Are you the publisher? Claim or contact us about this channel


Embed this content in your HTML

Search

Report adult content:

click to rate:

Account: (login)

More Channels


Showcase


Channel Catalog


Channel Description:

A homage to Hindu civilization.

older | 1 | .... | 287 | 288 | (Page 289) | 290 | 291 | .... | 374 | newer

    0 0

    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/hnagupz

    See: http://static.scribd.com/docs/km058hvpku1jx.pdf Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans by Calvert Watkins This is the most lucid exposition of IE linguistics to indicate possible ancestral words such as ayes'copper, perhaps bronze'.

    Migrations of Meluhhans who contributed to the Bronze Age revolution and documented metalwork catalogues on Indus Script Corpora (ca. 7000 inscriptions) explain the presence of hieroglyphs as hypertexts -- in lingua franca as distinct from literary forms such as Vedic Chandas -- in Ancient Near East framed by the following three expressions: Mazda, Druids and Tuisto. All three expressions are traceable to the Vedic tradition.

    Mazda is associated with Avestan which developed after Vedic. Druids are associated with Karnonou (Cernunnos) attested on Pillar of Boatmen. Tuisto cognate with Vedic Tvaṣṭr̥ is considered the Founder of the Germanic People.

    Avestan haoma (cognate soma) was based on herbal preparation, while Vedic soma of Soma samsthA was based on metallic stones. 
    See: 
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/legend-of-anzu-which-stole-tablets-of.html 
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/legend-of-anzu-which-stole-tablets-of.html 

    The links provide arguments of Georges Pinault equating Vedic ams'u 'soma' with ancu 'iron' (Tocharian)

    I suggest that references in Rigveda related to Soma are metaphorical expressions of 'drink' in Chandas (Vedic Samskrtam), while the product processed results in a molten state and do NOT constitute a direct reference to a herbal fluid or juice.


    The Chandogya in 8 chapters is Vedantic philosophy.

    esha somo raja devanam annam tam deva bhakshayanti: "That soma is king; this is the devas' food. The devas eat it." [Chandogya.Upanishad (Ch.Up.]

    This is the clearest statement that references to or attributes of Soma in the Vedic tradition, right from the Rigveda, should be viewed as metaphors. Even when Agni or ghee or Soma are viewed as products, the emphatic statement is that Soma is NOT for human digestion or consumption but associated with divinities, digested by the divinities (deva bhakshyanti) -- not by mortals or worshippers in the sacred yajna.


    It will thus be an error to interpret Soma as an edible product. Such interpretations that Soma is a hallucinogen or an inebriant are not sanctioned by tradition. If at all there is a refrain metaphor, it relates to processing of Soma to generate or obtain wealth. 

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/03/soma-in-rigveda.html See also: S. Kalyanaraman,2004, Indian Alchemy, Soma in the Veda, Delhi,Munshiram Manoharlal



    Mazda was a proponent of medha 'yajna' in Vedic tradition. Tvaṣṭr̥/Tuisto were artificers in the Vedic tradition of Viśvakarman, the architect of the divinities..Druids, the priests of Celts (Keltoi) were in the tradition of Vedic seers (Rishis of Aranyaka-s).

    Mazda

    [quote]2 The name by which the Zoroastrians call their own religion is Mazdayasna, the religion of Ahura Mazda (Sanskrit Asura Medh¯a, “Lord of Wisdom”). The R. gveda 8.6.10 has the expression medh¯am r.tasya, “wisdom of truth”.[unquote] 

    http://www.archaeologyonline.net/sites/default/files/imported/artifacts/Vedic_Religion_in_Ancient_Iran.pdf

    I suggest that the expression Zoroastrian mazda is related to मेध 'yajna' and मेधा 'wisdom'.

    Arguing that Samskrtam is older than Avestan, Kazanas suggests that Avestan broke away the Saptasindhu moving northwestwards. See: Kazanas,Nicholas, 2015, Vedic and Indo-European Studies, Delhi, Aditya Prakashan, Chapter 4. 


    This is consistent with the presence of Meluhha settlements in Ancient Near East attested in cuneiform texts. this finds confirmation in an ancient text.

    Baudhāyana śrautasūtra 18.44 which documents migrations of Āyu and Amavasu from a central region:
    pran Ayuh pravavraja. tasyaite Kuru-Pancalah Kasi-Videha ity. etad Ayavam pravrajam. pratyan amavasus. tasyaite Gandharvarayas Parsavo ‘ratta ity. etad Amavasavam
    Trans. Ayu went east, his is the Yamuna-Ganga region (Kuru-Pancala, Kasi-Videha). Amavasu went west, his is Gandhara, Parsu and Araṭṭa.
    Ayu went east from Kurukshetra to Kuru-Pancala, Kasi-Videha. The  migratory path of Meluhha artisand in the lineage of Ayu of the Rigvedic tradition, to Kasi-Videha certainly included the very ancient temple town of Sheorajpur of Dist. Etawah (Kanpur), Uttar Pradesh.  







    1. मेध [p= 832,3]  an animal sacrifice, offering , oblation , any sacrifice (esp. ifc.ib. MBh. &c  मेधा f. mental vigour or power , intelligence , prudence , wisdom (pl. products of intelligence , thoughts , opinions) RV. &cIntelligence personified (esp. as the wife of धर्म and daughter of दक्षMBh. R. Hariv. Pur. a form of सरस्वती W.

    2.  मेधा = धन Naigh. ii , 10. See the coins pouring out of the bag held by Karnonou (Cernunnos) On the base are shown poLa 'zebu' rebus poLa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' and me


    medha is an Indus Script hieroglyph and is signified by mēṇḍha 'ram'.

    A variety of forms एड, ēḍa, mēḍa, mēṣá -- point to collision with Aryn mḗḍhra (providing a form bhēḍra), Austro-Asiatic mēḍa and Dravidian ēḍa: 


    menda(A) {N} ``^sheep''. *Des.menda(GM) `sheep'. #21810. me~Da o~?-Doi {N} ``^lamb''. |me~Da `^sheep'. @N0747. #6052. gadra me~Da {N} ``^ram, ^male ^sheep''. |me~Da `sheep'. @N0745. #7240. me~Da {N} ``^sheep''. *De. menda (GM). @N0744. #14741.

    me~Da o?~-Doi {N} ``^lamb''. |o~?-Doi `young of an animal'. @N0747. #14750.
    gadra me~Da {N} ``^ram''. |gadra `male of sheep or goat'. @N0745. #14762.
    peti me~Da {N} ``^ewe (without young)''. |peti `young female of sheep or goat'. @N0746. #14772.me~Da o~?-Doi {N} ``^lamb''. |me~Da `^sheep'. @N0747. #6053.peti me~Da {N} ``^ewe (without young)''. |me~Da `sheep'. @N0746. #14773. menda(KMP) {N} ``^sheep [MP], ewe [K], ram, ^wether [P]''. Cf. merom `goat', boda `??'. *O.menda, B.mera, H.merha, Sk.lex, ~medhra, ~mendha, Sa.bheda `ram', ~bhidi `sheep', MuNbhera, MuHbera `ram', Mu., Kh bheri(AB) `sheep', H., O. bhera `ram', H. bhera `sheep'. %21781. #21611.
    menda kOnOn (P) {N} ``^lamb''. | konon `child'. *$Ho mindi hon . %21790. #21620.
    mendi (P) {N} ``^sheep''. *$Mu., Ho, Bh. mindi . %21800. #21630. meram (P),, merom (KMP) {N} ``^goat [MP], she-goat [K]''. Cf. menda `sheep'. *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho merom , So. k+mmEd/-mEd , Nic. me ; cf. O., Bh. mera `goat'. %21821. #21651. meram kOnOn (P),, merom kOnOn (P) {N} ``^kid''. | konon `child'. merom (KMP),, meram (P) {N} ``^goat [MP], she-goat [K]''. Cf. menda `sheep'. *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho merom , So. k+mmEd/-mEd , Nic. me ; cf. O., Bh. mera `goat'. %21851. #21681. bheri (D),, bheri (AB) {NA} ``^sheep [ABD]; ^bear [D]''. *@. ??VAR. #3251. menda ,, mendi {N} ``^sheep''. @7906. ??M|F masc|fem #19501. menda (B)F {N(M)} ``(male) ^sheep''. Fem. mendi . *Loan. @B21460,N760. #22531.Ju menda (KMP) {N} ``^sheep [MP], ewe [K], ram, ^wether [P]''. Cf. merom `goat', boda `??'. *O. menda , B. mera , H. merha , Sk. lex , ~ medhra , ~ mendha , Sa. bheda `ram', ~ bhidi `sheep', MuN bhera , MuH bera `ram', Mu., Kh. bheri (AB) `sheep', H., O. bhera `ram', H. bhera `sheep'.Ju meram (P),, merom (KMP) {N} ``^goat [MP], she-goat [K]''. Cf. menda `sheep'. *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho merom , So. k+mmEd/-mEd , Nic. me ; cf. O., Bh. mera `goat'.Ju merego (P),, mergo (P),, mirigo (M) {N} ``^deer''. *Sa. mirgi jel `a certain kind of deer', H. mrgo `deer', antelope, O. mrgo , Sk. mrga . Ju merom (KMP),, meram (P) {N} ``^goat [MP], she-goat [K]''. Cf. menda `sheep'. *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho merom , So. k+mmEd/-mEd , Nic. me ; cf. O., Bh. mera `goat'.Go menda (A) {N} ``^sheep''. *Des. menda (GM) `sheep'.Gu me~Da {N} ``^sheep''. *Des. menda (GM).Re menda (B)F {N(M)} ``(male) ^sheep''. Fem. mendi . *Loan.(Munda etyma. STAMPE-DM--MP.NEW.84, 20-Jun-85 13:32:53, Edit by STAMPE-D Pinnow Versuch and Munda's thesis combined).


    mēṭam (Ta.);[← Austro -- as. J. Przyluski BSL xxx 200: perh. Austro -- as. *mēḍra ~ bhēḍra collides with Aryan mḗḍhra -- 1 in mēṇḍhra -- m. ʻ penis ʼ BhP., ʻ ram ʼ lex. -- See also bhēḍa -- 1, mēṣá -- , ēḍa -- . -- The similarity between bhēḍa -- 1, bhēḍra -- , bhēṇḍa -- ʻ ram ʼ and *bhēḍa -- 2 ʻ defective ʼ is paralleled by that between mḗḍhra -- 1, mēṇḍha -- 1 ʻ ram ʼ and *mēṇḍa -- 1, *mēṇḍha -- 2 (s.v. *miḍḍa -- ) ʻ defective ʼ] Rebus: 

    [quote]In Indo-European terms, according to the 2000 Fourth Edition of The American Heritage Dictionary IE Appendix edited by Calvert Watkins, the proto-Celtic form *dru-wid or strong seeing, is formed from the I. E. *deru “strong” and *weid- “to see.” Druid then literally means “strong see-er.” ...I. E *dru also gives us the word for oak because Oak is a strong wood, known even now for its durability. Modern English “tree,” “trencher” and “trough” are all also derived from I. E. *deru because they are made out of wood, a strong substance. *Weid– “to see” also gives us modern English “video” and “wise.”[unquote]
    https://www.digitalmedievalist.com/opinionated-celtic-faqs/druids/

    Druids

    I have embedded an article by Peter Berresford Ellis on the Celtic-Vedic connections.


    I suggest that the semantic link between IE *deru and Vedic dru- may also relate to molten fluidity of metalwork (in addition to the suggested IE *deru 'strong'). The druids of Ancient Near East may be compared with the Vedic Rishis whose insights are included in the Aranyaka-s as 'forest-seers' who would meet periodically in NamishAranya.


    द्रु [502,1] to become fluid , dissolve , melt Pan5c. Vet. BhP. : Caus. द्राव्/अयति (ep. also °ते ; द्रवयते » under द्रव्/अ) to cause to run , make flow RV. viii , 4 , 11  ; to make fluid , melt , vi , 4 , 3 ; mn. (= 3. दारु) wood or any wooden implement (as a cup , an oar &c RV. TBr. Mn.; m. a tree or branch HParis3.

    (cf. इन्द्र- सु- , हरिद्- , हरि-). See Root/lemma *deru in IE (appended).

    Root / lemma: andh-, anedh-

    English meaning: `to grow, bloom, blossom'
    German meaning: `hervorstechen, sprießen, blühen'
    Material: Old Indian ándhaḥ n. `Soma plants'; arm. and `field'; gr. ἄνθος n. `Flower, bloom', ἀνθέω `blossoms', ἄνθηρός (*-es-ro-) `blossoming' etc; alb. ënde(*andhōn) `blossom, flower', ë̄ndem `blossoms' ( from present *ë̄ from *andhō); toch. A ānt, В ānte `open space, area'.
    Mir. ainder, aindir `young woman', cymr. anner `young cow', Pl. anneirod, acymr. enderic `a bull-calf; also of the young of other animals', cymr. enderig `bull, ox', bret. ounner (Trég. annouar, Vannes an̄noér) `young cow';
    moreover frz. (l)andier m. `Fire goat, Aries', also `poppy' (= `young girl', compare ital. madona, fantina `poppy'), further to bask. andere `woman', iber. FNAndereAnderca, MN Anderus; maybe kelt. Origin? (*andero- `blossoming, young'?).

    http://dnghu.org/indoeuropean.html


    Meet the Brahmins of ancient Europe, the high caste of Celtic society


    By Peter Berresford Ellis

    The Celtic people spread from their homeland in what is now Germany across Europe in the first millennium bce. Iron tools and weapons rendered them superior to their neighbors. They were also skilled farmers, road builders, traders and inventors of a fast two-wheeled chariot. They declined in the face of Roman, Germanic and Slavic ascendency by the second centuries bce. Here Peter Berresford Ellis, one of Europe's foremost experts of the Celts, explains how modern research has revealed the amazing similarities between ancient Celt and Vedic culture. The Celt's priestly caste, the Druids, has become a part of modern folklore. Their identity is claimed by New Age enthusiasts likely to appear at annual solstice gatherings around the ancient megaliths of northwest Europe. While sincerely motivated by a desire to resurrect Europe's ancient spiritual ways, Ellis says these modern Druids draw more upon fanciful reconstructions of the 18th century than actual scholarship.

    The Druids of the ancient Celtic world have a startling kinship with the brahmins of the Hindu religion and were, indeed, a parallel development from their common Indo-European cultural root which began to branch out probably five thousand years ago. It has been only in recent decades that Celtic scholars have begun to reveal the full
    extent of the parallels and cognates between ancient Celtic society and Vedic culture.

    The Celts were the first civilization north of the European Alps to emerge into recorded history. At the time of their greatest expansion, in the 3rd century bce, the Celts stretched from Ireland in the west, through to the central plain of Turkey in the east; north from Belgium, down to Cadiz in southern Spain and across the Alps into the Po Valley of Italy. They even impinged on areas of Poland and the Ukraine and, if the amazing recent discoveries of mummies in China's province of Xinjiang are linked with the Tocharian texts, they even moved as far east as the area north of Tibet.

    The once great Celtic civilization is today represented only by the modern Irish, Manx and Scots, and the Welsh, Cornish and Bretons. Today on the northwest fringes of Europe cling the survivors of centuries of attempted conquest and "ethnic cleansing" by Rome and its imperial descendants. But of the sixteen million people who make up those populations, only 2.5 million now speak a Celtic language as their mother tongue.

    The Druids were not simply priesthood. They were the intellectual caste of ancient Celtic society, incorporating all the professions: judges, lawyers, medical doctors, ambassadors, historians and so forth, just as does the brahmin caste. In fact, other names designate the specific role of the "priests." Only Roman and later Christian propaganda turned them into "shamans,""wizards" and "magicians." The scholars of the Greek Alexandrian school clearly described them as a parallel caste to the brahmins of Vedic society.

    The very name Druid is composed of two Celtic word roots which have parallels in Sanskrit. Indeed, the root vid for knowledge, which also emerges in the Sanskrit word Veda, demonstrates the similarity. The Celtic root dru which means "immersion" also appears in Sanskrit. So a Druid was one "immersed in knowledge."

    Because Ireland was one of the few areas of the Celtic world that was not conquered by Rome and therefore not influenced by Latin culture until the time of its Christianization in the 5th century ce, its ancient Irish culture has retained the most clear and startling parallels to Hindu society.

    Professor Calvert Watkins of Harvard, one of the leading linguistic experts in his field, has pointed out that of all the Celtic linguistic remains, Old Irish represents an extraordinarily archaic and conservative tradition within the Indo-European family. Its nominal and verbal systems are a far truer reflection of the hypothesized parent tongue, from which all Indo-European languages developed, than are Classical Greek or Latin. The structure of Old Irish, says Professor Watkins, can be compared only with that of
    Vedic Sanskrit or Hittite of the Old Kingdom.

    The vocabulary is amazingly similar. The following are just a few examples:

    Old Irish - arya (freeman),Sanskrit - aire (noble)
    Old Irish - naib (good), Sanskrit - noeib (holy)
    Old Irish - badhira (deaf), Sanskrit - bodhar (deaf)
    Old Irish - names (respect), Sanskrit - nemed (respect)
    Old Irish - righ (king), Sanskrit - raja (king)

    This applies not only in the field of linguistics but in law and social custom, in mythology, in folk custom and in traditional musical form. The ancient Irish law system, the Laws of the Fénechus, is closely parallel to the Laws of Manu. Many surviving Irish myths, and some Welsh ones, show remarkable resemblances to the themes, stories and even names in the sagas of the Indian Vedas.

    Comparisons are almost endless. Among the ancient Celts, Danu was regarded as the "Mother Goddess." The Irish Gods and Goddesses were the Tuatha De Danaan ("Children of Danu"). Danu was the "divine waters" falling from heaven and nurturing Bíle, the sacred oak from whose acorns their children sprang. Moreover, the waters of Danu went on to create the great Celtic sacred river--Danuvius, today called the Danube. Many European rivers bear the name of Danu--the Rhône (ro- Dhanu, "Great Danu") and several rivers called Don. Rivers were sacred in the Celtic world, and places where votive offerings were deposited and burials often conducted. The Thames, which flows through London, still bears its Celtic name, from Tamesis, the dark river, which is the same name as Tamesa, a tributary of the Ganges.

    Not only is the story of Danu and the Danube a parallel to that of Ganga and the Ganges but a Hindu Danu appears in the Vedic story "The Churning of the Oceans," a story with parallels in Irish and Welsh mytholgy. Danu in Sanskrit also means "divine waters" and "moisture."

    In ancient Ireland, as in ancient Hindu society, there was a class of poets who acted as charioteers to the warriors They were also their intimates and friends. In Irish sagas these charioteers extolled the prowess of the warriors. The Sanskrit Satapatha Brahmana says that on the evening of the first day of the horse sacrifice (and horse sacrifice was known in ancient Irish kingship rituals, recorded as late as the 12th century) the poets had to chant a praise poem in honor of the king or his warriors, usually extolling their genealogy
    and deeds.

    Such praise poems are found in the Rig Veda and are called narasamsi. The earliest surviving poems in old Irish are also praise poems, called fursundud, which trace back the genealogy of the kings of Ireland to Golamh or Mile Easpain, whose sons landed in Ireland at the end of the second millennium bce. When Amairgen, Golamh's son, who later traditions hail as the "first Druid," set foot in Ireland, he cried out an extraordinary incantation that could have come from the Bhagavad Gita, subsuming all things into his being.

    Celtic cosmology is a parallel to Vedic cosmology. Ancient Celtic astrologers used a similar system based on twenty-seven lunar mansions, called nakshatras in Vedic Sanskrit. Like the Hindu Soma, King Ailill of Connacht, Ireland, had a circular palace constructed with twenty-seven windows through which he could gaze on his twenty-seven "star wives."

    There survives the famous first century bce Celtic calendar (the Coligny Calendar) which, as soon as it was first discovered in 1897, was seen to have parallels to Vedic calendrical computations. In the most recent study of it, Dr. Garret Olmsted, an astronomer as well as Celtic scholar, points out the startling fact that while the surviving calendar was manufactured in the first century bce, astronomical calculus shows that it must have been computed in 1100 bce.

    One fascinating parallel is that the ancient Irish and Hindus used the name Budh for the planet Mercury. The stem budh appears in all the Celtic languages, as it does in Sanskrit, as meaning "all victorious,""gift of teaching,""accomplished,""enlightened,""exalted" and so on. The names of the famous Celtic queen Boudicca, of ancient Britain (1st century ce), and of Jim Bowie (1796-1836), of the Texas Alamo fame, contain the same root. Buddha is the past participle of the same Sanskrit word--"one who is enlightened."

    For Celtic scholars, the world of the Druids of reality is far more revealing and exciting, and showing of the amazingly close common bond with its sister Vedic culture, than the inventions of those who have now taken on the mantle of modern "Druids," even when done so with great sincerity.

    If we are all truly wedded to living in harmony with one another, with nature, and seeking to protect endangered species of animal and plant life, let us remember that language and culture can also be in ecological danger. The Celtic languages and cultures today stand on the verge of extinction. That is no natural phenomenon but the result of centuries of politically directed ethnocide. What price a "spiritual awareness" with the ancient Celts when their culture is in the process of being destroyed or reinvented? Far better we seek to understand and preserve intact the Celt's ancient wisdom. In this, Hindus may prove good allies.

    The Song of Amairgen the Druid I am the wind that blows across the sea; I am the wave of the ocean; I am the murmur of the billows; I am the bull of the seven combats; I am the vulture on the rock; I am a ray of the sun; I am the fairest of flowers; I am a wild boar in valor; I am a salmon in the pool; I am a lake on the plain; I am the skill of the craftsman; I am a word of science; I am the spearpoint that gives battle; I am the God who creates in the head of man the fire of thought. Who is it that enlightens the assembly upon the mountain, if not I? Who tells the ages of the moon, if not I? Who shows the place where the sun goes to rest, if not I? Who is the God that fashions enchantments-- The enchantment of battle and the wind of change?

    Amairgen was the first Druid to arrive in Ireland. Ellis states, "In this song Amairgen subsumes everything into his own being with a philosophic outlook that parallels the declaration of Krishna in the Hindu Bhagavad-Gita." It also is quite similar in style and content to the more ancient Sri Rudra chant of the Yajur Veda.

    Peter Berresford Ellis is one of the foremost living authorities on the Celts and author of many books on the subject, including "Celt and Roman,""Celt and Greek,""Dictionary of Celtic Mythology" and "Celtic Women."


    PETER BERRESFORD ELLIS, 30 GRESLEY ROAD, LONDON, N19 3JZ, ENGLAND


    http://www.hinduwisdom.info/articles_hinduism/258.htm


    Root / lemma: deru-dō̆ru-dr(e)u-drou-dreu̯ǝ- : drū-

    English meaning: tree
    German meaning: `Baum', probably originally and actually `Eiche'
    Note: see to the precise definition Osthoff Par. I 169 f., Hoops Waldb. 117 f.; in addition words for various wood tools as well as for `good as heartwood hard, fast, loyal'; Specht (KZ. 65, 198 f., 66, 58 f.) goes though from a nominalized neuter of an adjective *dṓru `das Harte', from which previously `tree' and `oak':dṓru n., Gen. dreu-s, dru-nó-s
    Material: Old Indian dā́ru n. `wood' (Gen. drṓḥdrúṇaḥ, Instr. drúṇā, Lok. dā́ruṇidravya- `from tree'), drú- n. m. `wood, wood tool', m. `tree, bough', av. dāuru`tree truck, bit of wood, weapon from wood, perhaps club, mace, joint' (Gen. draoš), Old Indian dāruṇá- `hard, rough, stern' (actually `hard as wood, lumpy'),dru- in compounds as dru-pāda- `klotzfößig', dru-ghnī `wood ax' (-wooden rod), su-drú-ḥ `good wood'; dhruvá- `tight, firm, remaining' (dh- through folk etymology connection in dhar- `hold, stop, prop, sustain' = av. dr(u), Old pers. duruva `fit, healthy, intact', compare Old Church Slavic sъ-dravъ); av. drvaēna-`wooden', Old Indian druváya-ḥ `wooden vessel, box made of wood, the drum', drū̆ṇa-m `bow, sword' (uncovered; with ū npers. durūna, balučī drīn `rainbow'),druṇī `bucket; pail', dróṇa-m `wooden trough, tub'; drumá-ḥ `tree' (compare under δρυμός);
    Old Indian dárviḫḥdarvī́ `(wooden) spoon';
    arm. tram `tight, firm' (*drū̆rāmo, Pedersen KZ. 40, 208); probably also (Lidén Arm. stem 66) targal `spoon' from *dr̥u̯- or *deru̯-.
    Gr. δόρυ `tree truck, wood, spear, javelin' (Gen. hom. δουρός, trag. δορός from *δορFός, δούρατος, att. δόρατος from *δορFn̥τος, whose  is comparable with Old Indian drúṇaḥ);
    kret. δορά (*δορFά) `balk, beam' (= lit. lett. darva);
    sizil. ἀσχέδωρος `boar' (after Kretschmer KZ. 36, 267 f. *ἀν-σχε-δορFος or -δωρFος `standing firm to the spear'), ark. dor. Δωρι-κλῆς, dor. böot. Δωρί-μαχος under likewise, Δωριεύς `Dorian' (of Δωρίς `timberland');
    Note:
    Who were Dorian tribesö Dorians were Celtic tribes who worshipped trees. In Celtic they were called Druids, priests of ancient Gaul and Britain (also Greece and Illyria). The caste of Druids must have worshiped the dominant thunder god whose thunderbolt used to strike sacred trees. Druids must have planted the religion around the sacred oak at Dodona.
    δρῦς, δρυός `oak, tree' (from n. *dru or *deru, *doru g.*druu̯ós become after other tree name to Fem.; as a result of the tendency of nominative gradation), ἀκρό-δρυα `fruit tree', δρυ-τόμος `woodchopper', δρύινος `from the oak, from oak tree', Δρυάς `dryad, tree nymph', γεράνδρυον `old tree truck', ἄδρυα πλοῖα μονόξυλα. Κύπριοι Hes. (*sm̥-, Lit. by Boisacq s. v.), ἔνδρυον καρδία δένδρου Hes.
    Hom. δρῠμά n. Pl. `wood, forest', nachhom. δρῡμός ds. (the latter with previous changed length after δρῦς); δένδρεον `tree' (Hom.; out of it att. δένδρον), from redupl. *δeν(= δερ)-δρεFον, Demin. δενδρύφιον; compare Schwyzer Gr. Gr. I 583;
    δροF- in arg. δροόν ἰσχυρόν. ᾽Αργεῖοι Hes., ἔνδροια καρδία δένδρου καὶ τὸ μέσον Hes., Δροῦθος (*ΔροF-υθος), δροίτη `wooden tub, trough, coffin' (probably from *δροFίτᾱ, compare lastly Schwyzer KZ. 62, 199 ff., different Specht Dekl. 139); δοῖτρον πύελον σκάφην Hes. (diss. from *δροFιτρον), next to which *dr̥u̯io-in δραιόν μάκτραν. πύελον Hes.
    PN Δρύτων: lit. Drūktenis, Old Prussian Drutenne (E. Fraenkel, Pauly-Wissowa 16, 1633);
    in vocalism still not explained certainly δρίος `shrubbery, bush, thicket'; maked. δάρυλλος f. `oak' Hes. (*deru-, compare air. daur); but δρίς δύναμις Hes., lies δFίς (Schwyzer Gr. Gr. I 4955);
    alb. dru f. `wood, tree, shaft, pole' (*druu̯ā, compare Old Church Slavic drъva n. pl. `wood'); drush-k (es-stem) `oak'; ablaut. *drū- in driḫzë `tree', dröni `wood bar';
    Note:
    Alb. definite form Nom. dru-ni = alb. Gen. dru-ni `of wood': Old Indian dā́ru n. `wood' (Gen. drṓḥdrúṇaḥ `of wood'; but a pure Slavic loanword is alb. druvar`woodcutter, woodchopper'
    [conservative definitive forms versus indefinite forms (alb. phonetic trait)]
    thrak. καλαμίν-δαρ `sycamore', PN Δάρανδος, Τάραντος (*darḫant-) `Eichstött a district in Bavaria', Ζίνδρουμα, Δινδρύμη `Zeus's grove', VN ᾽Ο-δρύ-σ-αι, Δρόσοι, Dru-geri (dru- `wood, forest');
    Maybe VN ᾽Ο - δρύ - σ - αι : Etruria (Italy)
    from Lat. perhaps dūrus `hard, harsh; tough, strong, enduring; in demeanour or tastes, rough, rude, uncouth; in character, hard, austere,sometimes brazen, shameless; of things, hard, awkward, difficult, adverse' (but about dūrāre `to make hard or hardy, to inure; intransit., to become hard or dry; to be hard or callous; to endure, hold out; to last, remain, continue' see under S. 220), if after Osthoff 111 f. as `strong, tight, firm as (oak)tree' dissimilated from *drū-ro-s (*dreu-ro-sö);
    Maybe alb. duroj `endure, last', durim `patience' .
    but lat. larix `larch tree', Lw. is from an idg. Alpine language, idg. *derik-s, is conceivable because of heavy l;
    Note:
    Common lat. d- > l- phonetic mutation hence lat. larix (*derik-s) `larch tree'.
    Maybe Pelasgian Larissa (*dariksa)
    air. derucc (gg), Gen. dercon `glans', cymr. derwen `oak' (Pl. derw), bret. deruenn ds., gall. place name Dervus (`oak forest'), abrit. Derventiō, place name, VNDervāci under likewise; air. dērb `safe'; reduced grade air. daur, Gen. daro `oak' (deru-), also dair, Gen. darach ds. (*deri-), air. daurde and dairde `oaken'; derived gall. *d(a)rullia `oak' (Wartburg III 50); maked. δάρυλλος f. `oak'; zero grade *dru- in intensification particle (ö different Thurneysen ZcPh. 16, 277: `oak-': dru- in galat. δρυ-ναίμετον `holy oak grove'), e.g. gall. Dru-talos (`*with big forehead'), DruidesDruidae Pl., air. drūi `Druid' (`the high; noble', *druḫu̯id-), air. dron `tight, firm' (*drunos, compare Old Indian dru-ṇa-mdāru-ṇá-dró-ṇa-m), with guttural extension (compare under nhd. Trog) mir. drochta `(*wooden) barrel, vat, cask; barrel, tub', drochat `bridge'; here also gallorom. drūtos `strong, exuberant (: lit. drūtas)', gr. PN Δρύτων, air. drūth `foolish, loony' (: aisl. trūðr`juggler, buffoon'ö), cymr. drud `foolish, loony, valiant' (cymr. u derives from roman. equivalent);
    deru̯- in germ. Tervingl, Matrib(us) Alatervīs, anord. tjara (*deru̯ōn-), finn. Lw. terva, ags. teoru n., tierwe f., -a m. `tar, resin' (*deru̯i̯o-), mnd. tere `tar' (nhd.Teer); anord. tyrvi, tyri `pinewood', tyrr `pine' (doubtful mhd. zirwezirbel `pine cone', there perhaps rather to mhd. zirbel `whirl', because of the round spigot);
    dreu̯- in got. triu n. `wood, tree', anord. trē, ags. trēow (engl. tree), as. trio `tree, balk, beam'; in öbtr. meaning `tight, firm - tight, firm relying' (as gr. ἰσχῡρός `tight, firm': ἰσχυρίζομαι `show firmly, rely on whereupon, trust in'), got. triggws (*treu̯u̯az) `loyal, faithful', ahd. gi-triuwi `loyal, faithful', an: tryggr `loyal, faithful, reliable, unworried', got. triggwa `alliance, covenant', ags. trēow `faith, belief, loyalty, verity', ahd. triuwa, nhd. Treue, compare with ders. meaning, but other ablaut anord. trū f. `religious faith, belief, assurance, pledge', ags. trŭwa m., mnd. trūwe f. ds., ahd. trūwa, aisl. trū f., besides trūr `loyal, faithful'; derived anord. trūa `trust, hold for true' = got. trauan, and ags. trŭwian, as. trūōn, ahd. trū(w)ēn `trust' (compare n. Old Prussian druwis); similarly anord. traustr `strong, tight, firm', traust n. `confidence, reliance, what one can count on', ahd. trōst `reliance, consolation' (*droust-), got. trausti `pact, covenant', changing through ablaut engl. trust `reliance' (mengl. trūst), mlat. trustis `loyalty' in afrönk. `law', mhd. getröste `troop, multitude, crowd';
    maybe alb. trös, trys `press, crowd'
    (st- formation is old because of npers. durušt `hard, strong', durust `fit, healthy, whole'; norw. trysja `clean the ground', ags. trūs `deadwood', engl. trouse, aisl.tros `dross', got. ufar-trusnjan `disperse, scatter'.
    *drou- in ags. trīg, engl. tray `flat trough, platter', aschwed. trö `a certain measure vessel' (*trauja-, compare above δροίτη), anord. treyju-sǫðull (also trȳju-sǫðoll) `a kind of trough shaped saddle';
    *drū- in aisl. trūðr `jester', ags. trūð `merrymaker, trumpeter' (:gallorom. *drūto-s, etc)ö
    *dru- in ags. trum `tight, firm, strong, fit, healthy' (*dru-mo-s), with k-extension, respectively forms -ko- (compare above mir. drochtadrochat), ahd. nhd. trog, ags. trog, troh (m.), anord. trog (n.) `trough' and ahd. truha `footlocker', norw. mdartl. trygje n. `a kind of pack saddle or packsaddle', trygja `a kind of creel', ahd. trucka `hutch', nd. trögge `trough' and with the original meaning `tree, wood' ahd. hart-trugil `dogwood';
    maybe nasalized alb. trung (*trögge) `wood, tree'
    bsl. *deru̯a- n. `tree' in Old Church Slavic drěvo (Gen. drěva, also drěvese), skr. dial. drêvo (drȉjevo), sloven. drẹvộ, ačech. dřěvo, russ. dérevo, klr. dérevo `tree'; in addition as originally collective lit. dervà, (Akk. der̃vą) f. `chip of pinewood; tar, resinous wood'; ablaut, lett. dar̃va `tar', Old Prussian in PN Derwayn; lengthened grade *dōru̯-i̯ā- in lett. dùore f. `wood vessel, beehive in tree';*su-doru̯a- `fit, healthy' in Old Church Slavic sъdravъ, čech. zdráv (zdravý), russ. zdoróv (f.zdoróva) `fit, healthy', compare av. dr(u)vō, Old pers. duruva ds.
    balt. *dreu̯i̯ā- f. `wood beehive', substantiv. adj. (Old Indian dravya- `belonging to the tree') : lit. drẽvė and drevė̃ `cavity in tree', lett. dreve ds.: in ablaut lit.dravìs f., lett. drava f. `wood beehive', in addition Old Prussian drawine f. `prey, bee's load' and lit. dravė̃ `hole in tree'; furthermore in ablaut ostlit. drėvė̃ anddrovė̃ f. ds., lett. drava `cavity in beehive';
    proto slav.. *druu̯a- Nom. Pl. `wood' in Old Church Slavic drъva, russ. drová, poln. drwa (Gen. drew); *druu̯ina- n. `wood' in klr. drovno, slovz. drẽvnø;
    slav. *drъmъ in russ. drom `virgin forest, thicket', etc (= Old Indian drumáḫḥ, gr. δρυμός, adjekt. ags. trum);
    lit. su-drus `abundant, fat (from the growth of the plants)' (= Old Indian su-drú-ḥ `good wood');
    balt. drūta- `strong' (== gallorom. *drūto-s, gr. PN Δρύτων) in lit. drū́tas, driū́tas `strong, thick', Old Prussian in PN Drutenne, PN Druthayn, Druthelauken; belongs to Old Prussian druwis m. `faith, belief', druwi f., druwīt `believe' (*druwēti: ahd. trūen), na-po-druwīsnan `reliance, hope'. Beside lit. drū́tas also drū́ktas; see under dher-2.
    In ablaut here Old Church Slavic drevlje `fore, former, of place or time; higher in importance, at first or for the first time', ačech. dřéve, russ. drévle `ages before'; adverb of comparative or affirmative.
    hitt. ta-ru `tree, wood', Dat. ta-ru-ú-i;
    here also probably toch. AB or `wood' (false abstraction from *tod dor, K. Schneider IF. 57, 203).
    Note:
    The shift d- > zero is a balt.-illyr. phonetic mutation inherited by toch.
    References: WP. I 804 ff., WH. I 374, 384 ff., 765 f., Trautmann 52 f., 56, 60 f., Schwyzer Gr. Gr. I 463, 518, Specht Dekl. 29, 54, 139.
    Page(s): 214-217
    http://dnghu.org/indoeuropean.html

    Tuisto

    Tuiscon (Tuisto) as depicted in a German broadside by Nikolaus Stör c. 1543, with a caption by Burkard Waldis. According to Tacitus's Germania (98 CE), "In their ancient songs, their only form of recorded history, the Germans celebrate the earth-born god, Tuisto. They assign to him a son, Mannus, the author of their race, and to Mannus three sons,..." 
    http://www.ourcivilisation.com/smartboard/shop/tacitusc/germany/chap1.htm

    "According to Roman sources, Tacitus in his Annals and Histories, the Germans claimed to be descendants of the Mannus, the son of Tuisto. Tuisto relates to Vedic Tvasthar, the Vedic father-creator Sky God, who is also a name for the father of Manu (RV X.17.1-2). This makes the Rig Vedic people also descendants of Manu, the son of Tvashtar.
    In the Rig Veda, Tvashtar appears as the father of Indra, who fashions his thunderbolt (vajra) for him (RV X.48.3). Yet Indra is sometimes at odds with Tvashtar because is compelled to surpass him (RV III.48.3-4). Elsewhere Tvashtar’s son is Vishvarupa or Vritra, whom Indra kills, cutting off his three heads (RV X.8.8-9), (TS II.4.12, II.5.1). Indra slays the dragon, Vritra, who lays at the foot of the mountain withholding the waters, and releases the seven rivers to flow into the sea. In several instances, Vritra is called Danava, the son of the Goddess Danu who is connected to the sea (RV I.32.9; II.11.10; III.30.8; V.30.4; V.32).https://vedanet.com/2012/06/13/vedic-origins-of-the-europeans-the-children-of-danu/

    See: 
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/08/indus-script-hieroglyphs-on-artifacts.html Indus Script hieroglyphs on artifacts which signify Karnonou (Cernunnos), Gundestrup cauldron, Celtic tomb of Lavau (500 BCE)

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/tvastr-meluhha-of-bharatam-janam.html 

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    August 26, 2016

    0 0


    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/huzp88y


    Thanks to Michal Danino, for an excellent and lucid bibliographical essay on climate studies of the Bronze Age with particular reference to impact on the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization.

    Cutting out the polemics related to discussions on Vedic River Sarasvati as a glacier-fed river ca. 3000 BCE, one fact is indisputable. Navigable channels existed from Rakhigarhi to Haifa for seafaring Meluhha merchants to transact their Bronze Age trade.

    A cylinder seal was found in Rakhigarhi, a signature token attesting to contacts with Mesopotamian civiliation. I have argued that the enire Indus Script Corpora of over 7000 inscriptions are metalwork catalogues transacted along the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa, 2 millennia before the Silk Road.

    Cylinder seal found at Rakhigarhi
    Fish+ crocodile: aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'; karA 'crocodile'rebus:khAr 'blacksmith' dATu 'cross' rebus: dhAtu 'ore,mineral' śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ.rebus:  seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master (Pali) sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'.



    Sign 186 *śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720)*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus: śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726)

    M. kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ, kul -- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ.kāraṇika m. ʻ teacher ʼ MBh., ʻ judge ʼ Pañcat. [kā- raṇa -- ]Pa. usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ; Pk. kāraṇiya -- m. ʻ teacher of Nyāya ʼ; S. kāriṇī m. ʻ guardian, heir ʼ; N. kārani ʻ abettor in crime ʼ(CDIAL 3058) This Supercargo is signified by the hieroglyph कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread',  'person standing with spread legs'. This occurs with 48 variants. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/04/body-with-spread-legs-hypertexts-48-two.html Another hieroglyph which also signifies 'Supercargo' is 'rim-of-jar' hieroglyph', the most frequently occurring hypertext on Indus Script Corpora. See, for example, Daimabad seal. kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; Wg. kaṇə ʻ ear -- ring ʼ NTS xvii 266; S. kano m. ʻ rim, border ʼ; P. kannā m. ʻ obtuse angle of a kite ʼ (→ H. kannā m. ʻ edge, rim, handle ʼ); N. kānu ʻ end of a rope for supporting a burden ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ brim of a cup ʼ, G. kānɔ m.; M. kānā m. ʻ touch -- hole of a gun ʼ.(CDIAL 2831)

    Thus, the two hieroglyphs: 1.spread legs and 2. rim of jar are conclusive determinants signifying language used by the artisans: Prakrtam (mleccha/meluhha) and the underlying language basse for the hypertexts of Indus Script Corpora.


    Rakhigarhi extending over 350 hectares is the largest site of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. Two seals with identical messages found in both Rakhigarhi and Banawali signify a karNika, Supercargo (functionary of the metalwork guild;  Rebus kañi-āra 'helmsman' karaṇī 'scribe'. ). This points to the possibility that Rakhigarhi and Banawali were both sites on Sarasvati River Basin which provided a navigable channel for seafaring artisans'/merchants' guilds (with a Supercargo, supervising the shipment), right upto Dholavira-Dwaraka and beyond through the Persian Gulf.

    I suggest that both Rakhigarhi seal and Banawali seal convey the identical message signifying a Supercargo (karNika), with a seafaring vessel (cargo boat), supervising the merchandise of dhAtu 'strands of rope' rebus: dhAtu 'minerals' from a fire--altar; sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' (Hieroglyph: gaNDa 'four'Rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' khaNDa 'implements') PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron, ayas 'metal' PLUS adaren 'lid' rebus: aduru 'unsmelted metal'.PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coin, coiner, coinage'. The tiger is horned: koD 'horn' rebus: koD 'workshop' kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' Thus, horned tiger signified smelter-workshop of blacksmith. The Supercargo karNika, signified with the standing person with legs spread is shown as possessing a sangaDa 'a cargo boat'. Hieroglyph: सांगड sāṅgaḍa lathe, portable furnace Rebus: sangaDa 'cargo boat'.
    Rakhigarhi seal replicates 
    Banawari. Seal 17. Text 9201 Found in a gold-silversmith's residence.. Hornd tiger PLUS lathe + portable furnace. Banawali 17, Text 9201 Find spot:  “The plan of ‘palatial building’ rectangular in shape (52 X 46 m) with eleven units of rooms…The discovery of a tiger seal from the sitting room and a few others from the house and its vicinity, weights ofchert, and lapis lazuli beads and deluxe Harappan pottery indicate that the house belonged to a prominent merchant.” (loc.cit. VK Agnihotri, 2005, Indian History, Delhi, Allied Publishers, p. A-60)

    Message on metalwork: kol ‘tiger’ (Santali); kollan ‘blacksmith’ (Ta.) kod. ‘horn’; kod. ‘artisan’s workshop’ PLUS śagaḍī  = lathe (Gujarati) san:gaḍa, ‘lathe, portable furnace’; rebus: sangath संगथ् । संयोगः f. (sg. dat. sangüʦü association, living together, partnership (e.g. of beggars, rakes, members of a caravan, and so on); (of a man or woman) copulation, sexual union.sangāṭh संगाठ् । सामग्री m. (sg. dat. sangāṭas संगाटस्), a collection (of implements, tools, materials, for any object), apparatus, furniture, a collection of the things wanted on a journey, luggage, and so on. --karun -- करुन् । सामग्रीसंग्रहः m.inf. to collect the ab. (L.V. 17).(Kashmiri)
    Hieroglyph multiplex: gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements' aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' aDaren 'lid' Rebus: aduru 'native metal'
    Hieroglyph: sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'

    Hieroglyph: dhāˊtu 'strand' Rebus: mineral: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M.dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773).
    Alternative: Hieroglyhph: Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ Rebus: M. goṭ metal wristlet ʼ P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; (CDIAL 4271)

    Hieroglyph-multiplex: body PLUS platform: meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron' PLUS Hieroglyhph: pī˜ṛī ʻplatform of lingamʼ Rebus: Mth. pĩṛ, pĩṛā ʻlumpʼ Thus, the message of the hieroglyph-multiplex is: lump of iron.  कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread', Rebus: karNika 'Supercargo'' merchant in charge of cargo of a shipment, helmsman, scribe. Rebus kañi-āra 'helmsman' karaṇī 'scribe'. 

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    August 26, 2016

    Michel Danino* 2016 Environmental factors in the decline of the Indus-Sarasvati Civilization in: Nanditha Krishna, ed., The environment and Indian History, CP Ramaswami Aiyar Foundation, Chennai, 2016, pp. 132-148

    * Guest Professor, Indian Institute of Technology, Gandhinagar, Gujarat.

    Author of “The Lost River : On the Trail of the Sarasvati“ (Penguin India, 2010),
    This paper is an adaptation and revision of two earlier papers on the same theme.  

    Abstract

    It is now widely accepted that climatic and environmental factors played a significant part in the decline of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization.
    While climatic studies from the 1970s to 1990s tended to support the view that a marked trend towards aridity had set in even before the
    civilization’s urban or Mature phase, more recent studies have pushed this shift to the end of the second millennium BCE, which coincides with
    the end of the Mature phase (2600-1900 BCE). This is also the time when, in the east, the Sarasvati dwindled to a minor seasonal river, while floods appear to have been caused by a shifting Indus in the west. Other
    possible causes include the pressure put on remaining forests by intensive industrial activities. In any case, the archaeological evidence records the
    abandonment of hundreds of Harappan sites in the Sarasvati’s basin (which includes today’s Cholistan), and an eastward movement of Late
    Harappan settlements.

    Background
    The decline and disappearance of the Indus-Sarasvati Civilization in
    its urban form has been an enduring object of speculation. In the absence
    of any corroborative archaeological evidence, barbarian (and generally
    “Aryan”) invasions have been firmly ruled out as a potential cause.
    Alternative scenarios include political, socioeconomic or environmental
    6
    ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS IN THE DECLINE
    OF THE INDUS–SARASVATI CIVILIZATION
    Michel Danino*
    * Guest Professor, Indian Institute of Technology, Gandhinagar, Gujarat.
    Author of “The Lost River : On the Trail of the Sarasvati“ (Penguin India, 2010),
    This paper is an adaptation and revision of two earlier papers on the same theme.
    133
    factors, the first two of which are untestable in the present state of our
    knowledge. As regards the last, considerable data on the environmental
    and climatic conditions of the northwest of the Indian subcontinent before,
    during and after the Harappan age has accumulated in recent decades.
    Although some archaeologists have warned against the pitfall of
    attributing disruptions in the course of ancient civilizations and cultures to
    “environmental determinism,” the impact of environment and climate can
    no longer be ignored either. The prolonged drought that affected, in 2200–
    2100 BCE, large parts of Africa,1 China,2 North America,3 Near and Middle
    East,4 probably causing the collapse of the Akkadian empire,5 is a case in
    point. The case of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization remains complex, partly
    because of apparently conflicting views on what kind climate and
    environment prevailed in its Mature or urban phase. Although John
    Marshall remarked in 1931 that the extensive use of fired bricks at
    Mohenjo-daro pointed to a wetter environment,6 later archaeologists
    disagreed and found little or no evidence for a climate significantly
    different from today’s. As the late Gregory Possehl wrote in 2002, “The
    climate of this region [Greater Indus Valley] was not markedly different
    in the third millennium BCE from the one we have today.”7
    Can recent evidence decide which school of thought is right?8
    Was the Harappan climate as dry as today’s?
    Among the studies leading to the conclusion that the Harappan climate
    and environment were hardly different from today’s, the following have
    been often cited:
    ❖ Gurdip Singh’s 1971 palynological study of three lakes of Rajasthan
    envisaged a wet climate during the Mature phase followed by a sharp
    decline in rainfall around 2000 BCE.9 However, Shaffer’s and
    Lichtenstein’s10 recalibration of his radiocarbon dates pushed the wet
    phase to Early Harappan times, leaving the Mature phase in an already
    marked trend to aridity.
    ❖ R.A. Bryson and A.M. Swain, also from lakes of Rajasthan, reached a
    conclusion similar to Singh’s.11 But here again, recalibration pushed the
    phase of higher rainfall “to a pre-Mature Harappan period.”12
    Environmental Factors
    134 The Environment and Indian History
    ❖ M.B. McKean, studying pollen and sediments in the region of Balakot,
    found nothing suggesting that “the climate during the protohistoric
    period in Las Bela was decidedly wetter than at present.”13
    ❖ In 1983–85, an Indo-French mission explored an area of Haryana and
    Rajasthan between the Ghaggar and the Chautang; from a study of
    sediments in paleobeds, geologist Marie-Agnès Courty concluded that
    “Yamuna-like rivers ... stopped flowing in the study area well before
    the Protohistoric period.”14
    ❖ In 1995, M.A. Geyh and D. Ploethner15 carried out an isotopic study in
    a 100 km-long section of the Hakra’s floodplain in Cholistan, close to
    the Indian border, and came up with dates ranging from 11000 to
    2700 BCE.16 This suggests that shortly before the Mature phase, the Hakra
    stopped flowing in this section.
    ❖ In 1997, S.M. Rao and K.M. Kulkarni conducted isotope studies in
    water drawn from wells in western Rajasthan along the bed of a
    “defunct river” and found no recharge after about 3000 BCE.17
    ❖ In 1999, Y. Enzel and eight colleagues analyzed sediments of the now
    mostly dry lake of Lunkaransar and found that it held water in
    8000 BCE, began to decline around 4000 BCE and dried up by 3500 BCE.18
    Or was it wetter?
    More recent studies have pointed to the opposite conclusion, including
    a more intense monsoon in Mature Harappan times:
    ❖ In 1983, R.J. Wasson et al. studied the Didwana lake of Rajasthan and
    found that “freshwater, high lake level conditions prevailed” between
    4000 and 2000 BCE.19 This precisely includes the Mature Harappan phase.
    ❖ In 1996, P.D. Naidu, studying planktonic foraminifers from the Arabian
    Sea, found that the upwelling, and therefore the south-west monsoon,
    was at its lowest from about 1500 BCE to AD 800.20
    ❖ In 1999, Ulrich von Rad et al. studied sediments in the Arabian Sea off
    Karachi, and concluded that “precipitation decreased in southern
    135
    Pakistan after 4000-3500 yr BP,”21 i.e. after 2000 BCE, which agrees with
    the preceding study.
    ❖ A year later, Netajirao Phadtare examined pollen and peat in the Garhwal
    Himalayas and found evidence of “a warm, humid climate, with highest
    monsoon intensity” from about 4000 to 2500 BCE; after 2000 BCE, there
    was “a sharp decrease in temperature and rainfall.” Phadtare cited five
    independent studies (not part of our list here) from other regions that
    support “a decrease in the strength of the Southwest monsoon about
    4000 cal yr BP.”22
    ❖ In 2003, M. Staubwasser et al. analyzed planktonic oxygen isotope ratios
    off the Indus delta. Their findings revealed climate changes during the
    last 6,000 years, “with the most prominent change recorded at
    4.2 ka BP,” along with “a reduction in Indus river discharge.” They
    observed, “The 4.2 ka event is coherent with the termination of urban
    Harappan civilization in the Indus valley.”23
    ❖ In 2006, Anil K. Gupta et al. synthesized research on the monsoon and
    other climatic inputs from many sources including their own. “It appears
    to us,” they concluded, “that the arid phase in the Indian subcontinent
    started ca 5000-4000 cal yrs BP coinciding with a stepwise weakening of
    the SW monsoon ... The arid phase might have intensified ca 4000-
    3500 cal yrs BP as has been in the Himalayas, western peninsula and
    northwestern India, and ended ca 1700 cal yrs BP, when the SW monsoon
    was the driest.”24
    ❖ In 2008, Rita Wright et al. used models of archaeoclimatology to plot
    the intensity of the monsoon and river flow in the region of Harappa.
    They found that “around 3500 BC the volume of water in the rivers
    increases, and the rivers flood,” until “from around 2100 BCE; the river
    flow [in the Beas] begins to fall.” Around Harappa, “a 600-year period
    of reduced rainfall [sets in] after 2100 BC,” leading to “an unexpected
    agricultural crisis.”25 Those two dates roughly bracket the Early and
    much of the Mature phases.
    ❖ In 2010, Prasanta Sanyal and R. Sinha synthesized a large number of
    studies of the Indian Summer Monsoon across north India over long
    ages; commenting on the records of lakes in the Thar Desert, they
    Environmental Factors
    136 The Environment and Indian History
    observed that “Didwana and Lunkaransar playas were completely
    desiccated at 3–4 ka.”26
    ❖ An international team led by Liviu Giosan studied in 2012 the climatic
    as well as fluvial conditions before, during and after Harappan times.
    They confirmed the now dominant view that “precipitation from both
    monsoon and westerly sources that feed rivers of the western Indo-
    Gangetic Plain decreased since approximately 5,000 y ago, and was at
    its lowest after approximately 4,000 y BP. ... as aridity intensified,
    monsoon-augmented floods became less frequent and/or less
    intense.”27
    ❖ Also in 2012, M. Berkelhammer led an international team to study
    variations in the oxygen isotopes of a stalagmite from a cave in
    Meghalaya. They observed a “dramatic event ... - 4000 years ago when,
    over the course of approximately a decade, isotopic values abruptly
    rose above any seen during the early to mid-Holocene and remained at
    this anomalous state for almost two centuries.” This suggested either
    “a shift toward an earlier Indian Summer Monsoon withdrawal or a
    general decline in the total amount of monsoon precipitation.” The
    study’s “tight age constraints of the record show with a high degree of
    certainty that much of the documented deurbanization of the Indus
    Valley at 3.9 kyr B.P. occurred after multiple decades of a shift in the
    monsoon’s character....”28
    ❖ A 2013 study by Anjum Farooqui, A.S. Gaur and Vandana Prasad of the
    palaeoenvironment at two sites of southern Saurashtra showed “low
    precipitation and arid climatic conditions - 2000 BCE,. During this period
    the dominance of evergreen and moist deciduous arboreals from both
    the sites do not show equilibrium with the prevailing dry/arid climate
    and therefore, the pollen assemblage here represents the remnants of
    wetter middle Holocene vegetation in the region. ... The moister climatic
    conditions and comparatively rich forest cover around the Saurashtra
    coast was one of the main attractive reasons for the expansion and
    settlement of Harappans....”29
    ❖ In 2014, Yama Dixit, David A. Hodell and Cameron A. Petrie, studying
    the sediments of a palaeolake in Haryana (at Kotla Dahar), detected
    “ca. 4.1 ka marking a peak in the evaporation/precipitation ratio in the
    137
    lake catchment related to weakening of the ISM [Indian Summer
    Monsoon] ..., suggesting that climate may have played a role in the
    Indus cultural transformation. ... Taken together, the records from Kotla
    Dahar, Mawmuluh [in northeast India], and the Arabian Sea provide
    strong evidence for a widespread weakening of the ISM across large
    parts of India at ca. 4.2–4.0 ka. The monsoon recovered to the modernday
    conditions after 4.0 k.y. ago, and the event lasted for ~200 yr
    (ca. 4.2–4.0 ka) in this region.”30
    More studies have been quoted on both sides.31 It is understandable
    that focusing on different regions and using different approaches
    (sediments, pollen, plankton, palaeowaters, etc.) should lead to apparently
    diverging results. Nevertheless, the trend of most recent studies has been
    to observe “a decrease in the strength of the Southwest monsoon about
    4000 cal yr BP,”32 that is, towards the end of the urban Harappan phase.
    For example, Dorian Q. Fuller, while cautioning against hasty conclusions,33
    points to a series of “marked events of sudden aridity,”34 with the last one
    taking place around 2200 BCE, the severe worldwide drought I mentioned
    above:
    A climatic event cannot be blamed simplistically for [Harappan]
    collapse and de-urbanisation, but Quaternary science data make it
    clear that we cannot accept a view of climatic and environmental
    stability since the mid-Holocene in the region (as promoted by
    Possehl ...).35
    This may now be regarded as the current consensus, quite in tune
    with the worldwide drought noted at the start of this paper. It is clear that
    this prolonged period of reduced rainfall must have considerably strained
    the Harappans’ monsoon- and flood-dependent agricultural production.
    Circumstantial evidence
    Early archaeologists pointed to the extensive use of baked bricks at
    Mohenjo-daro, Chanhu-daro and Harappa as a clue that climate was
    wetter; it was answered (by Mortimer Wheeler,36 for instance) that baked
    bricks were more likely a flood-mitigating device. The depictions on Indus
    seals of animals like the elephant, the tiger, the rhinoceros or the water
    buffalo were seen as so many clues to a moister and greener environment;
    it was objected in reply that the depiction of a particular animal did not
    Environmental Factors
    138 The Environment and Indian History
    prove its existence at the site, and that the above-mentioned animals were
    still seen in parts of the Indus valley till recent decades or centuries.
    However, positive evidence emerged at Kalibangan in the form
    of bone remains of the elephant, the one-horned rhinoceros (recently
    confirmed at Karanpura, also in Rajasthan37), the water buffalo and the
    river turtle. In Bhola Nath’s opinion, “the remains of these animals show
    that the climate at that time was more humid than the arid climate of
    present day.”38 The presence of the rhinoceros, in particular, “strengthens
    the geological evidence that the desert conditions of this area are of recent
    origin.”39 Similar evidence came from Gujarat, where P.K. Thomas observed
    that the animal
    is identified from a large number of Harappan and Chalcolithic
    sites ... [and] inhabited a major part of the Gujarat plains in the
    protohistoric period. ... The identification of large herbivores like
    rhinoceros, wild buffalo and probably wild cattle at many of the
    Gujarat Harappan sites suggests that the ecological conditions were
    more congenial for animal life during the protohistoric period in
    Gujarat.40
    These considerations clearly point to a greener environment during
    the urban phase. If so, could human activities have played a part in its
    degradation? Mortimer Wheeler’s suggested that the Harappans were
    “wearing out [the] landscape”41 by overexploitation of their natural
    resources, particularly forests, for their brick, pottery, bronze and sealmaking
    industries; intensive agriculture for the consumption of the city
    dwellers combined with overgrazing by numerous herds of cattle and goats
    would have added to the pressure on an already strained environment.
    Walter Fairservis attempted a calculation of the amount of fodder consumed
    by the cattle used by Mohenjo-daro both as a source of food (dairy products
    and meat) and for ploughing. His conclusion was:
    The inhabitants of the mature period at Mohenjodaro would have
    grown only about one-fourth of their fodder needs. It follows that
    the remaining three-quarters had to be obtained by foraging in the
    surrounding forests and grasslands. This formidable assault on the
    indigenous flora most certainly affected the ecology and had an
    adverse effect on the land and aided the spread of the active
    floodplain.42
    139
    The Sarasvati
    An important environmental change affecting the Indus-Sarasvati
    Civilization in its eastern domain was the desiccation of the Ghaggar-
    Hakra system, which was home to some 360 sites of the Mature Harappan
    period,43 the best known of which include (from east to west) Farmana,
    Rakhigarhi, Banawali, Bhirrana, Kalibangan and Ganweriwala. This river
    system located in the Yamuna-Sutlej interfluve, and identified since the
    mid-nineteenth century by generations of geographers, geologists,
    Indologists and archaeologists with the Sarasvati River of the Rig-Veda,
    dried up in stages, probably owing to a tectonic uplift of its basin, which
    deprived it of contributions from the Sutlej and the Yamuna, leaving
    only seasonal streams in its upper reaches.44 As V.N. Misra put it,
    “The large number of protohistoric settlements, dating from c. 4000 BCE to
    1500 BCE, could have flourished along this river only if it was flowing
    perennially.”45
    Studies of settlement patterns have showed that between 2000
    and 1900 BCE, the central basin of the Ghaggar basin was deserted by the
    Mature Harappans; thus Kalibangan, in northern Rajasthan, has no Late
    phase. A crowding of Late Harappan settlements took place in following
    centuries along the Shivaliks’ foothills, besides migrations eastward into
    the Ganges Valley and possibly southward to the Aravallis and the
    Vindhyas.
    Recent geological studies have broadly confirmed this scenario
    sketched in the early 1980s.46 In 2009, H.S. Saini et al. studied buried channels
    in the northwestern Haryana Plains and documented “the existence of
    channel activity during the mid-Holocene ... in a part of the Haryana plains”;
    by mid-Holocene is meant a “second fluvial phase ... represented by a
    palaeochannel segment whose signatures are dated between ~ 6.0 and
    ~ 2.9 Ka,”47 after which a depleted Ghaggar was left. The dates bracket the
    Indus civilization.
    The same year, reviewing findings on the Ghaggar-Hakra, Peter
    Clift concluded, “Provisional age data now show that between 2000 and
    3000 BCE, flow along a presently dried-up course known as the Ghaggur-
    Hakkra River ceased, probably driven by the weakening monsoon and
    possibly also because of headwater capture into the adjacent Yamuna and
    Sutlej Rivers.”48
    Environmental Factors
    140 The Environment and Indian History
    The above-mentioned 2012 study led by Liviu Giosan (of which
    Clift is a co-author), apart from confirming a steep decline in the summer
    monsoon circa 2000 BCE, observed, “The most spectacular case of climatecontrolled
    landscape transformation is the Ghaggar-Hakra system, which
    became ephemeral and was largely abandoned.”49 In a later comment on
    their paper, Giosan et al. clarified, “Our research points to a perennial
    monsoonal-fed Sarasvati river system with benign floods along its
    course.”50
    There is thus a broad consensus here too, although these last two
    studies have cast doubt on the existence of glacial sources for the Ghaggar
    in Mature Harappan times, reducing it to a rain-fed river. This was strongly
    refuted in 2013 by K.S. Valdiya51 and further defended by Giosan et al.,52
    but as the issue ultimately makes little difference to the existence of
    a perennial river during Harappan times – albeit one already on the decline
    and of modest dimensions – we may leave this debate out of the present
    discussion.
    Regionwise Discussion
    As far back as in 1968, Wheeler wrote presciently, “The decline and
    fall of an immense, evolved and, on any showing, long-lived civilization
    as that of the Indus valley archaeological are inevitably a tangled and
    contentious problem. ... For a civilization so widely distributed as that of
    the Indus no uniform ending need be postulated.”53 More recently, Yama
    Dixit et al. put it thus: “The Indus settlements spanned a diverse range of
    environmental and ecological zones; therefore, correlation of evidence
    for climate change and the decline of Indus urbanism requires a
    comprehensive assessment of the relationship between settlement and
    climate across a substantial area.”54
    This should be warning enough against proposing a single
    environmental mechanism – reduction of the monsoon or the loss of the
    Sarasvati – for the final break-up of the Harappan urban order. Yet it is
    tempting to propose the following regionwise possibilities, albeit as a
    speculation:
    ❖ In the eastern region, the desiccation of the central Sarasvati basin
    accelerated towards 2000 BCE, leading to its almost complete
    141
    abandonment and a concentration of Late sites at the foot of the
    Shivalik Hills, in the Ganga–Yamuna Doab, and in Cholistan.55 This
    loss of one of the two major lifelines of this civilization must have
    been a major factor in its deurbanization. As Dilip Chakrabarti puts
    it, “To a considerable extent the process [of weakening of the
    political fabric of the Indus civilization] must have been linked to
    the hydrographic changes in the Sarasvati-Drishadvati system.”56
    Whether or not the loss of the river system was caused by a long
    drought, the two phenomena together certainly compounded the
    severity of the situation, as might have an overuse of natural
    resources.
    ❖ The Indus basin suffered no such loss, perhaps in fact more destructive
    floods if, as has been assumed, the part of the Sutlej that flowed into
    the Sarasvati shifted to the Beas, eventually swelling the Indus’s
    waters: “An increase in water and sediment discharge of that
    magnitude [provoked by the westward shift of the Sutlej] would have
    had dramatic effects downstream in the Lower Indus Basin,”57 according
    to Louis Flam. This might help explain the near complete absence of
    Late Harappan sites in this region: they may have been either washed
    away or buried under sediments.
    ❖ On the Makran coast, Harappan outposts like Sutkagen-dor and
    Balakot are now over 50 km inland. G.F. Dales, who excavated Balakot,
    suggested that “a sudden rise in the Arabian Sea coastline of West
    Pakistan apparently took place sometime around the middle of the
    second millennium. This resulted in a disastrous increase in the already
    serious floods in the major river valleys....”58 There is independent
    geomorphologic evidence of relatively rapid uplifts of the Makran
    coast,59 which perhaps left these Harappan ports high and dry,
    disrupting their trading functions.
    ❖ The Rann of Kachchh has an environmental history of its own. Home to
    several sites including Dholavira, its northern border may have been
    part of the Sarasvati’s estuary (the present Nara channel). There is also
    archaeological60 as well as textual evidence that the Rann was, in Mature
    Harappan times, a “shallow arm of the sea,”61 and therefore navigable
    (Greek records suggest that it was still partly so in the first century
    BCE62). It ceased to be so probably owing to tectonic uplift and a lowering
    Environmental Factors
    142 The Environment and Indian History
    of the sea level. Be that as it may, if at some point the “metropolis” and
    major trading centre that Dholavira was found itself cut off from the
    sea route, its very survival as a city must have been challenged.
    ❖ Similarly, satellite photography and sedimental studies have shown
    that the sea level near Lothal was higher in the third millennium than
    it is today, lending strong support to the interpretation of the site’s
    huge basin as a “dockyard.”63 A receding shoreline may have spelt
    doom for the town’s maritime function.
    ❖ The rest of the Gujarat domain of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization,
    together with northern Maharashtra, was not affected by changes in the
    Sarasvati and the Indus basins, or by the retreat of the Arabian Sea, but
    would have felt the impact of the 2200 BCE drought. More so, it would
    have been affected by the disruption of the trade networks in the other
    regions, which probably led to a collapse of the Harappan industries.
    Other possible contributing factors include disruptions in
    commercial exchanges with the Iranian plateau, Magan, Dilmun,
    Mesopotamia and BMAC, socioeconomic tensions, sheer geographical
    overstretch, and a falling apart of the various Harappan regions.64
    Taking all factors discussed above together, it is difficult on
    current evidence to decide which ones are causative and which ones
    contributory. However, it now seems firmly established that climatic and
    environmental disruptions played a major part in the decline and final
    break-up of the Indus civilization. Environmentalists have been warning
    that Ganga may turn into a seasonal river in the 21st century; we must
    hope that, despite current trends, wisdom will prevail and all mitigating
    steps will be taken to make sure that the twenty-first century CE does not
    turn out to be a repetition – of course on a much larger scale – of the
    twenty-first century BCE.
    References & Notes
    1. Thompson, L. G., et al. 2002. “Kilimanjaro Ice Core Records: evidence of
    Holocene climate change in Tropical Africa,” Science 298, pp. 589–593.
    2. An, Cheng-Bang, et al. 2005. “Climate change and cultural response around
    4000 cal yr B.P. in the western part of Chinese Loess Plateau,” Quaternary
    Research 63, pp. 347–352.
    143
    3. Booth, R. K., et al. 2005. “A severe centennial-scale drought in midcontinental
    North America 4200 years ago and apparent global linkages,” The Holocene
    15, pp. 321–328.
    4. Gupta, Anil K., et al. 2006. “Adaptation and human migration, and evidence
    of agriculture coincident with changes in the Indian summer monsoon during
    the Holocene,” Current Science, vol. 90, no. 8, pp. 1082–1090.
    5. Weiss, H., et al. 1993. “The genesis and collapse of third millennium north
    Mesopotamian civilization,” Science 261–5124, pp. 995–1004. Also Kerr,
    R.A. 1998. “Sea-floor dust shows drought felled Akkadian Empire,” Science
    279, pp. 325–326.
    6. Marshall, John. 1931. Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, Arthur
    Probsthain, London, vol. 1, p. 2.
    7. Possehl, Gregory L. 2002. The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective,
    Altamira Press, Oxford, p. 13.
    8. Much of the evidence presented below was listed in Danino, Michel. 2014.
    “Climate and Environment in the Indus-Sarasvati Civilization,” in Banerjee,
    Arundhati, (ed.), Ratnasri: Gleanings from Indian Archaeology, Art History
    and Indology (Papers Presented in Memory of Dr. N.R. Banerjee), Kaveri
    Books, New Delhi, pp. 39–47 (this paper was written in 2010); and Danino,
    Michel. In press. “Climate, Environment and the Break-up of the Indus-
    Sarasvati Civilization”, for Archaeology and Tradition, Prof. D.N. Tripathi
    Felicitation volume.
    9. Singh, Gurdip. 1971. “The Indus Valley Culture seen in the context of
    post-glacial climate and ecological studies in north-west India,” Archaeology
    and Physical Anthropology in Oceania, vol. 6, no. 2, pp. 177–189.
    10. Shaffer, Jim G. & Diane A. Lichtenstein. 1989. “Ethnicity and Change in the
    Indus Valley Cultural Tradition” in Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, (ed.), Old
    Problems and New Perspectives in the Archaeology of South Asia, University
    of Wisconsin, Wisconsin, pp. 117-126.
    11. Bryson, R. A. & A. M. Swain. 1981. “Holocene variations of monsoon rainfall
    in Rajasthan,” Quaternary Research, vol. 16, pp 135–145.
    12. Madella, Marco & Dorian Q. Fuller. 2006. “Palaeoecology and the Harappan
    Civilisation of South Asia: a reconsideration,” Quaternary Science Reviews
    25, p. 1297.
    13. McKean, M. B. 1983. The palynology of Balakot, a pre-Harappan and Harappan
    age site in Las Bela, Pakistan, Ph.D. thesis, Southern Methodist University,
    Dallas, quoted in Madella, Marco & Dorian Q. Fuller, “Palaeoecology and
    the Harappan Civilisation of South Asia: a reconsideration,” op. cit., p. 1292.
    Environmental Factors
    144 The Environment and Indian History
    14. Courty, Marie-Agnès. 1989. “Integration of sediment and soil information
    in the reconstruction of protohistoric and historic landscapes of the Ghaggar
    Plain (North-West India)” in Karen Frifelt & Per Sorensen, (eds), South Asian
    Archaeology 1985, Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies, Occasional Papers
    No. 4, Curzon Press, London, p. 259. See also Courty, Marie-Agnès. 1986.
    “Geoarchaeological Approach of Holocene Paleoenvironments in the
    Ghaggar Plain,” Man and Environment, vol. X, pp. 111–115; and Francfort,
    Henri-Paul. 1992. “Evidence for Harappan Irrigation System in Haryana
    and Rajasthan,” The Eastern Anthropologist, vol. 45, pp. 87–103.
    15. Geyh, M. A. & D. Ploethner. 1995. “An applied palaeohydrological study of
    Cholistan, Thar Desert, Pakistan” in E.M. Adar & C. Leibundgut, (eds),
    Applications of Tracers in Arid Zone Hydrology, International Association of
    Hydrological Sciences, Vienna, publ. no. 232, pp. 119–127.
    16. Quoted by Valdiya, K.S. 2002. Saraswati, the River that Disappeared, Indian
    Space Research Organization & Universities Press, Hyderabad, p. 31.
    17. Rao, S. M. & K. M. Kulkarni. 1997. “Isotope hydrology studies on water
    resources in Western Rajasthan,” Current Science, vol. 72, no. 1, pp. 55-61.
    18. Enzel, Y., et al. 1999. “High-Resolution Holocene Environmental Changes in
    the Thar Desert, Northwestern India,” Science, vol. 284, 2 April, pp. 125–28.
    19. Wasson, R. J. et al. 1983. “Geomorphology, Late Quaternary Stratigraphy
    and Palaeoclimatology of the Thar Dune Field” in Zeitschrift für
    Geomorphologie, N.F. Supplementband 45, May, pp. 117-151, partly
    reproduced in Radhakrishnan, B.P. & S.S. Merh, (eds). 1999. Vedic Sarasvati:
    Evolutionary History of a Lost River of Northwestern India, Geological Society
    of India, Bangalore, p. 222.
    20. Naidu, P. D. 1996. “Onset of an arid climate at 3.5 ka in the tropics: evidence
    from monsoon upwelling record,” Current Science, vol. 71, no. 9, pp. 715-718.
    21. Von Rad, Ulrich, et al. 1999. “A 5000-yr Record of Climate Change in Varved
    Sediments from the Oxygen Minimum Zone off Pakistan, Northeastern
    Arabian Sea,” Quaternary Research, vol. 51, pp. 39–53.
    22. Phadtare, Netajirao R. 2000. “Sharp Decrease in Summer Monsoon Strength
    4000-3500 cal yr B.P. in the Central Higher Himalaya of India Based
    on Pollen Evidence from Alpine Peat,” Quaternary Research, vol. 53,
    pp. 122–129.
    23. Staubwasser, M., et al. 2003. “Climate change at the 4.2 ka BP termination
    of the Indus valley civilization and Holocene south Asian monsoon
    variability,” Geophysical Research Letters, vol. 30, no. 8, p. 1425.
    24. Gupta, Anil K., et al. 2006. “Adaptation and human migration, and evidence
    of agriculture coincident with changes in the Indian summer monsoon
    during the Holocene,” Current Science, vol. 90, no. 8, pp. 1082–1090.
    145
    25. Wright, Rita P., et al. 2008. “Water supply and history: Harappa and the
    Beas regional survey,” Antiquity, vol. 82, pp. 37–48.
    26. Sanyal, Prasanta, & R. Sinha. 2010. “Evolution of the Indian summer
    monsoon: synthesis of continental records”, in Clift, P.D., R. Tada & H. Zheng,
    (eds), Monsoon Evolution and Tectonics–Climate Linkage in Asia, Geological
    Society, London, Special Publications, 342, pp. 153–183.
    27. Giosan, Liviu, et al. 2012. “Fluvial landscapes of the Harappan civilization”,
    PNAS, E1688–E1694 (published online May 29, 2012).
    28. Berkelhammer, M., A. Sinha, L. Stott, H. Cheng, F. S. R. Pausata, &
    K. Yoshimura. 2012. “An Abrupt Shift in the Indian Monsoon 4000 Years
    Ago”, in Giosan, Liviu, et al., (eds), Climates, Landscapes, and Civilizations,
    Geophysical Monograph Series 198, American Geophysical Union,
    Washington DC, pp. 75–87.
    29. Farooqui, Anjum, et al. 2013. “Climate, vegetation and ecology during
    Harappan period: excavations at Kanjetar and Kaj, mid-Saurashtra coast,
    Gujarat,” Journal of Archaeological Science, no. 40, pp. 2631–2647.
    30. Dixit, Yama, D. A. Hodell & C. A. Petrie. 2014. “Abrupt weakening of the
    summer monsoon in northwest India ~ 4100 yr ago,” Geology, 42(4),
    pp. 339–342.
    31. For recent reviews, see those discussed in Madella, Marco, & Dorian
    Q. Fuller. 2006. “Palaeoecology and the Harappan Civilisation of South
    Asia: a reconsideration,” op. cit.; Fuller, Dorian Q., & Marco Madella. 2000.
    “Issues in Harappan Archaeobotany: Retrospect and Prospect,” in Settar, S.,
    & Ravi Korisettar, (eds), Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, vol. 2: Protohistory,
    Archaeology of the Harappan Civilization, Manohar & Indian Council of
    Historical Research, New Delhi, pp. 317–390; Korisettar, Ravi & R. Ramesh.
    2002. “The Indian Monsoon: Roots, Relations and Relevance,” in Settar, S.,
    & Ravi Korisettar, (eds), Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, vol. 3: Archaeology
    and Interactive Disciplines, Manohar & Indian Council of Historical Research,
    New Delhi, pp. 23–59.
    32. Phadtare, Netajirao R. 2000. “Sharp Decrease in Summer Monsoon
    Strength 4000–3500 cal yr B.P. in the Central Higher Himalaya of India
    Based on Pollen Evidence from Alpine Peat,” Quaternary Research, vol. 53,
    pp. 122–129.
    33. Fuller, Dorian Q., & Marco Madella. 2000. “Issues in Harappan
    Archaeobotany: Retrospect and Prospect,” op. cit., pp. 363 & 366.
    34. Fuller, Dorian Q. 2008. “Neolithic Cultures,” in Pearsall, Deborah M., (ed.),
    Encyclopedia of Archaeology, Academic Press, New York, pp. 756–768.
    Environmental Factors
    146 The Environment and Indian History
    35. Madella, Marco, & Dorian Q. Fuller. 2006. “Palaeoecology and the Harappan
    Civilisation of South Asia: a reconsideration,” op. cit., p. 1283.
    36. Wheeler, Mortimer. 1968. The Indus Civilization, Cambridge University Press,
    Cambridge, 3rd edn, p. 8.
    37. Prabhakar, V.N. 2014. Personal communication.
    38. Nath, Bhola. 1969. “The Role of Animal Remains in the Early Prehistoric
    Cultures of India,” Indian Museum Bulletin, Calcutta, p. 107; quoted by Jagat
    Pati Joshi in Lal, B.B., et al. 2003. Excavations at Kalibangan, Archaeological
    Survey of India, New Delhi, vol. 1, p. 19.
    39. Banerjee, S., & S. Chakraborty. 1973. “Remains of the great one-horned
    Rhinoceros, Rhinoceros unicornis, Linnacus from Rajasthan,” Science and
    Culture, vol. 39, Calcutta, pp. 430–431, quoted by Jagat Pati Joshi in Lal, B.B.,
    et al. 2003. Excavations at Kalibangan, op. cit., p. 18.
    40. Thomas, P. K., “Investigations into the Archaeofauna of Harappan Sites in
    Western India,” in Settar, S., & Ravi Korisettar, (eds), Indian Archaeology in
    Retrospect, vol. 2: Protohistory, Archaeology of the Harappan Civilization,
    op. cit., pp. 414 & 417.
    41. Wheeler, Mortimer. 1968. The Indus Civilization, op. cit., p. 127.
    42. Fairservis, Walter A. 1967. “The Origin, Character and Decline of an Early
    Civilization,” Novitates, 1967, 2302:1–48, partly reproduced in Lahiri,
    Nayanjot, (ed.). 2000. The Decline and Fall of the Indus, Permanent Black,
    New Delhi, p. 261.
    43. Danino, Michel. 2010. The Lost River: On the Trail of the Sarasvati, Penguin,
    New Delhi, p. 139.
    44. On the Sarasvati River, see (chronologically): Misra, V.N., “Climate, a Factor
    in the Rise and Fall of the Indus Civilization: Evidence from Rajasthan and
    Beyond” in Lal, B.B. & S.P. Gupta, (eds). 1984. Frontiers of the Indus Civilization,
    Books and Books, New Delhi, pp. 461–89; Misra, V.N., “Indus Civilization
    and the Rgvedic Sarasvati,” in Parpola, Asko & Petteri Koskikallio, (eds).
    1994. South Asian Archaeology 1993, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, Helsinki,
    vol. II, pp. 511–525; Radhakrishnan, B.P. & S.S. Merh, (eds). 1999. Vedic
    Sarasvati: Evolutionary History of a Lost River of Northwestern India, Geological
    Society of India, Bangalore, especially for Herbert Wilhelmy, “The Ancient
    River Valley on the Eastern Border of the Indus Plain and the Sarasvati
    Problem,” pp. 95–111; Valdiya, K.S. 2002. Saraswati, the River that Disappeared,
    Indian Space Research Organization & Universities Press, Hyderabad; Lal,
    B.B. 2002. The Sarasvati Flows On: The Continuity of Indian Culture, Aryan Books
    International, New Delhi; Kalyanaraman, S., (ed.). 2008. Vedic River Sarasvati
    and Hindu Civilization, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, & Sarasvati
    147
    Research and Education Trust, Chennai; Chakrabarti, Dilip K. & Sukhdev
    Saini. 2009. The Problem of the Sarasvati River and Notes on the Archaeological
    Geography of Haryana and Indian Panjab, Aryan Books International,
    New Delhi. For an attempted synthesis: Danino, Michel. 2010. The Lost River:
    On the Trail of the Sarasvati, Penguin, New Delhi.
    45. Misra, V. N. 1994. “Indus Civilization and the Rgvedic Sarasvati,” op. cit.,
    p. 515.
    46. Joshi, J. P., Madhu Bala & Jassu Ram. 1984. “The Indus Civilization: A
    Reconsideration on the Basis of Distribution Maps,” in Lal, B.B. & S.P. Gupta,
    (eds). 1984. Frontiers of the Indus Civilization, op. cit., pp. 511–530.
    47. Saini, H. S., S. K. Tandon, S. A. I. Mujtaba, N. C. Pant and R. K. Khorana.
    2009. “Reconstruction of buried channel-floodplain systems of the
    northwestern Haryana Plains and their relation to the ‘Vedic’ Saraswati,”
    Current Science, 97(11), pp. 1634–43.
    48. Clift, Peter. 2009. “Harappan Collapse”, Geoscientist, 19(9), pp. 18–22.
    49. Giosan, Liviu, et al. 2012. “Fluvial landscapes of the Harappan civilization”,
    PNAS, E1688–E1694 (published online May 29, 2012).
    50. Giosan, Liviu, Peter D. Clift, Mark G. Macklin, Dorian Q. Fuller. 2013.
    “Sarasvati II,” Current Science, 105(7), pp. 888–810.
    51. Valdiya, K. S. 2013. “The River Saraswati was a Himalayan-born river,”
    Current Science, 104(1), pp. 42–54.
    52. Giosan, Liviu, Peter D. Clift, Mark G. Macklin, Dorian Q. Fuller. 2013.
    “Sarasvati II,” op. cit.
    53. Wheeler, Mortimer. 1968. The Indus Civilization, op. cit., p. 126.
    54. Dixit, Yama, D. A. Hodell & C. A. Petrie. 2014. Abrupt weakening of the
    summer monsoon in northwest India ~ 4100 yr ago, Geology (published online
    24 February 2014).
    55. See references in endnote no. 41 above.
    56. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. 1997. The Archaeology of Ancient Indian Cities, Oxford
    University Press, New Delhi, p. 140.
    57. Flam, Louis. 1999. “The Prehistoric Indus River System and the Indus
    Civilization in Sindh,” Man and Environment, 24(2), p. 55.
    58. Dales, George F. 1964. “The Mythical Massacre at Mohenjodaro,” Expedition
    6(3), pp. 36–43, reproduced in Lahiri, Nayanjot, (ed.). 2000. The Decline and
    Fall of the Indus, op. cit., p. 81.
    59. Snead, Rodman E. 1967. “Recent Morphological Changes along the Coast of
    West Pakistan,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 57(3),
    pp. 550–565. (My thanks to Prof. R.N. Iyengar for drawing my attention to
    this paper.)
    Environmental Factors
    148 The Environment and Indian History
    60. Gaur, A. S., K. H. Vora, Sundaresh, R. Mani Murali & S. Jayakumar, “Was
    the Rann of Kachchh navigable during the Harappan times (Mid-Holocene)?
    An archaeological perspective”, Current Science, vol. 105, no. 11, 10 December
    2013, pp. 1485–91.
    61. Mathur, U. B. 2002. “Chronology of Harappan Port Towns of Gujarat in the
    Light of Sea Level Changes during the Holocene,” Man and Environment, 27(2),
    p. 64.
    62. Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, see quotation and discussion in Iyengar, R.N. &
    B.P. Radhakrishna. 2007. “Geographical Location of Vedic Irina in Southern
    Rajasthan,” Journal of the Geological Society of India, vol. 70, pp. 699–705.
    63. Khadkikar, A. S., et al. 2004. “Palaeogeography around the Harappan port
    of Lothal, Gujarat, western India,” Antiquity, 78(302), pp. 896–903.
    64. Useful discussions of possible causes of the end of the urban Harappan phase
    can be found in Lal, B.B. 1997. The Earliest Civilization of South Asia, Aryan
    Books International, New Delhi, ch. 14; Possehl, Gregory L. 2002. The Indus
    Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective, op. cit., ch. 13; Chakrabarti, Dilip K.
    2006. The Oxford Companion to Indian Archaeology: The Archaeological
    Foundations of Ancient India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, ch. 11;

    Lahiri, Nayanjot, (ed.). 2000. The Decline and Fall of the Indus, op. cit.

    https://www.academia.edu/27920320/Environmental_Factors_in_the_Decline_of_the_Indus-Sarasvati_Civilization

    0 0

    Saudi Arabia's harsh vision of Islam blamed for rising extremism

    Critics see Saudi Arabia’s export of a rigid strain of Islam as contributing to terrorism, but the kingdom’s influence depends greatly on local conditions.


    Muslim pilgrims surrounding the Kaaba, the black cube at the center of Islam’s holiest mosque in Mecca, in 2003. The Saudis’ export of Wahhabism has special cachet because the country is the birthplace of the Prophet Muhammad.
    Men arrive for prayers at a mosque in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.(File photo, NYT

    WASHINGTON: Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump don't agree on much, but Saudi Arabia may be an exception. She has deplored Saudi Arabia's support for "radical schools and mosques around the world that have set too many young people on a path towards extremism." He has called the Saudis "the world's biggest funders of terrorism."

    The first American diplomat to serve as envoy to Muslim communities around the world visited 80 countries and concluded that the Saudi influence was destroying tolerant Islamic traditions. "If the Saudis do not cease what they are doing," the official, Farah Pandith, wrote last year, "there must be diplomatic, cultural and economic consequences."

    And hardly a week passes without a television pundit or a newspaper columnist blaming Saudi Arabia for jihadi violence. On HBO, Bill Maher calls Saudi teachings "medieval," adding an epithet. In The Washington Post, Fareed Zakaria writes that the Saudis have "created a monster in the world of Islam."

    The idea has become a commonplace: that Saudi Arabia's export of the rigid, bigoted, patriarchal, fundamentalist strain of Islam known as Wahhabism has fueled global extremism and contributed to terrorism. As the Islamic State projects its menacing calls for violence into the West, directing or inspiring terrorist attacks in country after country, an old debate over Saudi influence on Islam has taken on new relevance.

    Is the world today a more divided, dangerous and violent place because of the cumulative effect of five decades of oil-financed proselytizing from the historical heart of the Muslim world? Or is Saudi Arabia, which has often supported Western-friendly autocrats over Islamists, merely a convenient scapegoat for extremism and terrorism with many complex causes — the United States's own actions among them?

    Those questions are deeply contentious, partly because of the contradictory impulses of the Saudi state.

    In the realm of extremist Islam, the Saudis are "both the arsonists and the firefighters," said William McCants, a Brookings Institution scholar. "They promote a very toxic form of Islam that draws sharp lines between a small number of true believers and everyone else, Muslim and non-Muslim," he said, providing ideological fodder for violent jihadis.

    Yet at the same time, "they're our partners in counterterrorism," said McCants, one of three dozen academics, government officials and experts on Islam from multiple countries interviewed for this article.

    Saudi leaders seek good relations with the West and see jihadi violence as a menace that could endanger their rule, especially now that the Islamic State is staging attacks in the kingdom — 25 in the last eight months, by the government's count. But they are also driven by their rivalry with Iran, and they depend for legitimacy on a clerical establishment dedicated to a reactionary set of beliefs. Those conflicting goals can play out in a bafflingly inconsistent manner.

    Thomas Hegghammer, a Norwegian terrorism expert who has advised the US government, said the most important effect of Saudi proselytizing might have been to slow the evolution of Islam, blocking its natural accommodation to a diverse and globalized world. "If there was going to be an Islamic reformation in the 20th century, the Saudis probably prevented it by pumping out literalism," he said.

    The reach of the Saudis has been stunning, touching nearly every country with a Muslim population, from the Gothenburg Mosque in Sweden to the King Faisal Mosque in Chad, from the King Fahad Mosque in Los Angeles to the Seoul Central Mosque in South Korea. Support has come from the Saudi government; the royal family; Saudi charities; and Saudi-sponsored organizations including the World Muslim League, the World Assembly of Muslim Youth and the International Islamic Relief Organization, providing the hardware of impressive edifices and the software of preaching and teaching.

    There is a broad consensus that the Saudi ideological juggernaut has disrupted local Islamic traditions in dozens of countries — the result of lavish spending on religious outreach for half a century, estimated in the tens of billions of dollars. The result has been amplified by guest workers, many from South Asia, who spend years in Saudi Arabia and bring Saudi ways home with them. In many countries, Wahhabist preaching has encouraged a harshly judgmental religion, contributing to majority support in some polls in Egypt, Pakistan and other countries for stoning for adultery and execution for anyone trying to leave Islam.

    But exactly how Saudi influence plays out seems to depend greatly on local conditions.

    In parts of Africa and Southeast Asia, for instance, Saudi teachings have shifted the religious culture in a markedly conservative direction, most visibly in the decision of more women to cover their hair or of men to grow beards. Among Muslim immigrant communities in Europe, the Saudi influence seems to be just one factor driving radicalization, and not the most significant. In divided countries like Pakistan and Nigeria, the flood of Saudi money, and the ideology it promotes, have exacerbated divisions over religion that regularly prove lethal.

    And for a small minority in many countries, the exclusionary Saudi version of Sunni Islam, with its denigration of Jews and Christians, as well as of Muslims of Shiite, Sufi and other traditions, may have made some people vulnerable to the lure of al-Qaida, the Islamic State and other violent jihadist groups. "There's only so much dehumanizing of the other that you can be exposed to — and exposed to as the word of God — without becoming susceptible to recruitment," said David Andrew Weinberg, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington who tracks Saudi influence.

    Exhibit A may be Saudi Arabia itself, which produced not only Osama bin Laden, but also 15 of the 19 hijackers of Sept. 11, 2001; sent more suicide bombers than any other country to Iraq after the 2003 invasion; and has supplied more foreign fighters to the Islamic State, 2,500, than any country other than Tunisia.

    Mehmet Gormez, the senior Islamic cleric in Turkey, said that while he was meeting with Saudi clerics in Riyadh in January, the Saudi authorities had executed 47 people in a single day on terrorism charges, 45 of them Saudi citizens. "I said: 'These people studied Islam for 10 or 15 years in your country. Is there a problem with the educational system?'" Gormez said in an interview.

    He argued that Wahhabi teaching was undermining the pluralism, tolerance and openness to science and learning that had long characterized Islam. "Sadly," he said, the changes have taken place "in almost all of the Islamic world."

    In a huge embarrassment to the Saudi authorities, the Islamic State adopted official Saudi textbooks for its schools until the extremist group could publish its own books in 2014. Out of 12 works by Muslim scholars republished by the Islamic State, seven are by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, the 18th-century founder of the Saudi school of Islam, said Jacob Olidort, a scholar at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. A former imam of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Sheikh Adil al-Kalbani declared with regret in a television interview in January that the Islamic State leaders "draw their ideas from what is written in our own books, our own principles."

    Small details of Saudi practice can cause outsize trouble. For at least two decades, the kingdom has distributed an English translation of the Quran that in the first surah, or chapter, adds parenthetical references to Jews and Christians in addressing Allah: "those who earned Your Anger (such as the Jews), nor of those who went astray (such as the Christians)." Seyyed Hossein Nasr, a professor of Islamic studies at George Washington University and the editor in chief of the new Study Quran, an annotated English version, said the additions were "a complete heresy, with no basis in Islamic tradition."

    Accordingly, many US officials who have worked to counter extremism and terrorism have formed a dark view of the Saudi effect — even if, given the sensitivity of the relationship, they are often loath to discuss it publicly. The United States' reliance on Saudi counterterrorism cooperation in recent years — for instance, the Saudi tip that foiled a 2010 al-Qaida plot to blow up two US cargo planes — has often taken precedence over concerns about radical influence. And generous Saudi funding for professorships and research centers at American universities, including the most elite institutions, has deterred criticism and discouraged research on the effects of Wahhabi proselytizing, according to McCants — who is working on a book about the Saudi impact on global Islam — and other scholars.

    One American former official who has begun to speak out is Pandith, the State Department's first special representative to Muslim communities worldwide. From 2009 to 2014, she visited Muslims in 80 countries and concluded that Saudi influence was pernicious and universal.

    "In each place I visited, the Wahhabi influence was an insidious presence," she wrote in The New York Times last year. She said the United States should "disrupt the training of extremist imams,""reject free Saudi textbooks and translations that are filled with hate," and "prevent the Saudis from demolishing local Muslim religious and cultural sites that are evidence of the diversity of Islam." She plans to address the subject in a book scheduled for publication next year.

    Yet some scholars on Islam and extremism, including experts on radicalization in many countries, push back against the notion that Saudi Arabia bears predominant responsibility for the current wave of extremism and jihadi violence. They point to multiple sources for the rise and spread of Islamist terrorism, including repressive secular governments in the Middle East, local injustices and divisions, the hijacking of the internet for terrorist propaganda, and US interventions in the Muslim world from the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan to the invasion of Iraq. The 20th-century ideologues most influential with modern jihadists, like Sayyid Qutb of Egypt and Abul Ala Maududi of Pakistan, reached their extreme, anti-Western views without much Saudi input. Al-Qaida and the Islamic State despise Saudi rulers, whom they consider the worst of hypocrites.

    "Americans like to have someone to blame — a person, a political party or country," said Robert S. Ford, a former US ambassador to Syria and Algeria. "But it's a lot more complicated than that. I'd be careful about blaming the Saudis."

    While Saudi religious influence may be disruptive, he and others say, its effect is not monolithic. A major tenet of official Saudi Islamic teaching is obedience to rulers — hardly a precept that encourages terrorism intended to break nations. Many Saudi and Saudi-trained clerics are quietist, characterized by a devotion to scripture and prayer and a shunning of politics, let alone political violence.

    And especially since 2003, when al-Qaida attacks in the kingdom awoke the monarchy to the danger it faced from militancy, Saudi Arabia has acted more aggressively to curtail preachers who call for violence, cut off terrorist financing and cooperate with Western intelligence to foil terrorist plots. From 2004 to 2012, 3,500 imams were fired for refusing to renounce extremist views, and another 20,000 went through retraining, according to the Ministry of Islamic Affairs — though the US Commission on International Religious Freedom expressed skepticism that the training was really "instilling tolerance."

    An American scholar with long experience in Saudi Arabia — who spoke on condition of anonymity to preserve his ability to travel to the kingdom for research — said he believed that Saudi influence had often been exaggerated in American political discourse. But he compared it to climate change. Just as a one-degree increase in temperature can ultimately result in drastic effects around the globe, with glaciers melting and species dying off, so Saudi teaching is playing out in many countries in ways that are hard to predict and difficult to trace but often profound, the scholar said.

    Saudi proselytizing can result in a "recalibrating of the religious center of gravity" for young people, the scholar said, which makes it "easier for them to swallow or make sense of the ISIS religious narrative when it does arrive. It doesn't seem quite as foreign as it might have, had that Saudi religious influence not been there."

    Centuries-Old dilemma

    Why does Saudi Arabia find it so difficult to let go of an ideology that much of the world finds repugnant? The key to the Saudi dilemma dates back nearly three centuries to the origin of the alliance that still undergirds the Saudi state.

    In 1745, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, a reformist cleric, sought the protection of Muhammad bin Saud, a powerful tribal leader in the harsh desert of the Arabian Peninsula. The alliance was mutually beneficial: al-Wahhab received military protection for his movement, which sought to return Muslims to what he believed were the values of the early years of Islam in the seventh century, when the Prophet Muhammad was alive. (His beliefs were a variant of Salafism, the conservative school of Islam that teaches that the salaf, or pious ancestors, had the correct ways and beliefs and should be emulated.) In return, the Saud family earned the endorsement of an Islamic cleric — a puritanical enforcer known for insisting on the death by stoning of a woman for adultery.

    Al-Wahhab's particular version of Islam was the first of two historical accidents that would define Saudi religious influence centuries later. What came to be known as Wahhabism was "a tribal, desert Islam," said Akbar Ahmed, the chairman of Islamic studies at American University in Washington. It was shaped by the austere environment — xenophobic, fiercely opposed to shrines and tombs, disapproving of art and music, and hugely different from the cosmopolitan Islam of diverse trading cities like Baghdad and Cairo.

    The second historical accident came in 1938, when American prospectors discovered the largest oil reserves on earth in Saudi Arabia. Oil

    revenue generated by the Arabian-American Oil Co., or Aramco, created fabulous wealth. But it also froze in place a rigid social and economic system and gave the conservative religious establishment an extravagant budget for the export of its severe strain of Islam.

    "One day you find oil, and the world is coming to you," Ahmed said. "God has given you the ability to take your version of Islam to the world."

    In 1964, when King Faisal ascended the throne, he embraced the obligation of spreading Islam. A modernizer in many respects, with close ties to the West, he nonetheless could not overhaul the Wahhabi doctrine that became the face of Saudi generosity in many countries.

    Over the next four decades, in non-Muslim-majority countries alone, Saudi Arabia would build 1,359 mosques, 210 Islamic centers, 202 colleges and 2,000 schools. Saudi money helped finance 16 American mosques; four in Canada; and others in London, Madrid, Brussels and Geneva, according to a report in an official Saudi weekly, Ain al-Yaqeen. The total spending, including supplying or training imams and teachers, was "many billions" of Saudi riyals (at a rate of about four to a dollar), the report said.

    Saudi religious teaching had particular force because it came from the birthplace of the Prophet Muhammad, the land of Islam's two holiest places, Mecca and Medina. When Saudi imams arrived in Muslim countries in Asia or Africa, or in Muslim communities in Europe or the Americas, wearing traditional Arabian robes, speaking the language of the Quran — and carrying a generous checkbook — they had automatic credibility.

    As the 20th century progressed and people of different nationalities and faiths mixed routinely, the puritanical, exclusionary nature of al-Wahhab's teachings would become more and more dysfunctional. But the Saudi government would find it extraordinarily difficult to shed or soften its ideology, especially after the landmark year of 1979.

    In Tehran that year, the Iranian revolution brought to power a radical Shiite government, symbolically challenging Saudi Arabia, the leader of Sunnism, for leadership of global Islam. The declaration of an Islamic Republic escalated the competition between the two major branches of Islam, spurring the Saudis to redouble their efforts to counter Iran and spread Wahhabism around the world.

    Then, in a stunning strike, a band of 500 Saudi extremists seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca for two weeks, publicly calling Saudi rulers puppets of the West and traitors to true Islam. The rebels were defeated, but leading clerics agreed to back the government only after assurances of support for a crackdown on immodest ways in the kingdom and a more aggressive export of Wahhabism abroad.

    Finally, at year's end, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan and seized power to prop up a Communist government. It soon faced an insurgent movement of mujahedeen, or holy warriors battling for Islam, which drew fighters from around the world for a decade-long battle to expel the occupiers.

    Throughout the 1980s, Saudi Arabia and the United States worked together to finance the mujahedeen in this great Afghan war, which would revive the notion of noble armed jihad for Muslims worldwide. President Ronald Reagan famously welcomed to the Oval Office a delegation of bearded "Afghan freedom fighters" whose social and theological views were hardly distinguishable from those later embraced by the Taliban.

    In fact, the United States spent $50 million from 1986 to 1992 on what was called a "jihad literacy" project — printing books for Afghan children and adults to encourage violence against non-Muslim "infidels" like Soviet troops. A first-grade language textbook for Pashto speakers, for example, according to a study by Dana Burde, an associate professor at New York University, used "Mujahid," or fighter of jihad, as the illustration: "My brother is a Mujahid. Afghan Muslims are Mujahedeen. I do jihad together with them. Doing jihad against infidels is our duty."
    The United States spent millions printing textbooks for Afghan children and adults that encouraged violence against non-Muslim “infidels” like Soviet troops, as in this excerpt from a book for Pashto-speaking first graders. CreditFrom Dana Burde, Schools for Conflict or for Peace in Afghanistan

    What Is Wahhabism?

    The Islam taught in and by Saudi Arabia is often called Wahhabism, after the 18th-century cleric who founded it. A literalist, ultraconservative form of Sunni Islam, its adherents often denigrate other Islamic sects as well as Christians and Jews.
    The Seoul Central
    Members of the Saudi security services inspecting the site of a car bomb attack in May 2015 targeting Shiite Saudis attending Friday Prayer at a mosque in Dammam, Saudi Arabia.
    Secrets of the Kingdom



    Saudi oil fields developed by Aramco, the Arabian-American Oil Company, as seen in this 1951 photograph, provided generous funding for the export of the Saudi version of Islam.

    Saudi Arabia and the United States worked together to support the mujahedeen, the Afghan fighters whose representatives met President Ronald Reagan in the Oval Office in 1983, in their fight against the Soviet occupation. Credit

    Document: State Dept. Study on Saudi Textbooks

     
    Credit


    Excerpts from Saudi textbooks with critical comments from a 2013 study, commissioned by the State Department, that was never released for fear of angering the Saudis. The New York Times obtained the study under the Freedom of Information Act.
    During his reign from 1964 to 1975, King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, pictured here in May 1968, embraced the duty of spreading Islam around the world
    A wounded man at the airport in Brussels after an attack by jihadists in March. There appears to be no direct link between the bombers and the Saudi legacy in the Belgian capital.
    The Iranian revolution in early 1979 brought to power a radical Shiite government, symbolically challenging Saudi Arabia, the leader of Sunnism, for leadership of global Islam.
    Pressure After 9/11

    One day in the months after the September 11 attacks, Robert W Jordan, the US ambassador to Saudi Arabia, was driving in the kingdom with the longtime Saudi ambassador to the United States, Prince Bandar Bin Sultan. The prince pointed to a mosque and said, "I just fired the imam there." The man's preaching had been too militant, he said.

    Jordan, a Texas lawyer, said that after the Qaida attacks, he had stepped up pressure on the Saudi government over its spread of extremism. "I told them: 'What you teach in your schools and preach in your mosques now is not an internal matter. It affects our national security,'" he said.

    After years of encouraging and financing a harsh Islam in support of the anti-Soviet jihad, the United States had reversed course — gradually during the 1990s and then dramatically after the Sept. 11 attacks. But in pressuring Saudi Arabia, US officials would tread lightly, acutely aware of American dependence on Saudi oil and intelligence cooperation. Saudi reform would move at an excruciatingly slow pace.

    Twelve years after September 11, after years of quiet American complaints about Saudi teachings, a State Department contractor, the International Center for Religion and Diplomacy, completed a study of official Saudi textbooks. It reported some progress in cutting back on bigoted and violent content but found that plenty of objectionable material remained. Officials never released the 2013 study, for fear of angering the Saudis. The New York Times obtained it under the Freedom of Information Act.

    Seventh-graders were being taught that "fighting the infidels to elevate the words of Allah" was among the deeds Allah loved the most, the report found, among dozens of passages it found troubling. Tenth-graders learned that Muslims who abandoned Islam should be jailed for three days and, if they did not change their minds, "killed for walking away from their true religion." Fourth-graders read that non-Muslims had been "shown the truth but abandoned it, like the Jews," or had replaced truth with "ignorance and delusion, like the Christians."

    Some of the books, prepared and distributed by the government, propagated views that were hostile to science, modernity and women's rights, not to say downright quirky — advocating, for instance, execution for sorcerers and warning against the dangers of the Rotary Club and the Lions Club. (The groups' intent, said a 10th-grade textbook, "is to achieve the goals of the Zionist movement.")

    The textbooks, or other Saudi teaching materials with similar content, had been distributed in scores of countries, the study found. Textbook reform has continued since the 2013 study, and Saudi officials say they are trying to replace older books distributed overseas.

    But as the study noted, the schoolbooks were only a modest part of the Saudis' lavishly funded global export of Wahhabism. In many places, the study said, the largess includes "a Saudi-funded school with a Wahhabist faculty (educated in a Saudi-funded Wahhabist University), attached to a mosque with a Wahhabist imam, and ultimately controlled by an international Wahhabist educational body."

    This ideological steamroller has landed in diverse places where Muslims of different sects had spent centuries learning to accommodate one another. Sayyed Shah, a Pakistani journalist working on a doctorate in the United States, described the devastating effect on his town, not far from the Afghan border, of the arrival some years ago of a young Pakistani preacher trained in a Saudi-funded seminary.

    Village residents had long held a melange of Muslim beliefs, he said. "We were Sunni, but our culture, our traditions were a mixture of Shia and Barelvi and Deobandi," Shah said, referring to Muslim sects. His family would visit the large Barelvi shrine, and watch their Shiite neighbors as they lashed themselves in a public religious ritual. "We wouldn't do that ourselves, but we'd hand out sweets and water," he said.

    The new preacher, he said, denounced the Barelvi and Shiite beliefs as false and heretical, dividing the community and setting off years of bitter argument. By 2010, Shah said, "everything had changed." Women who had used shawls to cover their hair and face began wearing full burqas. Militants began attacking kiosks where merchants sold secular music CDs. Twice, terrorists used explosives to try to destroy the village's locally famous shrine.

    Now, Shah said, families are divided; his cousin, he said, "just wants Saudi religion." He said an entire generation had been "indoctrinated" with a rigid, unforgiving creed.

    "It's so difficult these days," he said. "Initially we were on a single path. We just had economic problems, but we were culturally sound."

    He added, "But now it's very difficult, because some people want Saudi culture to be our culture, and others are opposing that."

    C Christine Fair, a specialist on Pakistan at Georgetown University, said Shah's account was credible. But like many scholars describing the Saudi impact on religion, she said that militancy in Pakistan also had local causes. While Saudi money and teaching have unquestionably been "accelerants," Pakistan's sectarian troubles and jihadist violence have deep roots dating to the country's origins in the partition of India in 1947.

    "The idea that without the Saudis Pakistan would be Switzerland is ridiculous," she said.

    Elusive Saudi links

    That is the disputed question, of course: how the world would be different without decades of Saudi-funded shaping of Islam. Though there is a widespread belief that Saudi influence has contributed to the growth of terrorism, it is rare to find a direct case of cause and effect.

    For example, in Brussels, the Grand Mosque was built with Saudi money and staffed with Saudi imams. In 2012, according to Saudi diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks, one Saudi preacher was removed after Belgian complaints that he was a "true Salafi" who did not accept other schools of Islam. And Brussels' immigrant neighborhoods, notably Molenbeek, have long been the home of storefront mosques teaching hard-line Salafi views.

    After the terrorist attacks in Paris in November and in Brussels in March were tied to an Islamic State cell in Belgium, the Saudi history was the subject of several news media reports. Yet it was difficult to find any direct link between the bombers and the Saudi legacy in the Belgian capital.

    Several suspects had petty criminal backgrounds; their knowledge of Islam was described by friends as superficial; they did not appear to be regulars at any mosque. Though the Islamic State claimed responsibility for the blasts, resentment of the treatment of North African immigrant families in Belgium and exposure to Islamic State propaganda, in person or via the internet and social media, appeared to be the major factors motivating the attacks.

    If there was a Saudi connection, it was highly indirect, perhaps playing out over a generation or longer. Hind Fraihi, a Moroccan-Belgian journalist who went underground in the Brussels immigrant neighborhood of Molenbeek in 2005 and wrote a book about it, met Saudi-trained imams and found lots of extremist literature written in Saudi Arabia that encouraged "polarization, the sentiment of us against them, the glorification of jihad."

    The recent attackers, Fraihi said, were motivated by "lots of factors — economic frustration, racism, a generation that feels it has no future." But Saudi teaching, she said, "is part of the cocktail."

    Without the Saudi presence over the decades, might a more progressive and accommodating Islam, reflecting immigrants' Moroccan roots, have taken hold in Brussels? Would young Muslims raised in Belgium have been less susceptible to the stark, violent call of the Islamic State? Conceivably, but the case is impossible to prove.

    Or consider an utterly different cultural milieu — the world's most populous Muslim country, Indonesia. The Saudis have sent money for mosque-building, books and teachers for decades, said Sidney Jones, the director of the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict in Jakarta.

    "Over time," said Jones, who has visited or lived in Indonesia since the 1970s, the Saudi influence "has contributed to a more conservative, more intolerant atmosphere." (President Barack Obama, who lived in Indonesia as a boy, has remarked on the same phenomenon.) She said she believed money from private Saudi donors and foundations was behind campaigns in Indonesia against Shiite and Ahmadi Islam, considered heretical by Wahhabi teaching. Some well-known Indonesian religious vigilantes are Saudi-educated, she said.

    But when Jones studied the approximately 1,000 people arrested in Indonesia on terrorism charges since 2002, she found only a few — "literally four or five"— with ties to Wahhabi or Salafi institutions. When it comes to violence, she concluded, the Saudi connection is "mostly a red herring."


    In fact, she said, there is a gulf between Indonesian jihadists and Indonesian Salafis who look to Saudi or Yemeni scholars for guidance. The jihadists accuse the Salafis of failing to act on their convictions; the Salafis scorn the jihadists as extremists.


    Whatever the global effects of decades of Saudi proselytizing, it is under greater scrutiny than ever, from outside and inside the kingdom. Saudi leaders' ideological reform efforts, encompassing textbooks and preaching, amount to a tacit recognition that its religious exports have sometimes backfired. And the kingdom has stepped up an aggressive public relations campaign in the West, hiring American publicists to counter critical news media reports and fashion a reformist image for Saudi leaders.


    But neither the publicists nor their clients can renounce the strain of Islam on which the Saudi state was built, and old habits sometimes prove difficult to suppress. A prominent cleric, Saad bin Nasser al-Shethri, had been stripped of a leadership position by the previous king, Abdullah, for condemning coeducation. King Salman restored al-Shethri to the job last year, not long after the cleric had joined the chorus of official voices criticizing the Islamic State.


    But al-Shethri's reasoning for denouncing the Islamic State suggested the difficulty of change. The group was, he said, "more infidel than Jews and Christians."
    Follow Scott Shane on Twitter @ScottShaneNYT.
    Hala Droubi contributed reporting from Dubai, United Arab Emirates.
    http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/26/world/middleeast/saudi-arabia-islam.html?_r=0

    0 0


    Soma metaphors in Vedic texts, Soma not edible for mortals says Chandogya Upanishad, identification of Soma as metal

    I suggest that references in Rigveda related to Soma are metaphorical expressions of 'drink' in Chandas (Vedic Samskrtam), while the product processed results in a molten state. 

    I submit that such references do NOT constitute a direct reference to a herbal fluid or juice or any edible material.

    Louis Renous noted: Rigveda is Soma in nuce (Soma in a nut). Identification of Soma as a product so vividly enunciated in Vedic texts is of fundamental importance so as not to mis-interpret the sacred texts.

    The Chandogya in 8 chapters is Vedantic philosophy.

    esha somo raja devanam annam tam deva bhakshayanti: "That soma is king; this is the devas' food. The devas eat it." [Chandogya.Upanishad (Ch.Up.]

    This is the clearest statement that references to or attributes of Soma in the Vedic tradition, right from the Rigveda, should be viewed as metaphors. Even when Agni or ghee or Soma are viewed as products, the emphatic statement is that Soma is NOT for human digestion or consumption but associated with divinities, digested by the divinities (deva bhakshyanti) -- not by mortals or worshippers in the sacred yajna.

    It will thus be an error to interpret Soma as an edible product. Such interpretations that Soma is a hallucinogen or an inebriant are not sanctioned by tradition. If at all there is a refrain metaphor, it relates to processing of Soma to generate or obtain wealth. 


    There may be some questions raised based on received wisdom that translations refer to expressions of 'drinking' soma.

    Here for example are two references from Rigveda: RV 8.48.3 nd RV 8.91.1-7
     
    [08-048] HYMN XLVIII. Soma. 1. WISELY have I enjoyed the savoury viand, religious-thoughted, best to find out treasure, The food to which all Deities and mortals, calling it meath, gather themselves together. <337> 2 Tlou shalt be Aditi as thou hast entered within, appeaser of celestial anger. Indu, enjoying Indra's friendship, bring us - as a swift steed the car - forward to riches. 3 We have drunk Soma and become immortal; we have attained the light, the Gods discovered. Now what may foeman's malice do to harm us? What, O Immortal, mortal man's deception?

    Griffith Translation RV 8.91.1-7
    1. DOWN to the stream a maiden came, and found the Soma by the way. Bearing it to her home she said, For Indra will I press thee out, for Sakra will I press thee out. 2 Thou roaming yonder, little man, beholding every house in turn, Drink thou this Soma pressed with teeth, accompanied with grain and curds, with cake of meal and song of praise. 3 Fain would we learn to know thee well, nor yet can we attain to thee. Still slowly and in gradual drops, O Indu, unto Indra flow. 4 Will he not help and work for us? Will he not make us wealthier? Shall we not, hostile to our lord, unite ourselves to Indra now? 5 O Indra, cause to sprout again three places, these which I declare,- My father's head, his cultured field, and this the part below my waist. 6 Make all of these grow crops of hair, you cultivated field of ours, My body, and my father's head. 7 Cleansing Apala, Indra! thrice, thou gavest sunlike skin to her, Drawn, Satakratu! through the hole of car, of wagon, and of yoke.

    apAma may also mean 'obtained'. Here:

    आप 1 [p= 142,2] m. obtaining mfn. ifc. to be obtained (cf. दुर्°).n. (fr. 2. अप् Pa1n2. 4-2 , 37), a quantity of water , मल्लिनाथ on S3is3. iii , 72. Thus, the translation of apAma 'we drank' is of doubtful validity.

    Apala episode is beautiful. What she found was a stone with traces of soma (electrum, gold/silver compound as assem (Egyptian), noted by Joseph Needham).


    In RV 8.48.3 'We have drunk...'? Amrutam is a metaphor. It means, we have obtained the Soma, amrutam (wealth).


    This is what Winslow's Tamil lexicon says: soma maNal 'sand containing silver ore'. 

    *சோமன் cōmaṉ (p. 212) s. The moon, சந்திரன். W. p. 945. SOMA. 2. The name of an ancient liberal king, ஓர்வள்ளல். 3. (c.) A cloth worn by men, sometimes by women, wrapped round the waist, வேஷ்டி. 4. Cloth in general, சீலை. 5. One of the eight demigods, அஷ்டவசுக்களிலொரு வன். 6. Camphor, கர்ப்பூரம். 7. Soap, சவக் காரம். 8. A kind of rank in Ceylon wear three cloths one over another; the வேட்டி; சோமன். and துப்பட்டி. சோமகதி, s. Moon's daily motion. சோமசுந்தரன், s. Siva, சிவன். 2. A name of one of the Pandyan kings, ஓர் பாண்டியன். சோமசூரியாக்கினி, s. The sun, moon and fire. See முச்சுடர். சோமசேகரன்--சோமநாதன், s. Siva, as worshipped at Somnauth, சிவன். சோமமணல், s. Sand containing silver, வெள்ளிமணல்.  

    See also: S. Kalyanaraman,2004, Indian Alchemy, Soma in the Veda, Delhi,Munshiram Manoharlal



    Soe refer to metaphors of leafs or stalks in the context of Soma. These metaphors can be explainedby some examples of some crystals of electrum ore naturally found which justify such metahpors.




    Round Mountain Mine, Toquima Range, Nye Co., Nevada, USA. A rich mass of finely defined octahedrally grown electrum over milky white crystalline quartz. Analysis shows the make up of electrum to be 66.7% gold, 33.3% silver.
    Inline image 1 Found in sand.Analysis got 73.14% Au 26.13% Ag. So this is electrum as the colour indicates.
    eSwauk Dist., Kittitas Co. Washington, USA. Very fragile. Found in sand.
    Inline image 1

    ElectrumRound Mountain Mine, Round Mountain, Round Mountain, Round Mountain District, Toquima Range, Nye Co., Nevada, USA
    Inline image 1
    Electrum Mineral Facts:
    Chemical Formula: Au(Ag) Gold and Silver alloy, more than 20% silver by weight.
    Colors: Pale metallic gold, streak is the same.
    Hardness: 2.5 to 3

    Density: 12.5 to 15.5
    The density is variable depending on the silver content. 
    Cleavage: Electrum is ductile and mallable. Also sectile, and can be cut with a knife like lead.
    Crystallography: Isometric, commonly octahedral.
    Usually in irregular plates, scales or masses, and seldom definitely crystallized.
    Luster:. Metallic luster.

    I agree with Georges Pinault about ams'u (Soma) as iron.

    Avestan haoma (cognate soma) was based on herbal preparation, while Vedic soma of Soma samsthA was based on metallic stones. 

    See: 
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/legend-of-anzu-which-stole-tablets-of.html 
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/legend-of-anzu-which-stole-tablets-of.html 

    The links provide arguments of George Pinault equating Vedic ams'u 'soma' with ancu 'iron' (Tocharian).

    To summarize, the submission is that Soma was a contribution by Vedic people to the Bronze Age Revolution. The importance of the contribution is recognized by the expression सोम--संस्था [p= 1250,3] f. the basis or initial form of a सोम sacrifice MBh. Gaut. Ma1rkP. सं-स्था a complete liturgical course , the basis or essential form of a sacrifice (the ज्योतिः-ष्टोम , हविर्-यज्ञ , andपाक-यज्ञ consist of seven such forms) S3rS. occupation , business , profession W.


    Binjor agnikunda with octagonal, अष्टाश्रि yūpa
    Read in the context of the Vedic tradition of Vajapeya as a सोमः [सू-मन् Uṇ.1.139]-संस्था a form of the Soma-sacrifice, the Binjor agnikunda evidences the performance of a Vajapeya yajna. 

    Shapes of Yupa: A. Commemorative stone yupa, Isapur – from Vogel, 1910-11, plate 23; drawing based on Vedic texts – from Madeleine Biardeau, 1988, 108, fig. 1; cf. 1989, fig. 2); C. Miniature wooden yupa and caSAla from Vaidika Samsodana Mandala Museum of Vedic sacrificial utensils – from Dharmadhikari 1989, 70) (After Fig. 5 in Alf Hiltebeitel, 1988, The Cult of Draupadi, Vol. 2, Univ. of Chicago Press, p.22).

    Identification of Soma as metal is consistent with the context of Indus Script Corpora as metalwork catalogues of the Bronze Age Revolution.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    August 26, 2016


    0 0


    This note highlights three intriguing references to Soma in the Rigveda:

    1. Mortals do not taste Soma. RV 10.85.3, 4 which suggest that Brahmana and those who dwell on earth do NOT partake of Soma. Similar refrain occurs in Atharva Veda. Hillebrandt and Oldenburg suggest that Soma is a metahpor for the sun or moon.

    2. माक्षिक, the fly, betrays Soma. RV 1.119.9 There is a pun on the word माक्षिक which also signifies 'pyrites' (secondary ores).

    3. Reference to Soma in the dual and plural RV 9.66.2,3,5 refer to Soma in dual, or plural (re-inforcing the allegorical nature of the descriptions.

    The Vedic texts and translations are given below.

    I suggest that these three references point to the allegorical nature of Soma in the Rigveda. Soma is NOT a metaphor for the sun or moon but metaphor for metalwork, working with माक्षिक 'pyrites'. "The mineral pyrite, or iron pyrite, is an iron sulfide with the chemical formula FeS2....Pyrite is usually found associated with other sulfides or oxides in quartz veinssedimentary rock, and metamorphic rock, as well as in coal beds." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pyrite

    Item 1: Mortals do not taste Soma
    Griffith translation: RV 10.85.1-4: 1. TRUTH is the base that bears the earth; by Surya are the heavens sustained. By Law the Adityas stand secure, and Soma holds his place in heaven. 2 By Soma are the Adityas strong, by Soma mighty is the earth. Thus Soma in the midst of all these constellations hath his place. 3 One thinks, when they have brayed the plant, that he hath drunk the Soma's juice; Of him whom Brahmans truly know as Soma no one ever tastes. 4 Soma, secured by sheltering rules, guarded by hymns in Brhati, Thou standest listening to the stones none tastes of thee who dwells on earth.

    soma is not a drink of mortals: "one thinks to have drunk soma, when they crush the plant. Of him (soma), which the braahmanas know, no one ever tastes.": RV X.85.3; same hymn in AV. XIV.1.3; "No earthly one eats you." : RV X.85.4; soma is for Indra: "Boldy drink soma from tbe beaker, Indra!...": AV VII.77; [Hillebrandt and Oldenburg treat soma as a metaphor for the moon or the sun]

    Item 2: माक्षिक, the fly, betrays Soma

    uta syaa vaam madhuman maakshikaarapan madey somasyausijo huvanyati (To you, O Aswins, that fly betrayed the soma: RV 1.119.9); maakshika = pyrite ores; fly. cf."maakshikam (pyrites), digested hundred times with juice of plantain leaves, andthen steeped for three days in oil, clarified butter and honey, and then heated strongly in a crucible yields its essence" (alchemical treatise: Rudrayamala Tantra, cited in P.Ray, History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India, p.157)

    माक्षिक [p= 805,2] mfn. (fr. मक्षिका) coming from or belonging to a bee Ma1rkP. (Monier-Williams)
    मक्षिकः मक्षि (क्षी) का A fly, bee; भो उपस्थितं नयनमधु संनिहिता मक्षिका च M.2. -Comp. -मलम् wax. (Apte)

    माक्षिक n. a kind of honey-like mineral substance or pyrites MBh.

    उपरसः uparasḥउपरसः 1 A secondary mineral, (red chalk, bitumen, माक्षिक, शिलाजित &c)

    Griffith translation: RV 1.119.1-10:1. HITHER, that I may live, I call unto the feast your wondrous car, thought-swift, borne on by rapid steeds. With thousand banners, hundred treasures, pouring gifts, promptly obedient, bestowing ample room. 2 Even as it moveth near my hymn is lifted up, and all the regions come together to sing praise. I sweeten the oblations; now the helpers come. Urjani hath, O Asvins, mounted on your car. 3 When striving man with man for glory they have met, brisk, measurcIess, eager for victory in fight, Then verily your car is seen upon the slope when ye, O Asvins, bring some choice boon to the prince. 4 Ye came to Bhujyu while he struggled in the flood, with flying birds, self-yoked, ye bore him to his sires. Ye went to the far-distant home, O Mighty Ones; and famed is your great aid to Divodisa given. 5 Asvins, the car which you had yoked for glorious show your own two voices urged directed to its goal. Then she who came for friendship, Maid of noble birth, elected you as Husbands, you to be her Lords. 6 Rebha ye saved from tyranny; for Atri's sake ye quenched with cold the fiery pit that compassed him. Ye made the cow of Sayu stream refreshing milk, and Vandana was holpen to extended life. 7 Doers of marvels, skilful workers, ye restored Vandana, like a car, worn out with length of days. From earth ye brought the sage to life in wondrous mode; be your great deeds done here for him who honours you. 8 Ye went to him who mourned in a far distant place, him who was left forlorn by treachery of his sire. Rich with the light ofheaven was then the help ye gave, and marvellous your succour when ye stood by him. 9 To you in praise of sweetness sang the honey-bee: Ausija calleth you in Soma's rapturous joy. Ye drew unto yourselves the spirit of Dadhyac, and then the horse's head uttered his words to you. 10 A horse did ye provide for Pedu, excellent, white, O ye Asvins, conqueror of combatants, Invincible in war by arrows, seeking heaven worthy of fame, like Indra, vanquisher of men.

    A reference to mAkshika in RV 1.119.9 is a pun on the word: mAkshika 'fly' mAkshika 'pyrites'
    To you, O Aswins, that fly betrayed the soma: RV 1.119.9

    Makshika as pyrites are used in metlwork: "maakshikam (pyrites), digested hundred times with juice of plantain leaves, and then steeped for three days in oil, clarified butter and honey, and then heated strongly in a crucible yields its essence" (alchemical treatise: Rudrayamala Tantra, cited in P.Ray, History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India, p.157)

    Item 3: Reference to Soma in the dual and plural


    Griffith translation: RV 9.66.1-5: 1. For holy lore of every sort, flow onward thou whom all men love. A Friend to be besought by friends. 2 O'er all thou rulest with these Two which, Soma Pavamana, stand, Turned, as thy stations, hitherward. 3 Wise Soma Pavamana, thou encompassest on every side Thy stations as the seasons come. 4 Flow onward, generating food, for precious boons of every kind, A Friend for friends, to be our help. 5 Upon the lofty ridge of heaven thy bright rays with their essences, Soma, spread purifying power.

    It is extraordinary that soma is referred to in dual, or plural (re-inforcing 
    the allegorical nature of the descriptions): "with those two forms" (RV
    IX.66.2,3,5); "the forms (plural, not dual) that are thine" (RV IX.66.3); "the
    shining rays spread a filter on the back of the heaven, O soma, with (thy) forms
    (plural, not dual)" (RV IX.66.5); the dual reference is to the ore-form and the
    purified/processed form.

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/08/identification-of-soma-as-metal-in.html


    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
     August 26, 2016

    0 0




    Punjabi inscription on the Atashgah beginning with Ik Onkar Satnam"

    Bani of Guru Nanak from Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji
    Indian merchant in Atashgah, Azerbaijan






    The Sanskrit equivalents for the Panjabi appellations used above are Sat, NAman, Karatd, Purusha, Nirbhaya, Nirvdira, Akalamfirti, Ajanma Svayambhu.
    https://ia801702.us.archive.org/15/items/jstor-592636/592636.pdf

    Indian Inscriptions on the Fire Temple at Bāku by Justin E. Abbott, 1908


    An inscription from the Baku Atashgah. The first line begins: I salute Lord Ganesha (श्री गणेसाय नम) venerating Hindu god Ganesha, the second venerates the holy fire (जवालाजी, Jwala Ji) and dates the inscription to Samvat 1802 (संवत १८०२, or 1745-46 CE). The Persian quatrain below is the sole Persian inscription on the temple[7] and, though ungrammatical,[7] also refers to the fire (آتش) and dates it to 1158 (١١٥٨) Hijri, which is also 1745 CE.
    Samskrtam invocation to Lord Shiva in an Atashgah inscription, with the Hindu devotional-form of the Swastika on top
    Illustration from Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary (1890—1907)



    Drawing from the book: "Journey in Dagestan and the Caucasus"
    Guebre ceremony in Ateshgah temple

    Ateshgah, beginning of 20th cent. 
    Ateshgah Fire Temple.jpg
    Ateshgah fire temple.

    http://ateshgahtemple.az/index.php

    [quote]The BakuAteshgah (from Persianآتشگاه‎‎, AtashgāhAzerbaijaniAtəşgah), often called the "Fire Temple of Baku" is a castle-like religious temple in Surakhani,[2] a suburb in BakuAzerbaijan. Based on Persian and Indian inscriptions, temple was used as a Hindu and Zoroastrian place of worship. "Atash" (آتش) is the Persian word for fire.[3] The pentagonal complex, which has a courtyard surrounded by cells for monks and a tetrapillar-altar in the middle, was built during the 17th and 18th centuries. It was abandoned after 1883[citation needed] when oil and gas plants were established in the vicinity, ending the flow of natural gas to the temple and extinguishing the holy fire.

    The Baku Ateshgah was a pilgrimage and philosophical centre of Zoroastrians from Northwestern Indian Subcontinent, who were involved in trade with the Caspian area via the famous "Grand Trunk Road". The four holy elements of their belief were: ateshi (fire), badi (air), abi (water), and heki (earth). The temple ceased to be a place of worship after 1883 with the installation of petroleum plants (industry) at Surakhany. The complex was turned into a museum in 1975. [unquote] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ateshgah_of_Baku

    0 0

    It’s in the mail: how submarine secrets surfaced in Australia


    27 August 2016


    In late April 2013 a Sydney postman reached into his satchel and pulled out a small envelope containing the secrets of India’s new submarine fleet.

    He dropped the letter, with a Singapore stamp on it, in a private post office box and moved on.

    The envelope, containing a small data disc, remained there for days, along with a Telstra bill and junk mail, before being picked up on April 24, 2013, by a man who took it home and pushed the disk into his computer.

    This week the contents of that disk have become front-page news in Australia, India and France as each country grapples with the ramifications of an Edward Snowden-style leak of confidential documents disclosing the entire secret combat capability of India’s new Scorpene-class submarine fleet.

    The leak is of more than passing interest to Australia because the documents come from the same French shipbuilder, DCNS, that will design 12 submarines for the Royal Australian Navy in the country’s largest and most expensive defence project.

    But it is of far greater urgency to India,which fears that if a foreign spy service has acquired the data its six Scorpene submarines, costing a total of $US3 billion ($3.93bn), could be dead in the water before they sail. 

    France is also in damage control as it tries to understand and explain how 22,400 of its secret documents on India’s submarines crossed the world to be delivered by a Sydney postie.

    None of these three countries was aware of the leak until this week, whenThe Australian asked DCNS Australiaon Monday afternoon to comment on an astonishing data file it had seen, marked“Restricted Scorpene India”, which laid bare almost every secret capability of India’s new submarines. 

    These included 
    - the contracted parameters 
    - and capabilities of the submarine’s stealth features, 
    - its noise signatures at different speeds, 
    - its range, endurance, diving depths, magnetic and infra-red data. 

    In other words, the full suite of submarine capability spread over 22,400 documents that any navy would consider to be classified and highly sensitive.

    The news set off a remarkable chain of events, which says much about the high stakes involved for each country. 

    On receiving questions about the leak from The Australian on Monday, the Canberra office of France’s DCNS immediately deferred to its head office in Paris.

    The ramifications of a news story revealing the mega-data dump on such a sensitive project were immediately obvious. 

    India would be furious, but so too would Malaysia, Chile and Brazil,which also have, or will soon have, DCNS Scorpene submarines. 

    And Australia was also likely to be concerned about the security of its own new partnership with the French defence giant.

    DCNS officials in Paris ­urgently checked their files, looking for signs of espionage.

    On Tuesday morning, DCNS officials in Paris came back to their Canberra DCNS colleagues with the news that they could find no immediate evidence of a security breach that would explain such a massive data leak.

    The DCNS team in Canberra met to workshop the problem. It was a sobering moment for them. The tight-knit group led by Sean Costello, former chief of staff to former defence minister David Johnston, were considered heroes by DCNS in Paris for pulling off an unlikely victory against the more heavily favoured Germans and Japanese to win the lucrative contract to design Australia’s future submarines. 

    The leak was not their fault, but they would be saddled with its legacy, which would be that their commercial rivals would exploit every opportunity to say the French can never be trusted with Australia’s secrets.

    The group reasoned that the most likely scenario was that a commercial competitor was seeking to sabotage the company and had somehow obtained and then leaked the data. 

    The obvious suspects were the losers in the submarine bid, Germany and Japan, but why would they wait for four months after the decision to strike?

    If the leak was a global attack on DCNS then Norway, rather than Australia, would have been the obvious place to strike given that DCNS is now trying to pitch its Scorpene submarine to the Norwegian Navy, whereas the Australian deal was already stitched up.

    DCNS had no answers and so it was assumed the most likely source of the leak was from the Indian side. 

    The company wrote a carefully worded statement that implied — but did not state — that the leak came from India.

    By late Tuesday afternoon DCNS realised it had to tell the Australian government that some very bad news was to be published the next day. 

    The company called the head of Defence’s Future Submarine Project, Rear Admiral Greg Sammut, who then called Defence Department secretary Dennis Richardson. Defence ­Industry Minister Christopher Pyne was also briefed.

    In New Delhi, India’s Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar was asleep when an aide woke him at midnight and showed him the ­report on The Australian’s website.

    For Parrikar the news was devastating. He had a strong personal investment in India’s Scorpene submarines. Just over a year earlier, on April 6, 2015, he had watched the “undocking” ceremony in Mumbai as the first of India’s six Scorpene submarines, Kalvari, meaning Tiger Shark, was celebrated. The new submarine, decked in garlands and Indian flags, represented the pinnacle of the Indian Navy. A prayer ceremony was held to bless the boat.

    The Scorpenes were a badly needed replacement for India’s ageing fleet of Russian Kilo-class and German Type 209 submarines that were almost three decades old and often confined to port with technical problems.

    The DCNS Scorpene, however, was ordered in 2005 to spearhead India’s submarine fleet because, it boasted, in the words of the Indian Express: “Stealth features (which) give it invulnerability, unmatched by many submarines.”

    But as Parrikar woke, the ­invulnerability of his pet project was in doubt. He ordered his chief of navy to launch an urgent investigation into the leak and what damage it had potentially caused.

    At 6.30am in Australia, Pyne had readThe Australian’s report and was soon on the phone to Richardson to discuss how to ­respond.

    Sources say Richardson was of the view that Australia’s own security arrangements surrounding the new submarine project were already robust and there was no need to reinvent the wheel on security just because of the leak.

    Pyne agreed, but also wanted to give a gentle message to the French. He asked Richardson to convey “a reminder” to DCNS that Australia expects the security of classified information on the future submarine project to be as tight as Australia’s handling of security information with its closest ally, the US.

    The subtext was, this is serious, don’t let this happen again.

    But Pyne also knew the story would run strongly in Australia unless he tried to kill it quickly, so at about 8.30am he issued a press release claiming — without having access to the 22,400 leaked documents — that Defence had advised that the leak would have “no bearing” on Australia’s submarine program.

    It was a public statement at odds with his private instruction to Richardson, but in Pyne’s view the quicker he could wash Australia’s hands of what he knew would be a nasty international furore the better.

    India woke on Wednesday to the report that its submarine fleet had been potentially compromised by the leak of thousands of secret documents. Within hours it was the biggest story in the country. Under pressure to provide a quick answer, Parrikar said the leak appeared to be a case of hacking but he offered nothing to support this theory, which he later backed away from.

    In Paris, DCNS realised it had a public relations and security disaster on its hands, with the story being reported on the front page of the newspaper Le Monde, followed the next day by a front-page cartoon lampooning the French security services.

    DCNS backed away from the claim that India had caused the leak and the French government stepped in to announce that its defence security officials would investigate.

    The Indian government also announced an investigation, but with every major Indian newspaper reporting the story on its front page, the government urged patience until its navy could assess the leak and the damage caused.

    But it seems that the story ­behind this leak may be more incompetence than espionage — more Austin Powers than James Bond. 

    The Weekend Australianhas been told by sources that the data was removed from DCNS in Paris in 2011 by a former French Navy officer who quit the service in the early 1970s and worked for French defence companies for more than 30 years before becoming a subcontractor to DCNS.

    Sources say they believe this subcontractor somehow copied the sensitive data from DCNS in France and, along with a French colleague, took it to a Southeast Asian country. If so, he broke the law and may face prosecution.

    The two men worked in that Southeast Asian country carrying out unclassified naval defence work.

    The speculation is that the data on the Scorpene was removed to serve as a reference guide for the former naval officer’s new job, but it is unclear why anyone would risk breaking the law by taking classified data for such a purpose.

    The two men are then said to have the fallen out with their ­employer, a private company run by a Western businessman.

    They were sacked and refused re-entry to their building. 

    At least one of the men asked to retrieve the data on the Scorpene but they were refused and the company — possibly not knowing the significance of the data — held on to it.

    The secret data was then sent to the company’s head office in Singapore, where the company’s IT chief — again probably not knowing its significance — tried to load it on an internet server for the person in Sydney who was slated to replace the two sacked French workers.

    The data was placed on a server on April 18, 2013, and it was then that it was dangerously vulnerable to hacking or interception by a foreign intelligence service. 

    It is not known whether the data stayed on this server for a few days or for a year. It is not known if any foreign intelligence service ­obtained it during this time.

    Unable to send such a large file over the net and not knowing the significance of the data, the Singapore company sent it on a data disk by regular post to Sydney.

    When the recipient, who was experienced in defence issues, opened the file on his home computer he was stunned. 

    He was ­expecting to read notes on a low-level naval program, but before him lay the secret capabilities of the new Indian submarine fleet.

    The data was not encrypted so he transferred it to an encrypted disk. That evening the man wiped the old disk with special software, grabbed a hammer and smashed it to pieces in his backyard.

    He placed the new encrypted disk in a locked filing cabinet in his office and there it remained for more than two years.

    In the back room of Cafe Loco, in the Melbourne suburb of ­Elsternwick, the man arrives, sits down and pulls out a data disk from his pocket. 

    He orders a hamburger then slips the disk into his laptop. He says he has something to show me, but not give to me.

    Why are you doing this I ask?

    He replies: “In the wake of the recent future submarine decision (in Australia) this matter went from one of a very serious breach for both France and India to a matter of national security significance to Australia and the US.”

    In other words, he wants Australia to know that its future submarine partner, France, has already lost control of secret data on India’s new submarines. 

    His hope is that this will spur the Turnbull government and DCNS to step up security to ensure Australia’s $50 billion submarine project does not suffer the same fate.

    He says he is a whistleblower and maintains that revealing to the world, viaThe Australian, that this classified data exists in a dangerously uncontrolled form is worthwhile because it will serve Australia’s interests even if it causes an international furore.

    He presses a button on his computer and his screen flickers to life.

    Here in a Melbourne cafe, amid the clatter of plates, laughter and the smell of coffee, he scrolls through the secrets of India’s submarine fleet. 

    He has not broken any laws and the authorities know who he is. 

    He plans to surrender the disk to the governmenton Monday.
    http://www.theaustralian.com.au/subscribe/news/1/index.html?sourceCode=TAWEB_WRE170_a&mode=premium&dest=http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/its-in-the-mail-how-submarine-secrets-surfaced-in-australia/news-story/38f8f0c1d78fcbb358581cf27819acfb&memtype=anonymous

    0 0


    This is an addendum to: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot .in/2016/08/soma-in-rigveda-al legory-for-metalwork.html  Soma in Rigveda, an allegory for metalwork, consistent with the tradition of Indus Script Corpora metalwork catalogues.


    Evidences have been presented to demonstrate the continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs on the punch-marked and cast coins of Ancient India in many mints from Takshasila to Anuradhapura. 

    This continuity is also recorded in the State formation and processes of amassing State revenues during Pre-Mauryan and Mauryan times of Ancient India. A remarkably lucid documentation is provided in Kauilya’s Arthaśāstra. 

    Kauilya is identified with akya (c. 350–283 BCE), mentor of the Mauryan emperor. 

    Artha is the sustenance or livelihood of people. A sutra enunciated: dharmasya mUlam artham, the basis for discharge of one’s responsibility is wealth.


    The sequential refrain of Canakya NIti is: sukhasya moolam dharmam. Dharmasya moolam artham  Arthasya moolam rajyam. Rajyasya moolam indriya vijayam.


    Kauṭilya expounds on the role of the State and training of the crown prince in Chapter I with statements such as: Without government, rises disorder as in the Matsya nyayamud bhavayati (proverb on law of fishes). In the absence of governance, the strong will swallow the weak. In the presence of governance, the weak resists the strong.— ArthaŚāstra 1.4

    The very second chapter devoted to artha starts with bhūmichidravidhāna focussing principally on wealth from forest areas. One such forest area which is a source of wealth – artha – for the state is (of uncultivable land) is brahma-somāraṇya (AŚ.2.2.2), that is forest area assigned to Brahmans and ascetics. Brahmans and ascetics saw the Aranyakas, principal documents of the Vedic narratives, enquiries and life-activities.


    It appears from the prominent role assigned to artha ‘wealth’ from brahma-somāraṇya (AŚ.2.2.2) that Soma samsthA were major wealth-producing activities related to such forest areas: brahma-somāraṇya (AŚ.2.2.2). 

    sōmḥ

    सोमःसंस्था a form of the Soma-yAga; (these are seven:- अग्निष्टोम, अत्यग्निष्टोम, उक्थ, षोढशी, अतिरात्र, आप्तोर्याम and वाजपेय). 

    It appears that सोमःसंस्था particularly from brahma-somāraṇya  -- i.e. from uncultivated forest lands -- were the principal sources of revenue of the State together with the land revenues collected from cultivable lands. This aspect of life in Ancient India is an area for further researches.

    CHAPTER II. DIVISION OF LAND


    bhūmichidravidhāna (AŚ.2.2) भूमि--च्छिद्र [p= 1331,2] land unfit for cultivation, Inscr.


    THE King shall make provision for pasture grounds on uncultivable tracts. Bráhmans shall be provided with forests for brahma-somāraṇya (should be translated as: forests assigned for Soma yaga, see below), for religious learning, and for the performance of penance, such forests being rendered safe from the dangers from animate or inanimate objects, and being named after the tribal name (gótra) of the Bráhmans resident therein. A forest as extensive as the above, provided with only one entrance rendered inaccessible by the construction of ditches all round, with plantations of delicious fruit trees, bushes, bowers, and thornless trees, with an expansive lake of water full of harmless animals, and with tigers (vyála), beasts of prey (márgáyuka), male and female elephants, young elephants, and bisons—all deprived …Manufactories to prepare commodities from forest produce shall also be set up. (2.2.2, pp.65, 66) https://archive.org/download/Arthasastra_English_Translation/Arthashastra_of_Chanakya_-_English.pdf


    http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00litlinks/kautilya/book02.htm

    Notes on brahma-somāraṇya (AŚ.2.2.2)

    For settlement of ascetics and BrAhmanas devoted to the study of the Vedas, two types of forests wre identified: tapovana and brahma-somAraNya (AS 2.2.2)

    ब्रह्मा* रण्य [p= 740,3]  n. " holy forest " , a grove in which the वेद is studied L.brahman ब्रह्मन्One conversant with sacred knowledge -अरण्यम् 1 a place of religious study (Apte) BrahmAraNya mahAtmya is the name of a work.


    Forest produce was dravyavana distinguished from hastivana which are animal sanctuaries. SamAharta. Dravyavana and brahmAraNya Protection against hindrances to such brahmAraNya had to be given priority by the State officials.


    Within the boundary of the forest-area, Kupyādhyakṣa (Director, Forest Produce under the control of Samāhartā) was “to make arrangements, for the settlement of the foresters or forest-dwellers connected with the produce forests (aṭavīmśca dravyavanāpaśrayāh)- AŚ.2.2.5) and they were to preserve and protect forests from various hazards… Kālāyasa (iron), tāmra (copper), vṛtta (steel), kāmsa (bronze), sīsa (lead), trapu (tin), vaikṛntaka (mercury) and ārakūṭa (brass) are included in the group of base metals. These metals were intended for preparing ploughs, pestles, which provided livelihood (ājīva), and machines, weapons, etc. for protection of the city (purarakṣā) (AŚ. 2.17.17). It may be presumed that separate factories were established in forest zones for each class of production. In this context, Kauṭilya advises the Master of the Armoury (Āyudhāgārdhyakṣa) to be conversant with the raw, defence material in the forests and their qualities and to avoid any adulteration (AŚ. 2.18.20)… In the capital there was a store–house for forest produce (kupyagrha), built under the supervision of the Director of Stores (Sannidhātā) (AŚ.2.5.1).” (Manubendu Banerjee, 2011, Kauilya’s Arthasastra on Forestry in: Sanskrit Vimars’ah, pp. 121-132), pp.123,127,128)  http://www.sanskrit.nic.in/svimarsha/V6/c9.pdf

    Director of mines (Ākarādhyakṣa) (AŚ. 2.12) controlled the production of ores from mines.



    Kupyādhyakṣa was in charge of setting up factories in the forests for producing serviceable articles (AS 2.17.2). Chief Ordnance Officer (Āyudhāgārādhyakṣa) supervised the business based on various types of forest-produce in the factories (AŚ. 2.18.20). Such factories most of the weapons. Guards who protected the factories were dravyavanapāla.


    brahma-somāraṇya was thus a source of wealth from सोमःसंस्था and also a source for production of metal implements brought into Āyudhāgāra (State Armoury). This possibility is indicated by the evidence for performance of a Soma Yaga in Binjor (ca. 2500 BCE). The evidence is a yajna kunda with an octagonal pillar, a signature pillar of a Soma Yaga, together with an Indus Script inscription. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/07/having-eight-corners-vedic-yupa-in_35.html 

    .


    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    August 27, 2016


    The settlement patterns in early times were generally influenced by the physical features of the geographical space. Physical features, particularly the natural drainage, and the climatic conditions and fertility of the soil — all of these were important for the purpose of economic activities, mode of production and subsistence of the people. The geologists' identified the region of Bengal as a 'delta', whereas the scholars dealing with the history of Bengal were inclined to highlight variations in the topography of the entire area for the purpose of explaining the historical processes. For example, Barrie M. Morrison divided the whole of Bengal into five distinct major geographical regions, viz., the deltaic plain, the Tippera surface, the Sylhet basin, the Madhupur jungle, and Varendra uplands (made of Pleistocene alluvium).^ Deltaic Bengal is bounded by the Tippera hills on the east, the Shillong plateau and Nepal Terai on the north and the highlands of the Rajamahal and Chota Nagpur on the west.'' Whereas the deltaic plain, the Tippera surface and the Sylhet basin consist of recent alluvial deposits, the Madhupur jungle and the Varendra uplands, which are contiguous to one another, comprise large tracts of ancient Pleistocene alluvium and are formed of oxidized ferruginous soils. The twin geological region (Madhupur-Varendra) has remarkable drainage pattern and abundant vegetation cover.'' The Varendra area, which measures three thousand six hundred square miles, stretches from the northern reach of the flood plains of the Ganga to the alluvial fan of the Nepal foothills. The Brahmaputra marks its eastern boundary and separates it from Madhupur, whereas its western edge merges into the lands lying across the Garo-Rajmahal gap.^ This Varendra area, identified elsewhere^ as the heartland of Pundravardhana, which may well be called the Pundra-Varendra region, was the more ancient part of Bengal. By analyzing the distribution of population in the 1941 Census of undivided Bengal, Morrison observed that the Madhupur jungle and Varendra were more thinly populated than other parts of Bengal.'

    Historically, Pundra-Varendra was an important region of early Bengal. Many politically important urban centres of ancient and early medieval Bengal, such as Pundranagara (Mahasthangarh), Bangarh, Paharpur, and (jauda-Pandua were located within the region. The Mahasthan Inscription of the Mauryan period, said to be the oldest epigraphic record found in Bengal,^ referred to Pundranagara. But this urban centre, along with Gaudapura and Gauda had attained significance as early as the sixth-third centuries BC, as known from the literary sources, such as the Astadhyayi of Panlni, the Arthasastra of Kautilya, and the Haraha inscription of the Maukhari king, Isanavarman. By the medieval period^, Gauda (or Gauda-Pandua) came to be known as Laksmanavati (Lakhnauti). VarendrT (Varendra) found mention in the Talcher Grant of Gayadatungadeva (dated the last quarter of the tenth century), the Kaviprasasti of the Ramacaritam, and the Silimpur, Tarpandlghi and Madhainagar inscriptions as a flourishing urban centre within Pundravardhana.'° It may be presumed that the growth of these important urban centres had been possible because of the support derived from the resource-rich rural hinterlands. The Himalayan streams passing through this region fed the major rivers of Bengal, including the Karatoya (which river still flows by the ruins of the ancient city at Mahasthangarh, although the volume of water has undoubtedly decreased). However, all the major rivers have changed their courses during the last three hundred years thereby causing major problems in tracing the ancient settlements in the region based on the evidence of the available sources."


    Urbanization The epigraphic records and archaeological remains offer a fair view of the early urbanization processes in the Pundra region. The Mahasthan Fragmentary Stone Plaque Inscription"^ of the third century BC. which happens to be the earliest epigraphic record pertaining to the region, mentioned 'Pundanagala' ('Pundranagara', i.e., the city of the Pundra), identified with Mahasthangarh, the site at which the fragmentary stone inscription was recovered. Pundranagara was the headquarters of the Pundras and the Samvamglyas. At that time, northern Bengal or Puijdravardhana was presumably a province of the Maurya Empire. As mentioned earlier, the inscription recorded that the local governor was ordered to distribute funds from the imperial treasury during times of scarcity caused by flood, fire or pests. This information suggested that the Mauryan rulers exercised political control over the Bengal delta or, at least, the area later on known as Varendra, at which Pundranagara"'' was located. Presumably, this 'nagara' or urban centre had continued to flourish from about the fifth century BC."^ That Mahasthangarh

    ''"' For details, Ranjushri Ghosh, "The Ri"er Karatoya in the Persi)ective of the Evolution of Sattletnents in Pundravardhana/Varendra - third centur}' EC to rn.d-twelfth ci-ntury: An Archaeological Study", in Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 62"'' Session, Bhopai. 2001, p.1010; F.J. Monahan, Early History of Bengal, Oxford. 1925; reprint 1974, Bharatiya Publishing House, Varanasi, p.201- R.K. Mookerji, Chandragupta Mavrya and His Tiwes, Delhi, 1943; reprint 1974. Motilal Banarsidass. Delhi, p.24; R.C. Majumdar


    On the basis of epigraphic records pertaining to the region, B.M. Morrison commented that in the Madhupur jungle and the Varendra where the flooding was much less severe the homesteads were frequently grouped in villages centered on crossroads or a river crossing.

    The decline of the rule of the Candras corresponded to the rise of the Varmans who seized Vikramapura and ruled over deltaic Bengal for a short period. The Varman kings also issued land grants some of which were wiihin the heartland of Pundravardhana. Harivarman's Samantasar grant (dated around AD 1090-1136) registered the gift of one hdla, six droms and eighty other units of cultivable land (ksetra) in the village of Varaparvvata located in Mayuravidja-v/iS-avc lying within the Vancavasa-mandala of Pundravardhana-^/zw^//. The donee was a Brahmana who served as a santivarika. He was the son of Padmanabha-Sarnian and the grandson o'i Shattaputra Vedagarbha.The donation was made as daksina for the service of the santivarika. Tlie donee belonged to the Asvalayana sdkha of the Rg Veda and was a member of the Vatsa gutra. The inscription mentioned that he was attached to the five usual pravaras but it did not clearly spell out the pravara-names.^^ Bhojavarman's Belava Copper-plate grant (the 5* regnal year, dated to AD 1150) recorded the donation oi' one pdtaka and nine and one-fourth dronas of land in the village Upyalika located in KausambT-Astagaccha-A:/zaw(3'a/a within the Adhapattana-waw/a/o situated within the jurisdiction of Pundravardhana-6/;nA://.^' The grant was made to a Brahmana named Ramadcvasarman, who was the santyagdradhikrtdya or the officer-in-charge of the room H'here propitiatory rites were performed. The inscription stated that the donee was the great-grandson of PTtambaradeva-Sarman, the grandson of .Fagannathadeva-Sarman and the son of Visvarupadeva-Sarman. The great-grandfather of the recipient had migrated from Madhyadesa and resided in S\6A\\a\a-grdma in Uttara-Radha.^^ Thus, the family of the donee had been settled in that iocalily for a long time. 1 he donee was a student of the Kanva sakha of the Yajw Veda branch of Vedic knowledge. He belonged to the Savarna gotra and the pravaras of Bhrgu. Cyavana, Apnavana. .Aurva and Jamadagni. He was also attached to the Vajasaneya carana of Vedic studies.'*'' The information contained in the Belava Copper-plate grant of Bhojavarman points to the fact that apart from the santivarikas., the santyagaradhikrlayas were also held in high esteem by the rulers and so frequent donations of landed property were made to them. The transfer of property was also for the purpose of inducing Brahmanas proficient in Vedic studies from outside Bengal to settle in different parts of the Varman kingdom. The rulers perhaps wanted to promote Vedic knowledge among the Brahmarias of the area and to encourage the advancement of Brahmanical culture and to extend the knowledge of iron technology from the region of Madhyadesa to Pundravardhana so as to augment higher agricultural productivity.^^


    The period of Sena rule in Bengal witnessed political unrest caused by frequent invasions of the Muslim elements in midland India (Madhyadesa), causing insecurity to the lives and occupations of the Brahmanas residing in the affected areas. Some of the distressed Brahmanas are said to have left their original homes in the disturbed areas for safer places in search of comfortable livelihood. The later Palas, the Varmans and also the Sena kings of Bengal welcomed the displaced Brahmana families from midland India by settling them in large tracts of land, which action sen/ed to strengthen the position of the resident Brahmana community in Bengal. The frequent donations made to the Brahmanas in Bengal attracted Brahmanas from other regions other than midland India as well. Vijayasena's Barrackpur grant (dated to the twelfth century) recorded the gift of fourpato^as of land yielding two hundred kaparddaka puranas (unit of currency used in Samatata), which land was located in the village of Ghasasambhoga-bhattavada (Bhatpada) within Khadi-v/>av(7 of Pundravardhana-Zj/iwfc'/."^ The donation was made to Udayakaradeva-Sarman as a fee for the performance of homa during the kanakatuldpurusa mahddana ceremony performed by the MahadevJ VilasadevT on the occasion of a lunar eclipse.*^" He belonged to the Vatsa gntra and the Bhargava, Cyavana, Apnavana, Aurva and Jamadagnya pravaras. He was attached to the six angas of Asvalayana sakha of the Rg Veda. Udayakaradcva-Sarman was the great-gi"andson of Ratnakaradeva-Sarman, grandson of Rahaskaradeva-Sarman and son of BhaskaradevaSarman.^'The inscription infomied that Ratnakaradeva-Sarman, the donee's greatgrandfather, was an immigrant from Madhyadesa and that the family had formerly resided at Kantijohga.^^ Most likely the family of the donee had been living in the locality for a long time.

    As many as six copper-plate grants in the Pundravardhana-^.^wA:^/ have been ascribed to the reign of Laksmanasena. The Tarpandlghi grant (dated to AD 1180) recorded the gift of land measuring 120 ddhavapas and five unmdnas lying within the jurisdiction of the village of VelahisthT situated in Varendrl within Pundravardhana-6/?wA:r/.^^ The land was granted according to the hhumicchidranydya. It was bounded on the east by an udranga (dyke) of one ddhavapa of rent-free fertile land belonging to the deity of a Buddhist monastery; on the south by the Nicadahara tank; on the west by the Nandihari-pakundT; and on the north by the ditch called Muliana. The tract included forests, khila (unused Iand),ya/o (water), go-ksetra (pastures), tamdla (betel-nut) and coconut trees and yielded an annual income of 150 kaparddaka purana^?^ The grantee was the Brahmana Isvaradeva-Sarman. He received the gift as fee {daksina) for his service as a dcdrya (teacher) in the hemdsvarathamahdddna ceremony.'The document traced the genealogy of the donee for three generations, [t mentioned Isvaradeva-Sarman as the great-grandson of Hutasanadeva-Sarman, grandson of Markancleyadeva-Sarman and son of Laksmldharadeva-Sarman of the Bharadvaja gotra. He belonged to the pravaras of Bharadvaja, Angirasa and Barhaspatya and was a sludent of Kauthuma sdkhd of the Sdmaveda. In fact, most of the land grants made by Laksmanasena were for the Brahmanas of the Kauthuma sdkhd of the Sdmaveda.'^ Evidently, the family was residing in Bengal, since the charter said nothing about the family's place of origin. Similarly, Laksmanasena's Sundarban grant (2"'' regnal year, dated AD 1180) announced the gift of five contiguous plots of land measuring three hhii-dronas, one khadika, twenty-three unmanas and two and half hakims, according to the standard of thirty-two cubits. The land was situated in Mandala-grawa belonging to the Kantallapura-cfl/wrato in the Khadl-mandala of Pundravardhana-^/zw^//". The donee was the santyagarika Krsnadharadeva-Sarman, priest-in-charge of the room where propitiatory rites were performed. The land included homestead land {vastu-bhumi). The grant was made no according to the bhumicchidranyaya and yielded an annual income of fifty puranas. The inscription provided the genealogy of the donee for three generations. He was the great-grandson of Jagadharadeva-Sarman, grandson of Narayanadharadeva-Sarman and son of Narasirnhadharadeva-Sarman of the Gargya goira. He belonged to the Angirasa, Brhaspati, Usanas, Garga and Bharadvaja/^ravoras. He was a student of the Asvalayana sakha of the Rg Veda. Interestingly, the record indicated that the plots which bordered the gifted land were held by the Brahmanas. The plots on the east, west and north were in the possession of the santyagarikas., whose names were Prabhasa, Ramadeva, Visnupani, GodalT and Kesava GodalT."^°

    Laksmanasena's Anulia grant {^^ regnal year, dated to AD 1181) also recorded the gift of a field measuring one pdtaka, nine dronas, one adhavdpa, thirty-seven unmdnas and one kakimkd according to the vrsabha-sankara-nala (unit of measurement). The field yielded an income of one hundred kaparddaka-piirdnas per annum. The donated land was situated within the jurisdiction of the village Matharandiya in Vyaghratatl-manc/a/fl (a part of Samatata lying in the delta of the Gahga) of Pundravardhana-MwM. The gifted land had on its eastern boundary banyan trees, on the southern border the settlement of Jalapilla, on the western limit the village of SantigopT, and on the northern border the settlement of Malamancavatl. The land included forests, barren tracts (khila), water, betel-nut and coconut trees, grass, puti plants and pasture grounds (go-ksetra). The recipient of the grant was Pandita Raghudeva-Sarman of the Kanva branch of the Yajur Veda. The grant recorded the genealogy of the donee for three generations. He was the great-grandson of Vipradasadeva-Sarman, grandson of SaiTikaradeva-Sarman and son of Devadasadeva-Sarman belonging to the Kausika gotra and to the Visvamitra, Bandhula and Kausika/7ravaras'°'. The in,scription referred to the donee as apandita or scholar. It may therefore be inferred that the Sena rulers encouraged the settlement of scholarly Brahmanas for the spread of education or knowledge within the territory. It appears that they were respected by the rulers and were held in high esteem in the contemporary society.

    Laksmanasena's Madhainagar grant ("IS"* regnal year, dated to AD 1204) recorded the gift of the village Dapaniyapataka located on the Ravana lake near Kantapura-vr/// in VarendrT within Pundravardhana-A/7///t;'/. The land was gifted according !o the bhumicchidranyaya to one Go^'indadeva-Sarn1an, a sapiyagcirika or an official in charge of the room for performing propitiatory rites. The granted land measured one hundred bhukhadis and ninety-one khadikas and yielded an annual income of one hundred and sixty-eight kaparddaka-puranas. The gift was made for the performance of the aindn mahdsanti ceremony on the occasion of the mulabhiseka and for the maintenance of the Brahmanas associated with the religious ceremonies performed in the propitiatory room and the deities worshipped there. The record provided irTormation about the genealogical tree of the donee. He was the great-grandson of Damodaradeva-Sarman, grandson of Ramadeva-Sarman and son of Kumaradeva-Sarman of the Kausika gotra. He was attached to the Pippalada branch of the Athai-vn Veda'°^ The inscription made no mention of the donee's pravoras or rhe family's place oforigin or earlier residence.

    Laksmanasena's RajavadT (Dharyya-^'mwa) or Bhawa! grant (27"' regnal year, dated to AD 1206) recorded the donation of land divided into four plots situated in two villages — Madisahansa and Vasumandana — south of the river Banahara in Bandana within the Pundravardhana-6/72vA;/'/. The land was granted TO one Brahmana Padmanabha to please the god Narayana and to secure the welfare of the two major queens. The gifted land measured six patakas, one drona and twenty-eight kakinis and yielded four hundred purams per annum. The recipient of the gift, Padmanabha, was a pathaka or reciter of holy texts. He was associated with Kauthuma sakha of the Samaveda. The charter revealed that the donee was the great-grandson of Buddhadeva-Sarman, grandson of Jayadeva and son of Mahadeva of the Madgallya gotra; he belonged to the Aurva, Cyavana, Bhargava, Jamadagnya and Apnavsna pravaras^^^ The document however did not give any information on the homeland of the donee's ancestors.

    Kesavasena's Edilpur grant (issued from Phaspha-grama in the 3'"'' regnal year, dated to AD 1225-1228) recorded the transfer of one pataka of land in the village Talapadapataka to a Brahmana named Isvaradeva-Sarman. The village was situated in Vikramapura within Pundravardhana-^Z/wA:;/. 7'he grant was made to the Brahmana for praying for the long life of the king on the occasion of his biith anniversary. The gifted land yielded two hundred drdmmas per annum. The charter traced the genealogy of the donee. He was the great-grandson of Parasaradeva-Sarman, grandson of Garbhesvara-Sarman and son of Vanamalideva-Sarman. The donee was appointed nltipathaka or reciter of moral texts. He belonged to the Vatsya gotra and the pravaras of Bhargava, Cyavana, Apnuvat, Aurva and Jamadagnya."''* From the evidence of the document it is obvious that he was a learned Brahmana

    Visvariipasena's Madhyapada (or Dacca or Calcutta ! VafigTya Sahitya Parisat) Copperplate grant (dated to the twelfth century) recorded the grant of eleven plots of land altogether measuring 336'/2 unmanas situated in the Nfivya-mandala to the Brahmana Avapallika-Pandita Halayudhasarinan on the occasion of the birth anniversary of the king, coinciding with the lunar eclipse. The donated land included eleven plots distributed over six villages, i.e., (a) two plots in the Ramas\ddh\-pataka measuring sixtyseven and three-fourth iidanas and yielding hundred pw/a^as annually of which nineteen and eleven-sixteenth was received from the Barajas; (b) one plot in the village of Vinaya-tilaka measuring twenty-five udanas and yielding sixty puranas\ (c) one plot of land measuring one hundred sixty-five udanas in \]\k\i\a-patdkas which lay in Navasamgraha-6'a/wrato included in 'vJadhuksTraka-r/vr/// and yielding one hundred forty annually; (d) three plots of land measuring twenty-five udanas, seven udanas and ten udanas respectively in Deuiahasti in Lauharida-ca/M7'aA» in Vikramapura yielding one hundred puranas; (e) twelve and Ihree-fourtl'. udanas in Ghagharakatti in Ura-caturaka within CandradvTpa; (f) and twents-foui udanas in PatiladivTka in CandradvTpa yielding \\\mdxQd puranas. The tolal art-a yielded sn annua! income amounting to five hundred piirdnas. The grant was made accor;!ing to tiie principle of bhumicchidra. The village Ramasiddhi-/»amto. wherein sixty-sc'-c-n and three-foyLh udanas of land was granted, has been identified with a village ir, (be GaurnadT area of Bakerganj district.'°^ According to traditions, it was an enlightenod -village inhabited by the Srotriya Brahmanas. The village of Vinayatilaka has not yet been definitely identified, although it is clear from the text that its eastern boundary extended up to the sea (Bay of Bengal) and the estuary of the river Meghna. The region possibly enjoyed special navigational facilifies, corresponding "to the tract of country lying along the lower course of the Padma."""^ The location of Aj'ikula-pataka in Navasamgraha-can^ra/cn in MadhuksTraka-m'r/// and its connection with the Navya region has not been traced with certainty The charter mentioned that all the plots of land distributed over the six villages were included within the jurisdiction of Pundrvardhana-Zj/jufez. Evidently, the donee who received the grant was the great-grandson of LaksmTdharadeva-Sarman, grandson of DevadharadevaSarman and son of Adhyayadeva-Sarman of the Vatsya golra and belonging to the pravaras of Aurva, Cyavana, Bhargava, .lamadagnya and Apnuvat. He was a scholar of the Kanva sdkho of the Yajur Veda}^'' Barre M. Morrison observed that some of the plots were acquired by purchase and the oth(;rs were p.i-esontea as gifts by a number of persons connected with the royai court.'' *"




    0 0

    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/jkabfq6


    Indus Script Copora metalwork catalogues can be called 'Proclamations by 

    dhā̆vaḍ 'iron smelters' of sangara, 'maritime people of Hindoostan (Kutch)' in sangata language.'


    Many homonyms, for e.g.: saṅgata संगत Association sã̄go ʻcaravanʼ संगर sangar 'trade, fortification', sangara 'proclamation', jaṅgala ʻdouble - canoeʼ, sã̄gāḍā m. ʻframe of a buildingʼ, sangara [fr. saŋ+gṛ] promise, agreement J iv.105, 111, 473; v.25, 479 (Pali) 3. jangaḍ  id. (Hindi. Gujarati.Marathi) can be related and read rebus for the hieroglyph-hypertext: sãgaḍa 'lathe, brazier'. 


    Since sãgaḍa 'lathe, brazier' is one of the frequently signified hieroglyph-hypertext on Indus Script Corpora, two more homonyms are presented which appear to be the appropriate (as  signifiers of 1. the language of a people; and 2. the self-designation of the people in the maritime region of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. The धम्म र्संज्ञा dhamma saṁjñā 'duty signifiers' of these people by dotted circle signifies dāya 'dotted circle', dām 'rope (single strand or string?) to signify dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelter'.


    The two homonyms read rebus are: 1. caṅkatam=saṃskṛta 2. sangara ‘people of Kutch,Hindoostan’, sangada ‘maritime country of India’.


    Hieroglyph-hypertext: sãgaḍa 'lathe, brazier' rebus: sangata 'language', 

    sangada 'maritime counry of India'. Thus, the Indus Script Corpora can be proclaimed as धम्म र्संज्ञा dhamma saṁjñā 'duty signifiers' of the maritime people of Hindoostan who spoke a language called sangata saṃskṛta.


    The dotted circles shown on hypertext compositions of sãgaḍa 'lathe, brazier' are: dāya 'dotted circle', dām 'rope (single strand or string?) to signify 

    dhā̆vaḍ  'iron-smelters'.


    சங்கதம்¹ caṅkatam, n. < saṃskṛta. Sanskrit; வடமொழிசங்கத பங்கமாப்

    பாகதத்தொடிரைத் துரைத்த (தேவா. 858, 2). (University of Madras. Tamil lexicon. [Madras], University of Madras, 1924-1936.) saṅgatiḥ संगतिः f. Visiting, frequenting. knowledge. Questioning for further knowledge (Apte) సంగతి san-gati. n. A circumstance, matter, case, subject, affair, business, event, occurrence: the contents of a writing. Association, junction, union, company, society. Fitness, decorum, propriety. కార్యము, వ్యవహారము. పని, విషయము, సహవాసము, సాంగత్యము, యుక్తము, యోగ్యము, సంపర్కము. అతడు చెప్పిన సంగతి ఏమంటే he stated as follows. ఈ సంగతి నాకు తెలిసి on knowing this. ఆ సంగతి నేను వినలేదు I did not hear of it. అతడు బ్రతికియుండే సంగతి చనిపోయిన సంగతి తెలియలేదు I do not know whether he is alive or dead. సంగతిని or సంగతిగా san-gati-ni. adv. Properly, fitly. యుక్తముగా, తగినట్టుగా. "పట్టు వస్త్రములు భూషణముల్ గల చందనంబులున్, సంగతిగట్టియుందొడిగి సయ్యనజూచె."ప్రసన్న రాఘవశతకము. సంగతించు san-gatinṭsu. v. n. To happen, occur. సంభవించు. ప్రసక్తించు. సంగతుడు san-gatuḍu. n. (In composition,) one who is accompanied by, or beset by. కూడుకొన్నవాడు. "అపరాహ్ణసంగతుండగుత పనుంగని ప్రొద్దుగ్రుంక దడవేగుదురీరిపులన." M. VI. ii. 341 (Telugu). 


    45 Full leather Volumes, (comprising 39 text volumes, 5 plate volumes and atlas). 4to. (26.5 x 21 cm). 1107 Plates, and Atlas with 61 folded maps 16" by 10" in size.
    Rees's 1819 CYCLOPAEDIA 39Vols. 6 Plate Vols.Abraham Rees, ed., 1819, The Cyclopædia: Or, Universal Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and Literature, Volume 31, Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme & Brown 






    Image result for indus standard deviceImage result for indus cult object
    The standard device depicted on m0296 is comparable to the
    orthography on other seals, h098 and m1408. There are many variants used to
    show this sangad.a ‘lathe, portable furnace’.

    h098 Text 4256 Pict-122
    Standard device which is normally in front of a one-horned bull.  m1408At
    Image result for indus standard deviceFillet with Indus script hieroglyphs of dotted circles, lathe, brazier 1.Finely burnished gold fillet (headband) with holes at both ends to hold a cord. Each end is decorated with a punctuated design of standard device. 42 x 1.4 cm. Mohenjodaro Museum, MM 1366; Marshall 1931: 220.527. Pl. CXVIII, 14 (for punctuated design)
    2. Detail of gold fillet with punctuated design of standard device
    at both ends of the gold fillet. (After Fig. 7.32, Kenoyer, 1998)

    Components: top register: lathe with pointed gimlet in churning motion; bottom register: portable furnace/crucible with smoke emanating from the surface PLUS flagpost  Line Drawing of the two-sided tablet with inscription (from Madhu Swarup Vats, 1940, Excavations at Harappa, Being an Account of Archaeological Excavations at Harappa carried out between the Years 1920-1921 and 1933-34 Results from early excavations at Harappa. )
    Inscribed Tablets. Pict-91 (Mahadevan) eraka 'upraised hand' (Tamil)Rebus: eraka 'moltencast, metal infusion, copper'.khamba 'shoulder' rebus: kammaTa 'goldsmith, mint, coiner, coinage'

    m0490At m0490B Mohenjodaro Tablet showing Meluhha combined standard of three standards carried in a procession, comparable to Tablet m0491.  The hieroglph multiplex: sãgaḍ 'lathe, portable furnace' PLUS a standing person with upraised arm: eraka 'upraised arm' rebus: eraka 'moltencast (metal)'.
    m0490At m0490Bt Tablet showing Meluhha combined standard of four standards carried in a procession, comparable to Tablet m0491. m0491 This is a report on the transition from lapidary to bronze-age metalware in ancient Near East. 
    Image result for indus cult object
    Two Mohenjo-daro tablets showing a procession of four standard bearers; the four standards are: lathe, one-horned young bull; scarf; spoked-circle (knave + spokes). All four are hieroglyphs read rebus related to lapidary/smith turner work on metals and minerals (copper 'eraka', brass 'ara', dhatu 'ores')

    eraka 'nave of wheel' Rebus: moltencast copper
    dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: mineral ore dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red stoneʼ (Marathi)  (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻa caste of iron -- smeltersʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)
    kōnda 'young bull' Rebus: turner
    sãgaḍ 'lathe' Rebus: sangara proclamation
    kanga 'portable brazier' Rebus: fireplace, furnace

    Glyphic element: erako nave; era = knave of wheel. Glyphic element: āra ‘spokes’. Rebus: āra ‘brass’ as in ārakūṭa (Skt.) Rebus: Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal); eraguni to melt (DEDR 866) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tulu) The same spoked-wheel hieroglyph adorns the Dholavira Sign-board.

    āra 'spokes' Rebus: āra 'bronze'. cf. erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada) Glyph: eraka



    Read with sãghāṛɔ, sãgaḍ 'lathe' PLUS māṇi 'broad-mouthed pot (bottom register), the hieroglyph multiplex reads rebus:  saṁghāṭa māna 'alloying, cementite (adamantine glue) standard' -- described by Varahamihira in archaeometallurgical tradition as vajrasaṁghāṭa. The lathe on the Indus Script Corpora of Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) civilization is used by the lapidary-smith for fitting and joining of wood and metal:

    saṁghāṭa m. ʻ fitting and joining of timber ʼ R. [√ghaṭ]Pa. nāvā -- saṅghāṭa -- , dāru -- s° ʻ raft ʼ; Pk. saṁghāḍa -- , °ḍaga -- m., °ḍī -- f. ʻ pair ʼ; Ku. sĩgāṛ m. ʻ doorframe ʼ; N. saṅār, siṅhār ʻ threshold ʼ; Or. saṅghāṛi ʻ pair of fish roes, two rolls of thread for twisting into the sacred thread, quantity of fuel sufficient to maintain the cremation fire ʼ; Bi. sĩghārā ʻ triangular packet of betel ʼ; H. sĩghāṛā m. ʻ piece of cloth folded in triangular shape ʼ; G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻ lathe ʼ; M. sãgaḍ f. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together, part of a turner's apparatus ʼ, m.f. ʻ float made of two canoes joined together ʼ (LM 417 compares saggarai at Limurike in the Periplus, Tam. śaṅgaḍam, Tu. jaṅgala ʻ double -- canoe ʼ), sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ lathe ʼ; Si. san̆gaḷa ʻ pair ʼ, han̆guḷa, an̆g° ʻ double canoe, raft ʼ.Md. an̆goḷi ʻ junction ʼ?(CDIAL 12859)saṁghātá m. ʻ close union, mass ʼ TS., ʻ closing (a door) ʼ VS., ʻ dashing together ʼ MBh. [Cf. saṁhata<-> with similar range of meanings. -- ghāta -- ]Pa. saṅghāta -- m. ʻ killing, knocking together ʼ; Pk. saṁghāya -- m. ʻ closeness, collection ʼ; Or. saṅghā, saṅgā ʻ bamboo scaffolding inside triangular thatch, crossbeam of thatched house, copulation (of animals) ʼ; -- adj. ʻ bulled (of a cow) ʼ < *saṁghātā -- or saṁhatā -- ?(CDIAL 12862)

    सं-घात  a company of fellow-travellers , caravan VP.
    सं-घात (in gram.) a compound as a compact whole (opp. to its single parts) Ka1s3. on Pa1n2. 2-3 , 56; a vowel with its consonant (opp. to वर्ण , " a letter ") , Ka1ty.
    सं-घात (in dram.) a partic. gait or mode of walking W.
    सं-घात a [p= 1122,3] any aggregate of matter , body Bhag. Pur.; intensity R. Sus3r.; compressing , condensation , compactness , hardening Ya1jn5. Hariv. Sus3r. VarBr2S. close union or combination , collection , cluster , heap , mass , multitude TS. MBh. &c m. (rarely n. ; ifc. f(आ).) striking or dashing together , killing , crushing MBh. Sus3r. combat , war , battle VS. Ka1t2h. MBh. N. of a division of the infernal regions 

    संहति [p= 1122,3] (cf. संहात) Ya1jn5. Buddh. f. striking together , closure Ka1v. S3a1rn3gS.compactness , solidity MBh. VarBr2S.thickening , swelling S3a1rn3gS.keeping together , saving , economy Ka1v.firm union or alliance , junction , joint effort , close contact or connection with (instr.) Ka1v. Pur. Ra1jat.a compact mass , bulk , heap , collection , multitude Ka1v. Katha1s. and C. सं-हत [p= 1122,3] mfn. struck together , closely joined or united with (instr.) , keeping together , contiguous , coherent , combined , compacted , forming one mass or body A1s3vS3r. Mn. MBh. &c accompanied or attended by (instr.) Mn. vii , 165become solid , compact , firm , hard MBh. Ka1v. &cstrong-limbed , athletic MBh.strong , intensive VarBr2S. (prob.) complex , composite , compound (said of a partic. tone and odour) MBh.n. a partic. position in dancing , Sam2gi1t.








    The samAsa used by Varahamihira is vajrasanghAta, an adamantine glue. In archaeometallurgical terms, this is defined as a mixture consisting of eight parts of lead, two of bell-metal and one of iron dust.Varahamihira explains the phrase Vajra sanghAta as: 'adamantine glue' in archaeometallurgical terms which is consistent with the rendering of semantics of Bhāratam Janam as 'metalcaster folk' in Rigveda. 



    When Gotama the Buddha spoke of the SanghAta Sutra, he was indeed referring to the standard device of lahe PLUS portable furnace, a frequent hieroglyphic multiplex on Indus Script Corpora: sangaDa.This is the same sanghAta mentioned by Varahamihira as an adamantine glue, describing th metallic form as vajra sanghAta, 'adamantine glue' -- a recognition in archaeometallurgy of nanotubes which constitute cementite bonding carbides to iron to create steel in a crucible. Now that it is evident that iron forging is dated to the 3rd millennium BCE, the use of hardened or carbide ferrous metal weapons cannot be ruled out. The ancient word which denoted such a metallic weapon is vajra in Rigveda, specifically described as Ayasam vajram, metallic weapon or metallic thunderbolt.
    I suggest that the association of the gloss vajra with lightning becomes a metaphor to further define vajrasangAta 'adamantine glue' which creates a steel metallic form with nanotubes or cementite.

    Marathi: सांगड [ sāgaa ] m f (संघट्ट S) A float composed of two canoes or boats bound together: also a link of two pompions &c. to swim or float by. 2 f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. 3 That member of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied. सांगडीस धरणें To take into linkedness or close connection with, lit. fig.

    సంకరము (p. 1269) saṅkaramu sankaramu [Skt.] n. Mixing, blending. సంకలనము (p. 1269) saṅkalanamu san-kalanamu. [Skt.] n. Addition in Arithmetic, సంఖ్యలనుకూర్చుట. సంకలితము ṣankalitamu. adj. That which is added. Added together, as a figure, కూర్పబడిన (సంఖ్య.) 

    सांगडणी [ sāgaaī ] f (Verbal of सांगडणें) Linking or joining
    together.


    सांगडणें [ sāgaaē ] v c (सांगड) To link, join, or unite together (boats, fruits, animals). 2 Freely. To tie or bind up or unto.





    Dwaraka 1h594. Harappa seal., m1171, m1175 sãgaḍ f. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together (Marathi)(CDIAL 12859). sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ (M.)(CDIAL 12859)  سنګر sangar, s.m. (2nd) A breastwork of stones, etc., erected to close a pass or road; lines, entrenchments.(Pashto) sā̃gāḍo, sãgaḍa(lathe/portable furnaceసంగడి sangaḍi. n. A couple, pair (Telugu) Rebus: 1. sãngatarāsu ‘stone-cutter, stone-carver’. संगतराश lit. ‘to collect stones, stone-cutter, mason.’ (Hindi)  sanghāḍo (G.) cutting stone, gilding (Gujarati) 2. sangara [fr. saŋ+gṛ] promise, agreement J iv.105, 111, 473; v.25, 479 (Pali) 3. jangaḍ  id. (Hindi. Gujarati.Marathi)

    Sangar 'fortification', Afghanistan (evoking the citadels and fortifications at hundreds of archaeological sites of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization).


    saṁghāḍa -- , °ḍaga -- m., °ḍī -- f. ʻ pair ʼ (Prakrit)(CDIAL 12859) సంగడి sangaḍi. n. A couple, pair (Telugu) cf. Pairing of two hieroglyphs into a composite ‘standard device’ (as shown in the diagram below).with two distinct components: lathe (gimlet) and (portable) furnace both denoted by lexeme:sangaḍ  The word is read rebus for jangaḍ ‘good entrusted on approval basis’.

    सांगडी [ sāgaī ] f (Commonly सांगड) A float &c.
    sãgaḍ ʻfloat made of two canoes joined togetherʼ (Marathi) (LM 417 compares saggarai at Limurike in the Periplus, Tamil. śaṅgaḍam, Tulu. jaṅgala ʻ double -- canoe ʼ) Si. san̆gaḷa ʻpairʼ, han̆guḷa, ang° ʻdouble canoe, raftʼ (CDIAL 12859). saṅghātanika -- in cmpd. ʻbinding togetherʼ (Pali)(CDIAL 12863).

    సంగడి A raft or boat made of two canoes fastened side by side (Telugu)சங்கடம்² caṅkaṭam, n. < Port. jangada. Ferry-boat of two canoes with a platform thereon; இரட்டைத்தோணி. (J.) cf. Orthographic technic on ancient Near East artifacts such as seals: Paired hieroglyphs, example: of two bulls, two buffaloes, two tigers, two antelopes.







    Ancient Near East jangaḍ accounting for mercantile transactions

    Janga or Entrust Receipt is denoted by the 'standard device' hieroglyph read: sangaḍ 'lathe/gimlet, portable furnace'. Note: The meaning of ‘Janga’ is well-settled in Indian legal system. Janga means "Goods sent on approval or 'on sale or return'… It is well-known that the Janga transactions in this country are very common and often involve property of a considerable value." Bombay High Court Emperor vs Phirozshah Manekji Gandhi on 13 June, 1934 Equivalent citations: (1934) 36 BOMLR 731, 152 Ind Cas 706 Source: http://www.indiankanoon.org/doc/39008/ 


    The terms jangad and karanika are represented as the most frequently used hieroglyphs on Indus writing. The hieroglyphs are: sangaḍa 'lathe, portable furnace' and kanka 'rim of jar' represented by the following glyphs: sangaḍa appears on the round as a ivory object together with other examples of specific glyphic features deployed on objects inscribed with Indus writing. kanka 'rim of jar' is shown on a circular Daimabad seal. The mercantile agents who were jangadiyo had received goods on jangad 'entrusted for approval'.

    There are many examples, in Indus Script Corpora, of the depiction of 'human face' ligatured to an animal hieroglyph multiplex: 

    A common ligaturing element is a human face which is a hieroglyph read rebus in mleccha (meluhha): mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) ; rebus:mũh metal ingot (Santali). 



    m0301 Mohenjodaro seal Hieroglyph components: Human face, horns of zebu, trunk of elephant, scarves on neck, body of bovid, back of tiger, serpent (tail)


    m1179. Mohenjo-daro seal. 
    Human face, horns of a markhor, or ram (with goatee), scarves on neck, bovid, tail with three forks, body of bovid

    m1177 Mohenjo-daro seal.
    Human face, horns of a zebu, trunk of elephant, hand of a person seated in penance, scarves on neck, tail as serpent, body of bovid, hind-part of tiger.

    This image is also interpreted in corpora (e.g. Mahadevan's Corpus of Indus script) describing a simpler model of hypertext that the hieroglyph multiplex has: body of a ram, horns of a bison, trunk of elephant, hindlegs of a tiger and an upraised serpent-like tail.

    An interpretation by John C. Huntington presents a re-configured composite animal (bovid) on seal m0299: 


    m0299. Mohenjo-daro seal.
    Human face, horns of a zebu, trunk of elephant, scarves on neck, body of bovid http://huntington.wmc.ohio-state.edu/public/index.cfm

    On m0300 seal, Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale, identify a number of hieroglyph components: serpent (tail), scorpion, tiger, one-horned young bull, markhor, elephant, zebu, standing man (human face), man seated in penance (yogi).  

    The yogi seated in penance and other hieroglyphs are read rebus in archaeometallurgical terms: kamaDha 'penance' (Prakritam) rebus: kampaTTa 'mint'. Hieroglyph: kola 'tiger', xolA 'tail' rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolle 'blacksmith'; kolhe 'smelter'; kole.l 'smithy'; kolimi 'smithy, forge'. खोड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf (Marathi) rebus: khond 'turner'. dhatu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu 'minerals'. bichi 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'sandstone mineral ore'.miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)mẽṛh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Munda) kara 'elephant's trunk' Rebus: khar 'blacksmith'; ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron'. Together: karaiba 'maker, builder'.

    Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale identify a standing man. Two orthographic interpretations are possible for the hieroglyph component of 'human face' joined together with animal hieroglyphs: 1. as human; 2. as human face.

    As human

    meD 'body' rebus:  meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)

    It is notable that the prefix kol- described many ancient people of Bharatam: Koli Dhor, Tokre Koli, Kolcha, Kolgha and listed with Gond, Arakh, Arrakh, Agaria, Asur:  Koliabhuta, Koliabhuti are listed as Bharatam Janam in scheduled tribe enumerations: http://bakulaji.typepad.com/blog/racial-integration/ The kole language is also called Ho, an Austro-asiatic family of languages. kōla1 m. ʻ name of a degraded tribe ʼ Hariv. Pk. kōla -- m.; B. kol ʻ name of a Muṇḍā tribe (CDIAL 3532) kaula ʻ relating to a family ʼ R., ʻ of noble family ʼ lex. [kúla -- ]
    OSi. -- kol ʻ sprung from a noble family ʼ?(CDIAL 3565) kōlika m. ʻ weaver ʼ Yaśast., kaulika -- Pañcat. [EWA i 273 ← *kōḍika -- (in Tam. kōṭikar ʻ weaver ʼ) ~ Mu. word for ʻ spider ʼ in Pk. mak -- kōḍā -- s.v. markaṭa -- ] Pk. kōlia -- m. ʻ weaver, spider ʼ; S. korī m. ʻ weaver ʼ, koriaṛo m. ʻ spider ʼ; Ku. koli ʻ weaver ʼ, Or. (Sambhalpur) kuli, H. kolīkolhī m. ʻ Hindu weaver ʼ; G. koḷī m. ʻ a partic. Śūdra caste ʼ; M. koḷī m. ʻ a caste of watercarriers, a sort of spider ʼ; -G. karoḷiyɔkarāliyɔ m. ʻ spider ʼ is in form the same as karoḷiyɔ ʻ potter ʼ < kaulālá -- . WPah.kṭg. koḷi m. ʻ low -- caste man ʼ, koḷəṇ, kc. koḷi f. ʻ his wife ʼ (→ Eng. cooly HJ 249).(CDIAL 3535) Thus, the hieroglyh of 'man' may be a synonym of kola 'tiger' with related rebus renderings related to metalwork.
    As human face

    Hieroglyph: 'human face': mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) 

    Rebus: mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking (Bi.); ingot (Santali) mũh metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) kaula mengro ‘blacksmith’ (Gypsy) mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) The Samskritam gloss mleccha-mukha should literally mean: copper-ingot absorbing the Santali gloss, mũh, as a suffix.


    m0300. Mohenjo-daro seal.

    Above: Harappan chimaera and its hypertextual components. 
    Harappan chimera and its hypertextual components. The 'expression' summarizes the syntax of Harappan chimeras within round brackets, creatures with body parts used in their correct  anatomic position (tiger, unicorn, markhor goat, elephant, zebu, and human); within square brackets, creatures with body parts used to symbolize other anatomic elements (cobra snake for tail and human arm for elephant proboscis); the elephant icon as exonent out of the square brackets symbolizes the overall elephantine contour of the chimeras; out of brackes, scorpion indicates the animal automatically perceived joining the lineate horns, the human face, and the arm-like trunk of Harappan chimeras. (After Fig. 6 in: Harappan chimaeras as 'symbolic hypertexts'. Some thoughts on Plato, Chimaera and the Indus Civilization (Dennys Frenez & Massimo Vidale, 2012) A paper by Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale on composite Indus creatures and their meaning: Harappa Chimaeras as 'Symbolic Hypertexts'. Some Thoughts on Plato, Chimaera and the Indus Civilization at http://a.harappa.com/content/harappan-chimaeras
    Ligatured faces: some close-up images.

    Hieroglyph: 'human face': mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) 

    Rebus: mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking (Bi.); ingot (Santali) mũh metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄= the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) kaula mengro‘blacksmith’ (Gypsy) mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) The Samskritam gloss mleccha-mukha should literally mean: copper-ingot absorbing the Santali gloss, mũh, as a suffix.

    A remarkable phrase in Sanskrit indicates the link between mleccha and use of camels as trade caravans. This is explained in the lexicon of Apte for the lexeme: auṣṭrika 'belonging to a camel'. The lexicon entry cited Mahābhārata: औष्ट्रिक a. Coming from a camel (as milk); Mb.8. 44.28; -कः An oil-miller; मानुषाणां मलं म्लेच्छा म्लेच्छाना- मौष्ट्रिका मलम् । औष्ट्रिकाणां मलं षण्ढाः षण्ढानां राजयाजकाः ॥ Mb.8.45.25. From the perspective of a person devoted to śāstra and rigid disciplined life, Baudhāyana thus defines the word म्लेच्छः mlēcchḥ : -- गोमांसखादको यस्तु विरुद्धं बहु भाषते । सर्वाचारविहीनश्च म्लेच्छ इत्यभिधीयते ॥ 'A person who ears meat, deviates from traditional practices.'

    The 'face' glyph is thus read rebus: mleccha mũh 'copper ingot'.

    It is significant that Vatsyayana refers to cryptography in his lists of 64 arts and calls it mlecchita-vikalpa, lit. 'an alternative representation -- in cryptography or cipher -- of mleccha words.'

    The composite animal glyph is one example to show that rebus method has to be applied to every glyphic element in the writing system. 

    Explaining chimaera as expanded 'hypertext', Frenez and Vidale note: "In the course of time, more dynamic approaches stressed semantic interactions, rather than the presence of links, eventually suggesting that 'interaction with information build associations, and association builds knowledge'. The surprising notion that the same complex form of communication was invented 4500 years ago in the Bronze Age cities of the Indus valley requires a detailed analysis of each example of this animal icon, with the final goal of understanding the diachronic change of its basic model, together with its rules of composition."

    Unraveling semantic interactions of the particular hieroglyph multiplex and the underlying spoken words is successful decipherment -- proving the cipher -- with only one unique -- falsifiable -- solution which represents the reality of the building of knowledge in Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization through the hieroglyph multiplexes of about 7000 inscriptions presented as Indus Script Corpora which has been substantively deciphered as catalogum catalogorum of metalwork.

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/composite-animal-meluhha-hieroglyph.html


    Indus script hieroglyphs: composite animal, smithy


    Composite animal on Indus script is a composite hieroglyph composed of many glyphic elements. All glyphic elements are read rebus to complete the technical details of the bill of lading of artifacts created by artisans.


    Mohenjodaro seal (m0302).

    The composite animal glyph is one example to show that rebus method has to be applied to every glyphic element in the writing system.

    This image is also interpreted in corpora (e.g. Mahadevan's Corpus of Indus script) as: body of a ram, horns of a bison, trunk of elephant, hindlegs of a tiger and an upraised serpent-like tail.

    The glyphic elements of the composite animal shown together with the glyphs of fish, fish ligatured with lid, arrow (on Seal m0302) are:

    --ram or sheep (forelegs denote a bovine)
    --neck-band, ring
    --bos indicus (zebu)(the high horns denote a bos indicus)
    --elephant (the elephant's trunk ligatured to human face)
    --tiger (hind legs denote a tiger)
    --serpent (tail denotes a serpent)
    --human face

    All these glyphic elements are decoded rebus:

    meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) rebus: meD 'iron' (Ho.Munda)
    adar ḍangra, poL ‘zebu’, 'bull dedicated to the gods' rebus: aduru 'native metal'; pola 'magnetite'
    ibha ‘elephant’ (Skt.); rebus: ib ‘iron’ (Ko.); karabha 'elephant' (i.e. khar PLUS ibha: khar 'blacksmith'; ib 'iron', thus reconstructed as: kariba 'iron smith')
    kolo ‘jackal’ (Kon.) rebus: kole.l 'smithy'; kolle 'blacksmith'; kol 'working in iron'; kolimi 'smithy'

    dhatu 'scarf' (WPah.): *dhaṭa2, dhaṭī -- f. ʻ old cloth, loincloth ʼ lex. [Drav., Kan. daṭṭi ʻ waistband ʼ etc., DED 2465]Ku. dhaṛo ʻ piece of cloth ʼ, N. dharo, B. dhaṛā; Or. dhaṛā ʻ rag, loincloth ʼ, dhaṛi ʻ rag ʼ; Mth. dhariā ʻ child's narrow loincloth ʼ. †*dhaṭṭa -- : WPah.kṭg. dhàṭṭu m. ʻ woman's headgear, kerchief ʼ, kc. dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu m. ʻ scarf ʼ, J. dhāṭ(h)u m. Him.I 105).(CDIAL 6707) Ta. taṭṭi drawers. Ka. daṭṭi waist-band, sash, zone. Tu. daṭṭi waist-band. Te. daṭṭi waist-band or girdle of cloth, sash. Kui ḍaṭa a long cloth. / ? Cf. Skt. dhaṭī- piece of cloth worn over the privities; (Vaijayantī) dhaṭinī- string round the loins; Mar. dhaḍī dhotee (DEDR 3038)


    Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) هژدات haj̱ẕ-dāt, s.m. (6th) (corrup. of S اژدهات) The name of a mixed metal, bell-metal, brass. Sing. and Pl. د هژداتو غر da haj̱ẕ-dāto g̠ẖar, A mountain of brass, a brazen mountain.

    karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., ʻ young elephant ʼ BhP. 2. kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. [Poss. a non -- aryan kar -- ʻ elephant ʼ also in karḗṇu -- , karin -- EWA i 165]1. Pk. karabha -- m., °bhī -- f., karaha -- m. ʻ camel ʼ, S. karahu°ho m., P. H. karhā m., Marw. karhau JRAS 1937, 116, OG. karahu m., OM. karahā m.; Si.karaba ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ.2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ, Pk. kalabha -- m., °bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛo ʻ young calf ʼ; Or. kālhuṛi ʻ young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si. kalam̆bayā ʻ young elephant ʼ.OMarw. karaha ʻ camel ʼ.(CDIAL 2797)

    moṇḍ the tail of a serpent (Santali) Rebus: Md. moḍenī ʻ massages, mixes ʼ. Kal.rumb. moṇḍ -- ʻ to thresh ʼ, urt. maṇḍ -- ʻ to soften ʼ (CDIAL 9890) Thus, the ligature of the serpent as a tail of the composite animal glyph is decoded as: polished metal (artifact).

    mũhe ‘face’ (Santali); mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali)
    கோடு kōṭu : •நடுநிலை நீங்குகை. கோடிறீக் கூற் றம் (நாலடி, 5). 3. [K. kōḍu.] Tusk; யானை பன்றிகளின் தந்தம். மத்த யானையின் கோடும் (தேவா. 39, 1). 4. Horn; விலங்கின் கொம்பு. கோட்டிடை யாடினை கூத்து (திவ். இயற். திருவிருத். 21). 
    Ta. kōṭu (in cpds. kōṭṭu-) horn, tusk, branch of tree, cluster, bunch, coil of hair, line, diagram, bank of stream or pool; kuvaṭu branch of a tree; kōṭṭāṉ, kōṭṭuvāṉ rock horned-owl (cf. 1657 Ta. kuṭiñai). Ko. kṛ (obl. kṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwṛ (obl. kwṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn (DEDR 2200)

    meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)
    khāḍ ‘trench, firepit’
    aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.) ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (H.)
    kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pancaloha’ (Ta.)
    mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)
    mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali)
    koḍ = the place where artisans work (G.) 

    Orthographically, the glytic compositions add on the characteristic short tail as a hieroglyph (on both ligatured signs and on pictorial motifs)

    xolā = tail (Kur.); qoli id. (Malt.)(DEDr 2135). Rebus: kol ‘pañcalōha’ (Ta.)கொல் kol, n. 1. Iron; இரும்பு. மின் வெள்ளி பொன் கொல்லெனச் சொல்லும் (தக்கயாகப். 550). 2. Metal; உலோகம். (நாமதீப. 318.) கொல்லன் kollaṉ, n. < T. golla. Custodian of treasure; கஜானாக்காரன். (P. T. L.) கொல்லிச்சி kollicci, n. Fem. of கொல்லன். Woman of the blacksmith caste; கொல்லச் சாதிப் பெண். (யாழ். அக.) The gloss kollicci is notable. It clearly evidences that kol was a blacksmith. kola ‘blacksmith’ (Ka.); Koḍ. kollë blacksmith (DEDR 2133). Vikalpa: dumbaदुम्ब or (El.) duma दुम । पशुपुच्छः m. the tail of an animal. (Kashmiri) Rebus: ḍōmba ?Gypsy (CDIAL 5570). 
    m1180 Mohenjo-daro seal. Human-faced markhor.

    m0301 Mohenjo-daro seal.

    m0303 Mohenjo-daro seal.
    h594. Harappa seal. Composite animal (with elephant trunk and rings (scarves) on shoulder visible).koṭiyum = a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal; koṭ = neck (G.) Vikalpa: kaḍum ‘neck-band, ring’; rebus: khāḍ ‘trench, firepit’ (G.) Vikalpa: khaḍḍā f. hole, mine, cave (CDIAL 3790). kanduka, kandaka ditch, trench (Tu.); kandakamu id. (Te.); kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings (Konda); kanda small trench for fireplace (Kui); kandri a pit (Malt)(DEDR 1214) khaḍḍa— ‘hole, pit’. [Cf. *gaḍḍa— and list s.v. kartá—1] Pk. khaḍḍā— f. ‘hole, mine, cave’, ḍaga— m. ‘one who digs a hole’, ḍōlaya— m. ‘hole’; Bshk. (Biddulph) "kād" (= khaḍ?) ‘valley’; K. khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’, khoḍu m. ‘vulva’; S. khaḍ̱a f. ‘pit’; L. khaḍḍ f. ‘pit, cavern, ravine’; P. khaḍḍ f. ‘pit, ravine’, ḍī f. ‘hole for a weaver's feet’ (→ Ku. khaḍḍ, N. khaḍ; H. khaḍ, khaḍḍā m. ‘pit, low ground, notch’; Or. khãḍi ‘edge of a deep pit’; M. khaḍḍā m. ‘rough hole, pit’); WPah. khaś. khaḍḍā ‘stream’; N. khāṛo ‘pit, bog’, khāṛi ‘creek’, khāṛal ‘hole (in ground or stone)’. — Altern. < *khāḍa—: Gy. gr. xar f. ‘hole’; Ku. khāṛ ‘pit’; B. khāṛī ‘creek, inlet’, khāṛal ‘pit, ditch’; H. khāṛī f. ‘creek, inlet’, khaṛ—har, al m. ‘hole’; Marw. khāṛo m. ‘hole’; M. khāḍ f. ‘hole, creek’, ḍā m. ‘hole’, ḍī f. ‘creek, inlet’. 3863 khā́tra— n. ‘hole’ HPariś., ‘pond, spade’ Uṇ. [√khan] Pk. khatta— n. ‘hole, manure’, aya— m. ‘one who digs in a field’; S. khāṭru m. ‘mine made by burglars’, ṭro m. ‘fissure, pit, gutter made by rain’; P. khāt m. ‘pit, manure’, khāttā m. ‘grain pit’, ludh. khattā m. (→ H. khattā m., khatiyā f.); N. khāt ‘heap (of stones, wood or corn)’; B. khāt, khātṛū ‘pit, pond’; Or. khāta ‘pit’, tā ‘artificial pond’; Bi. khātā ‘hole, gutter, grain pit, notch (on beam and yoke of plough)’, khattā ‘grain pit, boundary ditch’; Mth. khātā, khattā ‘hole, ditch’; H. khāt m. ‘ditch, well’, f. ‘manure’, khātā m. ‘grain pit’; G. khātar n. ‘housebreaking, house sweeping, manure’, khātriyũ n. ‘tool used in housebreaking’ (→ M. khātar f. ‘hole in a wall’, khātrā m. ‘hole, manure’, khātryā m. ‘housebreaker’); M. khā̆t n.m. ‘manure’ (deriv. khatāviṇẽ ‘to manure’, khāterẽ n. ‘muck pit’). — Un- expl. ṭ in L. khāṭvā̃ m. ‘excavated pond’, khāṭī f. ‘digging to clear or excavate a canal’ (~ S. khātī f. ‘id.’, but khāṭyāro m. ‘one employed to measure canal work’) and khaṭṭaṇ ‘to dig’. (CDIAL 3790) •gaḍa— 1 m. ‘ditch’ lex. [Cf. *gaḍḍa—1 and list s.v. kartá—1] Pk. gaḍa— n. ‘hole’; Paš. gaṛu ‘dike’; Kho. (Lor.) gōḷ ‘hole, small dry ravine’; A. garā ‘high bank’; B. gaṛ ‘ditch, hole in a husking machine’; Or. gaṛa ‘ditch, moat’; M. gaḷ f. ‘hole in the game of marbles’. 3981 *gaḍḍa— 1 ‘hole, pit’. [G. < *garda—? — Cf. *gaḍḍ—1 and list s.v. kartá—1] Pk. gaḍḍa— m. ‘hole’; WPah. bhal. cur. gaḍḍ f., paṅ. gaḍḍṛī, pāḍ. gaḍōṛ ‘river, stream’; N. gaṛ—tir ‘bank of a river’; A. gārā ‘deep hole’; B. gāṛ, ṛā ‘hollow, pit’; Or. gāṛa ‘hole, cave’, gāṛiā ‘pond’; Mth. gāṛi ‘piercing’; H. gāṛā m. ‘hole’; G. garāḍ, ḍɔ m. ‘pit, ditch’ (< *graḍḍa— < *garda—?); Si. gaḍaya ‘ditch’. — Cf. S. giḍ̱i f. ‘hole in the ground for fire during Muharram’. — X khānī̆—: K. gān m. ‘underground room’; S. (LM 323) gāṇ f. ‘mine, hole for keeping water’; L. gāṇ m. ‘small embanked field within a field to keep water in’; G. gāṇ f. ‘mine, cellar’; M. gāṇ f. ‘cavity containing water on a raised piece of land’ WPah.kṭg. gāṛ ‘hole (e.g. after a knot in wood)’. (CDIAL 3947) 3860 *khāḍa— ‘a hollow’. [Cf. *khaḍḍa— and list s.v. kartá—1] S. khāṛī f. ‘gulf, creek’; P. khāṛ ‘level country at the foot of a mountain’, ṛī f. ‘deep watercourse, creek’; Bi. khārī ‘creek, inlet’; G. khāṛi , ṛī f., ṛɔ m. ‘hole’. — Altern. < *khaḍḍa—: Gy. gr. xar f. ‘hole’; Ku. khāṛ ‘pit’; B. khāṛī ‘creek, inlet’, khāṛal ‘pit, ditch’; H. khāṛī ‘creek, inlet’, khaṛ—har, al m. ‘hole’; Marw. khāṛo m. ‘hole’; M. khāḍ f. ‘hole, creek’, ḍā m. ‘hole’, ḍī f. ‘creek, inlet’. The neck-bands hung above the shoulder of the composite animal may thus read rebus: trench or fire-pit (i.e. furnace) for the minerals/metals described by the glyphic elements connoting animals: elephant, ram (or zebu, bos indicus).



    m1175 Composite animal with a two-glyph inscription (water-carrier, rebus: kuti 'furnace'; road, bata; rebus: bata 'furnace'). m1186A Composite animal hieroglyph. Text of inscription (3 lines). m1186 (DK6847) [Pleiades, scarfed, framework, ficus religiosa , scarfed person, worshipper, twigs (on head), horn, markhor, human face ligatured to markhor, stool, ladle, frame of a building]


    paṭa ‘hood of snake’. Rebus: padm ‘tempered, sharpness (metal)’. nāga 'serpent' Rebus: nāga 'lead (alloy)'
    mũh 'face' Rebus: mũhe 'ingot'. khū̃ṭ  ‘zebu’.khū̃ṭ ‘community, guild’ (Munda)
    ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'. Ibbo ‘merchant’ (Gujarati).
    ḍhangar ‘bull’ Rebus: dhangar ‘blacksmith’ (Maithili) ḍangar ‘blacksmith’ (Hindi)
    kol ‘tiger’ Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’.
    dhaṭu  m.  (also dhaṭhu)  m. ‘scarf’  (WPah.) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral (ore)’ 


    Rebus reading of the ‘face’ glyph: mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking (Bi.); ingot (Santali) mũh metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali.lex.) kaula mengro ‘blacksmith’ (Gypsy) mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) The Sanskrit loss mleccha-mukha should literally mean: copper-ingot absorbing the Santali gloss, mũh, as a suffix
    The animal is a quadruped: pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.) Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali) Allograph: panǰā́r ‘ladder, stairs’(Bshk.)(CDIAL 7760) Thus the composite animal connotes a smithy. Details of the smithy are described orthographically by the glyphic elements of the composition.


    The glyphic of the hieroglyph: tail (serpent), face (human), horns (bos indicus, zebu or ram), trunk (elephant), front paw (tiger),

    moṇḍ the tail of a serpent (Santali) Rebus: Md. moḍenī ʻ massages, mixes ʼ. Kal.rumb. moṇḍ -- ʻ to thresh ʼ, urt. maṇḍ -- ʻ to soften ʼ (CDIAL 9890) Thus, the ligature of the serpent as a tail of the composite animal glyph is decoded as: polished metal (artifact). Vikalpa: xolā = tail (Kur.); qoli id. (Malt.)(DEDr 2135). Rebus: kol ‘pañcalōha’ (Ta.)கொல் kol, n. 1. Iron; இரும்பு. மின் வெள்ளி பொன் கொல்லெனச் சொல்லும் (தக்கயாகப். 550). 2. Metal; உலோகம். (நாமதீப. 318.) கொல்லன் kollaṉ, n. < T. golla. Custodian of treasure; கஜானாக்காரன். (P. T. L.) கொல்லிச்சி kollicci, n. Fem. of கொல்லன். Woman of the blacksmith caste; கொல்லச் சாதிப் பெண். (யாழ். அக.) The gloss kollicci is notable. It clearly evidences that kol was a blacksmith. kola ‘blacksmith’ (Ka.); Koḍ. kollë blacksmith (DEDR 2133). Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge (DEDR 2133) கொல்² kol Working in iron; கொற்றொழில். Blacksmith; கொல்லன். (Tamil) mũhe ‘face’ (Santali); Rebus: mũh '(copper) ingot' (Santali);mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) கோடு kōṭu : •நடுநிலை நீங்குகை. கோடிறீக் கூற் றம் (நாலடி, 5). 3. [K. kōḍu.] Tusk; யானை பன்றிகளின் தந்தம். மத்த யானையின் கோடும் (தேவா. 39, 1). 4. Horn; விலங்கின் கொம்பு. கோட்டிடை யாடினை கூத்து (திவ். இயற். திருவிருத். 21). Ko. kṛ (obl. kṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwṛ (obl. kwṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn (DEDR 2200)Rebus: koḍ = the place where artisans work (G.) kul 'tiger' (Santali); kōlu id. (Te.) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.)Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H.kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ, °lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā, °lā m. krōṣṭŕ̊ ʻ crying ʼ BhP., m. ʻ jackal ʼ RV. = krṓṣṭu -- m. Pāṇ. [√kruś] Pa. koṭṭhu -- , °uka -- and kotthu -- , °uka -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ, Pk. koṭṭhu -- m.; Si. koṭa ʻ jackal ʼ, koṭiya ʻ leopard ʼ GS 42 (CDIAL 3615). कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [ kōlhēṃ ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pañcaloha’ (Ta.) Allograph: kōla = woman (Nahali) [The ligature of a woman to a tiger is a phonetic determinant; the scribe clearly conveys that the gloss represented is kōla] karba 'iron' (Ka.)(DEDR 1278) as in ajirda karba 'iron' (Ka.) kari, karu 'black' (Ma.)(DEDR 1278) karbura 'gold' (Ka.) karbon 'black gold, iron' (Ka.) kabbiṇa 'iron' (Ka.) karum pon 'iron' (Ta.); kabin 'iron' (Ko.)(DEDR 1278) Ib 'iron' (Santali) [cf. Toda gloss below: ib ‘needle’.] Ta. Irumpu iron, instrument, weapon. a. irumpu,irimpu iron. Ko. ibid. To. Ib needle. Koḍ. Irïmbï iron. Te. Inumu id. Kol. (Kin.) inum (pl. inmul)iron, sword. Kui (Friend-Pereira) rumba vaḍi ironstone (for vaḍi, see 5285). (DEDR 486) Allograph: karibha -- m. ʻ Ficus religiosa (?) [Semantics of ficus religiosa may be relatable to homonyms used to denote both the sacred tree and rebus gloss: loa, ficus (Santali); loh ‘metal’ (Skt.)]

    miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120)bhēḍra -- , bhēṇḍa -- m. ʻ ram ʼ lex. [← Austro -- as. J. Przyluski BSL xxx 200: perh. Austro -- as. *mēḍra ~ bhēḍra collides with Aryan mḗḍhra -- 1 in mēṇḍhra -- m. ʻ penis ʼ BhP., ʻ ram ʼ lex. -- See also bhēḍa -- 1, mēṣá -- , ēḍa -- . -- The similarity between bhēḍa -- 1, bhēḍra -- , bhēṇḍa -- ʻ ram ʼ and *bhēḍa -- 2 ʻ defective ʼ is paralleled by that between mḗḍhra -- 1, mēṇḍha -- 1 ʻ ram ʼ and *mēṇḍa -- 1, *mēṇḍha -- 2 (s.v. *miḍḍa -- ) ʻ defective ʼ](CDIAL 9606) mēṣá m. ʻ ram ʼ, °ṣīˊ -- f. ʻ ewe ʼ RV. 2. mēha -- 2, miha- m. lex. [mēha -- 2 infl. by mḗhati ʻ emits semen ʼ as poss. mēḍhra -- 2 ʻ ram ʼ (~ mēṇḍha -- 2) by mḗḍhra -- 1 ʻ penis ʼ?]1. Pk. mēsa -- m. ʻ sheep ʼ, Ash. mišalá; Kt. məṣe/l ʻ ram ʼ; Pr. məṣé ʻ ram, oorial ʼ; Kal. meṣ, meṣalák ʻ ram ʼ, H. mes m.; -- X bhēḍra -- q.v.2. K. myã̄ -- pūtu m. ʻ the young of sheep or goats ʼ; WPah.bhal. me\i f. ʻ wild goat ʼ; H. meh m. ʻ ram ʼ.mēṣāsya -- ʻ sheep -- faced ʼ Suśr. [mēṣá -- , āsyà -- ](CDIAL 10334) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)mẽṛh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Mu.) Allograph: meḍ ‘body ' (Mu.)

    Hieroglphs on text of inscription read rebus:

    Smithy (temple), Copper (mineral) guild workshop, metal furnace (account) 

    Sign 216 (Mahadevan). ḍato ‘claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs’; ḍaṭom, ḍiṭom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; ḍaṭkop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Vikalpa: erā ‘claws’; Rebus: era ‘copper’. Allograph: kamaṛkom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarmaṛā (Has.), kamaṛkom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.) kamat.ha = fig leaf, religiosa (Skt.)

    Sign 342. kaṇḍa kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali): karṇaka rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe, accountant’ (Te.); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Thus, the 'rim of jar' ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account)
    Sign 229. sannī, sannhī = pincers, smith’s vice (P.) śannī f. ʻ small room in a house to keep sheep in ‘ (WPah.) Bshk. šan, Phal.šān ‘roof’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 12326). seṇi (f.) [Class. Sk. śreṇi in meaning "guild"; Vedic= row] 1. a guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dāvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. ˚ -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni -- ). -- 2. a division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- ˚ J vi.81, 49; seṇimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. senā and seniya). (Pali)
    'body' glyph. mēd ‘body’ (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)
    aya 'fish' (Mu.); rebus: aya 'iron' (G.); ayas 'metal' (Skt.)
    sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) *ஆலை³ ālai, n. < šālā.





    Varint of 'room' glyph with embedded rimless pot glyph (Sign 243 - Mahadevan corpus).

    'Room' glyph. Rebus: kole.l = smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.) kolme smithy' (Ka.) kol ‘working in iron, blacksmith (Ta.)(DEDR 2133) The ligature glyphic element within 'room' glyph (Variant Sign 243): baṭi 'broad-mouthed, rimless metal vessel'; rebus: baṭi 'smelting furnace'. Thus, the composite ligatured Sign 243 denotes: furnace smithy.
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/12/indus-script-hieroglyphs-composite.html
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/composite-animal-meluhha-hieroglyph.html

    The animal is a quadruped: pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.)Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali) Allograph: panǰā́r ‘ladder, stairs’(Bshk.)(CDIAL 7760) Thus the composite animal connotes a smithy. Details of the smithy are described orthographically by the glyphic elements of the composition.

    The glyphic of the hieroglyph: tail (serpent), face (human), horns (bos indicus, zebu or ram), trunk (elephant), front paw (tiger),

    moṇḍ the tail of a serpent (Santali) Rebus: Md. moḍenī ʻ massages, mixes ʼ. Kal.rumb. moṇḍ -- ʻ to thresh ʼ, urt. maṇḍ -- ʻ to soften ʼ (CDIAL 9890) Thus, the ligature of the serpent as a tail of the composite animal glyph is decoded as: polished metal (artifact). Vikalpa: xolā = tail (Kur.); qoli id. (Malt.)(DEDr 2135). Rebus: kol ‘pañcalōha’ (Ta.)கொல் kol, n. 1. Iron; இரும்பு. மின் வெள்ளி பொன் கொல்லெனச் சொல்லும் (தக்கயாகப். 550). 2. Metal; உலோகம். (நாமதீப. 318.) கொல்லன் kollaṉ, n. < T. golla. Custodian of treasure; கஜானாக்காரன். (P. T. L.) கொல்லிச்சி kollicci, n. Fem. of கொல்லன். Woman of the blacksmith caste; கொல்லச் சாதிப் பெண். (யாழ். அக.) The gloss kollicci is notable. It clearly evidences that kol was a blacksmith. kola ‘blacksmith’ (Ka.); Koḍ. kollë blacksmith (DEDR 2133). Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge (DEDR 2133) கொல்² kol Working in iron; கொற்றொழில். Blacksmith; கொல்லன். (Tamil) mũhe ‘face’ (Santali); Rebus: mũh '(copper) ingot' (Santali);mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) கோடு kōṭu : •நடுநிலை நீங்குகை. கோடிறீக் கூற் றம் (நாலடி, 5). 3. [K. kōḍu.] Tusk; யானை பன்றிகளின் தந்தம். மத்த யானையின் கோடும் (தேவா. 39, 1). 4. Horn; விலங்கின் கொம்பு. கோட்டிடை யாடினை கூத்து (திவ். இயற். திருவிருத். 21). Ko. kṛ (obl. kṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwṛ (obl. kwṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn (DEDR 2200)Rebus: koḍ = the place where artisans work (G.) kul 'tiger' (Santali); kōlu id. (Te.) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.)Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H.kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ, °lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā, °lā m. krōṣṭŕ̊ ʻ crying ʼ BhP., m. ʻ jackal ʼ RV. = krṓṣṭu -- m. Pāṇ. [√kruś] Pa. koṭṭhu -- , °uka -- and kotthu -- , °uka -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ, Pk. koṭṭhu -- m.; Si. koṭa ʻ jackal ʼ, koṭiya ʻ leopard ʼ GS 42 (CDIAL 3615). कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [ kōlhēṃ ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pañcaloha’ (Ta.) Allograph: kōla = woman (Nahali) [The ligature of a woman to a tiger is a phonetic determinant; the scribe clearly conveys that the gloss represented is kōla] karba 'iron' (Ka.)(DEDR 1278) as in ajirda karba 'iron' (Ka.) kari, karu 'black' (Ma.)(DEDR 1278) karbura 'gold' (Ka.) karbon 'black gold, iron' (Ka.) kabbiṇa 'iron' (Ka.) karum pon 'iron' (Ta.); kabin 'iron' (Ko.)(DEDR 1278) Ib 'iron' (Santali) [cf. Toda gloss below: ib ‘needle’.] Ta. Irumpu iron, instrument, weapon. a. irumpu,irimpu iron. Ko. ibid. To. Ib needle. Koḍ. Irïmbï iron. Te. Inumu id. Kol. (Kin.) inum (pl. inmul)iron, sword. Kui (Friend-Pereira) rumba vaḍi ironstone (for vaḍi, see 5285). (DEDR 486) Allograph: karibha -- m. ʻ Ficus religiosa (?) [Semantics of ficus religiosa may be relatable to homonyms used to denote both the sacred tree and rebus gloss: loa, ficus (Santali); loh ‘metal’ (Skt.)]

    miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120)bhēḍra -- , bhēṇḍa -- m. ʻ ram ʼ lex. [← Austro -- as. J. Przyluski BSL xxx 200: perh. Austro -- as. *mēḍra ~ bhēḍra collides with Aryan mḗḍhra -- 1 in mēṇḍhra -- m. ʻ penis ʼ BhP., ʻ ram ʼ lex. -- See also bhēḍa -- 1, mēṣá -- , ēḍa -- . -- The similarity between bhēḍa -- 1, bhēḍra -- , bhēṇḍa -- ʻ ram ʼ and *bhēḍa -- 2 ʻ defective ʼ is paralleled by that between mḗḍhra -- 1, mēṇḍha -- 1 ʻ ram ʼ and *mēṇḍa -- 1, *mēṇḍha -- 2 (s.v. *miḍḍa -- ) ʻ defective ʼ](CDIAL 9606) mēṣá m. ʻ ram ʼ, °ṣīˊ -- f. ʻ ewe ʼ RV. 2. mēha -- 2, miha- m. lex. [mēha -- 2 infl. by mḗhati ʻ emits semen ʼ as poss. mēḍhra -- 2 ʻ ram ʼ (~ mēṇḍha -- 2) by mḗḍhra -- 1 ʻ penis ʼ?]1. Pk. mēsa -- m. ʻ sheep ʼ, Ash. mišalá; Kt. məṣe/l ʻ ram ʼ; Pr. məṣé ʻ ram, oorial ʼ; Kal. meṣ, meṣalák ʻ ram ʼ, H. mes m.; -- X bhēḍra -- q.v.2. K. myã̄ -- pūtu m. ʻ the young of sheep or goats ʼ; WPah.bhal. me\i f. ʻ wild goat ʼ; H. meh m. ʻ ram ʼ.mēṣāsya -- ʻ sheep -- faced ʼ Suśr. [mēṣá -- , āsyà -- ](CDIAL 10334) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)mẽṛh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Mu.) Allograph: meḍ ‘body ' (Mu.)

    er-agu = a bow, an obeisance; er-aguha = bowing, coming down (Ka.lex.) er-agisu = to bow, to be bent; tomake obeisance to; to crouch; to come down; to alight (Ka.lex.) cf. arghas = respectful reception of a guest (by the offering of rice, du_rva grass, flowers or often only of water)(S’Br.14)(Skt.lex.) erugu = to bow, to salute or make obeisance (Te.) Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Ka.)erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.) eruvai ‘copper’ (Ta.); ere dark red (Ka.)(DEDR 446). er-r-a = red; (arka-) agasāle, agasāli, agasālavāḍu = a goldsmith (Telugu)

    Harappa seal (h350B)


    Harappa seal (h330)
    Seal. National Museum: 135.

    The rebus readings of the hieroglyphs are: mẽḍha ‘antelope’; rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) aya 'fish'; rebus: aya 'cast metal' (G.).




    Some lexemes from Indian sprachbund:


    जांगड [jāṅgaḍa] ad Without definitive settlement of purchase--goods taken from a shop. जांगड [ jāṅgaḍa ] f ( H) Goods taken from a shop, to be retained or returned as may suit: also articles of apparel taken from a tailor or clothier to sell for him. 2 or जांगड वही The account or account-book of goods so taken.


    कारणी or कारणीक [kāraṇī or kāraṇīka] a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c करणी [ karaṇī ] f (करणें) Presenting (in marriages) of cloths, ornaments &c. to the bridegroom and his party. v कर. (Marathi) కరణము [karaamu] karaamu. [Skt.] n. A village clerk, a writer, an accountant. వాడు కూత కరణముగాని వ్రాతకరణముకాడు he has talents for speaking but not for writing. స్థలకరణము the registrar of a district. కరణికము or కరణీకము karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu)
    கரணிகம் karaikam [Telugu. karaikamu.] Office of accountant. See கருணீகம். Loc. கருணீகம் karuṇīkam , n. < karaa. [T. karaikamu.] Office of village accountant or karṇam; கிராமக்கணக்குவேலை. கரணன் karaa , n. < karaa. Accountant; கணக்கன். கரணர்கள் வந்தனர் கழல் வணங்கினார் (கந்தபு. மார்க்கண். 210).கரணம் karaam, n. < karaa. Accountant, karnam; கணக்கன். (S.I.I. i, 65.) கரணம்பலம் karaampalam, n. < id. + அம் பலம். Ancient name for the office of village headman; வரிதண்டும் உத்தியோகம். Rd. கரணியமேனிக்கல் karaiya-mēi-k-kal, n. A kind of metal-ore; கரும்புள்ளிக்கல். (W.) (Tamil) ஒற்றிக்கரணம் oṟṟi-k-karaṇam n. < ஒற்றி +. See ஒற்றிச்சீட்டு. ஒற்றிச்சீட்டு oṟṟi-c-cīṭṭu , n. < ஒற்றி +. Usufructuary mortgage deed; ஒற்றிப்பத்திரம். கரணகளேபரம் karaṇa-kaḷēparam, n. < karaகரணத்தான் karaattā , n. < id. Accountant; கணக்கன்.  ந்நகரக்கரணத்தான் (S.I.I. iii, 23). கரணத்தியலவர் karaattiyalavar, n. < id. + இயலவர். Account officers working under a king, one of eperu-n-tuaivar, q.v.; அரசர்க்குரிய எண்பெருந்துணைவருள் ஒருவராகிய கணக்கர். (திவா.)


    It is significant that the word கரணம் is used. This word in old Tamil denotes the work of karaṇikaṉ ‘village accountant’.


    For describing goods transacted under jangaḍ accounting, it was enough to detail the technical specifications of the goods. The quantities involved, the prices to be settled at the time of final sale and final settlement between the consignor and the consignee are subject to separate, later day transactions AFTER the final delivery on the entrustment note -- jangaḍ -- takes place to the final purchaser or owner of the goods.




    The foundatio of jangaḍ accounting is trust in mercantile transactions and an honour system for processing the transactions between the producer and the final consumer.

    The ancient, traditional mercantile transactions using jangaḍ accounting was adjudicated in Bombay High Court in 1938 where violations of the founding principles of jangaḍ were the principal causes for the litigation. A write-up on the case is appended. The judgement of Kania, J. notes the quote of an earlier judge in another case: "Assuming that jangad in Gujerati ordinarily means 'approval' there is no reason to assume that the goods entrusted jangad are goods to be sold on approval, rather than goods to be shown for approval." -- Madgavkar J. But, jangad also meant 'sale or return' in addition to the dictionary meaning 'approval'. The Judge adjudicated on the issues of 'good faith' involving diamonds/pearls adjudicating that the relation of a dealer and a broker or mercantie agent is that of a principal and agent and not of a seller and a buyer. The obiter dicta was: "If the person who takes [the property] on jangad, sells the property at a price in excess of that which he has agreed to pay to the seller, he keeps the difference and he does not have to account to the seller as an agent. On the other hand, if the purchaser from him does not pay, he is still liable to pay on his own contract with his seller."

    The point made in this note is that jangaḍ accounting transactions for high-value goods like diamonds/pearls/metalsware were in vogue as evidenced on Indus writing and the tradition continued into historical times and are in vogue even today in a remarkable civilizational continuum.

    A remarkable contract is recorded in Mesopotamian archives, attesting to the good-faith doctrine in financial or property transactions:

    Contract for the Sale of Real Estate, Sumer, c. 2000 B.C.

    This is a transaction from the last days of Sumerian history. It exhibits a form of transfer and title which has a flavor of modern business method about it.

    Sini-Ishtar, the son of Ilu-eribu, and Apil-Ili, his brother, have bought one third Shar of land with a house constructed, next the house of Sini-Ishtar, and next the house of Minani; one third Shar of arable land next the house of Sini-Ishtar, which fronts on the street; the property of Minani, the son of Migrat-Sin, from Minani, the son of Migrat-Sin. They have paid four and a half shekels of silver, the price agreed. Never shall further claim be made, on account of the house of Minani. By their king they swore. (The names of fourteen witnesses and a scribe then follow.) Month Tebet, year of the great wall of Karra-Shamash. 

    http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/mesopotamia-contracts.asp
    Sanghata Sutra (Ārya Sanghāta Sūtra; Devanagari, आर्य सङ्घाट सूत्र) is a Mahāyāna Buddhist scripture widely circulated in northwest India and Central Asia. Manuscripts of the Sanghāta have been recovered in Gilgit (in 1931 and 1938), Khotan, Dunhuang, and other sites in Central Asia along the silk route. Translations appear in Khotanese, Sogdian, Chinese, Tibetan and English. "In standard Sanskrit, sanghāta is a term meaning the ‘fitting and joining of timbers’ or ‘the work done by a carpenter in joining two pieces of wood,’ and can refer to carpentry in general. It has a specialized use in a few Buddhist Sanskrit texts, where it means ‘vessel’ or ‘jar,’ and this image of ‘something that contains’ is evoked several times within the sutra, when Buddha calls the Sanghāta a ‘treasury of Dharma.’
    Whether we take sanghāta as having the sense of joining or connecting that it has in standard Sanskrit, or the sense of holding or containing that it can have in Buddhist Sanskrit, the question remains as to just what is connected or held. One possible interpretation is that what is connected are sentient beings, and they are joined or connected by the Sanghāta to enlightenment. This suggestion—that what the Sanghāta joins is sentient beings to enlightenment—was offered by Kirti Tsenshab Rinpoche during an oral transmission of the text in 2003. In this, we find an idea that we readers and reciters are the material that the Sanghāta is working on, as it shapes us, and connects us to our enlightenment in such a way that we will never turn back. This, indeed, is what Sarvashura initially requests the Buddha to give: a teaching that can ensure that the young ones are never disconnected from their path to enlightenment.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sanghata_Sutra

    kõdā‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ  = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)  A. kundār, B. kũdār, ri, Or.Kundāru; H. kũderā m. ‘one who works a lathe, one who scrapes’,  f., kũdernā ‘to scrape, plane, round on a lathe’; kundakara—m. ‘turner’ (Skt.)(CDIAL 3297). कोंदण [ kōndaṇa ] n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems.(Marathi) খোদকার [ khōdakāra ] n an engraver; a carver. খোদকারি n. engraving; carving; interference in other’s work. খোদাই [ khōdāi ] n engraving; carving. খোদাই করা v. to engrave; to carve. খোদানো v. & n. en graving; carving. খোদিত [ khōdita ] a engraved. (Bengali) खोदकाम [ khōdakāma ] n Sculpture; carved work or work for the carver. खोदगिरी [ khōdagirī ] f Sculpture, carving, engraving: also sculptured or carved work. खोदणावळ [ khōdaṇāvaḷa ] f (खोदणें) The price or cost of sculpture or carving. खोदणी [ khōdaṇī ] f (Verbal of खोदणें) Digging, engraving &c. 2 fig. An exacting of money by importunity. V लावमांड. 3 An instrument to scoop out and cut flowers and figures from paper. 4 A goldsmith’s die. खोदणें [ khōdaṇēṃ ] v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. खोद खोदून विचारणें or –पुसणें To question minutely and searchingly, to probe. खोदाई [ khōdāī ] f (H.) Price or cost of digging or of sculpture or carving. खोदींव [ khōdīṃva ] p of खोदणें Dug. 2 Engraved, carved, sculptured. (Marathi)

    Rebus reading is: dhatu kõdā sã̄gāḍī eraka āra   ‘mineral, turner, stone-smithy guild, copper, brass’ PLUS khambh 'shoulder' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    Standard device: (Top part: lathe-gimlet; Bottom part: portable furnace sã̄gāḍ Rebus: stone-cutter sangatarāśū ). sanghāḍo (Gujarati) cutting stone, gilding (Gujarati); sangsāru kara= to stone (Sindhi) sanghāḍiyo, a worker on a lathe (Gujarati)

    The procession is a celebration of the graduation of a stone-cutter as a metal-turner in a smithy/forge. A sangatarāśū ‘stone-cutter’ or lapidary of neolithic/chalolithic age had graduated into a metal turner’s workshop (ko), working with metallic minerals (dhatu) of the bronze age.

    Three professions are described by the three hieroglyphs: scarf, young bull, standard device dhatu kõdāsã̄gāḍī  Rebus words denote: ‘ mineral worker; metals turner-joiner (forge); worker on a lathe’ – associates (guild).
    Image result for indus standard deviceReconstruction of a drill based on analogical comparisons with the drills used nowadays at Nagara, Gujarat, India: Upper pivot in copper is centered with the drill-head and inserted into a coconut shell. Wooden haft is used with a bow-string to churn. The phtanite drill-head is secured in the haft-hole with a thin coiling thread. The tip of the drill's working end shows the characteristic feature of the shallow hemispherical depression: a 'dotted circle'. (After Vidale, M., 1987. Some aspects of lapidary craft at Moenjodaro in the light of the surface record of Moneer South east Area. In M. Jansen and G. Urban (eds.), Interim Reports, Vol. 2, 113-150. Aachen).
    Piperno, Marcello, Micro-drilling at Shahr-i Sokhta; the making and use of the lithic drill-heads, in: Hammond, Norman Ed., South Asian Archaeology, 1973, Pl. 9.2 and 9.3  "granite drill heads used to perforate beads, prepare stone seals... use of the "bow drill" or the "pump drill" which revolved the point of the drill in an alternating rotary motion...the level of technical performance reached in this micro-drilling work was peculiar to a class of highly-specialized craftsmen who must have enjoyed a considerable social and economic position in the life of Shahr-i Sokhta." (p.128) [ca. 2700-2300 B.C.]
    Dotted circles and three lines on the obverse of many Failaka/Dilmun seals are read rebus as hieroglyphs.

    Text 5477 Dotted circles + circumscribed fish + 'comb' motif. aya ‘fish’ (Mu.); rebus: aya ‘metal’ (Skt.)
    gaṇḍa set of four (Santali) kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar’ 

    kanga 'comb' Rebus: kanga 'large portable brazier'

    ghangar ghongor 'full of holes' Rebus: kangar 'portable furnace'.

    Mohenjo-daro Seal m0352 shows dotted circles in the four corners of a fire-altar and at the centre of the altar together with four raised 'bun' ingot-type rounded features.
    Image result for dotted circle indusOrnaments worn on the forehead and right-shoulder are dotted circles. The shawl also has one, two and three dotted circles. Three dotted circles are organized orthographically like a trefoil.

    Evolution of Brahmi script syllables ḍha-, dha- are traced from Indus Script hieroglyph dāya'dotted circle', dām'rope (single strand or string?) to signify dhā̆vaḍ'iron-smelter' (potR 'purifier priest').

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    August 27, 2016



    0 0

    http://tinyurl.com/gv74lm6

    Contributions made by dhā̆va to Bronze Age Revolution

    See:

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/08/sangada-lathe-brazier-on-indus-script.html sangaḍa, 'lathe-brazier' on Indus Script corpora, rebus caṅkatam=saṃskṛta,dhā̆vaḍ 'iron smelters' of sangara'people of Hindoostan, Kutch' 


    Some intimations of the contributions of dhā̆va 'smelters' may be seen from examples of Indus Script Corpora. The entire Corpora is a datamine of metalwork catalogues.
    Image result for donal seated bharatkalyan97
    Image result for tiger jackal bharatkalyan97Image result for tiger jackal bharatkalyan97

    Leaping tiger is an abiding hieroglyph-hypertext on Indus Script corpora as seen from these inscriptions.

    Two etyma streams of Indian sprachbund can be related to this hypertext signifying 'tiger' and 'jumping'

    Tiger, jackal

    Hieroglyph: కోలు (p. 0329) [ kōlu ] kōlu. [Tel.] adj. Big, great, huge పెద్ద. కోలుపులి or కోల్పులి a royal tiger. kul 'tiger' (Santali) kul 'tiger' (Santali); kōlu id. (Te.) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.)Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H.kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ, °lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā, °lā m. krōṣṭŕ̊ ʻ crying ʼ BhP., m. ʻ jackal ʼ RV. = krṓṣṭu -- m. Pāṇ. [√kruś] Pa. koṭṭhu -- , °uka -- and kotthu -- , °uka -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ, Pk. koṭṭhu -- m.; Si. koṭa ʻ jackal ʼ, koṭiya ʻ leopard ʼ GS 42 (CDIAL 3615). कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [ kōlhēṃ ] A jackal (Marathi) 

    Allograph: kōla = woman (Nahali)

    Rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith' kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pañcaloha’ (Ta.) 

    dhavvũ Rushing, Jumping, running


    Hieroglyph: *dhavaka -- ʻ running ʼ. [√dhav]Or. dhuã̄ ʻ running ʼ.6766 dhavatē ʻ runs ʼ RV. [√dhav]K. dawun ʻ to run ʼ; G. dhavvũ ʻ to rush to ʼ. -- See Add.dhavala -- 1 ʻ Anogeissus latifolia ʼ see dhavá -- 1.Addenda: dhavatē: S.kcch. dhoṛṇū ʻ to run ʼ; -- Md. duvanī, °venī ʻ runs ʼ, duvvanī ʻ drives ʼ (or < dhāˊvati1 or drávati).(CDIAL 6765a, 6766) *uddhāva ʻ running away ʼ. [√dhāv1] B. udhāo subst. ʻ running out of one's sight ʼ (ODBL 663 < *uddhāvuka -- ).(CDIAL 2019) dravá ʻ running ʼ RV., ʻ flowing ʼ Kāṭh., m. ʻ quick motion ʼ Hariv., ʻ fluidity, juice, stream ʼ Kāv. [√dru]Pa. dava -- m. ʻ running ʼ; Pk. dava -- m. ʻ water, anything wet ʼ; OG. davadavāe ʻ with speed ʼ; M. dãv n. ʻ dew, dampness, exudation from damp ground ʼ (despite gender rather than with LM 351 < Pk. daya<-> n. < udaká -- ); Si. dav ʻ play ʼ; -- Ash. dro ʻ woman's hair ʼ, Kt. drū, Wg.drūdrū̃; Pr. ḍui ʻ a hair ʼ; Kho. dro(h) ʻ hair ʼ, (Lor.) ʻ hair (of animal), body hair (human) ʼ: → Orm. dradrī IIFL i 392 (semant. cf. Psht. pal ʻ fringe of hair over forehead ʼ < *pata -- ).drávati ʻ runs ʼ RV. [√dru]Pk. davaï ʻ goes away ʼ; Paš.kuṛ. lēw -- ʻ to swim ʼ; Gaw. lōe ʻ swimming ʼ; -- Ḍ. dei -- ʻ to run ʼ prob. < dhāˊvati1. -- Ext. --  -- : K. dorun ʻ to run ʼ, rām. dauṛnu, kash. dōṛunu, ḍoḍ. dauṛṇō; S. ḍroṛaṇu ʻ to run, gallop ʼ; L. drôṛaṇdôṛaṇ ʻ to run ʼ, P. dauṛṇā, WPah.paṅ. dōuṛṇā; Ku.dauṛaṇo ʻ to run, hunt ʼ; A. dāuriba ʻ to run ʼ, B. dauṛā (← West ODBL 349), Or. daüṛibā, Aw.lakh. daurab, H. dauṛnā (→ Mth. dauṛab, N.dauṛnu); Marw. doṛṇo, G. doṛvũ, M. davaḍṇẽdauḍṇẽ; -- -- kk -- : S. ḍrokaṇu ʻ to gallop ʼ, ḍrukaṇu ʻ to run ʼ; L. drukkaṇ, (Ju.) drukaṇdurkaṇ ʻ to run ʼ, dhrukkaṇ (X dhāvaṇ < dhāˊvati1); -- N. dugurnu (*daur -- X *dukk -- ?). -- See drāváyati.draviḍa -- see *drāmiḍa -- .Addenda: drávati: Md. duvanīduvenī ʻ runs ʼ, duvvanī ʻ drives ʼ (or < dhavatē or dhāˊvati1); -- WPah.kṭg. (kc.) dɔṛnõ ʻ to run ʼ, kṭg. dəṛauṇõ, Wkc. dəṛeuṇo ʻ to drive away ʼ; Garh. dɔṛnu ʻ to run ʼ. -- Read B. dauṛā̆na.(CDIAL 6624) Addenda: dravá -- [Cf. Shgh. ċīwċōwċū ʻ single hair ʼ (CDIAL 6623) 


    Ta. tāvu (tāvi-) to jump up, leap, skip over, leap over, cross, spring upon, attack, fly, spread, be luxuriant; n. jumping,leaping, moving, going, galloping; tavvu (tavvi-) to leap, jump, spring, tread gently, boast, be arrogant; n. hopping, jumping, leaping; tāattacking, rushing, jumping. Ma. tāvuka to rush in upon, spread. Ka. tāgu to jump, skip, leap over. ? Cf. 3151 Pa. tāk-(DEDR 3177)

    Images of the egtyma signifying droh, ḍui 'hair' are seen on Gundestrup cauldron:Ash. dro ʻ woman's hair ʼ, Kt. drū, Wg.drūdrū̃; Pr. ḍui ʻ a hair ʼ; Kho. dro(h) ʻ hair ʼ, (Lor.) ʻ hair (of animal), body hair (human)ʼ Rebus: dhāu 'metal' dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'
    Image result for gundestrup hair strand
    Rebus1: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or.ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)

    Rebus 2: uddhava1 m. ʻ sacrificial fire, festival ʼ lex. [√huPk. uddhavia -- ʻ worshipped ʼ; H. ūdhavūdho m. ʻ festival ʼ.(CDIAL 2012)
    Mohenjo-daro Seal m0352 shows dotted circles in the four corners of a fire-altar and at the centre of the altar together with four raised 'bun' ingot-type rounded features.
    Image result for dotted circle indusOrnaments worn on the forehead and right-shoulder are dotted circles. The shawl also has one, two and three dotted circles. Three dotted circles are organized orthographically like a trefoil.

    Evolution of Brahmi script syllables ḍha-, dha- are traced from Indus Script hieroglyph dāya 'dotted circle', dām 'rope (single strand or string?) to signify dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelter' (potR 'purifier priest').

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    August 28, 2016

    0 0

    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/gu746pj

    Orthography of face of seated person on seal m0304 tvaṣṭṛ, ṭhaṭṭhāra 'smelter, brassworker', hypertexts on Indus Script Corpora signify iron smelters


    I suggest that orthography of face of seated person on seal m0304 signifies tvaṣṭṛ, ṭhaṭṭhāra 'smelter, brassworker', so do similar hypertexts on Indus Script Corpora signify iron smelters as seen from inscriptions presented in this note.


    Rigveda textual evidence reinforces the possibility that the orthography also indicates three faces on the seated person. Rigveda describes  tvaṣṭṛ as tri-s'iras 'three-headed' and the artist who signifies such a person seated in penance attempts to signify three faces of tvaṣṭṛ ṭhaṭṭhāra 'smelter, brassworker' as tri-s'iras consistent with the Vedic tradition.


    The underlying assumption in chronology of the Indus Script Corpora and Vedic texts is that the Vedic texts predate the  Indus Script Corpora by ca. two or three millennia, given the language evidences argued forcefully for example see: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/02/date-of-rigveda-ca-5th-millennium-bce.html

    Image result for donal seated bharatkalyan97Thanks to Donal B Buchanan, the remarkable Indus Script seal m0304 has been virtually reconstructed except for the small fragment related to the hindlegs of a jumping, leaping, running tiger

    Donal B Buchanan's reconstruction of Mohenjo-daro broken Pasupati seal m0304 unambiguous hieroglyphs read rebus as mint metalwork catalog
    See:
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-evidence-pasupati-seal.html

    The hieroglyph above the leaping, running tiger: karNika 'spread legs' rebus: karNIka 'helmsman'. Thus, the top 5 animal hieroglyphs signify a helmsman (seafaring merchant) handling the cargo of: karibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' kANDa 'rhinoceros' rebus: kaNDa 'implements', rango 'buffalo' rebus: rango 'pewter', kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe'smelter'. The pair of antelopes or markhors on the base platform signify: miṇḍāl ‘markhor’ (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120); rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. kundavum = manger, a hayrick (Gujarati.) Rebus: kundār turner (Assamese).maṇḍā 'raised platform, stool' Rebus: maṇḍā 'warehouse'.

    त्वष्ट [p= 464,1] mfn. ( √ त्वक्ष्= तष्ट L. तष्ट [p= 441,2]mfn. ( √ तक्ष्) pared , hewn , made thin L.fashioned , formed in mind , produced RV. AV. xi , 1 , 23विभ्व-तष्ट्/तष्टृ [p= 441,2] m. a carpenter , builder of chariots RV. i , 61 , 4 ; 105 , 18 ; 130 , 4 ii f. , vii , xविश्व-कर्मन् (cf. त्व्/अष्टृL. N. of one of the 12 आदित्यL.

    தொட்டா toṭṭā, n. < TvaṣṭāTvaṣṭṛ. One of tuvātacātittar, q.v.; துவாத சாதித்தருள் ஒருவன்.நள்ளிரு ளெறிதொட்டா (கூர்மபுஆதவர்சிறப். 2). துவட்டர் tuvaṭṭar , n. < tvaṣṭṛ. Artificers, smiths; சிற்பியர். (சூடா.)  துவட்டன் tuvaṭṭaṉ n. < Tvaṣṭṛ. A deity representing the sun, one of the tuvātacātittar, q.v.;   துவாதசாதித்தருள் ஒருவன். (திவா.) துவட்டா tuvaṭṭān. < TvaṣṭāTvaṣṭṛ. Višvakarmā, the architect of the gods; தெய்வத்தச்சனாகிய விசுவகருமா. துவட்டா வீன்ற தனயன் (திருவிளை. இந்திரன்பழி. 8). 11) త్వష్ట (p. 573) tvaṣṭa tvashṭa. [Skt.] n. A carpenter, వడ్లవాడు. The maker of the universe. విశ్వకర్త. One of the 12 Adityas, ద్వాదశాదిత్యులలో నొకడు. 


    ترکانړ tarkāṟṟṉ, s.m. (5th) A carpenter. Pl. ترکانړان tarkāṟṟṉān. (Panjābī).دروزګر darūz-gar, s.m. (5th) A carpenter, a joiner. Pl. دروزګران darūzgarān (corrup. of P درود گر). (Pashto) tŏrka त्वर्क in tŏrka-chān त्वर्क-छान् । कौटतक्षः m. a private carpenter, a village carpenter who works on his own account, a cabinet maker (H. vii, 17, 2); cf. chān 1.-chān-bāy -छान्-बाय् । स्वतन्त्रतक्षस्त्री f. his wife.-chönil -छा&above;निल् । कौटतक्षता f.(Kashmiri) Thapati [Vedic sthapati, to sthā+pati] 1. a builder, master carpenter M i.396=S iv.223; M iii.144, <-> 2. officer, overseer S v.348. (Pali)

    Head gear: Hieroglyph: taTThAr 'buffalo horn' Rebus: taTTAr 'brass worker';
    tatara 'smelter' (Japanese) 
     <  ṭhaṭṭhāra 'brass worker' (Prakritam) (< is indicated as a possibile transfer mode in language contacts for metalwork technical gloss.)

    "The tatara (?) is the traditional Japanese furnace used for smelting iron and steel. The word later also came to mean the entire building housing the furnace...tatara is foreign to Japan, originating in India or Central Asia...Tokutaro Yasuda suggests that the word may be from the Sanskrit word taatara, meaning "heat," noting that the Sanskrit word for steel is sekeraa, which is very similar to the word used in Japan for the steel bloom which the tatara produces..."

    The dissemination of iron-manufacturing technology to Japan


    *ṭhaṭṭh ʻ strike ʼ. [Onom.?]N. ṭhaṭāunu ʻ to strike, beat ʼ, ṭhaṭāi ʻ striking ʼ, ṭhaṭāk -- ṭhuṭuk ʻ noise of beating ʼ; H.ṭhaṭhānā ʻ to beat ʼ, ṭhaṭhāī f. ʻ noise of beating ʼ.(CDIAL 5490)


    தட்டான்¹ taṭṭāṉ, n. < தட்டு-. [M. taṭṭān.] Gold or silver smith, one of 18 kuṭimakkaḷ, q. v.; பொற்கொல்லன். (திவா.) Te. taṭravã̄ḍu goldsmith or silversmith. Cf. Turner,CDIAL, no. 5490, *ṭhaṭṭh- to strike; no. 5493, *ṭhaṭṭhakāra- brassworker; √ taḍ, no. 5748, tāˊḍa- a blow; no. 5752, tāḍáyati strikes.

    *ṭhaṭṭha ʻ brass ʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass? -- N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 2. *ṭhaṭṭhakara -- 1. Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār°rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H. ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493)


    Tatta1 [pp. of tapati] heated, hot, glowing; of metals: in a melted state (cp. uttatta) Aii.122≈(tattena talena osiñcante, as punishment); Dh 308 (ayoguḷa); J ii.352 (id.); iv.306 (tattatapo "of red -- hot heat," i. e. in severe self -- torture); Miln 26, 45 (adv. red -- hot); PvA 221 (tatta -- lohasecanaŋ the pouring over of glowing copper, one of the punishments in Niraya).(Pali)


    தட்டுமுட்டு taṭṭu-muṭṭu, n. Redupl. of தட்டு² [T. M. Tu. taṭṭumuṭṭu.] 1. Furniture, goods and chattels, articles of various kinds; வீட்டுச்சாமான்கள்தட்டுமுட்டு விற்று மாற்றாது (பணவிடு. 225). 2. Apparatus, tools, instruments, utensils; கருவி கள். 3. Luggage, baggage; மூட்டைகள். (W.)Ta. taṭṭumuṭṭu furniture, goods and chattels, utensils, luggage. Ma. taṭṭumuṭṭu kitchen utensils, household stuff. Tu. taṭṭimuṭṭu id.(DEDR 3041)


    The face of the seated person is an enigma. Does the artist intend to show three faces as for TvaSTR tris'iras? Or, does the artist intend to focus on strands of facial hair or wisps -- dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, dhāī˜ f.  (Sindhi.Lahnda)(CDIAL 6773) Rebus: dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(Marathi)?

    I suggest that the orthography signifies both conjectures: three faces, hairy face. In the overall context of the hieroglyph-hypertexts constituting the m0304 inscription, the hytext signifies a metalwork description:

    For e.g., 

    Hieroglyph: karã̄ n.pl.ʻwristlets, banglesʼ.(Gujarati)S. karāī f. ʻ wrist ʼ(CDIAL 2779) Rebus: khār खार्  'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)



    khār खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b,l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta

    khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru -द्वकुरु‍&below; । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji -ग&above;जि&below; or -güjü -ग&above;जू&below; । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü -कूरू‍&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu -क&above;टु&below; । लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü -क&above;टू&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 -म्य&above;च&dotbelow;ू&below; । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3] ), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu -न्यचिवु&below; । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun] ), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.(Kashmiri)


    Hieroglyph: seated person in penance: kamaḍha 'penance' (Pkt.) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.)


    In the same refrain, it is suggested that the face of the seated person as hypertext signifies the following:


    Hieroglyph: body hair: Ash. dro ʻ woman's hair ʼ, Kt. drū, Wg.drūdrū̃; Pr. ḍui ʻ a hair ʼ; Kho. dro(h) ʻ hair ʼ, (Lor.) ʻ hair (of animal), body hair (human) ʼ: → Orm. dradrī IIFL i 392 (semant. cf. Psht. pal ʻ fringe of hair over forehead ʼ < *pata -- )(CDIAL 6623) 


    Rebus: smelter (three) ferrite ores: dhāu 'metal' dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter': dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or.ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)


    I suggest that three faces signify three ferrite ores: magnetite, haematite, laterite. All the three ferrite ores are signified on Indus Script Corpora: poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite ore', bicha 'scorpion' rebus: bicha 'haematite ore', 

    Dotted ovarl hieroglyph: goTa 'round' rebus 1: goTa 'laterite ore';rebus 2: khoTa 'ingot'.

    These hypertexts or hieroglyph-multiplexes may be seen on the globular rounds and dotted circles surrounding the fire-altar:
    Mohenjo-daro Seal m0352 shows dotted circles in the four corners of a fire-altar and at the centre of the altar together with four raised 'bun' ingot-type rounded features.

    Depictions of facial or body hair may also be seen in the following examples of hypertexts on Indus Script Corpora:


    Excerpts from a 
    recent report (Dr. Vasant Shinde and Dr. Rick Willis) on copper plates with Indus script inscriptions:"The copper plates described in this article are believed to date from the Mature Harappan period, 2600–1900 BC. They were given to the second author in 2011, who realized that the plates were unusual, as they were large and robust, and bore mirrored Indus script as found in seals, but the inscriptions were relatively finely incised and unlikely capable of leaving satisfactory impressions, as with a seal...The copper plates superficially resemble large Indus Valley seals, as seven of the plates bear an image of an animal or person, plus reversed text. Two of the copper plates bear only mirrored Indus characters boldly engraved in two rows. The plates are illustrated in Figure 2...

    ·         kamaḍha ‘penance’ Rebus: kammaṭa ‘mint, coiner’. 

    ·         koḍ = horns (Santali); koḍ ‘workshop’ (G.)

    ·         Pair of fishes (hieroglyph on the chest of the seated person): dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal alloy'; aya'iron' (Gujarati). Thus dul aya 'cast metal alloy'.


    Ganweriwala tablet. Ganeriwala or Ganweriwala (Urdu: گنےریوالا‎ Punjabi: گنیریوالا) is a Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization site in Cholistan, Punjab, Pakistan.

    Glyphs on a broken molded tablet, Ganweriwala. The reverse includes the 'rim-of-jar' glyph in a 3-glyph text. Observe shows a  person seated on a stool and a kneeling adorant below.

    Hieroglyph: kamadha 'penance' Rebus: kammata 'coiner, mint'.

    Reading rebus three glyphs of text on Ganweriwala tablet: brass-worker, scribe, turner:


    1. kuṭila ‘bent’; rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230) 


    2. Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana,  kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)


    3. khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (G.) 


    Hieroglyph: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali)

    meď 'copper' (Slovak)

    Image result for seated person bharatkalyan97m0453 . Scarf as pigtail of seated person.Kneeling adorant and serpent on the field.

    Text on obverse of the tablet m453A: Text 1629. m453BC Seated in penance, the person is flanked on either side by a kneeling adorant, offering a pot and a hooded serpent rearing up.

    Glyph: kaṇḍo ‘stool’. Rebus; kaṇḍ ‘furnace’. Vikalpa: kaṇḍ ‘stone (ore) metal’.  Rebus: kamaḍha ‘penance’. Rebus 1: kaṇḍ ‘stone ore’. Rebus 2: kampaṭṭa ‘mint’. Glyph: ‘serpent hood’: paṭa. Rebus: pata ‘sharpness (of knife), tempered (metal). padm ‘tempered iron’ (Ko.) Glyph: rimless pot: baṭa. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘smelter, furnace’. It appears that the message of the glyphics is about a mint  or metal workshop which produces sharpened, tempered iron (stone ore) using a furnace.

    Rebus readings of glyphs on text of inscription:

    koṇḍa bend (Ko.); Tu. Kōḍi  corner; kōṇṭu angle, corner, crook. Nk. Kōnṭa corner (DEDR 2054b)  G. khū̃ṭṛī  f. ʻangleʼRebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ  = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295) 

    aṭar ‘a splinter’ (Ma.) aṭaruka ‘to burst, crack, sli off,fly open; aṭarcca ’ splitting, a crack’; aṭarttuka ‘to split, tear off, open (an oyster) (Ma.); aḍaruni ‘to crack’ (Tu.) (DEDR 66) Rebus: aduru ‘native, unsmelted metal’ (Kannada)

    ãs = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya ‘metal, iron’ (Gujarati.) cf. cognate to amśu 'soma' in Rigveda: ancu 'iron' (Tocharian)

    G.karã̄ n. pl. ‘wristlets, bangles’; S. karāī f. ’wrist’ (CDIAL 2779).  Rebus: khār खार् ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)


    dula ‘pair’; rebus dul ‘cast (metal)’


    Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana,  kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)

    The suggested rebus readings indicate that the Indus writing served the purpose of artisans/traders to create metalware, stoneware, mineral catalogs -- products with which they carried on their life-activities in an evolving Bronze Age.

    khaṇḍiyo [cf. khaṇḍaṇī a tribute] tributary; paying a tribute to a superior king (Gujarti) Rebus: khaṇḍaran,  khaṇḍrun ‘pit furnace’ (Santali)

    paṭa
    . 'serpent hood' Rebus: pata ‘sharpness (of knife), tempered (metal). padm ‘tempered iron’ (Kota)

    Seated person in penance. Wears a scarf as pigtail and curved horns with embedded stars and a twig.

    mēḍha The polar star. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); Rebus: dul ‘cast (metal)’(Santali) ḍabe, ḍabea ‘large horns, with a sweeping upward curve, applied to buffaloes’ (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali) kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = (smelter) furnace (Santali) The narrative on this metalware catalog is thus: (smelter) furnace for iron and for fusing together cast metal. kamaḍha ‘penance’.Rebus 1: kaṇḍ ‘stone (ore) metal’.Rebus 2: kampaṭṭa‘mint’. 

    Proto-Elamite seal impressions, Susa. Seated bulls in penance posture. (After Amiet 1980: nos. 581, 582).

    Hieroglyph: kamaDha 'penance' (Prakritam) Rebus: kammaTTa 'coiner, mint'

    Hieroglyph: dhanga 'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
    Hieroglyph: rango 'buffalo' Rebus: rango 'pewter'.


    Horned deity seals, Mohenjo-daro: a. horned deity with pipal-leaf headdress, Mohenjo-daro (DK12050, NMP 50.296) (Courtesy of the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan); b. horned deity with star motifs, Mohenjo-daro (M-305) (PARPOLA 1994:Fig. 10.9); courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India; c. horned deity surrounded by animals, Mohenjo-daro (JOSHI – PARPOLA 1987:M-304); courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India.


    ṭhaṭera 'buffalo horns'. Rebus: ṭhaṭerā 'brass worker'

    meḍha 'polar star' (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Mu.)


    kamadha 'penance' Rebus: kammata 'coiner, mint'

    karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, banglesRebus: khAr 'blacksmith, iron worker'

    rango 'buffalo' Rebus:rango 'pewter' 

    kari 'elephant' ibha 'elephant' Rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron'

    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'

    gaNDA 'rhinoceros' Rebus: kaNDa 'im;lements'

    mlekh 'antelope, goat' Rebus: milakkha 'copper'

    meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron''copper'

    dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral 


    Image result for seated person bharatkalyan97Triangula tablet. Horned seated person. crocodile. Split ellipse (parenthesis). On this tablet inscription, the hieroglyphs are: crocodile, fishes, person with a raised hand, seated in penance on a stool (platform). eraka 'raised hand' rebus: eraka 'molten cast, copper' arka 'copper'. manca 'platform' rebus: manji 'dhow, seafaring vessel' karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'. kamaDha 'penance' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.
    Image result for seated person bharatkalyan97m1181. Seal. Mohenjo-daro. Three-faced, horned person (with a three-leaved pipal branch on the crown), wearing bangles and armlets and seated on a hoofed platform.

    m1181 Text of inscription.


    Each glyphic element on this composition and text of inscription is decoded rebus:

    Two glyphs 'cross-road' glyph + 'splice' glyph -- which start from right the inscription of Text on Seal m1181.The pair of glyphs on the inscription is decoded: dhatu adaru bāṭa 'furnace (for) mineral, native metal’. dāṭu 'cross'(Telugu); bāṭa 'road' (Telugu). aḍar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddha_nti Subrahman.ya’ S’astri’s new interpretation of the Amarakos’a, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330)


    Other glyphic elements: aḍar kuṭhi 'native metal furnace'; soḍu 'fireplace'; sekra 'bell-metal and brass worker'; aya sal 'iron (metal) workshop'.


    *the person is seated on a hoofed platform (representing a bull): decoding of glyphics read rebus: ḍangar ‘bull’; ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (H.); koṇḍo ‘stool’; rebus: koḍ ‘workshop’. The glyphics show that the seal relates to a blacksmith's workshop.


    *the seated person's hair-dress includes a horned twig. aḍaru twig; aḍiri small and thin branch of a tree; aḍari small branches (Ka.); aḍaru twig (Tu.)(DEDR 67). aḍar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) Vikalpa: kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = furnace (Santali)


    *tiger's mane on face: The face is depicted with bristles of hair, representing a tiger’s mane. cūḍā, cūlā, cūliyā tiger’s mane (Pkt.)(CDIAL 4883)Rebus: cuḷḷai = potter’s kiln, furnace (Ta.); cūḷai furnace, kiln, funeral pile (Ta.); cuḷḷa potter’s furnace; cūḷa brick kiln (Ma.); cullī fireplace (Skt.); cullī, ullī id. (Pkt.)(CDIAL 4879; DEDR 2709). sulgao, salgao to light a fire; sen:gel, sokol fire (Santali.lex.) hollu, holu = fireplace (Kuwi); soḍu fireplace, stones set up as a fireplace (Mand.); ule furnace (Tu.)(DEDR 2857). 


    *bangles on arms cūḍā ‘bracelets’ (H.); rebus: soḍu 'fireplace'. Vikalpa: sekeseke, sekseke covered, as the arms with ornaments; sekra those who work in brass and bell metal; sekra sakom a kind of armlet of bell metal (Santali) 


    *fish + splinter glyph ayo, hako 'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) Vikalpa: Glyph: ḍhāḷiyum = adj. sloping, inclining; rebus: ḍhāḷako = a large metal ingot (G.) H. dhāṛnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771). Thus, the ligatured 'fish + sloping (stroke)' is read rebus: metal ingot.


    •dāṭu = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali) dhātu ‘mineral (Pali) dhātu ‘mineral’ (Vedic); a mineral, metal (Santali); dhāta id. (G.)H. dhāṛnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771). aṭar a splinter; aṭaruka to burst, crack, slit off, fly open; aṭarcca splitting, a crack; aṭarttuka to split, tear off, open (an oyster)(Ma.); aḍaruni to crack (Tu.)(DEDR 66). dāravum = to tear, to break (G.) dar = a fissure, a rent, a trench; darkao = to crack,to break; bhit darkaoena = the wall is cracked (Santali) Rebus: aduru 'native (unsmelted) metl' (Kannada).


    Seated person in penance: kamaḍha ‘penance’ (Pkt.); rebus: kampaṭṭa ‘mint’(Ma.) Glyphics of shoggy, brisltles of hair on the face of the person: Shoggy hair; tiger’s mane. sodo bodo, sodro bodro adj. adv. rough, hairy, shoggy, hirsute, uneven; sodo [Persian. sodā, dealing] trade; traffic; merchandise; marketing; a bargain; the purchase or sale of goods; buying and selling; mercantile dealings (G.lex.) sodagor = a merchant, trader; sodāgor (P.B.) (Santali.lex.) 


    Seven bangles are depicted on the left arm and six on the right, with the hands resting on the knees. The heels are pressed together under the groin and the feet project beyond the edge of the throne. The feet of the throne are carved with the hoof of a bovine as is seen on the bull and unicorn seals. The seal may not have been fired, but the stone is very hard. A grooved and perforated boss is present on the back of the seal.
    Material: tan steatite Dimensions: 2.65 x 2.7 cm, 0.83 to 0.86 thickness Mohenjo-daro, DK 12050
    Islamabad Museum, NMP 50.296 Mackay 1938: 335, pl. LXXXVII, 222 

    kūdī 'bunch of twigs' (Sanskrit)  Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter furnace' (Santali) कूदी [p= 300,1] f. a bunch of twigs , bunch (v.l. कूट्/ई) AV. v , 19 , 12 Kaus3.ccord. to Kaus3. , Sch. = बदरी, "Christ's thorn".(Monier-Williams)

    Hieroglyph: kamaḍha ‘penance’ (Pkt.) Rebus 1: kampaṭṭa  ‘mint’ (Ma.) kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.);Rebus 2: kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar' (Santali); kan ‘copper’ (Ta.)  


    Executive summary:


    Hieroglyph: karã̄ n. pl. ʻwristlets, bangles ʼ (Gujarati); kara 'hand' (Rigveda) Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) 

    The bunch of twigs = ku_di_, ku_t.i_ (Skt.lex.) ku_di_ (also written as ku_t.i_ in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kaus’ika Su_tra (Bloomsfield’s ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk,98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badari_, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177).[Note the twig adoring the head-dress of a horned, standing person]

    Karnonou (Cernunnos) on Pillarof Boatmen.Seated in penance. Wearing three strands as shawl.. tri-dhAtu 'three strands' rebus: tri-dhAtu 'three ferrite ores'. kamaDha 'penance' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. karNadhAra (kannahAra?) 'rings or torcs on antlers (ears?)' rebus: kannahAra 'helmsman' (Pali)

    Mahadevan concordance Field Symbol 83: Person wearing a diadem or tall
    head-dress standing within an ornamented arch; there are two stars on either



    Hieroglyph multiplexes of the hypertext of the cylinder seal from a Near Eastern Source can be identified: aquatic bird, rhinoceros, buffalo, buffalo horn, crucible, markhor, antelope, hoofed stool, fish, tree, tree branch, twig, roundish stone, tiger, rice plant.


    Hieroglyph components on the head-gear of the person on cylinder seal impression are: twig, crucible, buffalo horns: kuThI 'badari ziziphus jojoba' twig Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'; koThAri 'crucible' Rebus: koThAri 'treasurer'; tattAru 'buffalo horn' Rebus: ṭhã̄ṭhāro 'brassworker'.


    Image result for jujube twigZiziphur Jojoba, badari twig


    kūdī ‘twig’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’. The two ibexes + twig hieroglyhs, thus, connote a metal merchant/artisan with a smelter. The bunch of twigs = kūdi_, kūṭī  (Skt.lex.) kūdī (also written as kūṭī in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kauśika Sūtra (Bloomsfield's ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badarī, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177). Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali)

    Glyph: clump between the two horns: kuṇḍa n. ʻ clump ʼ e.g. darbha-- kuṇḍa-- Pāṇ.(CDIAL 3236). kundār turner (A.)(CDIAL 3295). kuṇḍa n. ʻ clump ʼ e.g. darbha-- kuṇḍa-- Pāṇ. [← Drav. (Tam. koṇṭai ʻ tuft of hair ʼ, Kan. goṇḍe ʻ cluster ʼ, &c.) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 374] Pk. kuṁḍa-- n. ʻ heap of crushed sugarcane stalks ʼ (CDIAL 3266) Ta. koṇtai tuft, dressing of hair in large coil on the head, crest of a bird, head (as of a nail), knob (as of a cane), round top. Ma. koṇṭa tuft of hair. Ko.goṇḍ knob on end of walking-stick, head of pin; koṇḍ knot of hair at back of head. To. kwïḍy Badaga woman's knot of hair at back of head (< Badaga koṇḍe). Ka. koṇḍe, goṇḍe tuft, tassel, cluster. Koḍ. koṇḍe tassels of sash, knob-like foot of cane-stem. Tu. goṇḍè topknot, tassel, cluster. Te. koṇḍe, (K. also) koṇḍi knot of hair on the crown of the head. Cf. 2049 Ta. koṭi. / Cf. Skt. kuṇḍa- clump (e.g. darbha-kuṇḍa-), Pkt. (DNM) goṇḍī- = mañjarī-; Turner, CDIAL, no. 3266; cf. also Mar. gōḍā cluster, tuft. (DEDR 2081) kuṇḍī = crooked buffalo horns (L.) rebus: kuṇḍī = chief of village. kuṇḍi-a = village headman; leader of a village (Pkt.lex.) I.e. śreṇi jet.t.ha chief of metal-worker guild. koḍ 'horns'; rebus: koḍ 'artisan's workshop' (G.) Thus the entire glyphic composition of hieroglyphs on m1185 seal is a message conveyed from a sodagor 'merchant, trader'. The bill of lading lists a variety of repertoire of the artisan guild's trade load from a mint -- the native metal and brass workshop of blacksmith (guild) with furnace: aḍar kuṭhi 'native metal furnace'; soḍu 'fireplace'; sekra 'bell-metal and brass worker'; aya sal 'iron (metal) workshop'. 


    The boatman karnonou (cernunnos) is the boatman from Meluhha shown on a Mohenjo-daro seal


    त्रि--शिरस् [p= 460,3] mfn. n. कुबेर L.; three-pointed MBh. xiii R. iv; three-headed (त्वाष्ट्र , author of RV. x , 8.) Ta1n2d2yaBr. xvii Br2ih. KaushUp. MBh. Ka1m. (Monier-Williams)

    tvāṣṭra त्वाष्ट्र 'copper' This meaning is significant if tvaṣṭṛ remembered as Cernunnos as a boatman from Meluhha. The seafaring boatman from Meluhha was a metalworker, worker in copper. He was also a chariot-maker celebrated in harosheth haggoyim'smithy of nations' (Old Bible. The Judges).

    The author of Sukta RV 10.8 and 10.9 is tvaṣṭṛ त्वष्टृ m. [त्वक्ष्-तृच्] 1 A carpenter, builder, workman, त्वष्ट्रेव विहितं यन्त्रम् Mb.12.33.22. -2 Viśvakarman, the architect of the gods. [Tvaṣtṛi is the Vulcan of the Hindu mythology. He had a son named Triśiras and a daughter called संज्ञा, who was given in marriage to the sun. But she was unable to bear the severe light of her husband, and therefore Tvaṣtṛi mounted the sun upon his lathe, and carefully trimmed off a part of his bright disc; cf. आरोप्य चक्रभ्रमिमुष्णतेजास्त्वष्ट्रेव यत्नो- ल्लिखितो विभाति R.6.32. The part trimmed off is said to have been used by him in forming the discus of Viṣṇu, the Triśūla of Śiva, and some other weapons of the gods.] पर्वतं चापि जग्राह क्रुद्धस्त्वष्टा महाबलः Mb.1.227. 34. -3 Prajāpati (the creator); यां चकार स्वयं त्वष्टा रामस्य महिषीं प्रियाम् Mb.3.274.9. -4 Āditya, a form of the sun; निर्भिन्ने अक्षिणी त्वष्टा लोकपालो$विशद्विभोः Bhāg.3.6.15.

    tvāṣṭra

    त्वाष्ट्र a. Belonging or coming from त्वष्टृ; त्वाष्ट्रं यद् दस्रावपिकक्ष्यं वाम् Rv.1.117.22. -ष्ट्रः Vṛitra; येनावृता इमे लोकास्तमसा त्वाष्ट्रमूर्तिना । स वै वृत्र इति प्रोक्तः पापः परमदारुणः ॥ Bhāg.6.9.18;11.12.5. -ष्ट्री 1 The asterism Chitra. -2 A small car. -ष्ट्रम् 1 Creative power; तपःसारमयं त्वाष्ट्रं वृत्रो येन विपाटितः Bhāg.8.11.35. -2 Copper.


    r.s.i: tris'ira_ tvas.t.ra; devata_: agni, 7-9 indra; chanda: tris.t.up

    RV 10.8


    10.008.01 Agni traverses heaven and earth with a vast banner; he roars (like) a bull; he spreads aloft over the remote and proximate (regions) of the sky; mighty, he increases in the lap of the water. [Agni traverses: as the lightning in the firmament].
    10.008.02 THe embryo (of heaven and earth), the showerer (of benefits), the glorious, rejoices; the excellent child (of morn and eve), the celebrator of holy rites calls aloud; assiduous in exertions at the worship of the gods, he moves chief in his own abodes.
    10.008.03 They have placed in the sacrifice the radiance of the powerful Agni, who seizes hold of the forehead of his parents, gratifying his cherished, radiant, and expanding limbs, in their course, in their chamber of sacrifice. [His parents: the parents are either heaven or earth, or the two pieces of touchwood; gratifying...of sacrifice: as'vabudhna_h = vya_ptamu_la_H, with outspread bases, i.e., broad at the bottom and tapering to the top, the usual shape of a fire; in his fight the dawns, drawn by horses, rejoice their bodies in the source of truth (i.e., the sun)].
    10.008.04 Opulent Agni, you precede dawn after dawn. You are the illuminator of the twin (day and night); engendering Mitra from your own person, you retain seven places for sacrifice. [Mitra: the sun; seven places: the seven altars for the fire: dhisn.ya_ etc.]
    10.008.05 You are the eye, the protector of the great sacrifice; when you proceed to the rite, you are Varun.a; you are the grandson of the waters, Ja_tavedas; you are the messenger (of him) whose oblation you enjoy.
    10.008.06 You are the leader of the sacrifice and sacrificial water to the place in which you are associated with the auspicious steeds of the wind; you sustain the all-enjoying (sun) as chief in heaven; you, Agni, make your tongue the bearer of the oblation. [The place: i.e., the firmament; you sustain in heaven: you raise your glorious head in heaven; you make...oblation: yada_; when, Agni, you have so done, you are the leader...; you are the leader of the sacrifice and of water (rain) in the firmament and in heaven (Yajus. 13.15)].
    10.008.07 Trita by (his own), desiring a share (of the sacrifice), for the sake of taking part in the exploit of the supreme protector (of the world), chose (Indra as his friend); attended (by the priests) in the proximity of the parental heaven and earth, and reciting appropriate praise, he takes up his weapons.  [Legend: Indra said to Trita, 'You are skiled in the weapons of all; aid me in killing Tris'iras the son of Tvas.t.a_'. Trita agreed on condition of having a share in the sacrifices offered to Indra. Indra gave him water to wash his hands with and a share in the sacrifice, whereby Trita's strength increased; seven-rayed: i.e., seven-tongued, seven-rayed, like the sun, or seven-handed].
    10.008.08 He, the son of the waters, incited by Indra, skilled in his paternal weapons, fought against (the enemy), and slew the seven-rayed, three-headed (asura); then Trita set free the cows of the son of Tvas.t.a_.
    10.008.09 Indra, the protector of the virtuous, crushed the arrogant (foe), attaining vast strenth; shouting, he cut off the three heads of the multiform son of Tvas.t.a_ (the lord) of cattle. [Shouting: s'abdam kurvan; gona_m acakra_n.ah, appropriating the cattle].


    r.s.i: tris'ira_ tvas.t.ra or sindhudvi_pa a_mbari_s.a; devata_: a_po devata_ (jalam); chanda: ga_yatri_, 5 vardhama_na_ ga_yatri_, 7 pratis.t.ha_ ga_yatri_, 7-9 anus.t.up

    RV 10.9
    10.009.01 Since, waters, you are the sources of happiness, grant to us to enjoy abundance, and great and delightful perception. [Great and delightful perception: mahe ran.a_ya caks.ase = samyajn~a_nam, perfect knowledge of brahman; the r.ca solicits happiness both in this world and in the next; the rapturous sight of the supreme god; to behold great joy].
    10.009.02 Give us to partake in this world of your most auspicious Soma, like affectionate mothers.
    10.009.03 Let us quickly have recourse to you, for that your (faculty) of removing (sin) by which you gladden us; waters, bestow upon us progeny. [Let us go to you at once for him to whose house you are hastening; waters, reinvogorate us; faculty of removing sin: ks.aya = niva_sa, abode; aram = parya_ptim, sufficiency; perhaps a recommendation to be regular in practising ablution].
    10.009.04 May the divine water be propitious to our worship, (may they be good) for our drinking; may they flow round us, and be our health and safety. [This and previous three r.cas are repeated at the daily ablutions of the bra_hman.as].
    10.009.05 Waters, sovereigns of precious (treasures), granters of habitations to men, I solicit of you medicine (for my infirmities). [Precious: va_rya_n.a_m = va_riprabhava_na_m vri_hiyava_dina_m, the products of the water, rice, barley etc.; bhes.ajam = happiness driving away sin].
    10.009.06 Soma has declared to me; all medicaments, as well as Agni, the benefactor of the universe, are in the waters. [This and the following r.cas of the su_kta are repetitions from RV.1. 23, 20-23; in man.d.ala 1, Soma speaks to Kan.va; in this present man.d.ala, Soma speaks to A_mbari_s.a Sindhudvi_pa, a ra_ja_].
    10.009.07 Waters, bring to perfection, all disease-dispelling medicaments for the good of my body, that I may behold the Sun.
    10.009.08 Waters, take away whatever sin has been (found) in me, whether I have (knowingly) done wrong, or have pronounced imprecations (against holy men), or have spoken untruth.
    10.009.09 I have this day entered into the waters; we have mingled with their essence. Agni, abiding in the waters approach, and fill me (thus bathed) with vigour. ["I invoke for protection the divine (waters) of excellent wisdom, discharging their functions (tadapasah), flowing by day and flowing by night": supplementary khila 1.2.3: sasrus'is tada_paso diva_ naktam ca sasrus'ih! varen.yakratur ahama devir avase huve].


    त्रिस् [p=461,3] ind. ( Pa1n2. 5-4 , 18) thrice , 3 times RV. (सप्त्/अ , 3 x 7 , i , iv , vii ff. ; /अह्नस् or /अहन् , " thrice a day " , i , iii f. , ix f. ; cf. Pa1n2. 2-3 , 64) S3Br. Ka1tyS3r. Mn. (अब्दस्य , " thrice a year " , iii , xi) &c before gutturals and palatals ([cf. RV. viii , 91 , 7]) ः may be substituted by ष् Pa1n2. 8-3 , 43.


    S. Kalyanaraman

    Sarasvati Research Center

    August 28, 2016












    0 0

    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/hmgm93z


    I have suggested that the entire Indus Script Corpora are metalwork catalogues. I have also hypothesised that Vedic Soma is  processing of metal in fire while Avestan Haoma is a ritual drink venerting sacred waters. One Gonur seal with Indus Script holds the key to validate this hypothesis.

    Many excerpts from the Zoroastrian heritage website are embedded.
    Seal from Anau with unknown writing or markingsSeal from Anau with unknown markings (may relate to Indus Script hieroglyhs)


    Other associations of another BMAC archaeological site, Altyn Depe artifacts with Indus Script:


    Inscription. Altyn Depe seal.
    Image result for altyn depe sealsAltyn-depe. Silver seal. Pictograph of ligatured animal with three heads.
    Two seals found at Altyn-depe (Excavation 9 and 7) found in the shrine and in the 'elite quarter': Two seals found at Altyn-depe (Excavation 9 and 7) found in the shrine and in the 'elite quarter'
    Altyn-depe (No. 32 on the map) Bronze age seals (items 1 to 3 and 7 to 9) and motifs on Eneolithic (between the late 4th and the late 3rd millennia BCE) painted pottery of southern Turkmenistan (items 4 to 6 and 10 to 12) (After Fig 26 in: Masson, VM, 1988, Altyn-Depe, UPenn Museum of Archaeology)
    Comparison of Altyn-depe statuettes and Early Harappan writing (After Fig. 24 in ibid.)
    Image result for gonur tepe
    Gonur Tepe.Indus Script. Seal, Seal impression. Decipherment:
    This is a unique hypertext composed of a crucible PLUS a sprig. The sprig compares with the sprig inscribed on the exquisite terracotta image found at Altyn Tepe
    Votive figure from Altyn-Depe (the Golden Hill), Turkmenistan. Altyn-Depe is an ancient settlement of the Bronze Age (3,000 - 2,000 B.C.E.) on the territory of ancient Abiver. It's known locally as the "Turkmen Stonehenge". União Soviética.:
    Votive figure from Altyn-Depe (the Golden Hill), Turkmenistan. Altyn-Depe is an ancient settlement of the Bronze Age (3,000 - 2,000 B.C.E.) on the territory of ancient Abiver. It's known locally as the "Turkmen Stonehenge". União Soviética.

    I suggest that this figure has inscribed Indus Script hypertexts read rebus related to metal smelting of elements, aduru 'native metal' and metal implements work.

    Hieroglyph: kola 'woman' (Nahali) rebus: kol 'working in iron'

    Hieroglyph: Ka. (Hav.) aḍaru twig; (Bark.) aḍïrï small and thin branch of a tree; (Gowda) aḍəri small branches. Tu. aḍaru twig.(DEDR 67) Rebus: Ta. ayil iron. Ma. ayir, ayiram any ore. Ka. aduru native metal. Tu. ajirda karba very hard iron. (DEDR 192)

    Two hair strands signify: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS Hieroglyph 

    strand (of hair): dhāˊtu  *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV.,ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)

    Rebus: dhāvḍī  'iron smelting': Shgh. ċīwċōwċū ʻ single hair ʼ ; Ash. dro ʻ woman's hair ʼ, Kt. drū, Wg.drūdrū̃; Pr. ui ʻ a hair ʼ; Kho. dro(hʻ hair ʼ, (Lor.) ʻ hair (of animal), body hair (human) ʼ Orm. dradrī IIFL i 392 (semant. cf. Psht. pal ʻ fringe of hair over forehead ʼ < *pata -- (CDIAL 6623) drava द्रव [p= 500,3] flowing , fluid , dropping , dripping , trickling or overflowing with (comp.) Ka1t2h. Mn.MBh. Ka1v. fused , liquefied , melted W. m. distilling , trickling , fluidity Bha1sha1p. dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(CDIAL 6773)

    Hieroglyph: *mēṇḍhī ʻ lock of hair, curl ʼ. [Cf. *mēṇḍha -- 1 s.v. *miḍḍa -- ]
    S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔmiḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.(CDIAL 10312) Ta. miṭai (-v-, -nt-) to weave as a mat, etc. Ma. miṭayuka to plait, braid, twist, wattle; miṭaccal plaiting, etc.; miṭappu tuft of hair; miṭalascreen or wicket, ōlas plaited together. Ka. meḍaṟu to plait as screens, etc. (Hav.) maḍe to knit, weave (as a basket); (Gowda) mEḍi plait. Ga.(S.3miṭṭe a female hair-style. Go. (Mu.) mihc- to plait (hair) (Voc. 2850).(DEDR 4853) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.)

    Three lines below the belly of the figure: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'

    Hieroglyph: kuṭhi  ‘vagina’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛi f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) kuhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuhi, kui (Or.; Sad. kohi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkui has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuhi = a factory; lil kuhi = an indigo factory (kohi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. kohī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuhī factory (A.); kohābrick-built house (B.); kuhī bank, granary (B.); koho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); kohīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; kohī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) ko = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 

    Hieroglyph: sprig: ḍāla 5546 ḍāla1 m. ʻ branch ʼ Śīl. 2. *ṭhāla -- . 3. *ḍāḍha -- . [Poss. same as *dāla -- 1 and dāra -- 1: √dal, √d&rcirclemacr;. But variation of form supports PMWS 64 ← Mu.]1. Pk. ḍāla -- n. ʻ branch ʼ; S. ḍ̠āru m. ʻ large branch ʼ, ḍ̠ārī f. ʻ branch ʼ; P. ḍāl m. ʻ branch ʼ, °lā m. ʻ large do. ʼ, °lī f. ʻ twig ʼ; WPah. bhal. ḍām. ʻ branch ʼ; Ku. ḍālo m. ʻ tree ʼ; N. ḍālo ʻ branch ʼ, A. B. ḍāl, Or. ḍāḷa; Mth. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, °ri ʻ twig ʼ; Aw. lakh. ḍār ʻ branch ʼ, H. ḍāl°lām., G. ḍāḷi°ḷī f., °ḷũ n.2. A. ṭhāl ʻ branch ʼ, °li ʻ twig ʼ; H. ṭhāl°lā m. ʻ leafy branch (esp. one lopped off) ʼ.3. Bhoj. ḍāṛhī ʻ branch ʼ; M. ḍāhaḷ m. ʻ loppings of trees ʼ, ḍāhḷā m. ʻ leafy branch ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ twig ʼ, ḍhāḷā m. ʻ sprig ʼ, °ḷī f. ʻ branch ʼ.*ḍāla -- 2 ʻ basket ʼ see *ḍalla -- 2.ḍālima -- see dāḍima -- .*ḍāva -- 1 ʻ box ʼ see *ḍabba -- .*ḍāva -- 2 ʻ left ʼ see *ḍavva -- .Addenda: ḍāla -- 1. 1. S.kcch. ḍār f. ʻ branch of a tree ʼ; WPah.kṭg. ḍāḷ m. ʻ tree ʼ, J. ḍā'l m.; kṭg. ḍaḷi f. ʻ branch, stalk ʼ, ḍaḷṭi f. ʻ shoot ʼ; A. ḍāl(phonet. d -- ) ʻ branch ʼ AFD 207.टाळा (p. 196) ṭāḷā ...2 Averting or preventing (of a trouble or an evil). 3 The roof of the mouth. 4 R (Usually टाहळा) A small leafy branch; a spray or sprig. टाळी (p. 196) ṭāḷī f R (Usually टाहळी) A small leafy branch, a sprig.ढगळा (p. 204) ḍhagaḷā m R A small leafy branch; a sprig or spray.   डगळा or डघळा (p. 201) ḍagaḷā or ḍaghaḷā m A tender and leafy branch: also a sprig or spray. डांगशी (p. 202) ḍāṅgaśī f C A small branch, a sprig, a spray. डांगळी (p. 202) ḍāṅgaḷī f A small branch, a sprig or spray.  डाहळा (p. 202) ḍāhaḷā लांख esp. the first. 2 (dim. डाहळी f A sprig or twig.) A leafy branch. Pr. धरायाला डाहळी न बसायाला सावली Used.


    Rebus: ḍhāla 'large ingot' (Gujarati)

    karibha 'trunk of elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron' Hieroglyph: ingot out of crucible: muh 'ingot' kuThAru 'crucible' rebus:kuThAru 'armourer' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus ingot for forge.  sal 'splinter'rebus: sal 'workshop' aDaren 'lid' rebus: aduru 'native metal' aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' khambhaṛā''fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Hieroglyph: kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ.rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coin, coiner' ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'Supercargo' karnaka 'engraver, scribe'.


    Antenna hilted swords from Bactria compare with Fatehgarh copper hoard sword (See comments of BB Lal at http://archaeologyonline.net/artifacts/19th-century-paradigms-5):

    Image result for bactria archaeology sword

    The metalwork in Gonur Tepe may explain the presence of Fatehbad type of sword in Gonur Tepe caused by migrations of people from Sarasvati-Sindhu river valleys into the Gonur region. Migrations are attested in Baudhāyana-Śrautasūtra Chapter XVIII.44 contains an important reference attesting to the migrations of two groups of people away from Kurukshetra region (Sarasvati River basin).

    "Translation of BSS XIII.44: Ayu migrated eastwards. His (people) are the Kuru-Pancalas and the Kasi-Videhas. This is the Ayava (migration). Amavasu migrated westwards. His (people) are the Ghandhari, Parsu and Aratta. This is the Amavasu (migration).
    "According to the correct translation, there was no movement of the Aryan people from anywhere in the north-west. On the other hand, the evidence indicates that it was from an intermediary point that some of the Aryan tribes went eastwards and other westwards. 
    This would be clear from the map that follows, noted BB Lal (2009).


    S.Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    August 30, 2016

    Gonur, Mouru, Murgab, Merv. Turkmenistan Region & Zoroastrianism. Image: Gonur-Tepe's excavated walls, Mouru. Image credit: Kenneth Garrett at Discover Magazine
    Image credit: Kenneth Garrett at Discover Magazine
    South Turkmenistan Mugrab delta and oasis
    Murgab delta and oasis (circled) in the south of Turkmenistan
    The Murgab river spreads out and disappears into the Kara Kum desert to the north

    The Ancient Civilization of Mouru & the Murgab River Delta

    Distribution of archaeological sites (in red) in the Murgab Delta
    Distribution of archaeological sites (in red)
    in the Murgab Delta
    Photo credit: University of Bologna
    The environs of Mouru, the third nation listed in the Zoroastrian scriptures, theAvesta's book of Vendidad, are generally thought to have included the Murgab river delta, that is, the region around Merv which today is a city in southern Turkmenistan. Ruins of over 150 ancient settlements dating back to the early Bronze Age (2500-1700 BCE) have been found in the Murgab delta region which covers an area of more than 3000 sq. km. and contains about 78 oases.

    Archaeological reports indicate that the earliest agricultural settlements in the Murgab delta could date as far back as the 7th millennium BCE making it a seat of one of the oldest human civilizations - a civilization that Raphael Pumpelly (1837-1923) had sought to bring to the attention of a world more focused on the old civilizations of the Tigris-Euphrates and Nile River valleys, saying, "the fundamentals of European civilization—organized village life, agriculture, domestication of animals, weaving, etc. - were originated on the oases of Central Asia long before the time of Babylon." [Discover Magazine notes: " Volunteer Lisa Pumpelli is working there in a trench at the top of a large mound with a spectacular view of the Kopet-Dag mountains. She is helping Hiebert, who is now an archaeologist with the National Geographic Society in Washington, D.C., track down the precursors to the Oxus culture. Both are following in the footsteps of Lisa Pumpelli's grandfather, Raphael Pumpelly, and great-grandfather, also named Raphael Pumpelly (Pumpelly is an alternate spelling of the family name). "I'm digging in my great-grandfather's back dirt," Pumpelli quips."]

    The River Murgab (also spelt Morghab, Murghab - or Murgap in the Turkmen language) originates on the western slopes of the Kuh-e Hissar mountains of northern Afghanistan. After flowing 850 kilometres - first to the west in the valley between Safeed Kuh and Siah Kuh mountains, and then to the north as it leaves Afghanistan to enter Turkmenistan - the once mighty river disperses itself as the fingers of a delta that disappears in the sands of Turkmenistan's Karakum (Garagum) Desert.

    Verse 10.14 of the Avesta's Mehr Yasht, states that the rivers which originate in Airyo shayanem, the Aryan abode, flow swiftly into the countries of Mourum [later Margu(sh) (English-Greek Margiana) and eventually Marv located in today's Turkmenistan],Haroyum (Aria in modern Afghanistan), Sughdhem (Sugd in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) and Khairizem [Khvarizem beside the Amu Darya (Oxus) River in Uzbekistan]. The principal river that flows into Mourum is the Murgab.

    Ruins of the earliest of the Murgab delta settlements - those dating from the 3rd and 2nd millennium BCE - have been found in substantial numbers in the northeast of the delta region (see the image to the right) - a region that was once green and fertile but which today has been claimed by the relentlessly spread of the Karakum desert. The northern delta settlements include those now known as the ruins at Kelleli, Adji Kui, Taip, Gonur, and Togolok (Togoluk). The development of relatively advanced irrigation techniques in the early Iron Age enabled the growth of additional settlements. It is presumed that as the northern delta area became more dry, large metropolises like Gonur were abandoned. Further to the south, the ancient city of Mervbecame an Achaemenid era (519-331 BCE) administrative centre and perhaps even the capital of the satrapy that included Mouru. Mouru was then known to the Achaemenians as Margu(sh) and to the Greeks as Μαργιανή. Margiana is the derived English-Latin name of Margu. The Sassanian name for the region was Marv.

    The ruins of Gonur are surrounded by other uncovered ancient settlements identified as dots in the images above and below.

    Gonur & surrounding ancient settlements discovered so far
    Gonur & surrounding ancient settlements discovered so far

    The Region & Zoroastrianism

    In the list of sixteen nations mentioned in the Zoroastrian scriptures', the Avesta's, book of Vendidad, Mouru or Mourum, is the third. Zarathushtra (Zoroaster) was native to Airyanam Vaeja (Ancient Aryana), the first in the list of the Vendidad-Avesta nations. Even though Zarathushtra was not native to Mouru, it is in the realm of possibilities that he might have preached in Mouru. However, this activity - if it took place - is not mentioned in the scriptures.

    In listing the nations listed after Airyana Vaeja, the Vendidad cites non-Zoroastrian traits in many of the nations, suggesting that that the Aryan Zoroastrians possibly lived in multi-cultural multi-faith communities. Because ancient Zoroastrians did not worship in temples, because they did not bury their dead, and because they were careful not to defile the environment with garbage, they would have left scant evidence of their religious activities.

    What we learn from the archaeological findings under the tepe or depes in the Murgab region supports the history contained in the Avesta, a history we have outlined in our pages on the Aryans.

    Tepe or Depe

    'Tepe' or 'depe' is a Turkoman word for a mound and is synonymous with the word 'tell', used in the Middle East to denote mounds or small hills. In treeless areas, such geographic features often indicate the presence of buried ancient settlements formed from mud-brick structures compressed over time by later human occupation and later still by soil into artificial hills. If the tepes contain ruins of settlements built one on top of the other, excavations reveal layers of settlements that can be dated using modern laboratory techniques. The lower layers are therefore normally the older layers.

    The largest of the settlements uncovered in the north-eastern Murgab delta are the ruins called Gonur-Tepe. We have not read to any layers in this excavation as of this writing though it it quite possible that lower, older, layers await discovery.

    Gonur / Gonor/ Gunar

    The Archaeological Site

    Aerial view of Gonur-Tepe's southern complex
    Aerial view of Gonur-Tepe's southern complex
    Photo credit: Various. Country Turkmenistan & Stantours
    Artist's reconstruction of the Gonur north complex
    Artist's reconstruction of the Gonur north complex.
    Note the successive protective walls with the outer-most surrounding
    what appear to be dwellings. We can expect that during an armed
    attack, citizens would have retreated behind the safety of the
    inner fortress walls. Artist unknown
    Another reconstruction of the Gonur north complex
    Another reconstruction of the Gonur north complex. Artist unknown
    The largest of all the ancient settlements uncovered in the Murgab delta is Gonur-Depe (or Gonur-Tepe. Gonur is also spelt Gonor or Gunar). Gonur is located some seventy kilometres north of the ruins of Merv and a three-hour drive from Mary. The area around Gonur is now sparsely populated.

    The Gonur site occupies an area of about 55 hectares and consists of the main complex in the northern section of the site and a smaller (130 x 120 m = 1.56 hectare) complex to the south.

    The southern complex is also said to be 3 hectares in size and that might include surrounding structures.

    A large necropolis lies to the west of the site. In the centre of the northern complex is a fortified citadel-like structure. Both complexes have fortification walls. The fortification walls of the southern complex are wide, 8 to 10 metres tall and interspaced with round towers along its sides and corners. There are residential quarters walls within the fortifications.

    GAerial photo of Gonur showing both complexes
    Aerial photo of Gonur showing both complexes (looking almost directly north). Photo credit: Kenneth Garrett
    Gonur south complex
    Gonur south complex
    Reconstruction of the Gonur south fortifications at National Museum of Turkmenistan
    Reconstruction of the Gonur south fortifications at National Museum of Turkmenistan. Photo credit: Kerri-Jo Stewart at Flickr
    Reconstruction of the Gonur north citadel at National Museum of Turkmenistan
    Reconstruction of the Gonur north citadel complex at National Museum of Turkmenistan. Photo credit: Kerri-Jo Stewart at Flickr
    Excavated Gonur north complex
    Excavated Gonur north complex. Photo credit: Black Sands Film
    Reference:
    Excavations at Southern Gonur, by V. Sarianidi, 1993, British Institute of Persian Studies.
    » Brief History of Researches in Margiana by Museo-on

    Other web articles include Discover MagazineAnahita GalleryKar Po's Travel BlogDan & Mary's MonasteryArchaeology OnlineTurkmenistan June 2006 and Stantours. Generally, we find the quality of research and reports available of the web to be poorly researched, highly speculative and sensationalistic.

    Photo sites:
    » Flickr
    » Uncornered Market.

    Description of Ancient Gonur

    Gonur was a large town for the times and home to thousands of residents. It was for all practical purposes, a city, a metropolis. The city had carefully designed streets, drains, temples and homes. The people farmed the surrounding fields growing a wide variety of crops and produce that included wheat, barley, lentils, grapes and other fruit.

    The people of Gonur were also traders and were likely among those who developed the first trade links between the East and the West along what came to be known as the Silk Roads. The good the traders carried to distant cities included those made from for ivory, gold, and silver. They buried their dead in elaborate graves filled with fine jewellery and wheeled carts.

    The north Gonur complex had a central citadel-like structure about 100m by 180m (nearly 350 by 600 feet) in size and surrounded by a high fortification wall and towers. The citadel was set within another vast walled area. This wall had square bastions and was in turn placed within a large oval enclosed walled area that included a large water basins and many dwellings and other buildings.

    The archaeologist Viktor Sarianidi (see Sarianidi, page 3) who excavated the ruins, began a trend to call Gonur, Margush (or the capital of Margush), a name used by the Achaemenians for Mouru or Merv a thousand or so years after Gonur had been abandoned. We would prefer to say that Gonur was a major administrative centre and metropolis of Mouru, the older Avestan name for the nation.

    Sarianidi also identifies the southern structure as a cathedral-like temple. We strongly doubt this conclusion for Sarianidi's analysis has numerous factual errors and he displays no real knowledge of Zoroastrianism, its doctrine and practice on which he bases many of his conclusions. These errors and lack of understanding (or even an attempt at objective research) brings into question the credibility and veracity of his sensationalistic and outlandish pronouncements about the function of the various structures within the Gonur complexes.

    The evidence from the excavations points to the city of Gonur functioning for the relatively short time of a few hundred years after which it was abandoned by its residents.

    Water Management

    There appears to have been a natural or artificial reservoir beside the city and within its outer walls. The surrounding fields and orchards were watered using lengthy canals that the residents had dug from the glacier-fed arms of the Murgab River delta. Since the rivers were fed by glaciers and since the framers did not have to rely on rain for irrigation, their crops were not threatened by drought.

    In addition to the water canals the residents of Gonur had dug from the river to water their fields, the city also had a sophisticated water supply and sewage system. it appears water was brought in to the city. The city also appears that two separate sewage systems, one for ordinary waste water and the other - it is suggested - for water that had been used for the ritual washing of bodies during funerals. Given Sarianidi's other fantastic and ill-informed conclusions about Zoroastrian rites, we must wonder about the veracity of this construct. 

    Temple

    Temple building walls uncovered in Gonur-Depe
    So-called Temple(?) building walls with three narrow rooms to the left
    being uncovered in Gonur-Depe
    Photo credit: Country Turkmenistan
    A web article posted by State News Agency of Turkmenistan, quotes Viktor Sarianidi (see Sarianidi, page 3) leader of the Gonur excavations, as stating that in the spring of 2006, his team uncovered a large temple building near the central palace. Sarianidi dated the building and functioning of structure to between the late 3rd to early 2nd millennium BCE.

    The Turkmenistan State News Agency article describes the building uncovered in 2006 as "a monumental building remarkable for the strict geometrical forms and brilliant architectural design. The central part of the "shrine" (sic) which has the walls sometimes 1.5 meters thick and strictly oriented to the sides of horizon is of particular interest. The rooms have the complementary angles. The principles of plannin