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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    FROM 12-07-2017 TO 13-07-2017

    Universidad Complutense de Madrid

    The panoramic impression one gains is that of a millenary relay race, in which one culture bequeaths an ever-changing baton to the next. The diversity of languages and literary traditions in which disputations are attested makes it impossible for a single scholar to study the evolution of the genre, or to decide whether the genre was transmitted through all these cultures and periods, or whether it instead originated independently in different places as different times. Because of the genre's linguistic and chronological scope, disputation poetry is a highly suitable topic for a multidisciplinary conference.

    This conference is sponsored by the following institutions:


    The Department of Hebrew and Aramaic Studies (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) is pleased to announce the international conference “Disputation Poems in the Near East and Beyond. Ancient and Modern,” which will take place in Colegio Mayor Teresa de Jesús (Avenida Séneca, 12), Madrid, on 12–13 July 2017.

    WEDNESDAY, 12 JULY 2017

    9:00 – 9:15. Welcome address by Eugenio R. Luján, Dean of the Philology School of Universidad Complutense de Madrid
    9:15 – 10:00. Enrique Jiménez (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) — Disputations in the Near East. Reflections on the longue durée of a genre
    10:00 – 10:20. Coffee break

    Morning Session 1: Origins. Disputations in Sumerian Literature
    (Chair: Barbara Böck, ILC – CSIC)
    10:20 – 11:00. Gonzalo Rubio (Pennsylvania State University) — Genre and Evolution of the Sumerian Disputations
    11:10 – 11:50. Catherine Mittermayer (Université de Genève) — Dialogue Techniques in Sumerian Disputation Poems
    11:50 – 12:10. Coffee break

    Morning Session 2: The Semitic Tradition
    (Chair: Ignacio Márquez Rowe, ILC – CSIC)
    12:10 – 12:50. Andrew R. George (SOAS University of London) — Tamarisk and Palm: The Oldest Akkadian Disputation
    13:00 – 13:40. Andrés Piquer Otero (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) — The Sources of the Fable of Jotham

    13:40 – 15:30. Lunch Break

    Afternoon Session: Medieval Semitic disputations
    (Chair: Pablo A. Torijano, Universidad Complutense de Madrid)
    15:30 – 16:10. Geert Jan van Gelder (University of Oxford) — The Classical Arabic Literary Debate: Spring and Autumn
    16:20 – 17:00. Amparo Alba (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) — Disputation Poems in Spanish Hebrew Literature
    17:00 – 17:20. Coffee break

    17:20 – 18:30. Round table “Orality and Textuality in Disputation Poems,” moderated by Andrés Piquer Otero 

    THURSDAY, 13 JULY 2017

    Morning Session 1: Disputations in Medieval and Early Modern Literature (Chair: Andrés Piquer Otero, Universidad Complutense de Madrid)

    9:00 – 9:40. Hatice Aynur (İstanbul Şehir University) — Disputation Poems in Ottoman Literature
    9:50 – 10:30. Vicente Cristóbal López & Juan Luis Arcaz Pozo (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) —Tradition and Innovation in the Earliest Latin conflictus. Alcuin’s Conflictus veris et hiemis,  Scottus’ Rosae liliique certamen, and the Eclogue of Theodulus

    10:30 – 11:00. Coffee break

    Morning Session 2: Modern Disputations
    (Chair: Manuel Molina, ILC – CSIC)

    11:00 – 11:40. Alessandro Mengozzi (Università degli Studi di Torino) — Neo-Aramaic Dialogue and Dispute Poems. The Various Types
    11:50 – 12:30. Clive Holes (University of Oxford) — Modern Dispute and Debate Poems in Bahrain and the Wider Gulf: Speculations on Their Origin

    12:40 – 13:40. Round table “Monogenesis or Polygenesis?,” moderated by Enrique Jiménez

    13:40 – 14:00. Closing remarks and presentation of certificates of attendance

    14:00 – 15:30. Lunch

    16:30 – 22:00. Visit to El Escorial
    Viña y PalmeraDisputation poems are texts that feature discussion between two usually inarticulate litigants, such as trees, animals, seasons, or concepts. Poems of this type appear in a great many different cultures, the majority of which lived around the area of modern Iraq. The genre spans third millennium BCE Sumerian to contemporary Arabic poetry, through Jewish Aramaic, Parthian, Syriac, Classical Arabic, Persian, and Turkish literature. The topics often reflect the concerns of the time in which the poems were composed. Thus, 21st century BCE Sumer produced “Hoe and Plow,” whereas “Donkey and Bicycle” was composed in 20th century Egypt. 

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    Sonia Gandhi helped create the toxicity of Congress party

    The greatest disservice the party did was to set back by decades the cause of bona fide secularism.

    Without quite realising it, the Congress under the leadership of Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi has become a toxic force in Indian politics.
    The 1975-77 Emergency, during which more than one lakh journalists, Opposition leaders and civil society activists were jailed (including LK Advani and Arun Jaitley), exposed the first autocratic gene in the Congress. Indians' fundamental rights were suspended for nearly two years. The Constitution was subverted.
    The attempt by the Congress to censor Madhur Bhandarkar's new film on the Emergency, Indu Sarkar, underscores how keenly aware the Congress is of the human rights violations it committed during the Emergency.
    In 1986, Rajiv Gandhi - an essentially decent man whose career was impaled by bad advisors - planted the seed of communalism in mainstream politics by overturning through parliamentary legislation a 1985 Supreme Court order that had granted maintenance to an elderly divorced Muslim woman Shah Bano.
    But it wasn't till 1998, when Sonia Gandhi took over the presidency of the Congress, that the full toxicity of the party would become evident. The crude, thoughtless overnight eviction of then Congress president Sitaram Kesri was an early sign.
    lalu_nitish-pti_070717052838.jpgThe RJD's Lalu Prasad Yadav is looking at fresh jail time in the fodder scam. He is meanwhile battling charges of undeclared assets against his two sons, daughter and wife. Photo: PTI
    When the Congress took power at the Centre in 2004 after a hiatus of six years, it showed its true colours. While Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was the gentle, erudite face of the Congress-led UPA government for ten years, Sonia called the shots behind the scenes.
    The party had four organisational layers. The first comprised senior lawyer-ministers P Chidambaram, Kapil Sibal, Salman Khurshid and Veerappa Moily. The second was made up of senior loyalists Jairam Ramesh, Kamal Nath and Anand Sharma.
    The third layer was led by ground-level operators Ahmed Patel and Ghulam Nabi Azad. The fouth layer comprised Rahul's young turks - Jyotiraditya Scinda, Sachin Pilot, Milind Deora, Deepender Hooda and Jitin Prasada - all dynasts.
    Working seamlessly, monitored closely by a stentorian Sonia, the four-tiered Congress team presided over the UPA's two terms from 2004-14, widely regarded as India's decade of scams and sectarian politics.
    The communal seed planted after the Shah Bano case in 1985-86 had by now grown into a forest of trees with "saffron terror" carved on the bark of each tree trunk by the Congress' slick four-layered operation.
    The greatest disservice the Congress did was to set back by decades the cause of bona fide secularism. As I wrote in the article, "The Ayatollahs of Secularism", in The Times of India: "The two real enemies of the Muslim - communal politicians masquerading as secular politicians to win votes and Mullahs deliberately misinterpreting the holy book to retain power over their flock - form a natural alliance. Together they have enriched themselves but impoverished India's Muslims, materially and intellectually, in the name of secularism. Influential sections of especially the electronic media, suffused with hearts bleeding from the wrong ventricle, are part of this great fraud played on India's poor Muslims: communalism dressed up as secularism. The token Muslim is lionised - from business to literature - but the common Muslim languishes in his ghetto."
    Scams meanwhile profilerated. Three years after the Congress plunged from 206 MPs to 44 in May 2014, most though inexplicably remain unresolved - to the NDA government's and the judicial system's discredit. But each one - AgustaWestland, 2G, Scorpene, CWG, Coalgate - is a reminder of how corruption became the new normal in 2004-14.
    Cut to the present. The Congress clearly hasn't learnt its lesson. KC Tyagi, a Rajya Sabha MP from the JD(U), the party on whom rests the Opposition's hope of stitching together a credible mahagathbandhan in 2019, had this to say of the Congress: "We are very upset at the behavior of the Congress. The character assassination of our leader, Nitish Kumar, has also happened. The Congress today is not the Congress party of 1952, 1962 or 1984. It is not even a legitimate Congress party."
    When even a chronic Modi-baiter like Tyagi berates the Congress as not "legitimate", Indian politics has clearly reached a point of inflection.
    Borewell of toxicity
    The Congress today is in real danger of immersing itself in a self-made borewell of toxicity. Its decision to boycott the special session of Parliament on the Goods and Services Tax (GST) is only the latest in a series of self-destructive moves.
    Note the other parties which joined the Congress' GST boycott: RJD, DMK, TMC and the Left. What do they have in common? Serious charges of corruption.
    1. The RJD's Lalu Prasad Yadav is looking at fresh jail time in the fodder scam. He is meanwhile battling charges of undeclared assets against his two sons, daughter and wife.
    2. The DMK's A Raja, in and out of jail since the 2G scam broke, has implicated senior Congress ministers in the telecom license corruption case.
    3. The TMC's top leadership faces charges in the Saradha, Rose Valley and Narada scams which have singed Mamata Banerjee's reputation for probity, quite apart from her inaction over communal riots in West Bengal.
    4. The Left has been implicated in a slew of brutal communal killings in Kerala where its government is accused of complicity.
    Virtually every other Opposition party, including the SP, BSP, JD(U), NCP and the JD(S), was represented at the special midnight GST parliamentary session. The four holdouts - RJD, DMK, TMC and the Left - who joined the Congress boycott spoke volumes for the party's diminished reputation.
    Sonia has over the 19 years of her presidency converted the Congress into a family business ruled with an iron fist. Rahul has been inheritor-in-waiting for three years. It is an indictment of Indian democracy that India's second largest political party continues to operate like a feudal family firm.
    India deserves better.


    Minhaz MerchantMINHAZ MERCHANT @minhazmerchant
    Biographer of Rajiv Gandhi and Aditya Birla. Ex-TOI & India Today. Media group chairman and editor. Author: The New Clash of Civilizations

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    What good things are there in Hinduism that Islam and Christianity lack?

    There are several good things in Hinduism which Christianity and Islam are lacking and which are obvious, provided a Christian or Muslim can get over the negative stereotypes with which Hinduism is (probably purposely) associated all over the world, like caste system and idol worship. In fact an unbiased observer will come to the conclusion that Hinduism not only has many beneficial aspects that the others are lacking, but also lacks the harmful aspects which Christianity and Islam have unfortunately incorporated into their doctrine and which have caused so much suffering over almost 2000 years.
    The most glaring difference is that Hinduism is a genuine enquiry into the absolute Truth, into what we really are. It is not a fixed belief-system which must be believed as true, even if it does not make sense or agree with one’s conscience.
    Yes, the Vedas also tell us about the truth and what we are: They claim that we are divine. The Divine is in all and all is in the Divine. The I or Self (Atman) is essentially the same in all (=Brahman). Thoughts attached to the pure I make it look as if the I in you is different from the I in me. Those thought-based I-s have their role to play in the world, like actors in a movie. Yet in the same way, as the actor doesn’t forget his true identity, we should not forget that we are one with Brahman.
    But is it true? Or are Christianity and Islam right to claim that the Divine and we are eternally separate and that He (God/Allah) wants us all to believe this and if we don’t we are punished eternally with hell?
    Hinduism does not demand blind belief, but gives valuable tips on how to analyze, what types of evidence exist, and the Vedas contain several Q&A sessions between guru and disciple, or husband and wife, or father and son. Like scientists who came meanwhile to the conclusion that all is one energy, we can come to the conclusion that all is awareness. Moreover, it is claimed that this Oneness can be experienced when the mind has been stilled, and many rishis have done so.
    You are not what you see in the mirror. “You are non-local awareness independent of time and space”. This is the view of the Vedas, yet this particular quote is by Russell Targ who worked for CIA, NASA, Army Intelligence, etc. for 23 years. Interestingly, the video-talk, which contains this quote, was not accepted as TEDx talk. (It can be googled under ‘banned TEDx talk, Russell Targ’). Targ claims that everyone is capable of remote viewing, if properly trained. And how does he train? He quotes Patanjali.
    It seems the US Intelligence agencies take Indian wisdom more seriously than Indians.
    Now since it is very likely true that the Divine is in us, just let it sink in. This knowledge is not a small thing. It empowers. Is there anything what you couldn’t do, if you fully trusted your inner Being? There is no room for despondency, for unhappiness, depression. But it not only makes people internally strong, it also makes them kind, as the Divine is in others, as well.
    Could there be a better reason for following the Golden Rule of not doing to others what you don’t want to be done to you?
    And this big-heatedness extends also to animals and nature as a whole. It explains why the great majority of vegetarians are Hindus. Strangely, media portrays meat eating as normal even in India. Why? Would not even simple humanity require respecting the lives of animals, unless taken in self-defense?
    These aspects and many other helpful aspects of Vedic tradition have ensured that India was a great civilization. Yet they had also a downside. Indians simply could not imagine that in the name of the Supreme, foreigners who came to their land, would not only discriminate against them but even kill many of those who did not subscribe to their view of the Supreme Being.
    Here needs to be mentioned which harmful things Christianity and Islam have unfortunately incorporated into their religion which Hinduism lacks:
    These religions divide between believers and unbelievers and ‘believers’ are defined very narrowly: Those, who believe in the fixed doctrine of the respective religion, are believers. It does not include Hindus, who are probably world over the greatest believers in the Divine Presence. Instead, Hindus suffered and still suffer greatly from this narrow view of Christianity and Islam, both of which insist on blind belief in their respective doctrine, which is based on what a particular person allegedly claimed as having been revealed to him by the Supreme personally as the one and only truth.
    And even today, in the 21st century, in many countries this unverifiable belief is enforced with blasphemy laws with death as punishment.
    by Maria Wirth  

    CIA-Initiated Remote Viewing Program at Stanford Research Institute 

     Fig. 4. Left to rlght: Christopher Green, Pat Price, and Hal Puthoff. Picture taken following a successful experiment involving glider-ground RV.                   Full-text

    In July 1995 the CIA declassified, and approved for release, documents revealing its sponsorship in the 1970s of a program at Stanford Research Institute in Menlo Park, CA, to determine whether such phenomena , as remote viewing "might have any utility for intelligence collection".' Thus began disclosure to the public of a two-decade-plus involvement of the intel- ligence community in the investigation of so-called parapsychological or psi phenomena. Presented here by the program's Founder and first Director (1972-1985) is the early history of the program, including discussion of some of the first, now declassified, results that drove early interest.

      We're creating viewer supported news. We need your help!

    Russell Targ is a physicist and author, a pioneer in the development of the laser and laser applications, and a cofounder of the Stanford Research Institute (SRI) investigation of psychic abilities in the 1970s and 1980s. SRI is a research and development think tank in Menlo Park, California. Called remote viewing, his work in the psychic area has been published in Nature, The Proceedings of the Institute of Electronic and Electrical Engineers (IEEE), and the Proceedings of the American Association the Advancement of Science (AAAS).

    He is author or co-author of nine books dealing with the scientific investigation of psychic abilities and Buddhist approaches to the transformation of consciousness, including Mind Reach: Scientists Look at Psychic Ability (with E. Harold Puthoff, 1977, 2005); Miracles of Mind: Exploring Nonlocal Consciousness and Spiritual Healing (with Jane Katra, 1998); and Limitless Mind: A Guide to Remote Viewing and Transformation of Consciousness (2004). He also wrote an autobiography, Do You See What I See: Memoirs of a Blind Biker, in 2008. His current book is The Reality of ESP: A Physicist’s Proof of Psychic Abilities.Targ has a bachelor’s degree in physics from Queens College and did his graduate work in physics at Columbia University. He has received two National Aeronautics and Space- Administration awards for inventions and contributions to lasers and laser communications. In 1983 and 1984 he accepted invitations to present remote-viewing demonstrations and to address the USSR Academy of Science on this research.
    As a senior staff scientist at Lockheed Missiles and Space Company, Targ developed airborne laser systems for the detection of windshear and air turbulence. Having retired in 1997,  he now writes books on psychic research and teaches remote viewing worldwide.
    Below is a planned talk by RusseLl for TED that was cancelled by TED. Not surprisingly, some of the most interesting TED talks have been cancelled, author Graham Hancock’s “The War on Consciousness” was banned, and so was scientist Rupert Sheldrake’s, titled “The Science Delusion.”
    When it comes to topics within the realms of parapsychology, like ESP, they often fiercely oppose the belief systems of many, despite the fact that publications in peer-reviewed scientific literature have examined this topic for more than a century, with some fascinating results.
    Obviously there is something to this, otherwise the CIA and other agencies around the world would not devote decades of research to studying this topic in depth.
    For more information on/from Russell Targ, please check out his website here.
    Enjoy! Interesting stuff to say the least. Published on Nov 10, 2016
    Russell Targ is a physicist who spent several decades working in a US government program exploring "remote viewing" - an apparently anomalous extended characteristic of the mind. Targ is convinced the effect is real. This talk was originally slated as part of a TEDx event in Hollywood in 2013, but the organization pulled their support of the event when they learned about the subjects.
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    alt MAKARAND R PARANJPE | Sat, 8 Jul 2017-08:10am , DNA

    The government must facilitate the process of society’s capacity to meet its own educational needs rather than strangle its ability to improvise, invent, and innovate

    On December 11, 1823, Raja Rammohan Roy wrote to the Governor-General of India, Lord Amherst, “Humbly reluctant as the natives of India are to obtrude upon the notice of Government the sentiments they entertain on any public measure, there are circumstances when silence would be carrying this respectful feeling to culpable excess.” The address was presented to the new rulers of India, 12 years before Lord Macaulay’s infamous Minute of 1835 that arguably changed the course not only of Indian education, but of our culture, society, and civilisation. Many have argued that Rammohan’s arguments against the Sanskrit College and Sanskrit education influenced Macaulay’s decision not only to impose English as a medium of instruction, but English or Western education on the people of India. Some trace the terrible state of Indian education to that fateful moment. Others, contrarily, claim that it was Macaulay and English who saved India from the dark ages.
    Whatever our positions, we cannot miss Rammohan’s irony when he says, “The present Rulers of India, coming from a distance of many thousand miles to govern a people whose language, literature, manners, customs, and ideas are almost entirely new and strange to them, cannot easily become so intimately acquainted with their real circumstances, as the natives of the country are themselves.” No doubt we are now a democracy wherein our leaders are drawn from our own midst. Moreover, the opinion of the people of India is supposed to matter today. But does it, really? Aren’t our politicians, aided by bureaucrats and technocrats, still “omniscient” and “omnipotent” for all practical purposes?
    “We should, therefore, be guilty,” continues Rammohan, “of a gross dereliction of duty to ourselves, and afford our Rulers just ground of complaint at our apathy, did we omit on occasions of importance like the present to supply them with such accurate information as might enable them to devise and adopt measures calculated to be beneficial to the country.” That our rulers want to improve the condition of the populace we must not doubt. That education is the key to such improvement may also be taken as self-evident. Then what is our duty to the state and society, especially when the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) recently notified constitution of the Committee for the draft National Education Policy (NPE) under Chairmanship of Dr K Kasturirangan?
    We know that the Modi sarkar, since its inception in 2014, has been keen to reformulate the NPE, which was promulgated in 1986 and revised in 1992. The consultative process, on for over two years, has, according to the MHRD website, attracted over 2.75 lakh “direct consultations”. But what does that mean? What kind of stakeholders were consulted and what was the quality of the inputs? Did this process produce really new or substantive ideas? This is not clearly stated or known, let alone discussed nationwide.
    When it comes to higher education, we hear of one or two radical ideas, for instance the proposed merger of national funding bodies such as Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), and Indian Council of Philosophical Research (ICPR) into one apex agency like the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) in the United States. There was another news item about MHRD considering the merger of the University Grants Commission and the All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE). Both these are good ideas, with possibilities of long-term beneficial outcomes, but their modalities and goals are yet to be announced. But they have not been publicly discussed or debated.
    Similarly, what are we to expect of the new NPE if its key ideas are not subject to discussion and analysis? For instance, what to do about private universities, including foreign universities, wishing to set up shop in India? Obversely, how to promote brand India worldwide, unlocking the potential of successful institutions? We did read about IITs/IIMs allowed to start campuses abroad, but there isn’t much ongoing thinking about how that is to happen. There are also mixed signals about what to do about vexed and contentious issues such as the medium of instruction, not just at the school, but also at the college and post-graduate levels. What about useless degrees/diplomas, outdated curricula, or failed institutions? How to raise the level of primary education, especially given that the Right to Education is proving to be disastrous?
    Most of these questions boil down to how to de-politicise education and bring back the culture of excellence at all levels. If this were the sole focus of the NPE it may actually bring about something worthwhile. If we foreground competence and capacity-building, everything else, including social justice, inclusion, and regional and religious claims, will fall into place. The message that needs to be sent out loud and clear is that quality must be paramount, all other considerations following it. While there may be political compulsions that go against such an emphasis, this is where the will of the government will be tested.
    The future of the whole country, nay civilisation, is at stake, not just of one regime. To ensure minimum standards at the lower levels and maximum freedom at the higher echelons might be the way forward. The business of the government is to prevent malpractice, ensure quality, protect the interests of the citizens, ensure access and opportunity to the deserving — not to control, over-regulate, stifle, even strangle the creative genius of the Indian people. The government must facilitate the process of society’s capacity to meet its own educational needs rather than strangle its ability to improvise, invent, and innovate.
    The author is a poet and professor at JNU. Views are personal.

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    Nation can’t pay for Mamata’s short sighted politics

    It is time to expose her destructive self-serving politics which are damaging the nation

    The security of border cannot be ignored for petty politics

    The political class will have to understand that they can’t be allowed to undermine national security for selfish gains

    The communal riot in the Basirhat sub-division of West Bengal’s North 24 Parganas district has once again exposed the communal politics of chief minister ‘Mamata Banerjee’.This time the communal violence may have received wider media coverage but most certainly this is not the most violent one.

    While talking to the media after the olence in Basirhat, chief minister Mamata Banerjee blamed the Central Government of conspiring against her government The Kaliachak violence of January 3, 2016, in Malda district was a shocker of an incident, in which thousands, if not a lakh-plus mob, captured the town and went on the rampage, burning property and government buildings. The incident was so frightening that the media and the political class gave it a quiet burial.
    Since the Trinamool Congress has come to power in the State, communal riots have become part of everyday life. Rural Bengal, especially in the border districts, is witnessing a systematic uprooting and forced exodus of the native Hindu population by Bangladeshi migrants. The poor marginal farmers of Bengal are in no position to defend themselves against an organised force backed by state machinery, which is displacing them. The situation is very grim and needs national attention.
    The communal situation prevalent in the State could easily alter the national boundary in the sector. Under no circumstances can India afford to allow such a volatile situation on a religiously sensitive border. In a similar situation, way back in early 1980’s, the Central Government’s indecisiveness lost a generation of youth of Punjab to terrorism and the country had to pay a heavy price to bring the State back to normalcy.
    The Omar Abdullah government’s velvet-glove approach towards militancy in Kashmir is the sole reason for the re-emergence of militancy in the Kashmir valley. With the Gorkhaland agitation crippling the hills and China attempting to capture more ground in the vulnerable chicken neck area, West Bengal has become the most susceptible border state of the country.
    The silver lining for India is the Sheikh Hasina government in Dhaka which is fighting Islamists in that country. Bangladeshi migration in India is primarily driven by the Islamist’s agenda of creating a greater Bangladesh [that is, re-uniting Bengal]. It worth remembering that Mohammad Ali Jinnah had demanded the whole northeast of India and managed to extract the Hindu-Buddhist majority Chittagong Hills, which was the only link between the northeast and the Bay of Bengal. This made the northeast economically dependent on the rest of India.
    The slow uprooting of Hindus from Bengal and Assam villages is a policy by Islamists to avoid a blatant Kashmir-like situation
    While talking to the media after the violence in Basirhat, chief minister Mamata Banerjee blamed the Central Government of conspiring against her government and said, “We support social media, but the central government has an agenda. Sometimes it is to create a hate group and cause riots via Facebook. Yesterday’s incident is like that. There have been false posting of pictures which don’t have any link to reality.”
    Blaming the Central Government will not help. Can Banerjee explain how she would have handled the situation if on January 3, 2017, the crowd had laid siege to Malda town? Did she have the wherewithal to recapture the town? If Malda, a border district with large-scale illegal poppy cultivation and printing of counterfeit currency, falls into the hands of extremists, it will be a national security challenge of epic proportions. This will be akin to what The Philippines is facing in the ISIS-held town of Marawi since May 23 this year.
    This may appear farfetched, but few had imagined that Hindus would be driven out from the Kashmir valley. The slow uprooting of Hindus from Bengal and Assam villages is a policy by Islamists to avoid a blatant Kashmir-like situation. The slow process goes unchallenged and any associated violence is seen as a law and order issue, and not a strategic threat to the national boundary.
    The question before the nation is: what is the way out? First and foremost, the Trinamool Congress government must be dismissed. Mamata Banerjee is a mass leader and street fighter can create a lot of trouble within the state. But it is time to expose her destructive self-serving politics which are damaging the nation. She deserves to be punished and we cannot afford another Kashmir or Punjab. India generally does not act proactively and then pays a heavy price for prevarication. But with new dispensation at the Centre and with the national spirit being at an all-time high, the risk is worth taking.
    One should not look at any new administrative mechanism from a short-term political perspective but look for long-term benefits
    Second, India needs an administrative mechanism in line with the uniform command in Kashmir and the North East, for fool-proof security within all border districts. The Centre could formulate this new mechanism for areas within a 50-km range of the international border. Under this system, the local police will take care of local and petty crimes while the larger security threats should be jointly handled by the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) and Army (depending on prevalent threat level).
    Currently, the deployment of CAPFs is with the State Police, hence the Centre can only send CAPF to the State but has no control over their deployment. By creating a new framework, the Centre will be able to mitigate the adverse impact of the inefficiencies of local police and State politics on the security situation along international borders.
    Getting States to agree to this will not be easy and there will resistance even in Parliament, but if the Modi Government can successfully execute demonetisation and GST, it is surely capable of managing this also. Kashmir and the Northeast already have a unified command system, while Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh have many special laws for border areas.
    The biggest resistance will come from West Bengal and to some extent Punjab. But after the Pathankot terror attack of January 2016, experts questioned the loopholes in the security arrangements on the Punjab borders. Punjab has flourishing drug smuggling network. The terrorist who attacked Pathankot air base used the same drug smuggling network to infiltrate into India, and hence there is a powerful case for the Centre’s intervention.
    One should not look at any new administrative mechanism from a short-term political perspective but look for long-term benefits. The security of border cannot be ignored for petty politics. The political class will have to understand that they can’t be allowed to undermine national security for selfish gains. The nation comes first.

    Rohit Srivastava

    Author is a Delhi based independent journalist.

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    India-China standoff: What is happening in the Chumbi Valley?

    Depending upon the situation, we must mobilise to call China's bluff and be prepared for border skirmishes or even a limited war.
    Posted By Lt Gen H S Panag | Jul 8, 2017 
    "Yatung was a small spread out town... we were received by representatives of the Chinese General in Command at Lhasa, and of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama." Thus wrote Jawaharlal Nehru to the Chief Ministers of India on October 15, 1958, describing his stay at Yatung for two days in September-October 1958, during his to and fro journey to Bhutan through the heart of the Chumbi Valley. Today it seems like a fairytale, but for 50 years up to 1954, we had an Indian Army Infantry Battalion located at Yatung with a detachment at Gyantse. These were gradually withdrawn after the Panchsheel Agreement was  signed on 27 April, 1954. We continued to have our Consul General in Lhasa and Indian Trade Agency trading posts at Yatung, Gyantse and Gartok upto 1962 when they were wound up.
    Chumbi Valley has been in the news for a couple of weeks owing to reports about the Chinese intrusion into the Doklam (Donglang according to China) Plateau. There has been some confusion created about the place of intrusion with names like "trijunction", "Doka La", "Sikkim Border", "Donglang", "Mount Gipmochi (Gyemo Chen)" and "Doklam" used by the angry People's Republic of China (PRC) and People’s Liberation Army (PLA) spokespersons, and our media.
    Where is Doklam Plateau?
    Doklam Plateau is an 80-89 square km plateau with average altitude of 4,000-4,500 meters, located in Western Bhutan. It is a salient of Bhutanese territory that juts north into the Chumbi Valley with India (Sikkim) to the north-west, west and south-west and Tibet to the north, east and south-east. The trijunction of India, Bhutan and Tibet is on the north-western edge of the Doklam Plateau where the Batang La post of India is located and north-west of which along the crest line are the Indian defences of Sikkim.
    What is the military significance of the Chumbi Valley and the Doklam Plateau?
    Salients on borders whether towards own or enemy's territory have military pros and cons. Chumbi Valley is a 100-km dagger-shaped north- south salient that lies between India (Sikkim) to the north-west, west and south-west, and Bhutan to the north-east, east and south. Some 100 km south of the dagger point is Bangladesh and, in between, lie 70 km of rugged mountainous terrain of India/Bhutan and the Siliguri Corridor, which at its narrowest point is only 30-km wide and has a number of rivers running in north-south direction. On the face of it, at the strategic level, it gives the PLA a launch pad to choke India's vital lines of communications running through the Siliguri Corridor to the North East. But this will require a major offensive by five to six divisions as part of an all-out war, with holding forces to contain the north western, western and eastern flanks. Given the existing road communication, limited deployment space as the Chumbi Valley at Yatung is only 25-30 km wide as the crow flies, vulnerability to air power and Indian counter-offensive from the flanks, this hypothetical threat is a non-starter.
    In fact, the Chumbi Valley is more vulnerable to an Indian offensive or counter-offensive from the north-west and west from Sikkim and 'by your leave' complementary offensive via Bhutan from the east. Again this can only happen in a major war, the probability of which is very low. Nations armed with nuclear weapons do not generally risk an all-out conventional war, though probability of border skirmishes or a limited war cannot be ruled out.
    The Doklam Plateau gives the PLA the advantage of outflanking from the south west, the defences of Sikkim, where we have a major terrain advantage vis the Chumbi Valley. The implications are strategic. We not only lose our major advantage of a strategic offensive / counter offensive from Sikkim but also give the PLA a launch pad for an offensive through the Rangpo River valley towards Kalimpong without violating the neutrality of Bhutan. The probability of war may be low, but the bottom line is that India cannot afford to surrender its strategic advantage and create a vulnerability by allowing the PLA to take possession of the Doklam Plateau. It is pertinent to mention that all the disputed areas that the Chinese claim along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) are related to strategic or tactical advantages in event of a war.
    What is the dispute in the Doklam Plateau?
    Map released by the Chinese spokesperson*
    *Map released by the Chinese spokesperson showing the disputed area as per its perception of the 1890 Anglo-Chinese Convention. The Trijunction is marked at Gyemo Chen (Mount Kipmochi). The dotted line on the map running through Sinche La shows the Indian and Bhutanese perception of the Trijunction and the boundary.
    The LAC only defines the approximate border which has emerged out of the frontier regions over the last 100 years. Same is the situation on the Bhutan border. There is no mutually accepted International Boundary.  Even in respect of the de facto borders, there is no delineation agreement, which China has signed with India or Bhutan.  Ancient feudal and colonial treaties or agreements are cited to press rival claims. There is no de jure sanctity of the border. Empirically, it is the de facto position, which reigns supreme with respect to borders. And the de facto position is signified by physical possession and presence. The problem with the borders with Tibet is that the rival claimants have not physically secured all their claimed areas. Hence, jostling for positions of advantage as part of the continuous competitive conflict is a constant feature which may take place by design or at times by default.
    The de facto position is that India holds the posts of Batang La and Doka La  to the north-west of Doklam Plateau as part of its defences in Sikkim. India and Bhutan consider that the trijunction is located at Batang La. The Doklam Plateau is in the possession of Bhutan but it secures its possession with only one post at Zompleri, which is occupied only in summers. China claims the entire plateau and as per its version the Trijunction is at Mount Gipmochi (Gyemo Chen) which is 7-8 km to the south-east of the de facto present position. Since the Doklam Plateau is largely not physically held by the Bhutan Army, the PLA has been patrolling this area at will. India also patrols this area with a mutual understanding with the Bhutan Army to safeguard its vulnerable eastern flank. Indian and PLA patrols have confronted each other in this area in the past and matters were resolved by agreeing to disagree to maintain status quo for peace.
    China bases its claims on the Anglo-Chinese Convention 1890 as per which the Sikkim-Tibet border was agreed upon. Ironically, Sikkim and Bhutan were neither invited to nor are signatories to the convention. This convention did not prevent China from starting confrontation at Nathu La in 1967. Moreover, China’s approach to various colonial treaties/conventions has been selective on one pretext or the other. China has officially acknowledged the various areas of dispute including the Doklam Plateau with Bhutan and 24 rounds of negotiations have been held. It has formally been agreed to by China and India, in 2012, that the Trijunction points between India, China and third countries will be finalised in consultation with the concerned countries. In 1988 and 1998, China and Bhutan have also formally agreed to maintain status quo with respect to the disputed areas pending final settlement. Notwithstanding the patrolling by both sides, this status quo has not been disturbed until June 2017.
    Bhutan, being a small nation, has a special relationship with India based on formal treaties renewed over the 100 years. As per the 2007 treaty, India and Bhutan have agreed to cooperate with each other on issues relating to their “national interests” and not allow the use of their territory for activities harmful to national security and interest of the other. Shorn of diplomatic ambiguity, it implies that Bhutan will be guided by India with respect to its foreign and defence policy. De facto, India is responsible for the defence of Bhutan, but except for the Indian Military Training Team no Indian troops are permanently stationed in Bhutan. However, troops of both countries do carry out joint training on as required basis. On the borders, there is intimate cooperation between the Royal Bhutan Army and the Indian Army particularly in disputed areas like the Doklam Plateau. Bhutan, being a small country, was keen to settle the disputes on its western boundaries in favour of China in exchange of a favourable settlement for two northern areas of dispute. However, keeping in view India's sensitivities it refrained from doing so particularly with respect to the two disputed areas of Doklam Plateau and Sinchulumpa-Giu-Darmana south and east respectively of the Chumbi Valley.
    The present standoff
    On June 16, China began construction of a road from Sinche La towards the Bhutan Army post of Zompleri. Indian troops from Doka La confronted the PLA troops in conjunction with the troops of the Bhutan Army. No fire arms were used, but, human chains were formed by both sides and "jostling" (pushing and shoving) which has become a common feature in such confrontations have continued on and of since then. Both sides seem to have reinforced the present positions with additional troops and the standoff continues.
    While such 'standoffs' have taken place for prolonged periods in the Depsang Plains in 2013 and Chumar in 2014, the emphasis still was on diplomacy and having made the 'political statement', the PLA reverted to status quo. However, this time the official statements and Chinese media have been unusually belligerent giving short shrift to diplomatic niceties. Words and phrases like "do not forget 1962", "PLA will teach India a lesson", "no talks until Indian troops withdraw", "option of war is open" and "either Indian troops return to their territory with dignity or will be kicked out of the area by the PLA", have been freely used. India and Bhutan in typical diplomatic language have urged China to maintain status quoante pre June 2017 and respect the interim agreements with respect to Trijunction points reached with India in 2012 and the 1988, and 1998 agreements with Bhutan to maintain the status quo pending final settlement.
    Chinese Strategy
    What are the reasons for this unusually belligerent stance of the Chinese? Are we heading towards border skirmishes or even a more serious confrontation?
    The Doklam incident as also other border incidents in the past have nothing to do with the territorial disputes per se. Nations with credible conventional and nuclear deterrent, do not part with territory under their control whatever be the nature of the dispute. China is well aware of this, but selectively starts such confrontations to make 'political statements' and keep India on the edge. Such incidents always take place to coincide with major diplomatic events or as a response to perceived Indian actions that are contrary to Chinese world or regional view.
    India is the only country in the region that has not accepted Chinese political hegemony. China views India as a competitor that challenges its preeminent position. Indo-USA strategic cooperation is seen as a threat. India is seen as the principal instigator of the Tibetan struggle for freedom. The presence of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government in Exile at Dharamsala only reinforces the Chinese belief. The recent visit of the Dalai Lama to Tawang annoyed the Chinese no end. India, along with Bhutan, is the only country that has not become part of the much-touted One Belt, One Road. Prime Minister Modi was scheduled to meet President Donald Trump in the third week of June.
    China decided to embarrass India in the Doklam area by trying to alter the status quo. It aimed at driving a wedge between India and Bhutan and thus chose to show its presence in Bhutanese territory, to which India also is very sensitive. China's strategy is to make India lose face by forcing it to withdraw and thus wean Bhutan to its own sphere of influence.  Anything short of mutual withdrawal will leave China in de facto control of the Doklam Plateau outflanking and compromising the Indian defences in Sikkim.
    What should be the Indian strategy?
    This is a critical moment in Sino-Indian relationship. Any sign of weakness will have repercussions on the entire boundary question. Today, it is Doklam and tomorrow, it will be somewhere else. Acceptance of Chinese position in Doklam will lead to unacceptable 'loss of face' domestically and internationally.
    China understands only one language and that is the language of strength. Our own experience of the 1967 confrontation in Sikkim and the Sumdrong Chu incident in 1986-87 proves this point. India must not back down unless it is mutual withdrawal to restore status quo ante pre-June 2017 and respect for past interim agreements to maintain status quo with respect to Trijunction points. In Doklam, we are in a position of advantage and from Batang La can cut off the PLA intrusion at Sinche La. We can build up much faster than China for any serious military confrontation. Depending upon the situation, if need be, we must mobilise to call China's bluff and be prepared for border skirmishes or even a limited war. The tenor of the Chinese statements and our measured and nuanced response itself reflects that we have the psychological advantage.
    There is no gain in saying that we must engage with China to settle the matter diplomatically and a direct military confrontation is the last resort. This is a defining moment, as giving in to Chinese bullying at this juncture will have serious repercussions for our rightful place in the comity of nations and our status as an emerging power.
    The author can be contacted on Twitter @rwac48.

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    Significance of Indus Script decipherment to Itihāsa of Bhāratam has many facets. One relates to the further researches needed to examine and evaluate the technologies used to work with raw material resources. What types of stone-drills were used to polish or drill through hard stones, to etch on carnelian beads or to polish metal products produced?
    Slides from:

    71 slides. Scientific and technological contributions of the Indus Civilization: their relevance for the present by J. Mark Kenoyer

    Jewellery of the Indus Valley Civilisation unveils stories of the past

    alt GARGI GUPTA | Sun, 30 Nov 2014-05:20am , Mumbai , DNA
    A 5,000-year-old necklace on display at the National Museum represents not just the fine aesthetics of the Indus Valley Civilisation, but also a continuum of design from then till now, says Gargi Gupta
    Going by the jewellery they made and wore, the ancient people of the Indus Valley Civilisation were an extremely sophisticated lot with a finely-developed aesthetic sense, backed by intricate engineering skills. Take for instance the necklace excavated from Mohenjo-daro now on display at the newly re-opened jewellery gallery of the National Museum in Delhi.
    The necklace, dating nearly 5,000 years ago, is lined with pendants of banded agate and jade beads suspended by a thick gold wire that passes through each bead. "These are very long beads, and when we examined them under the microscope, we found that they had been drilled perfectly to meet in the middle," says jewellery historian Usha Balakrishnan, who has curated the collection.
    "India was the largest manufacturer and exporter of beads to the world at that time," she adds. The craftsmen of the Indus Valley used semi-precious material like carnelian, agate, turquoise, faience, steatite and feldspar, fashioning them into tubular or barrel shapes, decorating them with carvings, bands, dots and patterns, or setting them minutely with gold."They had the skill of tumbling beads, of cutting semi-precious hardstones, of shaping the beads. India was also home to the diamond and invented the diamond drill, which was then taught to the Romans," says Balakrishnan.
    A brooch from Harappa, Bracelet from Mohenjo-daro, Gold earrings from Taxila & Gold bracelet, Sirkap
    But it's not just technological prowess that one marvels at. What's also remarkable is the continuity of design. The sheet gold forehead ornament, for instance, is of a shape that you will find women still wearing in different parts of India. The Rajasthani borla is a close approximation, as is the ornament that Didarganj Yakshi, one of the finest examples of ancient Indian sculpture, wears prominently in the middle of her forehead.
    Indus Valley ornaments are among the few specimens of jewellery that have survived in our times. Most others have either been recycled, melted for gold, or lost to the many invaders. This also explains the large gaps in the gallery collection — the next specimens come from Sirkap, an Indo-Greek city near Taxila in present-day Pakistan, dating to about the first century AD.
    In the 2,000 years from Mohenjo-daro to Sirkap, the craftsman had polished his skills immensely. So there's delicate filigree work on gold and embossing work. The microgranulations on the pendants of a pair of large earrings are so fine that each is about the size of a grain of sand.
    Another interesting piece consists of two square amulets embossed with the image of the swastika — "the earliest known representations of swastika in gold known to us," says Balakrishnan. But the swastika is not the only icon found among the Sirkap ornaments that we find repeated through the history of southeast Asia. There are also the lion and fish motifs, and the 'poorna ghat' or the vase of plenty that we even now place symbolically at the start of a puja.
    Large parts of the history of ancient India, especially the Indus Valley Civilisation, are shrouded in obscurity. The jewellery of the era, by giving a sense of how women of the era adorned themselves and how society at the time was geared towards providing them those adornments, helps to lift the darkness a little.
    Materials Research Society 

    A New Look at Stone Drills of the Indus Valley Tradition

    Drilling technology of the Indus Valley Tradition was highly specialized and various types of chert and jasper were used to drill different types of materials. Earlier studies used primarily macroscopic observations to define features such as the manufacturing technique of drills, the raw materials and the mechanics of drilling. These generalizations can be revised given the discovery of important workshop areas and the availability of SEM, XRD and electron microprobe analysis. This paper will summarize the current state of. drilling research and define two categories of drills that were used in antiquity; tapered cylindrical drills and constricted cylindrical drills. Directions for future research on the relationship between drilling and other contemporaneous technologies are discussed.

    Sunday, December 13, 2009

    The marvels of Indus Valley Kuldip Dhiman

    Harappan Technology and its Legacy
    By D. P. Agrawal.
    Rupa & Co. in Association with Infinity Foundation.
    Pages 332. 

    WHAT is now known as the Indus Valley Civilisation or Harappan Civilisation was discovered accidentally when a railway line was being laid down in the 1920s. Initially, archaeological sites were found in the twin towns of Mohenjodaro and Harappa, now in Pakistan, but with the passage of time, more and more sites have been found in the north of the Indian subcontinent. It was Sir John Hubert Marshall, the then director-general of the Archaeological Survey of India who carried out initial excavations of the sites. Western historians until then had thought that India’s historical past was not more than 3,000 years old, but these excavations pushed the timeline by at least 2,000 years back, if not more.
    In the present volume, Harappan Technology and its Legacy, D. P. Agrawal focuses on Harappan technological achievements, although he covers other aspects also. This is quite an exhaustive book that covers ecology, technology, architecture, arts, crafts, transportation, stone cutting art, ceramics, metallurgy, pyrotechnology, animal husbandry and agriculture. The author is an expert in the subject, and has worked with the Archaeological Survey of India, Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, and Physical Research Laboratory. He writes in a direct matter-of-fact style, and packs his thesis with hard facts.
    The first thing that strikes us is the amazing care in town planning that we see in these sites. Major towns could accommodate more than 50,000 people, and the engineers and architects had to be really competent in order do design such settlements. A standard grid was followed in the design of these towns. The engineers of the time made sure to construct reservoirs for drinking water, and also made sewage lines and storm water drains. The Harappan engineering prowess is most clearly revealed in the hydraulic structures. Then we have the Great Bath, which is an example a perfect leak-proof structure.
    In the past 90 years, many other sites have been discovered, and with every find, archaeologists and historians have come across amazing all round achievements of the civilisation.
    Agrawal shows that when it came to scientific instruments, the Harappans contributed the true saw, needles (with holes at the pointed end), hollow drills, and so on.
    "The Harappan arts and crafts," writes Agrawal, "present a bewildering array of forms, techniques, and usage of raw materials. They had a highly developed lapidary industry that could work on hard stones like agate and chalcedony, and soft stones like steatite. They could produce intricate designs by alkali etching of carnelian beads, which were probably meant for export to Mesopotamia."
    Another striking feature of the civilisation was standardisation of industrial norms. The Harappans had developed a binary metrological system for measuring weights, and used a unit of 17mm for linear measurements. The bricks used in construction of buildings were of standard size—in fact, all things were standardised.
    The Harappans used locally available raw materials for manufacturing crafts such as woodworking, basket making, simple weaving, terracotta pottery, and so on, although they had to import raw materials for stone-shaping for domestic purposes, and chipped stone tool-making. There was a third category crafts using local materials, complex technologies, and intricate production processes such as in stoneware bangle manufacture, elaborately painted pottery, complex weaving and carpet making, ceramics, and metallurgy. They possessed the knowledge of smelting even sulphide ores and produced bronze in complicated shapes.
    The Harappans were also good at the arts and this can be seen from the surviving sculptures such as the Red Torso, the Dancing Girl, and the famous Priest King. The sculptors not only were good at human figures, but also at sculpting animals. And then, of course, we have a large collection of ceramics, pots, bowls, pans, etc.
    Obviously, a civilisation that had achieved such scientific, technological and artistic heights could not have done so without having a solid agricultural base. At Kalibangan, we can still see plough marks in a field, and a terracotta model of a plough from Banawali is very elegantly designed.
    One thing that sets the Harappan civilisation apart is its concern with the ordinary masses. While all the great cities of the world built great palaces and monuments which were largely for the benefit of the rich, the Harappans built structures which were for the masses like the Great Bath and the Granary. They did not show much interest in conquering; they were more interested in creating.
    The book has dozens of colour photographs, maps, diagrams and sketches that beautifully illustrate the text. There is an amazing array of new artefacts that makes this volume all the more interesting.

    See:  The Art of the Indus Valley by Becca Blumer, Origins of Civilization & Dr. Vernon Scarborough, December 2, 2014  Ornament styles of the Indus Valley tradition: evidence from recent excavations at Harappa, Pakistan by Jonathan Mark Kenoyer in: Paleoorient, 1991, vol. 17, no. 2, pp. 79-98

    AbstractRecent excavations at Harappa and Mehrgarh, as well as other sites in Pakistan and India have provided new opportunities to study the ornaments of the Indus Civilization. A brief discussion of the methodologies needed for the study of Indus ornaments is presented along with examples of how Indus artisans combined precious metals, stone beads, shell and faience to form elaborate ornaments. Many of these ornament styles were also copied in more easily obtained materials such as steatite or terra-cotta. The social and ritual implications of specific ornaments are examined through their archaeological context and comparisons with the function of specific ornaments are recorded in the ancient texts and folk traditions of South Asia.  A new look at stone drills of the Indus Valley tradition by J. Mark Kenoyer and Massimo Vidle, in: Materials Research Society Symposium Proceedings, Vol. 267, 1992, pp. 495 to 519
    "While the disappearance of the Harappan stone:-vare bangle technology would point towards discontinuity, the evolution of carnelian drilling techniques beginning with stone drills and then diamond tipped metal. drills, suggests a specific process of cultural continuity. The continued use of carnelian, agate and jasper beads by the elites of the . subcontinent provided the need for continuity in drilling technology. It is also possible that an increased demand and a larger market spurred the experimentation with different materials 'to find a more efficient cutting tool. Corundum is commonly available in northern Pakistan and western India, but diamonds are found primarily in the central peninsular, subcontinent [32]. It is not unlikely that, the expansion of the Early Historic states into peninsular India was stimulated by the promise of new resources and the need to produce elite commodities more efficiently. On the basis , of Early Historic texts, agate and carnelian bead production were an important commodity for the state and therefore needed to be properly controlled. " (pp.516-517)

    Inter-regional Interaction and Urbanism in the Ancient Indus ValleyA Geologic Provenience Study of Harappa's Rock and Mineral Assemblage Randall William Law Indus Project,Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, 2011

    Potential Steatite Sources for the Indus Civilization

    Steatite (soapstone) artifacts have been found at nearly every excavated Harappan period (2600-1900 BC) site and were the primary element used to make seals.

    Letter From Pakistan: No Stone Unturned Volume 61 Number 5, September/October 2008
    by Randall Law
    Trekking through dangerous territory to unravel ancient Indus trade routes


    The author, with local guards, explored the Las Bela District of Baluchistan, Pakistan, for sources of soapstone (steatite), commonly used at the ancient Indus city of Harappa. (Courtesy Randall Law)
    As i hiked up a steep mountain trail in the Safed Koh (White Mountains) one peaceful afternoon in August 2001, I thought about how the terrain was not much different from the Sierra Nevadas, near where I used to live in Tahoe. The pine-covered slopes, waterfalls, and outcrops of bare gray rock all felt familiar. But I was in Pakistan’s Kurram Tribal Agency, just a few miles from the Afghanistan border. Joining me on the trail were a half-dozen heavily armed Frontier Police and local Pashtun tribesmen. Despite their AK-47s, they were a fun group who showed me which berries were good to eat and how to make chewing gum from pine sap. Traveling with this small army made me feel a little self-conscious, but the Pakistani authorities never would have let me visit the area without it—not that I would have wanted to. Some years before, a geologist I knew in Peshawar had been kidnapped there and held for ransom. And I had heard worse stories. Thankfully, we reached my destination, 10,000 feet up among the misty ridgetops, without incident. Afterward, local villagers generously feted my guards and me with a feast of roasted mutton. As I munched on pieces of pata tikka (liver wrapped in mutton fat), I reflected on my good fortune. Still, I didn’t realize just how good it was. Later that same year, the battle between U.S. forces and al-Qaeda fighters erupted at Tora Bora, about 10 miles away on the Afghan side of the Safed Koh. The whole area has been off-limits to researchers ever since.
    I had hiked into the Safed Koh range not in search of a lost city or some rare jewel, but to gather samples of soapstone. Steatite, as it is known to geologists, is just one of several dozen varieties of rocks and minerals that archaeologists have excavated at Indus civilization (ca. 2600–1900 B.C.) cities such as Mohenjo-Daro, Harappa, Dholavira, and Rakhigarhi. Indus craftsmen used those raw materials to create myriad tools and some of the most exquisite ornaments in the ancient world. Scholars believe that the civilization’s wealth and power were, to a significant extent, based on controlling the stone and metal goods trade through networks known to have extended as far as Mesopotamia. What is not known is exactly where these raw materials came from. My excursion to the tribal areas was part of a new, large-scale project to identify the geologic sources of those materials and figure out how the Indus people acquired rocks and minerals over time. During the past decade, I have climbed down into deep pits to retrieve carnelian nodules, crawled up talus slopes to obtain vesuvianite, and walked many miles through narrow gorges searching for chert and alabaster. I have also hauled a backbreaking amount of stone and paid a ransom to airlines in overweight baggage fees. And sometimes I’ve needed armed guards. All of this was necessary to move beyond decades of speculation about where the Indus people obtained these vital raw materials.

    Modern millstones lie adjacent to the railroad tracks in Mardan in Pakistan's Northwest Frontier Province. The sandstone they are made from was also used by Indus peoples as far as 300 miles away. (Courtesy Randall Law)

    Modern soapstone carvers prefer this stone from Las Bela in Baluchistan, but the author learned the ancient Indus peoples did not. They preferred stone that turns bright white when fired. (Courtesy Randall Law)

    Randall Law is a lecturer and honorary fellow at the University of Wisconsin–Madison.

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    GHQ-ISI’s global effort to defame India falters

    By MADHAV NALAPAT | New Delhi | 9 July, 2017
    Narendra Modi, GHQ, ISI, India falters, P.V. Narasimha, US, Wahhabi groups, Operation Smear
    As yet the Central government seems unaware of the extent to which there has been GHQ-ISI penetration of so-called Hindu outfits.
    Worried at the growing distance between Islamabad and Washington and the readiness of Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India to craft a security partnership with the United States, GHQ Rawalpindi tasked the ISI with working out and putting into operation a plan designed to smear the image of India with the colours of “intolerance” and “fascist majoritarianism”. This, it was hoped, would ensure that the US administration would adopt a cold posture towards Modi, the way Bill Clinton did with P.V. Narasimha Rao. It was also planned to generate through motivated NGO-reporting that India would come to be regarded in the US, and much of the EU, as a country with values and systems wholly contrary to their own. Since beginning work on the project “Operation Smear Modi’s India” in November 2014, after it became clear that Modi’s concessions to Pakistan would not dilute security interests, the ISI has been successful in locating several hundred funders for the project, most of whom are non-resident Pakistanis, plus citizens of those GCC states that officially encourage Wahhabism. Thus far, credible estimates are that around $218 million has been expended in “Operation Smear”, and it must be acknowledged that there has been some success in this effort. Note the several dozen articles and news reports in globally prestigious publications such as Washington Post, New York Times, Guardian, the Economist and others (especially in German and Arabic media) that portray India as a cesspool of discrimination against several elements of the population. These alleged victims include minorities, Dalits, women and children. The actions of cow vigilantes (some of whom have been receiving funding from sources having access to GHQ-ISI cash through Dubai, Kathmandu and Bangkok) have been particularly helpful in seeking to showcase India as a nation filled with Hindu bigots, indulging in murder and mayhem at the slightest provocation. The effort to “prove” that the Hindu population is as much a reservoir of terrorists and fanatics as the Wahhabi population in Pakistan, has a long history, beginning with the initial planting of “Hindu terror” stories in sections of the Indian media in 2002, but has been accelerated since the close of 2014. Interestingly, in almost every report on lynching of minorities (any such deed on the majority community is airbrushed over, as it goes counter to the created narrative of a fanatic and crazed majority), the blame is placed at Prime Minister Modi’s office door, despite law and order being a state subject. The ISI is also using its channels of communication with the global media to accuse India of being the aggressor with Pakistan and China, and of “interference” in Afghanistan. Widespread use is being made of social media to reinforce such views on the world’s most populous democracy, and clumsy counters by boorish trolls are only having a negative effect on global perceptions.
    The main plank of “Operation Smear” is that (a) there is zero religious freedom in India for minorities, including Christians, Sikhs and Muslims. This line is being pushed by NGOs based in the US, Canada and Europe. In the US, several of the NGOs pushing this line are close to the dominant Clinton establishment of the Democratic Party, although there are others as well that are linked to proselytizing religious organisations in some of the southern states of the US, and which are Republican in their preferences. What they are seeking is a license to defame traditional faiths and convert on an industrial scale. This the present government opposes as having the potential to severely disrupt social harmony. Interestingly, these very NGOs have remained silent on the actual genocide of Yazidis, Druze, Shias and Christians taking place in Iraq and Syria at the hands of those Wahhabi organisations which have received cash and weaponry from within NATO, or on the inhuman suffering of the population of Yemen as a consequence of bombardments from air and land that are directed by US monitors assisting Wahhabi groups in that country, to overpower the rest. And unsurprisingly, the terror unleashed by illegal Bangladeshi migrants in parts of Bengal are being largely ignored by the international media, as is that caused by the “freedom fighters” in Syria, Libya and Iraq who kill Shias, Christians and other non-Wahhabis routinely, to silence from media outlets regularly apoplectic about conditions in India.
    (b) That Dalits are being discriminated against in India, and their rights and practices affected is another plank. The leadership in this part of “Operation Smear” is being taken by certain Netherlands-based NGOs that have maintained silence so far on the systematic discrimination faced by the Romany community throughout Europe, as a consequence of which Romany employment and education rates (not to mention income) are far below national averages in EU member states. Making out Una and Saharanpur to be the norm, rather than the exception, keeps the spotlight away from discriminatory practices against the Romany community in Europe, as well as the squalid conditions in which those who have been forced to relocate from Syria, Libya and other Muslim-majority states—as a consequence of the Bush-Clinton-Sarkozy-Hollande-Cameron wars—are living in so-called human rights havens
    (c) NGOs based in the UK have been particularly active in portrayals of India as a country rife with bonded labour, child slavery and sex slavery. An examination of such entities will show close relationships with politicians and members of civil society in the UK that are active in seeking to delink Kashmir from the rest of India by fair means or foul. Recently, joining hands with like groups in Canada, particular UK NGOs have been raising the issue of Khalistani independence. Of course, given the connections with the ISI and its financial accomplices, the “Khalistan” sought is entirely within the territory of the Republic of India, even though it was in territory now in Pakistan that massacres of innocent Sikhs was rampant during 1947 and 1948, and to this day, Sikh shrines in Pakistan do not have anywhere near the autonomy they enjoy in India.
    (d) Interestingly, websites and organisations linked to particular political parties in India have joined parts of this campaign, especially in the matter of women’s rights and what they describe as a torrent of violence against women since 2014. Facebook platforms and Twitter posts have been particularly ubiquitous in this context. Since 2015, there has been increasing emphasis on tribal concerns, as also press freedom. Interestingly, several online publications based in India are themselves in the forefront of those alleging the absence of press freedom in India. These are the reverse of complimentary to the Modi government but they and their financial backers continue the tirade unmolested. Of course, it is a fact that thus far the record of the NDA II government in ensuring the conditions needed for press freedom have been less than complete. For example, criminal defamation (an odious colonial legacy) still gets routinely deployed by suspect officials and politicians to scare into silence the media, while Information Technology and other statutes work against the transparency needed to fight corruption in India and have not been eliminated by the new government, nor has RTI been freed of the grip of babudom.
    An unceasing objective of GHQ “Black Propaganda” has been to depict the situation in Kashmir as “genocide”. However, now that violent deeds have become commonplace in Europe, there is less enthusiasm there to lecture India about the countermeasures being taken to constrain, contain and reduce terrorist violence in the state. Incidentally, these measures are far less kinetic than those employed by NATO members in similar situations. Neither are aircraft or even helicopters used, although several experts regard these measures as needing to be introduced in specific situations in Kashmir.
    However, largely as a consequence of the energetic foreign policy of Prime Minister Modi, “Operation Smear” is not having the intended effect of taking the shine off the India story globally. Most global policy makers perceive that the faults being mentioned are not systemic, but sporadic. Of course, as yet the Central government seems unaware of the extent to which there has been GHQ-ISI penetration of so-called “Hindu” outfits, and how some of these are being goaded into violence that is causing harm to the image of India and indeed, that of the Hindu community. Earlier, this correspondent had pointed out how there was a systematic effort by elements linked to the ISI to vandalise Christian churches. These days, it is clear that the actual motivators of the criminal and terroristic acts of violence seen in the lynchings of those exercising their right to a diet of their choice, are in Dubai, Karachi, Bangkok and Kathmandu, with many close to the ISI operatives in these locations.
    Whatever be the religion they profess, the ISI’s agents in India need to be identified and prosecuted, if “Operation Smear” is to fail comprehensively and India recognised as the inevitable next superpower, after the US and China. The “false flag” covert operations of GHQ-ISI in India need to be exposed and eliminated.

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    Climate change: this is the worst scientific scandal of our generation

    Our hopelessly compromised scientific establishment cannot be allowed to get away with the Climategate whitewash, says Christopher Booker.

    Who's to blame for Climategate?
    CO2 emissions will be on top of the agenda at the Copenhagen summit in December Photo: Getty
    A week after my colleague James Delingpole , on his Telegraph blog, coined the term "Climategate" to describe the scandal revealed by the leaked emails from the University of East Anglia's Climatic Research Unit, Google was showing that the word now appears across the internet more than nine million times. But in all these acres of electronic coverage, one hugely relevant point about these thousands of documents has largely been missed.
    The reason why even the Guardian's George Monbiot has expressed total shock and dismay at the picture revealed by the documents is that their authors are not just any old bunch of academics. Their importance cannot be overestimated, What we are looking at here is the small group of scientists who have for years been more influential in driving the worldwide alarm over global warming than any others, not least through the role they play at the heart of the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).
    Professor Philip Jones, the CRU's director, is in charge of the two key sets of data used by the IPCC to draw up its reports. Through its link to the Hadley Centre, part of the UK Met Office, which selects most of the IPCC's key scientific contributors, his global temperature record is the most important of the four sets of temperature data on which the IPCC and governments rely – not least for their predictions that the world will warm to catastrophic levels unless trillions of dollars are spent to avert it.
    Dr Jones is also a key part of the closely knit group of American and British scientists responsible for promoting that picture of world temperatures conveyed by Michael Mann's "hockey stick" graph which 10 years ago turned climate history on its head by showing that, after 1,000 years of decline, global temperatures have recently shot up to their highest level in recorded history.
    Given star billing by the IPCC, not least for the way it appeared to eliminate the long-accepted Mediaeval Warm Period when temperatures were higher they are today, the graph became the central icon of the entire man-made global warming movement.
    Since 2003, however, when the statistical methods used to create the "hockey stick" were first exposed as fundamentally flawed by an expert Canadian statistician Steve McIntyre , an increasingly heated battle has been raging between Mann's supporters, calling themselves "the Hockey Team", and McIntyre and his own allies, as they have ever more devastatingly called into question the entire statistical basis on which the IPCC and CRU construct their case.
    The senders and recipients of the leaked CRU emails constitute a cast list of the IPCC's scientific elite, including not just the "Hockey Team", such as Dr Mann himself, Dr Jones and his CRU colleague Keith Briffa, but Ben Santer, responsible for a highly controversial rewriting of key passages in the IPCC's 1995 report; Kevin Trenberth, who similarly controversially pushed the IPCC into scaremongering over hurricane activity; and Gavin Schmidt, right-hand man to Al Gore's ally Dr James Hansen, whose own GISS record of surface temperature data is second in importance only to that of the CRU itself.
    There are three threads in particular in the leaked documents which have sent a shock wave through informed observers across the world. Perhaps the most obvious, as lucidly put together by Willis Eschenbach (see McIntyre's blog Climate Audit and Anthony Watt's blog Watts Up With That ), is the highly disturbing series of emails which show how Dr Jones and his colleagues have for years been discussing the devious tactics whereby they could avoid releasing their data to outsiders under freedom of information laws.
    They have come up with every possible excuse for concealing the background data on which their findings and temperature records were based.
    This in itself has become a major scandal, not least Dr Jones's refusal to release the basic data from which the CRU derives its hugely influential temperature record, which culminated last summer in his startling claim that much of the data from all over the world had simply got "lost". Most incriminating of all are the emails in which scientists are advised to delete large chunks of data, which, when this is done after receipt of a freedom of information request, is a criminal offence.
    But the question which inevitably arises from this systematic refusal to release their data is – what is it that these scientists seem so anxious to hide? The second and most shocking revelation of the leaked documents is how they show the scientists trying to manipulate data through their tortuous computer programmes, always to point in only the one desired direction – to lower past temperatures and to "adjust" recent temperatures upwards, in order to convey the impression of an accelerated warming. This comes up so often (not least in the documents relating to computer data in the Harry Read Me file) that it becomes the most disturbing single element of the entire story. This is what Mr McIntyre caught Dr Hansen doing with his GISS temperature record last year (after which Hansen was forced to revise his record), and two further shocking examples have now come to light from Australia and New Zealand.
    In each of these countries it has been possible for local scientists to compare the official temperature record with the original data on which it was supposedly based. In each case it is clear that the same trick has been played – to turn an essentially flat temperature chart into a graph which shows temperatures steadily rising. And in each case this manipulation was carried out under the influence of the CRU.
    What is tragically evident from the Harry Read Me file is the picture it gives of the CRU scientists hopelessly at sea with the complex computer programmes they had devised to contort their data in the approved direction, more than once expressing their own desperation at how difficult it was to get the desired results.
    The third shocking revelation of these documents is the ruthless way in which these academics have been determined to silence any expert questioning of the findings they have arrived at by such dubious methods – not just by refusing to disclose their basic data but by discrediting and freezing out any scientific journal which dares to publish their critics' work. It seems they are prepared to stop at nothing to stifle scientific debate in this way, not least by ensuring that no dissenting research should find its way into the pages of IPCC reports.
    Back in 2006, when the eminent US statistician Professor Edward Wegman produced an expert report for the US Congress vindicating Steve McIntyre's demolition of the "hockey stick", he excoriated the way in which this same "tightly knit group" of academics seemed only too keen to collaborate with each other and to "peer review" each other's papers in order to dominate the findings of those IPCC reports on which much of the future of the US and world economy may hang. In light of the latest revelations, it now seems even more evident that these men have been failing to uphold those principles which lie at the heart of genuine scientific enquiry and debate. Already one respected US climate scientist, Dr Eduardo Zorita, has called for Dr Mann and Dr Jones to be barred from any further participation in the IPCC. Even our own George Monbiot, horrified at finding how he has been betrayed by the supposed experts he has been revering and citing for so long, has called for Dr Jones to step down as head of the CRU.
    The former Chancellor Lord (Nigel) Lawson, last week launching his new think tank, the Global Warming Policy Foundation , rightly called for a proper independent inquiry into the maze of skulduggery revealed by the CRU leaks. But the inquiry mooted on Friday, possibly to be chaired by Lord Rees, President of the Royal Society – itself long a shameless propagandist for the warmist cause – is far from being what Lord Lawson had in mind. Our hopelessly compromised scientific establishment cannot be allowed to get away with a whitewash of what has become the greatest scientific scandal of our age.
    Christopher Booker's The Real Global Warming Disaster: Is the Obsession with 'Climate Change' Turning Out to be the Most Costly Scientific Blunder in History? (Continuum, £16.99) is available from Telegraph Books for £14.99 plus £1.25 p & p.

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    I’m a climate scientist. And I’m not letting trickle-down ignorance win.

    How to fight the Trump administration's darkness
    Ben Santer is a climate scientist and a member of the National Academy of Sciences.
     Play Video 2:36
    Fact Check: President Trump's remarks on leaving the Paris climate accord
    Fact Checkers Glenn Kessler and Michelle Lee examine several of President Trump's claims from his speech announcing the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris climate accord on Thursday. (Video: Meg Kelly/Photo: Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)
    I’ve been a mountaineer for most of my life. Mountains are in my blood. In my early 20s, while climbing in France, I fell into a crevasse on the Milieu Glacier, at the start of the normal route on the Aiguille d’Argentiere. Remarkably, I was unhurt. From the grip of the banded ice, I saw a thin slit of blue sky 120 feet above me. The math was simple: Climb 120 feet. If I reached that slit of blue sky, I would live. If I didn’t, I’d freeze to death in the cold and dark.
    Now, more than 40 years later, it feels like I’m in a different kind of darkness — the darkness of the Trump administration’s scientific ignorance. This is just as real as the darkness of the Milieu Glacier’s interior and just as life-threatening. This time, I’m not alone. The consequences of this ignorance affect every person on the planet.
    Imagine, if you will, that you spend your entire professional life trying to do one thing to the best of your ability. In my case, that one thing is to study the nature and causes of climate change. You put in a long apprenticeship. You spend years learning about the climate system, computer models of climate and climate observations. You start filling a tool kit with the statistical and mathematical methods you’ll need for analyzing complex data sets. You are taught how electrical engineers detect signals embedded in noisy data. You apply those engineering insights to the detection of a human-caused warming signal buried in the natural “noise” of Earth’s climate. Eventually, you learn that human activities are warming Earth’s surface, and you publish this finding in peer-reviewed literature.
    You participate in rigorous national and international assessments of climate science. You try to put aside all personal filters, to be objective, to accommodate a diversity of scientific opinions held by your peers, by industry stakeholders and by governments. These assessments are like nothing you’ve ever done before: They are peer review on steroids, eating up years of your life.
    The bottom-line finding of the assessments is cautious at first. In 1995, the conclusion is this: “The balance of evidence suggests a discernible human influence on global climate.” These 12 words are part of a chapter on which you are first author. The 12 words change your life. You spend years defending the “discernible human influence” conclusion. You encounter valid scientific criticism. You also encounter nonscientific criticism from powerful forces of unreason, who harbor no personal animus toward you but don’t like what you’ve learned and published — it’s bad for their business.
    You go back to the drawing board. You address the criticism that if there really is a human-caused signal, we should see it in many attributes of the climate system — not just in surface thermometer records. You look at temperature from the top of the atmosphere to the depths of the oceans. You examine water vapor and the height of the lowest layer of the atmosphere. Your colleagues search for human fingerprints in rainfall, clouds, sea level, river runoff, snow and ice extent, atmospheric circulation patterns, and the behavior of extreme events. They find human-caused climate fingerprints everywhere they look.
    Your peers are your fiercest critics. They are constantly kicking the tires. Show us that your “discernible human influence” results aren’t due to changes in the sun, or volcanic activity, or internal cycles in the climate system. Show us that your results aren’t due to some combination of these natural factors. Convince us that detection of a human fingerprint isn’t sensitive to uncertainties in models, data or the statistical methods in your tool kit. Explain the causes of each and every wiggle in temperature records. Respond to every claim contradicting your findings.
    So you jump through hoops. You do due diligence. You go down every blind alley, every rabbit hole. Over time, the evidence for a discernible human influence on global climate becomes overwhelming. The evidence is internally and physically consistent. It’s in climate measurements made from the ground, from weather balloons and from space — measurements of dozens of different climate variables made by hundreds of different research groups around the world. You write more papers, examine more uncertainties and participate in more scientific assessments. You tell others what you’ve done, what you’ve learned and what the climatic “shape of things to come” might look like if we do nothing to reduce emissions of heat-trapping greenhouse gases. You speak not only to your scientific peers but also to a wide variety of audiences, some of which are skeptical about you and everything you do. You enter the public arena and make yourself accountable.
    After decades of seeking to advance scientific understanding, reality suddenly shifts, and you are back in the cold darkness of ignorance. The ignorance starts at the top, with President Trump. It starts with untruths and alternative facts. The untruth that climate change is a “hoax” engineered by the Chinese. The alternative fact that “nobody really knows” whether climate change is real. These untruths and alternative facts are repeated again and again. They serve as talking points for other members of the administration. From the Environmental Protection Agency administrator, who has spent his career fighting climate change science, we learn the alternative fact that satellite data shows “a leveling off of warming ” over the past two decades. The energy secretary tells us the fairy tale that climate change is primarily due to “ocean waters and this environment that we live in.” Ignorance trickles down from the president to members of his administration, eventually filtering into the public’s consciousness.
    Getting out of this metaphorical darkness is going to be tough. The administration is powerful. It has access to media megaphones and bully pulpits. It can abrogate international climate agreements. It can weaken national legislation designed to protect our air and water. It can challenge climate science and tell us that more than three decades of scientific understanding and rigorous assessments are all worthless. It can question the integrity and motives of climate scientists. It can halt satellite missions and impair our ability to monitor Earth’s climate from space. It can shut down websites hosting real facts on the science of climate change. It can deny, delay, defund, distort, dismantle. It can fiddle while the planet burns.
    I have to believe that even in this darkness, though, there is still a thin slit of blue sky. My optimism comes from a gut-level belief in the decency and intelligence of the people of this country. Most Americans have an investment in the future — in our children and grandchildren, and in the planet that is our only home. Most Americans care about these investments in the future; we want to protect them from harm. That is our prime directive. Most of us understand that to fulfill this directive, we can’t ignore the reality of a warming planet, rising seas, retreating snow and ice, and changes in the severity and frequency of droughts and floods. We can’t ignore the reality that human actions are part of the climate change problem and that human actions must be part of the solution. Ignoring reality is not a viable survival strategy.
    Trump has referred to a cloud hanging over his administration. The primary cloud I see is the self-created cloud of willful ignorance on the science of climate change. That cloud is a clear and present threat to the lives, livelihoods and health of every person on the planet, now and in the future. This cloud could be easily lifted by the president himself.
    For my own part, I don’t intend to spend the rest of my life in darkness or silently accepting trickle-down ignorance. I didn’t climb out of a crevasse on the Milieu Glacier for that.
    Read more:

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    श्रीवत्सः 1 an epithet of Viṣṇu. -2 a mark or curl of hair on the breast of Viṣṇu; प्रभानुलिप्त- श्रीवत्संलक्ष्मीविभ्रमदर्पणम् R.1.1 (Apte) m. " favourite of श्री " N. of विष्णु L.; partic. mark or curl of hair on the breast of विष्णु or कृष्ण (and of other divine beings ; said to be white and represented in pictures by a symbol resembling a cruciform flower) MBh. Ka1v. &c; the emblem of the tenth जिन (or विष्णु's mark so used) L. (Monier-Williams)

    Re-evaluation of Bronze Age Numismatics in the context of Indus Script decipherment

    A significant impact of Indus Script decipherment is that Numismatics gets a new tool to analyse and interpret the symbols used on early Punch-marked and Cast coins of the Bronze Age and to narrate afresh, the itihāsa of Bhāratam Janam.

    This impact will be demonstrated in the three symbols which are often inscrutably labeled as 'Ujjain', 'nandipāda' and 'śrīvatsa'. 

    Ujjain (Four dotted circles ligatured to '+' sign)

    nandipāda (or taurine)(Source: From Ruhuna coin from Codrington's Ceylon coins and currency, 1924, detailed below)
    Variant: Image result for nandipada numismaticsTaurine-shaped bead  from Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh) region. Gold, 0.11 g (ca. 300-100 BCE Rajgor) Same shape as 'ma' syllable in Brāhmi script.

    śrīvatsa (or tri-ratna)                                                 Variant (dotted circle w/ fish-fins on top constituting śrīvatsa): Image result for srivatsa numismaticsParker's Tissa coin Ancient Ceylon 54
    Other variants: 
    Image result for srivatsa sanchi stupa

    Source for Ujjain coin images. Satavahana coins are of copper, silver, lead and potin (which is  a mixture of bronze, tin and lead) 

    śrīvatsa adorns top capital of a fier pillar (skambha) in Amaravati
    Image result for AMARAVATI fiery pillar
    Image result for AMARAVATI fiery pillar
    On Amaravati representation of the fiery pillar of light the skambha is ligatured with a capital on top. The capital is hieroglyph 'srivatsa' atop a circle (vaTTa 'round, circle') as a phonetic determinant that the  aya PLUS kambha is in fact to be pronounced, aya khambhaṛā (Lahnda) rebus: aya 'iron' PLUS kammaTa 'mint' (Kannada)== 'fish PLUS fin' rebus: ayas kammaTa 'metal mint'. meḍ'foot' rebus: meḍ'iron' (Mu.Ho.)

    Clear orthography of śrīvatsa hypertext is seen on Sanchi stupa toraṇa, with delineation of two 'fish-fins' next to the śilpi, 'architect' statue. (Explanation of spathe of palm in the sculptural composition: sippīʻspathe of date palmʼ Rebus: sippi'artificer, craftsman'.
     Srivatsa with kanka, 'eyes' (Kui). 

    Begram ivories. Plate 389 ReferenceHackin, 1954, fig.195, no catalog N°. According to an inscription on the southern gate of Sanchi stupa, it has been carved by ivory carvers of Vidisha.Southern Gateway panel information:West pillar Front East Face has an inscription. Vedisakehi dantakarehi rupa-kammam katam - On the border of this panel – Epigraphia Indica vol II – written in Brahmi, language is Pali –  the carving of this sculpture is done by the ivory carvers of Vedisa (Vidisha). 

    The association of śrivatsa with ‘fish-fin’ is reinforced by the symbols binding fish in Jaina āyāgapaṭas (snake-hood?) of Mathura (late 1st cent. BCE). 
    śrivatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions Pl. 33, Nandipāda-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sanchi, Sarnath and Mathura]  śrivatsa  symbol seems to have evolved from a stylied glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the Sanchi stupa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘śrivatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina āyāgapaṭa, a fish is ligatured within the śrivatsa  glyph composition,  emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph with śrivatsa glyph. meṛh  f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, me 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.) The m-sound in these lexemes explains the reason for the choice of taurine symbol to signify 'ma' syllable in Brāhmi script.

    (After Plates in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77)

    Indus Script hieroglyphs daürā 'rope' rebus dhāvḍā 'smelter'; khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, coinage, mint' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: aya, ayas 'iron, alloy metal' (R̥gveda.Gujarati). dula ‘pair’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’. 

    Thus, the śrīvatsa on Sanchi stupa is read as dul aya kammaṭa ’metal casting, alloy metal mint’.

    Dotted circle signifies a single strand or rope or thread

    dhāī˜ (Lahnda) signifies a single strand of rope or thread.

    I have suggested that a dotted circle hieroglyph is a cross-section of a strand of rope: S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) धवड (p. 436) [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron (Marathi). 

    Triangle signifies hillock

    Ta. meṭṭu mound, heap of earth; mēṭu height, eminence, hillock; muṭṭu rising ground, high ground, heap. Ma. mēṭu rising ground, hillock; māṭu hillock, raised ground; miṭṭāl rising ground, an alluvial bank;(Tiyya) maṭṭa hill. Ka. mēḍu 
    height, rising ground, hillock; miṭṭu rising or high ground, hill; miṭṭe state of being high, rising ground, hill, mass, a large number; (Hav.) muṭṭe heap (as of straw). Tu. miṭṭè prominent, protruding; muṭṭe heap. Te. meṭṭa raised or high ground, hill; (K.) meṭṭu mound; miṭṭa high ground, hillock, mound; high, elevated, raised, projecting; (VPK) mēṭu, mēṭa, mēṭi stack of hay; (Inscr.) meṇṭa-cēnu dry field (cf. meṭṭu-nēla, meṭṭu-vari). Kol. (SR.) meṭṭā hill; (Kin.) meṭṭ, (Hislop) met mountain. Nk. meṭṭ hill, mountain.  Ga. 
    (S.3LSB 20.3) meṭṭa high land. Go. (Tr. W. Ph.) maṭṭā, (Mu.) maṭṭa mountain; (M. L.) meṭāid., hill; (A. D. Ko.) meṭṭa, (Y. Ma. M.) meṭa hill;(SR.) meṭṭā hillock Konḍa meṭa id. Kuwi (S.) metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill.(DEDR 5058). Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.Munda) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.Munda) mẽṛhẽt id. (Santali)

    The hypertext of Ujjain symbol with four arms lf + ligatured to dotted circle is explained as: धवड dhavaḍa, 'smelter' PLUS gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements' 

    The hypertext ligated to a dotted circle, on Ruhuna coin is explained as: 
    meḍ 'iron' PLUS dul aya kammaṭa ’metal casting, alloy metal mint’PLUS  धवड dhavaḍa, 'smelter'

    The hypertext ligatured to dotted circle (referred to as śrīvatsa or tri-ratna) is explained as: dul aya kammaṭa ’metal casting, alloy metal mint’.

    The three symbols --'Ujjain', 'nandipāda', 'śrīvatsa'-- are thus explained as hypertexts with meanings rendered rebus in Indus Script cipher tradition.

    Indus Script tradition of metalwork wealth ledger account, continued in mints of Eurasia from Takshasila to Ruhuna (Katharagama) (which was the transit point in the Ancient Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa).

    The mint artisans continued the tradition of wealth ledger accounting of Indus Script -- using hypertexts and punch-marked or embossed the hypertexts on ancient coins to signify their wealth-producing repertoire of metalwork in mints.

    Supplementary Plate Figure 2 of H. W. Codrington's Ceylon Coins and Currency (1924), records an 'Elephant & Svastika' coin discovered in Ruhuna, Sri Lanka (a province in which the heritage site of Katharagama is located).  

    See map (for location of Ruhuna): 

    An enlargement of Figure 2 of Codrington's Plate is presented below to show the symbols used on the coin (obverse and reverse). All the symbols used are Indus Script hieroglyphs.

    The objective of this monograph is to focus on one symbol which is a hypertext composition of both 'nandipāda' and 'śrīvatsa'. 

    This hypertext may be seen to the left of the svastika and mountain-range symbols on the reverse of the coin. This hypertext is a combination of three Indus Script hieroglyphs: 1. dotted circle 2. hillock and 3. two fish-fins.
    Ruhuna coin (Cited in Lakdiva coins of Codrington).

    Note on associated hypertexts on Ruhuna coin: 

    kuṭhi a sacred, divine tree, kuṭi 'temple' rebus kuṭhi 'a furnace for smelting iron ore' 

    goṭā 'round pebble' Rebus gō̃ṭu an ornamental appendage to the border of a cloth, fringe' गोटी gōṭī f (Dim. of गोटा) A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble. 3 A large lifting stone. Used in trials of strength among the Athletæ. 4 A stone in temples described at length under उचला 5 fig. A term for a round, fleshy, well-filled body. 6 A lump of silver: as obtained by melting down lace or fringe. goṭa 'laterite, ferrite ore' khoṭa 'ingot, wedge'.

    dhanga'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'

    sangaḍa,'lathe-brazier' rebus: sangara'trade'

    khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner, a person who fashions or shapes objects on a lathe ' (Gujarati) करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)  खरड kharaḍa f (खरडणें) A hurriedly written or drawn piece; a scrawl; a mere tracing or rude sketch.  खरडा (p. 113) kharaḍā m (खरडणें) Scrapings (as from a culinary utensil). 2 Bruised or coarsely broken peppercorns &c.: a mass of bruised मेथ्या &c. 3 also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; a foul, blotted, interlined piece of writing. 4 also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book. 5 A spotted and rough and ill-shaped pearl: also the roughness or knobbiness of such pearls. 6 A variety of musk-melon. 7 Heat in stomach and bowels during small-pox, measles &c. 8 A leopard. 9 C Small but full heads of rice. 10 Grass so short as to require grubbing or rubbing up. 11 A medicament consisting of levigated or pounded (nutmeg, or anise-seed, or मुरडशेंगा &c.) fried in clarified butter. It is given to check diarrhœa. 12 Reduced state, i. e. such scantiness as to demand scraping. v लाग, पड. Ex. पाण्याचा ख0 लागला or पडला The water (of the well &c.) is so scanty that it must be scraped up (with a नरेटी &c.) धान्याला ख0 लागला; पैक्याला ख0 लागला. खरडें घासणें To fag at the desk; to drive the quill. 2 (With implication of indifference.) To write: answering to To pen it; to scribble away खरड्या kharaḍyā a (खरडणें) That writes or shaves rudely and roughly; a mere quill-driver; a very scraper. करड्याची अवटी  karaḍyācī avaṭī f An implement of the goldsmith. A stamp for forming the bars or raised lines called करडा. It is channeled or grooved with (or without) little cavities. करडा  karaḍā m The arrangement of bars or embossed lines (plain or fretted with little knobs) raised upon a तार of gold by pressing and driving it upon the अवटी or grooved stamp. Such तार is used for the ornament बुगडी, for the hilt of a पट्टा or other sword &c. Applied also to any similar barform or line-form arrangement (pectination) whether embossed or indented; as the edging of a rupee &c. 

    The hieroglyph 'elephant'.  karibha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron'ibbo'merchant'. 

    Svastika glyph: sattva 'svastika' glyph సత్తుతపెల a vessel made of pewter  त्रपुधातुविशेषनिर्मितम्
     Glosses for zinc are: sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जसथ् त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas ज्तस), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ् ज़स््थ् ्or zasuth ज़सुथ ्। रप m. (sg. dat. zastas ु ज़्तस),् zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jastuvu; । रपू्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri). Hence the hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times on a Harappa epigraph (h182). Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus: zinc (for) brass (or pewter).
    Image result for bharatkalyan97 five svastika

    The Meluhha gloss for 'five' is: taṭṭal Homonym is: ṭhaṭṭha brass (i.e. alloy of copper + zinc) *ṭhaṭṭha1 ʻbrassʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass?]N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 1.Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār°rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H.ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493).

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    July 10, 2017

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    New 2025 Global Growth Projections Predict China’s Further Slowdown and the Continued Rise of India

    June 28, 2017
     – The economic pole of global growth has moved over the past few years from China to neighboring India, where it is likely to stay over the coming decade, according to new growth projections presented by researchers at the Center for International Development at Harvard University (CID). Growth in emerging markets is predicted to continue to outpace that of advanced economies, though not uniformly. The projections are optimistic about new growth hubs in East Africa and new segments of Southeast Asia, led by Indonesia and Vietnam. The growth projections are based on measures of each country’s economic complexity, which captures the diversity and sophistication of the productive capabilities embedded in its exports and the ease with which it could further diversify by expanding those capabilities.
    In examining the latest 2015 global trade data, CID researchers find a clear turn in trade winds, as 2015 marks the first year for which world exports have fallen since the 2009 global financial crisis. This time around, the decline in trade was driven largely by the fall in oil prices. High oil prices had driven a decade of rapid growth in oil economies, outpacing expectations. Since the decline in oil prices in mid 2014, growth in oil economies ground to a halt, where it is likely to stay, according to the projections, given little progress on diversification and complexity.
    “The major oil economies are experiencing the pitfalls of their reliance on one resource. India, Indonesia, and Vietnam have accumulated new capabilities that allow for more diverse and more complex production that predicts faster growth in the coming years,” said Ricardo Hausmann, director of CID, professor at the Harvard Kennedy School (HKS), and the lead researcher of The Atlas of Economic Complexity.
    The projections warn of a continued slowdown in global growth over the coming decade. India and Uganda top the list of the fastest growing economies to 2025, at 7.7 percent annually, but for different reasons. Uganda joins three other East African countries in the top 10 fastest growing countries, though a significant fraction of that growth is due to rapid population growth. On a per capita basis, Uganda is the only East African country that remains in the top 10 in the growth projections, though at 4.5 percent annually its prospects are more modest. On the other hand, the researchers attribute India’s rapid growth prospects to the fact that it is particularly well positioned to continue diversifying into new areas, given the capabilities accumulated to date. India has made inroads in diversifying its export base to include more complex sectors, such as chemicals, vehicles, and certain electronics.

    Economic Complexity Global Growth Projections: Predicted Annual Growth Rate to 2025

    Source: The Atlas of Economic Complexity, 2015. Harvard Center for International Development.
    The new 2015 data reveal a decline in China’s exports. China’s economic complexity ranking also falls four spots for the first time since the global financial crisis. China’s rapid growth rate over the past decade has narrowed the gap between its complexity and its income, which researchers suggest is the harbinger of slower growth. The growth projections still have China growing above the world average, though at 4.4 percent annually for the coming decade, the slowdown relative to the current growth trend is significant.

    Economic Complexity Global Growth Projections: Growth By Region

    Source: The Atlas of Economic Complexity, 2015. Harvard Center for International Development.
    The researchers place the diversity of tacit productive knowledge—or knowhow—that a society has at the heart of the economic growth story. A central stylized fact of world income differences is that poor countries produce few goods that many countries can make, while rich countries produce a great diversity of goods, including products that few other countries can make. The team uses this fact to measure the amount of knowhow that is held in each economy. “Economic complexity not only describes why countries are rich or poor today, but also can predict future growth, about five times more accurately than the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Index,” said Sebastian Bustos, a research fellow at CID.

    New Economic Complexity Index Rankings

    CID also released new country rankings of the 2015 Economic Complexity Index(ECI), the measure that forms the basis for much of the growth projections. The ECI finds the most complex countries in the world, as measured by the average complexity of their export basket, remain JapanSwitzerlandGermanySouth Korea, and Austria. Of the 40 most complex countries, the biggest risers in the rankings for the decade ending in 2015 have been the Philippines (ECI rank: up 28 positions to rank 32nd globally), Thailand (+11 to 25th), China (+10 to 23rd), Lithuania (+9 to 30th), and South Korea (+8 to 4th). Conversely, the biggest losers have been Canada (-9 to 33rd), SerbiaBelarusSpain (-6 to 29th), and France (-6 to 16th).
    The countries that show the fastest declines in the complexity rankings in the decade ending in 2015 nearly all have had policy regimes that have been adversarial to the accumulation of productive knowhow, with the largest declines in Cuba (-50), Venezuela (-44), Zimbabwe (-23), Tajikistan (-22), Libya (-22), and Argentina (-18). Globally, the fastest risers in complexity in 2015 have been the PhilippinesMalawi (+26 to 94th), Uganda (+24 to 77th), Vietnam (+24 to 64th), and Cambodia (+16 to 88th).

    Economic Complexity Global Growth Projections: Most and Least Complex Countries

    Click to enlarge left or right image.

    Economic Complexity Global Growth Projections: Largest Wins and Losses

    Click to enlarge left or right image.
    The growth projections highlight that economic growth fails to follow one easy pattern or rule system. The countries that are expected to be the fastest growing – IndiaTurkeyIndonesiaUganda, and Bulgaria – are diverse in all political, institutional, geographic and demographic dimensions. “What they share is a focus on expanding the capabilities of their workforce that leaves them well positioned to diversify into new products, and products of increasingly greater complexity,” said Timothy Cheston, a research fellow at CID.
    The projections divide global countries into three basic categories: those countries with too few productive capabilities to easily diversify into related products, including BangladeshEcuador, and Guinea; those countries which have enough capabilities that make diversification and growth easier, which include IndiaIndonesia, and Turkey; and those advanced countries – such as JapanGermany, and the United States – that already produce nearly all existing products, so that progress will require pushing the world’s technological frontier by inventing new products, a process that implies slower growth.

    Economic Complexity Global Growth Projections: Economic Complexity Ranking Changes

    Source: The Atlas of Economic Complexity, 2015. Harvard Center for International Development. 
    Click here to view the visualization full-screen.
    The economic complexity growth projections differ from those of the IMF and the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU). Relative to EIU predictions, CID researchers are less optimistic about a set of countries that include BangladeshCambodiaIranSri Lanka, and Cuba. Conversely, CID researchers have greater optimism for the growth prospects of UgandaGuatemalaMexicoTanzania, and Brazil.
    The researchers emphasize that the benefit of these medium-term projections is that nothing is set in stone, but there are many steps policymakers, investors, and business leaders can take to enter more complex production to realize faster growth.

    About the Center for International Development

    The Center for International Development (CID) at Harvard University is a university-wide center that works to advance the understanding of development challenges and offer viable solutions to problems of global poverty. CID is Harvard’s leading research hub focusing on resolving the dilemmas of public policy associated with generating stable, shared, and sustainable prosperity in developing countries. Our ongoing mission is to revolutionize the world of development practice.
    Contact: Chuck McKenney
    Phone: (617) 495-4112

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    Over 2000 archaeological sites (out of a total of over 2600 sites) of Sarasvati_Sindhu civilization are banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. 

    Vedic (chandas) pre-dates 7th millennium BCE and is the source for Avestan of ca. 4th millennium BCE. R̥gveda attests the Indus Script word ayas‘alloy metal’ of the early Bronze (Neolithic) Age.
    Indus Script decipherment has revealed the existence of metal word cognates 
    related to 'copper, iron' in Slavic languages and in Indian sprahbund 
    (language union or linguistic area)

    A recurring hieroglyph and rebus rendering relates to the word meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.)  mẽṛhẽt, id. (Santali) मृदु mṛdu, id; 

    Santali glosses.

    A cognate word med, in Slavic languages has the meaning: 'copper'.

    Origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:
    Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
    Ma. <i>mErhE'd</i> `iron'.
    Mu. <i>mERE'd</i> `iron'.
      ~ <i>mE~R~E~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mENhEd</i>(M).
    Ho <i>meD</i> `iron'.
    Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'.
    KW <i>mENhEd</i>
    — Slavic glosses for 'copper'
    Мед [Med]Bulgarian
    Bakar Bosnian
    Медзь [medz']Belarusian
    Měď Czech
    Bakar Croatian
    Бакар [Bakar]Macedonian
    Miedź Polish
    Медь [Med']Russian
    Meď Slovak
    Бакар [Bakar]Serbian
    Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian[unquote]
    Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic, Altaic) 'copper'.  
    One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German) result in med ‘copper’.

    Indian sprachbund whose lexis is recognized in the wealth-creation documents of metalwork wealth ledgersof Indus Script Corpora from ca. 3300 BCE. 

    The lexis attests mutual absorportion of semantic features from one another among Indo-Aryan, Munda (Austro-Asiatic) and Dravidian languages. 

    This cultural absorpotion related to metalwork words of the Bronze Age extended into Eurasia, exemplified by the words:mẽṛhẽt 'iron' (Santali)  meď 'copper' (Slovak).

    áyas n. ʻ metal, iron ʼ RV. Pa. ayō nom. sg. n. and m., aya -- n. ʻ iron ʼ, Pk. aya -- n., Si. ya.ayaścūrṇa -- , ayaskāṇḍa -- , *ayaskūṭa -- .Addenda: áyas --  Md. da ʻ iron ʼ, dafat ʻ piece of iron ʼ. ayaskāṇḍa m.n. ʻ a quantity of iron, excellent iron ʼ Pāṇ. gaṇ. [áyas -- , kāˊṇḍa -- ] Si. yakaḍa ʻ iron ʼ *ayaskūṭa ʻ iron hammer ʼ. [áyas -- , kūˊṭa -- 1] Pa. ayōkūṭa -- , ayak° m.; Si. yakuḷa ʻ sledge -- hammer ʼ, yavuḷa (< ayōkūṭa -- ).(CDIAL 590 to 592). अयस् a. [इ-गतौ-असुन्] Going, moving; nimble. n. (-यः) 1 Iron (एति चलति अयस्कान्तसंनिकर्षं इति तथात्वम्; नायसोल्लिख्यते रत्नम् Śukra 4.169. अभितप्तमयो$पि मार्दवं भजते कैव कथा शरीरिषु R.8.43. -2 Steel. -3Gold. -4 A metal in general. -5 Aloe wood. -6 An iron instrument; यदयोनिधनं याति सो$स्य धर्मः सनातनः Mb.6.17.11. -7 Going. m. Fire. [cf. L. aes, aeris; Goth. ais, eisarn; Ger. eisin]. (Apte. Samskrtam)
    Image result for indus valley satellite images

    Indo-European isoglosses, including the centum and satem languages (blue and 

    red, respectively), augment, PIE *-tt- > -ss-, *-tt- > -st-, and m-endings.

    Map of the Near East ca. 1400 BCE showing the Kingdom of Mitanni at

     its greatest extent.

    Abstract (March 13,. 2016)

    "Languages have a great evolutionary significance, because linguistic affinities are also clues to population history. A common language frequently reflects a common origin, and a related language indicates a common origin too, but further back in time (Barbujani 1997). Comparison of Sanskrit and modern Indian languages Hindi and Punjabi with Slovenian belonging to a Slavic language family shows that there is a linguistic similarity and the older the language the greater is the resemblance. Sanskrit, especially Vedic Sanskrit, which is the oldest, exhibits more similarities to Slovenian than Hindi or Punjabi. A statistical comparison shows that~20% of Vedic words are same or similar to Slovenian in sound and meaning. Similar comparison with the Classical Sanskrit, shows ~10% similarity. This resemblance is not limited to linguistics, but can be further seen in some family and also some topographical names. This can be taken as indication that Slovenian language has changed relatively slowly over the millennia. Within this context, it would be reasonable to expect, that a modern Slovenian, familiar with the dialects and other Slavic languages, should be able to recognize words and meanings of the Venetic language, if it belongs to the same language family. In addition to linguistics, there are also genetic similarities between Slavs of Europe and the peoples of the Indian sub-continent." INDO-ARYAN AND SLAVIC AFFINITIES - Korenine Pages 1 - 8 - Text ...

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    July 10, 2017

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    Bengal On The Edge Of A Precipice

    Jay Bhattacharjee
    9 July 2017

    It is painful for all Indians to see a particular part of the country reeling under assault from violence inspired by a certain religious ideology. One can be eternally euphemistic in one’s public stances. However, this commentator believes that it is time now to take the bull by the horns and address the threat that confronts India by its proper appellation – Islamic jihad, fuelled and financed by Pakistan and several Islamic countries in West Asia, including Saudi Arabia and Iran. Let us be specific – the land of the Ibn Sauds and the land of Khomeini march in tandem to the call of Islam.

    Indian citizens have been exposed to the Kashmir inferno for quite some time and are now well aware of what is happening in that part of the country and are reasonably sensitised to the issues involved, as well as the forces at play there.

    However, West Bengal is another cup of tea. Most Indians would barely be conversant about the developments in the state in recent decades. The general overview the country has of West Bengal (WB) is its relentless (and apparently irreversible) economic decline and the permanent chaos that marks life in that part of the world. Sporadically, Indians outside WB take note of the latent cultural and literary talent of the Bengalis. However, here too, it is largely the probashi (expatriate) Bengalis who hit the headlines with positive news. The WB Bongs, generally, are harbingers of bad tidings.

    In the case of the existential threat that WB is facing from deadly forces, the rest of the country is almost clueless. This analyst has written earlier  about the grave danger that confronts WB at this juncture, and India in the final analysis. Some other writers have also discussed the issue. 

    The country’s mainstream media, or MSM, particularly the English-language one, is conspicuously silent about the periodic outbursts of communal violence in WB. And, again, making a departure from “socially correct” terminology, it must be put on record that the violence is almost always directed primarily at Hindus, who are at the receiving end of the lathis and swords and worse. Certain areas are notorious trouble-spots – these include Malda, Murshidabad, Dinajpur and North 24 Parganas, to mention the prominent ones.

    All these are Muslim-majority districts, with Malda having more than 52 per cent Muslims as per the official Census data of 2011. It is an open secret among the military and paramilitary forces that the ground reality may be different. Younger officers make no bones about sharing their experience on this issue, including the most uncomfortable scenarios. This pertains to the situation in certain parts of WB that have become virtual no-go areas for the local law-and-order forces.

    In any case, the police in WB have been soft, for many decades, on illegal immigration from Bangladesh and rampant crime in the border areas. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) started this policy of turning a blind eye to these issues for more than three decades. The All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) has merely gone ahead and fine-tuned this abdication of state responsibility. The strategy of the present WB Chief Minister is very simple, though it may be toxic for the nation’s security – if the TMC can routinely garner the bloc votes of the Muslims, she can win a disproportionately large number of seats in the constituencies that have multiple candidates trying to tap the residual non-TMC voter base. Here, too, she counts on the former lumpen CPM cadre who have switched their loyalties to Mamata’s party.

    Of course, the TMC candidates need not all be Muslims – all they have to do is to keep the Imams and the Muslim seniors in their support base happy. In contrast, the Hindu electorate has no effective leadership or programme. The residual influence of the CPM’s now-discredited ideology ensures that the West Bengal Hindu is still hesitant to combat Islamic theological politics in a determined manner.

    To return to the theme of the relentless attempt to use demography as a political weapon, it is worthwhile to look at the way Yugoslavia was destroyed. I studied this and explained it to my readers in the article of January 2016 cited earlier. It is not necessary to repeat all the facts in that essay, but it would be helpful if the process of a demographic coup d’etat is spelt out once again.

    The paradigm works out as follows:

    The first step is to ensure a major change in the demographic composition of a province or part of a federal country. This is effected through immigration (mostly illegal or sub rosa) of a particular group (religious, ethnic or linguistic) from a neighbouring country or through significantly higher birth rates domestically.

    The next stage is to cause law and order/public security problems in the relevant areas for the federal/central authorities and administration of the country.

    This is followed by the terrorisation or even subjugation of the erstwhile majority (now reduced to a minority). Thereafter, the victims are compelled to leave their original homelands, as was done in Kashmir in 1990 and as may be attempted in WB in the next few years, if the TMC continues in power.

    The objective is to give rise to civil-war conditions or tensions in the province/region.

    Now comes the very sensitive part of the exercise. This involves the internationalisation of the conflict and the involvement of other regional and global powers.

    Historical rivalries are also leveraged to invite physical foreign intervention.

    In the case of Kosovo, in the final act, the international Islamic lobby was utilised to finance insurrection and procure arms to combat the federal/central forces, as well as to also canvas the secessionist “cause” in international organisations and platforms.

    Our babus and netas on Raisina Hill are not particularly well-versed in history. Otherwise, they would have observed that the above process was also followed, more or less exactly, by Nazi Germany when it destroyed Czechoslovakia in 1938, through the terrorist violence of the minority Sudeten Germans in the western region of that model democratic country. A minority that works from inside to destroy a federal country can also be a linguistic/cultural one and not necessarily a religious one.

    In the case of Germany, the people of that country seemed to have learned their lesson after their catastrophic defeat in the Second World War. On the contrary, international political Islam has learnt nothing from the losses it has had in the last twelve-odd centuries. If anything, the defeats and debacles, whether in Seville or in Poitiers or Vienna, are looked up to for inspiration. Just search for the Islamic laments on the fall of Seville and Cordoba and you will get an idea about what drives Islamic revanchism.

    In this convoluted intellectual war that political Islam is waging, Bharat or Hind, to be more precise, occupies a very special place. The Lutyens-zone secularists can cry themselves hoarse from the roof-tops that this is all a conspiracy of “right-wing Hindu nationalists”, but Ghazwa-e-Hind is not a fantasy conjured up by some “bhakts” in various parts of the country. There is sufficient evidence that the Pakistani armed forces teach this doctrine in some form or the other in their courses.

    There is also credible feedback that some Islamic places of worship in India have also started mentioning this concept during their prayer meetings. Tarek Fatah’s recent essay on the subject created an uproar in the desi secularist circles, but the powers that be in Delhi would be most unwise if they dismiss Fatah’s well-meant warning to India.

    Returning to the latest developments in WB, what should be the response of the union government? The Bengal Governor’s perfectly justified decision to ask the state administration to explain the riots and violence in a strategically located area and to take adequate measures to protect all citizens seems to have touched a raw nerve in the Chief Minister. She has stooped to new lows in her reaction and this probably shows that she is on very weak ground this time.

    Admittedly, WB is not yet ripe for President’s Rule, since there is no overall breakdown of law and order throughout the state. However, this writer is in favour of invoking the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in WB after declaring certain districts as “disturbed areas”. The centre has full powers since 1972 to declare certain areas as “disturbed” and there is a clear need to categorise at least four or five districts of WB as “disturbed”. Raisina Hill must summon the necessary resolve to take this step; just the invocation of the Act and the categorisation of certain areas as “disturbed” will suffice at this stage. WB is not as terminally sick as the Kashmir Valley and this writer’s surmise is that necessary corrective measures, as advocated here, will work now. If Delhi hums and haws, Bengal will need much more stringent and drastic action in the years to come."

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    The Infinite Hotel, a thought experiment created by German mathematician David Hilbert, is a hotel with an infinite number of rooms. Easy to comprehend, right? Wrong. What if it's completely booked but one person wants to check in? What about 40? Or an infinitely full bus of people? Jeff Dekofsky solves these heady lodging issues using Hilbert's paradox.

    Lesson by Jeff Dekofsky, animation by The Moving Company Animation Studio.

    Published on Jan 16, 2014

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    Two decades saw corruption in Centre and State, says report on T.N. beach sand mining

    Sandhya RavishankarCHENNAI,JULY 10, 2017 00:51 IST

    Keeping tabs: The then Tirunelveli Collector, M. Karunakaran, along with officials, inspecting a beach sand mineral processing unit.  

    Submitting his report on the plundering of rare minerals along the southern coast, the amicus curiae has called for a thorough probe into the role played by various officials. In his report, exclusively accessed by The Hindu, he has also advocated initiating criminal proceedings against the guilty

    Governments come and go, but some irregularities last forever. And that is the theme of amicus curiae V. Suresh’s comprehensive report on illegal beach sand mining in Tamil Nadu, submitted to the First Bench of the Madras High Court on June 20 during a hearing on a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) petition that was filed in 2015.
    The report, which shines a light on large scale illegal mining of beach sand and the minerals mixed with it and their exports, is also about more than two decades of official neglect and/or collusion by various departments of the Centre and the Tamil Nadu government – from the Department of Atomic Energy to the Union Ministry of Mines as well as various departments of the State.
    The report takes into account data supplied by each of the government agencies involved in granting permission to mine beach sand and minerals.

    Illegality with impunity

    Beach sands of the southern coast of Tamil Nadu comprise a mixture of rare minerals such as garnet, ilmenite, rutile, leucoxene, zircon and monazite. Of these, monazite is known as an atomic mineral and can be processed to yield thorium, a nuclear fuel.
    As a result of the data analysis from various sources, a set of multiple figures is arrived at in the report. While the exact quantum of illegal mining is yet to be ascertained, the report concludes that there is no doubt that mining and exports of beach minerals have continued with impunity, flouting all laws and procedures that govern the sector.

    The report has calculated the total amount of sand permitted to be mined as per the Mining Plans approved by the Indian Bureau of Mines (IBM) and the Atomic Minerals Directorate (AMD). The IBM comes under the Union Ministry of Mines, and the AMD under the Department of Atomic Energy, directly under the purview of the Prime Minister.
    The State government’s transport permits too have been examined and collated – without these documents, mining and exports cannot take place. Data available with the Customs Department has been cross-verified to come to a conclusion on the quantum of illegal mining.
    As per this calculation, the report finds that out of 1.5 crore metric tonnes (MT) of raw sand mined between 2000 and 2017 in Tirunelveli, Thoothukudi and Kanniyakumari districts, 57% has been mined illegally. “… [T]he calculation of ‘unlawful’ transports includes three situations: (i) transporting quantities in excess of approved quantities; (ii) transporting minerals not approved to be mined or transported for a specific lease; and (c) transporting minerals during years/periods when there was no approved ‘Scheme of Mining’,” explains the report. It notes that “in general, 6 out of 7 Mining Lessees have indulged in unlawful mining and transportation.”
    Similarly, the computation of illegally mined minerals like garnet and ilmenite ranges from 61% to almost 70% of the total amount mined during the same period.
    The report shows how the Tamil Nadu government’s ban on beach sand mining and exports since September 2013 has only managed to give the miners a free run.
    “The total quantum of exports post the ban period amounts to 28% of the total exports made from 2000-2017,” claims the report. This means that out of a total of almost 78 lakh MT of beach sand minerals exported from 2000 to 2017, the ban period of around four years saw exports of almost 22 lakh MT, a little less than one-third of the total exports that took place in 16 years.
    The amicus curiae also records the 2013-14 report of the Special Committee headed by Gagandeep Singh Bedi, tasked by then Chief Minister Jayalalithaa to probe the allegations of illegal beach sand mining. The report got stuck in court in July 2015, just before it was to be submitted to the State government. A single judge order of the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court, in a case filed by aggrieved beach sand mining firms, directed that Mr. Bedi be replaced by a retired judge as Chairman of the Committee, besides a stay on the filing of the report by the senior officer, pending orders on the allegation of ‘bias’ against a particular firm — VV Mineral and its owner S. Vaikundarajan. Mr. Bedi vehemently contested this claim in court. In August 2015, the Madras High Court struck down the single judge order replacing Mr. Bedi as Chairman. The allegations of ‘bias’ are yet to be decided upon and will be heard as part of the PIL currently before the First Bench.
    According to the Bedi report, illicit mining has taken place over 575 acres in three districts alone – Tirunelveli, Thoothukudi and Kanniyakumari. The amount of illegal mining arrived at by the team of 175 officers is over 90 lakh MT.
    Another set of figures adds to the mix in the report. This is a back calculation of the amount of raw sand needed to have been mined, based on the figures supplied by one firm.
    In January this year, the AMD submitted data to the court about the details of monazite stored byVV Mineral. The data on the total raw sand mined, as well as the stored monazite tailings, were provided by the firm to the AMD. The two sets of data and the related computation should ideally tally, but the AMD points out that there is a ‘mismatch’.
    According to VV Mineral, the only company out of seven to have provided the data, the firm mined close to 99 lakh MT of raw sand between 2007 and 2016. The amount of monazite present in this raw sand is taken as 0.05%, as per records available with the AMD. Based on this data, the approximate quantity of monazite computed by the AMD comes to 5,876.6 MT.
    But on the basis of another set of data — again supplied by VV Mineral — regarding the amount of monazite tailings stored, a different picture emerges. VV Mineral claims to have stored monazite tailings of 80,725.05 MT. Monazite tailings are the remnants of the raw sand from which other minerals such as garnet, ilmenite and rutile are removed. The percentage of monazite in these tailings will be more concentrated.
    The AMD computed the approximate quantity of monazite available in the monazite tailings stored by VV Mineral at a concentration of 29%. This works out to 23,461.7 MT – this is the figure which the AMD terms a ‘mismatch’.
    The amicus curiae’s report goes one step further with a backward calculation. “An exercise was undertaken to compute the total quantity of raw sand required to produce 23,461 MTs of monazite… approximately 4.69 crore to 4.93 crore MTs of raw sand will be required to produce the 23,461 MTs of monazite or 80,725.06 MTs of monazite-enriched tailings.” But the total quantity of raw sand transported, as per data collected from the district mining departments, totals only 1.51 crore MT. “This huge discrepancy is significant and requires further study,” concludes the report.
    Similarly, IBM annual yearbooks and Customs data have revealed discrepancies of over 80,000 MT of garnet, and only one-third of the actual mined raw sand appears to have been accounted for.

    Oversight or collusion?

    The report also questions whether government officials and departments, over the past two decades, have been allowing such large-scale illegal mining and exports as a result of oversight, or due to active collusion.
    The amicus curiae details how, at every step of the complex procedure for obtaining permission to mine beach sand, basic questions have not been asked.
    Take for instance the approval of mining plans, a process that involves the IBM in case of garnet and sillimanite, and the AMD in case of all other minerals. The report points to the approvals granted to mining plans that show an abnormally high rate of replenishment of beach sand minerals. The report points to official data and studies conducted by the government, such as the Nagar Committee of 2010 and other available data-backed literature, which clearly show the erroneous nature of the claim of high replenishment of beach sand minerals made by miners.
    “Do the specialists – officials of IBM and AMD — not have the responsibility to check mining proposals which claim more than 50% THM (Total Heavy Minerals or beach sand minerals) in the mining areas specified in the proposed Mining Plan or Scheme of Mining, as to how they show higher norms of THM compared to official benchmarked studies? The moot question remains: is this merely a sign of utter inefficiency and non-application of mind on the part of sanctioning officials of IBM and AMD, or are there other reasons influencing these officials to sanction plans as put up by the mining lessees or companies? This is a matter for further investigation by more competent agencies,” says the report.
    Besides, the report observed that “…a high-level probe needs to be instituted to examine how such approvals were given and to fix accountability for the same. Considering the high value of the minerals, the probe should also explore possibilities of different types of influences leading to the granting of approvals of mining plans on the part of officials of IBM and AMD. The highest levels of officials in the decision making chain should be personally held liable for decisions found to be of doubtful or questionable nature.”
    While the IBM has issued show-cause notices to mining firms over the years with regard to illegal mining over and above the permissible limit, no action was taken to penalise them, the report points out. “The show-cause notices issued by IBM officials clearly reveal that even as far back as in 2006-07, they were fully aware of the brazen and open violation of the laws by the mining companies. As noted before, in some cases, the illegally transported raw sand production was sometimes 14 to 18 times more than the quantity permitted to be transported. Yet, apart from giving token notices, the IBM officials did nothing to strictly enforce the law.”
    “Ironically, the IBM officials, in their replies/notices to the mining companies, point out the importance of conservation of minerals, but at the same time, advise the companies to apply for modification of the scheme of mining so as to regularise the excess quantity removed. For reasons best known to them, IBM officials did not seek to enforce the penal provisions of the MMDR [Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation)] Act even when they knew fully well that the mining companies were continuing to transport quantities of raw sand and minerals in excess of the permitted quantities, and that the production was taking place even when the mining companies had applied for approval of Scheme of Mining.”
    Similar is the case with State government officials who have, over the years, allowed these miners to transport quantities of sand and minerals in excess of what the mining plan permits. Transport permits issued by the State government to allow mining and exports have allowed much larger quantities of minerals and sand to be carted away, according to the report.
    A series of inspections conducted by State and Central government agencies have resulted in conflicting reports, and those that exonerate the miners are not based on field studies or data collected on ground. Those that nail the illegal mining are, over a period of time, allowed to slip into oblivion with no action taken, says the report.
    “It is very clear that either field inspections, if done, were perfunctorily done, or approvals were given without field inspections and proper examination of the Mining Plan details.”
    The report also raises the crucial question — “Is the failure of the official agencies to enforce the law, play their officially mandated responsibilities and ensure effective monitoring of the functioning of the mining companies, merely indicative of inefficiency and lethargy, or are there other possibilities that the officials and the agencies have played a collusive role to ensure that the mining companies escape liability for the innumerable illegalities committed by them.”
    The amicus curiae points to the blatant violation of the ban on illegal beach sand mining and exports since September 2013. “It is clear that this large-scale and illegal mining of raw sand, processing and transportation for export of processed minerals could not have taken place without the knowledge, involvement and collusion of local officials. It is important that a probe be conducted into the role of different officials in permitting such brazen illegalities to take place, accountability fixed and criminal prosecution initiated, if required, against all levels of officials who permitted these illegalities to take place,” says the report.
    As for the probe into why and how the State government permitted the inclusion of monazite in mining leases to a firm, the report calls for a thorough probe into the same. “The allegations of the possibility of illegal export of radioactive minerals such as monazite or concentrated monazite tailings which contains thorium, a mineral which can be used in the nuclear industry, is a matter of concern for national and international security. It has not been possible for this amicus to probe the veracity of these allegations in the light of the complex nature of the issue and the lack of resources and access to information. Investigations will require to examine overseas holdings of the various mining companies as also the overseas companies to which exports of atomic minerals have taken place. Hence, this requires a thorough and detailed probe by competent investigative agencies like the CBI, to probe into national and international dimensions of illegal transportation and export of atomic minerals over the last two decades.”

    Monopoly over the coast?

    The report also finds that one man and his family have a virtual monopoly over the beach sand mining sector in the State. S. Vaikundarajan, owner of VV Mineral and Transworld Garnet India, along with his brothers and close associates, is stated explicitly in the report to have been responsible for about 68% of the total quantity of illegally mined sand, as stated in the report.
    A total of 50 out of 62 operational mining leases belong to these two companies, both owned by Mr. Vaikundarajan. The rest belong to either his brothers or to two other individuals, Ramesh and Thangaraj, both of whom are close to him, according to the report.
    “The study clearly reveals that R-22, S. Vaikundarajan, and R-8 VV Minerals have enjoyed considerable influence with the various government agencies, both in the State government and the Centre, and have been able to stall any serious enquiry into their functioning,” says the report.
    “The inaction of the government officials despite evidence of the numerous illegalities committed by the mining companies in general, and more particularly, M/s VV Minerals and other mining companies controlled by S. Vaikundarajan or being run by close family members, is very obviously the result of considerable influence wielded by R8 and R22 and the close nexus with the decision makers in the highest levels of bureaucracy and political executive,” it says.
    “It is humongous, mind boggling,” said Mr. Suresh, amicus curiae in the PIL during the hearing on June 20. “The types of sums involved cannot be imagined. This is bigger than 2G or coal,” he said.
    The next hearing of the PIL is slated for September. In the meantime, a court-appointed multi-disciplinary committee, comprising State and Central government officers, is expected to complete and submit its report on illegal beach sand mining in the interim. Sources in the team told The Hindu that over 2 crore MTs of illegally mined raw sand has been found in the godowns inspected so far.
    Whether the State and the Centre will take action of their own accord, or leave it to the courts to decide, will unfold over the next month or so.
    (Sandhya Ravishankar is an independent journalist based out of Chennai)


    Sort by:COmments
    6 hours ago
    This report is nothing new. Bribes flow and everything is pushed under the
    carpet. Name and shame them as a first step..... There are few national
    newspapers with a patriotic spirit like Hindu.


    6 hours ago
    This is an elaborate findings.From the reading, it is obvious that illegal mining
    has been the result of connivance among officials(both Centre &State),
    politicians, and individual firm like VD, Kalairajan etc.It is not understood how the
    regulatory authorities were silent all along. with out any observance.A National
    level investigation is necessary to highlight the lapses and fix the

    6 hours ago
    M.G.Gandhi is supposed to have said "India has everything except Credibility
    and Honesty". That is what IAS Sagayam quoted yesterday at Puducherry
    Gandhi Thidal beach.

    7 hours ago
    Has this kind of activity seen 
    Tamilnadu.or other states too have this 
    Mining business 

    S R
    SB Raj
    7 hours ago
    It is important to take preemptive action to prevent the corrupt officers from
    fleeing the country. With the conviction of the last chief minister, it is not
    surprising all this happened through corruption. PM Modiji should intervene and
    act fast. Both the state and Central governments have lost significant revenue.
    REPLY2 Replies
    6 hours agoreply toto SB
    This is an open secret for years !. The activities of VV Minerals and its
    boss Vaikundarajan are as old as the hills; Vaikundarajan's pull with all
    power centres too is known to the man on the streets. His strength:
    keeping his employees and all vested interests in good humour either
    through money or muscle. As an optimist I do not think these 'revelations'
    will lead the issues anywhere !
    6 hours agoreply toto SB
    Bharat Ratna Jayalalitha is guilty. But ADMK is in denial. So are her fans
    and supporters.

    P S
    Praveen Sakhuja
    7 hours ago
    period indicates illegal mining since NDA regime and since prevails during UPA
    government. I appeal to government instead of entering into war of words and
    mud throwing, it should device methods to stop the illegal mining. In my opinion
    it will have more impact than after war of words and mud throwing, as in that war
    the illegal mining will continue with more impact.

    7 hours ago
    The guilty should be publicly named and shamed. Appropriate jail sentences
    should be awarded with NO political interference.

    Laxmanan Mohandoss
    8 hours ago
    Lootin,looting by politicians,officials joining with looters and some times
    intervention of court also makes these people to loot,all the looters of natural
    wealth of our country should be given life imprisonment,no exception.

    9 hours ago
    Thank you Hindu for this finding. Another reason for humans to leave earth

    9 hours ago
    I have a few questions to ask. Why are the governments at the state and the
    centre allow export of our nation's rare mineral resources like sand mixed with
    all sorts of valuables like thorium? Why does the government of India allow
    export of iron ore to China? Have the politicians and bureaucrats come to the
    conclusion that India will never ever need these natural resources in the future?
    Has the Atomic Energy Department closed their eyes on the matter of utility of
    thorium for our reactors once we invent how to turn thorium as a fuel to atomic
    reactors? How come one individual Vaikundarajan run the illegal mining for the
    last 20 years? How much money changed hands from Vaikundarajan and the
    DMK and AIADMK leaders during the past two decades? Does not the
    Tamilnadu government know that the sand in lakhs of metric tonnes being
    exported Vaikundarajan could be used for construction works in Tamilnadu?
    Does not Palanisamy TN CM know about the availability of sand with

    0 0

    What do the symbols on ancient Indian coins (e.g. punch-marked coins or cast coins with embossed/inscribed symbols) signify? 

    This monograph posits Indus Script continuum and hyertexts on ancient Indian coins as signifiers of metalwork wealth-creation activities in ancient mints -- which are a legacy of the Bronze Age Tin-Bronze revolution mediated by seafaring merchants and artisans of ancient Bhāratam.


    Punch-marked coins are referred to as paharaṇa mudra in Indian sprachbund (language union). The symbols on such ancient coins signify wealth of metalwork, a continuum of Indus Script tradition of rebus rendering in Meluhha of metalwork wealth account ledger entries (kharaā). 

    The symbols on ancient coins signify metalwork wealth produced in ancient mints.

    Punch-marked coins are considered the earliest documented coins in India.
    Punch-marked coins are considered the earliest documented coins in India.
    Shakya punch-marked coin

    Shakya Vajji or Lichchavi janapada. 600 to 450 BCE. A dot within a pentagonal circumscript. The Meluhha gloss for 'five' is: taṭṭal Homonym is: haṭṭha brass (i.e. alloy of copper + zinc). Thus the hieroglyph of a pentagon circumscribing a dot may read 'brass ingot': thattha 'brass' PLUS खोट khōa 'A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge.Silver 5-shana c. 600-450 BCE Weight:7.04 gm., 20 x 20 mm. Central pentagonal symbolwith additional symbol to left/ blank Ref: See Rajgor, 522-531.

    This hieroglyph-multiplex may also read pañcantaṭṭāṉ, 'goldsmith (who works with five metals)' in:பஞ்சகம்மாளர் pañca-kammāḷar n. < pañcantaṭṭāṉ, kaṉṉāṉ, ciṟpaṉ, taccaṉ, kollaṉ; தட்டான், கன்னான், சிற்பன், தச்சன் கொல்லன் என்ற ஐவகைப் பட்ட கம்மாளர். (சங். அக.)

    Why is a pentagon shape chosen as circumscript to a dot (blob)?

    Consistent with Indus Script Cipher, this signifies pancaloha coin, an ingot made of a 5-metal alloy.  The dot of blob is goTa 'round, pebble' rebus: khoTa 'ingot, wedge'. Ancient smiths, Bharatam Janam (an expression used by Rishi Visvamitra in Rigveda) were experimenting with many alloys and many methods of casting metal objects (implements, tools, weapons, even sculptures) using hard alloys and techniques such as cire perdue (lost-wax) casting. This metallurgical heritage should be documented using Indus Script hieroglyhs and disseminated in all schools, the world over.

    There are many speculations. See for e.g., figures presented below, from D.D. Kosambi, 1981, Indian Numismatics, Indian Council for Historical Research. 

    All the hieroglyphs on Taxila Punch-marked coins are a continuum from Harappa Script cipher of Meluhha rebus readings to signify metalwork catalogues. This tradition of Harappa Script Corpora as proclamations of metalwork continues on the early kārshāpaṇa issued from Taxila mint by Gandhara janapada.
    Harappa Script hieroglyph: arka ‘sun’; agasāle ‘goldsmithy’ (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. ofarka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tulu) Rebus: eraka = copper (Ka.) eruvai = copper (Ta.); ere - a dark-red colour (Ka.)(DEDR 817). eraka, era, er-a = syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.)

    M428 Mohenjo-daro. Sun's rays
    m1491A copper tablet Harappa Script Corpora
    Mohenjo-daro Seals m1118 and Kalibangan 032 (with fish and arrow hieroglyph)
     Nausharo: céramique de la période I (c. 2500 BCE) cf. Catherine Jarrigeपोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu' as hieroglyph is read rebus: pōḷa, 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide';poliya 'citizen, gatekeeper of town quarter'.
    Rhd1A (Scorpions, frog, stool/platform)
    Brief memoranda:

    Kur. mūxā frog. Malt. múqe id. / Cf. Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h ‘ingot’ PLUS dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. Thus ingot casting.

    bicha ‘scorpion’ (Assamese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ (Santali)

    kaṇḍo ‘stool, seat’ Rebus: ṇḍa  ‘metalware’ kaṇḍa  ‘fire-altar’

    Image result for drummer bharatkalyan97m1406 Mohenjo-daro seal. Hieroglyphs: thread of three stands + drummer + tumblers

    dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) dolutsu 'tumble' Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’

    karaḍa 'double-drum' Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy'.  med 'drummer, boatman, basketmaker'; meD 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic languages)].mēda m. ʻ a mixed caste, any one living by a degrading occupation ʼ Mn. [→ Bal. d ʻ boatman, fisher- man ʼ. -- Cf. Tam. metavar ʻ basket -- maker ʼ &c. DED 4178]

    dhAtu 'strands of rope' Rebus: dhAtu 'mineral, metal, ore'

    dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAtu 'ineral ore' PLUS Hieroglyph: vaṭa A loop of coir rope, used for climbing palm-trees Rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelterHieroglyph: kāca 'loop' rebus:kāsa 'bronze'.
    Image result for elephant bharatkalyan97m1521A copper tablet. Harappa Script Corpora

    Sun hieroglyph: arka 'sun' rebus: erako 'moltencast' arka 'copper, gold'                                                                                                         

    Six spokes emanating from 'dotted circle' are topped with multiple counts (2 or 3 each) of ligatured hieroglyphs: arrow, loop (with variants of ovals, buds, fish, hour-glass, one-horned young bull). dula 'two' rebus; dul'metal casting' kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kaṇḍa 'arrow' rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements' kāca 'loop' rebus:kāsa 'bronze' mũh 'oval shape' rebus: mũh 'ingot' ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'metal alloy' aya 'iron' vajra (octagonal)samghāta 'adamantine glue', samgraha, samgaha 'arranger, manager'
    kharā 'hare' (Oriya): *kharabhaka ʻ hare ʼ. ... N. kharāyo ʻ hare ʼ, Or. kharā, °riā, kherihā, Mth. kharehā, H. kharahā m(CDIAL 3823) .rebus: khār'blacksmith' PLUS meṭṭu 'mound,height' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.) 
    gaṇḍa 'four' rebus:  kaṇḍa 'fire-atar''implements' ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy' khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.Thus, alloy metals mint, smithy/forge, fire-altarr. 
    Kur. mūxā frog. Malt. múqe id. / Cf. Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot' muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' 
    dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAu, dhAtu 'mineral ore' PLUS meḍhi 'plait' rebus: meḍ ‘iron’. मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽhẽt, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali)
    meď 'copper' (Slovak)

    Santali glosses:
    kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'

     पोळ pōḷa 'zebu, bos indicus taurus, bull set at liberty' rebus: पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite (a ferrite ore)' 
    karba 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant'
    "Kārshāpaṇas were basically silver pieces stamped with one to five or six rūpas ('symbols') originally only on the obverse side of the coins initially issued by the Janapadas and Mahajanapadas, and generally carried minute mark or marks to testify their legitimacy. Silver punch-marked coins ceased to be minted sometime in the second century BCE but exerted a wide influence for next five centuries." (Parmeshwari Lal Gupta. Coins, National Book Trust. pp. 7–11.) 

    Punch-Marked Coin from the Early Third Century B.C. (Image courtesy of Dr. Elizabeth Errington, British Museum)
    Karshapanas ,Earliest Currency of South India

    కాసు (p. 280) kāsu kāsu. [Tel.] n. A small copper coin, a pie. A coin in general, whether gold, silver or copper, thus బంగారు కాసు a gold coin. మడికాసు a silver coin (lit. white coin. "అది సుధాకరబింబమా కాదు మడికాసువన్నె వేలుపుటన్నువత్తి గాని." P. iv. 251, 551. కాసైనా లేదు there is not even a farthing. (The కాసు or farthing was called cash by the English, and the coin called ten cash was about one halfpenny: "twenty cash" being a penny, and eighty cash a fanam.) కాసంత kāsanta. n. A pie's worth కాసంతలేదు not a bit remains. Ta. kācu gold, gold coin, money, a small copper coin. Ma. kāśu gold, money, the smallest copper coin. Ko. ka·c rupee. To. ko·s id. Ka. kāsu the smallest copper coin, a cash, coin or money in general. Tu. kāsů an old copper coin worth half a pie, a cash. Te. kāsu a cash, a coin in general, a gold coin, money. Go. (Ko.) kāsu 

    pice (< Te.; Voc. 663). / ? Cf. Skt. karṣa-.(DEDR 1431) काश् [p= 280,2] cl.1 A1. काशते (perf. चकाशे , 3. pl. °शिरे) , to be visible , appear MBh. &c  ; to shine , be brilliant , have an agreeable appearance ib. : cl.4. काश्यते Dha1tup. xxvi , 53 : Intens. P. A1. च्/आकशीति , चाकश्य्/अते , to shine brightly S3Br. ii Ka1tyS3r.;
    to see clearly , survey S3Br. xi Pa1n2. 7-3 , 87 Va1rtt. 1 Pat.

    காசு³ kācu n. prob. kāš. cf. kāca. [M. kāšu.] 1. Gold; பொன். (ஆ. நி.) 2. Necklace of gold coins; அச்சுத்தாலி. காசும் பிறப்புங் கலகலப்ப (திவ். திருப்பா. 7). 3. An ancient gold coin = 28 gr. troy; ஒரு பழைய பொன்னாணயம். (Insc.) 4. A small copper coin; சிறுசெப்புக்காசு. நெஞ்சே யுனையோர் காசா மதியேன் (தாயு. உடல்பொய். 72). 5. Coin, cash, money; ரொக்கம். எப்பேர்ப்பட்ட பல காசா யங்களும் (S.I.I. i, 89). 6. Gem, crystal bead; மணி. நாண்வழிக் காசுபோலவும் (இறை. 2, உரை, பக். 29). 

    कर्ष [p= 259,3] m. ( √कृष्) , the act of drawing , dragging Pa1n2. mn. a weight of gold or silver (= 16 माषs = 80 Rettis = 1÷4 पल = 1÷400 of a तुला = about 176 grains troy ; in common use 8 Rettis are given to the माष , and the कर्ष is then about 280 grains troy) Sus3r. VarBr2S. &c கஃசு kaḵcu, n. cf. karṣa. A measure of weight = ¼ பலம். தொடிப்புழுதி கஃசா வுணக்கின் (குறள், 1037). कार्षापणः णम् (or पणकः) A coin or weight of different values; पुराकल्प एतदासीत् षोडश माषाः कार्षापणं Mbh. on P.I.2.64. कार्षापणं तु विज्ञेयस्ताम्रिकः कार्षिकः पणः Ms.9.136,336;9.282. (= कर्ष). न हि काकिन्यां नष्टायां तदन्वेषणं कार्षापणेन क्रियते ŚB. on MS.4.3.39. -णम् Money, gold and silver. कार्षा* पण[p= 276,3] mn. (g. अर्धर्चा*दि ; cf. कर्ष्) " weighing a कर्ष " , a coin or weight of different values (if of gold , = 16 माषs » कर्ष ; if of silver , = 16 पणs or 1280 Kowries , commonly termed a Kahan ; if of copper , = 80 रक्तिकाs or about 176 grains ; but accord. to some = only 1 पण of Kowries or 80 Kowries) Mn. viii , 136 ; 336 ; ix , 282 (ifc.) worth so many कार्षापणs Pa1n2. 5-1 , 29 n. money , gold and silver L.

    कर्ष [p= 259,3] 'a boat' (Monier-Williams)

    కాసె (p. 280) kāse kāse. [Tel.] adj. Appertaining to the stonecutter trade, masonry, or brick-laying. కాసెవాడు or కాసెభట్టు a mason, a stonecutter, a bricklayer. కాసెపని masonry, building. కాసెయులి a stonecutter's chisel. రాయితొలిచే ఉలి, టంకము. కాసీడు (p. 280) kāsīḍu kāsīḍu. [Tel.] n. A mason. రాతి పనివాడు. 

    [quote] Patanjali in his commentary on the vārttikas of Kātyāyana on Aṣṭādhyāyī uses the word, "Kārshāpaṇa", to mean a coin –

    कार्षापणशो ददाति
    "he gives a Karshapaṇa coin to each" or
    कार्षापणम् ददाति
    "he gives a Kārshāpaṇa",
    while explaining the use of the suffix – शस् taken up by Pāṇini in Sutra V.iv.43, in this case, कार्षापण + शः to indicate a "coin".[2] The Shatapatha Brahmana speaks aboutKārshāpaṇas weighing 100 ratis which kind were found buried at Taxila by John Marshall in 1912. The Golakpur (Patna) find pertains to the period of Ajātaśatru.[3] The Chaman – I – Hazuri (Kabul) find includes two varieties of punch-marked Indian coins along with numerous Greek coins of 600-500 BCE, thereby indicating that those kind of Kārshāpaṇaswere contemporaneous to the Greek coins and in circulation as legal tender.[4]
    During the Mauryan Period, the punch-marked coin called Rūpyārūpa, which was same as Kārshāpaṇa or Kahāpana or Prati or Tangka, was made of alloy of silver (11 parts), copper (4 parts) and any other metal or metals (1 part).The early indigenous Indian coins were called Suvarṇa (made of gold), Purāṇa or Dhārana (made of silver) andKārshāpaṇa (made of copper). The Golakpur (Patna) find is mainly pre-Maurya, possibly of the Nanda era, and appear to have been re-validated to make them kośa- praveśya (legal tender); the coins bearing larger number of marks are thought to be older in origin. The Maurya Empire was definitely based upon money-economy.[5] The punch-marked copper coins were called paṇa.[6] This type of coins were in circulation much before the occupation of Punjab by the Greeks [7] who even carried them away to their own homeland.[8] Originally, they were issued by traders as blank silver bent-bars or pieces; the Magadha silver punch-marked Kārshāpaṇa of Ajatashatru of Haryanka dynasty was a royal issue bearing five marks and weighing fifty-four grains, the Vedic weight called kārsha equal to sixteen māshas.[9]
    Even during the Harappan Period (ca 2300 BCE) silver was extracted from argentiferous galena. Silver Kārshāpaṇas show lead impurity but no association with gold. The internal chronology of Kārshāpaṇa and the marks of distinction between the coins issued by the Janapadas and the Magadhan issues is not known, the Arthashastra of Kautilya speaks about the role of the Lakshanadhyaksha ('the Superintendent of Mint') who knew about the symbols and the Rupadarshaka ('Examiner of Coins'), but has remained silent with regard to the construction, order, meaning and background of the punched symbols on these coins hence their exact identification and dating has not been possible.[10]
    The English word, "Cash", is derived from the Sanskrit word, kārsha.[11] The punch-marked coins were called "Kārshāpaṇa" because they weighed one kārsha each.[12]Indian merchants, through land and sea routes, have traded with the east African, Arab and middle-east people from 12th century BCE onwards. The term Kārshāpaṇa referred to gold, silver and copper coins weighing 80 ratis or 146.5 grains; these coins, the earliest square in shape, followed the ancient Indian system of weights described in Manu Smriti.[13] Use of money was known to Vedic people much before 700 BCE. The words,Nishka and Krishnala, denoted money, and Kārshāpaṇas , as standard coins, were regularly stored in the royal treasuries.[14] The Local silver punch-marked coins, included in the Bhabhuā and Golakpur finds, were issued by the Janapadas and were in circulation during the rule of the Brihadratha Dynasty which was succeeded by the Magadha empire founded by the Haryanka dynasty in 684 BCE; these coins show four punch-marks - the sun-mark, the six-armed symbol, arrows (three) and taurine (three) which were current even during the rule of Bimbisara (604-552 BCE). Ajatashatru (552-520 BCE) issued the first Imperial coins of six punch-marks with the addition of the bull and the lion. The successors of Ajatashatru who ruled between 520 and 440 BCE and the laterShishunaga dynasty and the nanda dynasty issued coins of five symbols – the sun-mark, the six-armed symbol and any three of the 450 symbols. The Maurya coins also have five symbols – the sun-mark, the six-armed symbol, three-arched hill with crescent at top, a branch of a tree at the corner of a four-squared railing and a bull with a taurine in front. Punch-marked copper coins were first issued during the rule of Chandragupta Maurya or Bindusara. The Bhīr find includes Maurya coins and a coin of Diodotus I (255-239 BCE) issued in 248 BCE.[15]

    1. Recording the Progress of Indian History. Primus Books.
    2. Jump up5 Radhakumud Mookerji. Chandragupta Maurya and his times. Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 106, 107, 215, 212.
    3. 6ump up Indian Sculpture. University of California Press. p. 67.
    4. Jump up7 Alexander Cunnigham. Coins of Ancient India. Asian Educational Services. p. 47.
    5. Jump up8 Frank L. Holt. Into the Land of Bones. University of California Press. p. 161.
    6. Jump up9 D.D.Kosambi. The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India in Historical Outline. p. 124,129.
    7. Jump up10 Hari C. Bhardwaj. Aspects of Ancient Indian Technology. Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 140, 142.
    8. Jump up11 C.A.S.Williams. Chinese Symbolism and Art Motifs. Tuttle Publishing. p. 76.
    9. Jump up12 A.V.Narsimha Murthy. The Coins of Karnataka. Geetha Book House. p. 19.
    10. Jump up13 S.N.Naskar. Foreign Impact on Indian Life and Culture. Abhinav Publications. p. 186.
    11. Jump up14 D.R.Bhandarkar. Lectures on Ancient Indian Numismatics. Asian Educational Services. pp. 55, 62, 79.
    12. Jump up15 Parmeshwari Lal Gupta. Coins. National Book Trust. pp. 17–20, 239–240. [unquote]
    I do NOT agree with his arguments and conclusions. For example, about the Taxila hoard examples discussed in this note he states as follows: "In each set of marks, the first four represent the king; the fifth, an issuing authority such as a crown prince. Often the fifth mark in one set becomes the fourth in another set, indicating the accession of the crown prince to the throne."

    This is an example of mere speculation.

     (loc.cit. DD Kosambi)

    Padmam vajram parasu-khadga-trisula-gada-cakra-svastika-kalasa-minasan-khakundala-dhvaja-patakam

    Pasa-ghantaka-dvarakadhanurnaraca-mudgara etairvividhakarapraharanamudraih (pp. 408-9)

    Praharana mudra = stamped punch-marked coins. praháraṇa n. ʻ attack, weapon ʼ MBh., ʻ striking ʼ Pañcat. 2. praharaṇīya -- n. ʻ a weapon ʼ MBh. [√hr̥1. Pa. paharaṇa -- n. ʻ striking ʼ, °aka -- adj.; Pk. paharaṇa -- n. ʻ striking, weaponʼ; Si. paraṇa ʻ stroke, blow, flogging ʼ.2. Or. pāhāruṇi ʻ iron -- studded stick used in threshing rice ʼ.(CDIAL 8901) प्र-° हरण [p= 701,1] n.striking, beating , pecking Pan5cat. attack , combat MBh. (Monier-Williams) This is the closest equivalent in Indian sprachbund, of 'punch-marked'.

    The expressions in Kannada anguli-praharaṇa, anguli-mudra clearly demonstrate that the word praharaṇa in the Prakrtam text cited by DD Kosambi, should be a reference to punch-marked mudra:

    Taxila hoard (After Fig. 12.1) 

    Mauryan coin symbols (After Fig. 11.3 Amaravati hoard)
    Mauryan coin symbols (After Fig. 11.2 Amaravati hoard)
    Mauryan coin symbols (After Fig. 11.1 Amaravati hoard)

    (After Fig. 10.5 Kosala region. Paila hoard)
    (After Fig. 9.1 Five obverse and one reverse marks. Bodenayakanur hoard)

    (After Fig. 8.1 Taxila hoard) Mauryan after Chandragupta. Additional marks are shown below dotted line of each frame.

    (After Fig. 8.2 Taxila hoard)

    (After Fig. 8.3 Taxila hoard)

    (After Fig. 8.4 Taxila hoard)
    Ancient India, Maghadan Empire. Late Period IV, c. 321 BC.
    The Eight Sons of Mohapadina Nanda. Silver "punchmark" coin, Karshapana mint. Numerous symbols (see illustration below).
    ref: Amennti IV, IX A3. 21x18 mm, 3.28 g.
    Ancient India, Maghadan Empire. Late Period IV, c. 321 BC.
    The Eight Sons of Mohapadina Nanda. Silver "punchmark" coin, Karshapana mint. Numerous symbols (see illustration below).
    ref: Amennti IV, IX A3. 21x18 mm, 3.28 g.

    East Khandesh hoard. Punch-marked coin
    (After Fig. 4.1 Silver punch-marked coins. Taxila hoard)
    (After Fig. 4.6 Silver punch-marked coins. Taxila hoard)

    Arthasastra, A. II, 12, 30; Meyer, 9, p. 120. The text describes the alloys of copper used in coins.

    Arthasastra, "Rupadarsaka is to establish or adjust the panayatra, or circulation of currency.

    Saddahasi sigdlassa surapitassa brahmana

    Sippikdnam satam natthi kuto kamsasata duve (Jat. I, 426)

    “He hasn’t a hundred cowries, how could he have two hundred bronze coins? Those who examined coins were called herannika (Samskrtam haira-nyika) Heranilika’s are described in the Visuddhimagga, 14,4…” karsapana = kahapano

    Karsharpanastu vighneya tamrigha karshigha panha ‘ karsapana = copper coin one karsa in weight’; karsa = 16 masaka."
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     [Pl. 39, Tree symbol (often on a platform) on punch-marked coins; a symbol recurring on many Indus script tablets and seals.] Source for the tables of symbols on punchmarked coins: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian Symbols, Numismatic Evidence, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan. 
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               Punch-marked coin. Ashoka.
    This hypertext on a Punch-marked coin is a Harappa (Indus) Script hieroglyph, a remarkable evidence of continuum of script tradition in Bharatam.The hieroglyph 'plait of three strands' gets expanded semantically to orthograph the unique hypertext on Gandhara Punch-marked coins.On this punch-marked silver bent-bar coin of Gandhara, the three plaits (strands) are duplicated to signify six plaits emanating from the central 'dotted circle. The hypertext is read rebus in Meluhha: dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAu, dhAtu 'mineral ore' PLUS meḍhi 'plait' rebus: meḍ ‘iron’.
     See Mohenjo-daro seal m1406 which signifies an identical three plaits. kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus, three 'plaited hieroglyphs' emanting from the central 'dotted circle' signify meḍ dhAtu 'iron mineral'. A pair of such hieroglyphs: dula 'pair' rebus;dul 'metal casting'. Thus, the six arms of six plaits (strands) signify: dul meḍ dhAtu 'cast iron mineral'.baTa 'six' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. Thus, the hypertext is a technical specification of mintwork repertoire of Gandhara mint with the centre-piece of a furnace to smelt mineral ores. See semantics of Rigveda: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour). 

    This semantic expansion explains the unique hypertext orthographed on Gandhara silver-bent-bar Punch-marked coin.

    Archaic Silver Punch-marked coin, Gandhara region, silver 'bent-bar', early type (flat bar with wide flan), (c. 450-400 BCE), Rajgor series 34, 11.39g. Obv: two radiate symbols punched at extreme ends. Rev: blank.
    A silver 1/8 karshapana coin from the mint at Taxila, c.400's BCE
    John Huntington has demonstrated the continuum from Vedic times related to some symbols on punch-marked coins, traceable to Harappa Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts. Vajra षट्--कोण 'six-angled' hypertext of Punch-marked coins khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'.

    Metalworkers of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization expand their functions in janapada-s to manage mints and monetary transactions of the janapada-s.

    With the decipherment of Harappa (Indus) Script as rebus cipher in Meluhha Script (Bharata sprachbund,language union), it is now possible to rename the punch-marked coins and symbols punched on the coins using Meluhha lexis (vocabulary) since most of the symbols used are a continuum from Harappa (Indus) Script tradition.

    Thus, it is no longer necessary to name the symbols on Punchmarked coins with expressions such as taurine symbol, srivatsa, svastika, arrow, dotted circle, elephant, bull. All the symbols can now be expressed in Meluhha language, the lingua franca of Bhāratam Janam from ca. 7th millennium BCE. A coin is mudda ‘seal, stamp’mudrāˊ f. ʻ seal, signet -- ring ʼ MBh. [Prob. ← Ir. EWA ii 654] Pa. muddā -- f. ʻ seal, stamp ʼ, muddikā -- f. ʻ signetring ʼ; NiDoc. mu()dra, mutra ʻ seal ʼ; Pk. muddā -- , °diā -- f., °daya -- m. ʻ seal, ring ʼ; S. muṇḍra f. ʻ seal ʼ, °rī f. ʻ finger -- ring with seal ʼ; L. mundrī f. ʻ ring ʼ; P. mundar m. ʻ earring ʼ, mundī f. ʻ ring ʼ; Ku. munṛo ʻ earring ʼ, gng. mun*l ʻ ring ʼ, N. mun(d)ro, MB. mudaṛī; Or. muda ʻ seal ʼ, mudi ʻ ring ʼ, mudā ʻ act of sealing ʼ; Bi. mū̃drī ʻ iron ring fastening blade of scraper ʼ; G. mū̃drī f. ʻ ring ʼ, M. mudī f., Ko. muddi; Si. mudda < muduva, st. mudu -- ʻ seal, ring ʼ; Md. mudi ʻ ring ʼ.mudraṇa -- , mudrayati; mudrākara -- . mudrākara m. ʻ maker of seals ʼ MW. [mudrāˊ -- , kará -- 1] Si muduvarayā ʻ goldsmith ʼ. (CDIAL 10203, 10204) முத்திரை muttira, n. < mudrā. 1. Impress, mark; அடையாளம்அசாதாரண முத்திரை யோடே வரவேணு மென்கிறார் (திவ்.பெரியாழ். 1, 8, 9, வ்யா.). 2. Seal, signet; இலாஞ்சனைபொறித்த முத்திரையும் வேறாய்(திருவாலவா. 24, 8). 3. Stamp, as for postage, for court fees; தபால் முத்திரை முதலியன. 4. Badge of a soldier or peon; போர்ச்சேவகன் அல்லது சேவகனுக்குரிய அடையாள வில்லை.முத்திரைக்கணக்கர் muttirai-k-kaṇakkar, n. < முத்திரை +. A class of temple servants;கோயிற்பணியாளருள் ஒருவகையார். (மீனாட்சரித். i, 2.)

    Four Harappa Script hieroglyphs are uambiguous on the Sunga coin and are relatale to the mineral/metal resources deployed in mint-work:
      The Meluhha rebus readings, respectively, from l. to r. are: iron, implements, red ore, zinc

    mēḍhā 'a twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl' rebus:  meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Pkt.) meṛha, meḍhi  ‘merchant’s clerk; (Gujarati) मेढ ‘merchant’s helper’ (Pkt.) meḍ 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' medha 'yajna' medhā 'dhanam'.

    A variant for the 'twist' hieroglyph reading: kãsā 'twist, loo' rebus: kãsā 'bronze'.

    kaṇḍa, 'arrow' rebus: kaṇḍa,'implements/sword
    dhātu 'strand' (Rigveda) S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope .rebusdhāū, dhāv, dhātu 'red ore'
    Hieroglyph: svastika: sāthiyo (G.); satthia, sotthia (Pkt.) rebus: svastika pewter (Kannada), jasta 'zinc' (Hindi)

    Thus, when a hypertext is orthographed including one or more of thee hieroglyphs, the message is clear and unambiguous, as, for example on a common hypertext on early Punch-marked coins which include three of these hieroglyphs: :mēḍhā 'twist' rebus: mēḍ 'iron'kaṇḍa 'arrow rebus:kaṇḍa,'implements' dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'red ore'.

    An alternative reading is also apposite for the 'loop' imagery: kāca m. ʻloop' rebus: kāsa 'bronze'. Thus, the frequently signified hypertext on Punch-marked coins may be read: dhatu kāsa kaṇḍa 'mineral (metal), bronze implements'.

    One some Punch-marked coins, hieroglyph mēḍhā 'twist' is elaborated with a hypertext which signfies:khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' (Lahnda CDIAL 13640) Ta. kampaṭṭam, kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. 
    Bhaja Chaitya ca. 100 BCE. Hieroglyphs are: fish-fin pair; pine-cone; yupa: kandə ʻpine' rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements, fire-altar' khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' (Lahnda CDIAL 13640) Ta. kampaṭṭam, kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Yupa: Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). Rebus: kāṇḍa,'implements'.

    Sunga 185-75 BCE karabha'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron' kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' Yupa: Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). Rebus: kāṇḍa,'implements'. kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' Mountain range + crucible: OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ(CDIAL 3546) Rebus: koṭhār 'treasury, warehouse' PLUS ḍāng 'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' 

    Four dotted circles joined together orthographed as 'Ujjaini symbol': gaṇḍa 'four' rbus:   kaṇḍa'implements' PLUS dhātu 'strand' (Rigveda) S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope .rebusdhāū, dhāv, dhātu 'red ore'. Thus, metal implements (with a variety of ore alloys).

    karaka  कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133  rebus: karaka 'helmsman' PLUS koḍa 'one'rebus: ko 'workshop' 

    पोळ [pōḷa] 'zebu'  rebus: पोळ [pōḷa] 'magnetite, ferrite ore' 

    Kausambi 200 BCE
    arA 'spokes' rebus: Ara 'brass' eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast' arka'copper'.PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' (Lahnda CDIAL 13640) Ta. kampaṭṭam, kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Thus, copper mint.
    dala 'petal' rebus:  ढाळ [ḍhāḷa] ḍhāḷako 'ingot' (Marathi)
    kola 'tiger' rebus: kol'blacksmith'  karabha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron' kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' ḍāng 'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' 

    Taxila. Pushkalavati 185-160 BCE Karshapana
    Kalinga. Copper punch-marked 3rd cent. BCEarka 'sun' rebus: arka 'copper gold'

    Mauryan Dynasty .(321 to 185 BC ) Silver punch marked coins. ಮುರ್ಯರ , ಮುದ್ರಂಕಿಥ ಬೆಳ್ಳಿ ನಾಣ್ಯಗಳು  Hieroglyph: hare:  N. kharāyo ʻ hare ʼ, Or. kharā, °riā, kherihā, Mth. kharehā, H. kharahā m(CDIAL 3823) Rebus: khār'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) खार् ।

    Is it a stylized 'ram' in the centre, reduplicated? dula 'pair' rebus; dul 'metal casting' PLUS  meḍho 'ram' rebus: meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Pkt.) meṛha, meḍhi  ‘merchant’s clerk; (Gujarati) मेढ ‘merchant’s helper’ (Pkt.) meḍ 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' medha 'yajna' medhā 'dhanam'.
    Janapadas, 600 - 300 BCE dhātu'strand' (Rigveda) S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope .rebusdhāū, dhāv, dhātu 'red ore'. Three combined are orthographed as a triangle with curved endings: tri-dhātu 'three strands' (Rigveda) rebus: tri-dhātu 'three red ores' (perhaps, magnetite, haematite, laterite). May also refer to eraka, arka 'red copper ores' (pyrites)..


    Ancient Indian Coins. "ಪ್ರಾಚಿನ ಭಾರತದ ನಾಣ್ಯಗಳು." Thanks to Arun for these excellent images.

    Silver punch-marked
    Mauryan. Ashoka. This braided orthography of three strands may be a variant to signify: tri-dhātu 'three strands of rope' Rebus: dhāv 'red ore' (ferrite) ti-dhāu 'three strands' Rebus: ti-dhāv 'three ferrite ores: magnetite, hematite, laterite'.
    Image result for taxila symbol punch marked coinAsmaka
     OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ(CDIAL 3546) Rebus: koṭhār 'treasury, warehouse' PLUS gota 'roundish stone' Rebus: goṭa  'laterite, ferrite ore''gold-lac, braid'.PLUS gaṇḍa 'four' rbus:   kaṇḍa 'implements' 
     ḍhāḷa 'sprig' rebus: ḍhāḷako 'large ingot'
    kamaḍha 'archer, bow' Rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'

    dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo 'fish' rebus:aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy' PLUSmēḍhā 'a twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl' rebus:  meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Pkt.) meṛha, meḍhi  ‘merchant’s clerk; (Gujarati) मेढ ‘merchant’s helper’ (Pkt.) meḍ 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' medha 'yajna' medhā 'dhanam'. Thus, alloy metal castings, iron castings.
    Image result for taxila symbol punch marked coin
    Image result for taxila symbol punch marked coinVidarbha janapada
    Seven symbols
     Five symbols

    Taxila symbol. A hypertext composed of 'round stone''crucible pair''a pair of persons standing with spread legs': 
    gota 'roundish stone' Rebus: goṭa  'laterite, ferrite ore''gold-lac, braid'. 
    OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ(CDIAL 3546) Rebus: koṭhār 'treasury, warehouse'
    karaka  कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133  rebus: karaka 'helmsman'  
    Mauryan. Karshapanakuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' 

    ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy'  PLUS  gaṇḍa 'four' rbus:   kaṇḍa 'implements' Thus, metal alloy implements.

    gota 'roundish stone' Rebus: goṭa  'laterite, ferrite ore''gold-lac, braid'. PLUS gaṇḍa 'four' rbus:   kaṇḍa 'implements' PLUS mēḍhā 'a twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl' rebus:  meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Pkt.) meṛha, meḍhi  ‘merchant’s clerk; (Gujarati) मेढ ‘merchant’s helper’ (Pkt.) meḍ 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' medha 'yajna' medhā 'dhanam'.
    Thus, the hypertext signifies: ferrite metal implements
    Agrawal, Banu & Rai, Subas, Indian Punchmarked coins, 1994
    PL Gupta, Amaravati hoard of silver punchmarked coins, 1963  maraka'peacock' Rebus: marakaka loha 'copper alloy' (Samskrtam)
    Gupta, PL & Hardaker, 1985, Ancient Indian silver punchmarked coins, Magadha-Maurya series
    Kothari, Narendra, 2006, Ujjaini coins.  Hieroglyph 1: கமடம், [ *kamaṭam, ] s. A turtle, a tortoise, ஆமை (Winslow Tamil lexicon) rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'..
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/2 karshapana, multi-symbol type
    Weight: 4.22 gm., Diameter: 18 mm.
    Centrally placed Ujjain symbol; svastika and Indradhvaja on right and
        railed tree on left; fish-tank above the Ujjain symbol and parts of
        chakra on top right; river at the bottom.
    Double-orbed Ujjain symbol
    Reference: Pieper 379 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 3/4 karshapana, multi-symbol type
    Weight: 5.98 gm., Diameter: 17x15 mm.
    Six-armed symbol in center; svastika and taurine above a railed tree on
        the left; Ujjain symbol above Indradhvaja on the right; river at the
        bottom; above the six-armed symbol is a square tank with two fishes
        and two turtles.
    Ujjain symbol with a svastika in each orb.
    Reference: Pieper 384 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/2 karshapana, tree type
    Weight: 4.19 gm., Diameter: 15x14 mm.
    Obv.: Tree-on-hill on right and six-armed symbol on left.
    Rev.: Ujjain symbol with alternating taurines and svastikas in the orbs.
    Reference: Pieper 400
    Ujjain, inscribed AE 1/2 karshapana, 'tank between trees' type
    Weight: 5.62 gm., Diameter: 14x14 mm.
    Fishtank from which a water channel is branching flanked by two railed
         trees; Brahmi legend part below reading 'sidhatho(madana)'
    Ujjain symbol
    Reference: Pieper 409 (plate specimen)
    Until now the legend on this coin type had been read as 'rathimadana'. This is the first specimen to show at least the first three letters of the legend clear beyond doubt. Credit goes to Harry Falk to have read the legend as 'sidhato'. The second part of the name appears to have been correctly identified from the available specimens except for the last letter which still is somewhat doubtful but '...madana' is well possible. In that case the complete name would be 'Sidhathomadana'.
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/8 karshapana, makara type
    Weight: 1.17 gm., Diameter: 10x8 mm.
    Obv.: Makara to right in form of an aquatic creature with fishtail and
              head of an elephant; Ujjain symbol at top.
     Rev.: Ujjain symbol with a dot in each angle.
    Reference:  Pieper 366 (plate specimen)
    The makara is the vahana (mount) of Ganga, the goddess of the river Ganges, and of the sea-god Varuna. Its frontal part is that of a terrestrial animal, its hind part that of a sea-creature. The depiction of a creature with fish-tail and elephant's head, like on this coin, is frequently used in depictions of a makara.

    mahā kara = मकर [ makara ] m (S) An aquatic monster understood usually of the alligator, crocodile, and shark, but, properly, a fabulous animal. It is the emblem of the god of love. (Marathi) H گهڙيال घड़ियाल ghaiyāl [S. घण्टिका+आलः or आलु], s.m. A crocodile; the Gangetic alligator, Lacerta gangetica (cf. magar).H مگر मगर magar [Prk. मकरो; S. मकरः], s.m. An alligator; a crocodile. mahā kara = मकर [ makara ] is a hieroglyph multiplex composed of a number of hieroglyph components:

    1. Crocodile snout, ghara Rebus: khār ‘blacksmith’

    2. Fish-tail, xolā Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'

    3. Elephant trunk as snout, ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'

    కారుమొసలి a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu).

    Rebus: khār ‘blacksmith’ khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith.

    Synonym: ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.); rebus: aya ‘(alloyed) metal’ (G.) kāru  a wild crocodile or alligator (Te.) Rebus:khār  a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār) (Kashmiri) 

    Combined rebus reading: ayakāra ‘iron-smith’ (Pali)

    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/12 karshapana, tortoise type
    Weight: 0.79 gm., Diameter: 9x7 mm.
    Obv.: Tortoise in square frame/tank with a crescent at each angle.
     Rev.: Dotted Ujjain symbol, one additional taurine in field.
    Reference:  Pieper 375 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/2 karshapana, horse type
    Weight: 5.00gm., Diameter: 20x15 mm.
    Obv.: Horse to right between railed tree on left and chakra on right;
             on top from left to right Ujjain symbol, Indradhvaja (and shrivatsa);
             river at the bottom.
     Rev.: Double-orbed Ujjain symbol.
    Reference:  Pieper 347

     gōṛā 'horse' rebus: gota 'roundish stone' Rebus: goṭa  'laterite, ferrite ore''gold-lac, braid'.
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/12 karshapana, lion type
    Weight: 0.73 gm., Diameter: 9 mm.
    Obv.: Lion (Tiger?) to right, svastika above.
     Rev.: Double-orbed Ujjain symbol.
    Reference:  Pieper 368 (plate specimen)

    kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'blacksmith'

    Ujjain, inscribed civic AE 1/2 karshapana, civic issue
    Weight: 4.97 gm., Diameter: 14 mm.
    Obv.: Elephant to right; Ujjain symbol above.
    Rev.: Brahmi legend 'ujeniya'; above the legend, chakra on left and footprint on
             right; river at the bottom
    Reference: Pieper 402 (plate specimen)
    A rare specimen of the civic type of the Ujjaini coinage with the name of the city inscribed in bold Brahmi letters. The type is one example among a number of other civic coins of the Narmada valley which are inscribed in the name of the respective city.
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 3/8 karshapana, elephant type
    Weight: 3.75 gm., Diameter: 16x14 mm.
    Obv.: Elephant with raised trunk to right with chakra on top left;
             (railed) tree on right.
    Rev.: Ujjain symbol with a taurine in each angle.
    Reference: Pieper 362 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/6 karshapana, elephant type
    Weight: 1.45 gm., Diameter: 10x9 mm.
    Obv.: Elephant to right with svastika, taurine and Indradhvaja above.
    Rev.: Ujjain symbol.
    Reference: Pieper 360 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/2 karshapana, bull + tree type
    Weight: 4.98 gm., Diameter: 18x18 mm.
    Obv.: Bull to right facing Indradhvaja above railing on right; river line
             with fishes above the bull.
    Rev.: Ujjain symbol with a shrivatsa in each orb.
    Reference: Pieper 344 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 3/8 karshapanaa, bull + tree type
    Weight: 3.32 gm., Diameter: 16x12 mm.
    Obv.: Bull to right facing its head towards the viewer with taurine and
             svastika above and another svastika in front of the bull; railed tree
             on right; river at the bottom.
    Reference: Pieper 343 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/2 karshapana, bull + tree type
    Weight: 3.72 gm., Diameter: 17x15 mm.
    Obv.: Bull to right facing a railed tree on right; Indradhvaja flanked by
              two taurines above the bull.
    Rev.: Worn undertype of  Ujjain type 'vase-holding deity (Anapurna)
    Reference: Pieper 342 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 3/8 karshapana, bull + tree type
    Weight: 3.52 gm., Diameter: 17x15 mm.
    Obv.: Bull to right facing railed tree on right; Indradhvaja flanked by
             two taurines above the bull.
    Rev.: Ujjain symbol with a dot in each orb.
    Reference: Pieper 340 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/ 16 karshapana, bull type
    Weight: 0.52 gm., Diameter: 9x8 mm.
    Obv.: Bull to left with Ujjain symbol above, railed tree on right.
    Rev.: Ujjain symbol with thick dot inside each orb and a taurine in each
    Reference: Pieper 339 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/6 karshapana, bull type
    Weight: 1.62 gm., Diameter: 11x8 mm.
    Obv.: Bull to right with six-armed symbol above and railed tree on right.
    Rev.: Ujjain symbol.
    Reference: Pieper 335 (plate specimen)

    sãgaḍ, 'lathe, portable brazier' rebus: samgrahasamgaha 'arranger,manager' sanghāta 'adamantine glue'
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/8 karshapana, bull type
    Weight: 0.83 gm., Diameter: 12x10 mm.
    Obv.: Bull to right with three-arched hill above and taurine on right;
             railed tree on right.
    Rev.: Ujjain symbol enclosed in 'hollow cross' with a taurine in each
             angle of the cross.
    Reference: Pieper 336 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/8 karshapana, bull type
    Weight: 0.95 gm., Diameter: 10x9 mm.
    Obv.: Bull to right, Ujjain symbol and svastika above.
    Rev.: Multiple Ujjain symbols, svastika in field.
    Reference: Pieper 328 (plate specimen)
    Ujjain region, c/m anonymous AE 1/2 karshapana
    Weight: 5.13 gm., Diameter: 16x15 mm.
    Countermark (=standing human figure, his left akimbo, his right raised;
         Indradhvaja on left).
    Faint traces of worn undertype of which Ujjain symbol and parts of a tree
         are visible.
    Reference: Pieper 421 (plate coin) / see Kothari 286
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 3/4 karshapana, 'taurine-holding deity'
    Weight: 3.00gm., Diameter: 15x14 mm.
    Frontally standing female figure holding taurine in raised left, right akimbo;
         chakra above Ujjain symbol on left; svastika above railed tree on right.
    Ujjain symbol with a svastika in each orb.
    Reference: Pieper 298 (plate coin)/ BMC pl.XXXVII, no.8
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 3/8 karshapana, 'Annapurna type'
    Weight: 3.17 gm., Diameter: 17x15 mm.
    Frontally standing female figure holding a vase or pot in her upraised right
         hand, left akimbo; 6-armed symbol on top left; horizontally placed
         Indradhvaja and taurine on bottom left; railed tree on right.
    Double-orbed Ujjain symbol.
    Reference: Pieper 294 (plate coin) /BMC pl.XXXVII, no.21
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/2 karshapana, 'standing Shiva+ nandi type'
    Weight:  3.40 gm., Dimensions: 18 mm.
    Standing Shiva holding danda and kamandalu; bull facing the deity from the right;
         Ujjain symbol on top; railed tree on left; river at the bottom.
    Ujjain symbol with a svastika in each orb.
    Reference: Pieper 311 (plate coin) 
    Ujjain, anonymous AE 3/4 karshapana, 'standing Shiva type'
    Weight:  7.22 gm., Dimensions: 17 mm.
    Standing Shiva holding danda in right and kamandalu in left; sun above railed tree
         on left and 6-armed symbol on right; taurine and svastika on top.
    Double-orbed Ujjain symbol
    Reference: Pieper 268 (plate coin)

    Maurya,  punchmarked AR karshapana,  'standing Shiva type'
    Weight:  3.57 gm., Dimensions: 16 x13mm.
    Standing Shiva with crested hair holding danda and kamandalu; sun; six-armed symbol;
         three-arched hill with crescent on top; 'bale-mark'.
    Reference:  Pieper 135 (plate coin)/ GH 566

    Image result for taurine symbol
    Tree in railing. Svastika and comb. Found in river bed 4 feet from surface immediately below the Ruhunu Maha Kataragama Temple.

    dãtɔ m. a kind of rake or harrow (Gujarati) rebus: dhatu 'mineral, ore' PLUS satthiya 'svastika' rebus:svastika 'pewter', jasta 'zinc'.
    Magadha janapada. Silver karshapana
    c. 5th-4th century BCE
    Weight: 3.08 gm., Dim: 26 x 24 mm.
    Five punches: sun, 6-arm, and three others, plus banker's marks /
    Banker's marks
    Ref:  GH 36.
     meḍha 'polar star' (Marathi). meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Mu.) ...
    Silver karshapana
    c. 5th-4th century BCE

    Weight: 3.45 gm., Dim: 25 x 23 mm.
    Five punches: sun, 6-arm, and three others, plus banker's marks /
    Banker's mark
    Ref:  GH 48.
    Silver karshapana
    c. 5th-4th century BCE

    Weight: 3.37 gm., Dim: 21 x 22 mm.
    Five punches: sun, 6-arm, and three others, plus extra sun symbol /
    Ref:  GH 159.
    Silver karshapana
    c. 5th-4th century BCE

    Weight: 3.13 gm., Dim: 19 x 27 mm.
    Five punches: sun, 6-arm, and three others, plus banker's marks /
    Banker's marks
    Ref:  GH 200.
    Silver karshapana
    c. 5th-4th century BCE

    Weight: 3.09 gm., Dim: 15 x 24 mm.
    Five punches: sun, 6-arm, and three others, plus banker's marks /
    Ref:  GH 359.
    Mauryan.Silver karshapana
    c. 4th-2nd century BCE

    Weight: 3.14 gm., Dim: 13 x 13 mm.
    Ref:  GH 509.
    Mauryan.Silver karshapana
    c. 4th-2nd century BCE

    Weight: 3.38 gm., Dim: 13 x 15 mm.
    Ref:  GH 516.
    This hieroglyph on early coins explains the six-armed semantic expansion signified on Gandhara Punch-marked coins.
    * Mauryan Ashoka royal symbol.jpg 

    Silver PMC.Silver 2.78 g

    This hieroglyph, twist of three strands, signified on Punch-marked coins of Gandhara is traced to Harappa Script hieroglyph tradition. This signifies dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' meḍhi 'plait' rebus: meḍ‘iron’
     See Mohenjo-daro seal m1406

    m1406 Seal using tri-dhAtu 'three-stranded rope':  Rebus: tri-hAtu, three red ores.

    Hieroglyph:  धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c cf.त्रिविष्टि- सप्त- , सु-RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu  *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)

    Rebus: M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु  primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam) Harappa (Indus) script hieroglyphs signify dhAtu 'iron ore', Dharwar, Ib names of places in India in the iron ore belt.

    S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L.  f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.मेढा [ mēḍhā ] meṇḍa A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) (CDIAL 10312). meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (P.)(CDIAL 10312)]. 

    Rebus: semantics 'iron': meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho)meṛed (Mundari);mẽṛed iron; enga meṛed soft iron; sanḍi meṛedhard iron; ispāt meṛed steel; dul meṛed cast iron; i meṛed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bica meṛed iron extracted from stone ore; bali meṛed iron extracted from sand ore; meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.)

    There are two Railway stations in India called Dharwad and Ib. Both are related to Prakritam words with the semantic significance: iron worker, iron ore.

    dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ (Marathi)(CDIAL 6773) PLUS kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' PLUS d, 'boatman, one who plays drums at ceremonies' Rebus:  mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron (metal)’Alternative: dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) dolutsu 'tumble' Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. 

    A variant orthography shows a pair of three strands of twisted rope, signified as a total of six spokes emanating from a dotted circle in the centre (See image of Silver shatamana of Gandhara). 

    Six spokes: baṭa 'six' rebus:  bhaṭa 'furnace'.

    Rebus reading: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS meḍhi 'plait' meḍ ‘iron’ Thus, cast iron.

    PLUS dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of i