a path to travel we have arrived where men prolong existence.
17 Singing the praises of refulgent Mornings with his hymns' web the priest, the poet rises.
Shine then today-, rich Maid, on him who lauds thee, shine down on us the gift of life and
offspring.
18 Dawns giving sons all heroes, kine and horses, shining upon the man who brings oblations,
These let the Somapresser- gain when ending his glad songs louder than the voice of Vayu.
19 Mother of Gods, Aditis' form of glory, ensign of sacrifice, shine forth exalted.
Rise up, bestowing praise on our devotion allbounteous-, make us chief among the people.
20 Whatever splendid wealth the Dawns bring with them to bless the man who offers praise and
worship,
Even that may Mitra, Varuna vouchsafe us, and Aditi and Sindhu, Earth and Heaven.


RV 1.123


HYMN CXXIII. Dawn. 123

1.    THE Daksinas' broad chariot hath been harnessed: this car the Gods Immortal have ascended.
Fain to bring light to homes of men the noble and active Goddess hath emerged from darkness.
2 She before all the living world hath wakened, the Lofty One who wins and gathers treasure.
Revived and ever young on high she glances. Dawn hath come first unto our morning worship.
3 If, Dawn, thou Goddess nobly born, thou dealest fortune this day to all the race of mortals,
May Savitar the God, Friend of the homestead, declare before the Sun that we are sinless.
4 Showing her wonted form each day that passeth, spreading the light she visiteth each dwelling.
Eager for conquest, with bright sheen she cometh. Her portion is the best of goodly treasures.
5 Sister of Varuna, sister of Bhaga, first among all sing forth, O joyous Morning.
Weak be the strength of him who worketh evil: may we subdue him with our car the guerdon.
6 Let our glad hymns and holy thoughts rise upward, for the flames brightly burning have ascended.
The farrefulgent- Mornings make apparent the lovely treasures which the darkness covered.
7 The one departeth and the other cometh: unlike in hue days', halves march on successive.
One hides the gloom of the surrounding Parents. Dawn on her shining chariot is resplendent.
8 The same in form today-, the same tomorrow, they still keep Varunas' eternal statute.
Blameless, in turn they traverse thirty regions, and dart across the spirit in a moment.
9 She who hath knowledge Of the first days' nature is born refulgent white from out the darkness.
The Maiden breaketh not the law of Order, day by day coming to the place appointed.
10 In pride of beauty like a maid thou goest, O Goddess, to the God who longs to win thee,
And smiling youthful, as thou shinest brightly, before him thou discoverest thy bosom.
11 Fair as a bride embellished by her mother thou showest forth thy form that all may see it.
Blessed art thou O Dawn. Shine yet more widely. No other Dawns have reached what thou attainest.
12 Rich in kine, horses, and all goodly treasures, in constant operation with the sunbeams,
The Dawns depart and come again assuming their wonted forms that promise happy fortune.
13 Obedient to the rein of Law Eternal give us each thought that more and more shall bless us.
Shine thou on us today-, Dawn, swift to listen. With us be riches and with chiefs who worship.

RV 1.124


HYMN CXXIV. Dawn. 124

1.    THE Dawn refulgent when the fire is kindled, and the Sun rising, far diffuse their brightness.
Savitar, God, hath sent us forth to labour, each quadruped, each biped, to be active.
2 Not interrupting heavenly ordinances, although she minisheth human generations.
The last of endless morns that have departed, the first of those that come, Dawn brightly shineth.
3 There in the eastern region she, Heavens' Daughter, arrayed in garments all of light, appeareth.
Truly she followeth the path of Order, nor faileth, knowing well, the heavenly quarters.
4 Near is she seen, as it were the Bright Ones' bosom: she showeth sweet things like a new
songsinger-.
She cometh like a fly awaking sleepers, of all returning dames most true and constant.
5 There in the east half of the watery region the Mother of the Cows hath shown her ensign.
Wider and wider still she spreadeth onward, and filleth full the laps of both heir Parents.
6 She, verily, exceeding vast to look on debarreth from her light nor kin nor stranger.
Proud of her spotless form she, brightly shining, turneth not from the high nor from the humble.
7 She seeketh men, as she who hath no brother, mounting her car, as it were to gather riches.
Dawn, like a loving matron for her husband, smiling and well attired, unmasks her beauty.
8 The Sister quitteth, for the elder Sister, her place, and having looked on her departeth.
She decks her beauty, shining forth with sunbeams, like women trooping to the festal meeting.
9 To all these Sisters who ere now have vanished a later one each day in course succeedeth.
So, like the past, with days of happy fortune, may the new Dawns shine forth on us with riches.
10 Rouse up, O Wealthy One, the liberal givers; let niggard traffickers sleep on unwakened:
Shine richly, Wealthy One, on those who worship, richly, glad.
Dawn while wasting, on the singer.
11 This young Maid from the east hath shone upon us; she harnesseth her team of bright red oxen.
She will beam forth, the light will hasten hither, and Agni will be present in each dwelling.
12 As the birds fly forth from their resting places, so men with store of food rise at thy dawning.
Yea, to the liberal mortal who remaineth at home, O Goddess Dawn, much good thou bringest.
13 Praised through my prayer be ye who should be lauded. Ye have increased our wealth, ye Dawns
who love us.
Goddesses, may we win by your good favour wealth to be told by hundreds and by thousands.

RV 3.61


HYMN LXI. Usas. 61


1. O Usas, strong with strength, endowed witli knowledge, accept the singers' praise, O wealthy
Lady.
Thou, Goddess, ancient, young, and full of wisdom, movest, allbounteous-! as the Law ordaineth.
2 Shine forth, O Morning, thou auspicious Goddess, on thy bright car awaking pleasant voices.
Let docile horses of farreaching- splendour convey thee hitherward, the goldencoloured.
3 Thou, Morning, turning thee to every creature, standest on high as ensign of the Immortal,
To one same goal ever and ever wending now, like a wheel, O newlyborn-, roll hi ther.
4 Letting her reins drop downward, Morning cometh, the wealthy Dame, the Lady of the dwelling;
Bringing forth light, the Wonderful, the Blessed hath spread her from the bounds of earth and
heaven.
5 Hither invoke the radiant Goddess Morning, and bring with reverence your hymn to praise her.
She, dropping sweets, hath set in heaven her brightness, and, fair to look on, hath beamed forth
her splendour.
6 From heaven, with hymns, the Holy One was wakened: brightly to both worlds came the wealthy Lady.
To Morning, Agni, when she comes refulgent, thou goest forth soliciting fair riches.
7 On Laws' firm base the speeder of the Mornings, the Bull, hath entered mighty earth and heaven.
Great is the power of Varuna and Mitra, which, bright, hath spread in every place its splendour.


RV 4.30


8 And this heroic deed of might thou, Indra, also hast achieved,
That thou didst smite to death the Dame, Heavens' Daughter, meditating ill.
9 Thou, Indra, Mighty One, didst crush Usas, though Daughter of the Sky.
When lifting up herself in pride.
10 Then from her chariot Usas fled, affrighted, from her ruined car.
When the strong God had shattered it.
11 So there this car of Usas lay, broken to pieces, in Vipas,
And she herself fled far away.


RV 4.51, 4.52


HYMN LI. Dawn. 51


1. FORTH from the darkness in the region eastward this most abundant splendid light hatb mounted.
Now verily the farrefulgent- Mornings, Daughters of Heaven, bring welfare to the people.
2 The richlycoloured- Dawns have mounted eastward, like pillars planted at our sacrifices,
And, flushing far, splendid and purifying, unbarred the portals of the fold of darkness.
3 Dispelling gloom this day the wealthy Mornings urge liberal givers to present their treasures.
In the unlightened depth of darkness round them let niggard traffickers sleep unawakened.
4 O Goddesses, is this your car, I ask you, ancient this day, or is it new, ye Mornings,
Wherewith, rich Dawns, ye seek with wealth Navagva, Dasagva Angira, the seventoned- singer?
5 With horses harnessed by eternal Order, Goddesses, swiftly round the worlds ye travel,
Arousing from their rest, O Dawns, the sleeping, and all that lives, man, bird, and beast, to
motion.
6 Which among these is eldest, and where is she through whom they fixed the Rbhus' regulations?
What time the splendid Dawns go forth for splendour, they are not known apart, alike, unwasting.
7 Blest were these Dawns of old, shining with succour, true with the truth that springs from holy
Order;
With whom the toiling worshipper, by praises, hymning and lauding, soon attained to riches.
8 Hither from eastward all at once they travel, from one place spreading in the selfsame manner.
Awaking, from the seat of holy Order the Godlike Dawns come nigh like troops of cattle.
9 Thus they go forth with undiminished colours, these Mornings similar, in selfsame- fashion,
Concealing the gigantic might of darkness with radiant bodies bright and pure and shining.
10 O Goddesses, O Heavens' refulgent Daughters, bestow upon us wealth with store of children.
As from our pleasant place of rest ye rouse us may we be masters of heroic vigour.
11 Wellskilled- in lore of sacrifice, ye Daughters of Heaven, refulgent Dawns, I thus address you.
May we be glorious among the people. May Heaven vouchsafe us this, and Earth the Goddess,


HYMN LII. Dawn. 52


1. THIS Lady, giver of delight, after her Sister shining forth, Daughter of Heaven, hath shown
herself.-
2 Unfailing, Mother of the Kine, in colour like a bright red mare,
The Dawn became the Asvins' Friend.
3 Yea, and thou art the Asvins' Friend, the Mother of the Kine art thou:
O Dawn thou rulest over wealth.
4 Thinking of thee, O joyous One, as her who driveth hate away,
We woke to meet thee with our lauds.
5 Our eyes behold thy blessed rays like troops of cattle loosed to feed.
Dawn hath filled full the wide expanse.
6 When thou hast filled it, Fulgent One! thou layest bare the gloom with light.
After thy nature aid us, Dawn.
7 Thou overspreadest heaven with rays, the dear wide region of midair-.
With thy bright shining lustre, Dawn.


RV 5.79


HYMN LXXIX. Dawn. 79


1. O HEAVENLY Dawn, awaken us to ample opulence today-
Even as thou hast wakened us with Satyasravas, Vayyas' son, highborn-! delightful with thy steeds!
2 Daughter of Heaven, thou dawnedst on Sunitha Sucadrathas' son,
So dawn thou on one mightier still, on Satyasravas, Vayyas' son, highborn-! delightful with thy
steeds!
3 So, bringing treasure, dawn today- on us thou Daughter of the Sky,
As thou, O mightier yet. didst shine for Satyatravas, Vayyas' son, highborn-! delightful with thy
steeds!
4 Here round about thee are the priests who laud thee, Bright One, with their hymns,
And men with gifts, O Bounteous Dame, splendid with wealth and offering much, highborn-!
delightful with thy steeds!
5 Whatever these thy bands perform to please thee or to win them wealth,
even fain they gird us round and give rich gifts which Never are reft away, highborn-! delightful
with thy steeds!
6 Give to these wealthy patrons fame, O affluent Dawn, with hero sons,
To these our princes who have brought rich gifts Never to be reft away, highborn! delightful with
thy steeds!
7 Bring lofty and resplendent fame, O thou munificent Dawn, to these
Our wealthy patrons who bestow rich gifts on us of steeds and kine, highborn-! delightful with thy
steeds!
8 Bring us, O Daughter of the Sky, subsistence in our herds of kine,
Together with the sunbeams, with the shine of pure refulgent flames, highborn! delightful with thy
steeds!
9 O Daughter of the Sky, shine forth; delay not to perform thy task.
Let not the Sun with fervent heat consume thee like a robber foe, highborn-! delightful with the
steeds!
10 So much, and more exceedingly, O Dawn, it suits thee to bestow,
Thou Radiant One who ceasest not to shine for those who sing thy praise, highborn! delightful with
thy steeds!


RV 5.80


HYMN LXXX. Dawn. 80


1. THE singers welcome with their hymns and praises the Goddess Dawn who bringeth in the sunlight,
Sublime, by Law true to eternal Order, bright on her path, redtinted-, farrefulgent-.
2 She comes in front, fair, rousing up the people, making the pathways easy to be travelled.
High, on her lofty chariot, allimpelling-, Dawn gives her splendour at the days' beginning.
3 She, harnessing her car with purple oxen. injuring none, hath brought perpetual riches.
Opening paths to happiness, the Goddess shines, praised by all, giver of every blessing.
4 With changing tints she gleams in double splendour while from the eastward she displays her body.
She travels perfectly the path of Order, nor fails to reach, as one who knows, the quarters.
5 As conscious that her limbs are bright with bathing, she stands, as it were, erect that we may
see her.
Driving away malignity and darkness, Dawn, Child of Heaven, hath come to us with lustre.
6 The Daughter of the Sky, like some chaste woman, bends, opposite to men, her forehead downward.
The Maid, disclosing boons to him who worships, hath brought again the daylight as aforetime.


RV 6.64, RV 6.65


HYMN LXIV. Dawn. 64


1. THE radiant Dawns have risen up for glory, in their white splendour like the waves of waters.
She maketh paths all easy, fair to travel, and, rich, hath shown herself benign and friendly.
2 We see that thou art good: far shines thy lustre; thy beams, thy splendours have flown up to
heaven.
Decking thyself, thou makest bare thy bosom, shining in majesty, thou Goddess Morning.
3 Red are the kine and luminous that bear her the Blessed One who spreadeth through the distance.
The foes she chaseth like a valiant archer, like a swift warrior she repelleth darkness.
4 Thy ways are easy on the hills: thou passest Invincible! Se1fluminous-! through waters.
So lofty Goddess with thine ample pathway, Daughter of Heaven, bring wealth to give us comfort.
5 Dawn, bring me wealth: untroubled, with thine oxen thou bearest riches at thy will and pleasure;
Thou who, a Goddess, Child of Heaven, hast shown thee lovely through bounty when we called thee
early.
6 As the birds fly forth from their restingplaces, so men with store of food rise at thy dawning.
Yea, to the liberal mortal who rernaineth at home, O Goddess Dawn, much good thou bringest.


HYMN LXV. Dawn. 65

1.    SHEDDING her light on human habitations this Child of Heaven hath called us from our slumber;
She who at nighttime- with her argent lustre hath shown herself even through the shades of
darkness.
2 All this with redrayed- steeds have they divided: the Dawns on bright cars shine in wondrous
fashion.
They, bringing near the stately rites' commencement, drive far away the nights' surrounding
shadows.
3 Dawns, bringing hither, to the man who worships, glory and power and might and food and vigour,
Opulent, with imperial sway like heroes, favour your servant and this day enrich him.
4 Now is there treasure for the man who serves you, now for the hero, Dawns! who brings oblation;
Now for the singer when he sings the praisesong-. Even to one like me ye brought aforetime.
5 O Dawn who standest on the mountain ridges, Angirases now praise thy stalls of cattle.
With prayer and holy hymn they burst them open: the heroes' calling on the Gods was fruitful.
6 Shine on us as of old, thou Child of Heaven on, him, rich Maid! who serves like Bharadvaja.
Give to the singer wealth with noble heroes, and upon us bestow widespreading- glory.

RV 7.41


HYMN XLI. Bhaga. 41


6 To this our worship may all Dawns incline them, and come to the pure place like Dadhikravan.
As strong steeds draw a chariot may they bring us hitherward Bhaga who discovers treasure.
7 May blessed Mornings dawn on us for ever, with wealth of kine, of horses, and of heroes,
Streaming with all abundance, pouring fatness. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.


RV 7.75 to RV 7.81


HYMN LXXV. Dawn. 75


1. BORN in the heavens the Dawn hath flushed, and showing her majesty is come as Law ordaineth.
She hath uncovered fiends and hateful darkness; best of Angirases, hath waked the pathways.
2 Rouse us this day to high and happy fortune: to great felicity, O Dawn, promote us.
Vouchsafe us manifold and splendid riches, famed among mortals, manbefriending- Goddess!
3 See, lovely Mornings' everlasting splendours, bright with their varied colours, have approached
us.
Filling the region of midair-, producing the rites of holy worship, they have mounted.
4 She yokes her chariot far away, and swiftly visits the lands where the Five Tribes are settled,
Looking upon the works and ways of mortals, Daughter of Heaven, the worlds' Imperial Lady.
5 She who is rich in spoil, the Spouse of Surya, wondrously opulent, rules all wealth and
treasures.
Consumer of our youth, the seers extol her: lauded by priests rich Dawn shines out refulgent.
6 Apparent are the steeds of varied colour, the red steeds carrying resplendent Morning.
On her alllovely- car she comes, the Fair One, and brings rich treasure for her faithful servant.
7 True with the True and Mighty with the Mighty, with Gods a Goddess, Holy with the Holy,
She brake strong fences down and gave the cattle: the kine were lowing as they greeted Morning.
8 O Dawn, now give us wealth in kine and heroes, and horses, fraught with manifold enjoyment.
Protect our sacred grass from mans' reproaches. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.


HYMN LXXVI. Dawn. 76


1. SAVITAR God of all men hath sent upward his light, designed for all mankind, immortal.
Through the Gods power that Eye was first created. Dawn hath made all the universe apparent.
2 I see the paths which Gods are wont to travel, innocuous paths made ready by the Vasus.
Eastward the flag of Dawn hath been uplifted; she hath come hither over the tops of houses.
3 Great is, in truth, the number of the Mornings which were aforetime at the Suns' uprising.
Since thou, O Dawn, hast been beheld repairing as to thy love, as one no more to leave him.
4 They were the Gods companions at the banquet, the ancient sages true to Law Eternal.
The Fathers found the light that lay in darkness, and with effectual words begat the Morning.
5 Meeting together in the same enclosure, they strive not, ofone mind, one with another.
They never break the Gods eternal statutes, and injure none, in rivalry with Vasus.
6 Extolling thee, Blest Goddess, the Vasisthas, awake at early mom, with lauds implore thee.
Leader of kine and Queen of all that strengthens, shine, come as first to us, O highborn- Morning.
7 She bringeth bounty and sweet charm of voices. The flushing Dawn is sung by the Vasisthas,
Giving us riches famed to distant places. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.


HYMN LXXVIT. Dawn. 77


1. SHE hath shone brightly like a youthful woman, stirring to motion every living creature.
Agni hath come to feed on mortal? fuel. She hath made light and chased away the darkness.
2 Turned to this All, farspreading-, she hath risen and shone in brightness with white robes about
her.
She hath beamed forth lovely with golden colours, Mother of kine, Guide of the days she bringeth.
3 Bearing the Gods own Eye, auspicious Lady, leading her Courser white and fair to look on,
Distinguished by her beanis- Dawn shines apparent, come forth to all the world with wondrous
treasure.
4 Draw nigh with wealth and dawn away the foeman: prepare for us wide pasture free from danger.
Drive away those who hate us, bring us riches: pour bounty, opulent Lady, on the singer.
5 Send thy most excellent beams to shine and light us, giving us lengthened days, O Dawn, O
Goddess,
Granting us food, thou who hast all things precious, and bounty rich in chariots, kine, and horses.
6 O Usas, noblyborn-, Daughter of Heaven, whom the Vasisthas with their hymns make mighty,
Bestow thou on us vast and glorious riches. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.


HYMN LXXVIII. Dawn. 78


1. WE have beheld her earliest lights approaching: her many glories part, on high, asunder.
On car sublime, refulgent, wending hither, O Usas, bring the Wealth that makes us happy.
2 The fire wellkindIed- sings aloud to greet her, and with their hymns the priests are chaming
welcome.
Usas approaches in her splendour, driving all evil darkness far away, the Goddess.
3 Apparent eastward are those lights of Morning, sending out lustre, as they rise, around them.
She hath brought forth Sun, sacrifice, and Agni, and far away hath fled detested darkness.
4 Rich Daughter of the Sky, we all behold her, yea, all men look on Dawn as she is breaking.
fler car that moves selfharnessed- hath she mounted, the car drawn onward by her wellyoked- horses.
5 Inspired with loving thoughts this day to greet thee, we and our wealthy nobles have awakened.
Show yourselves fruitful, Dawns, as ye are rising. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.


HYMN LXXIX. Dawn. 79


1. ROUSING the lands where mens' Five Tribes are settled, Dawn hath disclosed the pathways of the
people.
She hath sent out her sheen with beauteous oxen. The Sun with light hath opened earth and heaven.
2 They paint their bright rays on the skys' far limits. the Dawns come on like tribes arrayed for
battle.
Thy cattle, closely shutting up the darkness, as Savitar spreads his arms, give forth their lustre.
3 Wealthy, most like to Indra, Dawn hath risen, and brought forth lauds that shall promote our
welfare.
Daughter of Heaven, a Goddess, she distributes, best of Angirases, treasures to the pious.
4 Bestow on us, O Dawn, that ample bounty which thou didst send to those who sang thy praises;
Thou whom with bellowings of a bull they quickened: thou didst unbar the firmset- mountains'
portals.
5 Impelling every God to grant his bounty sending to us the charm of pleasant voices,
Vouchsafe us thoughts, for profit, as thou breakest. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.


HYMN LXXX. Dawn. 80


1 THE priests, Vasisthas, are the first awakened to welcome Usas with their songs and praises,
Who makes surrounding regions part asunder and, shows apparent all existing creatures.
2 Giving fresh life when she hath hid the darkness, this Dawn hath wakened there with newborn-
lustre.
Youthful and unrestrained she cometh forward: she hath turned thoughts to Sun and fire and worship.
3 May blessed Mornings shine on us for ever, with wealth of kine, of horses, and of heroes,
Streaming with all abundance, pouring fatness. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.


HYMN LXXXI. Dawn. 81

1.    ADVANCING, sending forth her rays, the Daughter of the Sky is seen.
Uncovering, that we may see, the mighty gloom, the friendly Lady makes the light.
2 The Sun ascending, the refulgent Star, pours down his beams together with the Dawn.
O Dawn, at thine arising, and the Suns', may we attain the share allotted us.
3 Promptly we woke to welcome thee, O Usas, Daughter of the Sky,
Thee, Bounteous One, who bringest all we long to have, and to the offerer health and wealth.
4 Thou, dawning, workest fain to light the great world, yea, heaven, Goddess! that it may be seen.
We yearn to be thine own, Dealer of Wealth: may we be to this Mother like her sons.
5 Bring us that wondrous bounty, Dawn, that shall be famed most far away.
What, Child of Heaven, thou hast of nourishment for man, bestow thou on us to enjoy.
6 Give to our princes opulence and immortal fame, and strength in herds of kine to us.
May she who prompts the wealthy, Lady of sweet strains, may Usas dawn our foes away.

RV 8.47


HYMN XLVII. Adityas. 47


1. GREAT help ye give the worshipper, Varuna, Mitra, Mighty Ones! No sorrow ever reaches him whom
ye, Adityas, keep from harm. Yours are incomparable aids, and good the succour they afford.
2 O Gods, Adityas, well ye know the way to keep all woes afar.
As the birds spread their sheltering wings, spread your protection over us.
3 As the birds spread their sheltering wings let your protection cover us.
We mean all shelter and defence, ye who have all things for your own.
4 To whomsoever they, Most Wise, have given a home and means of life,
Over the whole riches of this man they, the Adityas, have control.
5 As drivers of the car avoid ill roads, let sorrows pass us by.
May we be under Indras' guard, in the Adityas' favouring grace.
6 For verily men sink and faint through loss of wealth which ye have given.
Much hath he gained from you, O Gods, whom ye, Adityas, have approached.
7 On him shall no fierce anger fall, no sore distress shall visit him,
To whom, Adityas, ye have lent your shelter that extendeth far.
8 Resting in you, O Gods, we are like men who fight in coats of mail.
Ye guard us from each great offence, ye guard us from each lighter fault.
9 May Aditi defend us, may Aditi guard and shelter us,
Mother of wealthy Mitra and of Aryaman and Varuna.
10 The shelter, Gods, that is secure, auspicious, free from malady,
A sure protection, triply strong, even that do ye extend to us.
11 Look down on us, Adityas, as a guide exploring from the bank.
Lead us to pleasant ways as men lead horses to an easy ford.
12 Ill be it for the demons' friend to find us or come near to us.
But for the milchcow- be it well, and for the man who strives for fame.
13 Each evil deed made manifest, and that which is concealed, O Gods,
The whole thereof remove from us to Trita Aptya far away.
14 Daughter of Heaven, the dream that bodes evil to us or to our kine,
Remove, O Lady of the Light, to Trita Aptya far away.
15 Even if, O Child of Heaven, it make a garland or a chain of gold,
The whole bad dream, whatever it be, to Trita Aptya we consign.
16 To him whose food and work is this, who comes to take his share therein,
To Trita, and to Dvita, Dawn! bear thou the evil dream away.
17 As we collect the utmost debt, even the eighth and sixteenth part,
So unto Aptya we transfer together all the evil dream.
18 Now have we conquered and obtained, and from our trespasses are free.
Shine thou away the evil dream, O Dawn, whereof we are afraid. Yours are incomparable aids, and good the succour they afford.



RV 10.172

HYMN CLXXII. Dawn. 172

1. WITH all thy beauty come: the kine approaching with full udders follow on thy path.
2 Come with kind thoughts, most liberal, rousing the warriors' hymn of praise, with bounteous ones,
3 As nourishers we tie the thread, and, liberal with our bounty, offer sacrifice.
4 Dawn drives away her Sisters' gloom, and, through her excellence, makes her retrace her path.
Image result for terracotta sindhur nausharoharappa.com "Slide 88. Three objects (harappa.com) Three terra cotta objects that combine human and animal features. These objects may have been used to tell stories in puppet shows or in ritual performances. On the left is a seated animal figurine with female head. The manner of sitting suggests that this may be a feline, and a hole in the base indicates that it would have been raised on a stick as a standard or puppet. The head is identical to those seen on female figurines with a fan shaped headdress and two cup shaped side pieces. The choker with pendant beads is also common on female figurines. Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 7.1 cm height, 4.8 cm length, 3.5 cm width Harappa, 2384 Harappa Museum, HM 2082 Vats 1940: 300, pl. LXXVII, 67 In the center is miniature mask of horned deity with human face and bared teeth of a tiger. A large mustache or divided upper lip frames the canines, and a flaring beard adds to the effect of rage. The eyes are defined as raised lumps that may have originally been painted. Short feline ears contrast with two short horns similar to a bull rather than the curving water buffalo horns. Two holes on either side allow the mask to be attached to a puppet or worn as an amulet. 
Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 5.24 height, 4.86 width Harappa Harappa Museum, H93-2093 Meadow and Kenoyer, 1994 On the right is feline figurine with male human face. The ears, eyes and mouth are filled with black pigment and traces of black are visible on the flaring beard that is now broken. The accentuated almond shaped eyes and wide mouth are characteristic of the bearded horned deity figurines found at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro (no. 122, 123). This figurine was found in a sump pit filled with discarded goblets, animal and female figurines and garbage. It dates to the final phase of the Harappan occupation, around 2000 B. C.
Harappa, Lot 5063-1 Harappa Museum, H94-2311 Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 5.5 cm height, 12.4 cm length, 4.3 cm width 
Indus Valley Figurines: Slide #72 Slide72. Two composite anthropomorphic / animal figurines from Harappa. Whether or not the attachable water buffalo horns were used in magic or other rituals, unusual and composite animals and anthropomorphic/animal beings were clearly a part of Indus ideology. The ubiquitous "unicorn" (most commonly found on seals, but also represented in figurines), composite animals and animals with multiple heads, and composite anthropomorphic/animal figurines such as the seated quadruped figurines with female faces, headdresses and tails offer tantalizing glimpses into a rich ideology, one that may have been steeped in mythology, magic, and/or ritual transformation. 
Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the larger figurine: 3.5 x 7.1 x 4.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
Related image
Image result for terracotta sindhur nausharoImage result for terracotta sindhur nausharo
Nausharo: female figurines. Wearing sindhur at the parting of the hair. Hair painted black, ornaments golden and sindhur red. Period 1B, 2800 – 2600 BCE.
Two terracotta figurines. Nausharo. With sindhur (saffron?) at the parting of the hair. A cultural tradition which continues in Indian sprachbund.
Tradition of sindhur adornment. Sindhur worn in the parting of the hair. Nausharo: female figurine. Period IB, 280-2600 BCE. 11.6X30.9 cm. (The eyes are puctated and theornaments and hair are all appliqué. This figurine comes from Nausharo, Period IB, but is identical to many figurines from Mehergarh Period VII, datin between 2800 and 2600 BCE. Material: terracotta;11.6 cm. high, 30.9 cm. wide. Nausharo NS 91.01.32.01. Dept. of Arch., Karachi. Jarrige 1988: 87, fig.41 (After fig. 2.19, Kenoyer, 2000). Hair is painted black and parted in the middle of the forehead, with traces of red pigment in the parting. This form of ornamentation may be the origin of the later Hindu tradition where a married woman wears a streak of vermilion or powdered cinnabar (sindhur) in the part of her hair. Choker and pentant necklace are also painted with red pigment, possibly to represent carnelian beads.

"The fact that Puranic evidence locates the Bahlikas in Uttarapatha and further the close association of the Bahlikas with the Kambojas as well as with Tusharas, Sakas and Yavanas in the Atharvaveda Parisista and in some other ancient sources suggests that the Bahlikas were located as a close neighbor to the Tusharas, Sakas, Yavanas and the Kambojas etc. Since the Kambojas were located in Badakshan and Pamirs, the Tusharas on the north of Pamirs and the Sakas on the river Jaxartes and beyond, the Bahlikas or Bahlams, as neighbors to these people should be placed in Bactria...The Iron pillar of Delhi inscription by King Chandra (4 CE), also makes mention of Bahlikas as living on the west side of the Indus River (Sindhu). After crossing the seven mouths of the Indus, King Chandra is stated to have defeated the Bahlikas...These above several references attest that the Bahlikas were originally located beyond the seven mouths of river Indus in the country of Bactria and the land was watered by the river Oxus. But later, a section of these people had moved from Balkh to Punjab while still others appear to have moved to south-western India as neighbors to the Saurashtras and Abhiras of Sauviras...The ancient Bahlika appears to have spanned a large expanse of territory. The commentator of Harsha-Carita of Bana Bhatta also defines the Kambojas as Kambojah-Bahlika-Desajah i.e. the Kambojas originated in/belonged to Bahlika. Thus, it seems likely that in the remote antiquity, the ancestors of the Uttarakurus, Uttaramadras and the Parama Kambojas were one people or otherwise were closely allied and had lived in/around Bahlika (Bactria)...The Bahlikas have been equated to Mlechchas in the later Brahmanical literature. There is a distinct prophetic statement in the Mahabharata that the mlechcha kings of Sakas, Yavanas, Kambojas, Bahlikas etc. will rule unrighteously in Kali yuga. (3.188.34-36) Brahmanda (V), III, Upodghata-Pada, Ch 16.17." Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahlikas
Image result for mohenjodaro dancingDancing girl, Mohenjodaro. Hypertext with comparable hieroglyph on potsherd, Bhirrana. Dance step is the signifier hieroglyph.

meṭ sole of foot, footstep, footprint (Ko.); meṭṭu step, stair, treading, slipper (Te.)(DEDR 1557). Rebus:meḍ ‘iron’(Munda); मेढ meḍh‘merchant’s helper’(Pkt.) meḍ  iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda)
Santali glosses.
Place of Origin: Mohenjodaro Materials: Bronze Dimensions: 10.5 x 5 x 2.5 cm.  Acc. No. 5721/195 National Museum. New Delhi ca. 2500 BCE

I suggest that the object held in her hand is a deepam, diya, lamp. It is possible that the lamp held on her hand was used with a wick and oil to light up like a lamp as a demonstration piece, an exhibit of the metallurgical competence of the artisans of Mohenjo-daro.
The dancing girl statue is shown wearing wristlets and bangles on her arms.

Hieroglyph: karã̄ n. pl. ʻwristlets, bangles ʼ(Gujarati)(CDIAL 2779) Rebus:  khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru -द्वकुरु‍&below; । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji -ग&above;जि&below; or -güjü -ग&above;जू&below; । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü -कूरू‍&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu -क&above;टु&below; । लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü -क&above;टू&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 -म्य&above;च&dotbelow;ू&below; । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3] ), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu -न्यचिवु&below; । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun]), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् ।लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil. (Kashmiri)

Hieroglyph: várti1 (and vartí -- ) f. ʻ wick ʼ MBh., ʻ small compress ʼ Suśr., ʻ lamp ʼ lex., °ikā -- f. ʻ wick ʼ KālP. [√vr̥t1]Pa. vaṭṭi -- , °ikā -- f. ʻ wick ʼ, Pk. vaṭṭĭ̄ -- , °ṭiā -- , vatti -- f.; Sh. batīˊ ʻ unlit native lamp, candle, wick of European lamp ʼ (← H.?); S. vaṭi f. ʻ wick ʼ; L. vaṭṭf. ʻ roll of grass, wick ʼ, awāṇ. vaṭ ʻ wick ʼ, P. vaṭṭī, ba°, battī f.; N. bāti ʻ lamp ʼ (bati ← H.), A. bāti; B. bāti ʻ wick, lamp, candle ʼ; Or. bati ʻ lamp ʼ (← H.), Bi. Mth. Bhoj. bātī; OAw. bātĭ̄ ʻ wick ʼ, H. bātī, battī f. (→ N. Or. and prob. Sh.); G. vāṭ f. ʻ lamp ʼ, vātī f. ʻ perfumed match or taper ʼ; M. vāt f. ʻ wick ʼ, Ko.vāti; Si. väṭ -- a ʻ lamp ʼ, väṭi -- ya ʻ wick ʼ; Md. vo'ʻ lamp ʼ; -- with -- o as from an orig. masculine: Ku. bāto m. ʻ wick, lamp ʼ; N. bāto ʻ rope of twisted cane (to tie down thatch) ʼ.Addenda: várti -- 1: S.kcch. batī, bhatī f. ʻ lamp, torch ʼ ← H.; WPah.kṭg. batti, kc. baṭe f. ʻ wick, lamp, light ʼ, J. bāṭī f.(CDIAL 11359) Rebus 1:  vartalōha n. ʻ a kind of brass (i.e. *cup metal?) ʼ lex. [*varta -- 2 associated with lōhá -- by pop. etym.?] Pa. vaṭṭalōha -- n. ʻ a partic. kind of metal ʼ; L.awāṇ. valṭōā ʻ metal pitcher ʼ, P. valṭoh, ba° f., vaṭlohā, ba° m.; N. baṭlohi ʻ round metal vessel ʼ; A. baṭlahi ʻ water vessel ʼ; B. bāṭlahi, bāṭulāi ʻ round brass cooking vessel ʼ; Bi. baṭlohī ʻ small metal vessel ʼ; H. baṭlohī, °loī f. ʻ brass drinking and cooking vessel ʼ, G.vaṭloi f. Addenda: vartalōha -- : WPah.kṭg. bəlṭóɔ m. ʻ large brass vessel ʼ. (CDIAL 11357) Rebus 2: baTa ‘iron’ bhaTa ‘furnace’. 9656 bhráṣṭra n. ʻ frying pan, gridiron ʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj]Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron ʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻ level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire ʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire ʼ, baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace ʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻ kiln, distillery ʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭhm., °ṭhī f. ʻ furnace ʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻ oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing ʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhī, bhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v.bhrāṣṭra -- ; *bhraṣṭrapūra -- , *bhraṣṭrāgāra -- .Addenda: bhráṣṭra -- : S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.(CDIAL 9656)

Thus karã̄ 'hands with wristlets and bangles' PLUS baṭi  'lamp' Rebus: khāra-bhāṭi 'blacksmith's smelter'.
Image result for earthen lampModern. Terracotta lamp holding a single lighted wick.
Image result for paavaivilakku bronzeModern. Bronze lamp holding lady, pāvai-viḷakku(Tamil).
பாவைவிளக்கு pāvai-viḷakkun. < id. +. Lamp with a damsel-shaped stand; பிரதிமை விளக்கு. பொலம்பாலிகைகளும் பாவைவிளக்கும் பல வுடன் பரப்புமின் (மணி. 1, 45).

There is another bronze of Mohenjodaro showing a lady holding perhaps a deepam comparable to pāvai-viḷakku bronzes in South Indian tradition.

See: 

 


An exquisite bronze figurine from Mohenjo-daro has not received as much attention from art critics and archaeologists as the bronze statue of dancing girl. This figurine holds some object on her right hand. This figurine is now held in Karachi Museum. Request information which may help identify the object held by this slender lady with a hair-knot, wearing wristlets, bangles and anklets. Thanks.

 What is the female figurine with wristlets, bracelets, anklets and hair-knot carrying in her right hand?

Bronze statue of a woman holding something in her hand, Mohenjodaro; copper alloy made using cire perdue method DK 12728; Mackay 1938: 274, pl. LXXIII, 9-11


Lost-wax casting. Bronze statue, Mohenjo-daro. Bronze statue of a woman holding a small bowl, Mohenjo-daro; copper alloy made using cire perdue method (DK 12728; Mackay 1938: 274, Pl. LXXIII, 9-11)

Second bronze statue of a girl c.2500 BC, now displayed at Karachi Museum, Pakistan. Original publicationErnest Mackay, Further Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro, 1927-31, New Delhi (1937-38).  Ernest Mackay discovered this during his final full season of 1930-31 at DK-G area in a house, Mohenje-daro. "Bronze female figure, Mohenjodaro"masterfile.com. Masterfile. Retrieved 15 November 2014https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dancing_Girl_(Mohenjo-daro)#cite_note-7

See: http://www.masterfile.com/image/en/841-02824318/Bronze-female-figure-Mohenjodaro-Karachi-Museum-Pakistan-Asia

The first statue of 'dancing girl' is displayed in National Museum, New Delhi. http://nationalmuseumindia.gov.in/prodCollections.asp?pid=44&id=1&lk=dp1
Hypothesis: The second bronze female figurine is also that of a dancing girl. The arguments are:

I have not been able to access a clear photograph of the second 'dancing-girl' bronze statue. She also has her bent left arm with the wrist on her waist as if in a dancing pose. A flipped pose compared with the first dancing girl pose. In the second statue, she holds some object on her right hand. I think it may also be a diya as if she is a dĭ̄palakshmi offering an ārati to Skambha Pillar of Light :)-- to complete the phrase khāra-baṭi 'blacksmith furnace' based on rebus rendering of the hieroglyphs: karā 'wristlets, bracelets' PLUS bātĭ̄ ʻ wick ʼ(Old Awadhi), vaṭṭi -- , °ikā -- f. ʻ wick ʼ(Pali), vaṭṭĭ̄ -- , °ṭiā -- , vatti -- f.  'wick of lamp' (Prakritam) varti id. (Samskritam) http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/second-bronze-female-figurine-from.html  ārātrika n. ʻ the ceremony of waving a lamp in front of an image at night ʼ AVPariś., ʻ the lamp so waved ʼ Śaṁkara [*ārātri -- ]Pk. ārattiya -- n.; K. āra f. ʻ a special kind of address to a god ʼ; S. āratī f. ʻ the ārātrika ceremony ʼ, P. ārtī, Ku. ārti; N. ārati ʻ the song sung at this ceremony ʼ; A. B. ārati ʻ the ceremony ʼ, Or. āratīāḷati; Bi. ārtī ʻ a lamp with four or five wicks used in a temple ʼ; Aw. ārati ʻ the ceremony ʼ, H. ārtī f., ārtā m. ʻ marriage ceremony in which a lamp is waved ʼ; G. M. ārtī f. ʻ the ceremony ʼ, M. ārat f.(CDIAL 1315)*ārātri or *ārātra -- (1) ʻ evening ʼ, (2) ʻ from after night, i.e. morning ʼ. [rāˊtri -- ].(1) K. arāth, dat. arātas m. ʻ nightfall, evening ʼ. -(2) Bshk. árat ʻ morning ʼ (or poss. ʻ one night ʼ NTS xviii 125), Tor. (Barth) "ẓhāt"ʻ morning ʼ.
​(CDIAL 1314)​


meṭ sole of foot, footstep, footprint (Ko.); meṭṭu step, stair, treading, slipper (Te.)(DEDR 1557). Rebus:meḍ ‘iron’(Munda); मेढ meḍh‘merchant’s helper’(Pkt.) meḍ  iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda)



The ‘Dancing Girl’ (Mohenjo-daro), made by the lost-wax process; a bronze foot and anklet from Mohenjo-daro; and a bronze figurine of a bull (Kalibangan). (Courtesy: ASI) "Archaeological excavations have shown that Harappan metal smiths obtained copper ore (either directly or through local communities) from the Aravalli hills, Baluchistan or beyond. They soon discovered that adding tin to copper produced bronze, a metal harder than copper yet easier to cast, and also more resistant to corrosion.

Whether deliberately added or already present in the ore, various ‘impurities’ (such as nickel, arsenic or lead) enabled the Harappans to harden bronze further, to the point where bronze chisels could be used to dress stones! The alloying ranges have been found to be 1%–12% in tin, 1%–7% in arsenic, 1%–9% in nickel and 1%–32% in lead. Shaping copper or bronze involved techniques of fabrication such as forging, sinking, raising, cold work, annealing, riveting, lapping and joining. Among the metal artefacts produced by the Harappans, let us mention spearheads, arrowheads, axes, chisels, sickles, blades (for knives as well as razors), needles, hooks, and vessels such as jars, pots and pans, besides objects of toiletry such as bronze mirrors; those were slightly oval, with their face raised, and one side was highly polished. The Harappan craftsmen also invented the true saw, with teeth and the adjoining part of the blade set alternatively from side to side, a type of saw unknown elsewhere until Roman times. Besides, many bronze figurines or humans (the well-known ‘Dancing Girl’, for instance) and animals (rams, deer, bulls...) have been unearthed from Harappan sites. Those figurines were cast by the lost-wax process: the initial model was made of wax, then thickly coated with clay; once fired (which caused the wax to melt away or be ‘lost’), the clay hardened into a mould, into which molten bronze was later poured. Harappans also used gold and silver (as well as their joint alloy, electrum) to produce a wide variety of ornaments such as pendants, bangles, beads, rings or necklace parts, which were usually found hidden away in hoards such as ceramic or bronze pots. While gold was probably panned from the Indus waters, silver was perhaps extracted from galena, or native lead sulphide...While the Indus civilization belonged to the Bronze Age, its successor, the Ganges civilization, which emerged in the first millennium BCE, belonged to the Iron Age. But recent excavations in central parts of the Ganges valley and in the eastern Vindhya hills have shown that iron was produced there possibly as early as in 1800 BCE. Its use appears to have become widespread from about 1000 BCE, and we find in late Vedic texts mentions of a ‘dark metal’ (krṣnāyas), while earliest texts (such as the Rig-Veda) only spoke of ayas, which, it is now accepted, referred to copper or bronze.

A ‘Sheffield of Ancient India’: Chanhu-Daro’s Metal working Industry. Illustrated London News 1936 – November 21st, p.909. 10 x photos of copper knives, spears , razors, axes and dishes.

The Lady of the Spiked Throne

पुष्य--रथ [p= 640,2]  m. the asterism पुष्य as a car S3is3. पुष्यm. N. of the 6th (or 8th , but » नक्षत्र) lunar asterism (also called सिध्य and तिष्य) AV. &c पुष्या f. the asterism पुष्य L. पुष्य m. (= -योग) , the conjunction of the moon with पुष्य Mn. MBh. &c; पुष्यः puṣyḥ पुष्यः 1 The Kali age. -2 The month called पौष. -3 The eighth lunar mansion (consisting of three stars), written also तिष्य. -ष्यम् Ved. -1 The blossom. -2 Foam, scum. -ष्या The asterism called पुष्य-Comp. -अभिषेकः, -स्नानम् a ceremony of coronating a king &c., when the moon stands in the asterism Puṣya. -नेत्रा f. The night on which the Puṣya planet is seen for all the time. -योगः the moon when in conjunction with Puṣya. -रथः = पुष्परथः q. v. युक्तः पुष्परथश्च Pratimā 1.3. -रागः = पुष्परागः q. v.; Kau. A.2.11.29.

See:  

I suggest that the ratha reported by Massimo Vidale from Sarasvati Civilization ca. 2700 BCE is पुष्य--रथ of इन्द्र--मह Indra festival carrying गण--देवता, उषा and two Aśvinīkumāras.


An expression used in Ṛgveda Ṛca 1.122.2 is:.uṣāsānaktamउषासानक्तम् Ved. Dawn and night; उषासानक्ता पुरुधा विदाने (RV 1.122.2) 

I suggest that the artifact signifies उस्र usra in Ṛgveda refers to uṣā, a bull, two Aśvinīkumāras. These divinities together गणदेवता constitute the eight rowers occupying the boat/chariot. पुष्य--रथ [p= 640,2] m. the asterism पुष्य as a car S3is3.a carriage for pleasure ib. (cf. पुष्प-र्°).

The chariot could be used on festive occasions: puṣyaratha m. ʻ a carriage for pleasure ʼ Śiś. [Cf. puṣparatha -- m. R. -- púṣya -- 1, rátha -- ]Pa. pussaratha -- , phu° m.; Si. pusriya ʻ a kind of cart ʼ, puyariya ʻ chariot used on festive occasions ʼ.(CDIAL 8309) रथ 1 [p= 865,2]
m. ( √4. ऋ) " goer " , a chariot , car , esp. a two-wheeled war-chariot (lighter and swifter than the अनस्q.v.) , any vehicle or equipage or carriage (applied also to the vehicles of the gods) , waggon , cart RV. &c (ifc. f(आ).प्रिय--रथ [p= 710,2] [L=140577] m. (prob.) (प्रिय्/अ-) , N. of a man RV. i , 122 , 7 (accord. to Sa1y. mfn. = प्रीयमाण-रथ-युक्त).
I submit that the figures taken on utsava bera, temple procession may relate to some of the metaphors used in this Ṛca 1.122.2. The entire scene may signify 

वामन vāmana :Venerable; मध्ये वामनमासीनं विश्वेदेवा उपासते Kaṭh.5.3. The eight rowers seated on the boat/ratha could signify some of the divinities of  विश्वेदेवा  viśvedevā ceremony and constitute one of the 9 गणs enumerated under गणदेवता 

उस्रा [p= 220,3] f. ( Un2. ii , 13) morning light , daybreak , brightness RV.(personified as a red cow); a cow RV. AV. xii , 3 , 73 MBh. xiii Nir. &cm. the sun;m. an ox , bull RV. vi , 12 , 4 VS. iv , 33; m. N. of the अश्विन्s RV. ii , 39 , 3 ; iv , 62 , 1 ; vii , 74 , 1.  usrá m. ʻ ray, sun, day ʼ, usŕ̊ -- f. ʻ morning light ʼ, usrāˊ -- f. ʻ daybreak, cow ʼ RV. [√vas3] Pk. usa -- m. ʻ ray ʼ, ussā -- f. ʻ cow ʼ; M. ustẽ n. ʻ first morning light ʼ ( - tẽ < tḗjas -- ).(CDIAL 2399)

गण--देवता [p= 343,1] f. pl. troops of deities who generally appear in classes (आदित्यs , विश्वs , वसुs , तुषितs , आभास्वरs , अनिलs , महाराजिकs , साध्यs , and रुद्रs) L.

The two guards of उषा seated on the throne may signify two Aśvin.

उस्र usra a. 1 Relating to, or seen in, the morning. -2 Bright, shining. -स्रः 1 A ray (of light), beam; सर्वैरुस्रैः समग्रैस्त्वमिव नृपगुणैर्दीप्यते सप्तसप्तिः M.2.13; R.4.66; Ki.5.31,34. शीर्षपुष्पोच्छ्रितैरुस्रैरुत्तंसितशिरोरुहाम्; Parṇāl. 4.36. -2 A bull; Rv.6.12.4. -3 A god. -4 The sun. -5 A day. -6 The two Aśvinīkumāras; Rv.2.39.3. -स्रा 1 Morning, dawn. -2 Light; bright sky. -3 A cow; स्वयमुस्राश्च दुह्यन्ते Mb.12.263.31. -4 The earth. -Comp. -धन्वन् a. having a bright bow. -m. N. of Indra. -यामन् a. going out early in the morning (as the Aśvins); Rv.7.74.1.

इन्द्रः उत्सवः a festival honouring Indra.-ऋषभ a. having Indra as a bull, or impregnated by Indra, an epithet of the earth. इन्द्रऋषभा द्रविणे नो दधातु Av.12.1.6. इन्द्र--मह [p= 166,3]m. a festival in honour of इन्द्र MBh. Hariv. &c; इन्द्र--मख [p= 166,3]m. a sacrifice to इन्द्र.
 
उषा signified by the prabha (spiked rays of the sun) may be सूर्या f. the daughter of सूर्य or the Sun (» RV. i , 116 , 17 ; also described as daughter of प्रजापति or of सवितृ and wife of the अश्विन्s , and in other places as married to सोम ; in RV. i , 119 , 2 she is called ऊर्जानी , and in vi , 55 , 4 , vi , 58 , 4 the sister of पूषन् [q.v.] , who is described as loving her , and receiving her as a gift from the gods ; accord. to some she represents a weak manifestation of the Sun ; सूर्या सावित्री is regarded as the authoress of the सूर्या-सूक्त RV. x , 85) RV. AV. AitBr. Kaus3.;f. = वाच् Naigh. i , 11; f. = सूर्या-सू*क्ता (q.v.S3a1n3khGr2.; f. a new bride.

अ-घ्न्य  (2 , 3) or अ-घ्न्य्/अ (2 , 3), m. " not to be killed " , a bull; f. a cow RV. AV.

The bull as the boat/chariot: वृषन् [p= 1012,3] mfn. (acc. व्/ऋषाणम् nom. pl. °षाणस् ; prob. originally " raining , sprinkling , impregnating ") manly , vigorous , powerful , strong , mighty , great (applied to animate and inanimate objects) RV. AV. VS. Br. (superl. -तम); m. a man , male , any male animal , a bull , stallion &c (also N. of various gods , as implying strength , esp. of इन्द्र and the मरुत्s) ib.

विश्व [p= 992,2] m. pl. (व्/इश्वे , with or scil. देव्/आस् cf. विश्वे-देव , p.995) " all the gods collectively " or the " All-gods " (a partic. class of gods , forming one of the 9 गणs enumerated under गणदेवता q.v. ; accord. to the विष्णु and other पुराणs they were sons of विश्वा , daughter of दक्ष , and their names are as follow , 1. वसु , 2. सत्य , 3. क्रतु , 4. दक्ष , 5. काल , 6. काम , 7. धृति , 8. कुरु , 9. पुरू-रवस् , 10. माद्रवस् [?] ; two others are added by some , viz. 11. रोचक or लोचन , 12. ध्वनि [or धूरि ; or this may make 13]: they are particularly worshipped at श्राद्धs and at the वैश्वदेव ceremony [Religious Thought and Life in India, also called 'ब्राह्मन् ism and हिन्दू ism,' (RTL) by Sir M. Monier-Williams, page 416] ; moreover accord. to मनु [iii , 90 , 121] , offerings should be made to them daily - these privileges having been bestowed on them by ब्रह्मा and the पितृs , as a reward for severe austerities they had performed on the हिमा*लय: sometimes it is difficult to decide whether the expression विश्वे देवाः refers to all the gods or to the particular troop of deities described above ) RV. &c

सूर्य a [p= 1243,2] m. the sun or its deity (in the वेद the name सूर्य is generally distinguished from सवितृ [q.v.] , and denotes the most concrete of the solar gods , whose connection with the luminary is always present to the poet's mind ; in Nir. vii , 5 he is regarded as one of the original Vedic triad , his place being in the sky , while that of अग्नि is on the earth , and that of इन्द्र is in the atmosphere ; ten hymns in the RV. are entirely in praise of सूर्य e.g. i , 50 , i , 115 &c , also AV. xiii , 2 ; he moves through the sky in a chariot drawn by seven ruddy horses or mares [see सप्ता*श्व , हरित् , हरिद्-श्व] ; in the later mythology सूर्य is identified with सवितृ as one of the 12 आदित्यs or emblems of the Sun in the 12 months of the year , and his seven-horsed chariot is said to be driven by अरुण or the Dawn as its charioteer , who is represented without legs ; the Sun , whether named सूर्य or विवस्वत् , has several wives » सूर्या below) RV. &c (cf. IW. 11 ; 16 &c RTL. 341)



1.122.01 Present, mild-tempered (priests), the sacrificial viands which you have prepared, to there warm-showering Rudra. I praise him who, with his heroid (followers) as (with shafts) from a quiver, expelled (the asuras) from heaven; and (I praise) the Maruts, (who abide) between heaven and earth. [Mild-tempered: raghu-manyavah,of light or little anger; fr. raghu = laghu, light and manyu = anger. The second pa_da: lit. 'I have praised of the expeller from heaven with arrows as if from a quiver the Maruts of heaven and earth'].
1.122.02 Animated by our diversified praise, hasten, Morning and Night, to attend to our first invocation, as a wife (to the first call of her husband); and may the--Dawn, beautiful with the lustre of the (rising) Sun, and robbing like the Sun (her) vast expanse with golden rays, (come to our early rite). [Stari_h = what covers or expands, smoke; the Sun invested or clothed with light, or destructive of foes: s'atru_n.a_m him.sakah tejasa_channo va_ A_dityah].
1.122.03 May the circumambient divinity, the wearer of various forms, grant us delight; may the wind, the shedder of rain, grant us delight; do you, Indra and Parvata, sharpen our (intellects), and may all the gods show us favour. [Agni = vasarha_n, i.e. assuming various vestures (vasa) or forms (ga_rhapatya and other fires); or, as destroyingthe vesture of the earth--the trees; or, as causing the revolutions of day and night].
1.122.04 Whenever I, the son of Us'ij, worship with my offerings (of food) those two (As'vins) who eat and drink (of oblations and libations) at (the season) of the world-whitening (dawn); do you, Priests, glorify the grandson of the waters (Agni), and render (the divinities of the day and night) the mothers (as it were) of the man who repeats their praise. [Trees and shrubs spring up from the moisture of the waters, and fire proceeds from timber;hence, Agni is the grandson of the waters; or son of the waters (Manu, IX. 321)].
1.122.05 I, the son of Us'ij, address to you (As'vins) audible praises, in like manner as Ghos.a_ praised you for the removal of her white-tinted (skin); I glorify (gods) the bountiful Pu_s.an (associated) with you, and I proclaim the munificence of Agni.
1.122.06 Mitra and Varun.a, hear these my invocations, and moreover listen to those (that are) everywhere (uttered) in the chamber of sacrifice; and may Sindhu, the renowned bestower of wealth, hear us, (fertilizing our) broad fields with water. [Sindhu: deity presiding over water, jala_bhima_ni devah].
1.122.07 I praise you, Mitra and Varun.a, for your gift of numerous cattle to the Pajra, and (from those praises) may abundant food (proceed). May (the gods), bestowing nourishment on me, come quickly unimpeded, (each) in his famous and favourite car. [Kaks.i_vat, of the family of Pajra; s'rutarathe priyarathe (mayi): 'on me possessing a famous car'].
1.122.08 I laud the treasures of that opulent (assemblyof the gods); may we, men who (are blessed) with excellent descendants, partake of them together; the assembly conferring upon the Pajras abundant food, has been my benefactor, and has made me the master of horses and chariots. [mahimaghasya ra_dhas = the riches of that, or of him, who or which ispossessed of great wealth; i.e., deva-san:gha, the assembly or company of the gods; the assembly: the text ahs: jano yah, the man who; yas'ca deva san:ghah, the assembly of the gods which].
1.122.09 The man who does you wrong, Mitra and Varun.a, who injures you in any way, who does not present you with oblations, contracts for himself sickness in his heart; but he who, performing worship, (celebrates it) with praises. [aks.n.aya_ dhruk: cakren.a, ma_rgen.a druhyati, offends by a wheel, or a way; this is the equivalent of anyatha_ prakaren.a, in another manner; yaks.mam hr.daye nidhatte:he places or deposits consumption in the heart; but yaks.ma = vya_dhi, sickness in general; a reference, perhaps, to the sense of mortification experienced by those who neglect the gods on observing the blessings which recompense devotion.
1.122.10 He, borne by well-trained horses, endowed with surpassing strength, renowned above men, munificent in gifts, moves a hero, ever undaunted in all combats, (even) against mightymen.
1.122.11 Royal bestowers of delight, listen to the invocation of (your) undying worshipper, and then come hither, that you who traverse the sky may be propitiated by the greatness of the (sacrificial) wealth presented to you by the sacrificer, who acknowledges no other protector. [amr.tasya nahus.o havam sureh = a_hava_nam amarn.asya stotra_diprerakasya manus.yasya mama, the invocation of me, a mortal, instigating praises and the like, not dying. Alternative rendering: the invocation of the immortal (deity) by me, a mortal worshipper].
1.122.12 The gods have declared: we confer present vigour upon the worshipper (who invokes us) to partake of the (ibation). May all (the gods) in whom splendour and riches abound, bestow (abundant) food at (solemn) sacrifices. [das'ataya = a decade: food, by which the vigour of the ten senses is augment; or Soma offered in ten ladles. Alternative rendering of the second pa_da:  May all the gods partake of the abundant food (or Soma) at those sacrifices in which the priests are the distributors of the riches of copious libations].
1.122.13 We rejoice tha tfor the satisfaction of the ten (organs of sense), the (priests) bearing the twice five (ladles of) sacrificial food, proceed (to the altar). What can Is.t.as'va, (what can) Is.t.aras'mi, (what can) those who are now lords of the earth, achieve (with respect) to the leaders of men, the conquerors of their foes? [das'ataya = das'atayasya dha_se, i.e. the ten indriyas,or organs of sense; twice five: ten ladles by the Soma is thrown on the fire; or, the ten articles offered in sacrifices, such as honey,butter, curds, milk, water, grain, offered to fire at the as'vamedha; whaat can those: what can the princes who are named, or any other princes, do against those who enjoy the protection of Mitra and Varun.a].
1.122.14 May all the gods favour us with a person decorated with golden earrings and jewel necklace; may the venerable (company of the deities) be propitiated by the praises issuing (from the mouth of the worshipper); may our offerings be acceptable to them, and (may they be pleased) with both (our praises and offerings). [arn.as = ru_pe, form; i.e., a son; may they be pleased with both = may they reward us in both worlds; the text has only ubhayes.u, in both].
1.122.15 The four (silly) sons of Mas'ar's'a_ra, the three of the victorious monarch A_yavasa (annoy) me. Let your spacious and bright-rayed chariot, Mitra and Varun.a, blaze (before them) like the sun (filling them with fear). [s'is'vah = s'is'avah, infant, i.e. infantile, childish].
Griffith: HYMN CXXII Visvedevas. 122
1. SAY, bringing sacrifice to bounteous Rudra, This juice for drink to you whose wrath is fleeting!
With Dyaus the Asuras' Heroes I have lauded the Maruts as with prayer to Earth and Heaven.
2 Strong to exalt the early invocation are Night and Dawn who show with varied aspect.
The Barren clothes her in widewoven- raiment, and fair Morn shines with Suryas' golden splendour.
3 Cheer us the Roamer round, who strikes at morning, the Wind delight us, pourer forth of waters!
Sharpen our wits, O Parvata and Indra. May all the Gods vouchsafe to us this favour.
4 And Ausija shall call for me that famous Pair who enjoy and drink, who come to brighten.
Set ye the Offspring of the Floods before you; both Mothers of the Living One who beameth.
5 For you shall Ausija call him who thunders, as, to win Arjunas' assent, cried Ghosa.
I will invoke, that Pusan may be bounteous to you, the rich munificence of Agni.
6 Hear, MitraVaruna-, these mine invocations, hear them from all men in the hall of worship.
Giver of famous gifts, kind hearer, Sindhu who gives fair fields, listen with all his waters!
7 Praised, MitraVaruna! is your gift, a hundred cows to the Prksayamas and the Pajra.
Presented by carfamous- Priyaratha, supplying nourishment, they came directly.
8 Praised is the gift of him the very wealthy: may we enjoy it, men with hero children:
His who hath many gifts to give the Pajras, a chief who makes me rich in cars and horses.
9 The folk, O MitraVaruna-, who hate you, who sinfully hating pour you no libations,
Lay in their hearts, themselves, a wasting sickness, whereas the righteous gaineth all by worship.
10 That man, most puissant, wondrously urged onward, famed among heroes, liberal in giving,
Moveth a warrior, evermore undaunted in all encounters even with the mighty.
11 Come to the mans', the sacrificers' calling: hear, Kings of Immortality, joygivers-!
While ye who speed through clouds decree your bounty largely, for fame, to him the chariot rider.
12 Vigour will we bestow on that adorer whose tenfold draught we come to taste, so spake they.
May all in whom rest splendour and great riches obtain refreshment in these sacrifices.
13 We will rejoice to drink the tenfold present when the twicefive come bearing sacred viands.
What can he do whose steeds and reins are choicest? These, the allpotent-, urge brave men to
conquest.
14 The sea and all the Deities shall give us him with the golden ear and neck bejewelled.
Dawns, hasting to the praises of the pious, be pleased with us, both offerers and singers.
15 Four youthful sons of Masarsara vex me, three, of the king, the conquering Ayavasa.
Now like the Sun, O Varuna and Mitra, your car hath shone, longshaped- and reined with splendour.



Could the entire narrative be a boat-journey, journey on a bagalo -- across cosmic sea -- अन्तरिक्षम् -- of uṣas and Suryā and bagaḷā - The sun (feminine) and Pleiades?
Image result for mohenjodaro lamp lady
The Power of a Lost Ritual
An exceptional and controversial recent find in a private collection is analyzed by a leading Italian archaeologist in this fully illustrated complete volume. With many potential implications for understanding ancient Indus culture.
From the Preface
In Autumn 2009, I was invited by a private collector to see an artefact that was mentioned as unique and very complex, and reportedly belonged to the cultural sphere of the Indus civilization. I do not have professional links with the antique market and the world of private collectors, but the descrip- tions I had of the find were so puzzling that for once I accepted the invitation to examine the new find. I was generously hosted by the family of the collector and what I saw fully rewarded the trip and the time. There I spend two whole days, looking in detail to the most amazing and better preserved terracotta group sculpture of the 3rd millennium cal BC I had ever seen, while a professional photographer and her assistant took the pictures you see in this book.

. . . in this case the find is so exceptional, and its archaeological and historical implica- tions so important, that to bury forever the information in the shelves of a private collector would only add damage to damage. After consulting with several colleagues, I decided to publish it. The only purpose of this book is to make the find available to the specialists and to open a discussion on its meaning.
https://www.harappa.com/content/lady-spiked-throne
https://www.harappa.com/sites/default/files/pdf/Spiked-Throne.pdf





Image result for mohenjodaro lamp ladySeal. Indus Script.

Image result for harappa clay figurinesIndus Valley Civilization Terracotta Fertility Goddess. Pakistan/Western India. 3500-2500 BCE

Related imageSmall Female figure possibly fertility goddess Indus Valley Tradition Harappan Phase 2500 1900 BC Royal Ontario Museum 0970
Related imageNausharo.
Image result for harappa clay figurinesMohenjo-daro, Terracotta figurine depicting a mother with her child
File:Female figurine 1. Mature Harappan period. Indus civilization.jpg Female figurine. Terracotta. 2700-2000. From a series of figurines of Mature Harappan sites : Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Dholavira, Banawali and Kalibangan. National Museum, New Delhi.
 Mother divinity. Mohenjodaro. Karachi Museum.

What kind of evidence has been used to argue that the Indus Valley Civilization was a matriarchy?

Female figurine with three sets of chokers and necklaces. One of the largest female figurines found at Harappa with common fan shaped headdress with cups on either side of the head. Discovered in 1991.
"I'd like the experts to confirm or refute that the Indus Valley civilization was a matriarchy following the scientific definition given by Heide Goettner-Abendroth in Modern Matriarchal Studies: Definitions, Scope and Topicality.Asked by Sede Decana Método DeRose and Luciano
Richard Meadow
In an absence of a deciphered script and of graves with clear evidence of hierarchy, we cannot say whether the Indus Civilization was a matriarchy or not. As Sharri Clarkhas pointed out in articles and in her PhD dissertation, the female figurines cannot be defined as being mother-goddesses.

Further Reading
Clark, S. R. (2003). "Representing the Indus body: Sex, gender, sexuality, and the anthropomorphic terracotta figurines from Harappa." Asian Perspectives, 42(2), 304–328.

Clark, S. R. (2005). "In search of the elusive 'mother goddess': A critical approach to the interpretation of Indus terracotta figurines with a focus on Harappa." In C. Jarrige & V. Lefevre (Eds.), South Asian archaeology 2001 (pp. 61–77). Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations-ADPF.
Clark, S. R. (2007a). The social lives of figurines: Recontextualizing the third millennium BC terracotta figurines from Harappa (Pakistan). Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge.
Clark, S. R. (2007b). Bodies of evidence: The case against the “Harappan” mother goddess. In C. Renfrew & I. Morley (Eds.), Image and imagination: A global prehistory of figurative representation (pp. 227–239). Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.
Clark, S.R. (2009) Material Matters: Representation and Materiality of the Harappan Body. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 16: 231-261.
Clark, S. R. (in press). The social lives of figurines: Recontextualizing the third millennium BC terracotta figurines from Harappa (Pakistan). Oxford: Oxbow Books.
https://www.harappa.com/answers/what-kind-evidence-has-been-used-argue-indus-valley-civilization-was-matriarchy

A figurine from Mehrgarh, 3000 BCE. (Musée Guimet, Paris)
  • The oldest ceramic figurines in South Asia were found at Mehrgarh. They occur in all phases of the settlement and were prevalent even before pottery appears!
  • No other civilization in any other part of the world existed then; what to speak of a level of perfection in the art and craft elsewhere.
  • Mostly figurines of terracotta and clay have been found along with those of stone mostly consisting of females which points to deities related to fertility rites and male figurines were also found with turbans on the heads!
  • People in this part of Pakistan still wear turbans and the total amount of figurines unearthed were over 32,000!
http://indianhistoryfordummies.blogspot.in/2013/04/red-1-mehrgarh-civilization-currently.html

kola 'woman' (Nahali)  kola 'tiger' rebus; kol'working in iron', kolhe'smelter' कोल्हा (p. 105) kōlhā m A jackal, Canis aureus. Linn. कोला (p. 105) kōlā m (Commonly कोल्हा) A jackal. For compounds see under कोल्हे. कोल्हें (p. 105) kōlhēṃ n A jackal. Without reference to sex. Pr. अडलें कोल्हें मंगळ गाय Even the yelling jackal can sing pleasantly when he is in distress. कोल्हें लागलें Applied to a practical joke. kola ‘tiger, jackal’ (Konkani.) kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.) कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali) kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil)
 Phonetic determinant glyph: kola, kōlu ‘jackal, jackal’ (Kon.Telugu) kul ‘the tiger, felis tigris’ (Santali) कोला [ kōlā ] m (Commonly कोल्हा) A jackal. कोल्हें [ kōlhē ] n A jackal. Without reference to sex. Pr. अडलें कोल्हें मंगळ गाय Even the yelling jackal can sing pleasantly when he is in distress. कोल्हें लागलें Applied to a practical joke. केल्हेटेकणें or कोल्हेटेकण [ kēlhēēkaē orkōlhēēkaa ] n Gen. in obl. cases with बस or ये, as कोल्हेटेकण्यासबसणें To sit cowering; to sit as a jackal.कोल्हेटेकण्यास येणें To be arrived at or to be approaching the infirmities of age. 2 To be approaching to setting;--used of the sun or the day, when the sun is conceived to be about that distance from the horizon as a jackal, when he rests on his hinder legs, is from the ground.कोल्हेभूंक [ kōlhēbhūka ] or -भोंक f (कोल्हा & भुंकणें To bark.) The yelling of jackals. 2 Early dawn; peep of day. कोल्हेहूक [ kōlhēhūka ] f The yelling of jackals. 2 fig. Assailing or setting upon with vehement vociferations. (Marathi) 

Kur. kūl belly, stomach, womb; kūlas offspring, descendant. Malt. kóli abdomen. Br. xōl womb, offspring, entrails, woof, weft; xōlaxū, xōxū entrails, woof and warp. / ? < IA. Cf. H. kol breast, bosom; kaulā, kolā, kaulī id., lap; Turner, CDIAL, no. 3607. (DEDR 2244) krōḍá m. ʻ breast, bosom ʼ AV. 2. kōlá -- 2 m. ʻ breast, lap ʼ lex. [kōla -- prob. MIA. < krōḍá -- which if nonAryan (with early ʻ intrusive ʼ r F. B. J. Kuiper IL 1958 Turner Jubilee Vol i 354) may be conn. *gōdda -- ]
1. Gy. eur. korkorí f. ʻ neck ʼ; Dm. kurouŕu ʻ breast ʼ (bec. of anaptyctic vowel between k and r prob. a lw. NTS xii 129), Kal. kŕuŕa, Phal. kirṓṛ m.; K. körü f. ʻ neck ʼ; S. koṛo m. ʻ bosom, breast ʼ, °ṛī f. ʻ breast ʼ; L. koṛīf. ʻ breast of a quadruped ʼ; Or. koṛa ʻ lap ʼ; Si. koňḍa ʻ top of arm, head of shoulder ʼ (with unexpl. nasal); -- altern. < MIA. kōla -- below: Mth. kor ʻ lap ʼ, Bhoj. korā; H. kor f. ʻ womb ʼ; M. koḷ m. ʻ lap ʼ, koḷẽ n. ʻ hump on a bull ʼ.2. Pk. kōla -- m. ʻ breast, bosom ʼ; L. kolī f. ʻ chest of an animal ʼ; Ku. kol ʻ womb ʼ; A. kol°lā ʻ lap, hip on which children are carried ʼ; B. kol ʻ lap ʼ, Or. koḷa; OMarw. kola m. ʻ foetus ʼ; -- Bi. Mth. Bhoj. H. forms with -- r -- , see 1 above. -- Ext.: N. kolṭo ʻ side ʼ, A. kolṭhi ʻ front side of a large fish ʼ. -- Prob. Bi. kōlā°lī°lwāī ʻ small patch of ground to the side of a house ʼ; -- adv. and postp.: L. kol ʻ with ʼ, kolhũkolõ ʻ from ʼ; P. kolkole ʻ near ʼ, kolõ ʻ from ʼ.
Addenda: krōḍá -- : Garh. koḷkoli ʻ lap ʼ; Brj. kūlho m. ʻ hip ʼ. <-> Cf. S.kcch. khauro m. ʻ lap ʼ, G. khoḷɔ.(CDIAL 3607)

Ta. mūkku nose, nostril, beak, nose-shaped part of anything; mūkkaṉ man with a large or prominent nose; mukarai, mukari bottom of the noseMa. mūkku nose, nozzle, beak; mūkkan long-nosed. Ko. mu·k nose, funnel of bellows; mu·kn man with long nose; fem. mu·ky. To. mu·k nose (in songs); mu·ku·ṛ- (mu·ku·ṛy-) to meet (of persons, rivers); mu·ku·ṭ- (mu·ku·ṭy-) to cause to meet; ? mu·kuṟ- (mu·kuṟy-) (person, ceremony) approaches. Ka. mūgu, mū nose, forepart, snout, beak, nozzle; mūga, mūgi man with a nose. Koḍ. mu·kï nose. Tu. mūku, mūgu, mūṅku nose, beak; mūke man who snuffles or speaks through the nose; fem.mūki. Te. mukku nose, beak, end, point, tip. Kol. muŋgaḍ, (Kin.) mukk, (SR.) mukku nose. Nk. muŋgaṛ id. Nk. (Ch.) muŋgan id. Pa. muvāḍ (pl. muvācil) id. Ga. (Oll.) muŋan, (S.) muŋān, (P.) muŋgan id. Pe.muŋgel id. Manḍ. muŋgel id.
 Kui mungeli, (K.) muŋgi id. Kuwi (F.) mūngelli, (S.) mungeli, (Isr.) muṅgeli, (Su. P.) muŋgeli (pl. muŋgelka) id. Kur. muī˜ id.Malt. muṉyu id. Cf. 4895 Ka. mūkuti. (DEDR 5024) मुखम् mukham मुखम् [खन् अच् डित् धातोः पूर्वं मुट् च cf. Uṇ.5.2] The edge or sharp point (of any instrument). -7 A teat, nipple; मध्ये यथा श्याममुखस्य तस्य मृणालसूत्रान्तरमप्य- लभ्यम् Ku.1.4; R.3.8. -8 The beak or bill of a bird. rebus: muh 'ingot'. Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot' (Santali). mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali).


*cōṇṭa ʻ beak ʼ. 2. cōṭa -- . 3. *ṭōñca -- . 4. *ṭōcca -- . [For list of similar forms see tuṇḍa -- and cañcu -- ]1. K. cõ˅ṭu m. ʻ chin ʼ (← Ind.); S. cõṭa f. ʻ beak ʼ (← Centre?), B. cõṭ; Si. soṭaho° ʻ beak, snout, mouth ʼ (LM 332, EGS 195 < cañcu -- ). 2. Paš. čōṛīˊ ʻ beak ʼ.3. M. ṭõċṭoċ f.4. G. ṭoci f.(CDIAL 4925) rebus: *cōṅga ʻ section of bamboo ʼ?Bshk. čö̃k ʻ small wooden vessel ʼ; N. cũgā ʻ a bamboo vessel for holding liquids ʼ; A. soṅgāsuṅā ʻ joint of bamboo, bamboo tube ʼ; B. coṅg ʻ pipe, tube ʼ, coṅgā ʻ blowpipe for blowing fire ʼ, cuṅgī ʻ bamboo tube used as vessel ʼ; Or. coṅgācuṅgā°gī ʻ pipe, tube, cup ʼ; Bi. Mth. cõgā°gī ʻ pipe of smith's bellows ʼ; H. cõgā m. ʻ joint of bamboo, bamboo tube ʼ, °gī f. ʻ pipe, tube ʼ; -- M. ċõgā m. ʻ stick used as a measure of two handbreadths ʼ?(CDIAL 4921)

http://archaeology.up.nic.in/doc/tffm_cj.pdf The figurines of the first farmers at The figurines of the first farmers at The figurines of the first farmers at Mehrgarh and their offshoots Mehrgarh and their offshoots  by Catherine Jarrige (2006)
Fig. 4 : Mother-of pearl figurine from period I, level 1.
Fig. 5: Clay standing figurines from period I
Fig. 6: Small sitting clay figurines from period I
Fig. 11 : Clay figurine found in grave 258 (period I, level C9)
Fig. 13 : Perforated clay figurines from period I
Fig. 14 : Stylistic evolution of the Mehrgarh figurines from period I to period VII. Top (from left to right): Periods I, II, IV, V, VI, VI, VIIA; Bottom: Period VIIB
Fig.15 : Terracotta figurines from Mundigak IV
Fig. 17 : Clay figurines from Nausharo IB (a-left) and ID (b1, b2, b3-right)
Fig.18 : Clay figurines from Mehrgarh VIIB(a-left) and Nausharo ID (b-right)
Fig.19 : Clay figurines from Nausharo ID (a-left), Nausharo III (b-center) and Harappa (c-right)
Indus Figurine-1.jpg (22796 bytes)Indus figurine.jpg (34357 bytes)Indus Figurine-2.jpg (27464 bytes)
This clay figure of a woman has a headdress, with flowers and what look like baskets. Maybe the 'baskets' were for burning oil?

These little seated figures of men were found at Harappa.http://www.bbc.co.uk/schools/primaryhistory/indus_valley/home_life/ 

A group of terracotta figurines from Harappa

After many decades of research, the Indus Civilization is still something of an enigma -- an ancient civilization with a writing system that still awaits convincing decipherment, monumental architecture whose function still eludes us, no monumental art, a puzzling decline, and little evidence of the identity of its direct descendants. In a civilization extending over an area so vast, we expect to find monumental art and/or architectural symbols of power displaying the names of the powerful. Instead, we find an emphasis on small, elegant art and sophisticated craft technology. In this so-called "faceless civilization," three-dimensional representations of living beings in the Harappan world are confined to a few stone and bronze statues and some small objects crafted in faience, stone, and other materials - with one important exception. Ranging in size from slightly larger than a human thumb to almost 30 cm. (one foot) in height, the anthropomorphic and animal terracotta figurines from Harappa and other Indus Civilization sites offer a rich reflection of some of the Harappan ideas about representing life in the Bronze Age.


Georg Helmes

Embodying Indus Life

Terracotta Figurines from Harappa in 72 slides. A look at the many types of female, male and other figurines and what they may tell us of Indus people.
By Sharri Clark.

The original 2001 version of this section on a black background can be seen at old.harappa.com.

Information about Clay figures and toys

|by Sharri Clark| Harvard University
This article is hear so that you can have more information about the clay figures and toys from Harappa
1. A group of terracotta figurines from Harappa.
After many decades of research, the Indus Civilization is still something of an enigma — an ancient civilization with a writing system that still awaits convincing decipherment, monumental architecture whose function still eludes us, no monumental art, a puzzling decline, and little evidence of the identity of its direct descendants. In a civilization extending over an area so vast, we expect to find monumental art and/or architectural symbols of power displaying the names of the powerful. Instead, we find an emphasis on small, elegant art and sophisticated craft technology. In this so-called “faceless civilization,” three-dimensional representations of living beings in the Harappan world are confined to a few stone and bronze statues and some small objects crafted in faience, stone, and other materials – with one important exception. Ranging in size from slightly larger than a human thumb to almost 30 cm. (one foot) in height, the anthropomorphic and animal terracotta figurines from Harappa and other Indus Civilization sites offer a rich reflection of some of the Harappan ideas about representing life in the Bronze Age. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)
2. Ox- or water buffalo-drawn cart with driver from Harappa.
Terracotta figurines have long been considered toys, often without question. Other objects such as carts, wheels, and charpoi (cots) made of terracotta at a similar scale may reinforce this interpretation for at least some of the terracotta figurines. Several styles of carts as well as wheels made of terracotta have been found at Harappa. These were probably originally held together by wooden components that have not been preserved. These terracotta carts are very similar to carts drawn by oxen or water buffalo today in South Asia. A realistic scene can easily be created with the addition of anthropomorphic figurines representing human drivers accompanied by miniature pottery and bundles of straw. (Photograph by Sharri R. Clark and Laura J. Miller)
3. Early Harappan stylized female figurine from Harappa.
The earliest anthropomorphic figurines from Harappa thus far are from the Early Harappan (Ravi Phase, Period 1, and Kot Diji Phase, Period 2) levels. Among these are stylized seated female figurines with exaggerated buttocks and thighs and joined legs extended in front. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.0 x 4.0 x 2.0 cm. (Photograph (from the side and the rear) by Richard H. Meadow)
4. Early Harappan female figurine with painted features from Harappa.
Another style of Early Harappan female figurine holds a round object, possibly a vessel, with both hands at the waist above a flaring lower body which ends in a (broken) forward-extending base. The hair is bound at the back of the head into a tiered hairstyle. Details such as a necklace with long pendants, bangles, and grid-like lines possibly depicting textile designs are painted in black. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.7 x 7.9 x 2.4 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
5. Female figurine with a fan-shaped headdress from Harappa.
At the peak of the Indus Civilization or the Harappan Period (Period 3), the most common dress for female figurines was the belt and/or short skirt usually situated at the same point on the hips as the figurine’s hands. The fan-shaped headdress was one of the most commonly depicted Indus headdresses. Figurine headdresses were typically decorated in a variety of ways through the addition of terracotta cones, twisted ropes (possibly representing hair), flowers and other applied ornaments. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 5.3 x 14.3 x 3.4 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
6. Three female figurines with painted fan-shaped headdresses from Harappa.
Many of the fan-shaped headdresses were painted black. While the headdress may have been worn as a symbol of distinction, it has been suggested that this type of headdress actually represents black hair stretched over a frame made of bamboo or some other material. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D) of the most complete figurine: 6.1 x 7.5 x 3.2 cm. (Photograph by Sharri R. Clark)
7. Female figurine with a pannier headdress from Harappa.
Some of the female figurines are very ornate with elaborate headdresses, chokers and/or necklaces, and decorated multiple-strand belts. The fan-shaped headdresses sometimes have panniers or cup-like attachments on either side of the head and depictions of flowers added at the top or sides of the head. Some of these panniers contain traces of black residue that may indicate that oil or an essence was burned in them, possibly as part of a ritual. Approximate height: 13.2 cm. (Photograph by J. Mark Kenoyer)
8. Head of a female figurine with a “tiara” headdress from Harappa.
A few female figurines from Harappa have a sort of “tiara” attached to the front of the fan-shaped headdress. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 6.0 x 8.7 x 3.9 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
9. Female figurine with a double volute headdress from Harappa. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.9 x 10.2 x 2.4 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
Other female figurines have a double volute headdress that is usually decorated and sometimes painted black as well. Female figurines are usually depicted standing with their legs pressed together all the way to the feet and sometimes have their hands raised to their heads. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.9 x 10.2 x 2.4 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
10. Female figurine with a double volute headdress from Harappa.
The “cones” that often decorate figurine headdresses may be reproductions of the small gold cones that have been found at Indus Civilization sites. Similar small gold cones are still used as hair ornaments in South Asia. Approximate dimensions Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 4.9 x 6.7 x 2.9 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
11. Female figurine with painted hair from Harappa.
In addition to headdresses and hair decorations, loose hair is sometimes depicted on figurines. A few figurines have painted black hair extending from the back of the head to below the shoulders. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.9 x 5.2 x 2.6 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
12. Female figurine with locks of hair from Harappa.
Other figurines have loose hair arranged in “ringlets” or separate locks made of terracotta, possibly representing a wig. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 4.0 x 9.1 x 2.9 cm.
13. Female figurine with a “turban” from Harappa.
The hair of female figurines is sometimes bound up in a sort of “turban”. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.6 x 9.5 x 2.8 cm. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)
14. Two female figurines with other head decor from Harappa.
Both male and female figurines may have hair swept around the top of the head, to the side, or to the front. Some female figurines also have a somewhat simple flaring headdress with an attached headband. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 2.9 x 7.1 x 2.0 cm. and 3.4 x 7.9 x 2.3 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
15. Female figurine with three chokers/necklaces from Harappa.
One of the largest female figurines found at Harappa has a (badly broken) fan-shaped pannier headdress with black residue in the cups of the panniers and a forward-projecting face. She is heavily ornamented with an elaborate choker and two other necklaces, each with three strands and many pendants. This elaborate ornamentation of figurines is one reason that female figurines have often been interpreted as deities, most commonly as “Mother Goddesses.” Residues that may indicate burning of oils or other substances in the panniers have also prompted a cultic interpretation, although there is not yet any contextual evidence to support such an interpretation. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 7.8 x 14.0 x 5.8 cm. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)
16. Female figurine with painted ornaments from Harappa.
Some of the ornaments on female figurines were accentuated with white and/or black pigment, and some ornaments were completely rendered in pigment. One female figurine has a choker, a necklace, and bangles on the left upper and lower arm, all painted white. The white bangles may represent shell bangles. Shell bangles were also found on the left arms of the skeletons in some of the burials in the Harappan Period cemetery at Harappa. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 4.8 x 8.1 x 3.1 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
17. Female figurine with a decorated belt and “skirt” from Harappa.
The multiple-strand belt on some of the female figurines is often accompanied by a plain short “skirt”. The applied decorations on the belt may represent beads or other decorations. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.8 x 7.3 x 2.0 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
18. “Fat” female figurine from Harappa.
Although most Indus Civilization female figurines are quite curvaceous, some “fat” female figurines are also found. These are often hollow, but sometimes solid. Like other Indus female figurines, some of these “fat” figurines are holding infants at their breasts. They may have been intended to represent pregnant or affluent females. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 5.0 x 9.0 x 5.0 cm. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)
19. Female figurine nursing an infant from Harappa.
The infants being nursed by female figurines are usually very schematically represented by a bent and pinched roll of clay with or without applied eyes. The head, body, and legs of the infant are usually pressed against the female’s breast and torso with the legs dangling or gripping the female’s waist. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 5.4 x 9.0 x 2.7 cm. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)
20. Female figurine holding a nursing infant from Harappa.
The female figurine usually holds the infant’s head to her breast with one or both arms encircling the infant. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.2 x 8.4 x 1.9 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
21. Three male figurines from Harappa.
Male figurines may be distinguished by genitalia and/or small flat nipples. A few male figurines wear chokers with pendants very similar to those worn by females. Some males are depicted with bowed legs. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D) of the largest figurine: 5.3 x 9.0 x 1.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
22. Standing male figurine from Harappa.
Other male figurines stand with their hands on their hips and their legs pressed together, a common posture for female figurines. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 4.0 x 9.7 x 2.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
23. Male figurine from Harappa.
A few male figurines demonstrate unusual postures such as one with one leg extended forward and the other extended behind. Male figurines also sometimes wear a simple headband around the top of the head. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 4.3 x 7.2 x 3.2 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
24. Two seated male figurines from Harappa.
Most male figurines from Harappa sit with knees bent and arms at the sides of the legs or around the knees. Some of these figurines have facial features and even genitalia, and a few have stylized legs joined into a single projection. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 4.6 x 6.3 x 4.4 cm. and 3.2 x 4.6 x 4.9 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
25. Seated male figurine from Harappa.
Seated male figurines may have their knees drawn up tightly to their chests. While some have facial features and headbands and/or hair, many have featureless faces and no ornamentation. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.6 x 4.9 x 3.0 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
26. Seated male figurine with hands raised from Harappa.
Another type of male figurine sits with legs extended straight in front of the body and arms raised in front of the chest with hands clasped together, probably a posture of devotion or prayer. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 2.9 x 5.1 x 5.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
27. Male figurine with hair swept forward from Harappa.
In addition to different postures, male figurines also exhibit a variety of hairstyles. Both male and female figurines may have hair swept around the top of the head, to the side or to the front. A few male figurines also wear a sort of “torque” choker made of two strands with a slight pinched projection at the throat. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 4.8 x 7.1 x 2.2 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
28. Two male figurines with painted hair from Harappa.
The hair of male figurines is sometimes bound into a sort of folded bun or mounded on top of the head and secured by a headband or a fillet. The hair may be painted black and sometimes also has a punctate decoration. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 5.6 x 5.1 x 2.8 cm. and 1.7 x 3.2 x 2.2 cm. (Photograph by Sharri R. Clark)
29. Male figurine with a fan-shaped headdress from Harappa.
Most male figurines from Harappa do not wear headdresses. An unusual exception is a standing male figurine wearing a fan-shaped headdress usually worn by female figurines as well as a choker with pendants. This may be a representation of an alternative gender. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 5.0 x 13.2 x 3.0 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
30. Four male figurines with horned headdresses from Harappa.
Male figurines are sometimes also identified by secondary sex characteristics such as beards. Occasionally, male figurines wear a headdress with two upward and/or outward projections like horns. Similar figures with horned headdresses are found in the iconography of seals, tablets, and pottery. It is possible that these represent composite figures with anthropomorphic and animal attributes or the appropriation of animal attributes in the form of a headdress. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D) of the largest figurine: 2.9 x 8.0 x 2.6 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
31. Composite figurine with horns from Harappa.
A few figurines are not clearly male or female, or even anthropomorphic or animal. One unusual recently discovered figurine has no clear sex characteristics. It does have two projections (broken off) that pointed forward from the back of the head as possible animal attributes and a crude beard or choker with pendants that hang down from the bottom of the face/neck onto the chest. It is a relatively rare example of a figurine with a circular base from Harappa. Approximate dimensions (W x H x D): 3.3 x 5.5 x 2.0 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
32. Three Early Harappan zebu figurines from Harappa.
The earliest animal figurines from Harappa are Early Harappan (Ravi Phase, Period 1 and Kot Diji Phase, Period 2) zebu figurines. They are typically very small with joined legs and stylized humps. A few of these zebu figurines have holes through the humps that may have allowed them to be worn as amulets on a cord or a string. One Early Harappan zebu figurine was found with the remains of a copper alloy ring still in this hole. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the uppermost figurine: 1.2 x 3.3 x 2.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
33. Early Harappan zebu figurine with incised spots from Harappa.
Some of the Early Harappan zebu figurines were decorated. One example has incised oval spots. It is also stained a deep red, an extreme example of the types of stains often found on figurines that are usually found in trash and waste deposits. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 1.8 x 4.6 x 3.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
34. Zebu figurine with painted designs from Harappa.
Other animal and sometimes anthropomorphic figurines are decorated with black stripes and other patterns, and features such as eyes are also sometimes rendered in pigment. Figurines of cattle with and without humps are found at Indus sites, possibly indicating that multiple breeds of cattle were in use. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 3.9 x 8.5 x 5.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
35. Painted torso of a figurine from Harappa.
Painted designs on figurines occasionally reached the level of those often found on Harappan pottery, especially in the later periods. An interesting combination of figurines with pottery was the occasional addition of animal heads to pottery, either on the rims of vessels or, in the case of birds, as schematic components of vessel stoppers and cup handles. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 5.4 x 9.5 x 9.0 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
36. Water buffalo figurine from Harappa.
Water buffalo are often similar to figurines of humpless cattle, except that the water buffalo figurines usually have large (and sometimes incised) backswept horns. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 6.0 x 8.0 x 6.0 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
37. Water buffalo figurine from Harappa.
Some quadruped figurines are difficult to classify because the general form and many of the attributes of humpless cattle, water buffalo, and even rams may be very similar. Any of the three may have incising on the face and/or horns. Sometimes the shape of the horns and the posture provide the only clues to differentiating them. Some water buffalo figurines have featureless upturned faces and large backswept horns with no incised lines and the ends of the horns may project slightly upward. (Thus the ends of the horns might, in fact, project slightly forward if the head was facing forward, complicating the problem of identification.) However, the raised head is a typical posture for an alarmed water buffalo. Other examples of water buffaloes with raised heads can be found on some of the seals and tablets. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 6.0 x 7.3 x 6.4 cm. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)
38. Ram figurine from Harappa.
Ram figurines are identified by their large curled horns. Some have incised horns and/or muzzles like the water buffalo figurines and are only distinguished by the curvature of the horns. Approximate height (length): 6.0 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
39. Ram figurine with painted designs from Harappa.
The ram figurines are also sometimes decorated with black stripes and patterns. Some may be painted black. Occasionally, incised “wool” is depicted on the bodies of sheep figurines. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 3.3 x 6.6 x 6.3 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
40. Three markhor figurine heads from Harappa.
In addition to domestic animals, wild animals such as the markhor (wild goat) are represented in the corpus of Indus figurines. The markhor figurines’ distinctive long spiral horns were formed by wrapping the clay around a stick or rod while it was wet. Some markhor figurines from Harappa have holes at the bases of finished necks, probably for joining them to a separate body. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the uppermost figurine: 10.9 x 2.9 x 2.9 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
41. Deer figurine from Harappa.
Other depictions of wild animals include deer figurines with pronged antlers. Deer bones found at Harappa may indicate that deer were hunted. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 3.7 x 10.0 x 6.0 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
42. Two rhinoceros figurines from Harappa.
Larger wild animals such as the rhinoceros with its distinctive “horned” snout are also represented. Although the rhinoceros is no longer found in many areas of the Indus region, rhinoceros bones have been found at Harappa. Some rhinoceros figurines have applied lips, and some have an applied strip of clay down the center of the back beneath the applied decorated “hide” that is characteristic of rhinoceros figurines. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the larger figurine: 3.1 x 6.0 x 8.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
43. Rhinoceros figurine from Harappa.
Although it was surely a wild animal, some of the rhinoceros figurines wear collars. While a collar might indicate domestication, it is unlikely that this is the case with the rhinoceros, although they may have been held as captives. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 3.3 x 8.7 x 4.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
44. Elephant figurine head with painted designs from Harappa.
It is unknown whether elephants were domesticated in the Indus Civilization. However, one of the few elephant figurines from Harappa is a head with large stylized ears and red and white stripes painted across the face. This may mirror the custom of decorating domesticated elephants (red and white are common colors) for ceremonies or rituals that is still practiced in South Asia. Elephant bones have also been found at Harappa. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 5.4 x 4.8 x 4.6 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
45. Hollow elephant figurine from Harappa.
Another elephant figurine has an undecorated head with two flat ears and a trunk (all broken) on a round hollow body. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.5 x 7.1 x 7.1 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
46. Feline figurine from Harappa.
Among the dangerous wild animals represented in the figurine corpus are large wild felines. One feline figurine with punctuate designs on the face (possibly representing spots) and an open mouth showing teeth is a relatively naturalistic representation of a large wild cat, possibly representing a leopard or a cheetah. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.6 x 11.5 x 6.2 cm (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
47. Feline figurine from Harappa.
Many of the feline figurines are depicted with collars around their necks (as with the rhinoceros). Rather than indicating that these large cats were tame, this symbol of domestication may have been used in rituals of sympathetic magic to obtain a symbolic conquest of and protection from powerful wild animals such as the large cats and the rhinoceros. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.6 x 11.5 x 6.2 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
48. Two feline figurines from Harappa.
Other feline figurines with large round ears and beards may represent tigers or lions. They are often depicted either standing or lying down with their legs extended to one side. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the larger figurine: 3.3 x 8.2 x 4.7 cm. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)
49. Feline figurine with “coffee bean” eyes from Harappa.
It has been suggested that some feline figurines have anthropomorphic facial features. While features such as “coffee bean” eyes are unusual, the facial features of many animal figurines are stylized. Such features as beards are not necessarily anthropomorphic features, but may represent either tigers’ ruffs or lions’ manes. Variations in facial features may represent differences in wild felines rather than anthropomorphization. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.1 x 12.2 x 6.1 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
50. Bear figurine from Harappa.
The Asiatic bear with its large round ears and elongated snout sometimes sits with its front paws on its rear legs, the same posture that is depicted in some figurines. It might have been captured by the people of the Indus Civilization, just as bears have been kept for sport and show in recent times in South Asia. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 3.9 x 7.9 x 4.4 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
51. Monkey figurine from Harappa.
Monkeys are also still found in South Asia, both in the wild and as pets. A few of the Indus figurines represent uniquely primate postures, such as a monkey sitting with its long arms and hands held on either side of its head. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 2.6 x 3.6 x 2.9 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
52. Hare? figurine from Harappa.
Some animal figurines with long ears, especially those with the ears laid back against round hollow bodies, have been identified as hares. One animal figurine with long ears laid back above a small solid body may also represent a hare. Figurines with shorter ears and round bodies probably represent hedgehogs instead. One unusual and well-made figurine from Harappa is clearly a pangolin, the scales of which are represented by flattened discs from its head to its long graduated tail. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 2.1 x 4.9 x 3.6 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
53. Turtle figurine from Harappa.
Several turtle figurines have been found at Harappa, some with few defined features and others with clearly delineated shells and other features. The gharial is also represented among the figurines, and is depicted in the iconography of several tablets as well. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.8 x 6.6 x 3.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
54. Fish figurine from Harappa.
Another aquatic creature represented in the figurine corpus of Harappa is the fish, which has applied fins, incised gills, and a vertical hole through the center of its body. Like the gharial, the fish is also a common motif on tablets as well as in the Indus script. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 1.5 x 6.4 x 1.6 cm. (Photograph by Sharri R. Clark)
55. Dog figurine with a collar from Harappa.
Some texts from ancient Mesopotamia mention imports received from the land of “Meluhha”, widely considered a reference to the Indus Civilization. Among these imports, according to some interpretations, is a colored dog. A number of dog figurines have been found at Harappa and at other Indus sites. The collars found on dog figurines probably signify domestication, unlike the collars on the rhinoceros or the large feline figurines. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 1.9 x 5.3 x 3.3 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
56. “Begging dog” figurine from Harappa.
The somewhat schematic “begging dog” figurine on a circular base holds its front paws in front of its body, a posture that is commonly associated with dogs. The figurine wears an elaborate collar that is decorated with applied discs that may represent beads or gems. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 2.5 x 7.2 x 3.7 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
57. Crouching dog figurine from Harappa.
Dogs are also depicted in playful postures, such as one small dog that seems to be crouching with its tail curving up and onto its back. Approximate dimensions (W x H (L) x D): 1.9 x 3.3 x 2.1 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
58. Unidentified animal figurine from Harappa.
Although many animal figurines have identifiable traits (e. g., the applied “hide” and horn typical of a rhinoceros figurine), some figurines are not readily identifiable. Animal figurines that are badly broken are sometimes particularly difficult to identify, but even the more complete figurines are not necessarily recognizable. Perhaps the makers of Indus figurines created abstractions, possibly by emphasizing particular features (as is common in caricatures), that were and are not recognizable to others. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 2.7 x 5.4 x 3.6 cm. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)
59. Bird figurine from Harappa.
Several types of birds are represented in figurines. Bird figurines with long tapered tails probably represent parakeets. These birds often have flattened stylized feet that were attached to other terracotta objects such as cages of which there are at least two examples from Harappa. One of the male figurines from Harappa holds a bird, possibly a chicken or a duck, which also suggests that the Harappans kept birds as pets or perhaps as a food source. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 2.0 x 5.0 x 2.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
60. Bird figurines and grain from Harappa.
A circular terracotta platform or container with many small lozenges, possibly representing grain, between the flattened broken feet of two birds perched on opposite sides of the container provides another possible example of the keeping of birds by the ancient Harappans. Approximate diameter: 6.4 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
61. Bird figurine from Harappa.
Many bird figurines have circular bases instead of legs and feet. Some have outstretched wings and may represent birds in flight. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.4 x 5.4 x 5.3 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
62. Bird figurine/whistle from Harappa.
Other bird figurines have no wings depicted at all and either stand on a circular base or on two legs that were inserted into the base of the body (only holes remain). Still others have no legs depicted at all. Among the most convincing cases for figurines as toys are the hollow bird figurines that have a hole either on the back near the tail or in front of the torso that allowed them to be used as whistles. Similar terracotta “bird whistles” are still found in South Asia. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 3.8 x 5.5 x 5.3 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
63. Animal “puppet” figurine from Harappa.
Some terracotta figurines such as the unusual ithyphallic pot-bellied animal figurines with tails and holes through the shoulders for movable arms were probably used as toys or puppets. A few examples also have holes in their bases. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 3.5 x 8.4 x 4.1 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
64. Body of a figurine with a movable head and tail from Harappa.
Another figurine that may have been used as a toy is the quadruped, probably a bovine, with a movable head and tail. It usually has pierced projections extending from the base of the neck to secure the (separate) head and neck laterally and a pierced projection above the shoulders (possibly a stylized hump) to secure and move the head vertically. It sometimes has a pierced projection on the rump as well, presumably for a movable tail. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.0 x 8.0 x 6.0 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
65. Movable head of a bovine figurine from Harappa.
The movable heads of figurines often depict cattle. They are usually pierced laterally through the neck and vertically or sagittally through the head in order to secure them to the bodies and control them with a cord. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.0 x 4.0 x 2.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
66. Bodies of two figurines with neck shafts from Harappa.
A different style of quadruped body has a vertical neck shaft for attaching and possibly changing the (separate) head. Figurine heads with this type of neck shaft include the markhor heads discussed earlier (see image #40). Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the larger figurine: 3.1 x 6.0 x 5.37 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
67. Movable head of a bovine figurine from Harappa.
Some movable figurine heads are pierced in other places, such as through the horns on either side of the head. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 7.2 x 9.4 x 3.0 cm. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)
68. Wheeled zebu figurine from Harappa.
A small subset of the figurines from Harappa originally had wheels. Of the many small terracotta wheels found at Harappa, at least some must have been intended for these wheeled objects. One style of wheeled figurine has lateral holes for the axles through the bottom of the torso. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 5.9 x 6.2 x 8.7 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
69. Wheeled ram figurine from Harappa.
One type of wheeled figurine has lateral holes for the axles through the ends of the legs. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 3.6 x 11.0 x 7.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
70. Mask/amulet from Harappa.
Loosely included under the rubric of terracotta “figurines” are the terracotta masks found at some Harappan sites. One mask clearly has a feline face with an open mouth with exposed fangs, a beard, small round ears and upright bovine horns. It is small and has two holes on each side of the face that would have allowed it to be attached to a puppet or worn, possibly as an amulet or as a symbolic mask. The combination of different animal features creates the effect of a fierce composite animal. As an amulet or a symbolic mask, it may represent the practice of magic or ritual transformation in Indus society. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.9 x 5.2 x 2.5 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
71. Attachable water buffalo horns from Harappa.
The appropriation of animal attributes can be accomplished through such paraphernalia as masks/amulets and other objects that can be attached to a costume. Several large terracotta water buffalo horns with incised lines on the horns have been found at Harappa. Some are broken in the center or have the ends missing, but most have holes through the horns, often near the center, allowing them to be attached to something and possibly worn. These might have been used in magic or ritual transformation in Indus society, or they may have been worn as symbols of authority like the horned headdresses depicted on figures in the iconography of Indus seals and tablets. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 11.9 x 3.3 x 2.2 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
72. Two composite anthropomorphic / animal figurines from Harappa.
Whether or not the masks/amulets and attachable water buffalo horns were used in magic or other rituals, unusual and composite animals and anthropomorphic/animal beings were clearly a part of Indus ideology. The ubiquitous “unicorn” (most commonly found on seals, but also represented in figurines), composite animals and animals with multiple heads, and composite anthropomorphic/animal figurines such as the seated quadruped figurines with female faces, headdresses and tails offer tantalizing glimpses into a rich ideology, one that may have been steeped in mythology, magic, and/or ritual transformation. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the larger figurine: 3.5 x 7.1 x 4.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)
© Harappa 2001

1. A group of terracotta figurines from Harappa
2. Ox- or water buffalo-drawn cart with driver from Harappa
3. Early Harappan stylized female figurine from Harappa
4. Early Harappan female figurine with painted features from Harappa
5. Female figurine with a fan-shaped headdress from Harappa
6. Three female figurines with painted fan-shaped headdresses from Harappa
7. Female figurine with a pannier headdress from Harappa
8. Head of a female figurine with a "tiara" headdress from Harappa
9. Female figurine with a double volute headdress from Harappa
10. Female figurine with a double volute headdress from Harappa
11. Female figurine with painted hair from Harappa
12. Female figurine with locks of hair from Harappa
13. Female figurine with a "turban" from Harappa
14. Two female figurines with other head decor from Harappa
15. Female figurine with three chokers/necklaces from Harappa
16. Female figurine with painted ornaments from Harappa
17. Female figurine with a decorated belt and "skirt" from Harappa
18. "Fat" female figurine from Harappa
19. Female figurine nursing an infant from Harappa
20. Female figurine holding a nursing infant from Harappa
21. Three male figurines from Harappa
22. Standing male figurine from Harappa
23. Male figurine from Harappa
24. Two seated male figurines from Harappa
25. Seated male figurine from Harappa
26. Seated male figurine with hands raised from Harappa
27. Male figurine with hair swept forward from Harappa
28. Two male figurines with painted hair from Harappa
29. Male figurine with a fan-shaped headdress from Harappa
30. Four male figurines with horned headdresses from Harappa
31. Composite figurine with horns from Harappa
32. Three Early Harappan zebu figurines from Harappa
33. Early Harappan zebu figurine with incised spots from Harappa.
34. Zebu figurine with painted designs from Harappa
35. Painted torso of a figurine from Harappa
36. Water buffalo figurine from Harappa
37. Water buffalo figurine from Harappa
38. Ram figurine from Harappa
39. Ram figurine with painted designs from Harappa
40. Three markhor figurine heads from Harappa
41. Deer figurine from Harappa
42. Two rhinoceros figurines from Harappa.
43. Rhinoceros figurine from Harappa
44. Elephant figurine head with painted designs from Harappa
45. Hollow elephant figurine from Harappa
46. Feline figurine from Harappa
47. Feline figurine from Harappa
48. Two feline figurines from Harappa
49. Feline figurine with "coffee bean" eyes from Harappa
50. Bear figurine from Harappa
51. Monkey figurine from Harappa
52. Hare? figurine from Harappa
53. Turtle figurine from Harappa
54. Fish figurine from Harappa
55. Dog figurine with a collar from Harappa
56. "Begging dog" figurine from Harappa
57. Crouching dog figurine from Harappa
58. Unidentified animal figurine from Harappa
59. Bird figurine from Harappa
60. Bird figurines and grain from Harappa
61. Bird figurine from Harappa
62. Bird figurine/whistle from Harappa
63. Animal "puppet" figurine from Harappa
64. Body of a figurine with a movable head and tail from Harappa
65. Movable head of a bovine figurine from Harappa
66. Bodies of two figurines with neck shafts from Harappa
67. Movable head of a bovine figurine from Harappa
68. Wheeled zebu figurine from Harappa
69. Wheeled ram figurine from Harappa
70. Mask/amulet from Harappa
71. Attachable water buffalo horns from Harappa
72. Two composite anthropomorphic / animal figurines from Harappa
https://www.harappa.com/slideshows/embodying-indus-life

January 2016

Fertility figures from an ancient civilization in Bronze Age Pakistan and India

By Ben Miller | 13 January 2016

This week we bring you a set of sculptures which could have been fertility figures in prehistoric Asia

A photo of a series of small light brown fertility figurine sculptures
© Courtesy Horsham Museum and Art Gallery
Found by an anonymous collector and said to have been made by the Indus Valley Civilization between 3000 and 2000 BC, these 10 “fertility figurines” display male, female and hermaphrodite features in a set of remarkable, complex and imaginative sculptures.

At one time they were thought of as toys. In reality we may never know their usage, partly because the context of their discovery has been lost.

Discovered between 1921 and 1929, the civilization produced two “city” type sites - Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro - both of which gave the name to their culture. It has no monumental art or architectural features with names of the powerful, and none of its scripts have yet been deciphered.

It did, however, produce a number of small, elegant works of art and sophisticated craft: these sculptures are part of a larger collection of 40 artefacts assembled during the late 1960s and early 1970s.
  • Curiosity: A Tale of Quirky Collecting is at Horsham Museum and Art Gallery from January 15 - March 5 2016. Find out more.
http://www.culture24.org.uk/history-and-heritage/archaeology/art544706-object-week-fertility-figurines-indus-valley

March 2016

Harappan Clay Figurines Tell Us An Astounding Storyabout Ancient Indian Civilisations!

Dr. Shereen F. Ratnagar recently spoke at the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai, on this subject, throwing interesting light on the clay figurines of Harappa…
By Vimla Patil
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The Mohenjo Daro and Harappa civilizations of ancient India are reported to be the most developed societies of the ancient world.
Harappan Clay Figurines
Indeed, many scholars have said after years of research that these were civilizations of trade and commerce and knew the artand business of manufacturing several kinds of goods with which, they traded with many countries west of India, Entire cities in this civilization show an advanced society where architecture, art, building of utility, constructions like bathing enclosures etc. were advanced and varied. Researchers have proved that these were not civilizations where conquering hordes of tribes would attack each other for looting their goods. The people of Mohenjo Daro and Harappa lived in an organised society and had discovered many ways to trade with the neighbouring civilizations including the Western world for several centuries. Many excavations gave clues when research was carried out by teams of archeologist who have shared their findings. They inform us of the astounding and fascinating facts about the customs and lifestyle of the people who lived in these societies.
Harappan Female Figurine
Interestingly, among the discoveries at the Harappa site was a series of clay figurines which have given a rare insight into the life of the societies though an enigma continues to surround the clay figurines and other items found there. Research proves   that the people of these civilizations had a writing System or ‘script’ that still awaits convincing deciphering so that we can know more about life in these remote past societies. The style of architecture is monumental in nature and its function and   design still eludes archeologists. According to them, the structures do not yield any clues to the purpose for which they were created. Add to this the puzzling story of the decline of these civilizations, and we understand why such little evidence of even the community’s descendants or origin is available after millennia. The secret becomes more elusive as more research is done. Obviously, the civilization occupied a large area around western India. With highly developed research methods, we should easily be able to find clues to the identity of the people and their homes and graves etc. But scholars have until now found only small, elegant art objects including clay figurines of men and women and minimally-developed technology. Many scholars have called these societies as a ‘faceless’ civilization. Relics of the Harappan world are a few stone and bronze figurines and some small objects crafted from other materials. However, there is one superb exception to these facts. The excavations have brought to light different sizes of clay figurines in sizes ranging from a few centimetres to full twelve inches. They offer a rich cache of some of the Harappan concepts and ideas and through the icons which represent life in the civilizations.After many decades of research, the Indus Civilization is still something of an enigma — an ancient civilization with a writing system that still needs clear deciphering. There are monumental architectural examples whose design and purpose still eludes us. The decline and disappearance of this civilization cannot still be fully explained, and there is little evidence of any direct descendants of the people who lived in these ancient societies which were spread over a vast area but which have left hardly any clue about their inhabitants. Researchers are still deciphering the meaning and role of the elegant clay figurines of women found in Harappa. Were they icons of goddesses? Were they just art? No one really knows as yet. But research is on for years. Because great importance has been obviously attached to the figurines as they can help to raise the curtain of secrecy from the past to some extent.
A major amount of work in this search for the identity of the figurines has been conducted by Dr. Shereen Ratnagar, who is an internationally reputed and well-known Indian scholar. She has been researching these clay figurines and talking about them for some time in various universities and institutions and has recorded all available information about these unique pre-historic artifacts. Her research findings are truly fascinating! Her work has highlighted the female figures made of clay in different poses making her and other researchers wonder whether these are icons of the Mother Goddess for the people of Harappa and also, whether the male figurines could be those of Pashupatinath or Lord Shiva. Dr.   Shereen Ratnagar received the Rabindranath Tagore National Fellowship for work on this subject with the CSMVS Museum in Mumbai. Her three important essays on this subject encase all the research and her findings about the enigmatic figurines. These essays are available on the Internet for those interested.
Shereen Ratnagar gave up her Professorship in Archaeology at the JNU (Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi) to devote time to this project and has been lecturing on her research at various museums and universities around the world. Her book Encounters: The Westerly Trade of the Harappa Civilization is considered an authoritative work on this pre-historic civilization. She has also done major research on the clay figurines of Harappa. Made mostly of clay or a few in limestones, many of the figures are seated and are both male and female the latter being higher in number and detail. Many of the female figurines are supposed to be those of the Mother Goddess; some male figurines are supposed to be of Pashupatinath, a form of Lord Shiva. Researchers believe that possibly, this civilization had a ‘fertility cult’ and the female figurines were symbols of the Mother Goddess or this cult.
Prof. Shereen Ratnagar, an eminent Archaeologist on India and Mesopotamia, speaking on 'The Indus Civilization'
November 2016
Sahapedia: Dr Ratnagar, how does one introduce the layperson to a topic such as yours—a civilization that endured at least 6000 years, and one that covered a truly vast area?

Shereen Ratnagar: It is a very vast topic. One usually begins with some map work. The Harappa civilization covered a swathe of land from the Baluchistan mountain frontiers of South Asia, across the Indus valley below Lahore, the flat land between the Indus tributaries’ plains and the Gangetic drainage, and a swathe of land from southern Sind across Kutch, to north Gujarat and Saurashtra.

This is a good starting point because we see a huge area and are taught that this was the widest spread of the river-valley civilizations, which is true. However, in doing that sometimes we forget that on the ground, in terms of city size and number of settlements, the Harappa civilization is on a smaller scale than its contemporaries, like the Mesopotamian civilization. E.g. Mohenjo daro is a maximum 200 hectares in size; Mesopotamian Uruk, the city of Gilgamesh, was 450 hectares.


S.: But some books say there were more than 1000 Harappan sites?

S.R.: I have heard and read that said very often. One can get a figure of 1000 sites only if one incorporates all known sites of late fourth millennium, third millennium and second millennium BCE—all the early sites of Kulli culture, neighbours of Harappans, Neolithic sites of Kashmir, Sothi sites of the incorporated Haryana region—and so on. But if we rigorously define the Harappan culture as sites with assemblages that have certain kind of pottery, baked clay ‘cakes’ or pavers, toy carts and wheels, miniature clay animals, cubical weights of chert, long and thin blades of the same chert for cutting plants, rectangular stamp seals with protruding (rather odd shaped) boss and script and emblem carved in intaglios, the total number of sites is far lower.  Professor V.H. Sonawane of the MS University Baroda estimates that the total number of Harappan sites in Kutch and Saurashtra, for instance, sites of the urban period—are not more than 30 in number.


S.:Please explain ‘the urban period’.

S.R.: Urban, in archaeological terms, is the period when Mohenjo daro was occupied for a long period of some centuries, say 2600 to 1800 or 1700 BCE.  At Mohenjo daro in that period there were solid brick buildings, streets and alleys, wells amongst the houses, a high citadel with a public structure housing a water tank, lots of seals and inscribed tablets, uniform-value weights, and a whole range of stone and bronze tools, that is clearly urban. Many other sites had some of these kinds of artefacts and therefore belong to the urban period. Now, sites that may be smaller, which we may not want to label as urban because their population does not seem to be very high, but if they have these kinds of artefacts―some of them at least that I just talked about, then we can say that these belong to the urban period.

A caveat has to be lodged at this stage is that we have no internal chronology of this period. Except for a very few artefacts, we cannot separate out the earlier period material, near 2600 BCE, from material of a period closer to 1800 BCE.


S.:You have spoken about Bronze Age. Was there no iron in use? Why not?

A.: In the sense that iron is the most abundant metal in the crust of the earth, this is certainly a puzzle. Once it is in use, iron became the ‘Industrial metal’, it replaces copper and bronze and stone as working tools―for building tools, cutting tools, heavy-duty work, and so on. But it happened everywhere so there must be a major reason for it. Only in Africa iron succeed stone as the widely-used material. Everywhere else, it is stone, bronze and then iron. Although iron was the heavy-duty metal of history, and being plentiful, also cheap—they say it was maybe 1/5th to even 1/20th the cost of bronze. You again have, paradoxically, people using bronze over iron.

I think, the reason for this is technical and technological. Bronze came before iron probably because it was easier to shape into objects like knife heads, arrowheads and vessels. Because once you have an alloy of about 11% of tin with the rest in copper, it is liquid and you can pour it into moulds and casts. And you can cast it. You cannot do that with iron because tin-bronze melts at 1,000º C, whereas iron melts at 1,537º C. And this temperature is a little too high for a pre-industrial kiln to take. For bronze tools, you can put up a series of moulds and pour molten metal into them. But iron ore is different and no pre-industrial kiln can reduce iron to liquid—when hot, iron has to be beaten on the forge to shape each tool individually once it is smelted.  A pre-industrial charcoal kiln (which reaches a temperature of say 1,300º cannot extract iron from its ore and rock matrix in a liquid state, in fact the two, metal and matrix will separate—usually—only when a large measure of carbon monoxide (CO) is produced in the kiln to enable a chemical reaction to take place.  So, CO2 has to get away with a lot of its oxygen to become CO. For this, a ‘reducing kiln’ is necessary and I think it is the mystery behind its late appearance.

You pound the iron-ore rock into small pieces, roast them for hours, and construct furnaces of particular shape and size for the ‘reduction’ to produce CO.  Hot gas rises in the kiln from the ore, which gives up its oxygen—and the metal separates out—or can be hammered out.


S.: Is this term ‘Bronze Age’, therefore, used for that period because it was alloys of copper-tin, copper-lead that were the industrial material?

S.R.: Yes. Up to a point stone continued to be used for tools along with bronze. Only when iron came, stone got replaced altogether by metal. And in the Harappan case, as in the earlier centuries of Pharaonic Egypt, unalloyed copper was in use. For a long time they did not use tin-bronze and used only that unalloyed copper. They must have built those pyramids with those copper tools.

‘The Bronze Age’ was Gordon Childe’s term for the early river-valley civilizations: A stage when metal was in regular use for the tools of production (craft production) and it is stage where metallurgy became a sphere of specialized knowledge. Not everyone would be able to recognise the copper ore, which was available there on the ground. Not everyone would be able to smelt or cast or alloy metal, and for use on a regular scale, prospection was necessary outside the river alluvium, or else exchanges with peoples of the deserts or mountains.


S.: Was specialization, then, the cause or the trigger? Does the appearance of full-fledged bronze metallurgy at early sites signal the coming of the Harappa civilization?

S.R.: We have no archaeological sequence in which we can detect ‘the first’ alloying or complex casting that co-occurs with Harappan pottery and seals or terracottas and so on. Unlike iron tools, broken or discarded bronze or copper objects can be melted and re-cast into new shapes. Copper and tin are rare in the earth’s crust. And these two reasons made them precious: that you cannot replace the raw material easily, and that you can reuse the material. So, people would not leave them for archaeologists to find. Archaeologists have found some fantastic metalware (tools or weapons) in Egypt, Mesopotamia and Anatolia very largely because they were buried with the dead or else they were buried as sacred foundations in temples, ancestor memorials, and so on. So, what are the dictum is that bronze artefacts are under-represented in the archaeological record.

This under-representation, incidentally, is the reason why we think there were no weapons of war, and therefore, no warfare! But there is the Kalibangan cylinder that shows two warriors with buns flanking a third person, probably a woman, with their arms raised, holding long-handled pointed weapons, probably swords or daggers. It is quite stunning to see that cylinder. There are ballista or baked clay missiles (that could be thrown at the enemy from the inside of a fort) found by Mortimer Wheeler on the parapet of the citadel wall of Mohenjo daro. J.P. Joshi carefully kept and counted the sling shots of stone that were lying around in the ruins of the small fortress of Surkotada, in eastern Kutch―300 stone ballistas, more than there were bangles. And, let us not forget, the elaborate gateway of that site (no enemy could rush in) where there are several turns in the entry ways. I think if students do not know they should keep in mind that ballista are known as late as the Roman empire and they were very common in Roman warfare. The massive and defended citadel of Dholavira, finally for now, is the most powerful argument against the rather silly statement that there was ‘no warfare’.

S: Let us stay with origins and ‘triggers’ for a bit. Was there an older stage from which the urban, Harappan culture grew? Was there a continuity with older ways of doing things like building houses or making pottery?

S.R.: The earlier cultures did anticipate the mature Harappan use of bricks and the method of brick laying. Professor Jonathan Mark Kenoyer found evidence that in the Early Harappan period there was—perhaps, nothing of this can be proved—that there was spinning of very fine thread—judging by the forms of the spindle whorls found at the pre-urban Harappa itself. Very, very small steatite beads, that are one of the signatures of Harappan ornamentations, have an old history. There was use of copper, not always cast, often beaten copper (treated like a stone—beaten), plus shankh shells and cryptocrystalline stones like agate and carnelian also used in the earlier period.  

Most importantly, the earlier period set the subsistence system in place with certain crops, all come from west Asian package. It was in the formative period that agriculture set in, with barley, wheat, peas, lentil—and these became the Harappan staples. At Kalibangan a field showed cross furrows as if there had been inter-cropping―one cropping one direction, another cropping another direction―which seems to indicate intensive agricultural use.

But writing, the inscribed intaglios seals with animal emblems and perforated bosses, cubical chert weights with precise weight-values, perhaps the spinning wheel (says Kenoyer), and full-fledged metallurgy with open-cast tools, bronze alloys, lost-wax casting (the Dancing Girl is an example of lost-wax casting which is a very intricate procedure in metallurgy), soldering, and even gold granulation―all of these come only in the Mature Harappan period. In the 1920s, people tried to copy this technique and after great efforts, they were able to find the granulation techniques. Also the allied technology of faience production, and a greater use of shell and ivory. In brief, there was a lot of innovation and a lot of new materials―there were more crafts and more craft skills, and the hallmarks of civilization like writing, seals, figurative sculpture and monumental buildings prevalent in the urban life. So, there were major changes amidst continuity.

We need to consider social change. There were major settlement shifts in the transition. Muhammad Rafique Mughal, the Pakistani archaeologist, made a detailed survey of the plains of Cholistan in Pakistan, the region south of the international frontier and around Fort Derawar. Settlement there was feasible because of the river (now dry) which is called Hakra. It is a downstream continuation of, what we call, the Ghaggar river in Haryana. Mughal’s survey identified sites of the earliest or Hakra period―the Early Harappan or formative stage, the Mature Harappan or urban stage, and the Post-Harappan period. What is interesting is that there were 37 Early Harappan sites out of which only three, later, had continued into the Mature Harappan habitation over the Early Harappan. The others were deserted. And there were 83 Mature Harappan sites. So, in the urban period most villages or towns were settled de novo in Cholistan. That means, people have had to move. It’s not such a long distance that you can say that they were pushed out because of the climate change or there was an invasion. I think a ruling class was forming or there was enmity; for some reason, people took refuge in larger settlements.   

Another important feature of the transition from the Early Harappan to late is that at three sites (Kot Diji, Gumla and Nausharo) there are destruction levels between the two phases—a thick layer of charcoal, ash, broken potsherds, broken bangles and burnt debris across these initially ‘Kot Dijian’ settlements—that precedes the level with Mature Harappan buildings and artefacts. So, some violence, some degree of forcible occupation, is thus evident; either there was warfare or a struggle for power. So, Harappan occupation on top, in one way, would have been a forcible occupation.

Also, there is an intriguing geographic pattern: Kot Dijian sites have been found in northern Pakistan on the Potwar plateau, and later, it was thickly populated during the Early Historic period also. With its good winter rainfall for the wheat and barley crops, this region attracted settlement, but not Mature Harappan settlement. North of Harappa there are no Harappan villages or towns on the Indus plain. Why not, in this productive land? I would guess that the Kot Dijian sites represent the territory of a chiefdom that in some way is a rival for trade routes to the Harappan system and blocking Harappan expansion northward. So, the important point is that C14 dating here represents that the Kot Dijian culture, which continued to flourish after 2600 BCE, was contemporary of the Harappan. The Harappan presence does not wipe out the Kot Diji culture, and it seems to wipe out the Amrian culture in Sindh.

So, there is the expected innovation in the midst of continuity during the transition, but also signals of political happenings.


S: In what kind of social ‘world’ did such major transformation―technological, social, cultural—come about?

S.R.​: First, there were regional cultures with their own pottery traditions that were incorporated into the Harappan system. That system would be part economic, part political and part cultural. I am not talking about the Kot Dijian culture of Punjab and the western hills, but there were others in Sind, the Sothi-Siswal culture in Rajasthan and Haryana, which is a kind of absorbed or interstitial culture within the Indus Ganga divide. There was the Anarta tradition of north Gujarat, and so on. In these areas Harappan artefacts are in use with the occasional glimpses of bead-type, bangles and pottery, spouts or a particular way of treating the surface of the pottery, of the local kind.

Then there were also the neighbours. In south Baluchistan, the Kulli culture settlements with stone houses and humped bulls painted on pots were influenced by the Harappan material culture. Carnelian beads, perforated cylindrical jars, a weight, the stray seal, are Harappan elements that were found in the Kulli territory. Maybe, there is some Kulli ceramic influence also in Harappan territory. This was, maybe, because a Harappan land route would have crossed southern Baluchistran for access to the port near Gwadar (the site is Sutkagen-dor). And we know the importance of Gwadar, which was a seaport―the westernmost known Harappan seaport for the trade to Oman and Mesopotamia.

There are other neighbours also. In the Jhelum valley near Srinagar was Burzahom, a neolithic settlement where people first lived in subterranean pit houses, the floors sunk into the plain and the walls provided by wooden posts. Later, they learnt to build sturdy houses above ground. It is the most beautiful archaeological site I have ever seen. Here too people learnt to grow wheat, barley and peas. And a pot was found at this site, which you can see in the National Museum (Delhi), containing about 900 carnelians. The beads appear to have been a gift of precious items from the Indus plains. Going into economic anthropology, would this be a gift of precious items for someone who was trying to contact the chief of Burzahom and trying to look around for fine wood and gold in Kashmir?

There is Kunal near Hissar on the plains, which has similar stuff. Here amongst the chalcolithic-neolithic remains that they had laid out in a pottery yard, pieces of Harappan pottery, thousands of small lapis lazuli and carnelian beads, and some silver and gold ornaments were found—again evidences of, probably, a gift from a Harappan visitor―a dignitary visiting a local dignitary. So, that is what I was saying, that to see this kind of reach, you have to get out of the river alluvium.

There was also Kayatha near Ujjain, also a chalcolithic site. Professor Dhavlikar says that in one house here, three different jars were buried under the floor, each with a different kind of Harappan type bead. So, he is not sure if these are definitely Harappan, that’s why he says Harappan type. I wonder, if it is a coincidence or whether it is significant that no etched carnelian bead—the Harappan attire of the highest prestige, we think―occurs amongst these simple villages.

All this aside, we must also give credence to the reality—albeit invisible—of pastoral movements in the spaces between Harappan settlements. Professor Gregory Possehl has said this in the beginning, and we had also worked on the pastoralists in the prehistory: Mehrgarh, e.g., cannot have been so important and have had so much exotic material if it had not been a winter staging post for pastoralists coming down from Baluchistan. In north Gujarat, along the eastern peripheries of the Little Rann of Kutch, occur animal-breeding stations which show some ceramic influence from Early Harappan Sind, i.e., Amrian culture. It must have been Sind from where the sheep and goats were brought to north Gujarat—no wild sheep/ goat ever roamed here. Only buffalos were probably the local wild animals of Kutch and north Gujarat that were domesticated and bred here.


​S.: We say our cultural roots lie in the Harappan age, and in South Asia through history, where the temple has been the node of cultural life in many ways. Yet there is no identifiable temple in the Harappan world. What shall we make of this?

S.R.​: The temple appears relatively late in South Asia, say in the late first millennium BCE, say the 2nd century BCE. Before that, the known ritual was the householder’s sacrifice. In the Rgveda, a householder calls a deity like Indra or Agni to a sacrifice, performed by a priest. The suktas of the Rgveda are invocations to the gods, only to be recited by a select few or specialists. But the whole country from 1700 BCE to 200 BCE could not have been organizing sacrifices of soma, milk, ghee and animals for the gods. Simple folk practices, we assume, would have been the usual form of religious expression.

Anthropologists have a degree of agreement on folk or popular religious practice, before formalization, before the advent of sacred texts and powerful priests. All polytheist or popular religions have life-cycle transitions such as birth, adulthood, marriage, death—rites of passage—with rituals enacted at those times.

All people left to themselves to face the challenges of life, believe in supernatural beings who bring health or disease, good fortune or bad. These beings are somewhat like humans but with special qualities like a deep understanding, or wisdom, or great speed, or invisibility. They reside in rocks or forest groves or in the foliage of trees. There are a few Harappan seals with the images of beings with horns and long hair, in tree branches. There are also some beings carved on seals or tablets that are part-animal and part-human. These kinds of things would have been part of the popular culture. There would be magical rites in a popular religion to influence such supernatural beings, say the goddess of safe child-birth. Magic and religion blend together.

There are practices that bring communities together. Dr Shubhangana Atre suggested there is an area on the Mohenjo daro citadel where remains of feasts are deposited. People also participate in processions. When R.S. Bisht dug Dholavira, he named certain low line area as ‘stadium’. The area is flanked on two sides with seats. It may have been a processional way because it is directly below that public inscription that stands at the north gateway of Dholavira citadel. There are pits at Kalibangan citadel with lots of animal bones: were these the places where animal sacrifice was conducted?

In days of yore, there were learned priests who exercised power and influence. There were shamans—men or women who had the skill to go into a trance and commune with the supernatural, to learn about how to heal a person, to ask who was guilty of a theft, and so on. These are not people who were possessed―shamans go themselves to gods and commune with them. (My theory is that the ‘Pashupati’ on the famous seal is a shaman in the forest. I may be wrong.)

Instead of gods carved in stone or metal and established in temples, there were tutelary spirits or gods who were often not present in human form—just certain stones, or the sound of the wind in a forest, indicated their presence. At the boundary of a village, there could be a tree or a hill where the guardian god protected the people from enemies.

So testimony to Harappan religion is sometimes just logical, in the nature of popular religion, it sometimes lies in small things like imagery on seals, or votive items like beads, or amulets or apotropaic items like small engraved copper sheets with signs of the script on one side, and animal images on the other face.

And there are urban spaces: processional ways, the remains of feasts, and the Great Bath at Mohenjo-daro where royalty may have gone for anniversaries; for rituals of rejuvenation (immersion in water). It is not like a south Indian temple tank. There are a few steps at opposite ends of the tank. It’s not a very deep tank. And there is a fenestrated courtyard around it. So, perhaps priests in procession would go around, or some kind of holy man, or royalty going for annual rejuvenation, coronation or inauguration proceedings. 


S.: Your research began with investigations of the Harappan sea trade with southern Mesopotamia and the Gulf.  Do you stand by the connection you made between the end of this trade and the decline of the Harappan civilization?

S.R.​: People have criticised this idea. The thinking behind my idea was that, although, the list of Harappan imports is not long, we have evidences of bronze, silver, wool and woollen cloth (mentioned in cuneiform texts), intricately carved stone vessels with mythological scenes (that we are not able to decipher so far, excavated in Mohenjo daro) of ritual use, the odd pearl or mother-of-pearl from the waters of Bahrain, and so on. And there is also archaeological evidence of the other kind: there is scrappy but real Harappan material in Oman. There are black-slipped jars in which people may have carried liquids, the odd Harappan bead, etched carnelian beads, inscribed sherds, etc. For centuries, the peninsula of Oman was a copper-rich area. It was thickly forested; nothing of that forest and very little of the copper remains now.

The value of copper or bronze would have been of very high value in a system where it was needed for wood-cutting tools, for boat and cart building, for long roof beams in the Mohenjo daro houses, for fine-edged saws for slicing shells to make bangles. So, I was thinking it could have been the core of the external trade to keep the flows coming in. Also, it is a very intricate system: if you are trading abroad you have to set up a knowledge of needed specialities which is a most powerful indicator of the earliest states and the knowledge system that they had to have. In a civilization it is the state administration which gathered knowledge of the world outside, equipped expeditions for extracting material or for exchanging things with others (as at Burzahom). In Mesopotamia, a seal was found with a person’s name and his title: ‘Official Interpreter or Dragoman of Meluhha’. Dragoman is one rare Sumerian word, which has continued into the English vocabulary. What was an official interpreter of Meluhha doing there? So, knowledge gaining is also there. And what happens if the trade fizzles out? Then this kind of intricate system also fizzles out. One could also reverse the causation and hold that once the state and its institutions of co-ordination and diplomacy and workshops began to fizzle out, so did their overseas trade. 

I think trade could have fizzled out at the Mesopotamian end because there was an economic decline: around 1800 BCE: the yields of agriculture had fallen to about 35% per hectare of the yields in 2800 BCE. It is because of the salinity in the soil and over-tilling of the soil for the purposes of the state and temple. So, Ur and other southern cities, which actually saw Harappan ports sailing in to the mouth of Euphrates, were superseded by other political centres further north. Ur was attacked and its palace reduced to ruin. And in place of Indian wood it was now the Lebanon ranges that supplied cedar wood, metals and stones from the Zagros mountains and Anatolian plateau. The Euphrates, in fact, became a busy trade route. So, it can work out both ways―trade is the cause of the state, and its decline is the cause of the end of the trade.

I am willing to be corrected on this causation.


S.: When our data come from things in the ground, not from any written sources, where do you think the scope lies for further research?

S.R.​: I think the scope lies in these data from the ground. We can do research with many of the artefacts that have been excavated, comparing the artefacts from one site with those of another site to explain the similarities and the differences. Someone could do some experimental work with steatite carving. What shape of bronze tools were used to carve the seals in negative relief?  What kind of visual skills does a person need to write something in mirror-image, so that a seal when impressed will bring the writing in readable form? But this is all possible if proper records are kept―in the trench, when they are found—of whether they occurred in a hearth or in a pit, the location of that pit, whether it was in the courtyard of the house, what is the number of that house, what other things did that house produce, and so on.

​So then I think we would have to go to other kinds of research and exercise our minds. I wonder if I will one day do this: you look at all the animals that have been portrayed on the seals. They are dangerous animals, animals of the forest: tigers, elephant, rhino… You list the animals that have been portrayed in clay. This will not be an easy task, because they tend to be very roughly portrayed, you can’t identify the species often, but one can guess at it. Then look at all the bones that the archaeo-zoologists have identified in the wild category and see how do they match up. Was there really forest encroaching on Mohenjo daro in those days, or were they going out? How do they portray the tiger so superbly? Did the tiger encroach because its own forest had been eaten up by human beings? We don’t know.

I think it is time archaeologists and geologists came together, and the geologists guided us on the perviousness of that Khadir Island rock. And the well on Dholavira citadel is the biggest known Harappan well. It has a diameter of four and a half metres, which is twice as large as the biggest Mohenjo daro well. They didn’t find its lowest level—they couldn’t, someone would have died if they went on digging down there. But how far down could it have gone, and would it have tapped the same aquifer as the tanks at Dholavira which lie just below the citadel? Would their water have ensured seepage and replenishing of the well?

We could take a site where the excavated material has been carefully recorded and study the pottery from the functional angle—eating, eating together, cooking, bowls for milk, jars for cheese, serving food at ceremonial occasions, etc.  The Khirsara Netra finds of reserve-slip ware are fascinating, though small and not easily reconstructed.

And we should be digging sites with an open mind, so that stone and clay spheres are not thrown out as ‘primitive hunter’s’ weapons! 


S.: What do you explain to your students in terms of the relevance of studying these sites, the archaeology, the linkages? How do you excite them about this, what is it that you say as to this is why we do this kind of research?

S.R.: I think one way is not to make it too gas and theory, so that, as human beings, they can relate to it. If you are living in Dholavira, let’s say it really is an island, you cannot replenish its water supply easily, then what would you do? How would you cater for the future, as once in every 12 years there will be no rainfall at all there? This kind of thing can excite them.

The other thing is that they should be digging in the way in which Mr. Bisht made them do in Dholavira, he said you haven't learned to dig until the skin of your fingers has come off. But also record, write as you dig. And read—you do not know everything because you have been excavating at a site. You must read also, and know what people before you have said, and connect up. In this way, you can excite them. It doesn't have to be remote.


S.: And in terms of the relevance of the study?

S.R.: For me, the most relevant thing I have seen in Mohenjo daro and the area of the Indus plain, is that the greatest valued resource was the water underground. And what do we do? We have pulled it up, even the Pakistanis today. The water has come up, and it all began in Pakistan with the British period canals. They kept canals without any drainage. They just let them be open canals, so if the Indus or any river overflowed, the water went out, then it went out anywhere. There was salinization. It was so ill conceived, that this precious resource has been lost.


S.: In terms of popular representation, since we had that film Mohenjo daro recently, what do you feel, when something like that comes out, about the role of popular culture to bring out more information? Is there a possibility?

S.R.: Popular culture wants instant bytes. If they are willing to sit, discuss and read, then why not. I saw a clip of the Mohenjo daro film, the varieties of dress and hairstyles. I was looking because the clay figurines have N-number of hairstyles. And when I am on international flights, I am surprised to see girls with those varieties of hairstyles, two plaits, ringlets or high in a bun. So, I was looking at that in the Mohenjo daro film, but it just went beserk with everything.

You just need to connect. And don’t connect saying that I am a Hindu and that man in Mohenjo daro was a Hindu. That is silly. And don’t try to play games with Pakistan, and say that Rakhigarhi was a more important and bigger site than Mohenjo daro. That is nonsense. Rakhigarhi has, first of all, occupation of later periods. It is a disjointed site. How can you say it is bigger? How much have you found there? How much written material have you found in Rakhigarhi? Not so much. And how does it matter if Pakistan has better sites? We will go and work there. Why do we feel so intimidated?


S.: That is actually an interesting point you are making. Your experience in terms of field work, looking at history like this also, in a way erases the borders as well. So, from that perspective of being there, having travelled there, worked there, what would say about the role history can play in re-forming our narratives?

S.R.: I think history can play a very big role. I will give very anecdotal examples: when I stepped off the plain at Karachi to Mohenjo daro, I saw two men, and I said, 'These are the representatives of the Pakistan Archaeological Service.' And they said, 'When we saw you we also knew.' Out of the whole crowd, we identified each other. Then I spent three days and three nights just talking to them. They said that they wanted some books on Indian numismatics, which I was able to send them. And when I went to Lahore, they asked me, 'How did you like it?' and I said, 'I can’t tell you how wonderful that experience was.' A young man got up and said, 'I went out to see your country to study the Mughal gardens in Kashmir and I had the same thrill.' This is what we get from a past, which we know is a common past, when we can observe it from his point of view for a change.


S.: That is wonderful. Thank you so much.


S.R.: Thank you.
January 2015

The Riddle Of The Harappan Clay Figurines…

Ms. Shereen Ratnagar, eminent archeologist and Rabindranath Tagore National Fellow, has done years of research on the Harappan clay figurines of women which are considered an archeological marvel. Are they just women, mothers and workers?  Or are they mother goddesses worshipped by this ancient civilization? Shereen Ratnagar discussed various aspects and findings of these clay figures to bring a new insight into one of world’s unique, prehistoric urban culture…
By Vimla Patil
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
A Clay Figurine
Shereen Ratnagar’s recent talk at the CSMVS (formerly Prince of Wales Museum of Western India) in Mumbai was about the clay figurines of women – and men – found in the Mohenjo Daro and Harappan civilization relics. These have inspired archeologists through the centuries, to wager several theories about what they represent and what place they had in the art or religion of these prehistoric civilizations.



Sir John Marshall
The earliest research expert to draw the world’s attention to these figurines was Sir John Marshall, a British archeologist, who held the position of the Director General of the Archeological Survey of India for 26 years. It was he who first to lead an extensive excavation which led to the discovery of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro, two cities which were relics of the Indus Valley Civilization. An alumnus of the Cambridge University’s famous King’s College, he changed the view of the British Raj and created new schemes for saving ancient objects and listing them in order. He also trained teams of Indian workers to make this job efficiently. For his work, he was knighted in 1915. He is credited with creating the foundation of the Taxila Museum, cleaning up Sanchi and Sarnath and undertook several projects to put before the world the ancient Indian Indus Valley Civilization.
This civilization and the cities it included in it are dated to 6000 BC and occupy sites in the Punjab and Sindh of pre-division India. Scholars have found that the people of this civilization had a writing system, an early social and economic network which together create an urban culture.
___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Did you know?

A Clay Figurine

During the excavations and research, many clay figurines of women – and some men – were found. In an early statement about these, Marshall opined that the female figurines were Mother Goddesses and represented the religious beliefs of the people of these civilizations. His views have been the accepted basis of research for many past decades. However, more recently, scholars began to rethink about these figurines. Marshall’s view of the religious content of the civilizations is now being re-examined and new explanations are being offered by more recent researchers. Judging from the figurines made of long lasting clay, new researchers are  interpreting  the  nudity or semi nudity of the figures to linked to the realm of ghosts, demons, ancestral memories, magic spells – all of which show the meaning of such images in a newly urbanized society.
Further, in the period 1986-1990, a new view of the Harappan excavations was promoted in a book called A Multidisciplinary Approach to Third Millennium Urbanism which was edited by Richard H. Meadow.
The speaker, Shereen Ratnagar, has done research on such interpretations and various aspects of the Indus Civilization, including its early formation as a state in her research as a Rabindranath Tagore Fellow. 

http://www.vimlapatil.com/vimlablog/the-riddle-of-the-harappan-clay-figurines/

Early civilisation and the first Gods  
  •  

    The Mother Goddess  The people of the Indus Valley cities, also worshiped a Mother Goddess. The importance accorded to these roles and also to the feminine, can be drawn from the number of figurines excavated. The important uncovered poses include – a Dancing Girl, and terracotta figurines of what can be identified as Fertility goddess.
    Mother Goddess figurine
    MOTHER GODDESS FIGURINE
    Metal figurine of Dancing Lady
    METAL FIGURINE OF DANCING LADY
    Terracotta Fertility Goddess
    TERRACOTTA FERTILITY GODDESS, SOURCE: HARAPPA.COM





     Terracotta Goddess with protruding head
    TERRACOTTA GODDESS WITH PANNIER HEADDRESS. SOURCE: HARAPPA.COM





     One of the largest female figurines found at Harappa has a (badly broken) fan-shaped pannier headdress with black residue in the cups of the panniers and a forward-projecting face. She is heavily ornamented with an elaborate choker and two other necklaces, each with three strands and many pendants. This elaborate ornamentation of figurines is one reason that female figurines have often been interpreted as deities, most commonly as “Mother Goddesses.”

    Residues that may indicate burning of oils or other substances in the panniers have also prompted a cultic interpretation and ritual worship. [http://www.harappa.com/figurines/15.html

    ]

    https://www.asabharwal.com/early-civilisation-and-the-first-gods/

    Women in Ancient Sindh: Bronze Age Figurines of the Indus Valley Civilization

    In this 2004 article from the quarterly publication Sindh Watch, Paolo Biagi synthesizes the evidence of female clay figurines from Bronze Age sites in the Indus Valley to highlight the social and cultural roles of women in that society. He draws on earlier evidence from the neolithic site of Mehrgarh, in Balochistan, as well as that from mature Harappan sites like Mohenjodaro and Harappa. Based on this analysis he offers the following insights into the role of women as depicted in the figurines:
    "Although little is known of the true role women played in the Indus Valley Civilization...there is little doubt that many of them represent fertility images, as suggested by characteristics depicted in the statuettes. The hairstyles, ornaments and dressing clearly indicate the important prominence assigned to women at that time in what appeared to be a nearly egalitarian society. Additionally, the bronze 'Dancing Girls' statuettes suggest specific, public activities played by women at that time. Of extreme interest is also the occurrence of specific naturalistic goddesses and their priestesses, which suggest that the Indus people worshipped a goddess whose domain was the forest."
    Photo credits: "Standing Mother," National Museum of India, Delhi
    https://www.harappa.com/content/women-ancient-sindh-bronze-age-figurines-indus-valley-civilization



    2004 From a history of the portrait in art David J Bromley, M.F.A. inst.
    2004 Section Class Portfolio:
    A Glimpse at the Human Figurines of the Indus Valley Civilization - Jithin R. Veer

    Seated Mother Goddess of Çatal Hüyük
    c. 6000 B.C.
    The Fall 2004 Module, "History of the Portrait," focused on the evolution of art, beginning from ancient drawings of animals, and sometimes humans, on cave walls, to figurine sculptures such as "fertility figures," and on to artwork during the Egyptian, Greek, and Roman eras, eventually leading to the more sophisticated portraiture of the Northern and Southern European Renaissance. I found the concept of human figurines to be very interesting because I did not expect figurines of the Paleolithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic Eras to be ancestors of the Renaissance-era work of da Vinci, or Velasquez, or the predecessors of modern paintings from artists such as Picasso or Dali. The human figurines discussed in class were primarily "fertility figures"– figures paying homage to the fertility of the female and the virility of the male in the act of procreation -- originating from European, or "Western" cultures such as Mesopotamia, closer to the waters of the Mediterranean. Professor Bromley mentioned in class that Eastern European art of the Paleolithic through the Neolithic Eras focused more on this type of sculpture compared to portraiture. However, the use of human figurines is not exclusive to Western art; it extends to the art of Eastern Asian cultures as well. Human figures of the ancient Indus Valley Civilization in present-day Pakistan and India of South Asia exemplify the common use of human figurines as fertility figures, and also illustrate the roles of children, women, and men of Indus Valley culture. The Indus human figurines are somewhat similar in their purpose in society, but are differentiated from their Western counterparts in the figurines’ ornamental features.

    During the Paleolithic and much of the Neolithic Eras, mankind was primarily living as a hunter-gatherer lifestyle, first using stones as tools. Humans needed to hunt animals for their sustenance; communal bonds between hunters and their families may have developed, but the need to settle permanently on the land was not justified. However, by the end of the Neolithic Era, a few civilizations such as Egypt and Mesopotamia in the West/Middle East, and the Indus Valley and China in the East, began to develop as people began to depend on each other for physical, psychological, and cultural means. Of these ancient civilizations, perhaps it is the Indus Valley Civilization that is most easily overlooked by modern researchers. Nevertheless, the Indus Valley Civilization was one of the most advanced settlements of its day. Situated along the banks of the Indus River moving inland from the Arabian Sea, the Indus Valley Civilization is thought to have extended for about 700 years, from around 2600 to 1900 BC. The Indus Valley Civilization was only brought to an end by a combination of attacks by Aryan neighbors to the west and a decline caused by an overextension of resources. The Indus Valley Civilization could be best described as a complex network of at least 1500 towns and cities spread over 680,000 sq. kilometers of land. The inhabitants of the Indus Valley are believed to have been dark-skinned, or Dravidian, most likely ancestors of the darker-skinned peoples of South India. A few of the most well-known Indus cities include Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa. All cities were designed according to a master plan, and featured organized housing for the rulers, well-to-do, and the commoners. Most cities were constructed out of brick and featured communal areas such as "Great Baths," likely used for cultural/spiritual purposes. Cities were also advanced – in Mohenjo Daro, every house had a private well dug deep to provide water, along with public wells located outside for the general public and travelers. All cities also had an organized system to safely transport sewage waste away, and most houses had private bathing areas and latrines. While the language(s) of the Indus Valley have not yet been deciphered, evidence of written documents and inscriptions prove the presence of sophisticated communication in the Indus society. Art and cultural development was also important to the dwellers of the Indus Valley Civilization. The importance of art can be seen on ornamented seals belonging to rulers, to terra-cotta disposable drinking cups.

    Dancing Girl of Mohenjo-daro
    c. 2500 B.C.

    Beaded necklace of the Indus Valley
    c. 2,600 – 1,900 B.C.
     Jewelry was highly ornamented, and every man and woman wore at least one piece of jewelry. A few types of jewelry such as necklaces and bangles show direct lineage to the more ornamented necklaces and bangles of modern Indian jewelry. 

    Terra-cotta figure with a headdress of flowers
    c. 3000 B.C.
    Human figurines were also found in the Indus Valley. Like other civilizations such as Mesopotamia which featured human figurines, the use of these figurines was to primarily celebrate childbirth and fertility in the female and virility for the male. It is presumed that the human figurines may have been involved in a cultural or ceremonial event. However, one reason why human figurines are often hard to find intact or in good condition in the Indus Valley is that the figurines were often given as toys to children after their ceremonial use and then likely discarded. This is in sharp contrast to Mesopotamia, where human figurines were often involved in the burial process. In addition, the figurines at the Indus Valley excavation sites were found to be primarily made out of the medium terra-cotta.
    Figurines of children are a common find among the Indus figurines. Children were highly revered as they were the products of the successful act of procreation and childbirth. Due to complications in pregnancy, the mortality rate for women and children during childbirth was relatively high. Many children figurines are actually children nursing at the breasts of their mother. The position of the figurine is usually a nursing infant situated on the left hip, while leaving the mother’s right arm free to perform other tasks. This anatomical position is similar to the characteristic pose of Indian village women, nursing their young, today. Like other civilizations of the time, the children are depicted to be primarily male, perhaps showing a gender bias. However, the children figurines of the Indus Valley are markedly different than their counterparts in the West in their ornamentation. Children figurines of the Indus are usually shown nude, but their ornamentation often includes a necklace and a turban (males). This is culturally significant because both genders wore necklaces and the turban is a hairdressing still worn today by many Indian men. Other figurines of children include their toys as well. One common toy many children figurines have in their hand or are associated, is a small disc. These small discs are part of a game called "pittu." In this game, still played today in North India and Pakistan, a group of children stack up their discs and attempt to knock all of the discs down by throwing a ball. Other games include terra-cotta spinning tops and miniature objects such as musical instruments and cooking pans, meant to prepare children for an adult life.

    "Figurines of women are perhaps the most plentiful of the figurines in Indus Valley. The reason for this is unknown, but it proposed that women were given a special place culturally in society, due to their ability to produce offspring. Indeed, studies of burial sites at Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa have shown that a man was often buried with his wife’s family. The female figurines are easily distinguished by a curving, pear-shaped body with large protruding breasts. The effect of these female figurines is two-fold: it emphasizes the beauty, and phallic/ sexual nature of the female; but at the same time, cherishes the nurturing, motherly nature of the female. The figurines of the women tend to also be heavily ornamented. It is, therefore, easier to learn about the culture of the Indus Valley through these female figurines." (encarta.msn.com)

    The head region of the figurines usually show a complex arrangement of hair and flowers and usually head ornaments, therefore showing a greater cultural interest in hair style, likely related to a particular ethnic community or family within the civilization. On many figurines seen today, parts of the headdresses have broken off. Clothing on women figurines include short skirts. Additional ornaments on the female figurines include belts, necklaces, and bangles. While males also wore these accessories, the female figurines demonstrate that the women most likely wore larger, more prominent necklaces, and a variety of many bangles on their arm. In reality, this jewelry was gold, bronze, agate, ivory, and semiprecious stones. However, in the figurines, they are simply outlined and sculpted onto the surface. Almost all figurines were crafted from terra-cotta, but a few sculptures towards the end of the Indus Valley Civilization have been cast of bronze. Modern bronze sculptures, especially prominent in Hindu India, seem to have originated from the human figurines of the Indus Valley.

    Figurines of men are slightly harder to find in the Indus Valley excavations compared to those of females. Figurines of men tend to be more simplistic, and little can be told of their clothing or accessories they may have worn. This is because most male figurines are shown in the nude. The reason for this is not known, but could be because of the ceremonial purposes of the male figurine related to strength and virility. Because the male figurines were not considered to be as beautiful as the female figurines, many male figurines studied today are broken in half or have substantial parts missing. Nevertheless, it is possible to reconstruct the ornamental design of the male figurines and draw parallels to the Indus Valley society. For example, almost all male figurines have a turban, or similar style of headdress. Some male figurines which are intact with their arms may hold a spear, signaling strength and protection of the Indus from outside attack. Many adult male figurines have a projection on the chin for a beard, some closely combed, others combed out, and spread wide. Male figurines tend to have much less jewelry than the females; male jewelry in the Indus Valley figurines typically includes one necklace or one bangle on an arm. It is likely that the materials used to make these ornaments for men were different than the materials and styles used for the women, however it is difficult to make a distinction in the figurines themselves. However, males in higher socio-economic levels tended to have more ornaments; the famous "Priest-King" sculpture (right) of Mohenjo-Daro shows multiple pieces of jewelry, such as a bangle and a headband.
    The human figurines of the Indus Valley Civilization reflect the common use of figurines in all cultures during this time period, to celebrate the act of procreation and childbirth. While celebrating fertility and virility may seem arcane in a modern context, producing children successfully was a crucial yet dangerous task for all members of society, in order to ensure survival of the family unit, civilization, and their culture. However, the human figurines of the Indus Valley Civilization are unique in that their figurines are more than objects celebrating procreation – the figurines also include details of the clothing, jewelry, hair styles, and toys that were integral to the Indus Valley Civilization. While much of the puzzles surrounding life in ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, and China have been solved by extensive research, excavation, and a deciphering of their languages, modern society is only now beginning to unlock the stories behind one of the oldest civilizations of the world - the Indus Valley Civilization. Because the ancient languages of the Indus have not been deciphered yet, by studying the significance of these human figurines and other pieces of art, researchers can better understand the civilization that is arguably the birthplace of all modern cultures of the Indian subcontinent.

    2200-1900 B.C.
    References
    "Indus Valley Civilization." Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia Online. Internet. Online ed. 2004. <http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761556839/Indus_Valley_Civilization.html>
    Urmila, Sant. Terracotta Art of Rajasthan (From Pre-Harappan and Harappan Times to the Gupta Period). New Delhi, India: Aryan Books International, 1997.
    Pulsipher, Lydia Mihelic, and Alex Pulsipher. World Regional Geography. 2nd ed. New York: W. H. Freeman and Company, 2003.
    Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark. Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.
    Bromley, David J. 17 Dec 2004. History of Portraiture - VCU Honors. 01 Nov 2004. <http://www.artviews.net>.
    http://www.people.vcu.edu/~djbromle/artviewsnet/portrait04/jithin/indusvalley.htm

    [quote]
    The Indus Valley Civilization ensued during the Bronze Age (3300–1300 BCE; mature period 2600–1900 BCE). It mostly spread along the Indus and the Punjab region, extending into the Ghaggar-Hakra river valley and the Ganga-Yamuna Doab, surrounding most of what is now Pakistan, the western states of modern-day India, as well as extending into south-eastern Afghanistan, and the easternmost part of Baluchistan, Iran.
    Map of the Indus Valley Civilization

    The geography of the Indus Valley put the civilizations that arose there in a similar situation to those in Egypt and Peru, with rich agricultural lands being surrounded by highlands, desert, and ocean. Of late, Indus sites had been discovered in Pakistan's north-western Frontier Province as well. Other smaller isolated colonies were found as far away as Turkmenistan. Coastal settlements extended from Sutkagan Dor in Western Baluchistan to Lothal in Gujarat. An Indus Valley site was located on the Oxus River at Shortughai in northern Afghanistan,
    By 2600 BCE, early communities turned into large urban centres. Such inner-city centres included Harappa, Ganeriwala, Mohenjo-Daro in Pakistan, and Dholavira, Kalibangan, Rakhigarhi, Rupar, and Lothal in India. In total, over 1,052 cities and settlements have been found, mainly in the region of the Indus and the tributaries.
    Steatite seals had images of animals, people (perhaps gods), and other types of inscriptions, including the yet un-deciphered writingsystem of the Indus Valley Civilization. A number of gold, terra-cotta and stone figurines of girls in dancing poses showed the presence of some dance form. Also, these terra-cotta figurines included cows, bears, monkeys, and dogs. Sir John Marshall reacted with surprise when he saw the famous Indus bronze statuette of a slender-limbed dancing girl in Mohenjo-Daro:
    When I first saw I found it difficult to believe that they were prehistoric; they seemed to completely upset all established ideas about early art, and culture. Modelling such as this was unknown in the ancient world up to the Hellenistic age of Greece, and I thought, therefore, that some mistake must surely have been made; that these figures had found their way into levels some 3000 years older than those to which they properly belonged.
    Now, in these statuettes, it was just this anatomical truth which was so startling; that made us wonder whether, in this all-important matter, Greek artistry could possibly have been anticipated by the sculptors of a far-off age on the banks of the Indus.
    Dancing girl of Mohenjo Daro

    It was widely suggested that the Harappan people worshipped a Mother goddess symbolizing fertility. A few Indus valley seals displayed  swastika sign which were there in many religions, especially in Indian religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. The earliest evidence for elements of Hinduism is before and during the early Harappan period. Phallic symbols close to the Hindu Shiva lingam was located in the Harappan ruins.
    Mohenjo-Daro or “heap of the dead” was the largest city excavated of the Indus Valley, or Harappa Civilization. Mohenjo-Daro was a Sindhi word in the locality meaning ‘mound of the dead’...

    Hwen Tsang in 630-635 CE saw a palisade (stupa) of Mauryan times. It was one hundred feet high. Cunningham said of this pillar:
    The principality of Middle Sind, which is generally known as Vichalo or ‘Midland’ is described by Hwen Tsang as only 2,500 li or 417 miles in circuit. The chief city, named ‘O-fan-cha’ was at 700 li or 117 miles from the capital of the upper Sind, and 50 miles from Pitasala, the capital of lower Sind. As the former was Alor, and the latter was almost certainly the Pattale of the Greeks or Haiderabad, the recorded distances fix the position of O-fan-cha in the immediate neighbourhood vicinity of the ruins of an ancient city called Bambhra-ka-Thul or simply Bambhar. This, according to tradition, was the site of the once famous city of Brahmanwas or Brahmanabad […].
    The city can be located because the circumstances are narrated in detail. The king of the city had previously submitted, but the citizens withheld their allegiance, and shut their gates. By a stratagem, they were induced to come out, and a conflict ensued, in which Ptolemy was seriously wounded in the shoulder by a poisoned sword. The mention of Ptolemy’s wound enables us to identify this city with that of Hermetalia, which Diodorus describes as the ‘last town of the Brahmins on the river. 
    Hermes in Greek is the muted term for Brahma. The Chinese syllable fan is the well-known phrasing of Brahma. Hence, both O-fan-cha and Hermetalia is a direct wording of Bambhra-ka-thul or Brahma-sthal. From all these discussions, it seemed certain that what Hwen Tsang visited was the city of Mohenjo-Daro and its real name was Brahma-sthal or Brahmanabad.  The meaning of the name Mohenjo-Daro is ‘Heap of the Dead’. Such a name seems peculiar for a prosperous city like this.
    The Hindi word was mohan jodad.o. This word jodad.o had cognates in many mleccha, meluhha languages. The Sindhi word d.a_r.o meant ‘feast given to relatives in honour of the dead’. A number of scholars made out that meluhha was the Sumerian name for mleccha, meaning non-Vedic, barbarian. It was used by the Aryans much as the ancient Greeks used barbaros, indicating garbled speech of foreigners or native people of the country.
    The city flourished between 2600 BCE and 1900 BCE, although the first signs of settlement in the area had been dated to the period of 3500 BCE. Excavation at this level was impossible due to the high water table that made even simple excavations of Mohenjo-Daro difficult. The city covered around 200 hectares of land and at its height might have had a population of 85, 000 people. The site was located in the modern Larkana district of Sind province in Pakistan. Mohenjo-Daro was the largest city in the southern portion of the Indus Valley Civilization and important for trade and governance of this area.
    The Great Mound, or Citadel, stood out the west end of Mohenjo-Daro. The mound rose 40 feet about the plain at present time; it would have been higher at the time Mohenjo-Daro was inhabited. There was a gap between the mound and the lower city. Because of the large size and separation from the rest of the city, it was thought the mound might have been used for a religious or administrative purpose. This hypothesis was supported by the architecture found on the top of the mound. The mound at Mohenjo-Daro had two distinct features: the Great Bath and the Granary or Meeting hall. The Great Bath was a sunken tank on the top of the mound; the tank was 12 meters long, 7 meters wide and was sunk 2.4 meters below the depth of the mud bricks that enclosed it. The Great Bath was one of the first aspects of Indus Valley life that could be related to modern Hinduism. The Great Bath might also be linked to the concept of river worship, much like the worship of the River Ganga today.[unquote]
    http://www.ancient.eu/article/230/ 

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    Bronze Age fluvial landscapes & water management in Sarasvati Civilization: Fuller, Danino, Giosan, Ratnagar, Chamyal

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    0

    The debate is ongoing on language spoken by and migrations of Sarasvati civilization people. The debate also covers water management systems in relation to glacial flows, monsoon-fed channels and water management through networks of reservoirs and wells. 

    Vedic Sarasvati River was a navigable waterway which linked Mesopotamia and Sarasvati civilizations. The major sources of tin extended the trade links to the Far East, the largest tinbelt of the globe with the intermediation of seafaring merchants and artisans of Bhāratam Janam.
    Image result for tin belt mekong
    Image result for tin belt mekong

    The debate should be joined on what made Bhārat (Ancient India) the largest contributor (over 32%) of world GDP in 1CE.
    Image result for 2500 BCE archaeological sites satellite images migrations ancient india

    Across the Indian Ocean: the prehistoric movement of plants and animals
    Dorian Q Fuller, Nicole Boivin, Tom Hoogervorst, Robin Allaby

    Schematic map of major Bronze Age translocations 
    Here is a major research project that is peopling the Indian Ocean with prehistoric seafarers exchanging native crops and stock between Africa and India. Not the least exciting part of the work is the authors’ contention that the prime movers of this maritime adventure were not the great empires but a multitude of small-scale entrepreneurs.

    For the article, click here

    Read on...

    https://www.academia.edu/23253475/The_Sarasvati_River_-_an_educational_module  The Sarasvati River - an educational module by Michel Danino

    Tracing the Vedic Saraswati River in the Great Rann of Kachchh

    Received:
    Accepted:
    Published online:

    Abstract

    The lost Saraswati River mentioned in the ancient Indian tradition is postulated to have flown independently of the Indus River into the Arabian Sea, perhaps along courses of now defunct rivers such as Ghaggar, Hakra and Nara. The persistence of such a river during the Harappan Bronze Age and the Iron Age Vedic period is strongly debated. We drilled in the Great Rann of Kachchh (Kutch), an infilled gulf of the Arabian Sea, which must have received input from the Saraswati, if active. Nd and Sr isotopic measurements suggest that a distinct source may have been present before 10 ka. Later in Holocene, under a drying climate, sediments from the Thar Desert probably choked the signature of an independent Saraswati-like river. Alternatively, without excluding a Saraswati-like secondary source, the Indus and the Thar were the dominant sources throughout the post-glacial history of the GRK. Indus-derived sediment accelerated the infilling of GRK after ~6 ka when the Indus delta started to grow. Until its complete infilling few centuries ago, freshwater input from the Indus, and perhaps from the Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara, probably sustained a productive marine environment as well as navigability toward old coastal Harappan and historic towns in the region.

    Introduction

    The Great Rann of Kachchh (GRK) is a landlocked and largely infilled shallow marine basin connected to the Arabian Sea, neighboring the Indus delta to the east. Thar Desert and Aravalli Hills border GRK to the north and northeast respectively (Fig. 1a and b). At present GRK is a monotonous, salt-encrusted, vast mudflat, largely dried up during early summer (i.e., March–July) and inundated during the summer monsoon and winter season (i.e., July to February). Strong summer monsoon winds push seawater from the Arabian Sea into the GRK; usually the water does not evacuate or evaporate until the next summer12. Owing to the harsh conditions, lack of accessibility and limited sediment exposure, only a few geomorphological and geoarchaeological studies are available for the region1,2,3,4,5,6.

    Figure 1
    Figure 1
    (a) Regional drainage pattern for the western continental margin of the Indian plate. Dotted lines are the paleochannels of the Vedic Saraswati River after Ghose et al.11 and Kar and Ghose48. The box represents the area shown in b. Location of the Dhordo core site and river sediment samples analyzed are also shown. (b) Geomorphic setting of the Great Rann of Kachchh (GRK) basin with surrounding hinterland and core locations. NPF- Nagar Parkar Fault, IBF- Island Belt Fault, KMF- Kachchh mainland Fault, KHF- Katrol hill Fault, NKF- North Kathiawar Fault, SWF- South Wagad Fault, P- Pachham Island, K-Khadir Island, B- Bela Island and C- Chorar Island. Core location: DH- Dhordo core raised from central GRK basin. Maps were prepared using a licensed copy of Ocean Data49 View (https://odv.awi.de/).
    Figure 1
    Several sites of the Bronze Age Harappan civilization flourished in and around GRK, including the large town of Dholavira on Khadir Island (Fig. 1b). As the Harappan coastal economy was probably dependent on maritime trade, the history of these towns was controlled by access to the Arabian Sea, which in turn was dependent on local sea level and fluvial infilling of the GRK7,8. Previous studies postulated that a now extinct Vedic Saraswati River sourced in the Himalaya9or Sub-Himalaya810 reached down into the Arabian Sea as an independent river, parallel to the Indus1112. Such a river must have discharged into the paleo-gulf of GRK to reach the Arabian Sea. However, in spite of its geological and archaeological significance, GRK remains one of the least investigated regions of the Harappan domain13.
    One of the keys to understand the geological and geomorphological evolution of the GRK is to fingerprint and resolve its potential sediment sources. Such sources may include the Indus River, the postulated Saraswati, the Arabian Sea shelf, the mainland Kachchh, Thar Desert and the Aravalli Ranges. In the present study we reconstruct sediment sources for the past ~17 ka6using radiogenic tracers (i.e., Nd and Sr isotopes) in sediment core recovered from the GRK. The main goal of our study is to assess whether a Himalayan/Sub-Himalayan river reached the GRK independently of the Indus and for how long such a river was active, if at all.
    Neodymium and strontium isotopes are some of the most robust provenance proxies. Nd is undergoing negligible alteration during erosion, sediment transport and deposition14,15,16,17whereas Sr has been shown to be a good indicator of provenance in our study area1819. In our regional context, such studies have proven useful to explore erosion patterns, transport pathways, and provenance shifts for the Ganga–Brahmaputra172021 as well as the Indus1922fluvial systems. In addition, terrains neighboring the GRK such as the Thar Desert23,24,25, outcropping volcanics26 and Mesozoic rocks on Kachchh mainland27 have also been investigated for their Nd-Sr isotopic compositions.

    Results

    The sediment core was recovered from the GRK (Fig. 1) near Dhordo village (23°49′37.9“N; 69°39′09“E) from the central Kachchh basin. Based on our previously published radiocarbon dates28, the Dhordo core recovered sediments as old as 17.7 ka down to ~60 m from the present day Rann surface. The subsurface GRK sediments studied in our core are consistently fine-grained in nature (i.e., silty-clay to clayey silts with negligible sand content; SI Fig. 1). Fine-grained sediments are typical for the GRK mudflats and remarkably consistent spatially and temporally in the entire basin13629. Our core at Dhordo is located far off from the elevated regions of mainland Kachchh, outside significant local sediment input, thus representing GRK basin wide changes. We assume that sedimentation is still active or non-erosional at Dhordo as the site is inundated during the summer monsoon.
    The Dhordo core shows 87Sr/86Sr ratios range from 0.725 to 0.732 whereas εNd varies from −14.34 to −12.63. (SI Table 1). To characterize potential end members, we also analyzed modern sediments from three local rivers, namely the Luni, Rupen as well as a local stream called Saraswati (no connection with the Vedic counterpart). The sample from the Luni River, which flows through the Thar yields 87Sr/86Sr and εNd values of as 0.73 and −13.97. The local Saraswati stream and the Rupen River draining the Aravalli Hills yielded 87Sr/86Sr and εNd values of 0.735, 0.731 and −15.22, −14.86 respectively (SI Table 1). For other sediment sources such as the fluvial or eolian sediments along the proposed Vedic Saraswati, the Indus courses and shelf as well as the Thar Desert we discuss published data below.

    Discussion

    Presence of foraminifera throughout the core section indicates marine sedimentation throughout630. To allow for fine-grained marine sedimentation at ~18 ka30, when the eustatic sea level in the Arabian Sea was below 100 m relative to present level3132, the Dhordo site must have been uplifted significantly since then. GRK is largely compressional and uplift of ca. 5 m is recorded for a marine sedimentary sequence on Khadir Island in the last 500 years5, so uplift at Dhordo is not surprising.

    Sediment Provenance

    Marine sediments accumulating at the core location show a very tight range of variability within the Nd-Sr space (Fig. 2) The Aravalli sedimentary source is similar in isotopic composition to our sediments (present study; Fig. 2) but it cannot account for a significant contribution to the infilling of a large volume GRK basin. The mica-rich mineralogy of sediments (i.e., illite and chlorite) is indicative instead of their Himalayan and/or Karakoram origin1828. Similarly the Kachchh mainland hills were probably not a significant source of sediments given their small areal extent and geomorphology (i.e., the hydrographic network of short rivers is preferentially oriented southward). Therefore the remaining potential sediment sources for GRK sediments are Himalayan and/or Sub-Himalayan rivers including the Indus and the postulated Vedic Saraswati. In fact our sediments plot as a mixture of Indus sediments1822 with high εNd and low radiogenic Sr typical for the Karakoram and low εNd and high radiogenic Sr in Ghaggar-Hakra sediments182223 indicative of High and Lesser Himalayan sources (Figs 2 and 3). Sediments coming from the Thar Desert2533 could also account for a significant contribution to GRK (Fig. 2), but this is not surprising as the Thar has been interpreted as a mixture of Himalayan and Sub-Himalayan sediments from the Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra systems23. However, Thar Desert is a vast sediment reservoir that is still poorly characterized geochemically.

    Figure 2
    Figure 2
    Scatter plot of 87Sr/86Sr and εNd isotope compositions of our GRK sediments, Indus delta/floodplain (Clift et al.1822), Aravalli rivers (present study), Thar Desert (Tripathi et al.25), Ghaggar-Hakra fluvial system (East et al.23; Singh et al.33; Alizai et al.50 and the Indus shelf northwest of the Indus Canyon (Limmer et al.19) along with various potential end-members such as High Himalayan Crystalline, Lesser Himalaya and Siwaliks (Singh et al.17; Tripathi et al.2425 and references therein). Graph was prepared using a licensed copy of Sigma Plot v.10.

    Figure 3
    Figure 3
    Deglacial and Holocene downcore variations in εNd and 87Sr/86Sr ratio values for GRK sediments plotted along with Indus River, Indus Shelf and Ghaggar-Hakra system. Ranges of variability for potential sources are shown at the top of each graph. Graphs were prepared using a licensed copy of Sigma Plot v.10.

    Sedimentation History

    The temporal variability in Nd and Sr composition for the marine sediments at our GRK site is remarkably subdued (see Fig. 3) when compared to similar compositional histories of potential sources (i.e., Indus, Ghaggar-Hakra and Thar). However it is clear that GRK sediments before 10 ka plot between the two sources of sediments (Fig. 3) possibly indicating input from the Himalayas (Higher and/or Lesser) in addition to Indus sediments that include Karakoram and Tethyan Himalayan signals. A Thar Desert origin for the sediments is also possible but this vast region may exhibit a large variability in Nd and Sr isotopic composition that needs to be better assessed (Fig. 2). After that period the sediments in the GRK are practically indistinguishable from the Indus when using Nd and Sr fingerprinting. In contrast sediments from the Indus continental shelf, at least those located west of the Indus canyon that have been measured so far, appear more radiogenic in Nd and have lower 87Sr/86Sr values due to alongshore contributions from the Bela ophiolite1922. Thus another alternative interpretation explaining the divergence between GRK and Indus isotopic signatures before 10 ka could be that the Indus sediments themselves contain a significant contribution from the Bela Ophiolite before 10 ka (Fig. 3). Such an input could have come alongshore from the west into the GRK and Indus paleo-estuary when its delta was only incipiently developing more inland.
    The rather invariant history of the GRK sediment composition since deglaciation contrasts with the Indus record (Fig. 3), which shows an increasing Lesser Himalayan input22. On the other hand Ghaggar-Hakra sediments show an increasingly Thar-like signature in the later Holocene (Fig. 3), a trend that cannot be recognized in the GRK sediments. In that case the GRK sediments could have been a mixture of Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra sediments since the beginning of our core records. The GRK record could also be interpreted to be strongly dominated by Thar sediments if we assume that a desert is somewhat homogenous (Fig. 3). As such, the signature for an independent Saraswati extending the course of the Ghaggar-Hakra towards the Arabian Sea cannot be discerned in the GRK using the Nd-Sr isotopic system. The most likely reason for that is not the mixing between Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra sediments per se but the input from the mixed Thar reservoir.

    Landscape Dynamics

    Many courses for the Vedic Saraswati have been proposed over the years41134,35,36 but they generally lack continuity in subsurface data and/or chronological information. Our new isotopic data suggests that a river, flowing parallel to and independent of the Indus, may have existed and reached the GRK before 10 ka (Fig. 3). At the time the Ghaggar-Hakra system may have been a much larger river tapping the Sutlej and/or the Yamuna810333738. However, this interpretation is dependent on the isotopic homogeneity of the vast sediment reservoir of the Thar Desert, which is still to be assessed. Whether such a river reached the Arabian Sea via the GRK during the Holocene and especially, during Vedic times remains to be demonstrated.
    Recent studies of the upper courses of the proposed Saraswati in Haryana and Cholistan suggested that river desiccation started ~6.5 ka B.P.810243438. However, Giosan et al.8 showed that fluvial sedimentation was still active in the western part of the Thar Desert as late as ~3 ka, with river courses joining the Nara valley. Currently we do not know if the Nara was independent or received input from the Indus near Sukkur or further down after emerging from below the Rohri Hills (Fig. 1). However, the isotopic composition of the GRK sediments are not in contradiction with the idea of a dwindling Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara under the aridification of South Asia as the monsoon declined in the late Holocene39,40,41.
    The Holocene sedimentation pattern in the GRK basin shows a regressive pattern with the basin becoming shallower as the sea level rose and rivers provided infill. During the deglaciation when sea level was considerably lower, a Saraswati-like river had a better chance to deliver a pure signal to GRK if it possessed its own Pleistocene incised valley, independent of the Indus incised valley102241. However, by ~5 to 6 ka the Indus delta extended into the western GRK and probably provided sediments directly into the GRK41. Historical maps and documents42,43,44,45suggest that GRK may have still been a gulf ca. 500 years ago546. A deeper GRK with fresh water input from the Indus and potentially Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara would have provided a more productive marine environment and navigable ways for the old coastal Harappan towns in the region (e.g, Dholavira) as well as for later historical settlements.

    Conclusions

    The Nd and Sr isotopic composition of sediments from our Dhordo core site in the Great Rann of Kachchh suggests that a large Himalayan or Sub-Himalayan Saraswati-like river may have discharged into the Arabian Sea until 10 ka. However, our study also shows that radiogenic isotope fingerprinting of the GRK sediments is unlikely to detect a gradually drying Saraswati-like river after that time, due to contamination with sediments from the Thar Desert and/or the Indus. Alternatively the Thar may have been the dominant sediment source along with the Indus for the entire post-glacial history of the GRK. Future studies should concentrate instead on geophysical imaging, dating and geochemical fingerprinting of subsurface deposits from infilled channels along potential river courses in the Thar Desert. However, the Holocene sedimentary evolution of the Great Rann should be better explored to understand its role in Harappan and historical coastal habitation.

    Sampling and methodology

    The continuous sediment core was raised from the GRK basin (Fig. 1; SI Fig. 1). A ~60 m long core was drilled from the central part of the basin at Dhordo (23°49′37.9” N and 69°36′09.9” E). The entire core section was then X-radiographed before it was opened. The core pipes were then split longitudinally into two halves: one half of the core was sampled at 2 cm intervals while the other half was preserved as an archive. The GRK sediments are typically fine-grained, dominated by silts and clays with occasional sands6 (SI Fig. 1). The samples obtained from our cores at various depth intervals were analyzed for Nd-Sr radiogenic isotopes (SI Table 1) and radiocarbon chronologies (reported in Khonde et al.28). We also collected samples for Sr-Nd measurements from the Luni and Rupen rivers and the local stream Saraswati that discharge into the Great and Little Rann basins from the east. These rivers come from the Aravalli Hills, which lie further to the east and northeast.

    Nd and Sr isotopic systematics

    Measurements were carried out on carbonate- and organic matter-free silicate fraction. A known amount (~100 mg) of this fraction taken in Teflon vials (Savillex) was spiked with 84Sr and 150Nd and subjected to acid digestion with concentrated HF-HNO3-HCl at 90 °C to complete dissolution. Pure Nd and Sr fractions were separated from the solution following standard ion exchange procedures1747. The fractions were then dried and redissolved in 4 ml of 0.4 N HNO3. Both Nd and Sr measurements were done on MC-ICP-MS in static multi-collection mode at PRL1517. The measured 87Sr/86Sr and 143Nd/144Nd ratios were corrected for instrumental mass fractionation by normalizing them with 86Sr/88Sr, 0.1194 and 146Nd/144Nd, 0.7219. The Nd and Sr concentrations for these samples were obtained by isotope dilution method. A standard solution of 200 ppb of SRM 987 Sr-standard was measured several times on MC-ICP-MS that yielded an average value of 0.710307 ± 0.000010 (1σ, n = 10) for 87Sr/86Sr whereas 143Nd/144Nd in 100 ppb solution of JMC standard yielded 0.511732 ± 0.000016 (1σ, n = 10) respectively. Replicate samples were also measured for Nd and Sr concentrations and isotopic compositions on selected samples to check the overall reproducibility of the Nd-Sr measurements (SI Tables 2 and 3). Based on replicate measurements, the average variation was found to be 0.0002 and 0.2 for 87Sr/86Sr and εNd respectively. However the standard errors for 87Sr/86Sr and143Nd/144Nd are 0.0014%, 0.0010% respectively.

    Additional Information

    Publisher's note: Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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    Acknowledgements

    The drilling effort and subsequent study of the cores was funded by Department of Science and Technology (DST), Government of India sponsored research project to DMM (Project No. SR/S4/ES-21/Kachchh Window/P1) under the science of Shallow Subsurface Programme (SSS). N. Khonde gratefully acknowledges Indo-US Post-doctoral Fellowship sponsored by SERB-IUSSTF for research work at Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, USA during the revision of the paper. We thank Amal Kar and Peter Clift for their valuable suggestions during revision.

    Author information

    Author notes

      • Nitesh Khonde
      Present address: Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, Lucknow, 266007, India

    Affiliations

    Department of Geology, The M. S. University of Baroda, Vadodara, 390002, India

      • Nitesh Khonde
      • , D. M. Maurya
      •  & L. S. Chamyal

    Physical Research Laboratory, Navrangpura, Ahmedabad, 380009, India

      • Sunil Kumar Singh
      •  & Vinai K. Rai

    Geology and Geophysics, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, Woods Hole, USA

      • Liviu Giosan

    Contributions

    D.M.M., N.K., L.S.C., S.K.S. designed research, N.K., S.K.S. performed research; V.K., S.K.S. analyzed data, N.K., D.M.M., S.K.S. and L.G. interpreted the data and wrote the paper.

    Competing Interests

    The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

    Corresponding author

    Correspondence to D. M. Maurya.

    Supplementary information

    1. 1.

    Supplementary Datasheet 1

    Comments


    Avatar


    • A very analytical discussion! 
      However it lacks, physical verification of the subject discussed! Where as much has been said about GRK, which as admitted in the article itself is very sparse; Better known covered portions like Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara of the flow, wherein all the proofs of it's existence and Flourishing Civilizations; at least 4000 known sites within 400kms of Delhi; have been IGNORED in TOTALITY!
      It is as if the scientific findings have been fudged with, so as NOT TO GIVE a true picture of things, as they happened!
      When our own people are against finding the TRUTH about our Ancient History, how can one expect other nationals to support it!
      HARI AUM TAT SAT


        • Avatar


          The report is based principally on Dhordo core samples. Similar cores should be taken from additional selected spots of the Rann of Kutch to analyse the sediments from ca. 10k to ca. 3k since the 2000+ sites (80% of over 2600 sites of the civilization) on Palaeo-Sarasvati Basin indicate the use of the river as a navigable waterway for maritime trade across the Rann of Kutch and Persian Gulf. The key sites are Rakhigarhi, Kalibangan, Bhirrana, Binjor (Anupgarh) where the Saravati River palaeo-channel shows a forking into two channels, one flowing southwards and another flowing westwards into Bahawalpur Province.



          Did Rains Do The Harappans In? Shereen Ratnagar critiques Liviu Giosan's 

          thesis.

          • Liviu Giosan
          • Peter D. Clift
          • Mark G. Macklin
          • Dorian Q. Fuller
          • Stefan Constantinescu
          • Julie A. Durcan
          • Thomas Stevens
          • Geoff A. T. Duller
          • Ali R. Tabrez
          • Kavita Gangal
          • Ronojoy Adhikari
          • Anwar Alizai
          • Florin Filip
          • Sam VanLaningham
          • and James P. M. Syvitski
          Fluvial landscapes of the Harappan civilizationPNAS 2012 109 (26) 10138-10139 http://www.pnas.org/search?fulltext=Liviu+giosan&submit=yes&x=0&y=0 


          Full Text of paper: http://www.pnas.org/content/109/26/E1688/1.full.pdf?sid=6b815705-d774-4e52-992b-8c0f902f4bbc

          The researchers who took part in the new study, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, had a hunch that the latter theory was correct.
          “What we thought was missing was how to link climate to people,” said Liviu Giosan, a geologist at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution in Massachusetts and the lead author of the study. “The answer came when we looked at the wide-scale morphology.”
          Using satellite photos and topographical data, the researchers prepared digital maps of the Indus River landscape. They collected field samples to determine the age of sediments in the region and whether their structure was shaped by rivers or the wind. The information was then overlaid across prior archaeological findings, yielding a compelling new chronology of 10,000 years of human history and landscape changes, and what drove them.
          The story goes something like this:

          Wild, untamed rivers once slashed through the heart of the Indus plains. They were so unpredictable and dangerous that no city could take root on their banks. As the centuries passed, however, the monsoons became less frequent and the floods less intense, creating stable conditions for agriculture and settlement.
          Sprawling across what is now Pakistan, northwestern India and eastern Afghanistan, the Indus civilization encompassed more than 625,000 square miles, rivaling ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia in its accomplishments. In its bustling hubs, there was indoor plumbing, gridded streets and a rich intellectual life.
          Unlike the Egyptians and Mesopotamians, who used irrigation systems to support crops, the Harappans relied on a gentle, dependable cycle of monsoons that fed local rivers and keyed seasonal floods.
          But as later generations would discover, it was what the researchers call a “Goldilocks civilization.” After about 2,000 years, the window for agricultural stability closed again.
          As time passed, the monsoons continued to weaken until the rivers no longer flooded, and the crops failed. The surplus agriculture was longer there to support traders, artists, craftsmen and scholars . The Harappans’ distinct writing system, which still has not been deciphered, fell into disuse.
          People began abandoning the cities and moved eastward toward the Ganges basin, where rains were more dependable (though not dependable enough to sustain urban metropolises). The civilization dispersed, fracturing into small villages and towns.
          “The cities became peripheral — they didn’t abruptly disappear,” Dr. Giosan said. “But in the end, those cities were only a place for squatters.”
          The researchers found the dusty geologic remnants of the long-lost Sarasvati River in the sprawling desert surrounding the modern-day Ghaggar-Hakra valley. Rather than being fed by Himalayan runoff, as many scholars had assumed, the researchers uncovered evidence that her liquid sustenance came only from monsoons. As the climate became more arid, the weak rains could no longer sustain the river, it retreated into myth.
          Dr. Giosan suggests that the Harrapans’ fate offers lessons for today. “We think about tomorrow — we think of the lives of our children or maybe grandchildren,” he said. “But these accumulating effects of climate that are so slow, they don’t really enter our vocabulary or thinking.”
          Modern-day cultures and policy makers need to pay attention to “deep time,” or the very slow changes that accompany the deterioration of climatic conditions and resources, for the benefit of third, fourth or fifth generations, Dr. Giosan said. But in some cases, he adds, the changes are not so slow — for instance, the depletion of fossil fuels.
          “Just as the Indus civilization did, we’re depending on a resource that came and went,” Dr. Giosan said. “That resource is oil.”
          https://green.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/05/29/an-ancient-civilization-upended-by-climate-change/?_r=0


          What Did the Harappans In? Not a Simple Drought


          Featured image: A view of the granary and great hall at Harappa. Credit: Muhammad Bin Naveed/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0
          Featured image: A view of the granary and great hall at Harappa. Credit: Muhammad Bin Naveed/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0
          The Indus Valley, or Harappan, civilisation was an expansive human settlement along the banks of the Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra rivers from around 3,500 BCE, occupying large parts of what are Gujarat, the Indus valley and northwest India today. The civilisation’s many advancements, especially in urban planning and engineering, have had it occupying the pride of place in India’s history as a sign of our own advanced knowledge systems.
          Around 1,300 BCE, the civilisation petered out for reasons that aren’t entirely known. A change in monsoon patterns has been the prime suspect. However, the lack of continuous climate records from the time has prevented scientists from confirming this suspicion, leaving the civilisation’s dissipation a matter of debate.
          Now, a new study by a group of researchers from around India, led by Anindya Sarkar from IIT-Kharagpur, hopes to narrow the speculation. They studied oxygen isotope levels in animal teeth and bone phosphates from a trench discovered in Bhirrana, a village in Fatehabad, Haryana, in 2005. The results of their analyses were published in the journal Scientific Reports on May 25.
          Map of Northwest India and Pakistan showing the locations of main Harappan settlements including phosphate sampling site of Bhirrana, Haryana. The dotted black lines demarcate areas of equal rainfall. Source: doi: 10.1038/srep26555
          Map of Northwest India and Pakistan showing the locations of main Harappan settlements including phosphate sampling site of Bhirrana, Haryana. The dotted black lines demarcate areas of equal rainfall. Source: doi: 10.1038/srep26555
          According to them, the isotope levels at various depths in the trench in Bhirrana, together with analyses of surrounding rocks and the soil, are a proxy for continuous records from the time. The researchers also report that the monsoons may not have been directly responsible for dissipating the settlements as much as what they drove in turn: changing which crops were planted.
          The rains were suspected at all because areas where the civilisation’s denser centres once thrived are now semi-arid and receive little rain. Moreover, the monsoons have varied throughout the geological epoch we currently live in. Multiple studies in the past have tried to link up such variations with changes in Harappans’ activities but not with complete success.
          To the researchers’ credit, they found that the monsoons had started to decline some 4,500 years before the Harappan civilisation vanished, even before it had peaked even. Specifically, they found that monsoon rains intensified between 9,000 and 7,000 BCE before steadily declining between 7,000 and 2,000 BCE. The first 2,000 years of intensifying rains could’ve set up the civilisation for its initial expanse, feeding river valleys and riparian ecosystems, before the decline together with the settlements could’ve left them running low.
          The researchers conclude in their paper that there might not have been one single event that drove the Harappan decline – as well as that the Harappans might have even adapted to the weakening monsoons. Instead, they write up another adversary: shifting subsistence strategies and their effect on storage systems. Quoting from the paper:
          … the Harappans shifted their crop patterns from the large-grained cereals like wheat and barley during the early part of intensified monsoon to drought-resistant species of small millets and rice in the later part of declining monsoon and thereby changed their subsistence strategy. Because these later crops generally have much lower yield, the organized large storage system of mature Harappan period was abandoned giving rise to smaller more individual household based crop processing and storage system and could act as catalyst for the de-urbanisation of the Harappan civilization rather than an abrupt collapse as suggested by many workers.
          https://thewire.in/40967/what-quelled-the-harappans-not-a-simple-drought/


          Oxygen isotope in archaeological bioapatites from India: Implications to climate change and decline of Bronze Age Harappan civilization

          Received:
          Accepted:
          Published online:


            Abstract

            The antiquity and decline of the Bronze Age Harappan civilization in the Indus-Ghaggar-Hakra river valleys is an enigma in archaeology. Weakening of the monsoon after ~5 ka BP (and droughts throughout the Asia) is a strong contender for the Harappan collapse, although controversy exists about the synchroneity of climate change and collapse of civilization. One reason for this controversy is lack of a continuous record of cultural levels and palaeomonsoon change in close proximity. We report a high resolution oxygen isotope (δ18O) record of animal teeth-bone phosphates from an archaeological trench itself at Bhirrana, NW India, preserving all cultural levels of this civilization. Bhirrana was part of a high concentration of settlements along the dried up mythical Vedic river valley ‘Saraswati’, an extension of Ghaggar river in the Thar desert. Isotope and archaeological data suggest that the pre-Harappans started inhabiting this area along the mighty Ghaggar-Hakra rivers fed by intensified monsoon from 9 to 7 ka BP. The monsoon monotonically declined after 7 ka yet the settlements continued to survive from early to mature Harappan time. Our study suggests that other cause like change in subsistence strategy by shifting crop patterns rather than climate change was responsible for Harappan collapse.

            Introduction

            The rise of the post-Neolithic Bronze Age Harappan civilization 5.7–3.3 ka BP (ca. 2500 to 1900 year BC; all ages henceforth mentioned are in cal year BP) spread along the Indus Valley of Pakistan through the plains of NW India, including into the state of Gujarat and up to the Arabian Sea and its decline has remained an enigma in archaeological investigation1,2,3,4,5,6. In the Indian subcontinent the major centers of this civilization include Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro in Pakistan and Lothal, Dholavira and Kalibangan in India (Fig. 1A). In recent years excavation at Rakhigarhi and few other places indicate that the civilization probably was more expansive than thought before7,8,9. Whatever may be the extent most Harappan settlements grew in the floodplains of river systems including those of the Indus or now defunct Ghaggar-Hakra (mythical river Saraswati?). Climatically although these regions fall under the influence of the Indian summer monsoon, they are currently semi-arid receiving much lesser rainfall than the mainland India. Because the monsoon showed significant variation over, both on short and long term time scale, throughout the Holocene period, attempts have been made to relate the evolution of the Harappan civilization to the changes in monsoon. Accordingly, the flourishing Harappan civilization and its decline have been linked to the intensification of monsoon during the Mid-Holocene climate optimum and its subsequent weakening, respectively. The evidence comes from a variety of sources like distant lake sediments in the Thar desert10,11, foraminiferal oxygen isotopes in Arabian sea cores12, fluvial morphodynamics3, and climate models13. Although the collapse of the Harappan as well as several contemporary civilisations like Akkadian (Mesopotamia), Minoan (Crete), Yangtze (China) has been attributed to either weakening of monsoon or pan-Asian aridification (drought events) at ~4.1 ka6,10,11, the evidence is both contradictory and incomplete. Either the climatic events and cultural levels are asynchronous11,14,15 or the climate change events themselves are regionally diachronous16 and references therein).

            Figure 1
            Figure 1
            (A) Map of Northwest India and Pakistan (created by Coreldraw x7; http://www.coreldraw.com) showing the locations of main Harappan settlements including phosphate sampling site of Bhirrana, Haryana, IWIN precipitation sampling station at Hisar and two paleo-lakes Riwasa and Kotla Dahar studied earlier (see Fig. 3 and text for details). Black dotted lines represent 100 mm rainfall isohyets. Approximate trace of dried paleo-channel of ‘Saraswati’ (dashed white lines in Fig. 1A) is also shown. Black arrow indicates the direction of monsoon moisture transport from Bay of Bengal. (For interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the web version of this article). Figure created by CorelDRAW Graphics Suite X7 (http://www.coreldraw.com) (B) Panoramic view of the excavation of mature Harappan stage at Bhirrana view from North-east (photograph reproduced with the permission of Archeological Survey of India).
            Potential reasons for these conflicting interpretations is that the climate reconstructions were made from locations (e.g., Thar Desert or Arabian Sea) distant from the main Harappan settlement areas or that the climate proxies (e.g., sedimentology and geochemistry in lakes) could have been influenced by multiple local parameters apart from mere rainfall or temperature. To date no continuous climate record has existed close to or from the Harappan settlements. Here we report a high resolution bulk oxygen isotope (δ18O) record of animal teeth and bone phosphates (bioapatites) from an excavated archaeological trench at Bhirrana, state of Haryana, NW India, to reconstruct a paleomonsoonal history of the settlement site itself. Based on radiocarbon ages from different trenches and levels the settlement at Bhirrana has been inferred to be the oldest (>9 ka BP) in the Indian sub-continent8,17,18. To check its validity we dated archaeological pottery from two cultural levels using optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) method and thus investigated the interrelationship between the cultural levels and climate change that occurred right at the settlement, a critical gap in information that exists in our present understanding of the Harappan civilization.

            Harappan civilization and archaeology of Bhirrana

            Archaeological chronologies of Harappan (Indus) civilization in South Asia2,16,19 are given in SI. Conventionally the Harappan cultural levels have been classified into 1) an Early Ravi Phase (~5.7–4.8 ka BP), 2) Transitional Kot Diji phase (~4.8–4.6 ka BP), 3) Mature phase (~4.6–3.9 ka BP) and 4) Late declining (painted Grey Ware) phase (3.9–3.3 ka BP13,19,20). This chronology is based on more than 100 14C dates from the site of Harappa and nearby localities. These periodization is temporally correlatable with the Indus valley civilisations from Baluchistan and Helmand province proposed by Shaffer21. While the first two phases were represented by pastoral and early village farming communities, the mature Harappan settlements were highly urbanized with several organized cities, developed material and craft culture having trans-Asiatic trading to regions as distant as Arabia and Mesopotamia. The late Harappan phase witnessed large scale deurbanization, population decrease, abandonment of many established settlements, lack of basic amenities, interpersonal violence and disappearance of Harappan script22,23,24. Although referred to as a ‘collapse’ of Harappan civilization, evidences rather suggest that smaller settlements continued albeit dispersed from original river valleys of Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra (Fig. 1A) to more distant areas of the Himalayan foothills and Ganga-Yamuna interfluves or Gujarat and Rajasthan25,26,27.
            Based on the spatio-temporal distribution of the archaeological remains spread throughout the subcontinent a much older chronology has, however, been advocated by Possehl22,16. Accordingly the time spans of the above four phases have been suggested as ~9–6.3 ka BP, 6.3–5.2 ka BP, 5.2–3 ka BP and 3–2.5 ka BP respectively. Clearly the later time scale pushes back the Harappan chronology to at least 1–2 ka older. Evidences of a post-Neolithic-Pre Harappan (often referred to as the Hakra ware) phase were first reported by Mughal28,29 in the Cholistan region east of the Indus valley along the Indo-Pakistan border, but have now been found from several localities in India. The Hakra settlements, spread along the Ghaggar-Hakra river valleys have been found at Kalibangan, Farmana, Girawad, Rakhigarhi and Bhirrana, the present site of investigation (Fig. 1A30,31,32,33). A large number (~70) of conventional and AMS radiocarbon dates indeed support the antiquity of this phase in different parts of the Indus-Ghaggar Hakra river belts viz. Girawad (Pit-23, 6.2 ka BP), Mithathal (Trench A-1, 8.2 ka BP), Kalibangan (sample TF-439, 7.6 ka BP). The recent excavations at Rakhigarhi suggest hitherto unknown largest Harappan settlement in India preserving all the cultural levels including the Hakra phase (sample S-4173, 6.4 ka BP8,9,34,35).
            A compilation of calibrated radiocarbon dates of the charcoal samples and OSL dates of pottery (see later discussion) from various cultural levels of Bhirrana (Lat. 29°33′N; Long. 75°33′E), retrieved during the excavation of 2005, is given in SI8,18. At Bhirrana the earliest level has provided mean 14C age of 8.35 ± 0.14 ka BP (8597 to 8171 years BP8). The successive cultural levels at Bhirrana, as deciphered from archeological artefacts along with these 14C ages, are Pre-Harappan Hakra phase (~9.5–8 ka BP), Early Harappan (~8–6.5 ka BP), Early mature Harappan (~6.5–5 ka BP) and mature Harappan (~5–2.8 ka BP8,17,18,20,34). Cultural stratigraphy of Bhirrana settlement depicting the periods, cultural levels, ages based on calibrated radiocarbon ages in different trenches and characteristic archeological artefacts and attributes are given in SI8,17,20. A panoramic view of the excavation of the mature Harappan level at Bhirrana view from north-east is shown in Fig. 1BFigure 2A shows the settlement pattern of pre-Harappan Hakra phase (period 1A 8) along with locations of three major trenches at Bhirrana mound YF-2, A-1, and ZE-10. A schematic E-W cross section of the trench YF-2 depicting the cultural levels at Bhirrana is shown in SI. Fig. 2B (inset) shows the tentative lateral time correlation based on radiocarbon and OSL dates generated during present investigation (see later discussion). The Bhirrana settlement, close to the presently dried up Ghaggar-Hakra (Saraswati) river bed preserves all the major laterally traceable and time correlatable cultural levels. As expected in trench A-1, the central part of the archaeological mound, the Hakra or other phases are much thicker (>3 m) compared to the flanking trenches of YF-2 and ZE-10. At Bhirrana the Hakra ware culture period is the earliest and occurs as an independent stratigraphic horizon17,34. The Hakra phase was primarily identified by ceramics such as mud appliqué ware, incised ware, and bi-chrome ware, much similar to the Pre-Harappan phase in Cholistan (Figs 1A and 3C 36) and was characterized by its subterranean dwelling, sacrificial and industrial pits8,17,34. The Early Harappan phase shows settlement expansion, mud brick houses with advanced material culture including arrow heads, rings and bangles of copper; beads of carnelian, jasper, and shell; bull figurines; chert blades; terracotta bangles, etc. (Fig. 3C) 17,32,34). The early mature to mature Harappan phases yielded ceramics with geometric, floral and faunal motifs; steatite bull seals; beads of semi-precious stone, shell and terracotta; animal figurines; bangles of faience and shell; copper bangles, chisels, rings, rods, etc.17,34. The excavations also yielded large quantities of faunal remains comprising bones, teeth, horn cores, etc. from all the four periods at Bhirrana and were identified at species levels37. Detail methods of faunal analysis for materials from the Bhirrana trench YF2 are given in the SI. Preliminary faunal investigations suggest presence of domestic cattle e.g., cow/ox (Bos indicus), buffalo (Bubalus bubalis), goat (Capra hircus) and sheep (Ovis aries) from the earliest levels. Besides the dietary use of cattle and goats, wild fauna such as nilgai (Boselaphas tragocamelus), Indian spotted deer (Axis axis) and antelope (Antilope cervicapra) were also a part of the diet37,38,39,40. Representative photographs of the artefacts and animal remains from various cultural levels of Bhirrana are shown in SI.

            Figure 2
            Figure 2
            (A) Settlement pattern of period 1A (pre-Harappan Hakra) along with locations of trenches at Bhirrana mound. Figure created by CorelDRAW Graphics Suite X7 (http://www.coreldraw.com) (B) Tentative lateral time correlation of different cultural levels between the trenches based on radiocarbon and OSL dates. Contours are in cm. above msl. Only the trench YF-2 yielded continuous bioapatite samples (see text).

            Figure 3
            Figure 3
            (A) Arabian Sea upwelling intensity as monsoon index57. (B) Carbonate δ18O and lake level records from paleo-lakes Riwasa and Kotla Dahar, Haryana (refs 5 and 6). (C) Bioapatite based paleo-meteoric water δ18O (monsoon proxy) record at Bhirrana along with characteristic archaeological and faunal elements from different cultural levels. Note monsoon intensification from ~9 ka to 7 ka BP (blue shaded region and arrows) and monotonous decline from ~7 ka to 2.8 ka BP (brown shaded region, red arrows); dotted pink lines denote approximate time correlation of these two phases across the sites. (D) Bhirrana chronology based on archaeological evidences17,18,3214C and new OSL dates. OSL dates are from trench YF-2; the oldest 14C date is from correlatable level of trench ZE-10 (E) Conventional chronology19,20; note new dates, archaeological evidences and climate pattern are all suggestive of a much older age for the beginning of Harappan civilization at Bhirrana.
            For retrieving information on past climatic changes we isotopically analysed bulk (see SI text) teeth and bone phosphates, wherever available, from the trench YF-2 which has both stratigraphic and sampling continuity (SI Table 2). To check the validity of the radiocarbon dates and the antiquity of the Bhirrana settlement we dated two pottery fragments (SI Fig. 1) in the same trench by OSL technique from both early mature and mature Harappan intervals. Detail methodology is given in SI text. The pottery at 42 cm, identified as mature Harappan level yielded mean 4.8 ± 0.3 (1σ) ka BP age (range 5120 to 4520 year BP) while the pottery from deeper level corresponding to early mature Harappan at 143 cm yielded 5.9 ± 0.25 (1σ) ka BP age (range 6185 to 5695 year BP). Within the experimental errors both the stratigraphically controlled new ages agree with the time scale based on archaeological evidences (as well as 14C ages) proposed by earlier workers8,17,18,34Fig. 3C,D) and suggest that the Bhirrana settlements are the oldest of known sites in the Ghaggar-Hakra tract. Figure 3D,E show the comparison between the conventional chronology of the Harappan civilization with the proposed chronology at Bhirrana. Clearly the Bhirrana levels are few thousand years older. The 5.9 ka age at 143 cm along with the 8.38 ka age of the Hakra level below suggest that the base of the Bhirrana section, representing initiation of Harappan settlements (Hakra phase), is older than 8 ka BP. Below we show that isotope based paleoclimatic information also lends supports to the antiquity of Harappan settlements at Bhirrana.

            Oxygen isotope (δ18O) in bioapatites and past monsoon record at Bhirrana excavation site

            δ18O [defined as δ (%) = {(Rsample − Rreference)/Rreference} × 1000; R = 18O/16O ratio] composition of fossil bone or tooth enamel bioapatite [carbonated hydroxyapatite41] is a robust tool for estimating the past meteoric water composition (drinking water for land animals41,42,43,44,45,46) compared to carbonates which are prone to diagenetic alteration. Near-continuous teeth and bone samples were available only in trench YF-2 and have been analysed. SI Fig. 4 shows the representative teeth and bone samples analysed from all the four cultural levels of Bhirrana. The samples comprise a large variety of bioapatites from mandibular and maxillary molar teeth of cattle, goat, deer and antelope to rib and vertebra bones. Since diagenetic alteration can alter isotopic signals we investigated the animal bones under electron microprobe that suggests preservation of original bioapatites suitable for isotopic analysis (see diagenetic investigation of bioapatites in SI). Detail methods of δ18O analysis of bioapatites are given in SI text. Under a constant body temperature of ~37 °C, the δ18O in mammalian phosphate (δ18Op) essentially depends on the δ18O value of water (δ18Ow) ingested by the organism. Between the water and phosphate, oxygen isotope is fractionated in two steps, i.e., between environmental and body water and between body water and phosphate in teeth and bones47,48. Large numbers of studies have been made on modern mammalian phosphates to constrain the interrelationship between δ18Op and δ18Ow41,49,50,51. Although in general most large mammals have been found to preserve equilibrium isotopic signature, species specific fractionation equations have also been proposed by several workers (ibid). For the Bhirrana mammals we used the taxon specific herbivorous mammal equations of Bryant and Froelich47. Because these equations are dependent on body mass it is desirable to infer paleoclimate from large body sized mammals. All Bhirrana mammals satisfy this criterion representing only cattle, deer or goats. δ18Op data of bioapatites and calculated δ18OW are given in Table 1 of SI.
            Figure 3C shows δ18OW variation as a function of depth and against Harappan chronology at Bhirrana proposed by Rao et al.17 and Mani18. In general the bulk bioapatite δ18O in large mammals reflects the integrated mean annual δ18O of local meteoric water ingested by the animal during its life time. At several cultural levels we analysed multiple samples of either teeth or both teeth and bones. The spread in estimated δ18OWranges from <1‰ to maximum ~4‰ and are probably due to the seasonal variation in δ18OW52,53,54,55,56. Because our purpose was to retrieve the mean meteoric water δ18OW value from successive layers, we sampled bulk enamel or phosphate along the entire length of a single tooth or a bone (see SI text), yet the inter-sample seasonal signature might have been preserved in some cases. In spite of the inter-sample spread, the mean δ18OW values (dotted line in Fig. 3C) through the levels show a clear trend. At the base of the trench section (355 cm), equivalent to ~9 ka Pre-Harappan Hakra level, the δ18OW values are enriched (+3.75‰). The δ18OWvalues rapidly decreases towards the early Harappan phase reaching δ18O minimum of −9.01‰ at ~8 ka (trench depth ~308 cm). Thereafter the δ18OWmonotonically gets enriched from early Harappan through early mature Harappan to mature Harappan, a time span from ~8 ka BP to 2.8 ka BP. We interpret this δ18OW variation through all the cultural levels at Bhirrana as major change in monsoonal precipitation during the last 9.5 ka. We compare the Bhirrana record with available monsoon records from Arabian Sea (G. bulloides upwelling index; Fig. 3A57) and composite gastropod-carbonate δ18O records from two inland lakes Riwasa and Kotla Dahar, proximal to Bhirrana (Fig. 3B; re-plotted from supplementary information in refs 5 and 6). A weak monsoon phase is identified before 9 ka BP (lower part of Hakra phase). The well constrained monsoon intensification phase from 9 ka BP to 7 ka BP (late Hakra to middle part of early Harappan) is clearly discernible in all three records (blue shaded bars in Fig. 3A–C). Monsoon monotonically declined from 7 ka BP to 2 ka BP, i.e., during later part of the early Harappan to mature Harappan phase (brown shaded bar) with concomitant lowering of lake levels (Fig. 3B). The early Holocene monsoon intensification and its subsequent decline, as recorded in Bhirrana archaeological bioapatites, have been widely documented in Asia and were principally driven by boreal summer insolation5,54,56. Presence of aeolian sands in lake Riwasa, higher salinity in Bay of Bengal, lower G. bulloides upwelling intensity and enriched δ18O in Arabian speleothems suggest a weak monsoon phase before 10 ka BP throughout the Asia5,55,56,57,58,59,60. Correspondingly the 9–7 ka monsoon intensification phase is recorded in high lake levels (negative δ18O), lower oceanic salinity, increased upwelling, reduction in δ18O in speleothems from Arabia to Tibet, higher erosion rate in the Himalayas, and increased sedimentation in the Ganges deltaic plains (ibid61,62,63,64,65,66). The late Holocene (7 ka onwards) gradual reduction in monsoon is also amply evident throughout the Asia.
            Although compared to marine or lake archives the time resolution of the archaeological bioapatite based monsoon record is poor, preservation of the major phases of Holocene monsoon change combined with the OSL dates of potteries lend strong support to the antiquity of the Bhirrana settlement. To further constrain the change in paleo-meteoric water composition we generated time series δ18O of modern precipitation for successive three years at Hisar, a place 50 km SE of Bhirrana (Fig. 4) under the national program of ‘Isotopic Fingerprinting of Water in India (IWIN)’. As in other places of north-western India, rainfall is highest during the summer months from June to September (Fig. 4A). The monsoon moisture originates in Bay of Bengal and successively rains inland towards north-western India (Fig. 1A). The continental effect thus causes depletion in precipitation δ18O from −5.4‰ near the coast to −6.5‰ in north western India67. The modern mean annual rainfall isohyets for this part of semi-arid NW India (Fig. 1A) show that all the Harappan settlement areas (including Bhirrana) receive 400 to 600 mm precipitation compared to >1000 mm in eastern and southern India67. At Hisar the modern precipitation δ18O ranges from ~+5‰ in non-monsoon (extreme evaporation) to −15‰ in peak monsoon periods (depletion) with weighted mean annual δ18O value of −7‰. The large monsoon depletion in δ18O results from well-known amount effect where excess rainfall is known to produce extreme depletion (an increase in 100 mm of rainfall associated with a decrease in δ18O by 1.5‰ 67,68). The most depleted paleo-meteoric water value at Bhirrana is −9.01‰ (SI Table 2Fig. 3C). Considering the δ18OW value at each level represents mean annual precipitation and using a simple moisture flux model67, we estimate that the early Holocene (9–7 ka) monsoon precipitation at Bhirrana was ~100–150 mm higher than today. The subsequent enrichment from 7 ka onwards (by more than 6‰) reaching maximum towards the mature Harappan time indicates very low rainfall generating mean annual δ18OW similar to present day non-monsoon months. Such a climate scenario is indeed catastrophic and if persisted for several thousand years could easily convert large monsoon-fed perennial rivers to ephemeral or even dry ones.

            Figure 4
            Figure 4
            (A) Seasonal variation in temperature and rainfall and (B) Time series of precipitation δ18O at IWIN station Hisar, close to Bhirrana archaeological site.

            Climate-culture relationship at Harappan Bhirrana

            The climate reconstruction at Bhirrana demonstrates that some of the Harappan settlements in the Ghaggar-Hakra valley are the oldest in India and probably developed at least by the ninth millennium BP over a vast tract of arid/semi-arid regions of NW India and Pakistan. The Ghaggar (in India)-Hakra (in Pakistan) river, referred to as mythical Vedic river ‘Saraswati’ (Fig. 1A) originates in the Siwalik hills, ephemeral in the upper part with dry river bed running downstream through the Thar desert to Rann of Kachchh in Gujarat3. More than 500 sites of Harappan settlements have been discovered in this belt during the last hundred years. Of these several sites both in India viz. Kalibangan, Kunal, Bhirrana, Farmana, Girawad7,9,31,33,69 and Pakistan viz. Jalilpur, Mehrgarh in Baluchistan, Rehman Dheri in Gomal plains29,69,70 have revealed early Hakra levels of occupation preceding the main Harappan period. We infer that monsoon intensification from 9 ka onwards transformed the now dried up Ghaggar-Hakra into mighty rivers along which the early Harappan settlements flourished. That the river Ghaggar had sufficient water during the Hakra period is also attested by the faunal analysis. Frequency of occurrence of aquatic fauna like freshwater fish bones, turtle shells and domestic buffalo in these early levels of trench YF-2 is higher (compared to early or mature Harappan periods; SI) indicating a relatively wetter environment.
            Study of fluvial morphodynamics coupled with detrital zircon analysis of river channel sands indicated presence of a more energetic fluvial regime before 5 ka across the entire Harappan landscape, stabilized alluvial systems during early Harappan (5.2–4.6 ka BP) and drying up of many river channels during post-Harappan period3. Consequently floodplain agriculture helped in the expansion of the Harappan civilization which diminished as the monsoon waned during the late Holocene. Interestingly, the large scale droughts at ~8.2 and ~4.1 ka BP, recorded in the two lake records of Riwasa and Kotla Dahar of Haryana5,6 correspond to the base of early Harappan and middle part of mature Harappan period at Bhirrana. These events were not local, extended from the Mediterranean through Mesopotamia to China and also are recorded as dust spike in Tibetan ice cores71,72,73. Yet the settlements survived and evolved at several sites of Ghaggar-Hakra belt including at Bhirrana. The climate data and chronology of Bhirrana suggest that not only the Harappan civilization originated during the 8–9th millennium BP, it continued and flourished in the face of overall declining rainfall throughout the middle to late Holocene period11,74. It is difficult to point to one single cause that drove the Harappan decline although diverse suggestions from Aryan invasion, to catastrophic flood or droughts, change in monsoon and river dynamics, sea-levels, trade decline2,3,73,74,75,76,77,78,79 to increased societal violence and spread of infectious diseases26 have been proposed. The continued survival of Harappans at Bhirrana suggests adaptation to at least one detrimental factor that is monsoon change. Although direct paleobotanical data from Bhirrana does not exist, archeobotanical study from nearby Farmana excavation, located ~100 km SW of Bhirrana clearly indicated change in crop pattern through cultural levels. At Farmana, compared to early levels a dramatic decrease in both ubiquity (from 61% to 20%) and seed density (1.5% to 0.7%) in wheat and barley in the later Harappan period has been documented. The study also indicates increasing dependence on summer crops like millet and has been inferred as a direct consequence of lesser rainfall80. Such pattern have also been found elsewhere in Indus valley where the Harappans shifted their crop patterns from the large-grained cereals like wheat and barley during the early part of intensified monsoon to drought-resistant species of small millets and rice in the later part of declining monsoon and thereby changed their subsistence strategy16,81. Because these later crops generally have much lower yield, the organized large storage system of mature Harappan period was abandoned giving rise to smaller more individual household based crop processing and storage system and could act as catalyst for the de-urbanisation of the Harappan civilization rather than an abrupt collapse as suggested by many workers82,83,84,85. Our study suggests possibility of a direct connect between climate, agriculture and subsistence pattern during the Harappan civilization.

            Additional Information

            How to cite this article: Sarkar, A. et al. Oxygen isotope in archaeological bioapatites from India: Implications to climate change and decline of Bronze Age Harappan civilization. Sci. Rep. 6, 26555; doi: 10.1038/srep26555 (2016).

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            Acknowledgements

            This work was supported by a Diamond Jubilee Grant from IIT Kharagpur. Isotope data were generated in the National Stable Isotope facilities, IIT, Kharagpur and Physical Research Laboratory funded by the DST, New Delhi. We thank Archaeological Survey of India for the permission to use the photographs of excavation and archaeological elements of Bhirrana and Dr. Anil Pokharia of BSIP for discussion. We thank three anonymous reviewers for their critical comments. We dedicate this paper to the late Dr. L.S. Rao who excavated the Bhirrana site and established the Harappan cultural levels.

            Author information

            Author notes

              • L. S. Rao
              Deceased.

            Affiliations

            1. Department of Geology and Geophysics, Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur 721302, India

              • Anindya Sarkar
              • M. K. Bera
              •  & B. Das
            2. Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Instiute, Pune 411006, India

              • Arati Deshpande Mukherjee
              •  & V. S. Shinde
            3. Physical Research Laboratory Navrangpura, Ahmedabad 380009, India

              • Navin Juyal
              •  & R. D. Deshpande
            4. Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, Lucknow, India

              • P. Morthekai
            5. Archaeological Survey of India, Nagpur, 440006, India

              • L. S. Rao

            Contributions

            A.S. conceived the problem, prepared the figures, helped in analysis and wrote the paper. A.D.M. did the field work, collected samples and did the faunal analysis of teeth and bone samples, M.K.B. and B.D. carried out the chemical extraction of phosphates from bioapatites and did the stable isotope anlaysis, N.J. and P.M. did the OSL dating of potteries, R.D.D. coordinated the Hissar IWIN precipitation station and carried out the stable isotope analysis of rain water, V.S. provided input about Harappan archeology. Late L.S.R. excavated the Bhirrana archeological site.

            Competing interests

            The authors declare no competing financial interests.

            Corresponding author

            Correspondence to Anindya Sarkar.

            Supplementary information

            https://www.nature.com/articles/srep26555

            https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RQ6E2xKVoqo Published on Mar 2, 2017 (Lecture delivered in Mumbai November 2016)

            Prof. Shereen Ratnagar, an eminent Archaeologist on India and Mesopotamia, speaking on 'The Indus Civilization'

            http://uohdistinguishedlectures.blogspot.in/2013/09/distinguished-lecture-by-prof-shereen.html Distinguished Lecture by Prof. Shereen Ratnagar
            September 5, 2013
            Date: September 5,, 2013

            Venue: CV Raman auditorium, University of Hyderabad


            Topic: Science Vs. Social Science: Did Rains Do The Harappans In?


            Speaker: Prof. Shereen Ratnagar, UoH Chair Professor


            About the speaker:


            An eminent historian and a retired professor of archaeology and ancient history at the Centre for Historical Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi, Prof. Shereen Ratnagar is noted for work on investigating the factors contributing to the end of the Indus Valley Civilization.


            After graduating from Deccan College, Pune, University of Pune, Prof. Ratnagar studied Mesopotamian archaeology at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London.


            Her research interests include the bronze age, trade, urbanism, pastoralism, and, recently, the social dimensions of early technology. Apart from numerous research papers in specialized journals of history and archaeology, she is author of Understanding Harappa; End of the Great Harappan Tradition; Mobile and Marginalized Peoples: Perspectives from the Past; Encounters: The Westerly Trade of the Harappa Civilization; Ayodhya: Archaeology After Excavation; Makers and Shapers: Early Indian Technology in the Home, Village and Urban Workshop; Being Tribal.


            A member of Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), Prof. Shereen Ratnagar is the first occupant of University Chair Professorship in the School of Social Sciences for the monsoon semester.


            The photo-documentation of this lecture is available at:


            http://uohdistinguishedlectures.blogs...


            Copyrights@2013, University of Hyderabad.

            Why did Tridhātu as Gaṇeśa become a scribe of Mahābhārata kāvya?

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            Prelude
            A young Lord Ganesha writing with his broken tusk at a stone-carver's workshop in Batubulan, Bali, Indonesia
            The stone carving of a young Lord Ganesh writing with his broken tusk at a stone carver's workshop in Batubulan, Bali.

            It is indeed heartening to see a symposium in USA (2010) discussing the Mahābhārata kāvya. Such deliberations should take place in every educational institution and forum in Bhārat and all over the world. 

            Thanks to Vishwa Adluri and Joydeep Bagchee for their intiatives in conducting academic sessions in Bhārat in 2017. Hopefully, this initiative should find fulfilment in extensive discussions about the significance of the epic to protect dharma.

            Read on the scintillating paper presented by Vishwa Adluri in the US symposium (2010). Thanks to Nithin Sridhar for reaching this out to a wider audience.

            So,what is the significance of Gaṇeśa an Indus Script hypertext as a scribe?
            See:

             


            Kalyanaraman, Sarasvati Research Centre, August 18, 2017
            Image result for ganesa scribe mahabharata manuscriptVyasadeva narrating the Mahabharata to Ganesha, his scribe, Angkor Wat. Cambodia
            Image result for ganesa scribe mahabharata manuscriptGanesa writing the Mahabharat, dictated by Vyasa Indian, Rajasthani, 17th century Mewar, Rajasthan, Norhern India Dimensions Overall:33 x 23.2 cm (13 x 9 1/8 in.) Medium or Technique Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Classification Paintings Type Page from an illustrated manuscript of the Mahabharata Accession Number 27.792 
























            http://indiafacts.org/perils-of-text/#.WZWPDQImohk.twitter

            How a commie runs big business. Sikka resigns.

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            Vishal Sikka resigns as MD and CEO of Infosys

            Vishal Sikka resigns as MD and CEO of Infosys: In his resignation letter, Sikka said: "After much reflection, I have concluded that it is indeed time for me to leave my current positions as MD and CEO, and I have com

            By: Express Web Desk | New Delhi | Updated: August 18, 2017 9:28 am

            Vishal Sikka, infosys, Infosys employees, governance issues, Israeli startup acquisition, Israeli startup Panaya, business newsVishal Sikka has resigned as CEO and MD of Infosys. PTI Photo
            Vishal Sikka has resigned as the Chief Executive Officer and Managing Director of Infosys. Pravin Rao has been appointed as the interim CEO. In a letter to stock exchanges, Company Secretary AGS Manikantha confirmed the development, saying the resignation was accepted at a board meeting on August 18. Sikka will now be the executive vice-chairman of the company. “The succession plan for appointment of a new Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer has been operationalised by the Board and a search for the same has been commenced,” the letter read.
            In a press release issued, Infosys said: Sikka has been appointed executive vice chairman effective today (August 18), and will hold office until the new permanent Chief Executive Officer and Managing Director takes charge, which should be no later than March 31, 2018. Sikka will continue to focus on strategic initiatives, key customer relationships and technology development. He will report to the Company’s Board. UB Pravin Rao has been appointed Interim Chief Executive Officer and Managing Director reporting to Sikka under the overall supervision and control of the Company’s Board.
            In his resignation letter, Sikka said: “After much reflection, I have concluded that it is indeed time for me to leave my current positions as MD and CEO, and I have communicated my resignation to Sesh. I will be working closely with Sesh, Ravi, Pravin, with all of you, and the senior management team to plan out the details and the timelines to ensure a smooth transition and in the meantime, continue our work without disruption, and ensuring that we protect our company, the employees, the clients, and the interests of every shareholder. You can count on my commitment
            to this.”

            Narayana Murthy raises Infosys issues again

            Infosys co-founder N.R. Narayana Murthy tells advisers in an email that at least three independent directors have been complaining about CEO Vishal Sikka

            N.R. Narayana Murthy in the email says he has nothing against Vishal Sikka, he enjoys spending time with him. His problem is with governance at the firm, that the fault lies with the current Infosys board.
            N.R. Narayana Murthy in the email says he has nothing against Vishal Sikka, he enjoys spending time with him. His problem is with governance at the firm, that the fault lies with the current Infosys board.
            Bengaluru: Infosys Ltd founder N.R. Narayana Murthy claimed in an email to some of his advisers that he had been told by at least three independent directors of the company that Vishal Sikka was more chief technology officer (CTO) material than chief executive officer (CEO) material.
            Mint has seen a copy of the email dated 9 August and also independently ascertained its authenticity from a company executive, a board member and a third person, all of whom asked not to be named. Mint couldn’t independently confirm the claims made in the email.
            “All that I hear from at least three independent directors, including Mr Ravi Venkatesan (co-chairman), are complaints about Dr Sikka. They have told me umpteen times that Dr Sikka is not a CEO material but CTO material. This is the view of at least three members of the board, and not my view since I have not seen him operate from the vantage point of an Infosys board member,” Murthy said in the email.
            Murthy has publicly lambasted Infosys over the course of the past six-seven months for lapses in corporate governance (allegations the company has denied repeatedly). In the latest email, he went on to criticize the board for failing to uphold the company’s famed governance standards and not creating “checks and balances required in any well-run company”.
            All that I hear from at least three independent directors, including Mr Ravi Venkatesan (co-chairman), are complaints about Dr Sikka. They have told me umpteen times that Dr Sikka is not a CEO material but CTO material. This is the view of at least three members of the board, and not my view since I have not seen him operate from the vantage point of an Infosys board member- Infosys co-founder N.R. Narayana Murthy in an email to his advisers
            “I have nothing against Dr Vishal Sikka. I enjoy spending time with him. I have never commented about his strategy or its execution,” Murthy wrote in the email. “My problem is with governance at Infosys. I believe that the fault lies with the current board. If the board had not embraced inaction and had ensured proper governance then they could have created checks and balances required in any well-run company. That, alas, does not exist today.”
            Murthy did not name the two other independent directors who do not have confidence in Sikka, who took over as CEO in August 2014.
            Murthy did not respond to repeated requests for comment over email, phone calls and text messages.
            Venkatesan declined to comment.
            Infosys did not respond to specific questions related to Murthy’s claims but reiterated that there had been no wrongdoing.
            Infosys’s board has Sikka and chief operating officer U.B. Pravin Rao as executive members and nine independent directors. Other than non-executive chairman R. Seshasayee and co-chairman Venkatesan, the other independent directors are D.N. Prahlad, Punita Kumar-Sinha, John Etchemendy, Jeffrey Lehman, Roopa Kudva, Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw and D. Sundaram.
            I have nothing against Dr Vishal Sikka. I enjoy spending time with him. I have never commented about his strategy or its execution.... My problem is with governance at Infosys. I believe that the fault lies with the current board. If the board had not embraced inaction and had ensured proper governance then they could have created checks and balances required in any well-run company. That, alas, does not exist today- Infosys co-founder N.R. Narayana Murthy in an email to his advisers
            The contents of the email from Murthy raise the spectre of deep divisions on the board of Infosys and, more worryingly, also raise questions about Sikka’s future at the company when he is already battling against time to orchestrate a turnaround amid several key top-level executive departures.
            The board member who confirmed the contents of the email also confirmed a separate email written by Murthy on 8 July, highlighting several reasons why the board of Infosys should make reports of all investigations public. The board member declined to elaborate further, but shared Venkatesan’s reply to Murthy on 14 July.
            On Thursday, Infosys said: “Each of the professional, exhaustive, expensive and time consuming investigations unequivocally found that the complaints were false and that there was no evidence whatsoever of wrongdoing. The Board has described the results of those investigations publicly, and most recently, on June 23, 2017 released publicly a report by Gibson Dunn, the investigating firm, that investigated the allegations (including alleged improprieties in the acquisition of Panaya) made by an anonymous complainant to SEBI in February 2017. The report was addressed to the Audit Committee and summarized their findings that there was no wrongdoing.” It said the investigations involved interviews with “dozens of people (including Mr N.R. Narayana Murthy)...”
            The contents of the email from Murthy raise the spectre of deep divisions on the board of Infosys and, more worryingly, also raise questions about Sikka’s future at the company
            It added in the emailed statement: “The Board welcomes feedback, input, and criticism regarding substantive matters, but it denounces the repeated and unfounded personal attacks on Dr Sikka and the members of the Board. The Board will continue to judge itself, management and the Company based on substantive performance as established by demonstrable evidence, and not on unsubstantiated complaints by anonymous persons or media reports of statements made by critics who promote or rely on incorrect information.”
            On 8 July, Murthy emailed the board, explaining the rationale behind why he wanted Infosys to make public the reports of the three investigations (and an independent valuation of Panaya) undertaken since August 2015.
            “What were the objections of the former CFO—Mr Rajiv Bansal regarding Panaya acquisition as evidenced by the three investigations, emails and transcripts of mobile conversations obtained from mobile carrier companies?” Murthy asked.
            Murthy also asked the board if the company could categorically say that no employee or a relative of the employee benefited from Infosys’s decision to spend $200 million to buy Panaya in February 2015. He also asked why Infosys sacked former general counsel David Kennedy, and why the company handed out $868,250 in severance pay to him.
            “Please publish the four reports in full; provide straight answers to these questions on the website of the company so that the shareholders who have paid for these legal investigations have full access to the output of these legal firms,” wrote Murthy.
            In his 14 July response to Murthy, Venkatesan reiterated that the Panaya investigation had found no evidence of wrongdoing by the company. Mint has seen both these emails as well.
            “I wish to assure you on behalf of the Board, that all of the questions raised by the idealist shareholders has been looked at carefully by the investigation and they found no evidence of wrongdoing by the company, or the directors and employees,” Venkatesan wrote.
            “You are also aware that the repeated and prolonged investigations have taken a toll on morale and business focus, and it would be in the interest of all shareholders to move on. With this in context, the Board, having been satisfied about the soundness of the investigation has decided to treat this matter as closed,” he added.
            The disagreements between the founders and the board started in February last year when the board decided to give Sikka a 55% pay hike to $11 million. Only 23.57% of promoter votes were cast in favour of reappointing Sikka as managing director and CEO in April last year.
            Some of the founders were also peeved at the Infosys board’s decision to approve a Rs17.38 crore severance payment to former chief financial officer Rajiv Bansal. Although Infosys stopped part of the payment later, Murthy in June suggested that the board induct former Infosys employee D.N. Prahlad (also a relative of Murthy) on the board. The board finally inducted Prahlad as an independent director in October.
            Since October 2015, Infosys has hired external law firms to undertake three investigations and also conducted an independent valuation of Panaya.
            Law firms Cyril Amarchand Mangaldas and Latham and Watkins carried out two probes in October 2015 and August 2016 to investigate if there was any impropriety in the board’s decision to give Bansal the generous severance payment. A third probe by Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher investigated if any Infosys executive profited from Panaya acquisition. Infosys has repeatedly stated that none of the investigations have found any wrongdoing, although the company has not made any of the four reports public.

            Full text of Infosys Board letter to Stock Exchange on N Murthy's continuous assault

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            Twitteratti

            Breaking : Infosys's CEO Vishal Sikka resigns. Says "Acting is my first love, will work on next series of Mr Bean"
            Ek Sikka ki keemat kya aap jano murthy sahab.....ek hi din mein 25 hazar crore uda diya
            Murthy: "We need to find a new CEO..."
            Nilekani opening a laptop: "No problem. I have everybody's contact details..."
             
            Narayan Murthy started a Software Services Company.
            Software: Done.
            Services: Delivered.
            Company: Still figuring out.

            wit

            Murthy's continuous assault led to Vishal Sikka's exit: Infosys board

            Infosys board calls Murthy's campaign misguided, says will not be distracted by it
            N R Narayana Murthy (Left) and Vishal Sikka
            N R Narayana Murthy (Left) and Vishal Sikka









































































































            Infosys co-founder N R Narayana Murthy's "continuous assault", including his latest letter, is the primary reason that Vishal Sikka resigned as the company's chief executive officer and managing director, the IT-major said in a press release sent to the BSE. 


            Calling Murthy's campaign "misguided", the release said that the board would not be distracted by it and "continue to adhere to the highest international standards of corporate governance". The release alleged Murthy demanded that the Infosys Board adopt certain changes in policy or else he would attack board members in public. It added that this threat was carried out when the Board did not acquiesce to his demands. Further, according to the release, Murthy demanded that specific individuals be appointed to the Board under a similar threat. The release also said that he has demanded operational and management changes under the threat of media attacks. "Mr. Murthy wanted the demands to be adhered to without attribution to him," the company said in the release.


            As reported earlier, the company's board accepted Sikka's resignation on Friday, notifying the development in a BSE filing. U B Pravin Rao has been appointed as the interim MD & CEO of India’s second-largest IT services firm.

            Here is the full text of the release:

            Bangalore – August 18, 2017: It has come to the attention of the Board that a letter authored by Mr. Murthy, the Founder of Infosys has been released to various media houses attacking the integrity of the Board and Management of the Company alleging falling corporate governance standards in the Company. The Board takes great umbrage to the contents of the letter and places on record the following:


            • Mr. Murthy's continuous assault, including this latest letter, is the primary reason that the CEO, Dr. Vishal Sikka, has resigned despite strong Board support.


            • Mr. Murthy’s letter contains factual inaccuracies, already-disproved rumours, and statements extracted out of context from his conversations with Board members.


            • The Board assures its shareholders, employees, customers and communities that it is committed not to be distracted by this misguided campaign by Mr. Murthy and will continue to adhere to the highest international standards of corporate governance as it executes its strategy of profitable growth for the benefit of all Infosys stakeholders.


            • Mr. Murthy’s campaign against the Board and the Company has had the unfortunate effect to undermine the Company’s efforts to transform itself.


            • The Board has been engaged in a dialogue with the Founder to resolve his concerns over the course of a year, trying earnestly to find feasible solutions within the boundaries of law and without compromising its independence. These dialogues have unfortunately not been successful.


            • The Board declines to speculate about Mr. Murthy’s motive for carrying out this campaign, including the latest letter. The Board believes it must set the record straight on the false and misleading charges made by Mr. Murthy because his actions and demands are damaging the Company and misrepresent its commitment to good corporate governance.


            FACT: Since Dr. Vishal Sikka was appointed as MD and CEO in August 2014, Infosys has delivered competitive financial performance through profitable revenue growth.


            • Infosys has, under the leadership of Vishal, developed and articulated a strategy to transform itself to meet the rapidly changing needs of the marketplace in the 21st century. The Company was lagging significantly behind industry in growth rates when Vishal took over and now we are in top quartile from a performance perspective.


            • Infosys has grown in revenues, from $2.13B in Q1FY15 to $2.65B this past Q1. This was done while keeping a strong focus on margins, closing this past quarter at 24.1% operating margin, beating some competitors for the first time in many years, and improving against nearly everyone in the industry.


            • The revenue per employee of the Company has grown for six quarters in a row. Attrition has fallen, from 23.4% in Q1FY15 to 16.9% this past Q1, and high performer attrition is much lower than the overall Company attrition.


            • The Company grew its $100M+ clients from 12 in Q1FY15, to 18 this past Q1, and increased its large deal wins from ~$1.9B in FY15 to ~$3.5B this past year. This has all been done while improving overall utilization (excluding trainees), to a 15-yr high this past quarter, and an all-time high including trainees, while improving our cash reserves, rewarding Infoscions with a new equity plan, and returning Rs. 19,000 Crores as dividend (including dividend distribution tax) over the last three years. This has all been done while improving standing with clients, to the highest ever in the 12 years with a jump of 22 points in CXO satisfaction.


            FACT: Infosys has continued to maintain the highest standards of corporate governance that the Company is known for.


            • The Board of Infosys is carrying out its shareholder mandate to be an independent board, working towards the best interest of the stakeholders.


            • The Board has sought the counsel of some of the most respected governance experts and legal advisors in the world, which have thoroughly investigated all anonymous allegations and concluded that no wrongdoing occurred. For Mr. Murthy to imply – with no evidence whatsoever – that three well-respected international law firms, members of the Infosys Board and certain employees are engaged in some grand global conspiracy to conceal information is not tenable on its face. It is important to mention here that Mr. Murthy was interviewed as part of the investigation by Gibson Dunn & Crutcher LLP in pursuance of the investigation in the Panaya acquisition, and was invited and welcomed to provide any information or evidence he believed would support the allegations being investigated. He did not provide any evidence since none exists. However, he has not mentioned this is his media communication against the investigation.


            • As previously announced by the Company on June 23, 2017, the Board thoroughly investigated each anonymous allegation with the assistance of highly respected external counsel and experts and determined that the allegations were entirely without merit. The Board will make no additional disclosure of the investigation report because further disclosure would be inconsistent with best corporate audit practices and would compromise the confidence of employees that they could report honestly, openly, and candidly to the company in any future investigation or legal matter.


            • The Board also believes that any further use of resources and time on these matters would be a distraction for the Company and would enable those wishing unfairly to attack Company personnel to continue this harmful conduct. Therefore, the Board has formally closed the investigations of the anonymous allegations so that the Company can focus on strategy, performance, and the creation of shareholder value. The Board remains focused to continuing to support Infosys’s strategy, which it believes is in the best interests of the Company’s shareholders, employees, clients and communities.


            FACT: Mr. Murthy’s has made repeatedly made inappropriate demands which are inconsistent with his stated desire for stronger governance.


            Illustratively:


            • Mr. Murthy has demanded that the Board adopt certain changes in policy, else he will attack board members in the public, which threat was carried out when the Board did not acquiesce;


            • He has demanded that the Board appoint specific individuals onto the Board under similar threat, without appropriate disclosure and without regard to basic determinants of appropriateness or fit of the candidate for the role as a Board member;


            • He has demanded operational and management changes under the threat of media attacks;


            • Notwithstanding that the remuneration package of senior management was approved overwhelmingly by shareholders (including members of the promoter group), Mr. Murthy preferred his dictat to prevail with no place or tolerance for the outcomes of shareholder democracy.


            • Mr. Murthy wanted the demands to be adhered to without attribution to him.


            The Board has, in its fiduciary role to consider all shareholder inputs, treated each demand from Mr. Murthy as a suggestion and only acted on suggestions which we believed was in the best interest of the company and declined to act on others. Over time the demands have intensified, which when declined by the Board resulted in the threats of media attacks being carried out.


            FACT: Mr. Murthy may be in the process of engaging in discussions with certain key stakeholders of the Company to further his criticisms of the Board and Management.


            We are concerned that this type of campaign runs the risk of confusing investors and undermining the Company’s management efforts.


            FACT: The Board is a fully independent Board, with professionals as its members who have been appointed by a clear majority of the shareholders.


            • Given the commitment of the Board to remain independent and pursue a chosen strategy, the Board currently has no intention of asking Mr. Murthy to play a formal role in the governance of the organization.


            • Co- Chair of the Board, Ravi Venkatesan has repeatedly over the past few weeks publicly stated his and the Boards support for Dr. Sikka. The Company categorically rejects any speculation or allegation of discord between the Infosys Board and Dr. Sikka.

            http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/murthy-s-continuous-assault-led-to-vishal-sikka-s-exit-infosys-board-117081800358_1.html

            ‘Below my dignity to respond’: Infosys founder Narayana Murthy amid row over Vishal Sikka’s resignation

            Infosys founder NR Narayana Murthy said he “voluntarily left board in 2014” and was not seeking any money, position for children or power.


            Infosys founder NR Narayana Murthy said on Friday he was “extremely anguished by the allegations, tone and tenor of the statements” after the company’s board blamed him for the sudden exit of chief executive and managing director Vishal Sikka.
            Murthy said he “voluntarily left board in 2014” and was not seeking any money, position for children or power. “It is below my dignity to respond to such baseless insinuations,” a statement by Murthy read.
            He added that his concern “primarily was the deteriorating standard of corporate governance”.
            Murthy’s remarks were reported shortly before Sikka addressed a press conference over his dramatic resignation.
            After Sikka announced his resignation, the IT major said in a statement: “Murthy’s continuous assault, including his latest letter, is the primary reason for the resignation of Sikka despite strong Board support.”
            The board accepted Sikka’s resignation and appointed him as vice chairman till the new CEO is appointed by March 31, 2018
            Here is Narayana Murthy’s full statement:
            “I have read the statement issued by the Board of Directors of Infosys.
            I am extremely anguished by the allegations, tone and tenor of the statements. I voluntarily left the Board in 2014 and am not seeking any money, position for children or power. My concern primarily was the deteriorating standard of corporate governance which I have repeatedly brought to the notice of the Infosys board.
            It is below my dignity to respond to such baseless insinuations. However, several shareholders who have read the whistle-blower report have told me that it is hard to believe a report produced by a set of accused, giving a clean chit to the accused, and the accused refusing to disclose why they got a clean chit! They say that this is not the way an impartial and objective investigation should be held.
            I will reply to these allegations in the right manner and in the right forum and at the appropriate time.”
            http://www.hindustantimes.com/business-news/below-my-dignity-to-respond-infosys-founder-narayana-murthy-amid-row-over-vishal-sikka-s-resignation/story-caxMzMJbziUAdkvnysdPDK.html

            Infosys press conference Live: Difficult now for board to consider a permanent position for Narayana Murthy

            BUSINESS Updated: Aug 18, 2017 15:03 IST
            Vishal Sikka resigned as chief executive of Infosys, the software giant announced Friday, amid growing acrimony between the company’s board and its founders.
            Sikka said the “increasingly personal” attacks had hit morale at the company, which has been trying to keep pace with rapid changes in the industry.
            “Over the last many months and quarters, we have all been besieged by false, baseless, malicious and increasingly personal attacks,” Sikka said in a statement.
            Shares in the company fell by more than seven percent after the surprise announcement.
            UB Pravin Rao was appointed the interim-managing director and chief executive by Infosys Ltd.
            Rao is the chief operating officer and responsible for the entire portfolio of the company’s offerings. He oversees the key functions of global sales, global delivery, and business enabling functions.
            Here are the live updates:
            2.50pm: Succession planning top priority for board; crucial that next CEO buys into vision, culture, is people-oriented:Infosys co-chairman Ravi Venkatesan
            2.45pm: There will be no change in buyback plans, says Infosys chairman R Seshasayee, adding that none of the projects in motion will be stopped.
            2.40pm: The Board is committed to the strategic direction set by Vishal Sikka: Ravi Venkatesan, co-chairman
            2.35pm: The events that have transpired in the last 48 hours have made it difficult for the board to consider a permanent position for Narayana Murthy: Co-chairman Ravi Venkatesan
            2.30pm: Infosys chairman R Seshasayee says he was not in contention for the role of Infosys CEO in 2014, no interest now. Not in contention for role
            2.25pm: We thank Vishal Sikka for giving the company a new direction during his tenure: Infosys chairman R Seshasayee
            2.23pm: No doubt that Vishal Sikka is a phenomenal guy, the world knows it. He has blossomed as a leader: co-chairman Ravi Venkatesan.
            2.20pm: I have no plans. I have no thought about what I’m going to do next, says Vishal Sikka.
            2.18pm: We came to conclusion that I will stay on as executive vice chairman,help in transition and UB Pravin Rao will be interim CEO: Vishal Sikka.
            2.17pm: I got to the point that was difficult to deal with. There was continuous noise about the same things over and over again,” Vishal Sikka said. “At some point, you realise that this was taking a heavy toll on the company and also personally.
            2.16pm: In many ways it is a sad day, but in many ways it might help things: Vishal Sikka on his resignation as CEO
            2.15pm: I signed up for the technological change, getting the company back to growth : Sikka
            2pm: Press conference begins. Infosys co-chairman Ravi Venkatesan says the board fully understands Sikka’s reasons for stepping down.

            1.50pm: Anguished by allegations, tone and tenor of statements by Infosys board, below my dignity to respond to baseless insinuations, says Narayana Murthy.
            http://www.hindustantimes.com/business-news/infosys-press-conference-live-vishal-sikka-on-why-he-quit-as-ceo/story-hhrZxRiRmodoh6x2UfPpxI.html

            SC to Karti C: Appear before CBI on Aug 23

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            Supreme Court asks Karti Chidambaram to appear before CBI on Aug 23

            Attempts to procrastinate the appearance before the CBI by Karti fail


             

            Attempts to procrastinate the appearance before the CBI by Karti failSC tells Karti: Appear before CBI
            At last Karti’s bag of tricks to evade from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has ended. The Supreme Court on Friday directed Karti Chidambaram, son of former Union minister P Chidambaram, to appear before investigators at the CBI headquarters on August 23 for interrogation. The court also clarified that the accompanying lawyer would sit in an adjoining room to the place where Karti will be quizzed by CBI investigators.
            At one point the Judges asked: “Do you want to say you are so good that you don’t want to appear before CBI?”
            The bench comprising Chief Justice J S Khehar and Justice D Y Chandrachud gave CBI the liberty to question him for as many days as it wants till August 28, the next date of hearing. Rejecting Karti’s advocate Gopal Subramanium’s arguments, the apex court reiterated that none of his excuses will prevail as he is evading the agencies. Karti was present in the court.
            Gopal Subramanium’s arguments that Enforcement Directorate (ED) was harassing Karti and father Chidambaram were rejected by Court, reminding that no one is above the law. At one point the Judges asked: “Do you want to say you are so good that you don’t want to appear before CBI?”
            It also asked Karti to carry all necessary documents required to defend himself against the allegations made by the CBI in the First Information Report (FIR). The bench has now posted the matter for consideration on August 28 and asked both parties to file their respective reports with regard to the investigation and other aspects of the case.
            The apex court had on August 14 said that Karti would not be allowed to leave India without subjecting himself to an investigation in the corruption case for accepting kickbacks from INX Media for illegal FIPB clearance given by father Chidambaram. The apex court, which stayed the Madras High Court order putting on hold the look out circular (LOC) issued by the Centre against Karti, had sought to know when he would make his appearance for questioning before CBI.
            After CBI questioning, the ED is expected to interrogate Karti in the INX media kickback case and other cases. After Karti’s questioning, the agencies are expected to summon father Chidambaram and the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) officials.
            https://www.pgurus.com/supreme-court-asks-karti-chidambaram-to-appear-before-cbi-on-aug-23/

            Chidambara Rahasya – Details of huge secret assets & foreign bank accounts of Chidambaram Family

            Summary of the assets & foreign bank accounts of the Chidambaram family unearthed by the ITD

             

            Rise and Fall of the Aam Aadmi Party -- Sree Iyer's book previewed by Rijul Singh Uppal

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            Kejriwal: Mirage of a Revolutionary

            Is Kejriwal a creation of the media, that shone brightly for a few moments before snuffing out?

             Is Kejriwal a creation of the media?Is Kejriwal a creation of the media?
            The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which burst into public life with the highest decibel media campaign, the likes of which has never been seen before or since could well enjoy the distinction of having the shortest political career ever. So opines Sree Iyer, a highly successful technocrat turned highly successful journalist. If you follow him on Twitter, you would have received a message which states that the average attention span today is 8.25 seconds, during which, in a world of 140 characters on Twitter, you have to get your point across. Iyer stays true to the spirit of that concept in Rise and Fall of the Aam Aadmi Party, a cogent, perceptive, and engrossing narrative.
            In 2010-11, when the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh were busy finalizing plans to avoid another debacle in 2014, the Congress-Left were weaving a new paradigm to checkmate the near-certain rise of Narendra Modi.
            For those wondering about the meteoric rise of Arvind Kejriwal, he provides insights most of us are unaware of, even those who followed the Anna Hazare movement. It was Sri Sri Ravishankar and the Art of Living (AOL) who spearheaded an anti-corruption movement but had to withdraw as it was skillfully hijacked by Kejriwal and his cronies. For those who wonder why Kejriwal and the AAP never rose to the much-hyped public expectations, this book is a must read.

            The Rise

            Iyer brings the spotlight on one of the most brilliant conspiracies in modern Indian politics – Arvind Kejriwal (and his Aam Aadmi Party) was propped up by the Congress Party, which led the UPA coalition. Many have suspected it, but few understood the dynamics of how and why the AAP was allowed to seize power in Delhi in 2013. People believed that Kejriwal was anti-Congress, but the reality was soon evident.
            Iyer presents a detailed timeline of Kejriwal’s rise following the 2009 Lok Sabha election. In 2010-11, when the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh were busy finalizing plans to avoid another debacle in 2014, the Congress-Left were weaving a new paradigm to checkmate the near-certain rise of Narendra Modi. Iyer claims there was some covert support for this endeavor from an unnamed Delhi-based BJP leader.
            The reason for this exercise was the realization that the people were growing weary of the Congress-CPI-CPI-M ideology; hence, a new neo-leftist outfit was crafted in the garb of opposition to the Congress – enter Arvind Kejriwal.
            As the RSS and AOL did not think much of Kejriwal, they unwittingly allowed him to hijack a protest for which they had urged citizens to assemble. The Congress-Left had deftly played its hand and won; the nation saw an unknown Kejriwal supported by the BJP-RSS.
            The author blames the short-sightedness of the Parivar and its think tank, the Vivekananda International Foundation, who had helped strategize these protests. The media’s active role in promoting Kejriwal is well known, but the writer highlights the unnoticed link between NDTV and Kejriwal, and the complicity of other media barons who ensured non-stop live coverage and iconization of the so-called crusader. The Urban Naxals had arrived!
            Iyer notes the hypocrisy of these anti-corruption crusaders, who avoided any mention of Dr. Subramanian Swamy in the 2G spectrum scam and extolled senior advocate Prashant Bhushan as the sole voice in anti-corruption matters. He questions the motives of Christian organizations that joined them, particularly the role of Delhi Archbishop Vincent Conçessao in shielding Sonia Gandhi from accusations of corruption and diverting all blame towards the then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Remember too, the dubious Delhi Church “attacks” in the run up to the Delhi assembly elections and the furor created by the Church in that period, all of which helped Arvind Kejriwal-AAP.
            Iyer notes Kejriwal’s rise from an unremarkable career in the Indian Revenue Service (IRS) where normal service and posting rules never applied to him or his wife. Kejriwal’s mentor, Aruna Roy, also a media darling, was always projected as an activist, while her identity as President of the CPI women’s wing was carefully concealed. That is a real scoop.
            Kejriwal leaped to fame in 2006 after receiving the Ford Foundation-funded Ramon Magsaysay award (yes, it is not a purse given by The Philippines’ government). The citation lauds his work as an RTI activist but never mentions his contributions, if any, in revealing anything meaningful under the RTI.
            Prominent RTI activists such as Subhash Agrawal, credited with bringing transparency into the judiciary, never received the attention they deserved, but Kejriwal basked in unearned glory! To burnish his artificial glitter, neither the Department of Personnel & Training nor the Ministry of Home Affairs under the UPA dispensation took cognizance of Kejriwal running an NGO and receiving foreign funds, while still in government service. Iyer details every such grant received by Kejriwal; one was cited “Media initiative on RTI”.

            Nefarious Objectives

            From the word go, there was something dubious about the India Against Corruption (IAC) movement. This was also the period of the West-funded Arab Spring in the Muslim world, and Indian Marxists and their still-to-be discredited journalist buddies began drawing parallels between Jantar Mantar and Tahrir Square. Unbelievable but true.
            Inspired by the rhetoric, Kejriwal tried to emulate Tahrir Square in front of Rail Bhawan in January 2014 when, as Chief Minister, he declared that he would not allow the Republic Day celebrations. Unsurprisingly, Kejriwal and acolyte Manish Sisodia received funds from western NGOs, many of which are associated with regime change.
            Unnoticed by most, the great anti-corruption crusader was conspicuously silent on the National Herald case where there is a paper trail involving Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi. Yet he never missed an opportunity to attack the BJP with wild allegations that could not be sustained. Only on one occasion, AAP tried to show bipartisanship by lambasting Robert Vadra with an old news item.
            Iyer blames the Delhi BJP for maintaining inexplicable silence on the scams of the Congress-led Sheila Dikshit government in Delhi in the matter of escalating electricity and water bills. That Kejriwal later reneged on his commitments to rectify matters in this regard is irrelevant; he had already won. In fairness, his victory did scuttle moves to privatize water supply, as recommended by the World Bank. Again, the BJP silence on this front deserves an explanation.
            But soon, Kejriwal changed track. The rise of Narendra Modi and the sight of masses rallying behind him for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections frightened the Congress-Left. It was time for their creation, Arvind Kejriwal the redeemer, to deliver that for which he had been created. So Kejriwal began using his anti-corruption crusader credentials and media friends to launch an all-out propaganda war against then Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi. His ego had been pumped to such levels that he thought he was fated to be the next Prime Minister.
            But first, he had to distance himself from the Congress. Hence the inane drama of January-February 2014, in which he resigned because Congress would not allow his Delhi Lokpal Bill to surpass the national bill passed in Parliament!
            Free from the shackles of governance, AK-49 plunged into a high pitched, media assisted, the campaign against the BJP and Narendra Modi in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. The author follows the AAP journey from the Lok Sabha fiasco to the massive 67/70 seat victory in Delhi to the resurgence of the BJP in the Delhi municipal polls.

            Second Term, Lies and Corruption

            Iyer lists the financial irregularities of the AAP and its dubious funding through shell companies. He observes the reluctance of Congress-appointed Lt Governor Najeeb Jung to act on a complaint by Subramanian Swamy and opines that the high-pitched Lt Governor-CM drama during the former’s term was a scripted fight meant to demean the office of the Prime Minister. As if Modi had time for such antics! It is notable that since the appointment of a new Lt. Governor, the AAP has not been able to continue this charade. After all, it takes two to tango.
            The writer notes the financial dealings of AAP minister Satyendra Jain and his associates, and the disillusionment of Delhi cabinet minister, Kapil Mishra, who exposed much of the financial and cash dealings of the AAP along with its fraudulent book keeping. Kejriwal’s own brother-in-law was caught doing fake transactions with the Delhi PWD.
            Iyer feels that the anger of Kejriwal, Mayawati and Mamata Banerjee, during demonetization was that of persons affected personally. Kejriwal’s behavior, body-language, and tweets calling the PM a coward and psychopath after a raid on his principal secretary in a graft case is equally astounding.
            Iyer records the numerous lies peddled by Kejriwal, and media complicity in not unearthing his service record, or discussing why a serving officer was on leave for more than 50 per cent of his career, or how he was allowed to collect foreign funds during that period.
            Kejriwal’s lies are the stuff of legend. TV news watchers would remember the 370-page “proof” Kejriwal claimed he had against Sheila Dikshit, which miraculously disappeared after he came to power. When questioned in the Assembly as to why he wasn’t taking any action as CM, he told then Leader of Opposition in the Delhi Assembly, Dr. Harshvardhan, to furnish any proof that the latter might have against Sheila Dikshit.
            Kejriwal carefully crafted the media narrative around him. He was the Congress-Left’s only hope of checking rising power-house Narendra Modi; many editors projected Kejriwal as the next Prime Minister after his 49-day government. Many journalists/ commentators argued that Narendra Modi should resign from Gujarat and first get parliamentary exposure before contesting for the post of the PM.
            So how did they envisage Kejriwal as Prime Minister? The media’s delusion in creating a vision (illusion?) of how Kejriwal would defeat Modi in Kashi is on-record. Iyer chuckles at how Rajdeep Sardesai and Sagarika Ghose tried to portray friend Yogendra Yadav as future Chief Minister of Haryana and the hilarious krantikaari episode between Kejriwal and Punya Prasun Bajpai.

            The Future

            Kejriwal’s future was sealed in the elections of Punjab and Goa. Though second in the number of seats in Punjab, AAP was a flop as its media friends had projected a 2/3rd majority. In Goa, AAP failed to open its account.
            Having lost two generations and blood lines to the insurgency, Punjab sensed the danger of Kejriwal coming to power. Hundreds of Sikh NRIs landed in the state to campaign for the AAP, accentuating fears of a Khalistani angle to this party. The media, which questioned why a commission was set up to probe Rohith Vemula’s suicide and why it looked into his caste, never thought to question why NRIs were campaigning for a political party.
            Iyer concludes with Kejriwal’s personal insecurities, his behavior towards his colleagues, fear of getting recorded on mobile phones, and side-lining Kumar Vishwas because of his growing popularity. His massive victory having gone to his head, Kejriwal flouted rules as and when he fancied; this has now come to haunt him with 21 of his MLAs facing disqualification for holding office-of-profit.
            Kejriwal has only himself to blame for the premature Cinderella hour in which the beautiful magic crafted by his Congress-Left mentors and their media elves crumbles to dust before his disbelieving eyes.

            My Stint with Kejriwal: Wising up to ‘Democracy’ and ‘Social Activism’


            Two kavi-s, Vyāsa and Gaṇeśa, are narrator and scribe of Mahābhārata itihāsa

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            https://tinyurl.com/yb4d3l2p

            In Bhāratīya itihāsaVyāsa and Gaṇeśa are narrator and scribe who document ādhyātmikāādidaivika,
            ādibhautikā enquiries. This is validated by R̥gveda r̥k-s presented in this monograph.

            See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2017/08/why-did-tridhatu-as-ganesa-become.html 

             

            Gaṇeśa writing the Mahābhārata, dictated by Vyāsa Indian, Rajasthani, 17th century Mewar, Rajasthan, Norhern India Dimensions Overall:33 x 23.2 cm (13 x 9 1/8 in.) Medium or Technique Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Classification Paintings Type Page from an illustrated manuscript of the Mahābhārata 
            Accession Number 27.792 

            Candi Sukuh sculptural frieze signifying dance-step of  Gaṇeśa, Bhima and Arjuna at work in a smithy/forge.

            What is the meaning of the word, gaņa? There are two meanings: 1. chant; 2. a flock , troop , multitude , number , tribe , series , class (of animate or inanimate beings) , body of followers or attendants RV. AV. &c.


            The lord of gaņa has the attribute of kavi, 'bard, divine'. Both Vyāsa and Gaṇeśa are kavi-s. Hence, they are a team of the narrator and the scribe, respectively of an itihāsa, an 'ancient narrative' of MahābhārataIn R̥gveda, Gaņeśa is गण--पति, 'the lord of gaņas' -- meaning 'lord of prayers' and also 'leader of a troop'. 

            In R̥gveda (RV. ii , 23 , 1) Gaņeśa is बृहस्पति, 'lord of prayer'.  Since gaņa signifies chant of prayerGaņeśa is Bhaspati, 'lord of prayer'.

            कवि [p= 264,2] mfn. ( √1. कू cf. 2. कव , /आकूत , /आकूति , काव्य Naigh. iii , 15 Nir. xii , 13 Un2. iv , 138) gifted with insight , intelligent , knowing , enlightened , wise , sensible , prudent , skilful , cunning;m. a thinker , intelligent man , man of understanding , leader; m. a singer , bard , poet (but in this sense without any technical application in the वेदRV. VS. TS. AV. S3Br. i , 4 , 2 , 8Kat2hUp. iii , 14 MBh. Bhag. Bha1gP. Mn. vii , 49 R. Ragh.; m. N. of several gods , (esp.) of अग्नि RV. ii , 23 , 1 ; x , 5 , 4 , 3 ; iii , 5 , 1 ; i , 31 , 2 ; 76 , 5; m. of वरुण , इन्द्र , the अश्विन्s , मरुत्s , आदित्यs


            RV 4.50.5 is clear about the power of Gaņa, the expression used is  r̥kvatā gaņena, 'with the praises (of chants)'  : With the loudshouting- band who sang his praises, with thunder, he destroyed obstructive Vala. Bhaspati thundering drave forth the cattle, the lowing cows who make oblations ready.


            ऋक्-वत् mfn. praising , jubilant with praise RV. AV. xviii , 1 , 47. gaņa are chants which are r̥k-s, 'praises'.

            In the R̥gveda (RV. 4.50.5), the gaņās of Bŗihaspathi---Brahmaņaspathi are the chants, the ks and the stomas, 'praise' गण (in metre) a foot or four instants (cf. -च्छन्दस्); m. a particular group of सामन्La1t2y. i , 6 , 5 VarYogay. viii , 7 गण -छन्दस् n. metre regulated and measured by feet. 
            गण[p= 343,1] m. = वाच् (i.e. " a series of verses ") Naigh. i ,11; 
            N. of गणे* W. Gaņa is also 'an epithet of Gaṇeśa'. 

            Atharva Veda refers to Br̥haspati as hasti –varcasa. i.e., with the vigour and magnificence of an elephant. Gaņeśa gets this feature of Br̥haspati  (also written वृह्°-प्° ; fr.  3. बृह् पति ; cf. ब्रह्मणस्-पति) " lord of prayer or devotion " N. of a deity (in whom Piety and Religion are personified. Maitrāyanīya samhitā (2.9.1) and Taittarīya ārayaka (10.1.5) are prayers to an elephant-faced (hasti-mukha) , single-tusked (eka-dantin) deity with a curved trunk (vakra-tuṇḍa). 


            .
            Griffith:
            1. Him who with might hath propped earths' ends, who sitteth in threefold seat, Brhaspati, with
            thunder,
            Him of the pleasant tongue have ancient sages, deepthinking-, holy singers, set before them.
            2 Wild in their course, in wellmarked- wise rejoicing were they, Brhaspati, who pressed around us.
            Preserve Brhaspati, the stall uninjured, this companys' raining, evermoving- birthplace.
            Brhaspati, from thy remotest distance have they sat down who love the law eternal.
            For thee were dug wells springing from the mountain, which murmuring round about pour streams of
            sweetness.
            Brhaspati, when first he had his being from mighty splendour in supremest heaven,
            Strong, with his sevenfold mouth, with noise of thunder, with his seven rays, blew and dispersed
            the darkness.
            5 With the loudshouting- band who sang his praises, with thunder, he destroyed obstructive Vala.
            Brhaspati thundering drave forth the cattle, the lowing cows who make oblations ready.
            6 Serve we with sacrifices, gifts, and homage even thus the Steer of all the Gods, the Father.
            Brhaspati, may we be lords of riches, with noble progeny and store of heroes.
            7 Surely that King by power and might heroic hath made him lord of all his foes' possesions-,
            Who cherishes Brhaspati welltended-, adorns and worships him as foremost sharer.
            8 In his own house he dwells in peace and comfort: to him for ever holy food flows richly.
            To him the people with free will pay homagethe- King with whom the Brahman hath precedence.
            9 He, unopposed, is master of the riches of his own subjects and of hostile people.
            The Gods uphold that King with their protection who helps the Brahman when he seeks his favour.
            10 IndraBrhaspati, rainers of treasure, rejoicing at this sacrifice drink the Soma.
            Let the abundant drops sink deep within you: vouchsafe us riches with full store of heroes.
            11 Brhaspati and Indra, make us prosper may this be your benevolence to usward-.
            Assist our holy thoughts, wake up our spirit: weaken the hatred of our foe and rivals.


            Gaņa means 'chant' in RV 2.23. This is the principal reason for starting any prayer with an invocation of gaņa-s, 'chants'.







            RV 2.23
            1. WE call thee, Lord and Leader of the heavenly hosts, the wise among the wise, the famousest of
            all,
            The King supreme of prayers, O Brahmanaspati: hear us with help; sit down in place of sacrifice.
            Brhaspati, God immortal! verily the Gods have gained from thee, the wise, a share in holy rites.
            As with great light the Sun brings forth the rays of morn, so thou alone art Father of all sacred
            prayer.
            3 When thou hast chased away revilers and the gloom, thou mountest the refulgent car of sacrifice;
            The awful car, Brhaspati, that quells the foe, slays demons, cleaves the stall of kine, and finds
            the light.
            4 Thou leadest with good guidance and preservest men; distress overtakes not him who offers gifts
            to thee.
            Him who hates prayer thou punishest, Brhaspati, quelling his wrath: herein is thy great mightiness.
            5 No sorrow, no distress from any side, no foes, no creatures doubletongued- have overcome the
            man,
            Thou drivest all seductive fiends away from him whom, careful guard, thou keepest Brahmanaspati.
            6 Thou art our keeper, wise, preparer of our paths: we, for thy service, sing to thee with hymns
            of praise.
            Brhaspati, whoever lays a snare for us, him may his evil fate, precipitate, destroy.
            7 Him, too, who threatens us without offence of ours, the evilminded, arrogant, rapacious man,
            Him turn thou from our path away, Brhaspati: give us fair access to this banquet of the Gods.
            8 Thee as protector of our bodies we invoke, thee, saviour, as the comforter who loveth us.
            Strike, O Brhaspati, the Gods revilers down, and let not the unrighteous come to highest bliss.
            9 Through thee, kind prosperer, O Brahmanaspati, may we obtain the wealth of Men which all desire:
            And all our enemies, who near or far away prevail against us, crush, and leave them destitute.
            10 With thee as our own rich and liberal ally may we, Brhaspati, gain highest power of life.
            Let not the guileful wicked man be lord of us: still may we prosper, singing goodly hymns of
            praise.
            11 Strong, never yielding, hastening to the battlecry-, consumer of the foe, victorious in the
            strife,
            Thou art sins' true avenger, Brahmanaspati, who tamest even the fierce, the wildly passionate.
            12 Whoso with mind ungodly seeks to do us harm, who, deeming him a man of might mid lords, would
            slay,
            Let not his deadly blow reach us, Brhaspati; may we humiliate the strong illdoers-' wrath.
            13 The mover mid the spoil, the winner of all wealth, to be invoked in fight and reverently adored,
            Brhaspati hath overthrown like cars of war all wicked enemies who fain would injure us.
            14 Burn up the demons with thy fiercest flaming brand, those who have scorned thee in thy
            manifested might.
            Show forth that power that shall deserve the hymn of praise: destroy the evil speakers, O
            Brhaspati.
            15 Brhaspati, that which the foe deserves not which shines among the folk effectual, splendid,
            That, Son of Law I which is with might refulgentthat- treasure wonderful bestow thou on us.
            16 Give us not up to those who, foes in ambuscade, are greedy for the wealth of him who sits at
            ease,
            Who cherish in their heart abandonment of Gods. Brhaspati, no further rest shall they obtain.
            17 For Tvastar, he who knows each sacred song, brought thee to life, preeminent over all the
            things that be.
            Guiltscourger-, guiltavenger- is Brhaspati, who slays the spoiler and upholds the mighty Law.
            18 The mountain, for thy glory, cleft itself apart when, Angiras! thou openedst the stall of kine.
            Thou, O Brhaspati, with Indra for ally didst hurl down waterfloods- which gloom had compassed
            round.
            19 O Brahmanaspati, be thou controller of this our hymn and prosper thou our children.
            All that the Gods regard with love is blessed. Loud may we speak, with heroes, in assembly.


            S. Kalyanaraman
            Sarasvati Research Center
            August 18, 2017

            R̥kvat gaṇa 'prayer chant', Gaṇeśa iconography, Māheśvara Sūtrāṇi & Indus Script hypertext

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            पूर्वतापनीयोपनिषद् means 'golden', is a school of Vājasneyi Samhitā, evokes praying through tapana, 'burning', i.e. fire and is related to R̥gveda.

            R̥k is 'praising' and R̥kvat gaṇa is 'prayer chant'. गण--पाठ [p= 343,2] m. a collection of the गणs or series of words following the same grammatical rule (ascribed to पाणिनि). This गण--पाठ begins with an invocatory prayer to Gaṇapati, 'lord of prayer' personified as Gaṇeśa, 'leader of troop'.

            See: 

             

            Image result for ganesa kailasanatha swaminathan
            Dance-step of Gaṇeśa, Emūṣa, Varāha, with Marut-gaṇa. Kailasanath Temple, Kanchipuram.

            How is Gaṇeśa personified? In iconography, following the Indus Script hypertext cipher, the body of a kharva, 'dwarf' rebus: karba'iron' is ligatured with the face and trunk of an elephant.

            Indus Script hypertext cipher uses words with double meanings to render 'meaning' through rebus representation.

            karabha'elephant' rebus; karba'iron' is ligatured to mē̃dmēd 'body, womb, back' rebus: meḍ 'iron';
            मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, 'iron' (Samskrtam. Santali.Mu.Ho.) Dance-step: meḍ'dance-step' signifies meḍ 'iron'med, 'copper' (Slavic)
            Gaṇeśa writing the Mahābhārata, dictated by Vyāsa Indian, Rajasthani, 17th century Mewar, Rajasthan, Norhern India Dimensions Overall:33 x 23.2 cm (13 x 9 1/8 in.) Medium or Technique Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Classification Paintings Type Page from an illustrated manuscript of the Mahābhārata 
            Accession Number 27.792 

            Dance-step of Gaṇeśa on Candi Sukuh sculptural frieze signifies 

            karabha 'elephant' rebus; karba 'iron' PLUS meḍ 'dance-step' rebus meḍ 'iron'.

            There are many Indus Script hypertexts from the corpora ligaturing human face to an elephant trunk (creating composite animals) to signify the meaning of 'iron, metal'. 
            Indus Script seal images of 'composite animal' demonstrating the cipher to convey messages related to metalwork.  mũh 'a face' rebus: mũh, muhã'ingot' or muhã'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.'.; dhatu'scarf' rebus: dhatu'mineral ore';  kola,'tiger' rebus: kol 'blacksmith, working in iron'; xolā'fish tail' rebus: kolhe'smelter', kol'working in iron'; फड, phaḍa 'hood of cobra' (ligatured as tail of composite animal) rebus: फड, phaḍa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal weapons'; पोळ pōḷa 'zebu' (bos indicus horns ligatured to composite animal) rebus: पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite (a ferrite ore)'
            Nindowari seal with squirrel hieroglyph.
            Hieroglyph: squirrel (phonetic determinant): खार (p. 205) [ khāra ] A squirrel, Sciurus palmarum. खारी (p. 205) [ khārī(Usually खार) A squirrel. (Marathi) rebus: khār'blacksmith'. Also, uṟuttai 'squirrel' rebus: urukku 'melt (iron ore mineral)' -- to create ukku 'steel'. See: 
            Ta. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender.


            Kannada.

            ऋक्-वत् ऋक्व्/अ mfn. praising , jubilant with praise RV. AV. xviii , 1 , 47; ऋक् a [p= 224,3] ऋक्-छस्,ऋक्-तस् ,andऋक्-शस् » under 2.  ऋच् , [p= 225,1]ऋच् [p= 225,1]  cl.6 P. ऋचति , आनर्च , अर्चिता , &c , = अर्च्1 , [p= 89,3]to praise Dha1tup. xxviii , 19 (cf. अर्क्/अ.); f. praise , verse , esp. a sacred verse recited in praise of a deity (in contradistinction to the सामन् [pl. सामानि] or verses which were sung and to the यजुस् [pl. यजूंषि] or sacrificial words , formularies , and verses which were muttered); sacred text RV. AV. VS. S3Br. &c Mn. &c; the collection of the ऋच् verses (sg. , but usually pl. /ऋचस्) , the ऋग्-वेद AitBr. A1s3vS3r. and A1s3vGr2. Mn. i , 23 , &c; the text of the पूर्वतापनीयRa1matUp.;
            पूर्वतापनीय [p= 643,2] n. (and °यो*पनिषद् f. ) N. of the first half of the नृसिंह-तापनी-योपनिषद् Col. (cf. उत्तर-तापनीय). तापनीय [p= 442,3] mf ()n. golden MBh. i , vii Hariv. R.; m. pl. N. of a school of the VS. (to which several उपनिषद्s belong) Caran2. (v.l. °पायन). तापायन [p= 442,3] m. pl. v.l. for °पनीय q.v.

            ऋग्--वेद [p= 225,1] m. " Hymn - वेद " or " वेद of praise " , the ऋग्-वेद , or most ancient sacred book of the Hindus (that is , the collective body of sacred verses called ऋचs [see below] , consisting of 1017 hymns [or with the वालखिल्यs 1028] arranged in eight अष्टकs or in ten मण्डलs ; मण्डलs 2-8 contain groups of hymns , each group ascribed to one author or to the members of one family ; the ninth book contains the hymns sung at the सोम ceremonies ; the first and tenth contain hymns of a different character , some comparatively modern , composed by a greater variety of individual authors ; in its wider sense the term ऋग्-वेद comprehends the ब्राह्मणs and the सूत्र works on the ritual connected with the hymns)AitBr. S3Br. Mn. &c

            Ta. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender, melt (as the heart), be kind, glow with love, be emaciated; urukku (urukki-) to melt (tr.) with heat (as metals or congealed substances), dissolve, liquefy, fuse, soften (as feelings), reduce, emaciate (as the body), destroy; n. steel, anything melted, product of liquefaction; urukkam melting of heart, tenderness, compassion, love (as to a deity, friend, or child); urukkiṉam that which facilitates the fusion of metals (as borax). Ma. urukuka to melt, dissolve, be softened; urukkuka to melt (tr.); urukkam melting, anguish; urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel. Ko. uk steel. Ka. urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te. ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh- (Voc. 262).
            Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.) rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel. (DEDR 661)  Te. uḍuku to boil, seethe, bubble with heat, simmer; n. heat, boiling; uḍikincu, uḍikilu, uḍikillu to boil (tr.), cook. Go. (Koya Su.) uḍk ēru hot water. Kuwi (S.) uḍku heat. Kur. uṛturnā to be agitated by the action of heat, boil, be boiled or cooked; be tired up to excitement. Ta. (Keikádi dialect; Hislop, Papers relating to the Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, Part II, p. 19) udku (presumably uḍku) hot (< Te.) (DEDR 588)

            Ta. uṟukku (uṟukki-) to jump, leap over; uṟuttai squirrel. Te. uṟu to retreat, retire, withdraw; uṟuku to jump, run away; uṟuta squirrel. Konḍa uRk- to run away. Kuwi (Isr.) urk- (-it-) to dance. (DEDR 713)  Ka. uḍute squirrelTe. uḍuta id.(DEDR 590)

            Ma. uṟukku amulet. Tu. urku id.(DEDR 714)

            Māheśvara Sūtrāṇi emerge from the sounds of huḍukkā, 'drum' of Śiva

            हुडुक्क a stick or staff bound with iron L. हुडुक्का f. a kind of drum Sam2gi1t

            Ta. uṭukkai small drum tapering in the middle. Ma. uṭukka a tabor resembling an hour-glass. Tu. uḍuku a kind of small drum. Te. uḍuka small drum of the shape of an hour-glass. / Cf. Skt. huḍukka- a kind of rattle or small drum; huḍukkā- a kind of drum. (DEDR 589)

            In Hindu Veda tradition,  Māheśvara Sūtrāṇi are fourteen verses that organize the phonemes of Sanskrit as referred to in the Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini, the foundational text of Sanskrit grammar. These phonemes emerge from the huḍukkā,'drum' of Śiva.

            [quote] Within the tradition they are known as the Akṣarasamāmnāya, "recitation of phonemes," but they are popularly known as the Shiva Sutras because they are said to have been revealed to Pāṇini by Shiva. They were either composed by Pāṇini to accompany his Aṣṭādhyāyī or predate him. The latter is less plausible, but the practice of encoding complex rules in short, mnemonic verses is typical of the sutra style. 
            IASTDevanāgarī
            1. a i u ṇ
            2. ṛ ḷ k
            3. e o ṅ
            4. ai au c
            5. ha ya va ra ṭ
            6. la ṇ
            7. ña ma ṅa ṇa na m
            8. jha bha ñ
            9. gha ḍha dha ṣ
            10. ja ba ga ḍa da ś
            11. kha pha cha ṭha tha ca ṭa ta v
            12. ka pa y
            13. śa ṣa sa r
            14. ha l
            १. अ इ उ ण्।
            २. ऋ ऌ क्।
            ३. ए ओ ङ्।
            ४. ऐ औ च्।
            ५. ह य व र ट्।
            ६. ल ण्।
            ७. ञ म ङ ण न म्।
            ८. झ भ ञ्।
            ९. घ ढ ध ष्।
            १०. ज ब ग ड द श्।
            ११. ख फ छ ठ थ च ट त व्।
            १२. क प य्।
            १३. श ष स र्।
            १४. ह ल्।
            Each of the fourteen verses consists of a group of basic Sanskrit phonemes (i.e. either open syllables consisting either of initial vowels or consonants followed by the basic vowel "a") followed by a single 'dummy letter', or anubandha, conventionally rendered by capital letters in Roman transliteration and named 'IT' by Pāṇini.
            This allows Pāṇini to refer to groups of phonemes with pratyāhāras, which consist of a phoneme-letter and an anubandha (and often the vowel a to aid pronunciation) and signify all of the intervening phonemes. Pratyāhāras are thus single syllables, but they can be declined [unquote] 
            https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shiva_Sutras
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