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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    Copper axes point to an ancient culture story

    Mohammad Ali Feb. 28, 2017

    Ancient tools: The copper axes, thought to belong to 2000 BC, from Sakatpur.  

    Archaeologists excited, as discovery may shine light on a 4,000-year-old Ganga-Yamuna culture

    Six copper axes and some pieces of pottery discovered in Sakatpur of Saharanpur district in Uttar Pradesh could point to a separate culture that straddled the Ganga and Yamuna, coinciding with the Indus Valley Civilisation, say archaeologists.
    The Archaeological Survey of India is excavating the site at Rampur Maniharan, hoping to discover more artefacts.

    In fertile plains

    When the Indus Valley civilisation flourished in what is today Punjab, Haryana and parts of Pakistan, a parallel culture is thought to have co-existed in the fertile plains between the Ganga and the Yamuna in western Uttar Pradesh.
    The copper axes and pottery sherds found last week may be related to the Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP) culture in the doab (plains) of the two rivers in the late Harappan period, around 2000 BC.
    The Superintending Archaeologist, ASI (Agra circle) Bhuvan Vikrama, told The Hindu that going by what had been found, it could well be related to the OCP culture. OCP marked the last stage of the North Indian Copper Age.

    Found by chance

    Workers of a brick kiln in Sakatpur found the axes when they were digging to collect soil. The ASI then sent a team to excavate.
    The people who used ochre pottery and their culture are specific to the doab region.
    The first remnants of OCP culture were found in Hastinapur, in Meerut district, in 1951 and later in Atranjikhera in Eta district.

    Direct evidence

    “We are excited because this is the first time we have discovered remnants of the OCP culture directly,” Mr. Vikrama said.
    “We have done three days of excavation and found only pottery. Since excavation is a slow process we expect to find more remains like habitat dispositions in the depth of the soil. We are not yet calling it a proper civilisation and terming it only as a culture, because unlike the Harappan civilisation, we still do not know much about OCP culture. But this time we are hopeful that we will unearth interesting details,” he added.
    Scholars differ in their interpretation of the nature of OCP culture. Those like V.N. Misra see it as “only a final and impoverished stage of the late-Harappan,” while others view it as completely unrelated to Harappa.
    http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/copper-axes-point-to-an-ancient-culture-story/article17383808.ece

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    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sQUqxaHFYF4  Case for Ram Mandir at Ayodhya - A talk by Dr. Meenakshi Jain

    I pay my humble tributes to Dr. Meenakshi Jain for a breathtaking narrative on the Ayodhya Ram Mandir dispute. She exposes the lies of the leftists who are outright fabulists feeding  false accounts to disrupt Hindu-Muslim amity.

    A video that should be played and heard by every student in every class room and by every Bharatiya in every home. 

    Dhanyavaadah, Meenakshi Jain ji.

    Kalyanaraman

    This matches with the account by McKay Coppins on the leftists' lies in America. Read on...


    How the Left Lost Its Mind

    Polemicists, conspiracists, and outright fabulists are feeding an alternative media landscape—where the implausibility of a claim is no bar to its acceptance.
    https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/07/liberal-fever-swamps/530736/?utm_source=twb

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    Mirror: https://tinyurl.com/wcqntmg

    Thanks to Prof. Shrinivas Tilak for introducing me to the ongoing search for Agaria traditions. This search includes the extraordinary investigative work Mazhar Kamran has been doing over the years on the lives and history of Agarias in Bharat. 

    I am going through the narratives which take us back to the Tin-Bronze Age revolution of 5th millennium BCE and the DongSon-Karen Bronze Drums of the Ancient Far East which is home to the world's largest Tin Belt along the Himalayan rivers: Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween. A link also can be traced to the stunning early Arsenical-Bronze Age site of Nahal Mishmar with intimations of Indus Script hypertexts on exquisite cire perdue artifacts.
    Karen Bronze Drum Kur. mūxā frog. Malt. múqe id. / Cf. Skt. mūkaka- id  rebus:  mū̃h 'ingot' (Peacock, elephant are also Indus Script hieroglyphs signifying metalwork categories).

    Image result for nahal mishmar crownIsrael, Judean Desert, objects from the Chalcolithic temple in Ein Gedi found at the Cave of the Treasure in Nahal Mishmar, on display at the Israel Museum. कारण्ड [p= 274,3] 
    m. a sort of duck R. vii , 31 , 21 करण्ड a sort of duck rebus: करडा Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)


    There are Agaria of Madhya Pradesh, also Agariyas in Rann of Kutch who even today produce 70% of the nation's salt --a multi-crore enterprise -- working in the Rann's salt quarries.India today produces 230 m. tonnes of salt per year (about Rs. 5000 per tonne). No wonder, many sites of the civilization have been discovered in Rann of Kutch (Dholavira, Khirasara, Surkotada etc.) and the archaeological exploration work so far has only touched the tip of the iceberg -- there are over 2000 sites (out of 2600+ of the civilization) on the banks of River Sarasvati yet to be fully excavated and documented.

    As we journey into the mists of the ancient Sarasvati civilization, we have the evidence of over 8000 epigraphs in Indus Script. They narrate a story of documentation of wealth-creating activities of our ancestor artisans, metal workers, fire-workers.

    Surely, the makers of the civilization were ancestors of present-day Agarias and other artisans and seafaring merchants of Eurasia who have toiled for millennia for progress and prosperity, abhyudayam using the resources of the earth and the Indian ocean.

    S. Kalyanaraman

    "Mazhar Kamran has explored several areas in non-fiction also throughout his career as a filmmaker. He was Director of "Surabhi", a prime time landmark TV series on little known cultural aspects of India. He directed for a popular science TV series, "Turning Point". He has also produced and directed several films commissioned by national institutions in India.


    "Based on one of the many indigenous tribes of India- the Agarias, In Search of Agarias is the story of the traditional iron smelters of our country. Produced for FOX History and Entertainment Channel’s Colours of India series and sponsored by Steel Authority of India, the film has Mazhar Kamran as both director and narrator/ presenter. The film revolves around how the world renowned traditional iron smelting knowledge of the Agarias is fast fading with fewer Agarias practicing their traditional occupation and instead turn to metal working or farming to meet their needs. This film is part of the UNESCO Surabhi ‘India Heritage series’."




    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yDsY6f4b6gs IN SEARCH OF THE AGARIAS. Part 1 Published on Oct 17, 2015

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EYXYuhdf4XE#t=185.593067 (20:49) Anil ManiAnil Mani IN SEARCH OF THE AGARIAS. Part 2 Published on Oct 17, 2015
    The story of the earliest known tribe to smelt Iron in the world. Now a vanishing race.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O7DjjFEqajU&feature=youtu.be  Agaria Tribe in madhyapradesh Published on Jul 31, 2013

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CW1LO9lKjEk  SURVIVORS OF THE RANN- STORY OF AGARIYA.DAT Published on Feb 13, 2012

    "The Rann of Kutch is the only place left in the world for this beautiful endangered species of Wild Asses. Once at the near brink of extinction, their numbers are now ranging around five thousand due to community base conservation efforts."

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uSW1F7t215s  Bharat Ek Khoj: The 'tasteless' life of salt workers Published on Jan 28, 2016
    "Throughout their lives, members of the Agariya community work tirelessly in the fields of the Rann of Kutch, where they “grow” salt, taking care of almost 75 per cent of the country’s demand. But fulfilling India’s salt needs comes at a price, as the salt pan workers face problems such as abnormally thin legs which become so stiff that even after death, they do not burn in the funeral pyre."

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LIxuCH4g0Jg  Salt-making on India's west coast Published on Nov 29, 2012
    "A story about the salt workers of the Rann of Kutch, working under very difficult conditions in India's salt desert, in Gujarat state.

    "The Little Rann of Kutch is a salt marsh located in the Western Indian State of Gujarat in India. Far from being known around the world, even most people in India are not aware of its existence. There are no roads in the Rann. To travel here, one has to make ones way through its gigantic mud flats. This salt-bearing wilderness spreads over 5,000 sq kms and is also known as 'Survey Number Zero' because no land survey has been conducted here since the end of British rule in India. Just 600 kms from Mumbai, the commercial capital of India, this land is unknown to most. With its unique geography of a vast desolate landscape, it makes for a very distinct forest without trees. Despite its bleak countryside it is an important ecological terrain for wildlife due to its rich biodiversity. Comprising of thousands of kilometers of barren land, the Little Rann provides a safe haven to a shocking number of local and migratory birds, the endangered wild ass who's only home now is the Little Rann, and other rare and beautiful creatures. The other living creatures found in this arid land are the Agariyas or the Salt Farmers. Surrounded by mounds of tones of white salt crystals, one can easily spot them in the middle of the Rann.

    "In the monsoon, the Arabian Sea invades the Gulf of Kutch, blanketing the muddy flatland under knee--deep water for four months hence making it saline. A set of notifications for the Wild Ass Sanctuary in the Little Rann of Kutch was issued in 1973 under the Gujarat Wild Animals and Wild Birds Protection Act. This is what sowed the seeds of the present conflict in the Rann. It was proposed that the Sanctuary would take up an area of 4840.899 sq. kms. The second notification came in 1978 under the Wildlife Protection Act, 1972, taking the total area of the sanctuary to 4,953 sq. kms and subsequently covering even more area in The Rann.

    "Ever since the sanctuary was declared a bio-reserve, the salt farmers have been asked to vacate their saltpans, as their profession is supposedly a hindrance to the well being of the Sanctuary. Legally speaking, any economic activity inside a bio reserve is also prohibited. The fishermen too have begun facing similar problems. The wild ass has flourished in the Little Rann over the years, say the activists. According to the Gujarat Ecological Education and research Foundation, the population of the wild ass has been increasing gradually since the 1990's and a 2010 survey stated, "There is no human-animal conflict. The salt workers, who have lived here for centuries, have co-existed peacefully with the wildlife".

    "Salt farmers cannot establish any legal right over the land which is now included in the Wild Ass Sanctuary, without any official survey or document. This has proved a threat to their livelihood for nearly three decades now. In an endeavor to help the Agariyas, supporting NGO's have dug out a historic 'farmaan' or ordinance issued by Mughal emperor Aurangzeb from the 17th century in which the saltpan workers find a mention.

    "For 8 months after the monsoon, the farmers live in the middle of the desert putting up with the chilly cold of the winter and the crippling heat of the summer. The salt they produce is "cultivated salt" which is a painstaking, tiresome process, as compared to the other salt making techniques used around the world today. Why do they continue with this technique? Simply because it is the only method they know. For nearly 600 years their ancestors have been producing salt in this region. Herein lies the exploitation factor: the merchants realize their dependence on this profession, and heavily underpay for months of manual labour in extreme climatic conditions. Barring certain patches, the soil in the Little Rann is terribly saline, and the production of most other crops is nearly impossible."


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    Asia’s colossus threatens a tiny state

    Brahma Chellaney

    BY 
    Bhutan, one of the world’s smallest nations, has protested that the Asian colossus, China, is chipping away at its territory by building a strategic highway near the Tibet-India-Bhutan trijunction in the Himalayas. Bhutan has security arrangements with India, and the construction has triggered a tense standoff between Chinese and Indian troops at the trijunction, with the Chinese state media warning of the possibility of war.
    Bhutan says “China’s construction of the road inside Bhutanese territory is a direct violation” of its agreements with Beijing. China, however, has sought to obscure its aggression by blaming India for the confrontation by not respecting the trijunction points and the boundary between Tibet and the Indian state of Sikkim, which is also contiguous to Bhutan.
    In the same way an increasingly muscular China — without firing a single shot — has waged stealth wars to change the status quo in the South and East China seas, it has been making furtive encroachments across its Himalayan frontiers with the intent to expand its control meter by meter, kilometer by kilometer. It has targeted strategic areas.
    If its land grab is challenged, China tends to play the victim, including accusing the other side of making a dangerous provocation. And to mask the real issue involved, it chooses to wage a furious propaganda war. Both these elements have vividly been on display in the current troop standoff at the edge of the Chumbi Valley, a Chinese-controlled zone that forms a wedge between Bhutan and Sikkim, and juts out as a dagger against a thin strip of Indian territory known as the Chicken Neck, which connects India’s northeast to the rest of the country.
    In recent years, China has been upgrading its military infrastructure and deployments in this highly strategic region so that, in the event of a war, its military blitzkrieg can cut off India from its northeast. Such an invasion would also leave Bhutan completely surrounded and at China’s mercy.

    India-Bhutan defense ties

    Bhutan, with a population of only 750,000, shares some of its national defense responsibilities with India under a friendship treaty. Indian troops, for example, assist the undersized Royal Bhutan Army in guarding the vulnerable portions of Bhutan’s border with China.
    The 2007 Bhutan-India friendship treaty states that the two neighbors “shall cooperate closely with each other on issues relating to their national interests.” The 2007 pact — signed after the Himalayan kingdom introduced major political reforms to emerge as the world’s newest democracy — replaced their 1949 treaty under which Bhutan effectively was an Indian protectorate, with one of the clauses stipulating that it would be “guided by” India in its foreign policy.
    Recently, after days of rising Sino-Indian tensions at the trijunction, the People’s Liberation Army on June 16 brought in heavy earth-moving equipment and began building a road through Bhutan’s Doklam Plateau, which China claims, including Sinicizing its name as Donglong. Indian troops intervened, leading to scuffles with PLA soldiers, with the ongoing standoff halting work at the 3,000-meter-high construction site.
    Significantly, the standoff did not become public until June 26 when China released a complaint against India, just as Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was about to begin discussions with U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House. The statement — timed to cast a shadow over the Modi-Trump discussions and to remind Modi of the costs Beijing could impose on India for his pro-U.S. tilt — presented China as the victim by alleging that Indian troops had “intruded” into “China’s Donglong region” and halted a legitimate construction activity. It demanded India withdraw its troops or face retaliation.
    This was followed by a frenzied Chinese public-relations blitzkrieg against India designed to obfuscate the real issue — the PLA’s encroachment on Bhutanese territory. Chinese officials and state media fulminated against India over the troop standoff but shied away from even mentioning Bhutan.
    It was only after Bhutan’s ambassador to India publicly revealed on June 28 that his country had protested the PLA’s violation of its territorial sovereignty and demanded a return to status quo ante that Beijing finally acknowledged the involvement of a third party in the dispute. The fact that an insecure and apprehensive Bhutan (which has no diplomatic relations with China) took eight days to make public its protest to Beijing played into China’s hands.

    China piles on the pressure

    The Chinese attacks on India for halting the road construction, meanwhile, are continuing. For example, the Chinese defense ministry spokesperson, alluding to India’s defeat in the 1962 war with China, asked the Indian Army on June 29 to “learn from historical lessons” and to stop “clamoring for war.” India’s defense minister, in response, said the India of today was different from the one in 1962.
    The same trijunction was the scene of heavy Sino-Indian military clashes in 1967, barely five years after China’s 1962 trans-Himalayan invasion led to major Indian reverses. But unlike in 1962, the Chinese side suffered far heavier casualties in the 1967 clashes, concentrated at Nathu La and Cho La.
    Today, to mount pressure on India, China has cut off Indian pilgrims’ historical access to a mountain-and-lake site in Tibet that is sacred to four faiths: Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and the indigenous religion of Tibet, Bon. While Manasarovar is the world’s highest freshwater lake at 4,557 meters above sea level, Mount Kailash — the world’s legendary center — is worshipped by believers as the abode of the planet’s father and mother, the gods Shiva and Uma, and as the place where Buddha manifested himself in his super-bliss form. Four important rivers of Asia, including the Indus and the Brahmaputra, originate from around this site.
    By arbitrarily halting the pilgrimages, Beijing is reminding New Delhi to review its Tibet policy. India needs to subtly reopen Tibet as an outstanding issue to fend off Chinese pressure. After all, China lays claim to Indian and Bhutanese territories on the basis of alleged Tibetan (not Han Chinese) links to them historically. India must start to question China’s purportedly historical claim to Tibet itself.
    More broadly, by waging stealth wars to accomplish political and military objectives, China is turning into a principle source of strategic instability in Asia. The stealth wars include constructing a dispute and then setting in motion a jurisdictional creep through a steady increase in the frequency and duration of Chinese incursions — all with the intent of either establishing military control over a coveted area or pressuring the opponent to cut a deal on its terms.
    This strategy of territorial creep is based not on chess, which is centered on securing a decisive victory, but on the ancient Chinese game of go, aimed at steadily making incremental gains by outwitting the opponent through unrelenting attacks on its weak points.
    China has long camouflaged offense as defense, in keeping with the ancient theorist Sun Tzu’s advice that all warfare is “based on deception.” Still, the fact that the world’s fourth largest country in area, after Russia, Canada and the United States, is seeking to nibble away at the territory of a tiny nation speaks volumes about China’s aggressive strategy of expansion.
    Longtime Japan Times contributor Brahma Chellaney is a geostrategist and the author of nine books.

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    Aristotle on the Origin of the Jews in India

    4 Comments
    This article is to try to make sense of a puzzling statement of Aristotle (384-322 BCE) that links Jews with India. This statement is recalled in a fragment by Aristotle’s pupil Clearchus who traveled widely and whose inscription on a tomb of a friend is preserved in the Afghan city of Ai-Khanoum.
    The Jewish scholar Flavius Josephus (37 – 100 CE) quotes from Clearchus’s fragment in his Contra Apionem [Against Apion], which has Aristotle say: “Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers; they are named by the Indians Calami, and by the Syrians Judaei, and took their name from the country they inhabit, which is called Judea.” (Book I:22) [1]
    I can think of two places that might have been the Calami of Aristotle. The first candidate is the famous port city of Kollam, in Kerala, which was well known to the Phoenicians and Romans, and the second is the ancient city of Kalyani or Kalyan, in Karnataka, which was to later become the capital of one branch of the Chalukya Empire. The second city, which has recently been renamed Basavakalyan, appears to be the older of the two.
    The interaction between India and the West during the first millennium BCE is well known as in the mention in Old Testament of trade for ivory, apes and peacocks (1 Kings 10:22). There was thriving bilateral trade between India and Rome both through the overland caravan route and the southern sea route. By the time of Augustus 120 ships set sail every year from Myos Hormos to India. Pliny complains in Historia Naturae 12.41.84, “India, China and the Arabian Peninsula take one hundred million sesterces from our empire per annum at a conservative estimate: that is what our luxuries and women cost us.”

    Silk Route in the Ancient World circ. 120 BCE-1450s CE.
    India and the West had rich interaction in the second millennium BCE also. This was the time of the Mitanni of Syria, who worshiped Vedic gods. The Mitanni ruled northern Mesopotamia (including Syria) for about 300 years, starting 1600 BCE, out of their capital of Vasukhani. In a treaty between the Hittites and the Mitanni, Indic deities Mitra, Varuṇa, Indra, and Nāsatya (Aśvins) are invoked. Their chief festival was the celebration of viṣuva (solstice) very much like in India. It is not only the kings who had Sanskrit names; a large number of other Sanskrit names have also been unearthed in the records from the area.

    Mitanni territory circ. 1400BCE.
    The list of the Sanskrit names used in Syria and elsewhere was published by P. E. Dumont of the Johns Hopkins University, in the Journal of American Oriental Society in 1947, and one may see a summary of that in my own book chapter on Akhenaten, Sūrya, and the Ṛgveda, which is available here. [2] The names of the main kings are (with the standard Sanskrit form or meaning inside brackets): The first Mitanni king was Sutarna I (good Sun). He was followed by Baratarna I (Paratarṇa, great Sun); Paraśukṣatra (ruler with axe); Saustatar (Saukṣatra, son of Sukṣatra, the good ruler); Paratarṇa II; Artadama (Ṛtadhāman, abiding in cosmic law); Sutarṇa II; Tushratta (Daśaratha or Tveṣaratha, having ten or fast chariots); and finally Matiwazza (Mativāja, whose wealth is thought), during whose lifetime the Mitanni state became a vassal to Assyria.
    It is most interesting that the Mitannis were connected by marriage across several generations to the Egyptian 18th dynasty to which Pharaoh Akhenaten (ruled 1352-1336 BCE according to the mainstream view) belonged. Akhenaten’s second wife was Tadukhipa (“khipa” from the Sanskrit “kṣipā,” night) and she became famous as the queen Kiya (short for Khipa). His first wife was the beautiful Nefertiti, whose bust is available in a museum in Berlin.

    Replica bust of Nertiti in the Berlin Museum. CC BY-SA 3.0
    Akhenaten (“glory of the Aten”) changed his name to honour Aten (“One god” represented as the solar disk) in his sixth year of rule. Many see Akhenaten as the originator of monotheism by his banishment of all deities except for his chosen one. He has been seen as a precursor to the Old Testament prophets, and thus to the Abrahamic religions. Some Biblical scholars see his Hymn to Aten as the original Psalm 104 of the Old Testament [3].

    ‘Amehotep IV’ (Akhenaten), found in N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna, part VI, ‘The Egypt Exploration Fund’ (London, 1908).
    The other possibility is that Akhenaten’s worship of Aten is derived from the Vedic system through the three generations of queens in his family that were from the Mitanni. There are parallels between his hymn and the Sūrya hymns of the Ṛgveda. For example, in both the Sun has absolute power over the lives of animals and men and it provides natural bounties while also residing in the heart of the poet. Note also that Agni is praised as Yahvah in the Ṛgveda 21 times, and Yahweh is the name of the highest divinity in the Old Testament.
    If the Vedic element was important, as is perhaps reflected in the mysticism of the Egyptian Book of the Dead, the cult of the dead and resurrection remained the most important element of the Egyptian religion. This cult continues to form the cornerstone of the three Abrahamic faiths.
    The Vedic presence via the Mitanni in Egypt and the Near East occurs several centuries before the exodus of the Jews. This presence is sure to have left its mark in various customs, traditions, and beliefs. It may be that this encounter explains uncanny similarities in mythology and ritual, such as circumambulation around a rock, the use of a rosary of 108 beads, (or the idea of 33 gods in pre-Abrahamic traditions). These practices are easily understandable within the Vedic system, whereas they are remembered as commandments to be believed without understanding in the Western faiths. [4]
    Sigmund Freud in his essay, Moses and Monotheism (1937) proposes that Moses was an Egyptian linked to the court of Akhenaten. In defence of this proposal he argued that the Hebrew word for “Lord,” “Adonai,” becomes “Aten” when the letters are written in Egyptian. [5]
    The memory of India’s interaction with Egypt persisted within the Indo-Iranian world. The Iranian scholar Al-Biruni (973-1048), speaking of chariots of war in his book Tarikh Al-Hind, mentions the Greek claim that they were the first to use them and insists they are wrong because the chariots were already invented by Aphrodisios the Hindu, when he ruled over Egypt, about 900 years after the deluge. [6] This reference, which cannot be literally true because of the sheer distance between the two regions, is significant for it preserves the memory of a “Hindu” (Indic-inspired) king of Egypt prior to the Greek state. The reference to the chariots of war of this king (Akhenaten) seems to remember the foreigner warlords Hyksos (literally, ruler of the foreign countries) who ruled Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period just before the New Kingdom to which Akhenaten belonged.
    It is not surprising then that the iconic Shiva-Shakti Yantra of the Indian spiritual tradition is identical to the Star of David of the Jews. A picture of the Star of David from the Leningrad Codex with a date of 1008 in its colophon is presented for comparison.

    Leningrad Codex: the oldest complete manuscript of the Hebrew Bible in Hebrew, 1008 CE.
    But how could the Indic element be so far from India, in Syria and Egypt? Scholars have suggested that after catastrophic earthquakes, or a long drought that dried up the Sarasvati River around 1900 BCE, there was the abandonment of Harappan cities and great migrations away in all directions [7]. Within India, we see the focus of the Sindhu-Sarasvati culture shift eastwards. To the west, we see the Kassites, a somewhat shadowy aristocracy with Indic names and worshiping Surya and the Maruts, in Western Iran about 1800 BCE. They captured power in Babylon in 1600 BCE, which they were to rule for over 500 years. And then, of course, we have the long line of the Sanskritic Mitanni aristocracy of Syria that we have already spoken about.
    Megasthenes (350-290 BCE), the ambassador of Seleucus I to the court of Chandragupta Maurya in Pataliputra appears to have been aware of the connections between the Indians and the Jews. In the third book of Indica, as available to the Church Father Clement of Alexandria (200 CE), he writes: “All that has been said regarding nature by the ancients is asserted also by philosophers out of Greece, on the one part in India by the Brachmanes, and on the other in Syria by the people called the Jews.” [8]
    A thousand years later, the memory of a special link between the Jews and India persisted. Al-Biruni mentions on page 206, vol. 1 of Alberuni’s India by Edward Sachau, that no foreigners excepting the Jews were permitted to enter Kashmir during the period it was under attack by Muslims.
    India has its own Jewish communities that are found principally in South India; the oldest of these is that of the Cochin Jews. They believe they are the descendants of traders from Judea who arrived in 562 BCE, with others coming as exiles in 70 CE after the destruction of the Second Temple [9]. It appears that there was migration of communities in both directions.

    Cochin Jews, c. 1900. From the 1901-1906 Jewish Encyclopedia.

    Bibliography

    1. Flavius Josephus, Against Apion, Project Gutenberg: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2849
    2. Subhash Kak, ‘Akhenaten, Surya, and the Rgveda’, In G.C. Pande (ed.), A Golden Chain of Civilizations: Indic, Iranic, Semitic, and Hellenic up to C. 600 BCE, Munshiram Manoharlal, 2007. http://www.ece.lsu.edu/kak/akhena.pdf
    3. Dominic Montserrat, Akhenaten: History, Fantasy and Ancient Egypt, Routledge, 2002.
    4. Subhash Kak, The Wishing Tree, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 2015.
    5. Sigmund Freud, Moses and Monotheism, The Hogarth Press, 1939.
    6. Al-Biruni, Tarikh Al-Hind, E.C. Sachau trans., Alberuni’s India, Kegan Paul, London, 1910.
    7. G. Feuerstein, S. Kak, and D. Frawley, In Search of the Cradle of Civilization, Quest Books, 2001.
    8. J.W. McCrindle, Ancient India As Described By Megasthenes And Arrian, Trübner & Co, London, 1877.
    9. Peter Schäfer, The History of the Jews in Antiquity, Routledge, 1995.
    YouTube video on ai-Khanoum: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5tka9TFyWIw

    Subhash Kak is Regents Professor and a previous Head of the Computer Science Department at Oklahoma State University, who has made contributions to cryptography, artificial neural networks, and quantum information.
    Kak is also notable for his Indological publications on the history of science, the philosophy of science, ancient astronomy, and the history of mathematics. Alan Sokal labeled Kak “one of the leading intellectual luminaries of the Hindu-nationalist diaspora”.

    4 thoughts on “Aristotle on the Origin of the Jews in India”

    1. B Thomas says:
      Thank you. Wonderful information and a lively perspective.
      Thomas from Cochin, South of India.


    2. Asheton says:
      That was a very intriguing article


    3. Gene Pelka says:
      Dr. Kak – Thank you for a most interesting article relating the Jews to the Indus Valley civilizations. I am very much looking forward to your book. I do have a question. Hopefully you can clear this up for me. Your article states that many see Pharaoh Akhenaten, who ruled 1352-1336 BCE according to the mainstream view, as the originator of monotheism, and a precursor to the Old Testament prophets and thus to the Abrahamic religions. However, in his book “A Test of Time”, David M. Rohl (Century Ltd, London) 1995, places the exodus at approximately 1447 B.C., more than a full century prior to Akhenaten’s rein. If Moses did in fact receive the 10 Commandments during the 40 years of desert wandering one would have to recognize that monotheism preceded the rein of Akhenaten. Can you help me with this puzzle. Thank you.


    4. kikz says:
      what strange physical countenance that grouping has… extremely short appendages.. squatmonsteresque.


    Comments are closed.

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    1. Governor cannot remain a mute spectator to the affairs in the state: KN Tripathi.
    2. Bengal governor denies he said anything to make feel insulted, threatened or humiliated.
    3. Mob goes on rampage in Bengal over blasphemous FB post; Mamata alleges Governor threat

      Police arrested the culprit, a class 11 student, on Sunday night. But it failed to quell the anger of the mob.

      KOLKATA Updated: Jul 04, 2017 20:04 IST
      Snigdhendu Bhattacharya
      Bengal riots
      One of the police vehicles that was burnt by the angry mob in Baduria block of North 24 Paraganas district in West Bengal.
    4. Dozens of shops and houses, and at least six police vehicles, were torched by a mob in West Bengal’s North 24 Parganas district over the past two days after a class 11 student posted a blasphemous message on Facebook.
      The Hindu student was arrested on Sunday night and prohibitory orders clamped, but vandalism continued throughout Monday and Tuesday as the administration did not inform people about the arrest, claimed Quazi Abdur Rahim, the MLA of Baduria, where the incident happened.
      Chief minister Mamata Banerjee blamed BJP for inciting the violence, and also alleged that the governor Keshari Nath Tripathi had threatened her and said he was acting like a “BJP block president”.
      “He telephoned me and threatened me. The governor cannot threaten me. He should know that he is a nominated person. I have told him that you cannot talk to me like that,” the visibly angry CM told reporters in Kolkata.
      On the communal violence, she warned leaders of both communities that “I won’t spare anybody fuelling communal clashes”.
      “BJP may provoke, but why will you walk into the trap? Those who have destroyed government property will have to pay for it,” she said.
      The governor, however, expressed surprise at Mamata’s attitude and language.
      “The talks between the Hon’ble Chief Minister and the Hon’ble Governor were confidential in nature and none is expected to disclose it,” said a statement issued by the governor’s office, adding that there was nothing in it by which the CM may have “felt insulted, threatened or humiliated”.
      “It is proper for the Hon’ble Governor to bring to the notice of the Hon’ble Chief Minister any serious grievance made by any member of public or any serious event happening in the state. The Hon’ble Governor cannot remain a mute spectator of the affairs in the state,” the statement said.
      BJP state president Dilip Ghosh said the governor can “certainly interfere if there are repeated incidents of violence”.
      Efforts to Quell Violence
      Angry Muslim mobs set fire to shops and houses belonging to Hindus in Baduria, Swarupnagar and Taki blocks of the district bordering Bangladesh. The car of the additional police superintendent of the district was also attacked on Tuesday.
      The Centre rushed 300 paramilitary personnel to the spot, which is about 50 km from Kolkata.
      State food minister Jyotipriyo Mullick said he was at the spot tackling the situation whereas the district police superintendent, Bhaskar Mukherjee was not available for comment immediately as he was in a meeting.
      MLA Rahim accused the administration of not making any “efforts to spread the news of the arrest”, and said, “Some fundamentalist forces are behind this vandalism. The moment we manage to quell agitation at one place, it starts somewhere else.”
      He also said that the central paramilitary forces were deployed late, due to which the situation went out of control.
      On Monday morning, All India Sunnat Al Jamayat, a non-political Islamic social welfare trust in the area, appealed to Muslims through social networking sites to refrain from erecting road blockades as it was the day of ulta-Rathyatra.
    5. At many places, the procession, which concludes the nine-day Jagannath yatra, could not take place.
      In nearby Basirhat South, Trinamool MLA Dipendu Biswas said they were “maintaining close contact with the people to avoid any untoward incident”.
      “We took precautionary measures and managed to avoid clashes and violence in my constituency,” said Rafiqul Islam, MLA of Basirhat North.
      “Some people blocked roads in my constituency on Monday and Tuesday. But after much persuasion we managed to lift it,” he said.
      Leaders’ reactions
      “We demand an all-party meeting an army deployment. The debate on phone call is unwarranted,” twitted CPI(M) state secretary Suryakanta Mishra.
      Union minister Babul Supriyo described the pieces of information coming from the areas as “dangerous facts”.
      State BJP secretary Sayantan Basu said there was a total collapse of law and order in Baduria, and called for the immediate deployment of central to protect Hindus there.
      On Tuesday afternoon, police prevented BJP state general secretary Debashri Chowdhury from reaching the spot. In protest, BJP workers started a roadblock at the district headquarters Barasat.
      Communal Incidents in Bengal
      The Baduria clashes are the latest communal incidents in the state. Since October last year, at least 10 districts of West Bengal have seen similar communal incidents which are proving to be a major challenge for the state government.
      Riots took places at Kaliachak and Chanchol (Malda district), Jalangi (Murshidabad), Chandannagar and Bhadreshwar (Hooghly), Bhagabanpur (East Midnapore), Kharagpore (West Midnapore), Hajinagar and Kanchrapara (North 24 Parganas), Sankrail and Dhulagarh (Howrah), Katwa, Jamuria and Kanksha (Burdwan).
      North 24 Parganas district has the distinction of being the most populous district in the country. According to 2011 census, Muslims constitute 26% of the population.
      Incidentally, in May this year, Mamata had told senior police officers that they should beat up anybody who foments communal trouble in the state.
      “Don’t see their colour or political affiliation. If anybody dares to foment communal trouble, give him a sound thrashing,” she had said.
      (With PTI inputs)
    6. http://www.hindustantimes.com/kolkata/mob-goes-on-rampage-in-bengal-over-blasphemous-fb-post-mamata-alleges-governor-threat/story-iLlMCJgdwcbHycmlwRJS0O.html

    7. Communal violence in West Bengal over ‘objectionable’ Facebook post, Centre rushes paramilitary troops
    8. Communal violence broke out in North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal on Tuesday over a Facebook post prompting Centre to rush 300 paramilitary personnel to the spot to pacify the situation. 

      http://indianexpress.com/article/india/communal-violence-in-west-bengal-following-objectionable-facebook-post-centre-rushes-paramilitary-troops-4735264/
    9. By: Express Web Desk | Kolkata | Updated: July 4, 2017 6:47 pm
    10. West Bengal Communal Violence, Bengal Communal Violence, Bengal Communal Riot, West Bengal Communal Riot, Baduria Communal Violence, Baduria Communal Riot, India News, Indian Express, Indian Express News
    11.  scene of communal tension at Baduria (Source: facebook)
    12. Communal violence broke out in North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal on Tuesday over a Facebook post prompting Centre to rush 300 paramilitary personnel to the spot to pacify the situation. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee said that clashes has broken out between two communities in Baduria of the Basirhat sub-division on the basis of a Facebook post.
      According to PTI, the clashes were triggered last evening over the Facebook post about a holy site. The PTI sources said that three companies (about 300 personnel) of paramilitary forces were being rushed to the state to assist the local police in containing the situation.
      Banerjee has criticised the religious leaders of both the communities of that area and warned them of strict action. However, the Chief Minister feel insulted on Governor’s call regarding this issue, as per her media briefing.
      Banerjee accused Governor Keshari Nath Tripathi of threatening her and said that he was acting like a “BJP block president”. “He (Governor) threatened me over phone. The way he spoke taking the side of BJP, I felt insulted. I have told him tha the cannot talk like this,” Banerjee told reporters at the state secretariat.
      “He (the governor) is behaving like a block president of BJP. He should understand that he has been nominated to thepost…,” she said. “He talked big on law and order. I am not here at the mercy of anyone. The way he spoke to me, I once thought of leaving (the chair),” she said.
      Meanwhile, the BJP alleged that over 2000 Muslims attacked Hindu families in the North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal and its offices at several places were set on fire. Accusing the state police of failing to control the situation, party general secretary Kailash Vijayvargiya, who is also in charge of the state, urged Home Minister Rajnath Singh to intervene in the matter.
      Several shops have been burnt, houses were ransomed at the places of Baduria, Tentulia, Golabari, and many people of both the communities were attacked, according to media reports. Last night the mob attacked Baduria police station and set ablaze many police vehicles.

    Communal riots in West Bengal’s North 24 Parganas, Centre rushes paramilitary forces

    West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee says the clashes between members of two communities broke out in Baduria in Basirhat sub-division in North 24 Parganas

    Above, the Rapid Action Force personnel patrol amid tightened security in Karnataka. Photo: AFP
    h
    Above, the Rapid Action Force personnel patrol amid tightened security in Karnataka. Photo: AFP



    Kolkata/New Delhi: Communal violence broke out in North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal over an “objectionable” post on Facebook, prompting the Centre to rush 300 paramilitary personnel on Tuesday.
    West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee said in Kolkata that the clashes between members of two communities have broken out in Baduria in Basirhat sub-division of the district over the “objectionable” post.
    Official sources in Delhi said the clashes were triggered last evening over the Facebook post about a holy site.
    They said three companies (about 300 personnel) of paramilitary forces were being rushed to the state to assist the local police in containing the situation.
    http://www.livemint.com/Politics/jMHx87nj7H2Qc1D6ZHw8mO/Communal-riots-in-West-Bengals-North-24-Parganas-Centre-ru.html

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    Joy in Sa Kaew as US museum agrees to return stone carving to temple

    via The Nation, 25 June 2017: A lintel from a Khmer temple will be returned from the US to Thailand where the temple stands.
    About 100 local villagers attending a ritual to worship supernatural beings at Praasaat Khao Luon in Sa Kaew’s Ta Phraya district on Sunday were overjoyed to hear that the Khmer temple’s lintel would be returned from the United States.

    Joy in Sa Kaew as US museum agrees to return stone carving to temple

    June 25, 2017 19:01 
    By The Nation

    THAILAND AIMS TO RECLAIM 133 HISTORICAL ITEMS HELD OVERSEAS

    PUBLISHED JUNE 29, 2017 BY SOCLAIMON
    ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation
    http://www.nationmultimedia.com/news/national/30319163


    June 26, 2017 18:32
    By The Nation
    ailand hopes to reclaim all of its 133 historical items currently in the possession of foreign museums and educational institutions.

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    Wednesday , July 5 , 2017

    Being realistic

    - Narendra Modi's open friendship with Israel
    The Indian prime minister in New Delhi before leaving for Israel
    India and Israel achieved independence in 1947 and 1948 respectively, and both were beset with the problems of partition. India recognized Israel de jure in 1950, but diplomatic relations commenced only in 1992. The Oslo peace process between the Israelis and the Palestinians, the importance of closer relations with the United States of America after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the diminishing sensitivity of the main Indian political parties to Muslim vote-bank politics - all played their part in creating the diplomatic opening. This year, the 25th year of this diplomatic relationship, is being marked by the first visit by our prime minister to that country. The presidents of Israel have been in India twice and its prime minister once, while President Pranab Mukherjee visited Israel in 2015. Bilateral ties have flourished even in the absence of many high-level exchanges, irrespective of the nature of governments in New Delhi and Tel Aviv. Narendra Modi has met Israel's prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, at multilateral meetings and their personal chemistry has been good.
    Modi had visited Israel as Gujarat's chief minister, and since becoming prime minister in 2014, has made it very clear that he does not subscribe to the previous inhibitions about an open friendship with Israel. While Israel has a population of only around nine million, it is advanced in technology and has more companies listed in the New York Nasdaq technology index than any developing country. This is because it is highly skilled in military-security hardware, recycling, desalination, bio-technology, water management, healthcare, communications, pharmaceuticals and non-conventional energy. These are all relevant for India's development and Indian private and public companies should consider outright purchase, or failing that, investment to access Israeli technology as high priority. A trade agreement has been under negotiation since 2010, and with total trade standing at about $5 billion, India is Israel's seventh biggest trade partner. There is longstanding cooperation between the diamond industries of Israel and Gujarat. In India, under a science and technology agreement, there is joint research in biotechnology, lasers and the human genome, and 15 Israeli agriculture centres have been set up in 10 states. Thousands of tourists travel in both directions each year and there are 70,000 Indian-origin Jews living in Israel.
    The most prominent factor in Modi's engagements thus far with West Asia - the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Qatar - has been military-security cooperation, and this aspect is expected to dominate his visit to Israel as well. Neither country has signed the Non-proliferation Treaty, and both have nuclear weapons. Both countries are heavily armed, although for decades, Israel has hardly encountered any external threat. In any case, it can always fall back on guaranteed American protection. Strategic Indian investment in Israel could include defence industries, cyber security and nano-technology. This would be the easiest way to obtain technology transfers, though this will involve some very hard bargaining. There could also be stakes for Indian oil and gas companies in the Mediterranean gas fields off Israel.
    ×
    India is one of the biggest buyer of Israeli military equipment. Israel was the third international supplier to India to a value of one billion dollars in the 2013-2016 period. India launched satellites for Israel in 2005 and 2009, and perhaps, since 1968, there has been intelligence cooperation. The last aspect, together with joint military exercises, has so far been kept away from the public eye. The new spirit of disclosure might change that, as was shown by the detailed briefing given to the Indian media in early April about arms purchases from Israel. These included Barak 1 and Barak 8 missiles for the army and navy, air defence systems, airborne warning and control systems, drones and anti-tank missiles. Stress was placed on Indian collaboration with Israeli Aerospace Industries and Rafael to develop medium-range surface to air missiles in India, thereby making this a part of the 'Make in India' policy for India's defence industries.
    Clearly, there are differences of opinion and nuance in international affairs. Israel has an aversion to Iran bordering on paranoia, on which it makes common cause with Saudi Arabia and some Sunni Gulf sheikhdoms. In Israel's case, this could be a way to divert attention from its perennial Palestine problem, the fragility of its government coalitions, corruption charges against top politicians, including the prime minister, and to make some future claim to a role in any Syrian settlement. India cannot share this view of Tehran being a sponsor of terrorism and instability in West Asia. On the contrary, Iran has paid a greater price in material and manpower in combating the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham than any other nation. Nor can India concur with any agenda for regime change by stealth or by force in Syria. Israel's determination to put down Palestinian resistance with an iron fist earns it few friends in India, whether among the Muslim or the Hindu communities. It is to be hoped that Modi will leave no doubts in Israeli minds regarding India's position on these issues, which are matters of principle.
    Modi's stand-alone visit to Israel, in other words, his choice of not travelling to Palestinian-held territories in the West Bank or Gaza, is evidence that New Delhi seeks no role in bringing together the Israelis and Palestinians, in spite of having friendly relations with both - a position sought only recently by President Donald Trump. This is also realistic; many have tried and failed to bridge the chasm of mistrust. This problem is a historical legacy best left to the super-powers, the Jews and their Arab neighbours. A gesture by Modi towards the president of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas,is not likely to yield any political or economic advantage. An outward show of support for the Palestinians has little traction for India's relations with the Muslim world, or even for the Modi government's connections with the Muslim constituency in India. Modi has shown that he is capable of taking in his stride the expected criticism from the Congress and what remains of the Indian Left, especially as informed critics will know that the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip is not under the authority of Abbas, who has not been able to set foot there since 2005.

    The author is a former foreign secretary of India
    https://www.telegraphindia.com/1170705/jsp/opinion/story_160148.jsp

    Wall falls, friends hug at last

    - Decades of wait end as Modi lands in Promised Land
    BIBI AND MERE DOST: Benjamin Netanyahu and Narendra Modi lock each other in an embrace during the official ceremony at Ben Gurion airport. (AFP)
    Jerusalem, July 4: Prime Minister Narendra Modi today tore down what his Israeli counterpart called the "final walls" dividing India and Israel, his full-throated public embrace of the relationship completing a shift in India's West Asia policy that began in 1992.
    With four bear hugs, personal references and an unconcealed thrill, Modi and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu praised each other and their nations at Ben Gurion airport today, the show merely a starter, officials from both countries told The Telegraph.
    "We love India," proclaimed Netanyahu, referring to a country that till the early 1990s explicitly prohibited its citizens from travelling to Israel using the Indian passport. "We view you as kindred spirits in our journey."
    ×
    Modi, the first Indian Prime Minister to visit Israel, twice referred to his trip as "path-breaking," and called his unprecedented flight into a country New Delhi considered a pariah till 25 years back a "singular honour".
    Later in the evening, Modi took another dramatic step towards dismantling India's complicated legacy with Israel. He agreed to Netanyahu's on-the-spot proposal to visit the tomb of Theodor Herzl, considered the founding father of Zionism.
    India had voted in 1975 to declare Zionism "racism" under UN Security Council 3379. Modi's visit to Herzl's tomb amounted to a formal endorsement of Zionism.
    Modi's visit to Israel comes after months of careful preparation, and years of waiting. For most of that period, starting with Israel's creation in 1948, India took strongly partisan positions against the country, and alongside Palestinian demands.
    Away from the public gaze, India and Israel did cooperate - when New Delhi needed weapons during the 1962, 1965 and 1971 wars, and when it asked for help in agriculture and water management. But Israel's assistance largely went unrequited - at least in public.
    With this visit, India and Israel have made clear that phase is over.
    "In 2014, we had decided to tear down the final walls dividing our countries," Netanyahu said, referring to his September 2014 meeting with Modi on the margins of the UN General Assembly summit in New York that year. "It took a meeting of hearts and minds to accomplish that."
    Modi is consciously staying away from visiting Palestinian territories like Ramallah, which every previous Indian dignitary and most world leaders who visit Israel also travel to. In his first public comments in Israel, he did not even tangentially refer to the crisis in West Asia, and Palestine's demands for a separate state - a position India officially supports.
    Instead, what was on display was clear personal bonding between Modi and Netanyahu, and careful homework by Indian and Israeli officials in preparation for the visit.
    Both Modi and Netanyahu repeatedly referred to each other as "my friend". The Indian leader referred to the Israeli Prime Minister by his nickname "Bibi" - almost as though to emphasise their friendship. Netanyahu called Modi " mere dost (my friend)."
    Netanyahu's brother Yonatan, an Israel Defence Forces officer, had died on July 4, 1976, during Operation Entebbe, one of the most daring hijack rescue operations in aviation history.
    Modi referred to that incident, "exactly 41 years ago" - acknowledging the Netanyahu family's sacrifices, underscoring the common threat of terrorism both countries face, and making clear where India stands on Palestinian attacks against Israel.
    "Your heroes are an inspiration for future generations," Modi said. "India applauds your accomplishments."
    Sections within India's strategic establishment have long admired Israel's counter-terrorism capabilities, and have even turned to them for help - especially after the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks.
    Modi, in a political rally after the September 2016 "surgical strikes" against Pakistan-based terrorists, had even compared the Indian Army's actions to Israel's successes.
    But Modi's comments today broke with past coyness by India in acknowledging both its respect for Israel's self-defence abilities, and in seeking counter-terrorism cooperation. "Alongside building a partnership for shared economic prosperity, we are also cooperating to secure our societies against common threats such as terrorism," Modi said.
    Modi wasn't the only one who had done his homework - on Netanyahu's brother, in his case.
    The Israel Prime Minister had clearly been briefed about Modi's love for neat acronyms. Netanyahu unveiled one today, that had Modi smiling. The acronym - "I square T square" - stands for Israeli Technology, Indian Talent, according to Netanyahu.
    Later, at the Danziger Flower Farm, Israel announced that it had decided to rename a chrysanthemum "Modi". Modi and Netanyahu then visited the Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial, which the Indian Prime Minister said serves as a "mirror to our societies".
    "Yad Vashem is a reminder of the unspeakable evil inflicted generations ago," Modi said. "It is also a tribute to your unbreakable spirit to rise above the depths of tragedy, overcome hatred and forge ahead to build a vibrant democratic nation."
    Netanyahu also hosted a private dinner for Modi.
    Before they entered the dinner, the two leaders spoke again. Netanyahu said he had been "inspired by Prime Minister Modi's enthusiasm for yoga". Netanyahu said he was beginning to practise yoga at a basic level.
    "When I turn my head left while performing the talasana (the palm tree pose), the first democracy I will see is India," Netanyahu said. "And when Prime Minister Modi turns his head right while performing the vashishtasana (side-plank pose), the first democracy he will see is Israel."
    The relationship, Modi acknowledged, has grown each year since 1992, when the Congress government of P.V. Narasimha Rao established full diplomatic relations with Israel.
    But it is under Modi that the relationship has gained the visibility Israel has long sought. Apart from September 2014, Modi and Netanyahu also met in Paris in December 2015 on the margins of the climate change conference there. The two leaders are known to have spoken on the telephone on multiple occasions.
    Today, Netanyahu waited half an hour for Modi's plane to land, then took off his sunglasses and stood at the base of the stairs leading up to Air India One - the Indian Prime Minister's official plane.
    As Modi descended the stairs, dressed in an off-white suit with a blue pocket handkerchief, Netanyahu extended his arms.
    The two embraced and laughed. "It's great," Netanyahu said, the words caught on an Israeli microphone. "It's wonderful."
    Modi received a guard of honour at the airport, before the two leaders made brief statements. Before they spoke though, they hugged again. Netanyahu spoke a few words in Hindi - " Aapka bahut, bahut swagat hain, mere dost (You are very, very welcome, my friend)."
    Modi started off his comments with the Hebrew greeting "Shalom", adding in the language that "it is great to be here".
    Netanyahu has made clear he will accompany Modi through most of the three days the Indian Prime Minister is in Israel. It is a moment Israel has long waited for, he said."We've waited a long time," Netanyahu said. "In fact, we've waited nearly 70 years."

    https://www.telegraphindia.com/1170705/jsp/frontpage/story_160296.jsp

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    https://tinyurl.com/ybnqkxtz


    The monograph demonstrates the readings and meanings of the epigraphs on the three pure tin ingots:
    ranku dhatu muh 'tin mineral ingot'

    ranku 'antelope', ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'
    muh 'face' rebus: muh 'ingot'
    dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    July 5, 2017


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    Mamata Banerjee's charges meant to emotionally blackmail people of Bengal, says Governor KN Tripathi

    TIMESOFINDIA.COM | Jul 5, 2017, 06.33 PM IST 

    NEW DELHI: West Bengal Governor Keshari Nath Tripathi on Wednesday once again strongly denied the allegations levelled by Mamata Banerjee and said the chief minister's charges "amount to insulting and humiliating the governor and his office."



    "Mamata Banerjee's allegations against me are baseless, they are meant only to emotionally blackmail the people of West Bengal," the governor said.


    "It will be better if Mamata and her colleagues work for better law and order instead of accusing the governor," he said.

    On Tuesday, Mamata had accused the governor of threatening and insulting her when the two spoke over the phone.


    The Raj Bhavan had issued a strong denial to the charges.
    (With inputs from PTI)
    http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/mamata-banerjee-emotionally-blackmailing-people-of-west-bengal-says-governor-kn-tripathi/articleshow/59458426.cms?utm_source=toimobile&utm_medium=Twitter&utm_campaign=referral

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    Basirhat riots: Mamata fulminates against Governor

    Is the Basirhat riot a reflection of Mamata's appeasement politics?

    Is the Basirhat riot a reflection of Mamata's appeasement politics?Basirhat fast becoming a reflection of a genie let out of the bottle
    West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s fulminations against Governor Kesrinath Tripathi for performing his constitutional duty and inquiring about the law and order situation in Basirhat town, has drawn national attention to the pathetic state of the Hindu community under her regime.
    Local people claim that the mobs were incited by radical Islamist clerics and that Basirhat, which lays on the border with Bangladesh, has seen massive demographic change on account of illegal migration.
    Trouble began on Monday, July 3, when a mob, allegedly outraged over a Facebook post by a school-going teenager, attacked a Kali Mandir in Paikpara village in Basirhat town. Though reputed to be a Hindu majority town (78 percent of the population), the rampaging minority community burnt temples, buildings, looted and burnt shops and private homes of Hindus, set police vehicles on fire, blocked roads and assaulted villagers with impunity. They proved so intimidating that the police had to take shelter in the police station, rather than control the mobs.
    The violence soon spread to Baduria town where the impugned teenager lived in village Rudrapur. Most of eastern North 24 Parganas district, close to the Bangladesh border, was quickly embroiled in the violent attacks, which encompassed Baduria, Tentulia, Golabari, Bagjora, Keosa, Basirhat, Mogra, Ramchandrapur, Gopalpur and other places.
    Trinamool Congress MPs Idris Ali and Imran Khan (founder of the banned Students Islamic Movement of India, SIMI) reportedly went to Basirhat, to placate the crowds, who refused to listen. Local people claim that the mobs were incited by radical Islamist clerics and that Basirhat, which lays on the border with Bangladesh, has seen massive demographic change on account of illegal migration.
    The Chief Minister, however, did not say one word about the riots, the victims, or the perpetrators, but singled out Governor Tripathi and Hindu Samhati leader Tapan Ghosh for criticism. Ghosh is a well-known human rights crusader who has struggled for years on a shoe-string budget (contributed by admirers of modest means) to provide succor to the besieged Hindu community under the oppressive regimes of the CPM-dominated Left Front and now Trinamool Congress.
    In the imbroglio, the last rites of a Hindu could not be performed as the funeral procession at Ramchandrapur was reputedly attacked and the chanting of ‘Hari Naam’ forcibly stopped by violent crowds.
    By Tuesday, July 4, according to eyewitness accounts, the police and even the Rapid Action Force became helpless before the organized rampage. In some places, the police were targetted, such as at Baduria Police Station, and many police vehicles were gutted. The overtly communal clashes continued at Tertulia bazar, Gopalpur, Mogra and other places. The Jagannath Rath at Basirhat Kalibari Para was desecrated and two accompanying police personnel injured. There was large scale destruction of Hindu property as Hindus tried to resist the attacks in some places.
    Internet services to the entire North 24 Parganas district were suspended on Tuesday to curb further incitement of crowds via WhatsApp and other services. Panicked citizens called the Raj Bhavan and Union Home Ministry for help, but the State Government initially refused to deploy the Central Reserve Police Force, until compelled by an unmanageable situation. It was only the deployment of paramilitary forces in substantial numbers that finally brought the situation under control, and caused the rampaging mobs to begin retreating.
    Seven persons have died in the violence so far. In the imbroglio, the last rites of a Hindu could not be performed as the funeral procession at Ramchandrapur was reputedly attacked and the chanting of ‘Hari Naam’ forcibly stopped by violent crowds. The hearse carrying the body was damaged and the bereaved family forced to carry the body on their shoulders. Ambulances ferrying patients to hospitals were stopped and the sick persons forced to get down. It was complete anarchy for nearly two days.
    Each mobster was fully aware that even the most permissive regime would not permit such a thing, but the demand was a demonstration of muscular politics.
    Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh has since spoken to both the West Bengal Governor and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and urged them to bring the situation under control.
    It may be mentioned that the authorities were quick to arrest the boy who allegedly posted the offensive message on Facebook (said to be a cartoon disparaging a shrine, which the boy subsequently deleted), but the enraged Islamists demanded that the offender be handed over to them to stone to death as per the Sharia.
    Each mobster was fully aware that even the most permissive regime would not permit such a thing, but the demand was a demonstration of muscular politics. According to some reports, the boy’s house was ransacked and torched and his parents, siblings, cousins and relatives assaulted.
    It is shocking that in such a situation of complete failure of authority, the Chief Minister considered it politically prudent to launch a verbal attack on the State Governor at a press conference, complaining that she felt so insulted that she thought of even resigning. This kind of attack on a constitutional functionary is truly astonishing.
    Worse, given her consistent failure to protect the Hindu community in incident after incident since the time she assumed office, and her blatant and brazen appeasement of one community to protect her vote-bank, it does not lay in her mouth to attack the office of the Governor when he is trying to provide succour to the besieged citizens of the State.
    Banerjee’s attack on Governor Tripathi is reminiscent of the all-India secular brigade’s attack on Jammu and Kashmir Governor Jagmohan when he tried desperately to protect the small Hindu minority which was attacked, assaulted, and terrorized to quit the state en masse, one of the largest exoduses in history, in a non-war situation. The situation of Bengali Hindus today is no less grim. Perhaps it would have been best if Mamata Banerjee had given in to her hurt feelings and resigned. The nation cannot afford to have her in office much longer.
    Sandhya Jain

    Sandhya Jain

    Sandhya Jain is a writer of political and contemporary affairs. A post graduate in Political Science from the University of Delhi, she is a student of the myriad facets of Indian civilisation. Her published works include Adi Deo Arya Devata. A Panoramic View of Tribal-Hindu Cultural Interface, Rupa, 2004; and Evangelical Intrusions. Tripura: A Case Study, Rupa, 2009. She has contributed to other publications, including a chapter on Jain Dharma in “Why I am a Believer: Personal Reflections on Nine World Religions,” ed. Arvind Sharma, Penguin India, 2009. https://www.pgurus.com/basirhat-riots-mamata-fulminates-governor/

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    Mirror: https://tinyurl.com/y8b39j49
    Further researches are needed to delineate the Ancient Maritime Tin Route mediated by ancient seafaring merchants and artisans of Sarasvati Civilization. There are intimations of contacts between Ancient India and Ancient Far East from ca. 4th millennium BCE with the discovery of bronze-age sites in Ancient Far East (pace Bon Chang and DongSon/Karen Bronze Drums). Remarkable evidence is provided by signifiers of Indus Script hieroglyphs on Ancient Far East artifacts.

    After Map 1: Map showing Khao Sam Kaeo on the east coast and the complex of Phu Khao Thong/Bang Kluai Nok on the west coast [Drawing by the Thai-French archaeological mission].in: "The development of coastal polities in the Upper Thai-Malay Peninsula" by Berenice Bellina et al (2014) in:  Before Siam: Essays in Art and Archaeology. (pp. 69-89). River Books http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1456831/  Mirror: 

    Apart from etched beads which echo Sarasvati Civilization lapidary work, there are 1) ornaments found in Khao Sam Kaeo which signify Indus Script hieroglyphs and 2) potsherd with Indus Script epigraph found in Phu Khao Thong. Indus Script hieroglyphs on the Khao Sam Kaeo ornaments are:

    kolmo'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'kole.l'temple, smithy, forge'
     Dotted circle S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) धवड (p. 436) [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron (Marathi).  Hence, the depiction of a single dotted circle, two dotted circles and three dotted circles (called trefoil) on the robe of the Purifier priest of Mohenjo-daro.

    Svastika + 6 dots sattva 'svastika' glyph Rebus: sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada) సత్తుతపెల a vessel made of pewter ज&above;स्ति&below; । त्रपुधातुविशेषनिर्मितम्  jasth जस्थ । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas जस्तस्), zinc, spelter; pewter. 

    baa 'six' rebus: bhaa'furnace' baa 'iron' 

    Round stone + rimless pot goṭā 'round pebble' rebus: goṭā 'laterite, ferrite ore' PLUS bhaa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaa 'furnace'



    Standard device (Lathe + Portable furnace) sangaḍa, 'lathe-brazier' rebus: sangara 'trade'

    Srivatsa ornament with a pair of fish-fins dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS 

    ayo 'fish' rebus:" aya 'metal, iron' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'; hence, ayo kammaṭa'iron mint'



    Epigraph on a potsherd of Phu Khao Thong. These are Indus Script hieroglyphs: Hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) kanac'corner' rebus: kancu'bronze'



     

    Excerpts from images: After Fig. 1, Hard stone ornament types of productions identified at Khao Sam Kaeo based on morpho-technological criteria [Photographs and drawing by Bérénice Bellina], Source: ibid..


    Source: Dr. Berenice Bellina of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France, excavations conducted by the Thai Fine Arts at Phu Khao Thong in Thailand in 2007.
    An anthropomorph reported by Curator Naman Ahuja. Image from  from The Art Newspaper






                                                                                                                   The remarkable artifact 30 cm tall, 2 kg., is said to have been found under the foundation of a home in Haryana. It was in display in Brussels and later in Delhi in September 2014.  


    Boar's head:  baḍhia = a castrated boar, a hog; rebus: baḍhi ‘a caste who work both in iron and wood’ baḍhoe‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria‘expert in working in wood’(Santali) বরাহ barāha'boar'Rebus: bāṛaï 'carpenter' (Bengali) bari 'merchant' barea'merchant' (Santali)

    Spread legs: mẽḍhā 'curved horn' meḍḍha 'ram' rebus: meḍ 'iron', meḍh 'metal merchant' karṇika 'spread legs' rebus: karṇika कर्णिक 'steersman'

    Young bull: kõda ‘young bull-calf’. Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’; kundana ‘fine gold’ (Kannada). कुन्द [p= 291,2] one of कुबेर's nine treasures (N. of a गुह्यक Gal. ) L. کار کند kār-kund (corrup. of P کار کن) adj. Adroit, clever, experienced. 2. A director, a manager; (Fem.) کار کنده kār-kundaʿh.  (Pashto)





    Description which appeared in The Art Newspaper reads: “The figure has a cast relief on its chest of a unicorn-like animal, similar to motifs found on seals of the Harappa culture, which thrived until around 1900 BCE.” 
    A clipped enlargement of the 'inscription' from the photograph of composite anthropomorph
     Rim-of-jar hieroglyph:  karNIka 'rim of jar' (Samskritam); kanka ‘rim of jar’ (Santali) Rebus:  karṇaka‘scribe’ (Skt.) karNI 'supercargo'. rebus: karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra 'helmsman'.


    Three Meluhha glosses denote three types of metal ingots:

    1. ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ]  Cast, mould, form (as of metal vessels, trinkets &c.) (Marathi)
    2. mũhe 'ingot' mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes.
    3. ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali)

    Based on the decipherment of Indus Scipt Corpora in Meluhha language (Proto-Prakritam of Indian sprachbund), it is suggested that 

    1. ḍhālako ingots were signified by the ox-hide shaped ingots
    2. mũhe ingots were signified by the cargo of cast metal out of a furnace
    3. ḍab ingots were smaller sized, bun-shaped ingots.

    The specification that the ingots were made of alloyed hard metal was signified by hieroglyphs which were shaped like a skeleton-backbone:

     Rebus-metonymy layered readings of these hieroglyphs are: 
    Hieroglyph: karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (Prakrit) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)




    Text 4589 points to the possibility that two distinct glosses are associated with two distinct hieroglyphs . Orthographically, Sign 47 may signify a 'skeleton' while Sign 48 may signify a 'backbone' or rib cage.

    Backbone, rib cage

    Sign 48. kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērā ʻmetal workerʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) Spine, rib-cage: A comparable glyptic representation is on a seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.” (I. Mahadevan, 'Murukan' in the Indus Script, The Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies, March 1999). B.B. Lal, 1960. From Megalithic to the Harappa: Tracing back the graffiti on pottery. Ancient India, No.16, pp. 4-24. 

    Sign 47: OAw. pāṁjara ʻcage, skeleton ʼ Rebus: pasra 'smithy'.

    Sign 48: 
    Alternative 1: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērā ʻmetal workerʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) 

    Alternative 2: Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (CDIAL 2670). Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy'

    Alternative 3: ḍokka bone; ciparta ḍokka rib. Go. ḍogor peṛeka backbone Rebus: Re<doGga>(F),,<DoGga>(B)  {N} ``^boat, dugout ^canoe''. P. ḍõgā m., °gī f., ḍõghā m., °ghī f. ʻ a deep boat ʼ

    khareḍo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati)


    <reRi>(B)  {N} ``^backbone, ^blade of axe, ^slab''.  Pl. <-le>; also <reRi siksaG> `backbone'; <reRi-saG> `id.'.  @B23090.  #32361.  <reDi>(F)  {NB} ``^spine''.  @N48.  #31761.



    Kh<burondi>(D)  {NI} ``^spine''.  


    Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ. *kaṇṭa3 ʻ backbone, podex, penis ʼ. 2. *kaṇḍa -- . 3. *karaṇḍa -- 4. (Cf. *kāṭa -- 2, *ḍākka -- 2: poss. same as káṇṭa -- 1] 1. Pa. piṭṭhi -- kaṇṭaka -- m. ʻ bone of the spine ʼ; Gy. eur. kanro m. ʻ penis ʼ (or < káṇṭaka -- ); Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ°ḍī ʻ back ʼ; P. kaṇḍ f. ʻ back, pubes ʼ; WPah. bhal. kaṇṭ f. ʻ syphilis ʼ; N. kaṇḍo ʻ buttock, rump, anus ʼ, kaṇḍeulo ʻ small of the back ʼ; B. kã̄ṭ ʻ clitoris ʼ; Or. kaṇṭi ʻ handle of a plough ʼ; H. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Si. äṭa -- kaṭuva ʻ bone ʼ, piṭa -- k° ʻ backbone ʼ. 2. Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) مرکنډئِي mar-kanḏḏaʿī, s.f. (6th) The throat, the windpipe, the gullet. 2. The end of the backbone where the neck joins. Sing. and Pl.(Pushto)
    This glyph could be a variant of the glyph (Sign 47) which occurs in the most frequent text sequence in inscriptions of Indus script corpora.
    Sign 47 may signify kaśēru rebus: metal worker. Sign 48 may signify भरत   bharata n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c

    baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi).
    भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.भरताचें भांडें (p. 603) [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें.भरती (p. 603) [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत. (Molesworth Marathi Dictionary).This gloss, bharata is denoted by the hieroglyphs: backbone, ox. 


    bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharataḷ = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead;bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bhaṭ, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit.)

    balad m. ʻox ʼ, gng. bald, (Ku.) barad, id. (Nepali. Tarai) Rebus: bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin (Punjabi)

    Seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.

    This pictorial motif gets normalized in Indus writing system as a hieroglyph sign: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) The hieroglyph ligature to convey the semantics of ‘bone’ and rebus reading is: ‘four short numeral strokes ligature’ |||| Numeral 4: gaṇḍa'four' Rebus: kaṇḍa'furnace, fire-altar' (Santali)

    kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988,  2989)Vikalpa: riṛ ‘ridge formed by the backbone’ (Santali); rebus: rīti ‘brass’ (Skt.) Vikalpa: bharaḍo ‘spine’; Rebus: bharan ‘to spread or bring out from a kiln’ (P.) baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)(P.B.) baraḍo = spine; backbone; the back; baraḍo thābaḍavo = lit. to strike on the backbone or back; hence, to encourage; baraḍo bhāre thato = lit. to have a painful backbone, i.e. to do something which will call for a severe beating (G.lex.)

    baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi).

    goṭi, ‘silver, laterite’ are denoted by goṭa, ‘seed’ hieroglyph.

    A pair of 'lozenges infixed with spots or notches' together with a skeleton-backbone hieroglyph:


    Text 5265  S. ḍ̠aḇo m. ʻ a kind of dot ʼ; P. ḍabb m. ʻ spot ʼ Rebus: ḍab 'small bun-shaped ingot'; dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' Thus, the pair signifies dul ḍ̠aḇ 'cast ingot'

    In the following examle, the orthography displays a 'spot' within the lozenge-shaped pair, reinforcing the semantics: dul ḍ̠aḇ 'cast ingot'
    .
    Copper tablet (H2000-4498/9889-01) with raised script found in Trench 43. Harappa. (Source: Slide 351. harappa.com) Eight such tablets have been found (HARP, 2005); these were recovered from circular platforms. This example of a uniquely scripted tablet with raised Indus script glyphs shows that copper tablets were also used in Harappa, while hundreds of copper tablets with indus script inscriptions were found in Mohenjo-daro. See also:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/11/decoding-longest-inscription-of-indus.html The copper tablet with raised script contains a 'backbone' glyph; decoding: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989)mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end (Santali). 


    Glyph (Middle glyph of the three-glyph inscription): Sign 48: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) L. awāṇ. kasērā ʻ metal worker ʼ, P. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ (both ← E with -- s -- ); N. kasero ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; Bi. H. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ. (CDIAL 2988) கசம்¹ kacam , n. cf. ayas. (அக. நி.) 1. Iron; இரும்பு. 2. Mineral fossil; தாதுப்பொருள் (Tamil) N. kasār ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; A. kãhār ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ; B. kã̄sāri ʻ pewterer, brazier, coppersmith ʼ, Or. kãsārī; H. kasārī m. ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; G.kãsārɔ, kas m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ; M. kã̄sār, kās m. ʻ worker in white metal ʼ, kāsārḍā m. ʻ contemptuous term for the same ʼ. (CDIAL 2989) 

    Other two glyphs of the copper tablets: 'rim-of-jar' + 'oval + inlaid 'short stroke'. kaṇḍa kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali); rebus: furnace scribe (account). kaṇḍa kanka may be a dimunitive form of *kan-khār ‘copper smith’ comparable to the cognate gloss: kaṉṉār ‘coppersmiths, blacksmiths’ (Tamil) If so, kaṇḍa kan-khār connotes: ‘copper-smith furnace.’kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar (Santali); kan ‘copper’ (Ta.) Glyph 'inlaid short stroke in oval' may connote an ingot. ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.)


    Thus the inscription of the copper tablet with inscription in raised script (bas relief) is decoded as: furnace account (scribe), maker of brass pots, (bronze) ingots: ḍhālako kasērā kaṇḍa kanka lit. ingot, brass worker, furnace account (scribe). A third glyph on these tablets is an oval (variant 'rhombus') sign -- like a metal ingot -- and is ligatured with an infixed sloping stroke: ḍhāḷiyum = adj. sloping, inclining (G.) The ligatured glyph is read rebus as: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.) 

    dula 'pair' (Kashmiri); rebus: dul 'cast (metal)'(Santali) 

    A pair of ḍhālako shown on the seal impression on a pot (Mohenjodaro. Text 2937) may connote dul ḍhālako ‘cast metal ingot’. 
    Harappa. Prism tablet. H94-2177/4999-01: Molded faience tablet, Period 3B/3C. Rebus reading:

    Two 'ingot' hieroglyphs: dul ḍ̠aḇ 'cast ingot'

    'Backbone' hieroglyph:karaṁḍa ʻbackboneʼ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy'

    'crocodile' hieroglyph: kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) Rebus: kāruvu 'artisan' (Telugu) khār 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

    'two' hieroglyph + 'rimless pot' hieroglyph: dula 'two' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' + baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: baTa 'furnace'. Thus metal-casting furnace.

    The text of the inscription on this prism tablet of Harappa includes the most frequently occurring three-sign sequence in the entire Indus Script Corpora is shown on a Harappa tablet reproduced below: 
    Rebus reading of the most frequently occurring three-sign sequence in the entire Indus Script Corpora:  karaṁḍa ʻbackboneʼ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' PLUS 

    kanka, karṇaka‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘accountscribe’. 
    kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) PLUS

    khareḍo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā ] m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus: 1. करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) 2. kharādī‘ turner’ (Gujarati) करड्याची अवटी  karaḍyācī avaṭī f An implement of the goldsmith. A stamp for forming the bars or raised lines called करडा. It is channeled or grooved with (or without) little cavities.  
    करडा karaḍā m The arrangement of bars or embossed lines (plain or fretted with little knobs) raised upon a तार of gold by pressing and driving it upon the अवटी or grooved stamp. Such तार is used for the ornament बुगडी, for the hilt of a पट्टा or other sword &c. Applied also to any similar barform or line-form arrangement (pectination) whether embossed or indented; as the edging of a rupee &c. (Marathi)

    This reading assumes that the 'currycomb' hieroglyph is an allograph for 'backbone' hieroglyph. An alternative reading is: G. kã̄gsī f. ʻcombʼRebus: kamsa 'bronze, bell-metal'.

    Other alternative readings:

    kaṅkaṭa -- 2 ʻ comb ʼ Rebus: Pk. kakkhaḍa -- , °khala -- ʻ rough ʼ; Ash. kakeṛäˊ ʻ hard                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           Allographs:            TS.Pa. kakkaṭa -- m. ʻ a large deer    kaṅkāla1 m.n. ʻ skeleton ʼ      kakkara. [Tel.] n. The demoiselle crane Anthropoides rirgo,    kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ      Kol. (Kin.) kakkare partridge         1083 Ta. kaṅkaṇam a waterfowl. Te. kaṅkaṇamu a large bustard with a red head. 

    1076 Ma. kakkaṭa dagger. Ka. kakkaḍe, karkaḍe a kind of weapon. / Cf. Skt. (lex.) karkaśa- sword. Alternative: Rebus: kaṅgu -- f. ʻ Panicum italicum ʼ 
    kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- . 1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109. 2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; K. k&ebrevdotdot;nzü f. ʻ clay or copper pot ʼ; A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ or < kāˊṁsya -- .(CDIAL 2576)   

    d.ha_l = a shield, a buckler; the grand flag of an army directing its march and encampments; the standard or banner of a chieftain; a flag flying on a fort (G.); rebus: d.ha_l.ako = large metal ingot 


    A Kalibangan potsherd contains the 'backbone' hieroglyph. This potsherd was used by BB Lal to indicate that the direction of writing of 'signs' was generally from right to left sequence:

           
    Rebus reading of incised Kalibangan potsherd: ayo 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron, metal' PLUS karaṁḍa ʻbackboneʼ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' PLUS kanka, karṇaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘accountscribe’. 

     kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) 
    Incised potsherd from Kalibangan. The overriding of the signs shows that the direction of writing was from right to left.

    B. B. Lal The Indus Script: Some Observations Based on Archaeology, The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No. 2 (1975), pp. 173-177 Published by: Cambridge University Press. URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25203657 The article provides archaeologically provenanced inscribed samples of writing and clay tablets with a seal impressions. 
    The gold pendant is made from a hollow cylinder with soldered ends and perforated point. Museum No. MM 1374.50.271; Marshall 1931: 521, pl. CLI, B3. [After Fig. 4.17a, b in: JM Kenoyer, 1998, p. 196]. A fish sign, preceded by seven short numeral strokes, also appears on a gold Golden pendant with inscription from jewelry hoard at Mohenjo-daro. Drawing of inscription that encircles the gold ornament. Needle-like pendant with cylindrical body. Two other examples, one with a different series of incised signs were found together. The pendant is made from a hollow cylinder with soldered ends and perforated point. Museum No. MM 1374.50.271; Marshall 1931: 521, pl. CLI, B3. [After Fig. 4.17a, b in: JM Kenoyer, 1998, p. 196].

    Decoding (rebus mleccha) of inscription on pendant

    kana, kanac = corner (Santali); kañcu = bronze (Te.) sal ‘splinter’; sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) 
    dāṭu ‘cross’ (Te.); dhātu = mineral (Skt.)
    Four + three strokes are read (since the strokes are shown on two lines one below the other) : gaṇḍa ‘four’ (Santali); rebus: ‘furnace, kaṇḍ fire-altar’; kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.) Vikalpa: ?ea ‘seven’ (Santali); rebus: ?eh-ku ‘steel’ (Te.)
    ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.); rebus: aya ‘metal’ (G.)

    Thus, the inscription is: kancu sal (bronze workshop), dhatu aya kaṇḍ kolami mineral, metal, furnace/fire-altar smithy.

    The inscription is a professional calling card -- describing professional competence and ownership of specified items of property -- of the wearer of the pendant.


    Examples of miniature tablets which are an expansion of the token shapes of ancient Near East may be seen with Indus writing on the following clusters of images. The writing deploys hieroglyphs. On one stream of evolution, the wedge-shape becomes a glyphic component of cuneiform writing; on another stream of evolution, the token-shapes get deployed with Indus writing. That this deployment is closely related to the bronze-age revolution of tin- and zinc-bronzes and other metal alloys has been demonstrated by the cipher using rebus readings of hieroglyphs with the underlying sounds of lexemes evidenced from lexemes of Indian sprachbund:

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center

    July 6, 2017

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    Ministry of Foreign Affairs

    Press Release

    In view of the many queries raised recently in the media regarding the Bhutan – China boundary in the Doklam area the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would like to convey the following:

    On 16th June 2017, the Chinese Army started constructing a motorable road from Dokola in the Doklam area towards the Bhutan Army camp at Zompelri.

    Boundary talks are ongoing between Bhutan and China and we have written agreements of 1988 and 1998 stating that the two sides agree to maintain peace and tranquility in their border areas pending a final settlement on the boundary question, and to maintain status quo on the boundary as before March 1959. The agreements also state that the two sides will refrain from taking unilateral action, or use of force, to change the status quo of the boundary.

    Bhutan has conveyed to the Chinese side, both on the ground and through the diplomatic channel, that the construction of the road inside Bhutanese territory is a direct violation of the agreements and affects the process of demarcating the boundary between our two countries. 

    Bhutan hopes that the status quo in the Doklam area will be maintained as before 16 June 2017.



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    Aryan Invasion May Have Transformed India's Bronze-Age Population

    Aryan Invasion May Have Transformed India's Bronze-Age Population By Tia Ghose, Senior Writer | July 6, 2017 07:38am ET
    Aryan Invasion May Have Transformed India's Bronze-Age Population
    Credit: Shutterstock
    An influx of men from the steppe of Central Asia may have swept into India around 3,500 years ago and transformed the population.
    The same mysterious people — ancient livestock herders called the Yamnaya who rode wheeled chariots and spoke a proto-Indo-European language — also moved across Europe more than 1,000 years earlier. Somehow, they left their genetic signature with most European men, but not women, earlier studies suggest.
    The new data confirm a long-held but controversial theory that Sanskrit, the ancient language of Northern India, emerged from an earlier language spoken by an influx of people from Central Asia during the Bronze Age. [24 Amazing Archaeological Discoveries]
    "People have been debating the arrival of the Indo-European languages in India for hundreds of years," said study co-author Martin Richards, an archaeogeneticist at the University of Huddersfield in England. "There's been a very long-running debate about whether the Indo-European languages were brought from migrations from outside, which is what most linguists would accept, or if they evolved indigenously."
    From the earliest days of colonial rule in India, linguists like William Jones and Jakob Grimm (who co-edited "Grimm's Fairy Tales") noticed that Sanskrit shared many similarities with languages as disparate as French, English, Farsi (or Persian) and Russian. Linguists eventually arrived at the conclusion that all these languages derived from a common ancestral language, which they dubbed Indo-European.
    But while North Indian languages are predominantly Indo-European, South Indian languages mostly belong to the Dravidian language family. To explain this, scholars proposed the so-called Aryan invasion theory — that a group of people from outside India swept in and brought a proto-Sanskrit language to northern India. (The name "Aryans" came from a Sanskrit word for "noble" or "honorable.") In the early 1900s, British archaeologist Mortimer Wheeler proposed that these Aryan people may have conquered, and caused the collapse of, the mysterious Indus Valley Civilization that flourished in what is now India and Pakistan.
    The Aryan migration theory eventually became controversial because it was used to justify claims of superiority for different Indian subgroups; was claimed as the basis for the caste system; and in a bastardized form, was incorporated into Nazi ideology that the Aryans were the "master race."
    What's more, earlier genetic data did not seem to corroborate the notion of a dramatic Aryan influx into India during the Bronze Age, according to a 2003 study published in the American Journal of Human Genetics.
    But past genetic analyses were based on either DNA from mitochondria, which is passed from mothers to daughters, or from genetic mutations found in nuclear DNA, which are inherited from both parents but can be difficult to date.
    In the current study, which was reported in March in the journal BMC Evolutionary Biology, Richards and colleagues analyzed modern genetic data from mitochondrial DNA, Y-chromosome DNA — which is passed only from father to son — and nuclear DNA. By tying all these pieces of data together, the team was able to tie patterns of migration to specific points in time.
    The team found evidence that people began colonizing India more than 50,000 years ago and that there were multiple waves of migration into India from the northwest over the last 20,000 years, including waves of people from Anatolia, the Caucasus and Iran between 9,000 and 5,000 years ago.
    But evidence for one migration was particularly striking: The genetic makeup of the Y chromosome dramatically shifted about 4,000 to 3,800 years ago, the study found. About 17.5 percent of Indian men carry a Y-chromosome subtype, or haplogroup, known as R1, with the haplogroup more dominant in men in the north compared to the south of India.
    This new finding points to an ancient group of people who inhabited the grassland between the Caspian and Black seas from about 5,000 to 2,300 years ago, known broadly as the Yamnaya people. The Yamnaya (and its later subgroup, the Andronovo culture) typically buried their dead in pit graves, drove wheeled horse chariots, herded livestock and spoke an early precursor Indo-European language. About 5,000 years ago, people from this culture almost completely transformed the genetic landscape of Europe, a 2015 Science study suggests.
    The genetic signature of the Yamnaya people shows up strongly in the male lineage, but hardly at all in the female lineage, the study found.
    One possibility is that a group of horse-riding warriors swept across India, murdered the men and raped or took local women as wives, but not all explanations are that martial, Richards said. For instance, it's possible that whole family units from the Yamnaya migrated to India, but that the men were either able to acquire (or started out with) higher status than local males and thus sired more children with local women, Richards said.
    "It's very easy for Y-chromosome composition to change very quickly," Richards told Live Science. "Just because individual men can have a lot more children than women can."
    The shift wasn't as dramatic as the genetic transformation of Europe; while up to 90 percent of European men from some countries carry a version of R1, only a minority of men from the Indian subcontinent do, Richards said.
    "It's not like a complete wipeout by any means," Richards said.
    The study has a limitation: Because the very hot conditions in India don't preserve DNA well, the group lacks ancient DNA to prove that ancient migrants to the region carried the R1 haplogroup, said James Mallory, an archaeologist at Queen's University Belfast in Ireland, who was not involved in the study.
    "They're trying to read the history of a people through its modern DNA," Mallory told Live Science. In the past, similarly well-grounded theories have been disproven once people sampled ancient skeletal remains, Mallory added.
    The other problem is that there is very little archaeological evidence for a dramatic cultural transformation in India at that time, he added. The Andronovo left behind distinctive artifacts and evidence of their culture in other places, such as their pit burials and unique pottery.
    But in India, "We do not really find evidence for these particular cultures," Mallory said.
    On the other hand, population studies of the Irish have revealed almost 90 percent of men carry an R1 haplogroup, and yet there's also very little archaeological evidence of a cultural transformation consistent with huge population turnover, he added. So it may simply be that genetics are revealing a lost history of people in the area.
    "The genetics are continually giving archaeologists surprises," Mallory said.
    Originally published on Live Science.
    https://www.livescience.com/59703-north-india-populated-by-central-asian-invaders.html

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    Further researches are needed to delineate the Ancient Maritime Tin Route mediated by ancient seafaring merchants and artisans of Sarasvati Civilization. There are intimations of contacts between Ancient India and Ancient Far East from ca. 4th millennium BCE with the discovery of bronze-age sites in Ancient Far East (pace Bon Chang and DongSon/Karen Bronze Drums). Remarkable evidence is provided by signifiers of Indus Script hieroglyphs on Ancient Far East artifacts.
     
    After Map 1: Map showing Khao Sam Kaeo on the east coast and the complex of Phu Khao Thong/Bang Kluai Nok on the west coast [Drawing by the Thai-French archaeological mission].in: "The development of coastal polities in the Upper Thai-Malay Peninsula" by Berenice Bellina et al (2014) in:  Before Siam: Essays in Art and Archaeology. (pp. 69-89). River Books http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1456831/  Mirror: 
     
    Apart from etched beads which echo Sarasvati Civilization lapidary work, there are 1) ornaments found in Khao Sam Kaeo which signify Indus Script hieroglyphs and 2) potsherd with Indus Script epigraph found in Phu Khao Thong. Indus Script hieroglyphs on the Khao Sam Kaeo ornaments are:

    Inline image
    Inline image
    Inline image

    Source: Dr. Berenice Bellina of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France, excavations conducted by the Thai Fine Arts at Phu Khao Thong in Thailand in 2007.
    An anthropomorph reported by Curator Naman Ahuja. Image from  from The Art Newspaper

    The remarkable artifact 30 cm tall, 2 kg., is said to have been found under the foundation of a home in Haryana. It was in display in Brussels and later in Delhi in September 2014.


    Description which appeared in The Art Newspaper reads: “The figure has a cast relief on its chest of a unicorn-like animal, similar to motifs found on seals of the Harappa culture, which thrived until around 1900 BCE.” 
    A clipped enlargement of the 'inscription' from the photograph of composite anthropomorph


    Hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi)




    Three Meluhha glosses denote three types of metal ingots:

    1. ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ]  Cast, mould, form (as of metal vessels, trinkets &c.) (Marathi)
    2. mũhe 'ingot' mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes.
    3. ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali)

    Based on the decipherment of Indus Scipt Corpora in Meluhha language (Proto-Prakritam of Indian sprachbund), it is suggested that 

    1. ḍhālako ingots were signified by the ox-hide shaped ingots
    2. mũhe ingots were signified by the cargo of cast metal out of a furnace
    3. ḍab ingots were smaller sized, bun-shaped ingots.

    The specification that the ingots were made of alloyed hard metal was signified by hieroglyphs which were shaped like a skeleton-backbone:

     Rebus-metonymy layered readings of these hieroglyphs are: 
    Hieroglyph: karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (Prakrit) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)




    Text 4589 points to the possibility that two distinct glosses are associated with two distinct hieroglyphs . Orthographically, Sign 47 may signify a 'skeleton' while Sign 48 may signify a 'backbone' or rib cage.

    Backbone, rib cage

    Sign 48. kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērā ʻmetal workerʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) Spine, rib-cage: A comparable glyptic representation is on a seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.” (I. Mahadevan, 'Murukan' in the Indus Script, The Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies, March 1999). B.B. Lal, 1960. From Megalithic to the Harappa: Tracing back the graffiti on pottery. Ancient India, No.16, pp. 4-24. 

    Sign 47: OAw. pāṁjara ʻcage, skeleton ʼ Rebus: pasra 'smithy'.

    Sign 48: 
    Alternative 1: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērā ʻmetal workerʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) 

    Alternative 2: Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (CDIAL 2670). Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy'

    Alternative 3: ḍokka bone; ciparta ḍokka rib. Go. ḍogor peṛeka backbone Rebus: Re<doGga>(F),,<DoGga>(B)  {N} ``^boat, dugout ^canoe''. P. ḍõgā m., 
    °gī f., ḍõghā m., °ghī f. ʻ a deep boat ʼ

    khareḍo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati)


    <reRi>(B)  {N} ``^backbone, ^blade of axe, ^slab''.  Pl. <-le>; also <reRi siksaG> `backbone'; <reRi-saG> `id.'.  @B23090.  #32361.  <reDi>(F)  {NB} ``^spine''.  @N48.  #31761.



    Kh<burondi>(D)  {NI} ``^spine''.  


    Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ. *kaṇṭa3 ʻ backbone, podex, penis ʼ. 2. *kaṇḍa -- . 3. *karaṇḍa -- 4. (Cf. *kāṭa -- 2, *ḍākka -- 2: poss. same as káṇṭa -- 1] 1. Pa. piṭṭhi -- kaṇṭaka -- m. ʻ bone of the spine ʼ; Gy. eur. kanro m. ʻ penis ʼ (or < káṇṭaka -- ); Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ°ḍī ʻ back ʼ; P. kaṇḍ f. ʻ back, pubes ʼ; WPah. bhal. kaṇṭ f. ʻ syphilis ʼ; N. kaṇḍo ʻ buttock, rump, anus ʼ, kaṇḍeulo ʻ small of the back ʼ; B. kã̄ṭ ʻ clitoris ʼ; Or. kaṇṭi ʻ handle of a plough ʼ; H. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Si. äṭa -- kaṭuva ʻ bone ʼ, piṭa -- k° ʻ backbone ʼ. 2. Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) مرکنډئِي mar-kanḏḏaʿī, s.f. (6th) The throat, the windpipe, the gullet. 2. The end of the backbone where the neck joins. Sing. and Pl.(Pushto)
    This glyph could be a variant of the glyph (Sign 47) which occurs in the most frequent text sequence in inscriptions of Indus script corpora.
    Sign 47 may signify kaśēru rebus: metal worker. Sign 48 may signify भरत   bharata n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c

    baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi).
    भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.भरताचें भांडें (p. 603) [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें.भरती (p. 603) [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत. (Molesworth Marathi Dictionary).This gloss, bharata is denoted by the hieroglyphs: backbone, ox. 


    bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharataḷ = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead;bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bhaṭ, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit.)

    balad m. ʻox ʼ, gng. bald, (Ku.) barad, id. (Nepali. Tarai) Rebus: bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin (Punjabi)

    Seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.

    This pictorial motif gets normalized in Indus writing system as a hieroglyph sign: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) The hieroglyph ligature to convey the semantics of ‘bone’ and rebus reading is: ‘four short numeral strokes ligature’ |||| Numeral 4: gaṇḍa'four' Rebus: kaṇḍa'furnace, fire-altar' (Santali)

    kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988,  2989)Vikalpa: riṛ ‘ridge formed by the backbone’ (Santali); rebus: rīti ‘brass’ (Skt.) Vikalpa: bharaḍo ‘spine’; Rebus: bharan ‘to spread or bring out from a kiln’ (P.) baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)(P.B.) baraḍo = spine; backbone; the back; baraḍo thābaḍavo = lit. to strike on the backbone or back; hence, to encourage; baraḍo bhāre thato = lit. to have a painful backbone, i.e. to do something which will call for a severe beating (G.lex.)

    baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi).

    goṭi, ‘silver, laterite’ are denoted by goṭa, ‘seed’ hieroglyph.

    A pair of 'lozenges infixed with spots or notches' together with a skeleton-backbone hieroglyph:


    Text 5265  S. ḍ̠aḇo m. ʻ a kind of dot ʼ; P. ḍabb m. ʻ spot ʼ Rebus: ḍab 'small bun-shaped ingot'; dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' Thus, the pair signifies dul ḍ̠aḇ 'cast ingot'

    In the following examle, the orthography displays a 'spot' within the lozenge-shaped pair, reinforcing the semantics: dul ḍ̠aḇ 'cast ingot'
    .
    Copper tablet (H2000-4498/9889-01) with raised script found in Trench 43. Harappa. (Source: Slide 351. harappa.com) Eight such tablets have been found (HARP, 2005); these were recovered from circular platforms. This example of a uniquely scripted tablet with raised Indus script glyphs shows that copper tablets were also used in Harappa, while hundreds of copper tablets with indus script inscriptions were found in Mohenjo-daro. See also:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/11/decoding-longest-inscription-of-indus.html The copper tablet with raised script contains a 'backbone' glyph; decoding: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989)mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end (Santali). 


    Glyph (Middle glyph of the three-glyph inscription): Sign 48: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) L. awāṇ. kasērā ʻ metal worker ʼ, P. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ (both ← E with -- s -- ); N. kasero ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; Bi. H. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ. (CDIAL 2988) கசம்¹ kacam , n. cf. ayas. (அக. நி.) 1. Iron; இரும்பு. 2. Mineral fossil; தாதுப்பொருள் (Tamil) N. kasār ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; A. kãhār ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ; B. kã̄sāri ʻ pewterer, brazier, coppersmith ʼ, Or. kãsārī; H. kasārī m. ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; G.kãsārɔ, kas m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ; M. kã̄sār, kās m. ʻ worker in white metal ʼ, kāsārḍā m. ʻ contemptuous term for the same ʼ. (CDIAL 2989)


    Other two glyphs of the copper tablets: 'rim-of-jar' + 'oval + inlaid 'short stroke'. kaṇḍa kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali); rebus: furnace scribe (account). kaṇḍa kanka may be a dimunitive form of *kan-khār ‘copper smith’ comparable to the cognate gloss: kaṉṉār ‘coppersmiths, blacksmiths’ (Tamil) If so, kaṇḍa kan-khār connotes: ‘copper-smith furnace.’kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar (Santali); kan ‘copper’ (Ta.) Glyph 'inlaid short stroke in oval' may connote an ingot. ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.)


    Thus the inscription of the copper tablet with inscription in raised script (bas relief) is decoded as: furnace account (scribe), maker of brass pots, (bronze) ingots: ḍhālako kasērā kaṇḍa kanka lit. ingot, brass worker, furnace account (scribe). A third glyph on these tablets is an oval (variant 'rhombus') sign -- like a metal ingot -- and is ligatured with an infixed sloping stroke: ḍhāḷiyum = adj. sloping, inclining (G.) The ligatured glyph is read rebus as: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.)


    dula 'pair' (Kashmiri); rebus: dul 'cast (metal)'(Santali)


    A pair of ḍhālako shown on the seal impression on a pot (Mohenjodaro. Text 2937) may connote dul ḍhālako ‘cast metal ingot’. 


    Harappa. Prism tablet. H94-2177/4999-01: Molded faience tablet, Period 3B/3C. Rebus reading:

    Two 'ingot' hieroglyphs: dul ḍ̠aḇ 'cast ingot'

    'Backbone' hieroglyph:karaṁḍa ʻbackboneʼ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy'

    'crocodile' hieroglyph: kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) Rebus: kāruvu 'artisan' (Telugu) khār 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

    'two' hieroglyph + 'rimless pot' hieroglyph: dula 'two' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' + baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: baTa 'furnace'. Thus metal-casting furnace.

    The text of the inscription on this prism tablet of Harappa includes the most frequently occurring three-sign sequence in the entire Indus Script Corpora is shown on a Harappa tablet reproduced below: 
    Rebus reading of the most frequently occurring three-sign sequence in the entire Indus Script Corpora:  karaṁḍa ʻbackboneʼ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' PLUS 

    kanka, karṇaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘accountscribe’. 
    kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) PLUS

    khareḍo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā ] m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus: 1. करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) 2. kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati)

    This reading assumes that the 'currycomb' hieroglyph is an allograph for 'backbone' hieroglyph. An alternative reading is: G. kã̄gsī f. ʻcombʼRebus: kamsa 'bronze, bell-metal'.

    Other alternative readings:

    kaṅkaṭa -- 2 ʻ comb ʼ Rebus: Pk. kakkhaḍa -- , °khala -- ʻ rough ʼ; Ash. kakeṛäˊ ʻ hard                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           Allographs:            TS.Pa. kakkaṭa -- m. ʻ a large deer    kaṅkāla1 m.n. ʻ skeleton ʼ      kakkara. [Tel.] n. The demoiselle crane Anthropoides rirgo,    kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ      Kol. (Kin.) kakkare partridge         1083 Ta. kaṅkaṇam a waterfowl. Te. kaṅkaṇamu a large bustard with a red head. 

    1076 Ma. kakkaṭa dagger. Ka. kakkaḍe, karkaḍe a kind of weapon. / Cf. Skt. (lex.) karkaśa- sword. Alternative: Rebus: kaṅgu -- f. ʻ Panicum italicum ʼ 
    kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- . 1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109. 2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; K. k&ebrevdotdot;nzü f. ʻ clay or copper pot ʼ; A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ or < kāˊṁsya -- .(CDIAL 2576)   

    d.ha_l = a shield, a buckler; the grand flag of an army directing its march and encampments; the standard or banner of a chieftain; a flag flying on a fort (G.); rebus: d.ha_l.ako = large metal ingot 


    A Kalibangan potsherd contains the 'backbone' hieroglyph. This potsherd was used by BB Lal to indicate that the direction of writing of 'signs' was generally from right to left sequence:

             
    Rebus reading of incised Kalibangan potsherd: ayo 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron, metal' PLUS karaṁḍa ʻbackboneʼ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' PLUS kanka, karṇaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘accountscribe’. 

     kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) 
    Incised potsherd from Kalibangan. The overriding of the signs shows that the direction of writing was from right to left.

    B. B. Lal The Indus Script: Some Observations Based on Archaeology, The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No. 2 (1975), pp. 173-177 Published by: Cambridge University Press. URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25203657 The article provides archaeologically provenanced inscribed samples of writing and clay tablets with a seal impressions. 
    The gold pendant is made from a hollow cylinder with soldered ends and perforated point. Museum No. MM 1374.50.271; Marshall 1931: 521, pl. CLI, B3. [After Fig. 4.17a, b in: JM Kenoyer, 1998, p. 196]. A fish sign, preceded by seven short numeral strokes, also appears on a gold Golden pendant with inscription from jewelry hoard at Mohenjo-daro. Drawing of inscription that encircles the gold ornament. Needle-like pendant with cylindrical body. Two other examples, one with a different series of incised signs were found together. The pendant is made from a hollow cylinder with soldered ends and perforated point. Museum No. MM 1374.50.271; Marshall 1931: 521, pl. CLI, B3. [After Fig. 4.17a, b in: JM Kenoyer, 1998, p. 196].

    Decoding (rebus mleccha) of inscription on pendant


    kana, kanac = corner (Santali); kañcu = bronze (Te.) sal ‘splinter’; sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) 
    dāṭu ‘cross’ (Te.); dhātu = mineral (Skt.)
    Four + three strokes are read (since the strokes are shown on two lines one below the other) : gaṇḍa ‘four’ (Santali); rebus: ‘furnace, kaṇḍ fire-altar’; kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.) Vikalpa: ?ea ‘seven’ (Santali); rebus: ?eh-ku ‘steel’ (Te.)
    ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.); rebus: aya ‘metal’ (G.)

    Thus, the inscription is: kancu sal (bronze workshop), dhatu aya kaṇḍ kolami mineral, metal, furnace/fire-altar smithy.

    The inscription is a professional calling card -- describing professional competence and ownership of specified items of property -- of the wearer of the pendant.


    Examples of miniature tablets which are an expansion of the token shapes of ancient Near East may be seen with Indus writing on the following clusters of images. The writing deploys hieroglyphs. On one stream of evolution, the wedge-shape becomes a glyphic component of cuneiform writing; on another stream of evolution, the token-shapes get deployed with Indus writing. That this deployment is closely related to the bronze-age revolution of tin- and zinc-bronzes and other metal alloys has been demonstrated by the cipher using rebus readings of hieroglyphs with the underlying sounds of lexemes evidenced from lexemes of Indian sprachbund:



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    Pre-Angkor statue discovered in Takeo
    Khmer Times, Mom Kunthear, Friday 23 June 2017
     
    An ancient statue made before the Angkor era was discovered on Wednesday in Takeo province’s Borei Chulsar district as a woman was excavating land to build a home, police said yesterday.
    District police chief Khuth Khin said the woman, Chea Phoeun, 38, was excavating land in Kok Por commune when she discovered the ancient statue. 
    “The villager who is the land owner saw the hand of the statue appear from the ground,” he said. “She cleaned it and is using it to pray for happiness.” 
    Mr Khin said villagers notified police of the discovery, who then contacted the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts to secure the statue for safekeeping in a museum. 
    But Ms Phoeun is attempting to negotiate a finder’s fee before parting with the discovery, Mr Khin added. 
    “Provincial culture and fine arts officials requested that she allow them to keep the statue in a museum, but she asked them to first build her a new home,” he said, noting the ministry could not afford to do so. 
    “She did not refuse to part ways with it, but her demand is too high, and so maybe we can give her some money as encouragement,” said Mr Khin, adding the woman could not be forced to give up possession of the statue.  
    Prom Sokunthea, director of the provincial culture and fine arts department, could not be reached for comment. Ms Phoeun also could not be reached. According to the local news reports, Ms Phoeun made the discovery after having a dream in which a woman told her she needed her help wrenching an artefact from the ground. 
    Last update 16:52 | 28/06/2016



                              Dong Son-era bronze casting moulds found in Yen Bai
    Axe- and chisel-shaped moulds made of stone dating back to the Dong Son civilisation (about 2,000 – 3,000 years ago) have been discovered in the northern mountainous province of Yen Bai.

    Dong Son-era bronze casting moulds found in Yen Bai province, entertainment events, entertainment news, entertainment activities, what’s on, Vietnam culture, Vietnam tradition, vn news, Vietnam beauty, news Vietnam, Vietnam news, Vietnam net news, vietnam 
    The axe- and chisel-shaped moulds discovered in Yen Bai province.

    The axe-shaped mould is 8.1cm long, 5.1cm wide and 2cm thick, and weighs 120 grammes. Meanwhile, the chisel-shaped one is 11.2cm long, 5.6cm wide and 3.2cm thick, and weighs 360 grammes. 

    The two stone moulds are being kept at the provincial museum, according to the museum’s Deputy Director Ly Kim Khoa. 

    He said in early March this year, a farmer found two stone objects with unusual carvings at an eroded section on the Hong (Red) riverbank in Dong An commune, Yen Bai’s Van Yen district. The farmer sent the objects to the museum for examination. 

    Experts of the museum and the Vietnam Institute of Archaeology initially concluded that the stone items are moulds for casting bronze axes and chisels dating back to the Dong Son civilisation. 

    The Red River’s section traversing Yen Bai is more than 115km long. Thousands of artefacts dating back to the Dong Son era have been discovered there since the ‘60s of the 20th century due to river bank erosion and agricultural activities. They include bronze jars, bronze drums, farm tools, utensils, weapons and jewellery. 


    The Dong Son civilisation got its name from Dong Son village on the bank of the Ma River in the central province of Thanh Hoa, where a number of bronze drums were discovered in 1924, marking the first evidence of the civilisation's existence.
    VNA

    Digging for where the gods were constructed
    The West Mebon Vishnu in the National Museum. Photo supplied
    The West Mebon Vishnu in the National Museum. Photo supplied

    Digging for where the gods were constructed

    One of the most famous bronze sculptures found at Angkor is the West Mebon Vishnu. Dating to the 11th century, the piece now at Phnom Penh’s National Museum is merely a fragment – albeit a car-sized one – of the top half of a reclining Vishnu.
    Archaeologists estimate the four-armed Hindu deity’s original length at six metres, which makes it comparable to the largest bronzes in the region. Ancient artists would have spent months slaving over it. Yet where Angkorian bronze makers would have spent those months in toil has long puzzled researchers – until now. 
    The discovery of a sprawling bronze workshop found adjacent to the ancient Royal Palace of Angkor has gone a long way in solving the riddle. The significance of the site was first revealed during a dig in 2012, but the first-ever comprehensive report was published late last month in the 100th edition of the Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient (BEFEO), a journal that has reported the major archaeological finds of Angkor since 1901.  
    The workshop was found by chance. Martin Polkinghorne – who co-authored the report – and a team from the APSARA National Authority and École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO) were there excavating what they believed was a stone workshop, a site originally found in 1926 by EFEO conservator Henri Marchal.
    They collected evidence of stone-making, but they found other things too: half-finished bronze sculptures, hefty furnaces, fragments of unused metal and weighty crucibles that could hold up to two litres of molten bronze.
    A large crucible once used to hold molten alloy found at the workshop site. Photo supplied
    A large crucible once used to hold molten alloy found at the workshop site. Photo supplied
    Later, carbon dating would reveal that the workshop was likely in use from the 11th to the 12th century, the pinnacle of Angkorian civilisation under the reign of Jayavarman VII, the famed god-king who oversaw the construction of the Bayon among other edifices.
    “We’ve demonstrated that there is a centralised workshop with very large-scale production,” said Polkinghorne this week over the phone from Adelaide, Australia, where he teaches at Flinders University. “It was a great find. We were really excited.”
    The reason the workshop’s discovery is so important, Polkinghorne said, is that it turns previously held assumptions about Angkorian bronze work on their head.
    The prevailing idea before was that “sculptures were created on the site where they were to be installed or venerated”, he said.
    This workshop near Angkor Thom, which the team estimates could be as long as a kilometre, suggests that the fabrication, or at least a large percentage of it, was centralised and industrial. Angkor’s masterpieces were ordered for takeaway. 
    Bronze statues were highly valued in Angkorian times, Polkinghorne said. Copper and tin, materials used to make bronze, were rare and valuable.
    Often the statues were gilded with gold. Despite the expense, such sculptures were found all over the region, including as far as Sri Lanka.
    Cambodian archaeologists toil at the workshop site where their forefathers also toiled, with bronze, fire and hammers. Photo supplied
    Cambodian archaeologists toil at the workshop site where their forefathers also toiled, with bronze, fire and hammers. Photo supplied
    One 12th century inscription known as the Preah Khan references 20,400 statues of bronze, silver and gold across Angkor, which at its peak stretched into Thailand and Laos.
    The workshop discovery revealed something else that was previously unknown. Its close proximity to Angkor Thom, the seat of royal power at Angkor, tells archaeologists that the artistry was likely overseen by Angkorian elites. 
    “The kings were investing huge resources into these statues,” said Polkinghorne. 
    The statues had a double meaning. They reminded Angkorians of the awesome power of the gods but also of the more immediate authority of the king, he said. 
    “Primarily, sculptures are important because they have power to restore and also communicate legitimacy,” Polkinghorne explained. 
    “Artistic skill is a coveted and almost highly secret skillset that the king is tapping,” he continued. “He’s using that knowledge to legitimise himself.” 
    Alison Carter, an honorary associate at the University of Sydney and a visiting assistant professor at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, called the bronze workshop “a significant find”.
    Carter, whose excavation at Angkor last year focused on the lives of ordinary Angkorians, praised the project for revealing more about the nitty-gritty of the ancient empire, details of which archaeology remains largely in the dark about. 
    Piece of a leaded bronze 15.5cm statue found at the Angkor Thom Royal Palace dating to the late 12th/early 13th century. Photo supplied
    Piece of a leaded bronze 15.5cm statue found at the Angkor Thom Royal Palace dating to the late 12th/early 13th century. Photo supplied
    “These [statues] were made by real people and Martin’s work is helping us understand how these objects were crafted,” she said via email.  
    It was a sentiment echoed by Polkinghorne. “We’ve kind of outlined the bigger picture of Angkor, but now we’re looking at the more minute details, how things were made,” he said.
    To that end, Polkinghorne described the method of bronze-making likely used at the workshop.
    The method, known as lost-wax casting, involved using a wax model of the sculpture that the artist would cover in a clay mould. The wax would then be melted out and filled with a molten alloy for molding. The method was used in China, India and Europe as well, but “there’s no question that the Angkorians mastered it”, Polkinghorne said. 
    Many questions still remain unanswered. The exact boundaries of the workshop are yet to be determined, and there may be more like it. As to the source of the metals that supplied the bronze-making process, archaeologists are not certain about that either.
    There are no significant ore or metal deposits known in present-day Cambodia, according to the BEFEO paper, which speculates that the metals were likely obtained through trade. Further excavations at the site are in the works, Polkinghorne said, but still we might never know all the answers. 
    As a self-doubting Henri Marchal lamented after revisiting the potential workshop site in 1934: “Forever these same old assumptions, for which it is impossible to prove either their truth or falsehood.”


    12th century Bronze Workshop found in Cambodia
    12th Century Bronze Workshop Found in Cambodia
    David De Mar, March 15, 2016

    Equipment discovered include largee furnaces for smelting bronze, crucibles capable of holding up to two liters of the molten metal at a time, scraps of unused bronze and sculptures that had been left in several states of completion...More than 20,000 gold, silver, and bronze statues would have been spread across these territories (Cambodia, Laos and Thailans), according to the Preah Khan, a twelfth century Angkorian inscription.

    Carving at the Capital: A stone workshop at Hariharālaya, Angkor

    Article · January 2015
    Abstract
    This edition of BEFEO is currently not open access. See http://www.efeo.fr/base.php?code=643 for more details. Between the 9th and 15th centuries CE the builders and artisans of Angkor and its territories furnished their landscapes with thousands of temples and tens of thousands of sacred sculptures, yet the operational behaviour of these craft specialists is little known. This article presents the results of excavations and materials analysis from a centre of sandstone production for the classic period Angkorian city of Hariharālaya and appraises the procurement of raw materials, manufacturing methods, and sites of production for the makers of temples and sculptures. A production site associated with the temple of Bakong was identified by surface remains of sandstone debitage and unfinished sculptures. Excavation revealed a 9th-century building associated with large-scale sandstone waste deposits and another phase of sculpture production in the 12th and 13th centuries. A study of sandstone characterisation was applied to in situ production waste, unfinished sculptures from the workshop, and on completed works. Comparison of samples from the workshop and associated temples with sculptures from Cambodian and international collections suggest the site was likely used as a dump for construction of nearby temples and later to produce images of the gods destined for veneration. Moreover, the workshop was part of a network of craft specialists who sourced many thousands of tons of specific sandstone across the Angkorian landscape.
    Bulletin de l’Ecole Francaise d’Extreme-Orient (BEFEO) Martin Polkinghorne, Flinders University, Adelaide Martin POLKINGHORNE, Janet G. DOUGLAS & Federico CARO Carving at the Capital: A stone workshop at Hariharālaya, Angkor BEFEO, 101 (2015)




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    Aurangzeb Khan & Carsten Lemmen (2014) see key mirroring of Harappan technologies of baked bricks, weights, seals, writing, shell ornaments, in social relations:

    As the decipherment of Indus Script unfolds, all the aspects of social relations mirrored can be explained. The entire Corpora of Indus Script now with over 8000 inscriptions are wealth accounting ledgers of metalwork. Seals and writing are merely documenting techniques to record this wealth realized through metalwork smelting and production of metal artifacts and trade across Eurasia by seafaring merchants of Meluhha.

    Now, the Itihāsa of the people of Sarasvati-Sindhu river valleys can be re-told: it is a civilizational progress recorded by artisans and merchants of the Bronze Age experimenting with new metal alloys and a variety of minerals. The key in the transition to urbanism was the Ancient Maritime Tin ROute which facilitated the transfer of tin resources from the largest tin belt of the globe in Ancient Far East through the intermediation of Meluhha merchants and seafaring artisans transacting the resources from Hanoi (Vietnam) to Haifa (Israel). A major component, an economic factor of production during the Tin-Bronze Revolution was the organization of artisan and merchant guilds evidenced in Indus Script Corpora. 

    Guild or śreṇi organization as a factor of production, complemented the other factors of economic activity: land (domestication of maize, cotton), labour (skills) and capital (realized through trade exchanges). This framework explains why in 1CE, Bhāratam accounted for 33% of the world Gross Domestic Product (GDP)(pace Angus Maddison):

    The decipherment also puts to rest fanciful theories of Aryan migration or fecund implantation of genes from Europeans, reinforces the cultural Vedic continuum and the reality of Indian sprachbund (language union) which explains the formation and evolution of the lingua franca the spoken forms of dialects and languages of Bhāratam from 7th millennium BCE. 

    Scientists engaged in archaeo-genetics have to revisit their understanding of peopling of Eurasia in the context of the reality documented in Indus Script Corpora as metalwork wealth accounting ledger entries of the Tin-Bronze Age Revolution.

    Kalyanaraman


    Aurangzeb Khan and Carsten Lemmen

    Helmholtz-Zentrum Geesthacht, Institute of Coastal Research, Germany

    Conclusion


    We provide here a novel integrative view of Indus Civilization site distribution, its urban-rural contrast, and the dynamics of brick usage and urban size to find new points of departure for interpreting its decline. We find that despite a large geographic change of the site distribution, the number of sites and—to first approximation—population does not change much between the Early, Mature, and Late Harappan phases. Urban area and baked bricks, however, change dramatically in the material culture, as do their social counterparts administration, elite structure, and religion. By concentrating on the cities, we point to primarily social reasons as a starting point for further investigations on the decline.


    Abstract


    The Indus Civilization, often denoted by its major city Harappa, spanned almost two millennia from 3200 to 1300 BCE. Its tradition reaches back to 7000 BC: a 5000 year long expansion of villages and towns, of trading activity,and of technological advancements culminates between 2600 and 1900 BCE in the build-up of large cities, writing, and political authority; it emerges as one of the first great civilizations in history. During the ensuing 600 years, however, key technologies fall out of use, urban centers are depopulated, and people emigrate from former core settlement areas.Although many different hypotheses have been put forward to explain this deurbanization, a conclusive causal chain hasnot yet been established. We here combine literature estimates on brick typology, and on urban area for individual cities. In the context of the existing extensive data on Harappan artifact find sites and put in their chronological context, thecombined narratives told by bricks, cities, and spatial extent can provide a new point of departure for discussing the possible reasons for the mysterious “decline”

    Corresponding author. Helmholtz-Zentrum Geesthacht, Max-Planck-Straße 1, 21502 Geesthacht, Germany. Tel.: +49 4152 87-1521,Fax.: +49 4152 87-2020, Email.: carsten.lemmen@hzg.de


    Figure 2: Spatial and temporal distribution of find sites of the Indus Cultural Tradition [7] . Sites with baked brick usage are highlighted with large square symbols with the chronology from from Table S1 Local chronologies used in the study. 


    Figure 1: Spatial extent of the Indus Civilization in the Mature and Late Harappan phases with urban centers and villages mentioned in the text: 1 Kalibangan, 2 Rakhigarhi, 3 Banawali, 4 Rehman Dheri, 5 Naru Waro Dharo, 6 Amri, 7 Harappa, 8 Rana Ghundai, 9 Jalilpur, 10 Sur Jangal, 11 Gumla, 12 Lothal, 13 Mohenjodaro, 14 Lakhueenjodaro, 15 Chanhudaro, 16 Bhagwanpura, 17 Damb Sadat, 18 Nindowari, 19 Mundigak, 20 Mehrgarh, 21 Ganweriwala, 22 Kot Diji, 23 Sanghol, and 24 Dholavira.

    Figure 3: (c, bottom) Brick typology in Indus cities, shown as the number of sites employing mud bricks, or employing both mud and baked bricks (Tab. 2). (b, middle) The rural-urban contrast, shown as the total urban area (from Tab. 1) and the number of Indus artifact find sites from the gazetteer [7].
    (c, top) Introduction, presence and expiration of key Harappan technologies [4, 5]. Arrows show a
    continuation of technology in successor cultures.


    https://www.academia.edu/1175274/Bricks_and_urbanism_in_the_Indus_Valley?auto=download&campaign=weekly_digest


    A simulation of the Neolithic transition in the Indus valley (2012)

    Carsten Lemmen & Aurangzeb Khan


    In: Past climates, civilizations and landscapes. D. Fuller & L. Giosan (eds), American Geophysical Union

    Conclusion


    We presented a novel numerical simulation of the pre-Harappan Neolithic of the Indus Valley tradition in the context of representative radiocarbon dates from material culture.Simulated population size is qualitatively reflected in artifact frequency in four pre-Harappan periods. Within theuncertainties of the coarse chronology, the model predicts the spatio-temporal structure of the Neolithic transition of this area fairly well. Our simulation points to a possible earlier Neolithic in northern India than seen in the data,and it corroborates an independent South Asian Neolithic. For quantitative model–data comparisons and clarification of the connection to Southwest Asia, better chronologic control of the pre-Harappan material is needed as well as more evidence from sites between the South Asian and Southwest Asian sites.


    Abstract

    The Indus Valley Civilization (IVC) was one of the first great civilizations in prehistory. This bronze age civilization flourished from the end of the fourth millennium BC. It disintegrated during the second millennium BC; despite much research effort, this decline is not well understood. Less research has been devoted to the emergence of the IVC, which shows continuous cultural precursors since at least the seventh millennium BC. To understand the decline, we believe it is necessary to investigate the rise of the IVC, i.e., the establishment of agriculture and livestock, dense populations...


    Figure 1. Temporal and spatial domain for this study: a) Neolithic chronology of Baluchistan, the Indus valley, and Gujarat based on Possehl [2002] with updates from Fuller [2006]. Relative resource shortage is based on palaeoproxy
    evidence from Lemmen and Wirtz [2012] and a transient Holocene climate simulation by Brovkin [2002]. b-e) Geography, topography and site distribution of artifacts [Law, 2008] typologically associated with the Neolithic.

    Figure 2. a) Timing of the Mesolithic–Neolithic transition from a GLUES simulation (background color, simulationyears BC) and inferred from the presence of Neolithic sites (foreground triangles, calendar years BC) in the greater Indus valley. b) Recovered artifact number in relation to simulated population size. Histogram of artifact density in four pre- Harappan periods of the Indus valley and Baluchistan based on Law’s (2008) Indus Google Earth Gazetteer, and corrected for taphonomic bias (bars, annotated with n x c, where n is the raw number of artifacts and c the taphonomic correction factor); GLUES-simulated population size in all areas within 200 km from where Neolithic pre-Harappan artifacts were discovered (solid line).


    Plant Domestication in the Indian Subcontinent (2011)

    Abstract

    Recent research indicates that cultivation may have begun in as many as five regions of India before the introduction of exogenous crops and cultivation systems: South India, Orissa, the Middle Ganges, Saurashtra, and the Himalayan foothills of the Punjab region. These potential centers of crop origin
    have been triangulated from data on the biogeography of wild progenitors and a growing archaeobotanical database. Nevertheless, none of these centers provide unambiguous evidence for local domestication or evidence that domestication occurred entirely in the absence of introduced crops and food-production systems. One of the major lacunae is archaeobotanical evidence from huntergatherer sites or evidence of the transition to initial cultivation. In addition, documentation of the morphological changes accompanying domestication is available for only a few species. This paper reviews the arguments for local domestication in each of these five regions, paying particular attention to data that might document domestication processes. But an alternative hypothesis for several regions also can be considered in which agriculture arose as a result of secondary domestications of local species after an initial introduction of farming from outside. On the basis of these alternative working hypotheses, research priorities are identified for resolving these issues.

    Finding Plant Domestication in the Indian Subcontinent Author(s): Dorian Q Fuller Source:Current Anthropology, Vol. 52, No. S4, The Origins of Agriculture: New Data, NewIdeas (October 2011), pp. S347-S362






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    The Fortress of Colombo: What lies beneath the Navy Head Quarters

    By Chryshane Mendis

    The harbour of Kolon Thota or Colombo was a prominent port in ancient Sri Lanka and from the 15th century onwards it was the principle port of the country due to its proximity to the Capital city of Kotte. With the arrival of the Portuguese in the 16th century, they made Colombo their main center establishing a large city over time. The succeeding European colonists, the Dutch and British too made Colombo their center. To protect their interests in the harbour the Portuguese fortified their city and the harbour creating the Fort of Colombo; the succeeding Dutch too erected their own fortifications on the site of the Portuguese ruins. The British after occupation maintained the Dutch fortifications till the mid-19th century where they were demolished for commercial expansion of the city. The Fort of Colombo has a colourful history of almost 500 years and the final fortifications; the Dutch Fort was demolished in the 1870s but not entirely as I found out.
    Having read much about the Dutch Forts of Sri Lanka, I was determined to explore the untold story of the Fort of Colombo beginning from its inception from the time of the Portuguese, for as common knowledge goes no remains exist. This journey took me on an adventure of a life time, I felt like a modern day Howard Charter to the surprises that awaited me in that busy city center called Colombo 01. There hidden amoung the crowded streets of Fort are the hardly known remains of the name-sake of Colombo 01, the very ruins of the Dutch Fort of Colombo. This is the remarkable story of their rediscovery.
    Strolling through books of history I came across a picture which took me quite by surprise, in the book The Epic Struggle of the Kingdom of Kandy by Brendon Gooneratne was a picture somewhere from the 1970s of a wall of the Fort. Judging from the surroundings it seemed to be somewhere on the modern Chaitya road, so hopping on my trusty scooter one afternoon in 2015 I headed down Chaity road in Fort; traveling near the Light House Galley I noticed the building featured in the picture behind the old wall, this turned out to be the Office of the Navy Commander inside the Navy Head Quarters but there was no old wall insight but large trees, so climbing the lighthouse to gain elevation I scanned the tree lines and to my astonishment found through the branches glimpses of an old wall. I was speechless, if that picture was true; those are the ruins of the Dutch Fort. Now I needed a closer look, so I wrote to the Navy Commander seeking permission to visit the old wall inside. I was thrilled when I received a written reply from the Navy granting me and my friend Minol Peiris permission to visit the wall and after contacting the Commanding Officer Captain Suresh De Silva via telephone a date was fixed for the visit. I cried in amazement as to what wonders I would see for seeing ruins within the Commercial Capital of the country is thrilling and of something believed not to exist.
    Arriving at the Navy Headquarters we were given passes and greeted by Lieutenant Commander Abeyrathna who escorted us to the site. This old wall faced the Galle Buck road and entering a small compound we came to the base of it. It was beyond words! It was not just a wall but an entire bastion with four cannons jutting out which have been sealed off. The walls were some fifteen feet high and were an odd shape rather than the known triangular bastions like those of the Galle Fort, it had five faces or sides and it was quite clear that it had gone through considerable alterations during the past century with a mix of red bricks and modern cement and concrete. At the base on the south side of the bastion were large boulders which seemed like a natural rock formation.  We documented and photographed this and then we were told that there was more, a gateway to the Fort!  Walking behind the bastion we reached the Flag Staff Street and turning left walked few meters down and to our left we turned with amazement, there flanked by two buildings was an entire gateway with the date still on it. It was in a ruinous condition with trees growing on it and was the dump site of construction material. It was a Postern gate, meaning a small secured entrance by the looks of it with the passageway sealed in the center. The date ‘1676’ was barely visible.
    Exploring this we climbed a small portion of wall connected to it and peeping to the other side, I noticed something! We asked the Navy officer who accompanied us if we could go to the other side and he agreed to take us. This was the back garden of another building. My suspicion was right, there on the other side were parts of an old wall, and as they joined the small gateway it was quite clear that they were part of the ramparts of the Fort. The section from the bastion end to the Postern gate is about 30 meters and of about 4 feet in height and has a mix of stone and kabook masonry, along this stretch is a modern wall built upon the ruins. The behind of the Postern gate was a sad sight; it was fully covered with trees with large roots going deep into the masonry. Beyond that too were remains of the ramparts, it ran for about 20 meters with a varying height of about 5 feet, this section too was in a ruinous condition with trees growing on top of it. This part mainly consisted of kabook masonry. We were just taken away. These were definitely part of the fortifications of the Dutch Fort.
    We inquired as to whether the Archaeology Department visits these ruins but they said that no one comes and asked us if we could help them identify the ruins. Roused by the fire of discovery I immediately set to work on identifying them. Digging through the maps in the National Archives, the memoirs of the Dutch Governors, various other sources and specially the book The Dutch forts of Sri Lankaby W.A.Nelson I was able to uncover the history of the ruins.
    The Dutch Fort, built on the western end of the ruined Portuguese City after its fall in 1656 was constructed on the Bastion Fort design (i.e. Galle Fort) and consisted of 9 bastions and 2 gun batteries on the Habour arm. The Dutch Fort was totally completed by the 1690s. The bastions were named after cities in the Netherlands and from north clock wise, the bastions of Leyden, Delft, Hoorn, Rotterdam, Middleburg, Klippenburg, Enkhuysen, Dan Briel and Amsterdam. The gun batteries on the Habour arm were Battenburg and Water Pass.
    The Dutch fort in 1756 (Comprehensive Atlas of the Dutch United East India Company Vol. IV)
    The bastion in the Navy Head Quarters was the bastion Dan Briel, this was a modest bastion which protected the rocky beach along the west coast between Enkhuysen and the Battenburg battery. This bastion was situated on a hill, which was the highest point in the city hence the large rocks and the considerable elevation observed at the present site. This bastion’s apex or the pointed end where the two sides of the bastion meet seemed to have been cut sometime in the late 19th century probably in order to make way for the Galle Buck road, as is evident from a map of 1904; giving it its odd five sided shape today. The bastions where initially built of Kabook and only after 1751 were they built of proper lime and stone. Previously the old British lighthouse and the flag staff was located on this bastion and now built upon it is the office of the Navy Commander.
    Dan Briel bastion (Minol Peiris, 2016)
    Dan Briel bastion (Minol Peiris, 2016)
    Dan Briel bastion (Minol Peiris, 2016)
    Dan Briel bastion (Minol Peiris, 2016)
    Dan Briel bastion (Minol Peiris, 2016)
    Dan Briel bastion (Author, 2015)
    The Postern gate had a fascinating history; the Fort had three main entrances, one being the Delft gate on the eastern ramparts, the other the Galle gate on the south, and the third being the Water gate in the habour. In the old days this small secondary entrance was known as the Slave Port which led to the Kaffirs field which was the land area between the Fort and the sea on the western coast; this is where the Company’s slaves were kept. “Without the walls, between them and the sea are the Huts where near four thousand Slaves, belonging to the Company lye at night…their huts are little, made up with nothing but straw and leaves” is the description given by the German Christopher Schweitzer in the 1680s. Thus this was the small entrance from which the slaves of the VOC entered the Fort to work. The Kaffirs field would now correspond to the buildings of the Navy Head Quarters, Galle Buck road, Chaitya road to the coast (now vanished for the Port City), the slaves of the Dutch were first kept here till they were relocated in the 18th century to a small peninsula in the Beria lake now known as Slave island due to an incident, which is an interesting tale for another time.
    The Postern gate or Slave Porte (Minol Peiris, 2016)

    The date ‘1676’ (Minol Peiris, 2016)
    The behind of the gate (Minol Peiris, 2016)

    The walls on either side of the Slave Port were the ramparts of the Dutch Fort one, connecting Dan Briel to the Slave Port and the other from the gate to the Amsterdam bastion, but seemed to have lost their shape and size due to the alterations of its surroundings.
    Part of the rampart adjoining Dan Briel bastion and the Slave port (Minol Peiris, 2016)
    The rampart adjoining the Slave port and Amsterdam bastion (Minol Peiris, 2016)
    The rampart adjoining the Slave port and Amsterdam bastion (Minol Peiris, 2016)

    We were speechless at what we had seen, ruins in the heart of Colombo! I was simply amazed to the fact that these ruins are hardly known and not properly conserved. I was overjoyed as to what I had discovered; the ruins of the Dutch Fort but there was more to it than meets the eye, my research further led me to locate more remains amounting to an astounding seven locations.
    The next article would feature the rest of the remains of the Fort of Colombo.

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    Posted at: Jul 8, 2017, 12:28 AM; last updated: Jul 8, 2017, 12:34 AM (IST)

    The Qatar crisis

    S Nihal Singh
    Hope for outsiders to resolve it
    The Qatar crisis
    War of nerves: Riyadh sees Qatar as an upstart punching far above its weight.
    THE endgame is clear in the high stakes chess that is being played by the Gulf monarchies. It is the process of isolating Qatar diplomatically and blockading it by the monarchies led by Saudi Arabia that is proving so difficult. Encouraged by US President Donald Trump, intentionally or otherwise, Riyadh is riding high in enforcing its writ on the Sunni world in the Middle East.
    The crisis of enforcing Saudi hegemony in the region has been simmering for a long time. Riyadh sees Qatar as an upstart challenging it by following its own foreign policy and punching far above its weight by its immense gas reserves and running a successful pan-Arabic television channel in Arabic and English, Al Jazeera. Matters came to a head in the Arab Spring which elevated the Arabic version of the Doha-based channel to a cult status, being the only Arabic channel voicing popular opinions against the staid channels sponsored by the other monarchies.
    That a tiny country like Qatar could defy the lead of Saudi Arabia in looking at the world rankled in Riyadh. A second bone of contention was Doha’s cordial relations with Shiite Iran, the declared enemy of the Sunni world. With President Trump receiving a royal welcome to Saudi Arabia on his first trip abroad in his new capacity and his tilt towards Riyadh was taken as a signal of American acquiescence in blackballing Doha, as his first tweets supporting Saudis suggested.
    The Saudis compounded the problem by listing a set of demands for Qatar that would force it to wear sackcloth and ashes as it surrendered. Among them was to close down Al Jazeera and bring relations with Iran to the norm adopted by other Sunni monarchies. The rationale given for these extraordinary demands was Doha’s support of extremists and extremism best described by  the German foreign minister as provocative.
    It is well recognised across the world that the shape Islam has taken in recent years and decades is in a large measure due to Saudi largesse in generously funding the Wahhabi strand through building of mosques and sending imams to preach this form of Islam. Doha entered the field much later and has publicly expressed its sympathies for the Muslim Brotherhood. Unlike Saudi Arabia, which welcomed the coup of the military ruler, General al-Sistani, and showered economic aid on him, Al Jazeera called it by its proper name.
    The initial time given to Doha to obey the demands was extended by a couple of days after which the Saudi-led coalition, including the UAE, Bahrain and Egypt met in Cairo to leave sanctions in place without enhancing them. Those in place are severe enough — breaking diplomatic relations and isolating Qatar on land and in the air.
    Qatar, one of the richest countries in the world, given its tiny population and immense oil and gas wealth, is dependent on its neighbours for essential food and other requirements. About 40 per cent of its food requirements came from Saudi Arabia across its only land bridge. And the rest of the world provided other essential requirements.
    Initially, Iran and Turkey flew in essential food and other supplies to keep Qatar running, but it is an expensive way to live even for a rich country. Another bone of contention is a Turkish military base in Qatar, now reinforced. And President Trump had to tone down his enthusiasm for Saudi belligerence against Doha by being reminded by his advisers that Qatar hosts the biggest American base in the region comprising fleets of jet fighters and some 10,000 US servicemen. It is indeed the hub of the anti-Islamic State military operations.
    Kuwait is acting as an intermediary in the Gulf crisis, to little effect thus far. It is true that the longer the impasse lasts, the greater will be the price Qatar will have to pay in keeping the country on an even keel. Perhaps the Saudis are banking on this aspect to keep the crisis going. Unless the Saudis are willing to reconsider their demands, no country — much less one with immense wealth — can accept such humiliating conditions.
    One consequence of the major spat will be the end of the life of the Gulf Cooperation Council of Sunni monarchies. The Qatari hope seems to be that there will be other world powers that will seek to influence Riyadh in seeing the absurdity of the demands. Turkey is one regional country siding with Qatar, apart from Iran. The demand for Al Jazeera closure goes deeper because free media is anathema to the Gulf monarchies, which apply strict censorship to their own media outlets.
    It is, indeed, Al Jazeera that has given Qatar an outsized influence so resented by Saudi Arabia, which considers itself as the big boy of the region. Doha would probably agree to make its contributions to outside groups in the Islamic world more transparent. And it could be prepared to acknowledge Saudi regional prominence in a symbolic way.
    In a world of monarchies bound by customs and traditions, rulers have pronounced concepts of honour and valour. Part of the problem for any mediator would lie in safeguarding the amour propre of the concerned rulers, principally Saudi Arabia, particularly its present centre of power, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
    The Trump effect on the crisis cannot be wished away. By seeming to encourage Saudi rulers to spread their wings, the new US President has set in motion new currents in a region cursed by wars and terrorism, some of them of America’s own making. While his advisers are trying to pick up the pieces, the world waits for the next cataclysm.
    The dilemma for the rest of the world is that it has dealings with Qatar and other Gulf countries, in the case of the developing world in the shape of providing employment to millions of their workers, apart from meeting their energy requirements. India, like others, is therefore averse to getting involved in what is essentially a family quarrel.Posted at: Jul 8, 2017, 12:28 AM; last updated: Jul 8, 2017, 12:34 AM (IST) The Qatar crisis S Nihal Singh Hope for outsiders to resolve it 2 SHARES FacebookTwitterGoogle+EmailPrint Also in this section A year since Burhan Wani Ancient civilisation or primitive society? War of nerves: Riyadh sees Qatar as an upstart punching far above its weight. THE endgame is clear in the high stakes chess that is being played by the Gulf monarchies. It is the process of isolating Qatar diplomatically and blockading it by the monarchies led by Saudi Arabia that is proving so difficult. Encouraged by US President Donald Trump, intentionally or otherwise, Riyadh is riding high in enforcing its writ on the Sunni world in the Middle East. The crisis of enforcing Saudi hegemony in the region has been simmering for a long time. Riyadh sees Qatar as an upstart challenging it by following its own foreign policy and punching far above its weight by its immense gas reserves and running a successful pan-Arabic television channel in Arabic and English, Al Jazeera. Matters came to a head in the Arab Spring which elevated the Arabic version of the Doha-based channel to a cult status, being the only Arabic channel voicing popular opinions against the staid channels sponsored by the other monarchies. That a tiny country like Qatar could defy the lead of Saudi Arabia in looking at the world rankled in Riyadh. A second bone of contention was Doha’s cordial relations with Shiite Iran, the declared enemy of the Sunni world. With President Trump receiving a royal welcome to Saudi Arabia on his first trip abroad in his new capacity and his tilt towards Riyadh was taken as a signal of American acquiescence in blackballing Doha, as his first tweets supporting Saudis suggested. The Saudis compounded the problem by listing a set of demands for Qatar that would force it to wear sackcloth and ashes as it surrendered. Among them was to close down Al Jazeera and bring relations with Iran to the norm adopted by other Sunni monarchies. The rationale given for these extraordinary demands was Doha’s support of extremists and extremism best described by  the German foreign minister as provocative. It is well recognised across the world that the shape Islam has taken in recent years and decades is in a large measure due to Saudi largesse in generously funding the Wahhabi strand through building of mosques and sending imams to preach this form of Islam. Doha entered the field much later and has publicly expressed its sympathies for the Muslim Brotherhood. Unlike Saudi Arabia, which welcomed the coup of the military ruler, General al-Sistani, and showered economic aid on him, Al Jazeera called it by its proper name. The initial time given to Doha to obey the demands was extended by a couple of days after which the Saudi-led coalition, including the UAE, Bahrain and Egypt met in Cairo to leave sanctions in place without enhancing them. Those in place are severe enough — breaking diplomatic relations and isolating Qatar on land and in the air. Qatar, one of the richest countries in the world, given its tiny population and immense oil and gas wealth, is dependent on its neighbours for essential food and other requirements. About 40 per cent of its food requirements came from Saudi Arabia across its only land bridge. And the rest of the world provided other essential requirements. Initially, Iran and Turkey flew in essential food and other supplies to keep Qatar running, but it is an expensive way to live even for a rich country. Another bone of contention is a Turkish military base in Qatar, now reinforced. And President Trump had to tone down his enthusiasm for Saudi belligerence against Doha by being reminded by his advisers that Qatar hosts the biggest American base in the region comprising fleets of jet fighters and some 10,000 US servicemen. It is indeed the hub of the anti-Islamic State military operations. Kuwait is acting as an intermediary in the Gulf crisis, to little effect thus far. It is true that the longer the impasse lasts, the greater will be the price Qatar will have to pay in keeping the country on an even keel. Perhaps the Saudis are banking on this aspect to keep the crisis going. Unless the Saudis are willing to reconsider their demands, no country — much less one with immense wealth — can accept such humiliating conditions. One consequence of the major spat will be the end of the life of the Gulf Cooperation Council of Sunni monarchies. The Qatari hope seems to be that there will be other world powers that will seek to influence Riyadh in seeing the absurdity of the demands. Turkey is one regional country siding with Qatar, apart from Iran. The demand for Al Jazeera closure goes deeper because free media is anathema to the Gulf monarchies, which apply strict censorship to their own media outlets. It is, indeed, Al Jazeera that has given Qatar an outsized influence so resented by Saudi Arabia, which considers itself as the big boy of the region. Doha would probably agree to make its contributions to outside groups in the Islamic world more transparent. And it could be prepared to acknowledge Saudi regional prominence in a symbolic way. In a world of monarchies bound by customs and traditions, rulers have pronounced concepts of honour and valour. Part of the problem for any mediator would lie in safeguarding the amour propre of the concerned rulers, principally Saudi Arabia, particularly its present centre of power, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. The Trump effect on the crisis cannot be wished away. By seeming to encourage Saudi rulers to spread their wings, the new US President has set in motion new currents in a region cursed by wars and terrorism, some of them of America’s own making. While his advisers are trying to pick up the pieces, the world waits for the next cataclysm. The dilemma for the rest of the world is that it has dealings with Qatar and other Gulf countries, in the case of the developing world in the shape of providing employment to millions of their workers, apart from meeting their energy requirements. India, like others, is therefore averse to getting involved in what is essentially a family quarrel.

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