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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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    A MODERN-DAY FABLE FROM THE KINGDOM OF INDISTAN
    THE CROWN-PRINCE MAGICIAN AND THE HECKLING PARROT
                       (BY JAY BHATTACHARJEE) May 6, 2016
    ________________________________________________________

    The ancient country of Ind is now officially designated as the Kingdom of Indistan, ever since an Empress from Europe anointed herself as the all-powerful ruler of 1.25 billion Indistanis a few decades earlier. In recent times, the Empress Sonia and her ruling coterie have been facing widespread protests from the overwhelming majority of the population, reeling under appalling poverty and corruption. The protests have become more strident in the last two years, after an indigenous populist leader was elected as the chief of the Senate, by a huge majority of the population.

    To keep the desi hoi-polloi in good humour, the Empress asked her crown-prince son, whom she loved to address as "Baba", to have regular magic shows in the Imperial Palace, which is located atop a small hill called Raisina, in the capital. The crown-prince, Raoul (who liked to be addressed in private as His Exalted Royal Highness from the Tiber) held regular shows at the Palace, where he sought to display his skills as a magician before large audiences, which were drummed up with promises of exotic European snacks (read "pasta and sphagetti"). 

    However, Prince Raoul faced one major problem. Although he was quite a good magician, his routines were invariably ruined by the Palace's official parrot who would fly around squawking, and giving away Raoul's secrets by shouting :
    "IT'S UP HIS SLEEVE, IT'S UP HIS SLEEVE!", or
    "IT'S IN HIS POCKET, IT'S IN HIS POCKET!", or
    "IT'S IN HIS MOUTH, IT'S IN HIS MOUTH!"

    The Crown Prince was getting pretty sick of this and threatened to kill the parrot if it ruined his act once more.

    A delegation from the European Court of Justice was scheduled to visit the capital to investigate charges of corruption against the Empress and the Crown Prince. The evening before the arrival of the burra sahebs from Brussels and Strasbourg, Raoul baba put up an immaculate show - he had meticulously practised how to bump off the wretched parrot during the climax of his act. Suddenly, the Durbar Hall in the Imperial Palace, where the magic show was being held, was struck by an enormous explosion and just disintegrated.

    There were only two survivors, Raoul baba and the heckling parrot. When Raoul woke up after a few minutes and opened his eyes, all he could see was the parrot staring at him through its beady little eyes.

    "I give up", the wretched bird squawked, " where did you, Mama and Ahmedi Prattle hide the helicopter money ? "
    Jay Bhattacharjee's photo.
    Jay Bhattacharjee's photo.

    ----------------------------------------------------- 
    Jay Bhattacharjee MA(Cantab), FCS
    Advisor (Corporate Laws & Finance)
    Member : Delhi Stock Exchange Ltd.
    Tele : (91-11) 4182-8165 / 2651-0174
    Mobile : (91) 98102-39986
    ------------------------------------------------------

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    Indus Script Corpora recorded metalwork catalogues, while Egyptian hieroglyphs recorded names. Both used rebus principle, 'orthographic metaphor'.

    Rebus principle in writing systems can be explained as 'orthographic metaphors' or hypertext cipher or hieroglyph-multiplex cipher key in Meluhha speech forms.

    I agree with Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale who see a hypertext formation in an orthographic form of a composite animal made up of body parts. For example the hieroglyph-multiplex on Mohenjo-daro Seal m0300 which ligatures a human face to body parts of a bovine with horns and other attributes. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/itihasa-of-bharatam-janam-traced-from.html

    Metaphor is a figure of speech in which a term or phrase is applied to something to which it is not literally applicable in order to 

    suggest a resemblance, as in “TvastA had a son called Tris'iras, 'three heads' (Rigveda)”. One possible explanation is that TvaSTA had three principal functions, as a carpenter, as a smith, as a Supercargo of a seafaring vessel.


    The 'figure of speech' is for rhetorical effect signifying hidden similarities between two ideas. Bronze Age was an industrial revolution of an extraordinary order. The revolution created a demand for new metal products and supply chains were established by corporate entities called s'reni, guilds of artisans and merchants. When a catalogue had to be prepared for the resources used (mere earth and stone melted in fire, in furnaces) and products produced, words had to be conveyed. Figures of speech or metaphors were a rhetorical means to convey information of such catalogues.


    A metaphor unlike a simile directly equates two or more ideas. Thus when a feeding trough is shown in front of a wild animal on Indus Script Corpora, the metaphor is a direct equation between two ideas: words associated with hieroglyphs and similar sounding words associated with metalwork. Patthar is a feeding trough. A similar sounding word pattharika is a merchant. Thus an orthographic metaphor is created in an innovative writing system using rebus, that is homonym words intended to be phonetic determinants of the Bronze Age metalwork idea sought to be conveyed.


    Vasdhaiva kutumbakam is an example of a literary metaphor.This does NOT mean that the globe is literally a family. It is an expression intended to convey that the behaviour of the people within this space (globe) is such as would be seen in members of a family. 



    Takṣat vāk, is a Rigveda expression literally translated as ‘incised speech’. This is a literary metaphor. Such Takṣat vāk as incised hieroglyphs on Indus Script Corpora are signifiers of Meluhha speech related to metalwork. Together the incised words constitute metalwork catalogues.

    In orthographic tradition of Indus Script Corpora, such metaphors are expressed as hieroglyphs read rebus to signify metalwork catalogues. A Richards (1937) in The Philosophy of Rhetoric explains that a metaphor has two parts: the tenor and the vehicle. The tenor is the subject to which attributes are ascribed.  In the Vasudhaiva kutumbakam example, vasudha, 'globe' is the tenor. The vehicle is kutumbakam, 'family'. The objective is to suggest components of behaviour in a family. While a simile asserts similarity, a metaphor compared identical attributes.


    Rebus is a metaphoric form. An orthographic rebus, as a writing system, uses pictures to represent words or parts of words.  Thus a fish as a hieroglyph is a rebus signifier. ayo 'fish' has  homonyms aya 'iron' or ayas 'metal'; khambhaṛā 'fin of fish' rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, coinage, mint'. Thus, by signifying fin of fish, the signifier conveyed is kammaTa 'mint'. Non verbis, sed rebus, is a Latin expression which signifies "not by words but by things'. Orthographic rebus are hieroglyphs signified on Indus Script Corpora.


    In a writing syste, rebus refers to the use of pictograms to represent syllabic or morphemic sounds or sounds of words themselves used in common parlance, or social conversations. This rebus method is a precursor to the use of phonographs to signify alphabets. Champollion hs demonstrated the use of rebus in Egyptian hieroglyphs. "In linguistics, the rebus principle is the use of existing symbols, such as pictograms, purely for their sounds regardless of their meaning, to represent new words. Many ancient writing systems used the rebus principle to represent abstract words, which otherwise would be hard to be represented by pictograms." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rebus


    A statue of Rameses shows: Ra; the child, mes; and the sedge plant (stalk held in left hand). Read together, the sounds signified by the pictures a new word emerges to suggest the name: Ra- mes- su. Thus, what is signified is NOT the sedge plant held by a child, but by similar sounding words for the name of a person: Rameses.



    Ramesses II as child: Hieroglyphs:Ra-mes-su.


     

    Executive summary

    As Sigmund Freud noted, the dream is a rebus. 

    A rebus is an allusional device that uses pictures to represent words or parts of words.

    So, too a Meluhha hieroglyph is a rebus, a writing system on Tin Road of Bronze Age extending from Ashur on Tigris river to Kanesh (Kultepe, Anatolia). 


    It is a travesty of scholarship to call such a rebus writing system as 'illiterate' or 'proto-literate' because the rebus method is made up at least two vocables: one vocable denoting the picture and the other similar sounding vocable denoting the solution to the puzzle that is, the cipher.

    Works of art with picture-puzzles make Meluhha, a Visible languageRebus, a code of literacy, yields meanings of Meluhha hieroglyphs. Such a cipher is attested by Vātsyāyana (ca. 6th century BCE work) as mlecchita vikalpa (that is, alternative rendering of Meluhha/Mleccha speech or vocables -- and listed as one of the 64 arts to be learnt by youth as vidyāsamuddeśa, 'chief branches of knowledge').  

    Vocable is a sememe or a word that is capable of being spoken and recognized meaningfully.

    A vivid representation of the rebus principle of literacy is provided by Narmer Palette. (Egyptian hieroglyphs: N'r 'cuttle-fish' + m'r 'awl' Rebus: Nar-mer, name of king.)

    A dream is a rebus. History of Civilizations of ancient times has a record of two remarkable dreams: the first is the dream in the Epic of Tukulti-Ninurta and the second is the dream of Māyā, mother of Gautama Buddha. 

    There are thousands of picture-puzzles which occur on cylinder seals of Ancient Near East which are explained on many Museum catalogs as banquet scenes or animal hunts or war scenes. Many of these picture-puzzles are indeed rebus or comparable to the interpretation of dreams and attempts have not been made to identify the possible language groups who might have deployed such picture-puzzles, principally during the Bronze Age.

    Rebus signifiers and the signified relate to innovations of the Bronze Age such as: bronze/brass alloys to substitute for arsenical copper, casting methods (such as cire perdue casting), alloying ores such as tin, zinc, lead and exchanges along the Tin Road set up by Meluhha artisans/traders also called Assur as metal smelters par excellence.

    It will be a leap of faith to assume that the picture-puzzles are nonsensical or belong to pro-literate cultures because a contemporary observer is unable to decipher the cipher.

    While early tokens and bullae (token envelopes) were recognized as ancient accounting methods and categorisation of products, the Proto-Elamite script  yet remains undeciphered.

    Robert K. Englund provides a succinct state of the art report on Proto-Elamite: "(Tokens) These clay objects consist on the one hand of simple geometrical forms, for instance cones, spheres, etc. and on the other, of complex shapes or of simpler, but incised, forms. Simple, geometrically formed tokens were found encased within clay balls (usually called 'bullae') dating to the period immediately preceding that characterized by the development of the earliest proto-cuneiform texts; these tokens most certainly assumed numerical functions in emerging urban centers of the late fourth millennium BCE...a strong argument from silence can be made that Sumerian is not present in the earliest literate communities, particularly given the large numbers of sign sequences which, with high likelihood, represent personal names and thus should be amenable to grammatical and lexical analyses comparable to those made of later Sumerian onomastics...large numbers of inscribed tablets...which for purposes of graphotactical analysis and context-related semantic categorization of signs and sign combinations represents a text massof high promise...we can utilize language decipherments from texts of later periods in working hypotheses dealing with the linguistic affiliation of archaic scribes...There may, however, have been much more population movement in the area than we imagine, including early Hurrian elements and, if Whittaker, Ivanov, and others are correct, even Indo-Europeans. Fn 44. Rubio (1999: 1-16 has reviewed recent publications, and the pioneering initial work by Landsberger on possible substrate lexemes in Sumerian, and concludes that the fairly extensive list of non-Sumerian words attested in Sumerian texts did not represent a single early Mesopotamian language, but rather reflected a long history of Wanderworter from a myriad of languages, possibly including some loans from Indo-European, and many from early 
    Semitic."


    Major sites of Late Uruk and proto-Elamite inscriptions in Persia

    Examples of simple (left) and complex (right) 'tokens' from Uruk (digital images courtesy of CDLI).

    Examples of sealed (top), sealed and impressed (middle) bullae, and a 'numerical' tablet (all from Susa--top: Sb 1932; middle: Sb 1940; bottom: Sb 2313; digital images courtesy of CDLI).

    Development of cuneiform, after Schmandt-Besserat (1992).

    At the same site of Susa a pot was discovered unambiguously defining the meaning of the hieroglyph which adorned the mouth of the pot since the pot contained metal artifacts (reported by Maurizio Tosi):

    The 'fish' hieroglyph shown on this pot is a Meluhha hieroglyph ayo 'fish' (Munda) Rebus ayo 'alloy metal' (Gujarati; ayas, Sanskrit).


    In this evolutionary scheme of 'writing systems' shown on the chart after Schmandt-Besserat-- call them proto-literate or illiterate -- depending upon the definitions assumed for the term 'literate' -- a parallel development ca 3500 BCE is left out: the formation and evolution of Meluhha hieroglyphs (aka Indus writing). The date of ca 3500 BCE is related to the first evidence of writing identified in Harappa excavations by HARP with the following potsherd with a dominant hieroglyph, signifying tabernae montana fragrant wild tulip read rebus:tagaraka (hieroglyph) rebus: tagara 'tin (ore)' in Meluhha (Indian sprachbund or proto-Indian).


    Bronze Age innovations created by Wanderworter --seafaring and land caravans of Meluhha artisans and merchants speaking a version of Proto-Indian --result in the messaging system using hieroglyphs of Meluhha read rebus.

    Forcefully refuting claims (characterised as a hoax) of 'illiteracy', Massimo Vidale argues that it is a cop-out to avoid researches into meanings of picture-puzzles by assuming that 'signs' as distinct from 'pictorial motifs' have to be either alphabets or syllables resulting in inscriptions longer than 5 signs and assuming that such glyphs cannot be read as logographs. This is shoot-and-scoot scholarship because the claimants have not so far responded to the refutation by Massimo Vidale indicating the use of the writing system in the context of trade in an extensive contact area from the Fertile Crescent to the Ganga-Yamuna river basin.

    Allegedly scholarly, but disdainful,claims of 'illiteracy' do NOT cnnstitute an advance in knowledge to promote the study of now nearly 7000 artifacts with what I have called Meluhha hieroglyphs (aka Indus script) in Ancient Near East (not counting the Tin Road related documents). Witzel et al have erred on a simple assumption that the 'signs' of the script have to be syllabic or alphabetic. They ignored the possibility that they could be logographs including the crocodile, tiger, buffalo etc.which could have been read rebus as Meluhha hieroglyphs. I have shown that almost all the so-called 'signs' and 'pictorial motis' of Indus writing are Meluhha hieroglyphs.  

    The average number of hieroglyphs, about 5 or 6 are adequate to represent the vocables as pictures (hieroglyphs) to support a trading system complementing the innovations of the Bronze Age stone and metalcrafts. Most of the Meluhha hieroglyphs signify metalware and stoneware together with brief accounts of methods used to smelt or forge or cast artifacts. One most frequently deployed hieroglyph is a 'standard device' shown mostly in front of a one-horned young bull. This sangaḍa hieroglyph had rebus readings:sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ; sangara ‘fortification’; jangaḍ accounting for mercatile transactions goods entrusted on approval basis’.

    Take for example this cylinder seal picture-puzzle:

    Inline image 1
    Cylinder seal. Provenience: Khafaje Kh. VII 256 Jemdet Nasr (ca. 3000 - 2800 BCE) Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 34.

    karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaṛa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) 

    karaḍa  ‘panther’ Rebus: karaḍā ‘hard alloy’.
    khōṇḍa A stock or stump (Marathi); ‘leafless tree’ (Marathi). Rebus: kõdār ’turner’ (Bengali); kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe (Bengali).

    kāṇḍa ‘flowing water’ Rebus: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’.
    kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.) कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kole.l 'temple, smithy' (Kota.) kol = pañcalōha, a metallic alloy containing five metals (Tamil): copper, brass, tin, lead and iron (Sanskrit); an alternative list of five metals: gold, silver, copper, tin (lead), and iron (dhātu; Nānārtharatnākara. 82; Mangarāja’s Nighaṇṭu. 498)(Kannada) kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali) 

    Such rebus readings are consistent with Robert K. Englund's summing up pointing to the possibility of non-Sumerian participants in the Bronze Age stoneware, metalware repertoire which constituted a veritable multi-national, industrial revolution of those times.

    Tukulti Ninurta's altar with hieroglyphs happened in a domain where cuneiform was used -- say between Assur and Kanesh on Tin Road. Do the hieroglyphs on the altar mean Tukulti was illiterate? Tukulti altar displays on one side: safflower, rod on altar and on another side 2. spoked wheel. These are hieroglyphs related to bronze age alloys and fire-god karandi in Remo language (Munda family). The identification of Meluhha hieroglyphs proceeded from DT Potts' brilliant ingisht identifying tabernae montana wild tulip glyph on Tell Abraq axe, also on a vase and on a comb. TA 1649 Tell Abraq.(D.T. Potts, South and Central Asian elements at Tell Abraq (Emirate of Umm al-Qaiwain, United Arab Emirates), c. 2200 BC—CE 400. Potts' insight is complemented by the view of an archaeometallurgist who sees a link between the evolution of Bronze Age from a chalcolithic phase and the emergence of writing systems: “The Early Bronze Age of the 3rd millennium BCE saw the first development of a truly international age of metallurgy… The question is, of course, why all this took place in the 3rd millennium BCE… It seems to me that any attempt to explain why things suddenly took off about 3000 BCE has to explain the most important development, the birth of the art of writing… As for the concept of a Bronze Age one of the most significant events in the 3rd millennium was the development of true tin-bronze alongside an arsenical alloy of copper…” (J.D. Muhly, 1973, Copper and Tin, Conn.: Archon., Hamden; Transactions of Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, vol. 43, p. 221f. ) In this context, it is apposite to underscore the use of Meluhha hieroglyphs on two pure tin ingots which were discovered in a shipwreck at Haifa. (S. Kalyanaraman, 2010, The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” - Decoding Indus script as repertoire of the mints/smithy/mine-workers of Meluhha, Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Number 11, pp. 47-74).

    Potts has explained further that nomadism was a remarkable phenomenon in ancient Iran. "Although evidence of 'proto-Median' agriculture and settled life may be difficult to find outside of Iran -- particularly as their 'homeland' remains vague and ill-defined -- linguistic studies suggest that some of the earliest Iranian speakers to reach the Iranian plateau did have an agricultural background and were familiar with both ploughing ad irrigation." Potts cites  J. Puhvel, 'The Indo-European and Indo-Aryan plough: A linguistic study of technological diffusion,' Technology and Culture 5/2. 1964: 184-186, the posited Indo-Iraia verb stem *karś-meaning 'to plough', may have been a loanword.' (Potts 2014 - Nomadism in Iran: From Antiquity to the Modern EraNew York: Oxford University Press, p. 75

    This hieroglyph is central to the entire corpora; it is the rosetta stone; it is a signifier tagaraka, wild fragrant tulip and the signified word is: tagara, TIN (cassiterite ore).

    Massimo's arguments are convincing in the context of  Wanderworter evidence from an extensive area deploying Meluhha hieroglyphs.

    Massimo Vidale provided an effective rebuttal of the claim made by Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat & Michael Witzel that Harappan civilization was illiterate. (Massimo Vidale, 2007, 'The collapse melts down: a reply to Farmer, Sproat and Witzel', East and West, vol. 57, no. 1-4, pp. 333 to 366).  

    Excerpts: “My purpose is to reply to ‘The collapse of the Indus script thesis: the myth of a literate Harappan civilization’, by Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat & Michael Witzel, in Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies (EJVS), 11, 2, 2004, pp. 19-57. I actually think that the Indus script was probably a protohistoric script, somehow conveying the sounds and words of one or more still unidentified languages. Although proofs are obviously lacking (the only demonstration would be a successful translation), this is the most reasonable assumption: and I must confess that I have lived so far rather content with such uncertainty…In order to decipher a lost writing system, you have to guess the language, guess the content, and you need relevant contexts on which independently and reasonably test your ideas…Farmer, Sproat & Witzel loudly stated that they have solved the mystery, that the Indus script is not writing, and that they can read or interpret part of the signs, I disagree with their arguments and, perhaps more, with the tone and language adopted by the authors…The authors would like to throw the ball to their opponents, asking them to refute their views by providing a sound decipherment in linguistic terms. But they have raised the problem, proposing a different interpretation and the first readings, and they have to provide a demonstration of their thesis by interpreting and explaining to us the symbolic sequences following the equivalent of their condition 4 (as stated at p. 48)…(but for the moment even Farmer & others will admit that their deities on vessels and seals and the solar cult advertised at Dholavira did not cost them such an impressive outburst of imagination).”

    The epigraphs or artifacts so rendered as signifiers, as hieroglyphs are read rebus as Bronze Act metalware, stoneware repertoire. Cire perdue casting gets a name: dhokra (Meluhha) and the specialist artisans are calleddhokra kamar (Meluhha). Zinc is sattiya, jasta and the signifier is the svastika (sattiya). Pewter is tuthnag, the signifier includes a snake. Sharpness of alloyed metal derived from alloying is padm, the signifier is the snake-hood, paṭam.
    Meluhha artisans and traders operating along the Tin Road had carried with them the signifiers and signifieds and deployed them as epigraphs or artifacts to convey what they were specialists in. They had also produced 1. the flagposts found in Nahar Mishmar arsenical copper artifacts and 2. the leopard weights of Shahi Tump (Baluchistan).

    Both the dreams are narrated in ancient texts and also on sculptures and epigraphs. The ancient texts describe the life-activities which the dreams signified. The hieroglyphs used on sculptures ad epigraphs provide for rebus representations of the dreams. 

    Rebus readings of the images (signifiers) yield the glosses related to life-activities (signifieds).

    Both the dreams are presented in visible language of Meluhha using hieroglyphs, read rebus.

    Dream of Tukulti-Ninurta and Māyā's dream are signified by visible language


    "The dream is a rebus." (Freud, Sigmund, 1959, Interpretation of Dreams, p. 1).  

    One method of derivings meanings of the symbolism in dreams (or unconscious thought) is rebus.

    Defining rebus as a picture-puzzle, Sigmund Frued elaborates the concept of displacement of emphasis and affect: "A correct judgment of the picture-puzzle  results only if I make no such objections to the whole and its parts, but if, on the contrary, I take pains to replace each picture by the syllable or word which it is capable of representing by means of any sort of reference, the words which are thus brought together are no longer meaningless, but may constitute a most beautiful and sensible expression. Now the dream is a picture-puzzle of this sort, and our predecessors in the field of dream interpretation have made the mistake of judging the rebus as an artistic composition. As such it appears nonsensical and worthless." (Freud, Sigmund, 1913, Trans. by AA Brill, Interpretation of Dreams, Chapter VI, The dream-work, New York, The Macmillan Company http://www.bartleby.com/285/6.html)

    The meanings of the visible images are signified by rebus readings of Meluhha language of Assur (Ancient Near East and Ancient India).
    The signifier of  Māyā's dream is an elephant. The word which signifies an elephant is ibha(Meluhha~Sanskrit). Rebus reading provides the signified: ib 'iron'. This is a condensation of the life activities of Māyā's clan, koliya, Koliya are koles, who are iron workers of yore from several generations. Her unconscious thought conditioned by the life of iron workers and smelters who were associated with her lineage identifies them by the product of their labour, ib 'iron'. The signifier for this life-activity of working in iron isibha, 'elephant'.

    The inscription on the Tukulti Ninurta altar says: god Nusku.


    The image is that of an ancestor of Tukulti Ninurta -- ancestor remembered in his dream?-- kneeling before the empty throne of the fire-god Nusku, occupied by what appears to be a flame.

    Interpretation of the dream as rebus yields the meaning, the prayer is to fire-god Karandi. So, what is depicted is a flame while signifying the fire-god Karandi. In Meluhha language, the rebus reading of a clump of wood is करंडा [karaṇḍā].

    Tukulti Ninurta's ancestor is an Assur, yes, the Assur whose lineage continues to be called Assur in some parts of India: Chattisgarh, Bastar, Santal paraganas, speaking an Asuri language (Meluhha dialect in the Munda language traditions of Indian sprachbund). This is good evidence that Assur of India had travelled far and wide into on the banks of Tigris river establishing the Tin Road between Assur and Kanesh (Kultepe, Anatolia). So, unconscious thought relates to the life-activities of the Assur people on this Tin Road trading in bronze-age artifacts. Hence, the presence of the following hieroglyphs on the Tukulti Ninurta altar: 1. करडी [karaḍī] करडई) 'Safflower':, 2. nave of spoked wheel eraka, arā (nave, spokes) carried aloft on flagposts as trade announcements. Two flagposts are shown signifying dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast (metal)'. 

    The trade announcements are comparable to the flagposts shown on Mohenjo-daro tablets (which show hieroglyphs of spoked wheel, scarf, one-horned young bull, lathe-portable furnace -- eraka 'copper', dul 'cast (metal),arā 'brass', dhatu 'ore', konda 'turner's lathe', sangada 'citadel, guild'.)

    Signifier is hieroglyph: safflower करडी [karaḍī]. 

    Signified is rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. A color of horses, iron grey.

    The signifier of Tukulti-Ninurta's dream is a fire-altar. The narrative of the dream is associated with the messages of the dream signifiers of the signifieds, signifiers of spoked wheels, safflowers signified as hard metal alloys of copper of the Bronze age. The word which signifies a fire-altar is kaḍa (Meluhha~Santali) The narrative is a prayer to fire-god.  How to represent this prayer in a visible language detailing the life-activities which have imbued the images and related meanings into the unconscious mind? kāṇḍa is a stem or stick of the sugarcane; such a stem or stick is shown in visible language as the center-piece of the nuska-Ninurta fire altar image before which he kneels down and prays in adoration.  He prays to karandi, the fire-god, the signified for which the visible language uses the signified: the stick.  karandi 'fire-god' (Munda, Remo). Signifier: करंडा [karaṇḍā] A clump, chump, or block of wood. 4 The stock or fixed portion of the staff of the large leaf-covered summerhead or umbrella. करांडा [ karāṇḍā ] m C A cylindrical piece as sawn or chopped off the trunk or a bough of a tree; a clump, chump, or block. (Marathi)

    The apparent, underlying assumption in the two rebus readings is that the language which provides the glosses is Meluhha and that Tukulti-Ninurta's fire-altar and sculptors who narrated Māyā's elephant are rebus representations of the life activities of Tukulti-Ninurta's clan of Assur and Māyā's clan of Koliyas.

    Visible images in works of art are signifiers. Associated words of the spoken language become the signifieds. This is the rebus code.
    "In the Assyro-Babylonian tradition, visual representation was considered to be part of an extreme semantic constellation. Like the ideogram in the script, the visual sign had the potential of referring to a chain of referents, linked to it and to one another by a logic that may escape the contemporary viewer but that could be deciphered in antiquity through hermeneutic readings. Such readings were obviously not accessible to a general public, most of whom were most likely nonliterate; however, the potential of signs referring to other signs in a continuous chain of meanings was a knowledge not limited to the literate. The ominous nature of things was a subject of concern fo all in Babylonian and Assyrian society. It seems clear from numerous texts that signs in the environment could be read and deciphered by people other than the scholarly elite or the priesthood. For omens related to the destiny of king or country, court diviners and the priesthood studied the signs, using their scholarly knowledge of astronomy and hermeneutics. But the reading of omina in the environment was also a part of the daily lives of people in general, as we know from textual references to egirru (omens of chance utterances) or to dreams and dream interpretation. Like other signs in the world, visual images could never be seen as the relationship between one signified and one signifier. An image was a pluridimensional sign that carried latent meanings beyond the one manifest on the surface. Since many works of art were made without any intent of presentation to mortal viewers, the polyvalence inherent in their imagery was not always a code intended for a particular audience, whether literate or nonliterate, although one can imagine that the system was at times deliberately manipulated for the purposes of generating a required meaing...polyvalence was considered to be in the very nature of the image-sign. The audience or intended viewer was not of the greatest import in many cases because the work of art was put a position where it was only to be viewed by the king, his courtiers, or temple officials. In these cases whatever meanings were generated through the imagery had much less to do with the good opinion of the chance viewer than they did with the power of the image as a eans of creating an incessant presence. In attempting to catalog ancient Near Eastern images by means of an iconography of one-to-one relationships of signifiers and signifieds, of symbols and gods, for example, we have perhaps limited our readings unnecessarily in a way that the Babylonians and Assyrians would not have done." (Zainab Bahrani, 2011, The graven image: representation in Babylonia and Assyria, Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, p. 185-186).

    Sigmund Freud refers to a syntax of dreams noting that the pictorial language of the dream uses what Freud explains as 'condensation and displacement' (Freud 1959).

    Dream depicted on Tukulti-Ninurta altar
    'I have revealed to Atrahasis a dream, and it is thus that he has learned the secret of the gods.' (Epic of Gilgamesh, Ninevite version, XI, 187.)
    The Pedestal of Tukulti-Ninurta I
    Artifact: Stone monument
    Provenience: Assur

    Period: Middle Assyrian period (ca. 1400-1000 BC)

    Current location: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin

    Text genre, language: Royal inscription; Akkadian

    Description: Although the cult pedestal of the Middle Assyrian king Tukulti-Ninurta mentions in its short inscription that it is dedicated to the god Nuska, the relief on the front that depicts the king in a rare kind of narrative, standing and kneeling in front of the very same pedestal was frequently discussed by art-historians. More strikingly on top of the depicted pedestal there is not the lamp, the usual divine symbol for the god Nuska, but most likely the representation of a tablet and a stylus, symbols for the god Nabû. (Klaus Wagensonner, University of Oxford) Editions: Grayson, A.K. 1987. The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Assyrian Period, I: Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Millennia B.C. (to 1115 B.C.), Toronto, p. 279ff.
    An inscription of Gudea of Lagash (2143-2124 BCE) narrates that he had a dream. He describes the dream to goddess Nina: "In the dream a man, whose stature reached up to heaven (and) reached down to earth, who according to the tiara around his head was a god...at whose feet was a storm, to whose right and left a lion ws at rest, commanded me to built his house (i.e., temple)...a second (man), like a warrior...held in his hand a tablet of lapus-lazuli, (and) outlined the pattern of a temple." (Thureau-Dangin, Die Sumerischen und Akkadischen Konigsinschriften, 94-95 Cylinder A, 4, 14--5,4).

    A similar dream is explained on the Tukulti-Ninurta altar. The kneeling adorant prays in front of the altar. The visible image of this prayer is presented on one of the altar. The image on the altar is a rebus.

    Tukulti-Ninurta I (1244-1208 BCE) of Assur, narrates the dreams which led to his conquests of Babylon in his epic, a lengthy poem of about 750 to 800 lines. (Lambert, WG, 1957, Three unpublished fragments of the Tukulti-Ninurta Epic, Archiv fur Orientforschung 18, Bd, 1957-1958, pp. 38-51).
    Narratives from the dream are visible on the hieroglyphs presented on the altar.

    Dream of Māyā, mother of Gautama Buddha details ancient texts and sculptural representations providing signifiers of the dream: in particular, the descent of an elephant which is a hieroglyph read rebus, consistent with the dream as a rebus. The narrative is accompanied by Meluhha hieroglyphs which include a scribe of the guild of metal-/stone-work artisans who might have been involved in the construction of the monuments in Bharhut and Nagarjunakonda -- commemorative pilgrimages of Bauddham. Māyā's dream is a sacred, hallowed tradition in Bauddham and the narrative is revered in ancient sculptures and ancient texts. This tradition is further elaborated by the use of Meluhha hieroglyphs which are read rebus, validating the Meluhha hieroglyph cipher for the ancient, unambiguous vernacular of Indian sprachbund.

    Detail of the top of the sandstone Vedica pillar, half-roundel at top of vedika pillar with composite creatures in relief:


    The top register o this relief shows ligatured antelopes back-to-back; the next register from the top shows a bull ligatured to a makara (crocodile with curved fish tail).
     half-roundel at top of vedika pillar with composite creatures in relief

    Detail of the roundel:

    vedika roundel with image of Maya's Dream in relief


    Segments of the sculpture showing: 1. scribe; 2. stacks of straw asociated with epigraphs (incribed ovals -- cartouches -- atop the stacks) and the row of seated artisans. There are two hieroglyphs on these segments: 1. scribe; 2. straw-stacks. Both can be read as Meluhha hieroglyphs.

    The scribe shown on Nagarjunakonda sculpture is kaṇḍa kanka 'stone scribe'. 

    The gloss is reinforced by the hieroglyph: stack of straw: kaṇḍa (See Meluhha glosses from Indian sprachbund appended).

    Māyā is a Koliya, i.e. she is a kole, a community working in iron. kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil). 


    Koles are the outstanding smelters of iron.

    There is an article by  Suniti Kumar Chatterjee explaining that the word 'kol' meant 'man' in general.

    An old Munda word, kol means ‘man’. S. K. Chatterjee called the Munda family of languages as Kol, as the word, according to him, is (in the Sanskrit-Prākṛt form Kolia) an early Aryan modification of an old Munda word meaning ‘man’.[i]  Przyluski accepts this explanation.[ii]


    [i] Chatterjee, SK, The study of kol, Calcutta Review, 1923, p. 455
    [ii] Przyluski, Non-aryan loans in Indo-Aryan, in: Bagchi, PC, Pre-aryan and pre-dravidian, pp.28-29 


    The crocodile ligatured to the bull is: 
    kāru ‘crocodile’ Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)  ayakara'fish+crocodile' rebus: 'metal-smith'. adar 'zebu' rebus: aduru 'unsmelted metal or ore' (Kannada) aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). aduru =gaṇiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace.[i]

    [i] Kannada. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya śāstri’s new interpretation of the Amarakośa, Bangalore,Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330.



    Note: In this remarkable ligature, the crocodile+fish hieroglyphs are NOT ligatured to the trunk of an elephant because the scribe wants to precisely communicate the nature of the profession of the artisan guild involved with the prayer to the Buddha narrating his birth. If the elephant was intended, the rebus readings would have included: ibha 'elephant' (Samskrtam)  ibbo 'merchant' (Hemacandra Desināmamāla -Gujarati) ib 'iron' (Santali).  
     
    Vikalpa: the bull is:  ḍangar 'bull' Rebus: dhangar blacksmith (Maithili) angar blacksmith (Hindi).


    The two antelopes joined back-to-back: pusht ‘back’; rebus: pusht ‘ancestor’. pus̱ẖt bah pus̱ẖt ‘generation to generation.’ The ram could also be denoted by ṭagara ‘antelope’; takar, n. [தகர்  T. tagaru, K. tagar.] 1. Sheep; ஆட்டின்பொது. (திவா.) 2. Ram; செம் மறியாட்டுக்கடா. (திவா.) பொருநகர் தாக்கற்குப் பேருந் தகைத்து (குறள், 486).  Rebus: ṭagara ‘tin’. dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); rebus: dul  'cast metal’ (Munda). Thus the pair of antelopes on the top register denotes: tin smith artisan, dul ṭagara  'cast tin'.


    The associated hieroglyphs, in the context of depicting the narratives of Māyā's dream, in particular (and their rebus readings) which are elaborated further in this monograph pointing to a continuum of writing systems from the days of Meluhha hieroglyphs (aka Indus writing) are:


    • stack of straw
    • scribe
    • bull ligatured to makara (crocodile + fish tail)
    • antelopes ligatured back-to-back
    Māyā had a dream in which she saw an elephant (ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron'). King Śuddhodana and his soothsayers interpreted the dream that she would bear a son who with detached passion would satisfy the world with sweetness of his ambrosia.

    Takṣat vāk, ‘incised speech’ -- Evidence of Indus writing of Meluhha language in Ancient Near East

    S. Kalyanaraman, Sarasvati Research Center (July 2013)

    Executive Summary: Hypotheses, method and testing

    In his ‘Writing in Vedic Age’ Prof. TP Verma points to the use of the phrase takṣat vāk used in the Rigveda as a reference to ‘incised speech’[i] The central hypotheses of this monograph are that 1) Indus writing is takat vāk , ‘incised speech’ of Meluhha (mleccha) language by stone, wood, mineral and metal workers of the ancient Hindu civilization, presented as pictorial motifs and as script signs; 2) meluhha (mleccha) words are identifiable as substrates retained in lexemes of many languages of Indiansprachbund ; and 3) these words constitute the underlying rebus readings of hieroglyphs of the writing system. Thus, the writing system gets decoded as using a logo-semantic cipher method for Meluhha/Mleccha language (mentioned as mlecchitavikalpa‘cipher-writing’ in an ancient text), comparable to the Egyptian hieroglyphs of Narmer palette.  The cipher text of Indus writing encodes Meluhha (mleccha) language identified and semantic structure outlined with glosses within the Indian sprachbundThe artisans who created the writing system (mlecchitavikalpa cipher writing) were pañcakammāḷa  ‘five artisan categories’ of Indiansprachbund . The validation and testing of these hypotheses using Indus writing corpora is the raison d’etre of this monograph.Substrtum words are likely to have been retained in more than one language of the Indian sprachbund, irrespective of the language-family to which a particular language belongs. This is the justification for the identification, in comparative lexicons, of sememes with cognate lexemes from languages such as Gujarati, Marathi, Kannada, Santali, Munda or Toda or Kota. The underlying assumption is that the substratum words were absorbed into the particular languages either as borrowings or as morphemes subjected to phonetic changes over time. There is no linguistic technique available to 'date' a particular sememe and relate it to the technical processes which resulted in naming, for example, the metalware or furnaces/smelters used to create metals and cast the metals or alloys and forge them. It is remarkable, indeed, that hundreds of cognate lexemes have been retained in more than one language to facilitate rebus readings of hieroglyphs. An example can be cited to elucidate the point made in this argument. The word attested in Rigveda is ayas, often interpreted as 'metal or bronze'. The cognate lexemes are ayo 'iron' (Gujarati. Santali) ayaskāṇḍa 'excellent quantity of iron' (Panini), kāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans of metalware' (Marathi). अयोगूः A blacksmith; Vāj.3.5. अयस् a. [-गतौ-असुन्] Going, moving; nimble. N. (-यः) 1 Iron (एति चलति अयस्कान्तसंनिकर्षं इति तथात्वम्नायसोल्लिख्यते रत्नम् Śukra 4.169. अभितप्तमयो$पि मार्दवं भजते कैव कथा शरीरिषु R.8.43. -2 Steel. -3 Gold. -4 A metal in general. Ayaskāṇḍa 1 an iron-arrow. -2 excellent iron. -3 a large quantity of iron. –_नत_(अयसक_नत_) 1 ‘beloved of iron’, a magnet, load-stone; 2 a precious stone; ˚मजण_ a loadstone; ayaskāra 1 an iron-smith, blacksmith (Skt.Apte) ayas-kāntamu. [Skt.] n. The load-stone, a magnet. Ayaskāruḍu. n. A black smith, one who works in iron. ayassu. N. ayō-mayamu. [Skt.] adj. made of iron (Te.) áyas— n. ‘metal, iron’ RV. Pa. ayō nom. Sg. N. and m., aya— n. ‘iron’, Pk. Aya— n., Si. Ya. AYAŚCŪRṆA—, AYASKĀṆḌA—, *AYASKŪṬA—. Addenda: áyas—: Md. Da ‘iron’, dafat ‘piece of iron’. ayaskāṇḍa— m.n. ‘a quantity of iron, excellent iron’ Pāṇ. Gaṇ. Viii.3.48 [ÁYAS—, KAA ́ṆḌA—]Si.yakaḍa ‘iron’.*ayaskūṭa— ‘iron hammer’. [ÁYAS—, KUU ́ṬA—1] Pa. ayōkūṭa—, ayak m.; Si. Yakuḷa‘sledge —hammer’, yavuḷa (< ayōkūṭa) (CDIAL 590, 591, 592). Cf. Lat. Aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. Ais , Thema aisa; Old Germ. E7r , iron ;Goth. Eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen. aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). Ta. Ayil javelin, lance, surgical knife, lancet.Ma. ayil javelin, lance; ayiri surgical knife, lancet. (DEDR 193). Aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Ta.); ayir – iron dust, any ore (Ma.) Kur. Adar the waste of pounded rice, broken grains, etc. Malt. Adru broken grain (DEDR 134).  Ma. Aśu thin, slender;ayir, ayiram iron dust.Ta. ayir subtlety, fineness, fine sand, candied sugar; ? atar fine sand, dust. அய.³ ayir, n. 1. Subtlety, fineness; நணசம. (__.) 2. [M. ayir.] Fine sand; நணமணல. (மலசலப. 92.) ayiram, n.  Candied sugar; ayil, n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; 2. Surgical knife, lancet; Javelin, lance; ayilavaṉ, Skanda, as bearing a javelin (DEDR 341).Tu. gadarů a lump (DEDR 1196)  kadara— m. ‘iron goad for guiding an elephant’ lex. (CDIAL 2711). The hieroglyph which depicts the word aya ‘metal’ is ayo ‘fish’ (Munda): <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish’’. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish’’. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn’’. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn’’. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish’’. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+Gol-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish’’. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish’’. #15163. Vikalpa: Munda: <aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree’’.#10171. So<aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree’’. Indian mackerel Ta. Ayirai, acarai, acalai loach, sandy colour, Cobitis thermalis; ayilai a kind of fish. Ma. Ayala a fish, mackerel, scomber; aila, ayila a fish; ayira a kind of small fish, loach (DEDR 191) 


    Rebus method of encoding speech

     Procession on Narmer palette. An artistic deployment of Egyptian hieroglyphs on a procession is seen on one side of Narmer palette. The name Nar-mer is shown as rebus reading of n’r  ‘cuttle-fish’ + m’r  ‘awl’. Both these hieroglyphs are depicted in front of the Emperor Narmer who follows the procession.

    Similar is the logo-semantic cipher method used on Indus writing, to write ayakara ‘metalsmith’.

    Glosses of Indian sprachbund used on Indus writing to encode speech:

    ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.) aya = iron (Gujarati);
    ayah, ayas = metal (Sanskrit.)
    kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) ghariyal id. (Hindi)
    khār a blacksmith, an iron worker (Kashmiri)
    ayakāra ‘iron-smith’ (Pali)

    Proto-phonetic forms of these lexemes which constitute the substrates of Meluhha (Mleccha) language and are likely to yield the glosses of Meluhha (Mleccha) speech of 3rd millennium BCE.  Aya  ‘fish’ + karā  ‘crocodile, ghariyal’ as hieroglyphs are depicted to be read rebus as aya  ‘metal’ + khara  ‘smith’ (in mlecccha/meluhha language). The sounds of words of mleccha/meluhha language are the speech foundations of the Indus writing system. Many inscriptions of Indus writing are read as metalware catalogs – like this ayakara ‘metalsmith’ catalog item shown on one side of a Mohenjo-daro prism tablet (Corpora reference: m1429C).


    Another example may be cited of a Seal impression, Ur (UPenn; U.16747); dia. 2.6, ht. 0.9 cm.; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 11-12, pl. II, no. 12; Porada 1971: pl.9, fig.5; Parpola, 1994, p. 183; water carrier with a skin (or pot?) hung on each end of the yoke across his shoulders and another one below the crook of his left arm; the vessel on the right end of his yoke is over a receptacle for the water; a star on either side of the head (denoting supernatural?). “The whole object is enclosed by 'parenthesis' marks. Theparenthesis is perhaps a way of splitting of the ellipse. An unmistakable example of an 'hieroglyphic' seal.” (Hunter, G.R.,JRAS, 1932, 476). This ‘water-carrier’ hieroglyph is normalized as a ‘sign’ (Glyph 12) on Indus Writing corpora. The seal impression is read rebus as composed of three hieroglyphs:

    Hieroglyph 1: kuṭi  ‘water carrier’ (Te.) Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī  f. ‘fireplace’ (Hindi); krvṛI f. ‘granary’ (Wpah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232)kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) 

    Hieroglyph 2: meḍha ‘polar star’ (Marathi). Rebus: me ‘iron’ (Ho.)

    Hieroglyph 3: dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Mu.)

    Thus, the entire composition which makes up the inscription is read as: kuṭhi  ‘smelter furnace’ (to) dul ‘cast (metal)’ me  ‘iron’.

    In an article, ‘Written language vs. non-linguistic symbol systems’, Richard Sproat (2013) [ii] presents a rebuttal of an earlier work of Rajesh Rao et al (2009, 2010).[iii] Both Sproat and Rao et al attempt to distinguish ‘written language or linguistic symbols’ from what they term as ‘non-linguistic symbols’. Both have failed in their mathematical analyses using Markov decision processes in the context of the data sets used for distinguishing the nature of symbols on Indus Writing (also called, script). The failure occurs because both have used only ‘signs’ of the writing system, ignoring the ‘pictorial motifs’ and ‘glyphic elements in pictorial motifs’ which are integral to the writing system. Rao et al see to make an apriori underlying assumption that ‘signs’ could explain the underlying phonemes as ‘syllables’. Sproat seems to attempt to justify an earlier claim made about illiteracy of Harappans. Such a claim[iv] has been effectively rebutted[v] in an archaeological context which should be the firm foundation for determining if a ‘symbol’ is linguistic or non-linguistic. To claim that the mystery of the Indus writing has been solved by Farmer, Witzel, & Sproat asserting, in a shriek, in strident tone and language, that ‘signs’ are not syllabic or alphabetic and hence do not encode speech, is a tall claim indeed. Sproat rebuts the argument that the ‘signs’ may not be phonemic representations but assumes hat they could just simply be non-linguistic symbols following his participation in the earlier mystery-solving claim. 
    The failure to include the statistics of ‘pictorial motifs’ with many ‘glyphic elements’ embedded in such motifs renders the data sets used suspect, at best incomplete, vitiated by the absence of a falsifiable selection process to identify ‘symbols’. For example, on seals showing ‘composite animal’, many glyphic elements are used: e.g., face of a human, serpent-hood as tail, elephant’s trunk ligatured to the human face, zebu horns, front feet of tiger, rear feet of bovine, scarves dangling on the neck. Such a medley of ligatures cannot be attributed to chance and all the glyphs have to be explained, even assuming that the glyphs are non-linguistic ‘symbols’. In sum, the basic flaw in the analyses attempted by Sproat and Rao et al is the deployment of an arbitrary selection process for identifying ‘symbols’ from the Indus script corpora. In the context of tokens and bullae used in Sumer (ancient Near East) using a bun-ingot-shaped token represents ‘metal’. One fails to see how the token shape or ‘mountains’, ‘ficus leaves’ shown on cylinder seals with cuneiform writing can be brushed aside and assumed to be a ‘non-linguistic symbols’ when such symbols were used together with cuneiform syllabic texts in an extensive civilization interaction area of Elam, Sumer, Mesopotamia and even in Dilmun and Magan. Sumerian cylinder seal showing flanking goats with hooves on tree and/or mountain. Uruk period. (After Joyce Burstein in: Katherine Anne Harper, Robert L. Brown, 2002, The roots of tantra, SUNY Press, p.100).

    This failure in the method of analyses by Sproat and Rao et al is sought to be remedied in the rebus method deployed in this monograph and relted references cited, to analyze ALL symbols – whether presented as ‘signs’ or as ‘glyphic elements in pictorial motifs’ in the corpora – in the context of Meluhha (Mleccha) language of Indian sprachbund, trating Indus writing system as a writing system which encodes Meluhha (Mleccha) speech. Indus texts are very short, generally four or five glyphs long (counting both ‘sign’ and ‘picorial motif’ categories). In over 200 texts of Indus inscriptions, only pictorial motifs (with embedded multiple glyphs) are deployed. It is hazardous to use cryptography[vi] because several valid solutions may be found for each pictorial motif or each glyphic element. Unique decipherment is possible when the key is known. I suggest that the key is 1) rebus method for each glyph of Indus writing – constituting the cipher text corpora -- 2) related to bronze-age artifacts attested archaeologically, using 3) glosses of Meluhha (Mleccha) language. There ain’t no need to get frustrated and throw out the baby with the bath water making shrieking claims of illiteracy or proto-literate (linguistically meaningless?) symbol systems for a writing system which uses nearly 500 signs and over 120 pictorial motifs (which could be broken down further into 200+ glyhs) – thus making a total of nearly 700 hieroglyphs of Indus writing. The archaeological context provides the evidence needed to pin down the underlying speech forms as discussed further in this monograph.


    [i] Verma, TP, Writing in the Vedic Age, Harappan and As’okan Writing, in: Itihas Darpan XVIII (1), 2013 Research Journal of Akhila Bhāratiya Itihāsa Sankalana Yojanā, New Delhi, pp. 40-59.http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/writing-in-vedic-age-prof-tp-verma.html Writing in Vedic Age by Prof. TP Verma. Three frustrated scholars' dogma on illiteracy.  

    [ii] Sproat, Richard, 2013, ‘Written language vs. non-linguistic symbol systems’ mirrored in a blogpost:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/written-language-vs-non-linguistic.html

    [iii] Rao, Rajesh, 2010. Probabilistic analysis of an ancient undeciphered scriptIEEE Computer. 43~(3), 76–80. Rajesh PN Rao, Nisha Yadav, Mayank N. Vahia, Hrishikesh Joglekar, R. Adhikari and Iravatham Mahadevan, A Markov model of the Indus Script, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America,, Vol. 106 no. 33, 13685-13690.

    [iv] Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat, and Michael Witzel, The collapse of the Indus-Script thesis: the myth of a literate Harappan civilization, EJVS 11-2, Dec. 13, 2005,

    [v] Asko Parpola (2008). "Is the Indus script indeed not a writing system?" In: Airāvati (pp. 111-131). Chennai: Varalaaru.com http://www.harappa.com/script/indus-writing.pdf Massimo Vidale, "The collapse melts down: a reply to Farmer, Sproat and Witzel" in: East and West, Vol. 57, No.1/4, December 2007, pp. 333-366http://www.docstoc.com/docs/document-preview.aspx?doc_id=9163376

    [vi] Shannon, CE, Communication theory of secrecy systems, Bell Systems Tech. J., 28, 656-715, 1949http://netlab.cs.ucla.edu/wiki/files/shannon1949.pdf
    Susa pot. The pot contained the metal vessels, pans,  weapons and tools shown. ca. 3rd millennium BCE. Photo courtesy: Prof. Maurizio Tosi. The 'fish' inscribed near the rim of the pot is a hieroglyph of Meluhha (Mleccha) speech. Reading: ayo 'fish' (Munda) Rebus: ayo, ayas ''metal' (Gujarati. Skt.)
    A reconstructed drawing of 'standard device' generally shown in front of a one-horned young bull and also on a procession of hieroglyphs or on a gold pectoral or of ivory in the round.
    Mohenjo-daro pectoral m1656. The pectoral shows hieroglyphs: rim of jar, jar, overflowing (liquid), one-horned young bull, pannier on bull's shoulder, standard device in front composed of: gimlet, portable furnace as top part of the device and sometimes dotted circles are shown on the bottom part of the device. All glyphics read rebus denote the pectoral owners calling or profession. In this case, a smith working with furnace (smelting copper) workshop.

    Rebus readings:

    Hieroglyphs young bull, rings on neck, pannier: gōta ‘sack’.kŏthul, lu m. ʻlarge bag or parcelʼ(Kashmiri) (CDIAL 3511)kṓṣṭha1 m. ʻ any one of the large viscera ʼ MBh. [Same as kṓṣṭha -- 2? Cf. *kōttha -- ] Pa. koṭṭha -- m. ʻ stomach ʼ, Pk. koṭṭha -- , kuṭ° m.; L. (Shahpur) koṭhī f. ʻ heart, breast ʼ; P. koṭṭhā, koṭhā m. ʻ belly ʼ, G. koṭhɔ m., M. koṭhā m. (CDIAL 3545).koḍiyum ‘rings on neck’. kāru-kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bull in its prime. खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) గోద [ gōda ] gōda. [Tel.] n. An ox. A beast. kine, cattle.(Telugu) Rebus : B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or. kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ‘lathe’) (CDIAL 3295). koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi.G.)Rebus: S. koṭāru m. ʻ district officer who watches crops, police officer ʼ (CDIAL 3501). Cf. kṓṣṭhaka ‘treasury’ (Skt.); kóṭṭhi ’temple treasury’ (WPah.); koṭho ‘warehouse’ (G.)(CDIAL 3546). Rebus: khoṭa ʻingot forged, alloyʼ(Marathi)Allograph: kōṭu summit of a hill(Tamil). Rebus: khoṭf. ʻalloy, impurityʼ, °ṭā ʻalloyed’.

    Overflow: (B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. (Munda )Allograph: loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali) Rebus: lo ‘iron’ (Assamese, Bengali); loa ‘iron’ (Gypsy). rebus: loh ‘metal’ (Skt.) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) காண்டம் kāṇṭam , n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர்; kāṇṭam ‘ewer, pot’ கமண்டலம். (Tamil) Thus the combined rebus reading: Ku. lokhaṛ ʻiron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻtools, iron, ironwareʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ(CDIAL 11171). khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’(Marathi) Hieroglyphs pot, dotted circle: sangaḍa खंड [ khaṇḍa ] A piece, bit, fragment, portion.(Marathi)काढतें [ kāḍhatēṃ ] n Among gamesters. An ivory counter &c. placed to represent a sum of money. (Marathi) Rebus: kandi ‘beads’ (Pa.)(DEDR 1215). khaṇḍ ‘ivory’ (H.)kaṇḍ = a furnace,altar (Santali.lex.)khaṇḍaran, khaṇḍrun ‘pit furnace’ (Santali)Allographs: kaṇḍa -- m.n. joint of stalk, lump(Pali) kaṇḍō a stool (Kurku); kanḍo stool, seat (Maltese). (DEDR 1179) kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) kaṇḍa = a pot of certain shape and size (Santali) Rebus: kaṇḍ = altar, furnace (Santali)लोहकारकन्दुः f. a blacksmith's smelting furnace (Grierson Kashmiri lex.) कन्दु [Monier-Williams lexicon, p. 250,1]mf. ( √स्कन्द् Un2. i , 15), a boiler , saucepan , or other cooking utensil of iron Sus3r. Ma1lav. Comm. on Ka1tyS3r. Nodule of stone ore: kāḍ ‘stone’. Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298). mayponḍi kanḍ whetstone; (Ga.)(DEDR 4628). (खडा) Pebbles or small stones: also stones broken up (as for a road), metal. खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble. 2 A nodule (of lime &c.): a lump or bit (as of gum, assafœtida, catechu, sugar-candy): the gem or stone of a ring or trinket: a lump of hardened fæces or scybala: a nodule or lump gen. kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ] Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; Wg. kaṇə ʻ ear -- ring ʼ NTS xvii 266; S. kano m. ʻ rim, border ʼ; P. kannā m. ʻ obtuse angle of a kite ʼ (→ H. kannā m. ʻ edge, rim, handle ʼ); N. kānu ʻ end of a rope for supporting a burden ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ brim of a cup ʼ, G. kānɔ m.; M. kānā m. ʻ touch -- hole of a gun ʼ. (CDIAL 2831) Rebus: káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻ doing ʼ; NiDoc. karana, kaṁraṁna ʻ work ʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻ instrument ʼ; N. dan -- karnu ʻ toothpick ʼ, kan -- karnu ʻ ear -- pick ʼ; B. karnā, kannā ʻ work, duty ʼ; M. karṇẽ n. ʻ action, deed ʼ; Si. karaṇa ʻ occupation, trade, copulation ʼ; -- P. karnī f. ʻ mason's trowel ʼ (B. D. Jain PhonPj 116 < karaṇḍa -- ); H. karnī f. ʻ mason's trowel ʼ, M. karṇī f. (CDIAL 2790)Rebus: Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe.’ sangaḍa 'portable furnace', 'gimlet (turner's apparatus)' (Marathi) Rebus: sangar 'fortification' (Pashto)śang, hang ‘snail, mollusc’; rebus: sang ‘stone (ore)’. sangaḍa ‘lathe, furnace’. saghaḍī = furnace (G.) Rebus: jaṅgaḍ ‘entrustment articles’जाकड़ ja:kaṛ (nm) on approval (purchases); —का माल goods/articles on approval. (Hindi); sangaḍa ‘association, guild’. jangaḍiyo ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’(Gujarati)sangad ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. ച. പോരുക to accompany as such. ച. പോന്ന വാരിയര്‍, എന്നെ ച'വും കൂട്ടി അയച്ചു TR. 2. income of Rājas from granting such guides; grant of land to persons liable to such service ച. കൊടുക്ക. 3. companion പന്നിയും കാട്ടിയും ച'മായി CG.—met. കംസനെ കൊന്ന ഗോപാലനെ കംസനു ച'മാ ക്കുവാന്‍ CG. to send him along, to kill likewise. ചങ്ങാതി (C. Te. സ —) companion, തുണക്കാ രന്‍; friend വീണാല്‍ ചിരിക്കാത്ത ച. ഇല്ല, ച. നന്നെങ്കില്‍ കണ്ണാടി വേണ്ട prov. ച. യായുള്ളു പണ്ടുപണ്ടേ CC.—also fem. ച ങ്ങാതിമാരായുള്ള അംഗനമാര്‍ CG.; vu. എ ന്‍റെ ചങ്ങായിച്ചീ TP. (Voc.) See also: ചങ്ങു V1. a small chain to which to hang keys etc. ചങ്ങാടം čaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats. ച. കെ ട്ടുക; ച'ത്തില്‍ കേററി TR. തോണികള്‍ ച'ങ്ങള്‍ വഞ്ചികള്‍ പടവുകള്‍ Bhr. also rafts. (Malayalam)Allographs: sãgaḍ f. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together (Marathi)(CDIAL 12859).śã̄gal, śã̄gaḍ ʻchainʼ (WPah.)sangaḍa ‘bangles’ (Pali). Rim of jar as hieroglyph: kánaka n. ʻ gold ʼ (Skt.) கன் kaṉ ,n. perh. கன்மம். 1. workmanship; வேலைப்பாடு. கன்னார் மதில்சூழ் குடந்தை (திவ். திருவாய். 5, 8, 3). 2. copper work; கன்னார் தொழில். (W.) 3. copper; செம்பு. (ஈடு, 5, 8, 3.) MBh. Pa. kanaka -- n., Pk. kaṇaya -- n., MB. kanayā ODBL 659, Si. kanā EGS 36.(CDIAL 2717) కనకము [ kanakamu ] kanakamu. [Skt.] n. Gold. (Telugu) கனகம் kaṉakam, n. < kanaka. 1. Gold; பொன். காரார்வண்ணன் கனகமனையானும் (தேவா. 502, 9 (Tamil) kanaka (nt.) [cp. Sk. kanaka; Gr. knh_kos yellow; Ags. hunig=E. honey. See also kañcana] gold, usually as uttatta˚ molten gold; said of the colour of the skin Bu i.59; Pv iii.32; J v.416; PvA 10 suvaṇṇa).-- agga gold -- crested J v.156; -- chavin of golden complexion J vi.13; -- taca (adj.) id. J v.393; -- pabhā golden splendour Bu xxiii.23; -- vimāna a fairy palace of gold VvA 6; PvA 47, 53; -- sikharī a golden peak, in ˚rājā king of the golden peaks (i. e. Himālayas): Dāvs iv.30. (Pali) Vikalpa: kaṉ ‘copper work’ (Ta.)

    Arguments of Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale 

    The arguments of Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale are framed taking the example of a Mohenjo-daro seal m0300 with what they call 'symbolic hypertext' or, 'Harappan chimaera and its hypertextual components':

    m0300. Mohenjo-daro seal.


    "Harappan chimaera and its hypertextual components. Harappan chimera and its hypertextual components. The 'expression' summarizes the syntax of Harappan chimeras within round brackets, creatures with body parts used in their correct  anatomic position (tiger, unicorn, markhor goat, elephant, zebu, and human); within square brackets, creatures with body parts used to symbolize other anatomic elements (cobra snake for tail and human arm for elephant proboscis); the elephant icon as exonent out of the square brackets symbolizes the overall elephantine contour of the chimeras; out of brackes, scorpion indicates the animal automatically perceived joining the lineate horns, the human face, and the arm-like trunk of Harappan chimeras. (After Fig. 6 in: Harappan chimaeras as 'symbolic hypertexts'. Some thoughts on Plato, Chimaera and the Indus Civilization." (Dennys Frenez & Massimo Vidale, 2012) 


    Framework and Functions of Indus Script

    The framework of Indus Script has two structures: 1) pictorial motifs as hieroglyph-multiplexes; and 2) text lines as hieroglyph-multiplexes

    Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale focus attention on pictorial motifs and on m0300 seal, identify a number of hieroglyph components constituting the hieroglyph-multiplex -- on the pictorial motif of 'composite animal', seen are hieroglyph components (which they call hypertextual components): serpent (tail), scorpion, tiger, one-horned young bull, markhor, elephant, zebu, standing man (human face), man seated in penance (yogi).  


    The yogi seated in penance and other hieroglyphs are read rebus in archaeometallurgical terms: kamaDha 'penance' (Prakritam) rebus: kampaTTa 'mint'. Hieroglyph: kola 'tiger', xolA 'tail' rebus:kol 'working in iron'; kolle 'blacksmith'; kolhe 'smelter'; kole.l 'smithy'; kolimi 'smithy, forge'. 
    खोड[khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf (Marathi) rebus: khond 'turner'. dhatu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu 'minerals'.bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'stone ore'. miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati) Rebus:meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) mẽṛhet iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Munda) kara'elephant's trunk' Rebus: khar 'blacksmith'; ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron'. Together: karaibā 'maker, builder'.

    Use of such glosses in Meluhha speech can be explained by the following examples of vAkyam or speech expressions as hieroglyph signifiers and rebus-metonymy-layered-cipher yielding signified metalwork:


    Examples: Hieroglyph-multiplexes as hypertexts


    The unique characteristic of Indus Script which distinguishes the writing system from Egyptian hieroglyphs are as follows:

    1. On both Indus Script and Egyptian hieroglyphs, hieroglyph-multiplexes are created using hieroglyph components (which Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale call hypertextual components). 


    2. Indus Script denotes 'expressions or speech-words' for every hieroglyph while Egyptian hieroglyphs generally denote 'syllables' (principally consonants without vowels).


    3. While Egyptian hieroglyphs are generally deployed to derive 'names of people' or 'expressions denoting administrative divisions' deploying nomes, Indus Script is NOT used for syllabic combinations which result in names of people or designations. As evidenced by the use of Brahmi or Kharoshthi script together with Indus Script hieroglyphs on tens of thousands of ancient coins, the Brahmi or Kharoshthi syllabic representations are generally used for 'names of people or designations' while Indus Script hieroglyphs are used to detail artisan products, metalwork, in particular.


    Example 1: mũh ‘face’ in almost all languageds of Indian sprachbund Rebus: mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking (Bi.); ingot (Santali) mũh metal ingot (Santali)mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt= iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) kaula mengro‘blacksmith’ (Gypsy) mleccha-mukha (Samskritam) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) The Samskritam glossmleccha-mukha should literally mean: copper-ingot absorbing the Santali gloss, mũh, as a suffix.


    1. A good example of constructed orthography of hieroglyph multiplex is a seal impression from Ur identified by CJ Gadd and interpreted by GR Hunter:

    Image result for 16747 ur seal impression
    Seal impression, Ur (Upenn; U.16747); dia. 2.6, ht. 0.9 cm.; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 11-12, pl. II, no. 12; Porada 1971: pl.9, fig.5; Parpola, 1994, p. 183; water carrier with a skin (or pot?) hung on each end of the yoke across his shoulders and another one below the crook of his left arm; the vessel on the right end of his yoke is over a receptacle for the water; a star on either side of the head (denoting supernatural?). The whole object is enclosed by 'parenthesis' marks. The parenthesis is perhaps a way of splitting of the ellipse (Hunter, G.R.,JRAS, 1932, 476). An unmistakable example of an 'hieroglyphic' seal. Hieroglyph:  kuṭi 'woman water-carrier' (Telugu) Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron' (Santali) Hieroglyph: meḍha ‘polar star’ (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.Mu.) Thus, meḍ kuṭhi 'iron smelter'.  (Parenthesis kuṭila is a phonetic determinan of the substantive gloss:  kuṭhi 'smelter'. It could also denote a smelter for kuṭila, 'tin metal').

    kuṭi కుటి : శంకరనారాయణ తెలుగు-ఇంగ్లీష్ నిఘంటువు 1953  a woman water-carrier.

    Splitting the ellipse () results in the parenthesis, (  ) within which the hieroglyph multiplex (in this case of Ur Seal Impression, a water-carrier with stars flanking her head) is infixed, as noted by Hunter.

    The ellipse is signified by Meluhha gloss with rebus reading indicating the artisan's competence as a professional: kōn
    a 'corner' (Nk.); kōṇṭu angle, corner (Tu.); rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) Alternative reading; kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze'. 

    kõdā is a metals turner, a mixer of metals to create alloys in smelters.


    The signifiers are the hieroglyph components: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal';  
    meḍha ‘polar star’ rebus: meḍ ‘iron’;  kōna 'corner' rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; kuṭi 'woman water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/kuṭila, 'tin metal').

    The entire hieroglyph multiplex stands deciphered: kõdā, 'metals turner' (with) 
    meḍ ‘iron’ kuṭhi '
    smelter', kuṭila, 'tin metal'. 

    2. This hieroglyph multiplex of the Ur Seal Impression confirms the rebus-metonymy-layered cipher of Meluhha glosses related to metalwork.


    3. A characteristic feature of Indus writing system unravels from this example: what is orthographically constructed as a pictorial motif can also be deployed as a 'sign' on texts of inscriptions. This is achieved by a stylized reconstruction of the pictorial motif as a 'sign' which occurs with notable frequency on Indus Script Corpora -- with orthographic variants (Signs 12, 13, 14).

    Signs 12 to 15. Indus script: 


    Identifying Meluhha gloss for parenthesis hieroglyph or (  ) split ellipse:  
    குடிலம்¹ kuṭilam, n. < kuṭila. 1. Bend curve, flexure; வளைவு. (திவா.) (Tamil) In this reading, the Sign 12 signifies a specific smelter for tin metal: kuṭi 'woman water-carrier'  rebus: rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/ kuṭila, 'tin (bronze)metal; kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Samskritam) See: http://download.docslide.us/uploads/check_up03/192015/5468918eb4af9f285a8b4c67.pdf

    It will be seen from Sign 15 that the basic framework of a water-carrier hieroglyph (Sign 12) is superscripted with another hieroglyph component, Sign 342: 'Rim of jar' to result in Sign 15. Thus, Sign 15 is composed of two hieroglyph components: Sign 12 'water-carrier' hieroglyph; Sign 342: "rim-of-jar' hieroglyph (which constitutes the inscription on Daimabad Seal 1).


    kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decoded: kaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace scribe'

    Daimabad Seal 1 (Sign 342: Two hieroglyph components: jar with short-neck and rim-of-jar) -- distringuished from broad-mouthed rimless pot which is another Sign hieroglyph.

    Each hieroglyph component of Sign 15 is read in rebus-metonymy-layered-meluhha-cipher:  Hieroglyph component 1: 
    kuṭi 'woman water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/kuṭila, 'tin metal'. Hieroglyph component 2: kanka, kārṇī-ka 'rim-of-jar' rebus: kanka, kārṇī-ka m. ʻsupercargo of a shipʼ 'scribe'.

    Ligatured hieroglyph 15 using two ligaturing components: 1. water-carrier; 2. rim-of-jar. The ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph connotes: furnace account (scribe). Together with the glyph showing ‘water-carrier’, the ligatured glyphs of kuṭi ‘water-carrier’ + ‘rim-of-jar’ can thus be read as: kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka ‘smelting furnace account (scribe)’. 




    m1405 Pict-97 Person standing at the centre pointing with his right hand at a bison facing a trough, and with his left hand pointing to the Sign 15. 


    This tablet is a clear and unambiguous example of the fundamental orthographic style of Indus Script inscriptions that: both signs and pictorial motifs are integral components of the message conveyed by the inscriptions. Attempts at 'deciphering' only what is called a 'sign' in Parpola or Mahadevan corpuses will result in an incomplete decoding of the complete message of the inscribed object.


    barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.(Marathi)


    pattar 'trough'; rebus pattar, vartaka 'merchant, goldsmith' (Tamil) பத்தர்² pattar 

    , n. < T. battuḍu. A caste title of goldsmiths; தட்டார் பட்டப்பெயருள் ஒன்று.


    eraka 'raised arm' Rebus: eraka 'metal infusion' (Kannada. Tulu) 


    Sign 15:  kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka ‘smelting furnace account (scribe)’. 


    Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex on m1405 is read rebus from r.: kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka eraka bharata pattar'goldsmith-merchant guild -- smelting furnace account (scribe), molten cast metal infusion, alloy of copper, pewter, tin.' 


    That a catalogue is a writing system should be obvious in the context of the story of evolution of writing during the Bronze Age in various cultures.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    May 8, 2016

    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/p62la6b

    Two ancient writing systems used hieroglyphs and rebus cipher to convey messages. They were Egyptian hieroglyphs and Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes. Egyptian hieroglyphs signified consonantal language sounds of syllables without the inherent vowel sounds. Indus Script hieroglyphs signified speech words of Proto-Prakritam of Indian sprachbund and created hieroglyph-multiplexes to message technical specifications creating a lexis of metalwork in Indus Script Corpora which now accounts for over 7000 inscriptions explaining details of metalwork and metalcastings using minerals, metals, alloys, furnaces, smelters, cire perdue lost-wax method of casting.

    Early writing systems provide resources for cryptographic analyses.

    Two early writing systems -- ancient Egyptian writing and ancient Indian writing -- which simultaneously originated ca. 3100 BCE and ca. 3300 BCE signified phonetics of laguage by displaying heiroglyphs.

    One difference should be noted between the two writing systems. Egyptian hieroglyphs signified consonant syllables without the inherent vowel sounds. Indus Script hieroglyphs signified metalwork words which constitute the technical lexis of Proto-Prakritam of the Bronze Age.

    Egyptian hieroglyphs rebus
    Two hieroglyhs inscription of c. 3100 BCE renders name of King Narmer with pictures of 'catfish (Egyptian n'r) and 'awl' (Egyptian m'r). Detail of Narmer's palette. (After Finders Petrie, WM, 1953, Ceremonial slate palettes (British School of Egyptian Archaeology, vol. 66A), London:K26)
    The centre-piece of the palette is a hieroglyph-multiplex signifying: Nar-mer using hierolyphs as signifiers of the inherent consonantal phonetics: n'r 'cuttle-fish, m'r 'awl'.


    Image result for narmerImage result for narmer

    Indus Script hieroglyphs rebus

    A 'Hieroglyph-multiplex' can also be called 'hyperciphertext' defined as a body of written or pictorial material of hieroglyphs in such a complex interconnected way that it constitutes a rebus-metonymy-layered cipher, constituting a ciphertext'. Sucha hyperciphertext may is elaborated as'hieroglyph multiplex ciphertext' when a number of hieroglyphs are presented in a complex catalogue of interconnected pictorial material. Such catalogues constitute catalogus catalogorum of Indus Script Corpora.
    Dwaraka 1 seal of turbinella pyrum: Ligaturing to the body of an ox: a head of one-horned young bull, and a head of antelope. Thus, there are three hieroglyphs signifying: ox, young bull and antelope.

    Image result for narmer bharatkalyan97 m1171 sãgaḍ f. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together (Marathi)(CDIAL 12859). Rebus: sangata 'joined' as in: sãgaḍ ʻfloat made of two canoes joined togetherʼ (Marathi)sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ (M.)(CDIAL 12859)  سنګر sangar, s.m. (2nd) A breastwork of stones, etc., erected to close a pass or road; lines, entrenchments.(Pashto) sā̃gāḍo, sãgaḍa(lathe/portable furnaceసంగడి sangaḍi. n. A couple, pair (Telugu) Rebus: 1. sãngatarāsu ‘stone-cutter, stone-carver’. संगतराश lit. ‘to collect stones, stone-cutter, mason.’ (Hindi)  sanghāḍo (G.) cutting stone, gilding (Gujarati) 2. sangara [fr. saŋ+gṛ] promise, agreement J iv.105, 111, 473; v.25, 479 (Pali) 3. jangaḍ  id. (Hindi. Gujarati.Marathi)

    Varahamihira explains the phrase Vajra sanghAta as: 'adamantine glue' in archaeometallurgical terms which is consistent with the rendering of semantics of Bhāratam Janam as 'metalcaster folk' in Rigveda.
    Source: V. Subrahmanya Sastri and M. Ramakrishna Bhat, ed. trans. , 1946, Varahamihira's Brihat Samhita,  Bangalore, VB Soobbiah and Sons. 

    https://archive.org/details/Brihatsamhita http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/02/vajra-sanghata-binding-together.html

    खोड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf (Marathi) rebus: khond 'turner'.

    barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. 

    ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'' (Santali) krammara 'look back' (Telugu) Rebus: kamar 'artisan, smith' (Santali).


    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/hieroglyphmultiplextext-sagad-vakyam.html

    The expression used by Varahamihira is Vajra sanghāta, an adamantine glue. In this context, the meaning of the word is: 'alloying, mixing, binding together' (to achieve metallic cementing). 

    Alloying, cire perdue lost-wax metalcastings were major contributions of Meluhha artisans during the Bronze Age.
    Meluhhan Cylindrical SealGregory L. Possehl,Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal, Expedition, Vol. 48, Number 1, pp. 42-43).http://www.penn.museum/documents/publications/expedition/PDFs/48-1/What%20in%20the%20World.pdf
    Antelope carried by the Meluhhan is a hieroglyph: mlekh ‘goat’ (Br.); mr̤eka (Te.); mēṭam (Ta.); meṣam (Skt.) Thus, the goat conveys the message that the carrier is a Meluhha speaker. milakkhu, mleccha-mukha 'copper' (Pali. Samskritam)

    Thus, the basic difference between Egypt and Indus Script Corpora is that the Egyptian hieroglyph components signified consonant sounds of syllables of coptic while Indus Script hieroglyph components signified sounds of words of Proto-Prakritam (Indian sprachbund) -- a language speech category which subsumes sub-categories of Proto-Indo-Aryan, Proto-Munda and Proto-Dravidian.


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    American Academic Freedom in Jeopardy
    By Vivian Lee
    Global Research, May 07, 2016
    Url of this article:
    http://www.globalresearch.ca/american-academic-freedom-in-jeopardy/5523940
    academic-freedom
    American academics will soon realize that their jobs are in jeopardy, if they don’t know it already. Not only their jobs, but their right to think, say, and write what they wish – and to engage in the pursuit of truth, wherever it may lead them.
    A battle of epic proportions is about to begin, over the firing of Dr. James Tracy, for alleged infractions against Florida Atlantic University (FAU) in Boca Raton. Tracy contends that his First Amendment right to free speech was abridged, along with his rights to due process and academic freedom.[1]
    Tracy was dismissed from his tenured position as Associate Professor of Multimedia Journalism at FAU on January 6, 2016. On April 25, he filed a civil rights suit against the university, including the President, Provost, and other top officials, as well as members of the Board of Trustees and representatives of the faculty union. His complaint calls for reinstatement with back pay, compensatory and punitive damages, and a declaration that FAU’s controversial “Conflict of Interest/Outside Activities” policy is unconstitutional.[2]
    Ostensibly terminated for not filing university forms regarding his “outside activities,” Tracy was actually fired for research and writing connected with his popular blog www.memoryholeblog.com, which he runs privately – and which includes the disclaimer that the views expressed “do not reflect the opinions or positions of any institution or entity…No information on this blog will be understood as official.”
    The outcome of this lawsuit will affect all areas of education in the USA – not only regarding tenured professors. If Tracy does not prevail, constitutional rights will also be curtailed for non-tenured regular and adjunct professors, who have no job security and are already pressured to toe the line politically and academically. Not only will college professors be affected but also teachers in state public schools, who are under assault regarding tenure policies in California, New York, and elsewhere.[3] Florida has already eliminated tenure for K-12 instructors.
    The case for academic freedom
    The idea of “academic freedom” is widely embraced by American colleges and universities, which routinely assert that freedom of inquiry and expression are essential for their effective operation. The concept is outlined in the “1940 Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure,” by the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), which is followed by most institutions of higher learning in the USA. Amendments of 1970 further protect the rights of professors.[4]
    According to the AAUP document, “Teachers are entitled to full freedom in research and in the publication of the results, subject to the adequate performance of their other academic duties.” In terms of “outside activities,” the document includes the following:
    College and university teachers are citizens, members of a learned profession, and officers of an educational institution. When they speak or write as citizens, they should be free from institutional censorship or discipline…they should at all times be accurate, should exercise appropriate restraint, should show respect for the opinions of others, and should make every effort to indicate that they are not speaking for the institution.
    This was amended in 1970 so as to coordinate with a 1964 AAUP “Committee A Statement on Extramural Utterances,” which states as follows:
    The controlling principle is that a faculty member’s expression of opinion as a citizen cannot constitute grounds for dismissal unless it clearly demonstrates the faculty member’s unfitness for his or her position. Extramural utterances rarely bear upon the faculty member’s fitness for the position.
    These protections are embedded in policies on academic freedom by the University of California,[5] the University of Pennsylvania,[6] Harvard University,[7] and many other institutions. Such policies do not guarantee that the rights of professors are always respected, however, and the AAUP has carried out numerous investigations and censured institutions for infringements.
    Freedom from outside influence
    In 2011, the AAUP issued a report, “Ensuring Academic Freedom in Politically Controversial Academic Personnel Decisions,” regarding controversial cases relating to disputed events and policies:
    …the need for faculty members to contribute their expertise to public discourse and policy debates has increased. The protection of their unfettered expression, including the ability to espouse highly controversial and unpopular views, is an essential social responsibility of universities and colleges…political restrictions on academic expression must not be countenanced…
    “Political intrusion” arising out of controversies may come from inside the university community or from outside interests:
    It may also come from outside the university when, for example, private corporations or public officials seek to persuade universities to terminate particular research activities, programs, or the services of the faculty members involved.[8]
    Such outside intrusion precipitated the termination of James Tracy. This took the form of a media blitz by the Florida Sun Sentinel,a division of Tribune Publishing Co., which also owns the Los Angeles Times, the Chicago Tribune, and the Hartford Courant. TheSun Sentinel published a letter of December 10, 2015, written by Lenny and Veronique Pozner, publicized as the only Jewish family to have lost a child in the alleged Sandy Hook shooting. The letter, “Sandy Hook Massacre 3rd Anniversary: Two Parents Target FAU Conspiracy Theorist,” was reprinted in the Forward on December 14.[9] This was followed by numerous articles and editorials in the Sun Sentinel, such as “Tenure Be Damned, Professor James Tracy Embarrasses FAU” and “Tenure: A Concept Whose Time Has Passed?”
    The Pozners’ accusations were false, as has been shown repeatedly, but nonetheless they were picked up by other media outlets and used to bash Dr. Tracy in the US press.[10] The content of the letter is not the issue here – it is the use of the corporate press to coerce the university to fire a tenured professor who was exercising his right to free speech as a citizen, in “extramural” work that he is entitled to pursue.
    Outside influence has played a role in several high profile academic cases, notably that of Norman Finkelstein, a brilliant speaker and prolific writer known for his research on the Holocaust and support of Palestinian rights. While Jewish himself, he has been labeled an “anti-Semite” because of his criticism of Israel – and castigated for his allegations of fraud and plagiarism in the writing of others. One of those named was Alan Dershowitz, who tried, successfully, to get DePaul University to deny Finkelstein tenure, even though his faculty colleagues had voted in his favor.[11] DePaul insisted that outside pressure had played no role in the decision. Finkelstein’s university career was destroyed, while Dershowitz was given the Mortimer Zuckerman Award in 2014 for “promoting Israel’s … relentless pursuit of peace” – an honor marred only slightly by an investigation of Dershowitz over accusations of sexual misconduct with underage girls the following year.[12]
    Academic freedom at FAU
    FAU also has a commitment to academic freedom, as affirmed in official university documents. The Collective Bargaining Agreement between the Board of Trustees and faculty union (UFF) states as follows:
    5.1 … The Board, the University, and the UFF are committed to maintaining and encouraging full academic freedom. Academic freedom and academic responsibility are twin guardians of the integrity of institutions of higher learning. This integrity is essential to the preservation of a free society and explains the willingness of society historically to accept the concept of academic freedom and, in addition, to protect it through the institution of academic tenure.
    5.2 … The principal elements of academic freedom include the freedom to:
    (a) Present and discuss academic subjects, frankly and forthrightly, without fear of censorship…
    (b) Engage in scholarly and creative activity, and to publish results in a manner consistent with professional obligations.
    (c) Speak freely on, and seek changes in, academic and institutional policies.
    (d) Exercise constitutional rights without institutional censorship or discipline.[13]
    Tracy was officially reprimanded for questioning a vague and restrictive policy on “Conflict of Interest/Outside Activities,” which he was fully entitled to do (5.2, above). He had declined to submit “outside activities” forms until the policy had been clarified, on the advice of the union. As of 2015, the policy required the faculty to report “any outside activity” (compensated or uncompensated) to the University. As all academics know, outside independent research and its dissemination are not only a right of faculty, but a requirement, affecting decisions on tenure and promotion. Who among us could (or would) report all “outside activities”? This policy was clearly devised as a rationale for Tracy’s termination.
    FAU policy on academic freedom is also enshrined in the Board of Trustees’ Board Operations Policies and Procedures:
    The Florida Atlantic University Board of Trustees supports the principle of academic freedom and is committed to the search for new knowledge… [and] will defend the right of faculty and students to pursue their academic goals free from constraints that hinder lawful intellectual inquiry and discourse, and will protect the freedom of faculty to teach and of students to learn from ideas that might be unpopular or not in the mainstream of accepted thought.[14]
    However they did not defend the right of James Tracy to pursue his academic goals free from constraints – to the contrary, they fired him. This is not the first time Tracy has been harassed by FAU at the behest of the press. In 2013 he was reprimanded over his blog, whereupon he removed any mention of FAU as his employer. This was occasioned by a letter written by three of his colleagues, “Why James Tracy, FAU’s Conspiracy Theorist, Should Resign,” published on April 29, 2013, in the Palm Beach Post.[15] This constituted outside influence, from within the university community, also condemned by the AAUP.
    Open season on academics
    Far from being protected, American academics can now be thrown to the wolves, with unsubstantiated stories in the press leading to a ruined reputation and loss of employment – with no concern for academic freedom or due process. Tracy has been characterized as a “tenured truther” and “cruel and possibly deranged” (Chronicle of Higher Education) and a “conspiracy theorist” many times over (New York Times, New York Daily News, et al.). He has been called “a virus,” “crazed,” “twisted,” and “a never-ending embarrassment to the university and its community” (Sun Sentinel), “kooky,” “nutty,” and “sicko” (New York Daily News), and said to “spin tall tales out of nothing” (Palm Beach Post). In addition he has received obscene cards and threatening e-mails.
    Noah Feldman, a professor of Constitutional and International Law at Harvard, called Tracy a “crank” and a “terrible person,” in his recent article, “Free Speech for Bad People.”[16] While ostensibly on the right side of the academic freedom debate, Feldman flogs the same old “conspiracy theory” meme, as well as the false story promoted by the Pozners. Still, he does recognize that a professor should not be fired for extramural research and writing.
    Actually, Tracy is a deeply intelligent thinker, a sharp investigator, a talented writer – and an impeccably honest, ethical person. None of this gets any airplay, however, with political forces trying to silence him via the corporate media. This should bring out the academics in force. So gear up, colleagues, and support James Tracy. Stand up for your principles, and for your rights – or be prepared to lose them.
    Vivian Lee is the nom de plume of a tenured professor at an east coast university.
    Notes
    [1] “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” Article I, U. S. Bill of Rights. http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/bill_of_rights_transcript.html#text
    [2] “Professor James Tracy Files Civil Rights Lawsuit against Florida Atlantic University and Faculty Union,” Press Release, April 25, 2016.https://memoryholeblog.com/2016/04/26/professor-james-tracy-files-civil-rights-lawsuit-against-florida-atlantic-university-faculty-union/#more-27575
    [3] “Closely Watched Fight over California Teacher Tenure Moves to Appeals Court,” New York Times, February 25, 2016.http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/26/us/closely-watched-fight-over-california-teacher-tenure-moves-to-appeals-court.html
    [4] “1940 Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure,” AAUP. http://www.aaup.org/report/1940-statement-principles-academic-freedom-and-tenure
    [5] “Academic Freedom,” General University Policy Regarding Academic Appointees, University of California, revised September 29, 2003. http://www.ucop.edu/academic-personnel-programs/_files/apm/apm-010.pdf
    [6] “Academic Freedom and Responsibility,” Handbook for Faculty and Academic Administrators, University of Pennsylvania, revised as Article 11, Statutes of the
    [7] “Free Speech Guidelines,” Harvard University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences,” adopted February 13 and May 15, 1990.http://isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topic847338.files/FS_Guidelines_1990.pdf
    [8] “Ensuring Academic Freedom in Politically Controversial Academic Personnel Decisions,” AAUP (Executive Summary, 2011).http://www.aaup.org/report/ensuring-academic-freedom-politically-controversial-academic-personnel-decisions?PF=1
    [10] “Sandy Hook: The Hounding of Prof. James Tracy,” Fellowship of the Minds, February 17, 2016.https://fellowshipoftheminds.com/2016/02/17/sandy-hook-the-hounding-of-prof-james-tracy/ 
    [11] “Harvard Law Professor Works To Disrupt Tenure Bid of Longtime Nemesis at DePaul U.,” Chronicle of Higher Education, April 5, 2007.http://chronicle.com/article/Harvard-Law-Professor-Works-to/122347
    [12] “Civil Rights Attorney Alan Dershowitz Hailed by Pro-Israeli Group,” New York Daily News, November 24, 2014.http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/civil-rights-attorney-alan-dershowitz-hailed-pro-israel-g-article-1.2021336. “Lawyer Denies Suit’s Allegations of Sex with a Minor,” New York Times, January 7, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/07/us/alan-dershowitz-denies-allegations-of-sex-with-minor.html
    [13] Florida Atlantic University Board of Trustees and the United Faculty of Florida Collective Bargaining Agreement 2012-2015 (ratified September 21, 2015). http://www.fau.edu/provost/files/CBA-2012-2015-Oct2015-edits-ab.pdf
    [14] Florida Atlantic University Board of Trustees, Board Operations Policies and Procedures, updated November 19, 2013.https://www.fau.edu/bot/files/Revised%20BOT%20Policies%20and%20Procedures%2011-19-13_APPROVED.pdf


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    1. What Agusta is doing is not just to expose d known corrupt like Signora but to rip apart d facade of honesty of many others... AK, AP.
    2. Congress''Prajatantra Bachao' is actually 'Parivaar Bachao' Abhigyan. That's why daamaadsri also figures in d posters

    SAVE NEHRU DYNASTY, AND SAVE DEMOCRACY! INDEED

    Sunday, 08 May 2016 | Kanchan Gupta


    The excesses of the Emergency era may appear too distant in the past to be worthy of recall. But to believe that would be incorrect. There has been no change in the attitude of the Congress and of the Dynasty since then
    News would travel fast in Jamshedpur, a small sleepy town in the 1970s where there were few distractions from the daily routine. This was some four decades before the advent of the Internet and cell phones. Computers were unheard of and television notionally existed, courtesy Doordarshan, in the big metropolitan cities. Few homes had telephones and still fewer had telephones that were not perpetually ‘out of order’.
    In Jamshedpur, life was played out, frame by frame, in monotonous black and white, with occasional stretches of technicolour excitement. Jump cuts were considered too startling, but they couldn’t be avoided entirely: These usually came by way of unsettling news from the world beyond Jamshedpur, either borne by the Calcutta papers that came by the morning train and were distributed late in the afternoon, or riding the radio waves of Akashvani. People tuned intoAll India Radio to listen to Surajit Sanyal, Lotika Ratnam and Nilima Sanyal, not so much for what they had to say but to hear their voice so that they could imitate their accent. But that was okay, because, as I said, news travelled fast in Jamshedpur.
    And so it was that although the Calcutta papers did not arrive on June 26, 1975, everybody knew by mid-morning of the events with cataclysmic consequences of the previous evening in faraway New Delhi. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had ‘recommended’ to President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed the declaration of Internal Emergency as she had information that there was “an imminent danger to the security of India being threatened by internal disturbances”. The President had complied without a murmur of protest.
    At the stroke of the midnight hour, civil liberties and fundamental rights had been suspended; censorship imposed; Opposition leaders arrested; and, dictatorship of the dynasty had replaced democracy of the people. India was in chains all over again, this time enslaved by its own. “Don’t talk to strangers”, parents instructed their teenaged children.
    Over the next few days a strange fear descended upon the people of this country — the fear of being punished and persecuted by the Emergency regime through its many agents and agencies. The dreaded midnight knock became the metaphor of those dark, terrible days when friends stopped trusting friends, relatives shunned relatives, teachers squealed on students and vice versa, and censors eager to please Congress bosses decided what was fit to print.
    Not everybody, though, was appalled by Indira Gandhi’stanashahi — I learned that word from our physics teacher who was a tyrant in the classroom but would incessantly rage against the tyranny of what he would bitingly describe as an “illegitimate Government”. There were middle-class collaborators who, convinced that imitation was the best form of flattery, mimicked Sanjay Gandhi’s mannerisms and style of speech, and wore white kurta-pajamas similar to his. Hoodlums wore white kurtas over drainpipe pants and ran extortion rackets. Many people thought the Emergency was a good idea because trains ran on time and Vinoba Bhave endorsed Indira Gandhi’s evil decision, calling the Emergency “Anushasan Parv”. Newspapers, barring honourable exceptions, caved in without a fight: Journalists, asked to bend, chose to crawl.
    Meanwhile, dissent and its expression through protest was met with swift retribution. The RSS, which mobilised its vast network ofswayamsevaks to launch an underground movement against the dictatorship, was banned. But that did not deter swayamsevaks from persisting with their movement that was described by The Economist as “the only non-left revolutionary force in the world … its platform at the moment has only one plank: To bring democracy back to India”. The only other organisation which led from the front in the fight-back was the Akali Dal. Indira Gandhi tried to coopt the Akalis, but they rebuffed her gesture; for them, freedom was far more important than power.
    The Intelligence Bureau and the Central Bureau of Investigation were used for intimidating and harassing both rich and poor on mere suspicion of anti-Emergency activism. The Income Tax Department was instructed to let loose a reign of terror on trade union leaders. People were arrested and packed off to jail; many of them were brutally tortured to extract a confession that would serve the Emergency regime’s political interests — for instance, that he/she was a CIA agent.
    The Constitution was slyly amended to declare India a Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic, an absurdity whose burden we are still forced to carry. To inspire confidence in the Supreme Leader, a massive Soviet-style propaganda offensive was launched. Billboards were put up with slogans like “The Leader is right, the nation’s future is bright!” In offices, including those in the private sector, Congress goons put up posters, urging people to “Work more, Talk less”. It was all very darkly reminiscent of the Third Reich.
    Indira Gandhi had the Supreme Court packed with handpicked ‘committed’ judges whose job it was to overturn the Allahabad High Court’s judgement of June 15, declaring her 1971 election as void and disqualifying her from contesting elections for the next six years. To demonstrate their ‘commitment’ to her, the judges also suspended the provision for habeas corpus without which India is no different from a police state ruled by a tin pot dictator.
    By the time Indira Gandhi called a general election in the spring of 1977, the people had made up their minds. On voting day they voted out the Congress. Indira Gandhi and her son Sanjay were trounced in constituencies they considered to be their family heirloom and, therefore, theirs by right. A chastened Indira Gandhi lifted the Emergency on March 21, 1977.
    Cut to May 2016. As I wearily watch the Congress’s ‘Save Democracy’ march, I am reminded of this party’s systematic assault on the very foundation of our democracy, the Constitution of India. The politics of deceit, of Dynasty over Democracy, of the Divine Right to rule, plays out once again as allegations fly thick and fast about a certain ‘Signora Gandhi’ being the ‘driving force’ behind the AgustaWestland helicopter deal in which huge bribes were paid by the Italian company.
    Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, to demonstrate his loyalty, describes the Congress as the “soul of India”. He’s the same person who was “embarrassed” by the Bofors bribery inquiry, the same person on whose watch the London accounts in which Ottavio Quattrocchi had parked his ill-gotten money and were frozen by the Vajpayee Government, were unfrozen, the same person under whose very nose scam after scam happened, from 2G to Coalgate. He marches, along with other darbaris, to save the Dynasty while foot soldiers wave placards with photos of Sonia Gandhi, Robert Vadra and Rahul Gandhi, and the slogan, ‘Save Democracy’.
    Forty-one summers later, the excesses of the Emergency era may appear too distant in the past to be worthy of recall. But to believe that would be incorrect. There has been no change in the attitude of the Congress, and the party’s first family makes no effort to hide its unshakeable belief that it has the divine right to rule India, either directly or indirectly, and not be held accountable for the many sins of omission and commission of which the Nehru Dynasty is guilty.
    With such knowledge, what forgiveness?
    The writer is a current affairs analyst based in NCR)

     

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    Wife denied water, Dalit digs up a well for her in 40 days

    TNN | May 8, 2016, 03.01 AM IST
    Wife denied water, Dalit digs up a well for her in 40 days
    NAGPUR: His achievement may not be as colossal as that of Dashrath Manjhi, the mountain man, but his spirit is equally indomitable. Refused permission to draw water from a well by the owner and insult of his wife made him so determined to be self reliant that Bapurao Tajne dug a well all by himself, a job that is normally done by 4-5 people.

    Now, the entire Dalit locality of the village is drawing water from his well and do not have to depend on people from other castes for water.

    Tajne is a poor labourer of Kalambeshwar village of Washim district. Though he had never dug a well before, he devoted six hours daily for 40 days until he struck water. No one, not even his family members, helped him. Everybody thought he had gone crazy.

    After all, who could find water in a rocky terrain especially when three wells and a borewell near the spot had gone dry. The villagers openly mocked him but Bapurao went ahead with his task undeterred.

    "I don't want to name the well owner for I don't want bad blood in the village. However, I feel that he insulted us because we are poor and Dalits. I came home that day in March and almost cried. I resolved never to beg for water from anybody. I went to Malegaon (the closest town) and bought tools and within an hour I started digging," Tajne told TOI at his modest home.

    There was no hydrological study to select the spot, Tajne went by instinct. "I prayed fervently to God before starting the job. I am thankful that my effort has been rewarded," he said.

    Tajne is a daily wager and couldn't afford to give up work for digging a well. He worked for four hours before leaving for work and two hours on return. He did back-breaking work for 14 hours a day almost without a break during those 40 days. "It is difficult to explain what I felt in those days. I just wanted to provide water for my whole locality so that we Dalits did not have to beg for water from other castes," said the labourer, who has studied up to final year of BA.
    Bapurao Tajne with his wife Sangita. (TOI photo by Shailesh Mishra)
    His wife Sangita now regrets mocking at him. "I did not help him a bit until he struck water. Now the whole family, except the two kids, helps him as he deepens and widens the well. It is already 15 feet deep and Bapurao wants to dig 5 feet further. It is 6 feet wide at the top and he wants to make it 8 feet wide. We are hoping our neighbours will help us in this task," she said.


    Jaishree, a neighbour, is all praise for him. "Thanks to Tajne we get water round the clock. Earlier, we had to travel a kilometre to another part of the village and get insulted sometimes."

    Tajne is slowly getting recognition. The sarpanch visited his house and was full of praise for him. After a Marathi channel aired his deed, the Malegaon tehsildar presented him a bouquet. Film actor Nana Patekar spoke to him over phone and promised to meet him soon. A social worker from Washim presented him Rs 5000.


    But Tajne is too proud to ask for help. "When the tehsildar asked me what sort of help I needed, I told her to do whatever was appropriate."

    http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/nagpur/Wife-denied-water-Dalit-digs-up-a-well-for-her-in-40-days/articleshowprint/52168850.cms

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    AgustaWestland deal: Michel’s driver spills beans on India contacts, funds links

    Agusta Westland deal, AgustaWestland scam, AgustaWestland chopper scam, chopper deal, vvip chopper deal, S P Tyagi, vvip chopper scam, TATA, agusta westland scam, india chopper scam, vvip scam, India newsThe driver, sources said, used to ferry Michel during his visits to India and worked with him for close to four years.
    Investigators have got some “vital” leads on the Indian contacts and fund sources of Christian Michel, an alleged defence middleman, after interrogating his local driver here in connection with the money laundering probe in the nearly Rs 3,600 crore VVIP chopper deal.
    Officials said Michel’s driver, Narayan Bahadur, was questioned at length by ED sleuths in the last few days and he has divulged vital information about contacts of the British national who has emerged as the crucial link in the case where agencies are probing alleged payment of kickbacks that helped swing the deal in favour of AgustaWestland for supply of 12 choppers for flying VVIPs.
    They claimed the driver was getting money through global wire fund transfer services till recently and this could help investigators in locating the current operations and activities of Michel against whom both the ED and CBI have obtained Interpol Red Corner Notices for arrest.
    The driver, sources said, used to ferry Michel during his visits to India and worked with him for close to four years. He used to pick up Michel from his hotel in central Delhi and took him to his Indian and foreign contacts in Lutyens Delhi and southern part of the national capital.
    Though Bahadur had been questioned by the agencies earlier too, they stumbled upon some vital leads recently when ED sleuths searched his premises and are understood to have seized some documents, phones and a few other things which could throw light on Michel’s role in the scandal.
    The VVIP choppers deal probe has shed light on the involvement of three alleged middlemen–Carlo Gerosa, Guido Haschke and Michel– in swinging the deal in favour of UK-based AgustaWestland, a subsidiary of Italian firm Finmeccanica.
    Investigating agencies are probing their role in the specific context of alleged payment of bribes and extension of favours by the company to clinch the multi-million dollar deal.
    On January 1, 2014, India scrapped the contract with the company over alleged breach of contractual obligations and charges of paying kickbacks of Rs 423 crore by it for securing the deal.
    Both the probe agencies have also issued separate Letters Rogatories (LRs) to various countries seeking assistance to take the probe forward.
    A joint team of the two agencies is likely to travel soon to a few overseas locations to track the trail of funds, both through wire tranfer and cash.

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    SWAMY SLAMS BISHOPS’ COUNCIL FOR SEEKING VOTES FOR DMK-CONG

    Monday, 09 May 2016 | PNS | CHENNAI

    The directives by the Tamil Nadu Bishops’ Council and Church of South India (CSI) asking the believers  to extend support to the DMK-Congress alliance for the May 16 election to the State Assembly came under fire from senior BJP leader Subramanian Swamy. Addressing an election rally at Madurai on Sunday, Swamy said, “Those who talk of secularism, is this a proper thing to do? This kind of politics will ruin the country.”
    Condemning the statements issued by the Churches, Swamy said the BJP had not asked Sadhus or Monks or the Acharyas to appeal to the Hindus to vote for his party. “This is against all norms specified in the Representation of People’s Act and we will not hesitate to approach the Election Commission of India against the TNBC and the CSI,” said Swamy.
    He said the BJP candidate at Royapuram in Chennai, R Jemeela, was denied entry into a church when she went for Sunday Mass. Swamy blamed the Church authorities for openly urging believers to cast votes for DMK-Congress alliance.
    Launching a severe attack on both the AIADMK and the DMK which ruled the State for the last 50 years for not doing anything for the development of Tamil Nadu, Swamy said the legal war for raising the water level in  Mullaperiyar Dam was waged by him in the Supreme Court. “The Supreme Court verdict for raising the water level in the Dam to 142 ft was delivered against the petition filed by me. But Jayalalithaa is claiming the credit for the same. Similarly I only got the Union Government to install a statue of freedom fighter Muthuramalinga Thevar at the Madurai airport. But Jayalalithaa claims that it was her work,” said the BJP leader accusing the AIADMK supremo for claiming credit for the works done by him.
    Addressing a rally at Sriperumbudur late Saturday seeking votes for the BJP candidate M Manoharan, Swamy lambasted the Indian National Congress for fielding a candidate known for his LTTE affiliation. “Sriperumbudur is a place which bears painful memories of the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, a youthful former Prime Minister. The Congress has fielded Selva Perunthagai, a candidate who has dubious deals and ties with the LTTE. He is the same person who has criticised Indian Government for not  being lenient to the LTTE terrorists. How is it possible for the Congress party to field such a candidate who has links with the assassins of Rajiv Gandhi?” asked Swamy.
    http://www.dailypioneer.com/nation/swamy-slams-bishops-council-for-seeking-votes-for-dmk-cong.html

    Both AIADMK and DMK are corrupt, says Swamy

    • STAFF REPORTER


    ON HOME GROUND:Bharathiya Janata Party leader and Rajya Sabha member Subramanian Swamy addressing an election meeting in Madurai on Sunday.— Photo: R. Ashok
    ON HOME GROUND:Bharathiya Janata Party leader and Rajya Sabha member Subramanian Swamy addressing an election meeting in Madurai on Sunday.— Photo: R. Ashok
    There was no difference between the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam when it came to corruption as both were highly corrupt, said Rajya Sabha member and Bharatiya Janata Party leader Subramanian Swamy here on Sunday.
    Addressing a campaign meeting in support of BJP’s Madurai West candidate A. Sasikumar, Mr. Swamy said, “AIADMK chief Jayalalithaa will certainly be convicted by the Supreme Court in the disproportionate assets cases. Even people from the DMK like Kanimozhi and A. Raja cannot escape the law in the 2G case.”
    Mr. Swamy also highlighted the corruption scandals against the Congress, including the AgustaWestland chopper scam and the National Herald case.
    He contrasted this with the performance of the BJP government at the Centre. “Not a single corruption allegation has been made against the government or Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” he said.
    He said that though there might be criticisms against the BJP government on issues like inflation and “inaction in bringing back the black money stashed in foreign countries”, the government still had three years to deliver.
    However, conceding that either the DMK or the AIADMK was likely to come to power after the election, he said that at least a few representatives from the BJP should be sent to the Assembly.
    Stating that he was not in favour of coalitions in Tamil Nadu, Mr. Swamy said that the BJP would contest alone in the next Parliamentary election.
    Apparently in a bid to attract Thevar community vote bank in Madurai, Mr. Swamy said that he wanted Madurai airport to be named after Muthuramalinga Thevar, but the Congress government at the Centre did not allow.

    http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/both-aiadmk-and-dmk-are-corrupt-says-swamy/article8574911.ece

    DMK agrees to fulfil demands of CSI church


     
    Chennai: 
    The Church of South India (CSI) has decided to support the DMK in the upcoming Assembly elections in Tamil Nadu, after the latter agreed to fulfil the demands of the CSI community.

    The demands include an assembly resolution to bring dalit Christians under the Scheduled Caste category, a government order to include converted Christians from MBC communities in their caste, government pay for teachers working in minority institutions appointed after 1990 (a demand earlier agreed by the DMK), at least 10% seats for Christian minorities to contest in elections, revocation of the property tax levied on minority institutions, protection from harassment by communal forces, and an immediate ban on liquor.

    Informed sources said the council's decision came after a series of meetings in April. First, there were diocese-level meetings where local bishops collected opinions from the laity. The council then met in Madurai to review the opinion of various dioceses. The bishops council also had an ecumenical meeting with the CSI church to discuss their political stand.

    "The DMK approached the council seeking its support and agreed to fulfil the demands of the church," said a priest from the Madurai archdiocese. On Tuesday, the Madurai archbishop and DMK leader M Karunanidhi, who was campaigning in Madurai, met and reached an agreement, he said.

    The church has often taken a political stand during the elections. During the last parliamentary elections, the Catholic diocese of Kottar advised the community to vote for secular parties. When the spectrum scam and Eelam war became an issue in the 2011 assembly elections, the Tamil Nadu Bishop Council took a neutral stand and decided not to support any party and left the decision to the community to vote for secular parties.

    Bishop Ezra Sargunam of the Evangelical Church of India has been openly supporting the DMK for long. On Tuesday's public meeting, he shared the dais with Karunanidhi.

    The Latin Rite is biggest Christian denomination in the state, with 15 dioceses and two archdioceses in Chennai and Madurai. The CSI is next biggest, with eight dioceses. A majority of the Christians in the state come under the Catholic and CSI churches.

    Source: Times of India 
    Posted on May 4, 2016, 7:16 PM
    http://www.ucanindia.in/news/dmk-agrees-to-fulfil-demands-of-csi-church/32100/daily

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    Getting Religious Studies Right

    MAY 08, 2016

    To the Editor:
    I should respond to Wendy Doniger’s essay ("The Repression of Religious Studies," April 29, 2016) because I am the "Hindu" whose entry on Hinduism was substituted for her own by Microsoft Encarta in 2003. As it was put to me, some Hindus complained that they did not recognize themselves in Doniger’s piece and therefore it was being replaced. My entry could have conceivably been written by a non-Hindu who presented Hinduism in such a way that followers of Hinduism could relate to it, as is sometimes the goal of the phenomenological method of studying religion. This is a point I will return to later.
    Doniger’s essay in The Chronicle Review contains many useful insights. One is the distinction she draws "between pious and academic ways of talking about religion." Another is the distinction she makes between interreligious dialogue and religious studies. A third is provided by her account of being asked at public lectures, always by an Indian, "Do you meditate?," and when she confesses that she does not, her questioner says, "Then you cannot understand the Upanishads."
    On the first point, it could be argued that the clash is not between pious and academic ways of talking about religion but rather between two academic ways of talking about it — one is faithful to the self-understanding of the followers of a religion, the other is not. This corresponds to the distinction between reductive and nonreductive methods of studying religion. A lot is at stake here. There is a fundamental controversy in religious studies around the question: Is the ultimate nature of religion "religious" or not? According to reductive methods, the nature of religion is not "religious" but psychological, social, political, geographical, or something else. According to nonreductive methods, the nature of religion is "religious"— the manifest assumption of theology.
    There is, however, another method, known as the phenomenology of religion. A phenomenologist believes that believers believe, without necessarily believing what they believe. Perhaps what those Hindus who object to Doniger are trying to say is that they would prefer a phenomenological presentation of Hinduism, not necessarily a pious one. Such a view does not mean that only insiders can teach a religion, nor does it mean that the person presenting the believer’s perspective shares that perspective.
    Let’s turn to Doniger’s account of being asked whether or not she meditates. The issue should be viewed not in personal but professional terms, namely, as indicating that a certain kind of knowledge or practice may be a professional requirement before one can undertake the duties of the profession. Many Hindus feel unhappy that Sanskrit texts are often translated by scholars who have a good knowledge of Sanskrit but do not speak it. They ask: Would you trust a translation of Shakespeare into French by a French scholar who knows English but cannot speak it?
    Doniger’s essay ends with a plea to defend academic freedom. I agree. The problem, however, arises when academic freedom degenerates into academic license, and academic license degenerates into academic licentiousness.
    Arvind Sharma
    Professor in comparative religion
    McGill University
    To the Editor:
    As a religion-studies scholar, I am most grateful to Wendy Doniger for her thoughtful and comprehensive analysis of the threats to the field. In addition to standing up for scholars such as Doniger and Sheldon Pollock, religion-studies departments could also look to their own behaviors to see if we are unwittingly abetting the prevalent notion that we teach from a faith-based perspective. Every time a member of a religion department gives a benediction at commencement, or agrees to be adviser to Hillel or the Newman Club, we are perpetuating that error. We can talk about "wearing different hats" all we want, but neither our students nor our administration will get the distinction if we don’t model it consistently. By the same token, we should be very careful about accepting money for, e.g., a chair in Catholic studies. Will the donors be agreeable if the first holder of that chair is not Catholic? And if we start a Jewish-studies program, we should be clear that our goal is the academic study of Jewish history, culture, and religion, not to make Jewish students "proud," or "more comfortable" on campus. These can be tough boundaries to patrol, but Doniger has shown us the consequences of inattention.
    Dena Davis
    Professor of religion studies
    Lehigh University
    Wendy Doniger responds:
    I’m grateful for two such thoughtful responses to my essay. Dena Davis has taken my concerns to heart, and the putative examples of attitudes from donors that she warns us of are precisely the sort of dangers that I had in mind.
    I’m glad Arvind Sharma accepts several of my basic premises. But religious studies is not reductive when it assumes that the theological position is only one of a number of useful approaches that may be included in a robust study of a religious phenomenon. Rather, it would be reductive to let any single member of a religion like Hinduism represent all the other Hindu theologies. It is certainly possible for a scholar who is not a member of the faith community to be "faithful to the self-understanding of the followers of a religion." Indeed, the phenomenological position is always the starting point, the essential datum: "This is what some Hindus believe." But it is not the ending point; the scholar must go on to provide other evidence in the attempt to understand why some Hindus believe what they believe, and other Hindus hold yet other beliefs.
    http://chronicle.com/article/Getting-Religious-Studies/236357

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    K.P. Yohannan’s Religious-Economic empire
    By R. Gopalakrishnan, (Janmabhumi Daily Newspaper in Malayalam)
    A person and his organization has been spreading rumours like India is a cursed land and people in India are living a sinful life. Moreover that he added the women in India are doing prostitution for a living. For the last forty years this person and his organization earned thousands of crores of rupees for defaming India in front of other nations. In the name of charity and philanthropic activities he earned enormous amount of money from various foreign nations and allegedely converted more than eighty lakh Hindus to Christianity. But the major portion of the money was used for his own personal benefits and only a small portion for conversion and charity purposes thus cheating the donators. Due to this he is facing the legal action in U.S. and Canada.
    The hero in this story is K.P.Yohannan the founder of Gospel for Asia in India. His hypocritical and anti-national mask has now started to slip down. The money he earned by treasonable methods is more than thousand crores. In various real estate deals he acquired more than ten thousand acres of land across different states. In different avtivities to obliterate Hinduism he is getting substantial support from the Maoists. Many Maoists leader’s children are studying in K.P.Yohannan’s different institutions. The money he acquired in the name of charity is being allegedely giving to the Maoists, as his organization is working freely in the areas where the Maoists have sovereignity.
    The main reason behind all these activities is the government who gave FCRA license to Yohannan. He exploited the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act to accept donations from foreign nations. He utilized this money for conversion purposes and gave funds for constructing churches side by side in more than one lakh villages. Using the funds coming under FCRA license for conversion purpose is a criminal offense. But the UPA government was not even bothered about this issue. Yohannan bribed the political parties and attained goodwill. By auditing the financial status of the higher officials in the FCRA department will show the amount of money these people are taking as bribe from the people like Yohannan. The reports by the Intelligence bureau under the Home department regarding the foreign donations utilization were rejected time to time. This led to the rise of people like Yohannan who act more like a corporate and a parallel government.
    The audit report submitted by K.P.Yohannan in the Union home ministry indicates that the fund he obtained from various foreign countries for charity was used for that purpose only. Then how much will be the total assets of Yohannan? More than ten thousand acres of land, Harrison Malayalam Plantation, Cheruvally estate and real estate deals in Delhi are all in the names of Yohannan, his children and grandchildren. Many Engineering colleges, Medical colleges, Schools, Dora Microfinance also come under Yohannan’s assets. Including all these his total assets may worth more than one lakh crore rupees. So he is responsible for showing the source of all these assets. Money obtained from foreign countries for charity purpose was used for personal benefits. This led to the cases on him in the courts of U.S.A. and Canada.
    The Gospel for Asia and Believers church are the two organizations that receive the large amount of foreign fund for charity. He started the Believers church in order to demystify the enormous amount of money coming from foreign countries. Yohannan is now the main Bishop of Believers church and his children and in-laws are the assistant Bishops who control the utilization of money. India is a country that faced many calamities. A person who earned so much money in the name of the poor and needy people of India did not even spend a penny for a project for the welfare of the people.
    Yohannan now has more than 20 organizations in benami names. In this 14 organizations are till this day getting foreign funds for charity purposes. All of the audit reports are fabricated. One of the incident proves this. An organization named 'Love India Ministries' is getting more than 150 crore rupees per year through FCRA. This organization is functioning in the compound of the Believers church of Yohannan. Nobody is aware of this organization and its records shows that it is spending 1-1.5 crore rupees for Independence and Republic day celebrations. An organization that has not even hoisted our National flag is creating fabricated records and fooling the Nation. Yohannan’s organizations altogether spend more than 15 crores of rupees for Independence and Republic day celebrations in the year 2014-15 according to the records. By bribing the FCRA officials he is betraying our country and the people.
    When Yohannan’s brother was arrested for having put on hold of foreign currency worth Rs. 200 crores, Yohannan denied his brother’s connection with the Believers Church and Gospel for Asia. Thus he made a narrow escape. But Yohannan cannot deny the above mentioned facts. He has got a mafia to destroy the people who speak against him.
    But now some people turn up against Yohannan’s anti-national activities. One among them is Samaritan Solomon who was once a member of Yohannan’s organization. But Solomon was admitted to a mental asylum and harassed very badly for more than six months. This incident became controversial.
    In order to eradicate Hindus from India he appointed 25,000 missionaries. They were appointed for conversion purposes and now they are also aware of Yohannan’s deceiving attitude. In order to attain more foreign money Yohannan is working on creating one lakh local missionaries for conversion activities. He is in a mood of compliance with different Islamic organizations but not with the Hindus. A big lobby is working for Yohannan’s different real estate deals.
    In 2001 a programme was organized by K.P.Yohannan in which a group of Hindus were converted to Budhism. This conspiracy was organized in Hyderabad. They were worried that if a large group of Hindus get converted to Christianity the Hindu organizations will create problems. So they planned to first convert the people to Budhism and later to Christianity. In order to defame Hindusim some dalit leaders were bribed and planned this programme.
    Yohannan is very much aware of the fact that all his anti-national activities can be done only with the help of Congress government. So to coup the Narendra Modi government is Yohannan’s dream. P. J. Kurian will also be not against this. For all these activities he has got support of people like Thehelka Mathew Samuel. He is one of the persons who get money from Yohannan. Mathew Samuel once agreed that he got 88 lakhs for sting camera operations against the Trinamul Congress from his Malayali friends.
    The people who flowed the cash for the controversial issues like the Aranmula airport which would destroy the age old Parthasarathy temple and its legacy and some people led a campaign in the Union government that the airport is for Sabarimala. The public now started to realize the real culprits behind this. Yohannan’s part in this activity is also evident.
    If the foreign money obtained was used for philanthropic activities Yohannan should show the source of all his assets. As per the law, money obtained through FCRA cannot be used for any profitable business purposes. But Yohannan used this money for tempted religious conversions and invested in many highly profitable businesses. Indians are not aware of all these activities. But the countries which flowed money for Yohannan realized his deceit and started legal actions against him.
    In the goal of Church planting, Yohannan declared that he constructed one lakh churches in India and appointed 25,000 missionaries for conversion purposes and his aim is to appoint one lakh missionaries in the future. The promotion, grade, salary and the number of people every missionary should convert to Christianity each month is said in the constitution of The Gospel for Asia by Yohannan.
    There is a police case against Yohannan here for compelling a Muslim employee to convert to Christianity who seeked help. This incident happenend in the Cheruvally estate which Yohannan attained through illegal method.

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    m1405 (SideA) is proof that Indus script decipherment has to explain all pictorial narratives, be they classified as 'signs' or as 'pictorial motifs or field symbols'. Side B of m1405 shows a rhinoceos and a tiger in procession. If the water-carrier ligatured to rim of jar is deciphered, the trough in front of the ox should also be deciphered.

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/05/rebus-as-orthographic-metaphor-in-indus.html
    Plano convex molded tablet showing an individual spearing a water buffalo with one foot pressing the head down and one arm holding the tip of a horn. A gharial is depicted above the sacrifice scene and a figure seated in yogic position, wearing a horned headdress, looks on. The horned headdress has a branch with three prongs or leaves emerging from the center.

    On the reverse, a female is battling two tigers and standing above an elephant. A single Indus script depicting a spoked wheel is above the head of the deity. 

    Material: terra cotta
    Dimensions: 3.91 length, 1.5 to 1.62 cm width 
    Harappa, Lot 4651-01
    Harappa Museum, H95-2486
    Molded terracotta tablet with a narrative scene of a man in a tree with a tiger looking back over its shoulder. The tablet is broken, but was made with the same mold. The reverse of the same molded terra cotta tablet shows a woman grappling with two tigers and standing above an elephant. http://www.sindhishaan.com/gallery/manuscripts.html Such narratives get repeated on inmultiple Harappa tablets.

    A vivid Meluhha hieroglyph 'overflowing pot' has rebus-metonymy reading: metal tools, pots and pans. Orthographic accent is on the rim of the pot and water overflow from the pot. kanda kanka (karNika) 'pot, rim of jar' rebus: khaNDa 'implements' PLUS karNi 'Supercargo, in charge of trading merchandise on seafaring vessel'. kANDa 'water'. lo 'overflow (pot)' rebus: loh 'copper'. lokhaNDa 'metal implements'. Thus, the karNi, karNika, 'Supercargo' is in charge of metal implements merchandise.


    காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < காண்டம்² kāṇṭam n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16).. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16) (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍa 'tools, weapons, vessels' (Marathi) [Note: On some of the Ancient Near East cylinder seal representations, the flowing water, overflowing pot are augmented by swimming fish, suggesting that 'fish' hieroglyph should also be taken as part of the message: ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal']


    lo ‘overflowing’  PLUS kand 'pot' Rebus: lōkhaṇḍa लोहोलोखंड 

    [lōhōlōkhaṇḍa] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general. (Marathi)


    kárṇikā f. ʻround protuberanceʼ Suśr.(CDIAL 2849); kanka ‘rim of jar’ (Santali) Rebus: kárṇi 'supercargo' (Marathi) kárṇika ‘scribe, accountant’.

    Mohenjo-daro pectoral would have been worn like the pectoral shown on an Egyptian statuary (ca. 525 BCE).

    Louvre 122007 55.jpgDétail du pectoral de la statue de Iâhmessaneith, le représentant faisant une offrande à la déesse Neith - XXVIe dynastie égyptienne - Musée du Louvre.

    The Mohenjo-daro pectoral signifies -- as a metalwork catalog-- the functional responsibility of the wearer as turner and supercargo, i.e. maker of metal implements and in-charge of cargo on a seafaring merchant vessel.

    harappa

    m1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral. Carnelian. kanda kanka'rim of pot' (Santali) rebus: kanda'fire-altar'khaNDa 'implements' PLUS karNaka'rim of jar' rebus: karNi'Supercargo, scribe' PLUS semantic determinant: kANDa 'water' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. In the context of semantics of karNi 'supercargo', it is possible to decipher the standard device sangaDa 'lathe' rebus: jangada 'double-canoe' as a seafaring merchant vessel. The suffix -karnika signifies a 'maker'. Kāraṇika [der. fr. prec.] the meaning ought to be "one who is under a certain obligation" or "one who dispenses certain obligations." In usu˚ S ii.257 however used simply in the sense of making: arrow -- maker, fletcher (Pali). 
    kāraṇika m. ʻ teacher ʼ MBh., ʻ judge ʼ Pañcat. [kā- raṇa -- ]Pa. usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ; Pk. kāraṇiya -- m. ʻ teacher of Nyāya ʼ; S. kāriṇī m. ʻ guardian, heir ʼ; N. kārani ʻ abettor in crime ʼ; M. kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ, kul -- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ.
    (CDIAL 3058) "Fletching (also known as a flight or feather) is the aerodynamic stabilization of arrows or darts with materials such as feathers, each piece of which is referred to as a fletch. A fletcher is a person who attaches the fletching.The word is related to the French word flèche, meaning "arrow", via Old French; the ultimate root is Frankish fliukka.
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fletching

    Perhaps the reading should be ˚kāraka. (Pali) Similarly, khaNDa Kāraṇika can be semantically explained as 'implements maker'. The pectoral thus signifies the profession of an implements-maker and a supercargo, merchant's representative on the merchant vessel taking charge of the cargo and the trade of the cargo.

    Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati).Rebus:  Vajra Sanghāta 'binding together' (Varahamihira) *saṁgaḍha ʻ collection of forts ʼ. [*gaḍha -- ]L. sãgaṛh m. ʻ line of entrenchments, stone walls for defence ʼ.(CDIAL 12845). 
    సంగడము (p. 1279) [ saṅgaḍamu ]  A raft or boat made of two canoes fastened side by side. రెండుతాటి. బొండులు జతగాకట్టినతెప్ప சங்கடம்² caṅkaṭamn. < Port. jangada. Ferry-boat of two canoes with a platform thereon; இரட்டைத்தோணி. (J.) G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻ lathe ʼ; M. sãgaḍ f. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together, part of a turner's apparatus ʼ, m.f. ʻ float made of two canoes joined together ʼsaṁghāṭa m. ʻ fitting and joining of timber ʼ R. [√ghaṭ] LM 417 compares saggarai at Limurike in the Periplus, Tam. śaṅgaḍam, Tu. jaṅgala ʻ double -- canoe ʼ),sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ lathe ʼ; Si. san̆gaḷa ʻ pair ʼ, han̆guḷaan̆g° ʻ double canoe, raft ʼ.(CDIAL 12859) Cangavāra [cp. Tamil canguvaḍa a dhoney, Anglo-- Ind. ḍoni, a canoe hollowed from a log, see also doṇi] a hollow vessel, a bowl, cask M i.142; J v.186 (Pali)

    Hieroglyph: खोंड (p. 216) [khōṇḍam A young bull, a bullcalf; खोंडा [ khōṇḍā ] m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood. खोंडरूं [ khōṇḍarūṃ ] n A contemptuous form of खोंडा in the sense of कांबळा-cowl (Marathi. Molesworth); kōḍe dūḍa bull calf (Telugu); kōṛe 'young bullock' (Konda)Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali)
    kāṇḍam காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools, pots and pans’ (Marathi) (B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See`to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. 

    Some examples of 'overflowing pot' metaphors on Ancient Near East artifacts, cylinder seals:

    Enki walks out of the water to the land attended by his messenger, Isimud

    who is readily identifiable by his two faces looking in opposite directions (duality).



    M177. Kidin-Marduk, son of Sha-ilima-damqa, the sha reshi official of Burnaburiash, king of the world Untash-Napirisha

    Cylinder seal image. The water-god in his sea house (Abzu) (ea. 2200 B.C.). On the extreme right is Enki, the water-god, enthroned in his sea house. To the left is Utu, the sun-god, with his rays and saw. The middle deity is unidentified. (British Museum)




    Gypsum statuette. "A Gypsum statuette of a priestess or goddess from the Sumerian Dynastic period, most likely Inanna. ...She holds a sacred vessel from which the life-giving waters flow in two streams. Several gods and goddesses are shown thus with running water, including Inanna, and it speaks of their life-giving powers as only water brings life to the barren earth of Sumeria. The two streams of water are thought to stand for the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. This is the earliest of the group of statues and dates to c. 2600-2300 B.C. 150 mm tall." 













    These images are explained in terms of associated sacredness of Enki, who in Sumerian mythology (Enki and Ninhursag) is associated with Abzu where he lives with the source sweet waters. 







    The following semantic cluster indicates that the early compound:  loha + kāṇḍa  referred to copper articles, tools, pot and pans. The early semantics of 'copper' got expanded to cover 'iron and other metals'. It is suggested that the hieroglyph of an overflowing vase refers to this compound: lohakāṇḍā.


    खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended (Marathi) M. lokhãḍ n. ʻironʼ(Marthi) yields the clue to the early semantics of khāṇḍā  which should have referred to tools, pots and pans (of metal). Kumaoni has semantics: lokhaṛ  ʻiron tools'. लोहोलोखंड [ lōhōlōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general (Marathi).

    Thus lohakāṇḍā would have referred to copper tools. The overflowing vase on the hands of Gudea would have referred to this compound, represented by the hieroglyphs and rendered rebus.

    N. lokhar ʻ bag in which a barber keeps his tools ʼ; H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- )(CDIAL 11171). lōhitaka ʻ reddish ʼ Āpast., n. ʻ calx of brass, bell- metal ʼ lex. [lṓhita -- ]K. lŏy f. ʻ white copper, bell -- metal ʼ. (CDIAL 11166). lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ.lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H.lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ.(CDIAL 11158).  lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, °rī -- f., °raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., °rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj.  Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh° m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ. Addenda: lōhakāra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m.(CDIAL 11159). lōhahala 11161 lōhala ʻ made of iron ʼ W. [lōhá -- ](CDIAL 11161). Bi. lohrā°rī ʻ small iron pan ʼ(CDIAL 11160)Bi. lohsārī ʻ smithy ʼ(CDIAL 11162). P.ludh. lōhṭiyā m. ʻ ironmonger ʼ.(CDIAL 11163). लोहोलोखंड [ lōhōlōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general.रुपेशाई लोखंड [ rupēśāī lōkhaṇḍa ] n A kind of iron. It is of inferior quality to शिक्केशाईलोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously. लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith. लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's हाड or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. 4 Ardent and unyielding--a fever. 5 लोखंडी, in the sense Hard and coarse or in the sense Strong or enduring, is freely applied as a term of distinction or designation. Examples follow. लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] f (लोखंड) An iron boiler or other vessel. लोखंडी जर [ lōkhaṇḍī jara ] m (लोखंड & जर) False brocade or lace; lace &c. made of iron.लोखंडी रस्ता [ lōkhaṇḍī rastā ] m लोखंडी सडक f (Iron-road.) A railroad. लोह [ lōha ] n S Iron, crude or wrought. 2 m Abridged from लोहभस्म. A medicinal preparation from rust of iron.लोहकार [ lōhakāra ] m (S) A smelter of iron or a worker in iron.लोहकिट्ट [ lōhakiṭṭa ] n (S) Scoriæ or rust of iron, klinker.लोहंगी or लोहंगी काठी [ lōhaṅgī or lōhaṅgī kāṭhī ] f (लोह & अंग) A club set round with iron clamps and rings, a sort of bludgeon.लोहार [ lōhāra ] m ( H or लोहकार S) A caste or an individual of it. They are smiths or workers in iron. लोहारकाम [ lōhārakāma ] n Iron-work, work proper to the blacksmith.लोहारकी [ lōhārakī ] f (लोहार) The business of the blacksmith.लोहारडा [ lōhāraḍā ] m A contemptuous form of the word लोहार.लोहारसाळ [ lōhārasāḷa ] f A smithy.

    Loha (nt.) [Cp. Vedic loha, of Idg. *(e)reudh "red"; see also rohita & lohita] metal, esp. copper, brass or bronze. It is often used as a general term & the individual application is not always sharply defined. Its comprehensiveness is evident from the classification of loha at VbhA 63, where it is said lohan ti jātilohaŋ, vijāti˚, kittima˚, pisāca˚ or natural metal, produced metal, artificial (i. e. alloys), & metal from the Pisāca district. Each is subdivided as follows: jāti˚=ayo, sajjhaŋ, suvaṇṇaŋ, tipu, sīsaŋ, tambalohaŋ, vekantakalohaŋ; vijāti˚=nāga -- nāsika˚; kittima˚=kaŋsalohaŋ, vaṭṭa˚, ārakūṭaŋ; pisāca˚=morakkhakaŋ, puthukaŋ, malinakaŋ, capalakaŋ, selakaŋ, āṭakaŋ, bhallakaŋ, dūsilohaŋ. The description ends "Tesu pañca jātilohāni pāḷiyaŋ visuŋ vuttān' eva (i. e. the first category are severally spoken of in the Canon). Tambalohaŋ vekantakan ti imehi pana dvīhi jātilohehi saddhiŋ sesaŋ sabbam pi idha lohan ti veditabbaŋ." -- On loha in similes see J.P.T.S. 1907, 131. Cp. A iii.16=S v.92 (five alloys of gold: ayo, loha, tipu, sīsaŋ, sajjhaŋ); J v.45 (asi˚); Miln 161 (suvaṇṇam pi jātivantaŋ lohena bhijjati); PvA 44, 95 (tamba˚=loha), 221 (tatta -- loha -- secanaŋ pouring out of boiling metal, one of the five ordeals in Niraya).    -- kaṭāha a copper (brass) receptacle Vin ii.170. -- kāra a metal worker, coppersmith, blacksmith Miln 331. -- kumbhī an iron cauldron Vin ii.170. Also N. of a purgatory J iii.22, 43; iv.493; v.268; SnA 59, 480; Sdhp 195. -- guḷa an iron (or metal) ball A iv.131; Dh 371 (mā ˚ŋ gilī pamatto; cp. DhA iv.109). -- jāla a copper (i. e. wire) netting PvA 153. -- thālaka a copper bowl Nd1 226. -- thāli a bronze kettle DhA i.126. -- pāsāda"copper terrace," brazen palace, N. of a famous monastery at Anurādhapura in Ceylon Vism 97; DA i.131; Mhvs passim. -- piṇḍa an iron ball SnA 225. -- bhaṇḍa copper (brass) ware Vin ii.135. -- maya made of copper, brazen Sn 670; Pv ii.64. -- māsa a copper bean Nd1 448 (suvaṇṇa -- channa). -- māsaka a small copper coin KhA 37 (jatu -- māsaka, dāru -- māsaka+); DhsA 318. -- rūpa a bronze statue Mhvs 36, 31. -- salākā a bronze gong -- stick Vism 283. Lohatā (f.) [abstr. fr. loha] being a metal, in (suvaṇṇassa) aggalohatā the fact of gold being the best metal VvA 13. (Pali) agga- is explained: erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tulu) agasāle, agasāli, agasālavāḍu = a goldsmith (Telugu) cf. eruvai = copper (Tamil)

     Thus loha in aggalohatā gets the semantics 'metal'.

    “Sumerian words with a pre-Sumerian origin are: 


    professional names such as simug 'blacksmith' and tibira 'copper smith', 'metal-manufacturer' are not in origin Sumerian words. 


    Agricultural terms, like engar 'farmer', apin 'plow' and absin 'furrow', are neither of Sumerian origin. 


    Craftsman like nangar 'carpenter', agab 'leather worker' 


    Religious terms like sanga 'priest' 


    Some of the most ancient cities, like Kish, have names that are not Sumerian in origin. 


    These words must have been loan words from a substrate language. The words show how far the division in labor had progressed even before the Sumerians arrived." 


    (http://www.wsu.edu:8080/~dee/meso/meso.htm - No longer available)


    Cylinder seal explained as Enki seated on a throne with a flowing stream full of fish, ca. 2250 BCE (BM 103317).British Museum.

    2605 (#KJ Roach's thesis). Sealed tablet. Susa. Illituram, son of Il-mishar, servant of Pala-isshan

    #KJ Roach M9 Mesopotamia

    #Roach 2168 Cream limestone. Susa.



    The streams of water flowing the naked, bearded person are the signature tune of the times in Ancient Near East. This glyptic or overflowing pot held by Gudea, appears on hundreds of cylinder seals and friezes of many sites.

    Overflowing water from a pot is a recurrent motif in Sumer-Elam-Mesopotamian contact areas – a motif demonstrated to be of semantic significance in the context of lapidary-metallurgy life activity of the artisans.

    The rebus readings are:

    కాండము [ kāṇḍamu ] kānamu. [Skt.] n. Water. నీళ్లు (Telugu) kaṇṭhá -- : (b) ʻ water -- channel ʼ: Paš. kaṭāˊ ʻ irrigation channel ʼ, Shum. xãṭṭä. (CDIAL 14349). kāṇḍa ‘flowing water’ Rebus: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’. lokhaṇḍ (overflowing pot) ‘metal tools, pots and pans, metalware’ lokhãḍ ‘overflowing pot’ Rebus: ʻtools, iron, ironwareʼ (Gujarati) Rebus: लोखंड lokhaṇḍ Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general. lo ‘pot to overflow’. Gu<loRa>(D)  {} ``^flowing strongly''. 

    கொட்டம்¹ koṭṭam  Flowing, pouring; நீர் முதலியன ஒழுகுகை. கொடுங்காற் குண்டிகைக் கொட்ட மேய்ப்ப (பெருங். உஞ்சைக். 43, 130) கொட்டம் koṭṭam < gōṣṭha. Cattle- shed (Tamil) 

    koṭṭam flowing, pouring (Tamil). Ma. koṭṭuka to shoot out, empty a sack. ? Te. koṭṭukonipōvu to be carried along by stream or air current.(DEDR 2065). khoTa 'ingot, wedge' (Marathi)


    Gudea’s link with Meluhha is clear from the elaborate texts on the two cylinders describing the construction of the Ninĝirsu temple in Lagash. An excerpt: 1143-1154. Along with copper, tin, slabs of lapis lazuli, refined silver and pure Meluḫa cornelian, he set up (?) huge copper cauldrons, huge …… of copper, shining copper goblets and shining copper jars worthy of An, for laying (?) a holy table in the open air …… at the place of regular offerings (?). Ninĝirsu gave his city, Lagaš 


    Chlorite vessel found at Khafajeh: Ht 11.5 cm. 2,600 BCE, Khafajeh, north-east of Baghdad (Photo from pg. 69 of D. Collon's 1995 Ancient Near Eastern Art).
    Impression of seal on tablets from Kanesh (After Larsen, Mogens Trolle and Moller Eva, Five old Assyrian texts, in: D. Charpin - Joannès F. (ed.), Marchands, Diplomates et Empereurs. Études sur la civilization Mésopotamienne offertes à Paul Garelli (Éditions research sur les Civilisations), Paris, 1991, pp. 214-245: figs. 5,6 and 10.)

     Workers from Elam, Susa, Magan and Meluhha were deployed by Gudea, the ruler of Lagaṣ, to build The Eninnu, the main temple of Girsu, c. 2125 BCE. We are dealing with Indian sprachbundwhen we refer to Meluhha. This sprachbund has a remarkable lexeme which is used to signify a smithy, as also a temple: Kota. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. Toda. kwala·l Kota smithy Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer; Ka.kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go.(SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. (DEDR 2133). http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Gudea.jpg Timber and exotic stones to decorate the temples were brought from the distant lands of Magan and Meluhha (possibly to be identified as Oman and the Indus Valley). 

    Gudea Basin. Water overflowing from vases. : The Representation of an Early Mesopotamian Ruler ... By Claudia E. Suter "The standing statue N (Fig. 5) holds a vase from which four streams of water flow down on each side of the dress into identical vases depicted on the pedestal, which are equally overflowing with water. Little fish swim up the streams to the vase held by Gudea. This statue evidently shows the ruler in possession of prosperity symbolized by the overflowing vase." (p.58)ayo 'fish' (Munda) Rebus: ayo 'iron' (Gujarati); ayas'metal' (Skt.) Together with lo, 'overflow', the compound word can be read as loh+ayas. The compound lohāyas is attested in ancient Indian texts, contrasted withkāyas, distinguishing red alloy metal (bronze) from black alloy metal (iron alloy). ayaskāḍa is a compound attested in Pāṇini; the word may be semantically explained as 'metal tools, pots and pans' or as alloyed metal.
    A baked-clay plaque from Ur, Iraq, portraying a goddess; she holds a vase overflowing with water ('hé-gál' or 'hegallu') is a symbol of abundance and prosperity. (Beijing World Art Museum)  Fish in water on statue, on viewer's right. Gudea's Temple Building "The goddesses wit overflowing vases. (Fig.8). The large limestone basin (SV.7) restored by Unger from twenty-six fragments is carved in relief on its outside. It shows a row of goddesses walking on a stream of water. Between them they are holding vases from which water flows down into the stream. These, in turn, are fed with water poured from vases which are held by smaller-scale goddesses hovering above. All goddesses wear long pleated dresses, and crowns with a single horn pair. There are remains of at least six standing and four hovering goddesses. Considering the importance the number seven plays in Gudea's inscriptions, Unger's reconstruction of seven goddesses of each type is credible. The inscription on the basin, which relates its fashioning, designates it as a large S'IM, a relatively rare and only vagueely understood term, perhaps to be read agarinX. The fashioning of one or more S'IM is also related in the Cylinder inscriptions, and the finished artifact is mentioned again in the description of the temple...Since the metaphor paraphrasing the basin refers to th ceaseless flow of water, it is possible that the basin(s) mentioned in the account of Eninnu's construction is (are) identical with the fragmentary remains of the one (perhaps two?) actually found within the area of Gudea's Eninnu, as Unger presumed. Several similar and somewhat intuitive identifications of the goddesses with the overflowing vases have been proposed: Heuzey saw personifications of the Euphrates and Tigris; Unger saw personifications of sources and rain clouds that form the Tigris and identified them with Ningirsu and Baba's seven daughters; van Buren saw personifications of higher white clouds and lower rain clouds whom she assigned to Ea's circle. Neither are the seven (not fourteen!) daughters of Ningirsu and Baba ever associated with water, nor can fourteen personified clouds be made out in Ea's circle...The clue must be the overflowing vase which van Buren correctly interpreted as a symbol of abundance and prosperity. This interpretation is corroborated by the Gottertsypentext which states that the images of Kulullu is blessing with one hand (ikarrab) and holding abundance (HE.GAL) in the other.  The protective spirit Kulullu is usually associated with abundance and divine benevolence, and may be reminiscent of the god bestowing the overflowing vase upon a human petititioner in much earlier presentation scenes. The narrative context in which the goddess with the overflowing vase occurs is confined to presentations of a human petititioner to a deity. The Akkadian seal fo the scribe Ili-Es'tar shows her accompanying the petitioner, not unlike a Lamma.
    Fig. 33 Urnamma stela.
    Borker-Klahn's reconstruction.


    On the Urmamma Stela, she is hovering over the offering of flowing water to the ruler by the enthroned deity. In this scene the goddess underlines the gift bestowed on the ruler, and figures as a personification of it, while on the seal she may have implied and guaranteed that the petitioner who offers an antelope (?) is pleading for and will receive blessings of abundance in return. The basin of Gudea is dedicated to Ningirsu, and may be understood as a plea for prosperity as well as a boast of its successful outcome."(Claudia E. Suter, 2000, Gudea's Temple Building: the representation of an early Mesopotamian Ruler in text and image, BRILL., II.c.i.d, pp. 62-63).


    Location.Current Repository


    gud. ' ea guda ' ea warrior ' emphasis/the best "The best warrior". http://evans-experientialism.freewebspace.com/ling_sumerian.htm

    Inscription on base of skirt- God commands him to build house. Gudea is holding plans. Gudea depicted as strong, peaceful ruler. Vessel flowing with life-giving water w/ fish. Text on garment dedicates himself,  the statue, and its temple to the goddess Geshtinanna.
    According to the inscription this statue was made by Gudea, ruler of Lagash (c. 2100 BCE) for the temple of the goddess Geshtinanna. Gudea refurbished the temples of Girsu and 11 statues of him have been found in excavations at the site. Nine others including this one were sold on the art market. It has been suggested that this statue is a forgery. Unlike the hard diorite of the excavated statues, it is made of soft calcite, and shows a ruler with a flowing vase which elsewhere in Mesopotamian art is only held by gods. It also differs stylistically from the excavated statues. On the other hand, the Sumerian inscription appears to be genuine and would be very difficult to fake. Statues of Gudea show him standing or sitting. Ine one, he rests on his knee a plan of the temple he is building. On some statues Gudea has a shaven head, while on others like this one he wears a headdress covered with spirals, probably indicating that it was made out of fur. Height 61 cm. The overflowing water from the vase is a hieroglyph comparable to the pectoral of Mohenjo-daro showing an overflowing pot together with a one-horned young bull and standard device in front. The diorite from Magan (Oman), and timber from Dilmun (Bahrain) obtained by Gudea could have come from Meluhha. 

    "The goddess Geshtinanna was known as “chief scribe” (Lambert 1990, 298– 299) and probably was a patron of scribes, as was Nidaba/Nisaba (Micha-lowski 2002). " http://www.academia.edu/2360254/Temple_Sacred_Prostitution_in_Ancient_Mesopotamia_Revisited

    That the hieroglyph of pot/vase overflowing with water is a recurring theme can be seen from other cylinder seals, including Ibni-Sharrum cylinder seal. Such an imagery also occurs on a fragment of a stele, showing part of a lion and vases.


    A person with a vase with overflowing water; sun sign. C. 18th cent. BCE. [E. Porada,1971, Remarks on seals found in the Gulf states, Artibus Asiae, 33, 31-7]. meḍha ‘polar star’ (Marathi). meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.Mu.)



















    The seal of Gudea:  Gudea, with shaven head, is accompanied by a minor female diety.  He is led by his personal god, Ningishzida, into the presence of Enlil, the chief Sumerian god. Wind pours forth from of the jars held by Enlil, signifying that he is the god of the winds. The winged leopard (griffin) is a mythological creature associated with Ningishzida, The horned helmets, worn even by the griffins, indicates divine status (the more horns the higher the rank). The writing in the background translates as: "Gudea, Ensi [ruler], of Lagash". lōī f., lo m.2. Pr. ẓūwī  ʻfoxʼ (Western Pahari)(CDIAL 11140-2). Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi). Te. eṟaka, ṟekka, rekka, neṟaka, neṟi id. (DEDR 2591). Rebus: eraka, eaka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); urukku (Ta.); urukka melting; urukku what is melted; fused metal (Ma.); urukku (Ta.Ma.); eragu = to melt; molten state, fusion; erakaddu = any cast thng; erake hoyi = to pour meltted metal into a mould, to cast (Kannada)


     

    Gudea Statue D Colum IV refers to Magan, Gubi and reads (Records of the Past, 2nd series, Vol. II, ed. by A. H. Sayce, [1888], at sacred-texts.comhttp://www.sacred-texts.com/ane/rp/rp202/rp20221.htm:

    1.     he has constructed.
    2. By the power of the goddess Ninâ,
    3. by the power of the god Nin-girsu,
    4. to Gudea
    5. who has endowed with the sceptre
    6. the god Nin-girsu,
    7. the country of Mâgan1

    8. the country of Melughgha,
    9. the country of Gubi2
    10. and the country of Nituk3
    11. which possess every kind of tree,
    12. vessels laden with trees of all sorts
    13. into Shirpurla
    14. have sent.
    15. From the mountains of the land of Mâgan
    16. a rare stone he has caused to come;
    17. for his statue

    Sumerian sign for the term ZAG ‘purified precious’. The ingot had a hole running through its length Perhaps a carrying rod was inserted through this hole.
    Glyph: ḍhol ‘a drum beaten on one end by a stick and on the other by the hand’ (Santali); ḍhol ‘drum’ (Nahali); dhol (Kurku); ḍhol (Hi.) dhol a drum (G.)(CDIAL 5608) డోలు [ḍōlu ] [Tel.] n. A drum. Rebus: dul ‘to cast in a mould’; dul mẽṛhẽt, dul meṛeḍ, dul; koṭe meṛeḍ ‘forged iron’ (Santali) WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhōˋḷ m. ʻstoneʼ, kṭg. ḍhòḷṭɔ m. ʻbig stone or boulderʼ, ḍhòḷṭu ʻsmall id.ʼ Him.I 87.(CDIAL 5536).
    Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’. ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ)
    Cylinder seal with kneeling nude heroes, ca. 2220–2159 b.c.; Akkadian  Mesopotamia Red jasper H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm)  Metropolitan Museum of Art - USA 
    Four flag-posts(reeds) with rings on top held by the kneeling persons define the four components of the iron smithy/forge.  This is an announcement of four shops, पेढी (Gujarati. Marathi). पेंढें 'rings' Rebus: पेढी 'shop'.āra 'serpent' Rebus; āra 'brass'. karaḍa 'double-drum' Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy'.
    Specific materials offered for sale/exchange in the shop are: hard alloy brass metal (ayo, fish); lokhaṇḍ (overflowing pot) 'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware'; arka/erka   'copper'; kammaṭa (a portable furnace for melting precious metals) 'coiner, mint'  Thus, the four shops are: 1. brass alloys, 2. metalware, 3. copper and 4. mint (services).
    erãguḍu bowing, salutation (Telugu) iṟai (-v-, -nt-) to bow before (as in salutation), worship (Tamil)(DEDR 516). Rebus: eraka, eṟaka any metal infusion (Kannada.Tulu) eruvai 'copper' (Tamil); ere dark red (Kannada)(DEDR 446).
    puṭa Anything folded or doubled so as to form a cup or concavity; crucible. Alternative: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati)
    Allograph: ढाल [ ḍhāla ] f (S through H) The grand flag of an army directing its march and encampments: also the standard or banner of a chieftain: also a flag flying on forts &c. ढालकाठी [ ḍhālakāṭhī ] f ढालखांब m A flagstaff; esp.the pole for a grand flag or standard. 2 fig. The leading and sustaining member of a household or other commonwealth. 5583 ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- . 1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f. WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f. (CDIAL 5583).
    They are four Glyphs: paṭākā 'flag' Rebus: pāṭaka, four quarters of the village.
    kã̄ḍ reed Rebus: kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. 
    1. Pk. kamaḍha -- , °aya -- m. ʻ bamboo ʼ; Bhoj. kōro ʻ bamboo poles ʼ. 2. N. kāmro ʻ bamboo, lath, piece of wood ʼ, OAw.  kāṁvari ʻ bamboo pole with slings at each end for carrying things ʼ, H. kã̄waṛ°arkāwaṛ°ar f., G. kāvaṛf., M. kāvaḍ f.; -- deriv. Pk. kāvaḍia -- , kavvāḍia -- m. ʻ one who carries a yoke ʼ, H. kã̄waṛī°ṛiyā m., G. kāvaṛiyɔ m. 3. S. kāvāṭhī f. ʻ carrying pole ʼ, kāvāṭhyo m. ʻ the man who carries it ʼ. 4. Or. kāmaṛā°muṛā ʻ rafters of a thatched house ʼ; G. kāmṛũ n., °ṛī f. ʻ chip of bamboo ʼ, kāmaṛ -- koṭiyũ n. ʻ bamboo hut ʼ. 5. B. kāmṭhā ʻ bow ʼ, G. kāmṭhũ n., °ṭhī f. ʻ bow ʼ; M. kamṭhā°ṭā m. ʻ bow of bamboo or horn ʼ; -- deriv. G. kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ. 6. A. kabāri ʻ flat piece of bamboo used in smoothing an earthen image ʼ. 7. kã̄bīṭ°baṭ°bṭī,  kāmīṭ°maṭ°mṭī,  kāmṭhīkāmāṭhī f. ʻ split piece of bamboo &c., lath ʼ.(CDIAL 2760). kambi f. ʻ branch or shoot of bamboo ʼ lex. Pk. kaṁbi -- , °bī -- , °bā -- f. ʻ stick, twig ʼ, OG. kāṁba; M. kã̄b f. ʻ longitudinal division of a bamboo &c., bar of iron or other metal ʼ. (CDIAL 2774). कंबडी [ kambaḍī ] f A slip or split piece (of a bamboo &c.)(Marathi)
    The rings atop the reed standard: पेंढें [ pēṇḍhēṃ ] पेंडकें [ pēṇḍakēṃ ] n Weaver's term. A cord-loop or metal ring (as attached to the गुलडा of the बैली and to certain other fixtures). पेंडें [ pēṇḍēṃ ] n (पेड) A necklace composed of strings of pearls. 2 A loop or ring. Rebus: पेढी (Gujaráthí word.) A shop (Marathi) Alternative: koṭiyum [koṭ, koṭī  neck] a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal (Gujarati) Rebus: ācāri koṭṭya = forge, kammārasāle (Tulu)
    The four hieroglyphs define the four quarters of the village smithy/forge: alloy, metalware, turner's lathe-work, cruble (or, ingot).
    ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'metal, alloy'
    కాండము [ kāṇḍamu ] kānḍamu. [Skt.] n. Water. నీళ్లు (Telugu) kaṇṭhá -- : (b) ʻ water -- channel ʼ: Paš. kaṭāˊ ʻ irrigation channel ʼ, Shum. xãṭṭä. (CDIAL 14349).
    lokhãḍ 'overflowing pot' Rebus:  ʻtools, iron, ironwareʼ (Gujarati)
    arká1 m. ʻ flash, ray, sun ʼ RV. [√arc] Pa. Pk. akka -- m. ʻ sun ʼ, Mth. āk; Si. aka ʻ lightning ʼ, inscr. vid -- äki ʻ lightning flash ʼ.(CDIAL 624) அருக்கன் arukkaṉ, n. < arka. Sun; சூரி யன். அருக்க னணிநிறமுங் கண்டேன் (திவ். இயற். 3, 1).(Tamil) agasāle 'goldsmithy' (Kannada) అగసాలి [ agasāli ] or అగసాలెవాడు agasāli. n. A goldsmith. కంసాలివాడు. (Telugu) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada) cf. eruvai = copper (Tamil) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tulu) Rebus: eraka = copper (Ka.) eruvai = copper (Ta.); ere - a dark-red colour (Ka.)(DEDR 817). eraka, era, er-a = syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada) akka, aka (Tadbhava of arka) metal; akka metal (Te.) arka = copper (Skt.) erako molten cast (Tulu) 
    Alternative: kunda 'jasmine flower' Rebus: kunda ʻa turner's latheʼ. kundaṇa pure gold. 
    The image could denote a crucible or a portable furnace: kammaṭa 'coiner, mint, a portable furnace for melting precious metals (Telugu) On some cylinder seals, this image is shown held aloft on a stick, comparable to the bottom register of the 'standard device' normally shown in front of a one-horned young bull. Alternatives: puṭa Anything folded or doubled so as to form a cup or concavity; crucible. Ta. kuvai, kukai crucible. Ma. kuva id.  Ka. kōve  id. Tu. kōvè id., mould. (DEDR 1816). Alternative: Shape of ingot: దళము [daḷamu] daḷamu. [Skt.] n. A leaf. ఆకు. A petal. A part, భాగము.  dala n. ʻ leaf, petal ʼ MBh. Pa. Pk. dala -- n. ʻ leaf, petal ʼ, G. M. daḷ n.(CDIAL 6214). <DaLO>(MP)  {N} ``^branch, ^twig''.  *Kh.<DaoRa>(D) `dry leaves when fallen', ~<daura>, ~<dauRa> `twig', Sa.<DAr>, Mu.<Dar>, ~<Dara> `big branch of a tree', ~<DauRa> `a twig or small branch with fresh leaves on it', So.<kOn-da:ra:-n> `branch', H.<DalA>, B.<DalO>, O.<DaLO>, Pk.<DAlA>.  %7811.  #7741.(Munda etyma) Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati).
    Some indicators for further research:
    Amiet’s landmark thesis regarding the proposed ‘ethnic duality’ of Elam (Amiet 1979a; 1979b) has already been discussed…This thesis holds that there where two distinct, though interrelated ‘ethnic’ groups present across several periods in Elam, a ‘native’ or indigenous ‘Iranian’/Elamite population at home in the highlands, and an ethnically Mesopotamian population in the lowlands (Amiet 1979a: 195 – 197), presumably immigrant at some point, in the ancient or immediate past (though the fact that this population was not generally assimilated and retained some of its Mesopotamian identity and aspect is essential to this reconstruction). (Amiet, P., 1979, Archaeological discontinuity and ethnic duality in Elam, Antiquity 53: 195-204.)  



    Cylinder seal. Provenience: KhafajeKh. VII 256 Jemdet Nasr (ca. 3000 - 2800 BCE) Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 34.
    Location.Current Repository Musee du LouvreInventory NoAO 22126 ca. 2120 BCE Neo-Sumerian from the city-state of Lagashhttp://contentdm.unl.edu/ah_copyright.html
    According to the inscription this statue was made by Gudea, ruler of Lagash (c. 2100 BCE) for the temple of the goddess Geshtinanna. Gudea refurbished the temples of Girsu and 11 statues of him have been found in excavations at the site. Nine others including this one were sold on the art market. It has been suggested that this statue is a forgery. Unlike the hard diorite of the excavated statues, it is made of soft calcite, and shows a ruler with a flowing vase which elsewhere in Mesopotamian art is only held by gods. It also differs stylistically from the excavated statues. On the other hand, the Sumerian inscription appears to be genuine and would be very difficult to fake. Statues of Gudea show him standing or sitting. Ine one, he rests on his knee a plan of the temple he is building. On some statues Gudea has a shaven head, while on others like this one he wears a headdress covered with spirals, probably indicating that it was made out of fur. Height 61 cm. The overflowing water from the vase is a hieroglyph comparable to the pectoral of Mohenjo-daro showing an overflowing pot together with a one-horned young bull and standard device in front. The diorite from Magan (Oman), and timber from Dilmun (Bahrain) obtained by Gudea could have come from Meluhha. "The goddess Geshtinanna was known as “chief scribe” (Lambert 1990, 298– 299) and probably was a patron of scribes, as was Nidaba/Nisaba (Micha-lowski 2002). " http://www.academia.edu/2360254/Temple_Sacred_Prostitution_in_Ancient_Mesopotamia_RevisitedThat the hieroglyph of pot/vase overflowing with water is a recurring theme can be seen from other cylinder seals, including Ibni-Sharrum cylinder seal. Such an imagery also occurs on a fragment of a stele, showing part of a lion and vases
    meha ‘polar star’ (Marathi). me ‘iron’ (Ho.Mu.)

    A person with a vase with overflowing water; sun sign. C. 18th cent. BCE. [E. Porada,1971, Remarks on seals found in the Gulf states, Artibus Asiae, 33, 31-7].
    khaṇṭ ‘buffalo bull’ (Tamil) Rebus: khã '(metal) tools, pots and pans' (Gujarati) rango 'buffalo' rebus: rango 'pewter'. Cylinder Seal of Ibni-Sharrum Agade period, reign of Sharkali-Sharri (c. 2217-2193 BCE) Mesopotamia Serpentine H. 3.9 cm; Diam. 2.6 cm Formerly in the De Clercq collection; gift of H. de Boisgelin,1967 AO 22303. 


    Hieroglyphs: buffalo, six curls, overflowing pot, adoration. lo ‘overflowing’ Rebus: loh ‘copper’; PLUS kand 'pot' Rebus: kand ‘fire-altar'. Together, lōkhaṇḍa ‘metalware’.bhaṭā G. bhuvɔ m. ʻ worshipper in a temple ʼ rather < bhr̥ta --(CDIAL 9554) . Yājñ.com., Rebus: bhaṭā ‘kiln, furnace’
    Numerical count of curls of hair: six: bhaTa 'six' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' āra ‘six’ Rebus: āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ : मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' (Marathi) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)  Thus, iron (copper) furnace. The gloss med means copper in Altaic and Slavic languages.

    Hieroglyph: kneeling worshipper: Ta. maṇṭi kneeling, kneeling on one knee as an archer. Ma. maṇṭuka to be seated on the heels. Ka. maṇḍi what is bent, the knee. Tu. maṇḍi knee. Te. maṇḍĭ̄ kneeling on one knee. Pa. maḍtel knee; maḍi kuḍtel kneeling position. Go. (L.) meṇḍā, (G. Mu. Ma.) minḍa knee (Voc. 2827). Konḍa (BB) meḍa, meṇḍa id. Pe. menḍa id. Manḍ. menḍe id. Kui menḍa id. Kuwi (F.) menda, (S. Su. P.) menḍa, (Isr.) meṇḍa id. Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) 


    Thus, the narrative of the Ibni-Sharrum cylinder seal denotes metalwork related to brass alloy and production of metalware as the profession of the seal-owner.





    The seal of Gudea:  Gudea, with shaven head, is accompanied by a minor female diety.  He is led by his personal god, Ningishzida, into the presence of Enlil, the chief Sumerian god. Wind pours forth from of the jars held by Enlil, signifying that he is the god of the winds. The winged leopard (griffin) is a mythological creature associated with Ningishzida, The horned helmets, worn even by the griffins, indicates divine status (the more horns the higher the rank). The writing in the background translates as: "Gudea, Ensi [ruler], of Lagash". lōī f., lo m.2. Pr. ẓūwī  ʻfoxʼ (Western Pahari)(CDIAL 11140-2). Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi). Te. eṟaka, ṟekka, rekka, neṟaka, neṟi id. (DEDR 2591). Rebus: eraka, eaka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); urukku (Ta.); urukka melting; urukku what is melted; fused metal (Ma.); urukku (Ta.Ma.); eragu = to melt; molten state, fusion; erakaddu = any cast thng; erake hoyi = to pour meltted metal into a mould, to cast (Kannada) 
    m1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral. kāṇṭam
    காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools,  pots and pans’ (Marathi)
    <lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'.  @B24310.  #20851. Re<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. 
    The pot carried by the woman accompanying the Meluhha sea-faring merchant could also be a hieroglyphic rebus reading of kāṇṭam signifying metal pots and pans and tools.



    The following semantic cluster indicates that the early compound: loha + kāṇḍa referred to copper articles, tools, pot and pans. The early semantics of 'copper' got expanded to cover 'iron and other metals'. It is suggested that the hieroglyph of an overflowing vase refers to this compound: lohakāṇḍā.

    खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended (Marathi) M. lokhãḍ n. ʻironʼ(Marthi) yields the clue to the early semantics of khāṇḍā  which should have referred to tools, pots and pans (of metal). Kumaoni has semantics: lokhaṛ  ʻiron tools'. लोहोलोखंड [ lōhōlōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general (Marathi).

    Thus lohakāṇḍā would have referred to copper tools. The overflowing vase on the hands of Gudea would have referred to this compound, represented by the hieroglyphs and rendered rebus.

    N. lokhar ʻ bag in which a barber keeps his tools ʼ; H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- )(CDIAL 11171). lōhitaka ʻ reddish ʼ Āpast., n. ʻ calx of brass, bell- metal ʼ lex. [lṓhita -- ]K. lŏy f. ʻ white copper, bell -- metal ʼ. (CDIAL 11166). lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ.lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H.lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ.(CDIAL 11158). lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, °rī -- f., °raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., °rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj.  Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh° m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ. Addenda: lōhakāra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m.(CDIAL 11159). lōhahala 11161 lōhala ʻ made of iron ʼ W. [lōhá -- ](CDIAL 11161). Bi. lohrā°rī ʻ small iron pan ʼ(CDIAL 11160)Bi. lohsārī ʻ smithy ʼ(CDIAL 11162). P.ludh. lōhṭiyā m. ʻ ironmonger ʼ.(CDIAL 11163). लोहोलोखंड [ lōhōlōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general.रुपेशाई लोखंड [ rupēśāī lōkhaṇḍa ] n A kind of iron. It is of inferior quality to शिक्केशाईलोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously. लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith. लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's हाड or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. 4 Ardent and unyielding--a fever. 5 लोखंडी, in the sense Hard and coarse or in the sense Strong or enduring, is freely applied as a term of distinction or designation. Examples follow. लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] f (लोखंड) An iron boiler or other vessel. लोखंडी जर [ lōkhaṇḍī jara ] m (लोखंड & जर) False brocade or lace; lace &c. made of iron.लोखंडी रस्ता [ lōkhaṇḍī rastā ] m लोखंडी सडक f (Iron-road.) A railroad. लोह [ lōha ] n S Iron, crude or wrought. 2 m Abridged from लोहभस्म. A medicinal preparation from rust of iron.लोहकार [ lōhakāra ] m (S) A smelter of iron or a worker in iron.लोहकिट्ट [ lōhakiṭṭa ] n (S) Scoriæ or rust of iron, klinker.लोहंगी or लोहंगी काठी [ lōhaṅgī or lōhaṅgī kāṭhī ] f (लोह & अंग) A club set round with iron clamps and rings, a sort of bludgeon.लोहार [ lōhāra ] m ( H or लोहकार S) A caste or an individual of it. They are smiths or workers in iron. लोहारकाम [ lōhārakāma ] n Iron-work, work proper to the blacksmith.लोहारकी [ lōhārakī ] f (लोहार) The business of the blacksmith.लोहारडा [ lōhāraḍā ] m A contemptuous form of the word लोहार.लोहारसाळ [ lōhārasāḷa ] f A smithy.

    Loha (nt.) [Cp. Vedic loha, of Idg. *(e)reudh "red"; see also rohita & lohita] metal, esp. copper, brass or bronze. It is often used as a general term & the individual application is not always sharply defined. Its comprehensiveness is evident from the classification of loha at VbhA 63, where it is said lohan ti jātilohaŋ, vijāti˚, kittima˚, pisāca˚ or natural metal, produced metal, artificial (i. e. alloys), & metal from the Pisāca district. Each is subdivided as follows: jāti˚=ayo, sajjhaŋ, suvaṇṇaŋ, tipu, sīsaŋ, tambalohaŋ, vekantakalohaŋ; vijāti˚=nāga -- nāsika˚; kittima˚=kaŋsalohaŋ, vaṭṭa˚, ārakūṭaŋ; pisāca˚=morakkhakaŋ, puthukaŋ, malinakaŋ, capalakaŋ, selakaŋ, āṭakaŋ, bhallakaŋ, dūsilohaŋ. The description ends "Tesu pañca jātilohāni pāḷiyaŋ visuŋ vuttān' eva (i. e. the first category are severally spoken of in the Canon). Tambalohaŋ vekantakan ti imehi pana dvīhi jātilohehi saddhiŋ sesaŋ sabbam pi idha lohan ti veditabbaŋ." -- On loha in similes see J.P.T.S. 1907, 131. Cp. A iii.16=S v.92 (five alloys of gold: ayo, loha, tipu, sīsaŋ, sajjhaŋ); J v.45 (asi˚); Miln 161 (suvaṇṇam pi jātivantaŋ lohena bhijjati); PvA 44, 95 (tamba˚=loha), 221 (tatta -- loha -- secanaŋ pouring out of boiling metal, one of the five ordeals in Niraya).    -- kaṭāha a copper (brass) receptacle Vin ii.170. -- kāra a metal worker, coppersmith, blacksmith Miln 331. -- kumbhī an iron cauldron Vin ii.170. Also N. of a purgatory J iii.22, 43; iv.493; v.268; SnA 59, 480; Sdhp 195. -- guḷa an iron (or metal) ball A iv.131; Dh 371 (mā ˚ŋ gilī pamatto; cp. DhA iv.109). -- jāla a copper (i. e. wire) netting PvA 153. -- thālaka a copper bowl Nd1 226. -- thāli a bronze kettle DhA i.126. -- pāsāda"copper terrace," brazen palace, N. of a famous monastery at Anurādhapura in Ceylon Vism 97; DA i.131; Mhvs passim. -- piṇḍa an iron ball SnA 225. -- bhaṇḍa copper (brass) ware Vin ii.135. -- maya made of copper, brazen Sn 670; Pv ii.64. -- māsa a copper bean Nd1 448 (suvaṇṇa -- channa). -- māsaka a small copper coin KhA 37 (jatu -- māsaka, dāru -- māsaka+); DhsA 318. -- rūpa a bronze statue Mhvs 36, 31. -- salākā a bronze gong -- stick Vism 283. Lohatā (f.) [abstr. fr. loha] being a metal, in (suvaṇṇassa) aggalohatā the fact of gold being the best metal VvA 13. (Pali)

    Lyre-player, from one of the steles of king Gudea of Lagash. The lyre has eleven strings. Around 2150 BCE 

    Louvre, Departement des Antiquites Orientales, Paris, France Glyph: tambura ‘harp’; rebus: tambra ‘copper’ (Pkt.) ḍangar ‘bull (Hindi) Rebus: ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (Hindi). 


    "Several depictions of a God of the Flowing Waters show him flanked by bearers of such precious metal ingots, indicating that he was also the Lord of Mining...A famous seal now on exhibit at the Louvre Museum shows Ea with his familiar flowing waters, except that the waters seem to emanate from, or be filtered through, a series of laboratory flasks...Depictions that have been found on cylinder seals show gods at what appear to be mine entrances or mine shafts; one shows Ea in a land where Gibil is aboveground and another god toils underground, on his hands and knees.
    "

    "Another important element of the art of Iran is the presence of composite beings. One type, here called demon, is a combination of man and animal walking on two legs. An example is the demon with the head of a mountain goat or a moufflon (Figure 26d). That type of creature was especially long lived, lasting from early stamps of Luristan (P. Amiet, Revue du Louvre, 1973, pp. 215-24 passim) to the stele of Untash-Napirisha (Figure 26k) and to a Sasanian stamp seal (unpublished, Moussa collection, impression in the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York). The second type, called here monsters, consists of creatures composed of several animals walking on four legs. The most important of these for the history of art in general is the griffin with the foreparts and wings of a bird of prey and the rest of the body that of lion. The griffin was one of several monsters created in the earliest phase of cylinder seal engraving (see Fig. 26f)."
    Image result for untash napirisha bharatkalyan97
    Stele of Untash Napirisha, Sandstone, ca. 1340–1300 BCE, brought from Tchoga Zanbil to Susa in the 12th century BC fish tailed woman holding snakes.
     Axe bearing the name of the king Untash-Napirisha. Wild boar on the heel. Silver and electrum, ca. 1340-1300 BC. From the temple of Kirisha at Chogha-Zanbil. Sb 3973 Excavations of Roman Ghirshman, 1951-1962 Dept. of Antiquities
    Middle Elamite, Susa, Stelae  copied from D. Ladiray, Iranica Antiqua 16, 1981, pl. VIII

    Site of King Untash Napirisha's Ziggurat, Chogha Zanbil,
    25 miles south-east of Susa, c 1250 BCE


    Choghazanbil20.jpg (90208 bytes)Choghazanbil16.jpg (84585 bytes)Choghazanbil14.jpg (118427 bytes)Choghazanbil17.jpg (102275 bytes)Choghazanbil7.jpg (128127 bytes)Choghazanbil9.jpg (117266 bytes)Choghazanbil11.jpg (150968 bytes)Choghazanbil2.jpg (129048 bytes)
     Choghazanbil - Pictures courtesy of  Mr. Ali Majdfar

    Cuneiform texts attest to the presence of Meluhha settlements in Sumer. [The Meluḫḫa Village: Evidence of Acculturation of Harappan Traders in Late ThirdMillennium Mesopotamia?Author(s): Simo Parpola, Asko Parpola, Robert H. Brunswig, Jr.Source:Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 20, No. 2 (May, 1977),pp. 129-165].

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-overflowing-pot-hieroglyph.html

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    May 9, 2016

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    Somaiya targets Vadra, to raise Bikaner land grab issue in Parliament

    "Robert Vadra has parked the scam money through web of companies via these solar land transactions and parked the scam money in his own company. I am going to raise this issue tomorrow in Parliament, let government brief the people how the jija ji of Gandhi family has parked scam money," he told ANI.
    Stepping up the attack against Vadra, Somaiya said the 'jija ji' (brother-in-law) has parked the scam money through web of companies via these solar land transactions.
    "Robert Vadra has used number of shell companies like Allegeny Finlease Pvt Ltd, Sky Light Hospitality (SLH) or somebody named Faqir Mohammed, Jay Prakash Bagadwa. Overall non entity has been used for money laundering," he said.
    When asked on the actions he has initiated against Vadra, the BJP MP said he has already filed a complaint in this regard with the Rajasthan Government.
    "I have already sent a letter to the CBI, state government and Enforcement Directorate. I have already submitted 100 pages of details of Robert Vadra's company and I want them to take action in this regard," he added.
    The Enforcement Directorate had earlier conducted searches at various locations in Rajasthan in connection with the Bikaner land scam case allegedly connected to a company linked to Vadra.
    The agency conducted searches at eight places in Bikaner and nearby areas, belonging to accused Jay Prakash Bagadwa and others.
    The raids were also conducted on the premises of some retired officials, including Faqir Mohammed, Uma Charan, Deeparam and Mahavir Swamy.
    The alleged land grab case pertains to acquisition of around 1,400 acres of land, sold to seven companies between 2009 and 2011. One of these was Sky Light Hospitality (SLH), a firm connected to Vadra.
    http://www.business-standard.com/article/printer-friendly-version?article_id=116050800144_1
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    Somaiya wrote to ED on Robert Vadra parking Non-transparent money through Benami Solar Land Cos’ money laundering

    SOMAIYA WROTE TO ED ON ROBERT VADRA PARKING NON-TRANSPARENT MONEY THROUGH BENAMI SOLAR LAND COS’ MONEY LAUNDERING

    Kirit Somaiya wrote to ED also raising issue in Loksabha of Robert Vadra parking Non-transparent money through Benami Solar Land Cos’ money laundering.
    ED L 2

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    AgustaWestland to Rafale: Journalists under ED scanner 

    By: Vicky Nanjappa 

    Published: Monday, May 9, 2016, 9:17 [IST] 

    New Delhi, May 9: The pay offs in the AgustaWestland deal amounts to Rs 360 crore according to the Enforcement Directorate and the Central Bureau of Investigation. 

    Out of the Rs 360 crore that was earmarked to bribe influential people, an amount of Rs 50 crore was set aside for the media alone. While the Enforcement Directorate has learnt that an amount of Rs 28 lakh had been spent on a journalist and his wife, the ED is also looking into another transaction of Rs 5 crore that was paid off to one journalist in connection with the Rafale deal. Also read: VVIP chopper deal: Michel's driver spills beans on India contacts, funds links 

    The ED is ascertaining whether this amount of Rs 5 crore was paid off to a journalist in cash or in the form of freebies. Journalists in the dock The ED is hot on the trail of the Rs 50 crore that was spent by James Christian Michel the middleman in charge of handling the media. Documents which have been accessed by the Enforcement Directorate suggest that a large chunk of the Rs 50 crore was spent on a media junket to Italy. 

    The ED says that not all those who went on the junket were part of this scam. However there are a few names we have with us who we suspect had ensured that the narrative in the news was in favour of AgustaWestland. 

    There is a journalist for whom Michel had earmarked Rs 28 lakh. This looked like a suspicious transaction since the money was spent on the wife of the journalist as well. 

    Another journalist has come under the scanner of the Enforcement Directorate and this time it is in connection with the Rafale deal. The ED suspects that middlemen had paid off this journalist a sum of Rs 5 crore. It may be recalled that senior BJP leader and Rajya Sabha MP, Subramanian Swamy too had said that a journalist who was paid off Rs 5 crore in connection with the Rafale deal is under the lens of the Enforcement Directorate. OneIndia News

    Read more at: http://www.oneindia.com/new-delhi/agustawestland-to-rafale-journalists-under-ed-scanner-2093396.html

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    "We Are Not Saying At This Point That Sonia Is Guilty"

    A feisty Subramanian Swamy on the Bofors, the Rafale deal and Sonia Gandhi
    PHOTOGRAPH BY TRIBHUVAN TIWARI

    Few politicians bounce back after a decade and a half in relative oblivion. However, the BJP, which justified sidelining leaders like L.K. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Yashwant Sinha on the ground that they had crossed the age of 75, has already made an eye-popping exception for Subramanian Swamy, who will be 77 this September.
    Returning to Parliament for the first time since 1999 as a presidential nominee to the Rajya Sabha, Swamy has taken to his role as the party’s inquisitor-in-chief with an enthusiasm that has galvanised BJP cadres and supporters. He lives up to his reputation of being feisty when we catch up with him at his government bungalow on Pandara Road.
    His staff claim he is the second-most popular leader on Twitter after Prime Minister Narendra Modi. And he himself says 70 per cent of his tweets are tweets sent to him by his 2.6 million followers on Twitter. “The percentage is seven to nine per cent at best in the case of other leaders,” he says. He follows 101 Twitter handles, we point out, and ask him to name three of his favourites. “They are all news agencies,” he says dismissively, with a wave of his hand. Excerpts from an interview with Uttam Sengupta:   
    Thank you, Dr Swamy, for giving this interview at short notice.
    This is the first time I am speaking to Outlook since 1997, when you carried a ‘front page news’ at the behest of Sonia Gandhi that I had engaged with the Israelis to kill Rajiv Gandhi.
    Since you raised it, I am told you claim to have been a friend of his....
    I was a buddy...we had very friendly relations. Remember, I was an enemy of the LTTE and the CRPF that you see here was deployed from that time by way of protection. This was withdrawn in 2004 and now it has been restored.
    Is it true that you never blamed Rajiv Gandhi for Bofors and held Arun Nehru more responsible?
    When I was the law minister, Rajiv Gandhi himself asked me in Parliament what I had found in the Bofors case. Somebody must have told him that I was studying the file. So I told him I’d found out that he had got the boot and ‘they’ got the loot. We both laughed.
    “Initially, Modi went by what friends told him. They told him if he was nice to Sonia, she’d allow him to work. He’s learnt this is not true.”
    By ‘they’ who did you mean?
    Sonia and her brother-in-law.
    But nothing came out of Bofors, and the evidence against Sonia in the Agusta­Westland deal appears thin at best.
    We are not saying at this point that she is guilty. All that we are saying is that there is a prima facie case against her and others which calls for an investigation, inc­luding interrogation.
    The handwritten note in the annexure of the Italian court’s judgement has several other abbreviations, including CVC, DG (Acquisition) etc, not just AP...
    We are not relying only on the handwritten note. Our case is based on two documents, the CAG report and the Italian court’s order. The order makes it clear that the Government of India did not provide the Italian prosecution with any information other than the CAG report and the original contract. We are asking whether there was an obstruction of justice.
    You had opposed the Rafale deal for French fighter jets as well.
    Yes, that deal was finalised by two women. One was [Carla Bruni] the wife of the then French President Nicholas Sarkozy and the other was Sonia Gandhi. The price was too high and bribing was involved. That’s why I was opposed to it.
    “I was informally sounded for the JNU V-C’s post. And I informally told them a joint secretary can ask the V-C to leave, so give me a cabinet rank. And BSF.”
    Are you satisfied at the fresh negotiations by the Modi government for Rafale jets?
    Defence minister Parrikar had asked me if I would mind if the government purchased 32 Rafale jets from France. I told him I had full faith in him and I am satisfied with the way he has carried out the negotiations. Why, he has already reduced the price by one-third and the deal is not yet done.
    You have tweeted about your meeting with Prime Minister Modi for the first time after you took oath as a member of the Rajya Sabha. How do you assess his performance in the last two years?
    It has been a learning period for Modi. And he has learnt. Gujarat was a much simpler place, where everyone is business-minded and do their work. There you could decentralise. But Delhi, historically, has been far more complex and is known for intrigues. But he is committed to what he had promised and I have a feeling that the next three years are going to be glorious.
    What do you think he has learnt?
    Well, for example, he initially went by friends. On cooperation with the Congress, they told him that if he was nice to Sonia Gandhi, she would allow him to work and do what he wanted. But he has learnt the hard way that this was not true and therefore there has been a correction.
    But hasn’t it been the other way round? The PM has been attacking the Gandhi family from the beginning, talking of a Congress-mukt Bharat...
    No, not at all. Congress-mukt Bharat was said during the elections. Mere speeches mean nothing. The government took no interest in the National Herald case, for example. It did not expedite the chargesheet against [former Union finance minister] P. Chidambaram in the Aircel-Maxis case. It took a letter from me to the prime minister for the government to remove the head of the Enforcement Directorate, who was a relative of a UPA leader and was working to safeguard interests of the Congress...but by then the government had given him four extensions.
    “It has been a learning period for Modi. I feel the next three years will be glorious.”
    So, your nomination to the Rajya Sabha....
    Yes, my nomination to the Rajya Sabha is a part of that (correction). It was made clear to him (the PM) that if I was nominated, she would not cooperate. And from day one this has been clear....
    Will your role then be confined to the Rajya Sabha? Are you ruling out induction into the cabinet?
    I do not know that. Even this nomination to the Rajya Sabha, I was not aware. I was not bothered because I had already been an MP five times—this is my sixth term. I enjoyed popularity because of the 2G scam and my role in forcing them (Sonia and Rahul Gandhi) to appear in court as ordinary accused. Enormous crowds gather wherever I go.
    But if it is offered? You were offered the presidency of BRICS bank...
    I am in politics and will accept any political post. The BRICS bank presidency was offered by the prime minister himself. But I told him two things. I know the Chinese better than most people and I told him that this would not take off. And also, I would not like to live abroad after having left Harvard.
    PHOTOGRAPH BY HT
    “When I was law minister, Rajiv asked me what I’d found in the Bofors case. I said I’d found that he’d got the boot, they got the loot. We both laughed.”
    Were you also offered the Jawaharlal Nehru University V-C’s office?
    I was informally sounded. And I informally told them that any joint secretary can ask the V-C to leave, so give me cabinet rank. I also wanted the presence of the BSF and the narcotics bureau on the campus and the freedom to terminate any student who fails to complete his BA (sic) in four years and terminate any professor who fails to get papers published in a journal for more than three years. They said that was not possible.
    You have returned to Parliament after a decade and a half...
    I lost the 2004 election because of EVM fraud. I went to the Supreme Court and it accepted my suggestions. So now you have the paper trail and even the EVMs are being modified so that the voter can also see but not take out the paper. I am told a quarter of the EVMs already have these features. I did not contest in 2009, and in 2014 my name was dropped from New Delhi because Mr [Arun] Jaitley (finance and I&B minister) said I was not a Punjabi.
    But you are a Delhiwala.
    Of course. Been to Delhi Public School, Hindu College...taught in Delhi School of Economics, IIT....
    These days you seem to be very comfortable with the RSS?
    I like them. Yes, I have very close relations with them.
    But you called RSS ‘fascist’ in 2000.
    The RSS doesn’t mind. I have no difficulty in working with them after all that I said. So why is the outside world bothered? Why, even JP had said much worse things about the RSS...don’t husbands and wives quarrel and then make up?
    “We’re not saying at this point that Sonia is guilty in the Agusta deal. We’re saying there’s a prima facie case against her and others, calling for a probe.”
    Still there must be some explanation for the change of heart...
    If people want to know what happened—I misjudged them. I had come straight from the US and had joined the Jana Sangh. Indira Gandhi knew my father, who was a civil servant. And she told him that while she would not mind me joining any other party, I should be persuaded not to join the Jana Sangh.
    But you did join the Jana Sangh but not the BJP when it was formed in 1980.
    I was the hero of the RSS during the Emergency. But in 1980, they told me to remain in the Janata Party. They said Vajpayee would not let me work, that it would be a very unpleasant experience. I was bitter because I believed Vajpayee and RSS were one. He was a pracharak after all. I was never in the RSS and did not know their internal functioning. I now realise that they were two different entities. At that time I was not able to make the distinction. I can make it now.
    There is then a possibility that you may one day warm up to the Gandhis.
    That is hypothetical and I can’t see.... I am far more mature now and can see through the games being played by journalists and businessmen. Even now articles are being written to suggest that I can be dangerous (to the Modi government). Earlier, I would get angry with journalists...now I don’t, bec­ause I know who is doing what.
    May I ask whether you regret writing that controversial newspaper article in 2011 on Islamic terrorism. People do hold it against you.
    Who are (these) people? People were thrilled. They thought this was the first clear exposition of Islamic terrorism.
    But you advocated disenfranchisement of the Muslims.
    Sorry, you have not read the article. That is not what I wrote. Well, I have read several commentaries on that article. That’s the national pastime, to misrepresent, to twist, to distort.
    “Raghuram Rajan may have gone to Chicago but I don’t think much of him. He’s totally unsuitable. He belongs to the World Bank-IMF crowd.”
    So tell us what did you write.
    What I say is that when India was being partitioned, there was a debate in the House of Lords. And the British government clearly said that they were creating a Hindu India and a Muslim Pakistan. But Congress leaders said no, let those Muslims who wanted to stay back do so. Did you know that Ambedkar wanted an exchange of population?
    What are you driving at?
    Modern science has proved that the Hindu DNA and the Muslim DNA is the same. Now you can draw only one conclusion from that, that the ancestors of Indian Muslims were Hindus. Why can’t the Muslims accept this? Muslims do to me in private. Incidentally, my son-in-law is a Muslim and I happily celebrated the marriage because he is a very good boy. As I was saying, if the Haidar (Salman Haidar, former foreign secretary and father-in-law of Dr Swamy’s daughter Suhasini) family can accept this, Farooq Abdullah can accept this to me....
    Why is it important for Muslims to acknowledge this in public?
    It is important because that will make us one. They will no longer be deemed to be (descendants) of invaders. And the Hindu attitude towards Muslims will change.
    So if the Muslims say their ancestors were Hindus, you will drop your plan for a Ram mandir at Ayodhya?
    No. Why should I drop the plan for the Ram temple? You tell me, what’s the logic? A masjid can be shifted but a temple cannot be shifted. Once there is ‘pran pratistha’, the Lord enters the temple and it cannot be shifted thereafter. Why can’t the Muslims build their mosque across the river? Mosques are shifted all the time in Saudi Arabia—just Google and check. In the article that you referred to, I had said that if Indian Muslims continue to hold that their ancestors were Ghori and Ghazni, then in my opinion they should have no right to vote.
    Liberals and secular people are highly critical of growing intolerance.
    They are a dying breed. I do not care for them. Hindu consolidation has started and nobody can stop it. Everybody will have to fall in line. If you have to defeat the BJP, you have to be equally Hindu-minded. And that’s why I think that till 2029 nob­ody can defeat BJP. Of course if the BJP fails the economy, fails in foreign policy, then perhaps people will listen to you. This I think is the developing, political trend.
    “Rajan says he’s managed to keep wholesale prices under control. That’s like bringing down the temperature of a patient by killing him.”
    You wrote a letter to the prime minister last year warning him against the poor shape of the economy.
    Yes, yes. I said the economy was in a tailspin and it’s still in a very bad shape. Raghuram Rajan says he has managed to keep wholesale prices under control...that’s like bri­nging down the temperature of a patient by killing him. Look at the investment in capital goods industries, the core industries...lots of changes are still required.
    How would you have handled the economy differently?
    Although I am an economist, I would have used non-economic methods. As an economist, I know that part of the economy moves on psychology. Today, the most imp­ortant thing is how to enthuse the people, particularly young professionals and the middle class, because social media has become powerful in opinion-making.
    PHOTOGRAPH BY AMIT HARALKAR
    Is that why you recommend the abolition of income tax?
    Yes. The rich have chartered accountants to help them evade taxes. At the bottom, there is no agriculture income tax. Therefore, it is the middle class and young professionals who bear the brunt of it; they will be thrilled if income tax is abolished.
    How will abolition of I-T create jobs? Isn’t jobless growth the real concern?
    Job creation means investments have to go up in small- and medium-scale industries. And for that the interest rate must come down. The prime lending rate today is 12 per cent, which I believe should be brought down to nine per cent. People are borrowing funds abroad at two per cent and lending it here...and this RBI governor cannot get it through his head.
    You do not seem to believe Raghuram Rajan has done a good job?
    Not at all. He may have gone to Chicago but no, I don’t think much of him. This man is completely unsuitable...he belongs to the World Bank-IMF crowd.
    If  RBI governorship is offered to you?
    No, no. I am a political person. I will not accept any non-political position.
    In an interview you said that you’d accept if the finance ministry is offered to you?
    Of course, I will accept. A minister is in a political position.
    Would you agree that India is fighting a losing battle against corruption?
    On the contrary, it is my belief that the focus on people in high places will generate an autonomous people’s movement. It will give rise to the feeling that if Sonia Gandhi can be sent to jail, who am I? They may scream political vendetta etc but it will have a salutary effect.
    Corruption is not confined to politicians.What about bureaucrats, businessmen?
    This is like saying what about the plague? What about malaria? This is the way to dishearten people. What I say is we have made a start. Yes, there was a dispute on this question in the party and my stand from day one was that the only way to eradicate corruption was to target people at the top.
    Don’t you think the integrity of anti-corruption bodies has been compromised?
    This has happened over the years and will take time for correction. But I will say this—that while corrupt politicians can appoint a CBI director who is a boneless wonder or who is corrupt himself or who is a caged parrot, the middle-level officers who come through exams are still very, very good. But they don’t get promoted.
    Are honest officers victimised?
    I know of many such officers who have to fight for their promotion every which way. I am fighting a few such cases. In one case, I have even gone up to the Supreme Court. Mr Chidambaram was one of the most...what should I say...sadistic persons when it came to civil servants. You either had to lick his boots or get booted out.
    You had red-flagged the Spicejet deal. Are you satisfied with the steps taken?
    Not at all. It’s a corrupt deal. But I have no time. I have no agency like the CBI...only four young lawyers and well-wishers helping out...I get all these tweets asking why don’t you do this and why don’t you do that...but how much can be done even when we take no vacation?
    You are said to have a hotline to the PM.
    I have known him for a long time. And I can walk into his room. Today also I just walked in, there was no appointment.
    So you can take it up with with the prime minister if you choose?
    I can, but before that I have to reach a situation when the PM realises that the old line didn’t work. There are people who tell him ‘Nahin, nahin, aisa nahi hoga’, that Swamy is playing favourites, that Swamy is targeting someone, they will come up with a thousand reasons.
    There is also this curious case of Sun TV of the Marans being denied renewal of licence on security reasons by the Union home ministry?
    Yes, yes. This is all the doing of this attorney-general. I have been trying to push for his removal and I think I will probably succeed in six more months. In my opinion, both the attorney-general and the solicitor-general [Ranjit Kumar] should be changed. They have been total failures. They are government appointees in a sense, holding not just constitutional posts.
    There is this perception that in politics you have not been consistent in maintaining relations with P. Chidambaram and Jayalalitha.
    No, no. Only Jayalalitha. We are friends even today. But there are people around her who don’t want me anywhere near her because they believe I will have a bad influence on her. She has many good qualities but the cinema world has brutalised her. In that sense she is not a normal human being.
    You say you are friends, but weren’t you instrumental in sending her to jail?
    That was because Jayalalitha was inv­olved in corruption. I told her that. In fact she came to my house after she lost the election due to my campaign. She said that she had made mistakes due to inexperience but needed my help in fighting Karunanidhi. But I told her that I would not withdraw any of the cases. So I was in alliance with Jayalalitha after I had filed the cases against her.
    What’s your assessment of Jayalalitha’s chances in the assembly elections in Tamil Nadu later this month?
    Difficult to say. But it’s not as if she is going to have a walkover. It’s a highly edu­cated state and there is a huge population of young voters and professionals (who are disenchanted with traditional politics). In fact, if the BJP had decided a year ago to contest alone in Tamil Nadu, I think we would have formed the government there. But the traditional BJP leaders did not allow that to happen.
    READ MORE IN:
    AUTHORS: UTTAM SENGUPTA
    TAGS: BJP
    SECTION: NATIONAL
    SUBSECTION: INTERVIEWSCOVER STORIES
    OUTLOOK: 16 MAY, 2016
    • Nominating this seventy-seven old 'Mr. Controversary' is a 'correction'
      as claimed by this 'Name dropper' then indeed NDA has to pay a Heavy price.
      The Problem with Swamy is he never had friends. He lives in a world of
      fiction where He crosses swords with powerful foes.He is a Megalomaniac
      and can never be trusted. If without any evidence he can make such a fuss
      then one should really appreciate his articulation skills. Only coming days
      can count when he will get the 'Boot'
      MAY 09, 2016 02:42 PMV.N.K.MURTI PATTAMBI, PATTAMBI, INDIA
    • He is a maveric,unconventional and no team-player, but his honesty,conviction and outspokenness need to be appreciated. His indicreteness is one thing that comes in the way of inclusion in cabinet. His stance against Gandhis may have endeared him to BJP today, but he could easily turn against BJP bigwigs tomorrow.
      MAY 09, 2016 10:53 AMK.SURESH, BANGALORE, INDIA
    • Listen to Subramaniam Swamy.  Very good speech and excellent questions answers session.



      MAY 08, 2016 07:54 PMMOHAN, ADIPUR, INDIA
    • Unquestionably ,no one ,just no one, would deny or put any question about Dr.Swamy`s  competence and his command on the subjects,fields and areas that he deals with / in.   Whatever points he raises  or has raised can hardly be opposed to and have to be accepted ,they being fully rational and based on facts that he , as he claims, to have screaned/scanned well.  Yet despite all his qualities, negativity in his thoughts and destructing aggressivity do also , at times, reflect from his attitude while dealing with his political friends /opponents who in his  views are dishonest and incompetent.  Should this always be right and justified. Should that be always construed to be zero errored ?  Can`t he never be wrong in his  examination considering the fact that Man is Err . ?

      Parshuram Gautampurkar,Sawai Madhopur,Rajasthan
      MAY 08, 2016 04:00 PMPARSHURAM GAUTAMPURKAR, SAWAI MADHOPUR,RAJASTHAN, INDIA
    • Who are the media houses / journalists that got their pound of flesh from #AgustaWestland deal?
      Did media look the "other way" when The Indian Express came out with its revelations on #AgustaWestland deal?



      Actions speak louder than words – We capture who (media) did what during 2012-13 when Agusta scam first broke out
      For the past two weeks, everyone is curious to know who the beneficiaries of the AgustaWestland largesse are. Before we get to that, let us recap what we know thus far:



      We have documented proof that Agusta Westland entered into an agreement worth 6 million Euros (?45 crore) with fugitive middleman Christian Michel for 22 months (March 2010 to Dec 2011) to manage Indian media.



      We also now know that from 2006 onwards manipulations and rigging happened in the purchasing procedure to favour Agusta. The media management contract was signed a month after the deal was signed in February 2010.



      Did the mainstream media look the other way over Agusta violations, while the opponents of Agusta, Sikorsky and Eurocopter were complaining to Defence Ministry and providing their letters to the media?



      The fact of the matter is that only two newspapers in India seriously and vehemently pursued the Agusta Chopper Scam. Those are ‘The Indian Express’ and ‘The Pioneer’. Indian Express (IE) reporter Manu Pubby deserves credit for breaking the scam in February 2012 and pursuing it with a series of reports. As an out and out Right Wing paper, ‘The Pioneer’ focused only on linking the scam with Sonia Gandhi, following the ‘Indian Express’ reports.

      Times of India, Hindustan Times (Vir Sanghvi was controlling the newsroom), The Hindu, India Today, NDTV, CNN-IBN and Times Now wrote or broadcast nothing about this scam when IE was pursing it with vigour. Worse, CNN-IBN, in those days led by Rajdeep Sardesai, did some questionable reporting to give a clean chit to the deal, when Indian Express attacked it.

      One interesting report in Times of India bears special mention. See the date of the report. It was published on July 30, 2009. How did Times of India’s reporter come to know 7 months in advance, that Defence Ministry is finalising the deal with Agusta? The deal was signed in Feb 2010 and Times of India was very sure of this deal in July 2009!

      There some other people engaged in Defence reporting who reported on October 6, 2008, that Agusta Westland is selected! Trishul, which specializes in Defence sector, is a very reputed blog in arms dealing and other defence procurements. This Blog knew 16 months ahead of time that Agusta is getting the deal. Were these guys doing the ground work for Agusta by singing its praises?

      There is more. Noted Defence journalist-cum-consultant Ajay Shukla interviewed S P Tyagi in Doordarshan in Feb 2013, in which Tyagi was given ample time to play the role of an innocent victim. Hindustan Times and its business publication Mint were totally committed to saving the skin of the UPA government in general and Sonia Gandhi in particular from Agusta Westland scam. During the period 2010 to 2013, most of the P R stories of Agusta Westland manufacturing company Finmeccanica appeared in Hindustan Times and Mint.

      When the scam blew out of proportion after arrests were made in Italy in February 2013, Rajdeep Sardesai comes out with an interview with Julie (Sanjeev) Tyagi, a family member of the main suspect S P Tyagi, the former Air Chief Marshal. Those days in CNN-IBN, Rajdeep Sardesai was trying to provide clean chits by posing favourable questions to Julie Tyagi. Tyagi recently surfaced again in Rajdeep’s interviews in India Today TV. In October 2014, when the trial court acquitted Italian company officials, S P Tyagi landed in CNN-IBN and India Today to play the victim card. These two channels were going hard at Indian Express for their exposé on Agusta.

      Indian express also did something that raised eyebrows. Along with Shekhar Gupta, Manu Pubby also exited IE in mid-2014. Indian Express showed sheer pettiness by not giving the Ramnath Goenka Award to Manu Pubby who was the most eligible candidate for his 2012 and 2013 series on #AgustaWestland scam. When the award for 2012 and 2013 was given in 2015, Manu Pubby was in The Economic Times. It looked as if IE denied him the Goenka Award, just because he was no longer a part of it. This smacks of injustice. After all, Indian Express benefited tremendously from this scam.

      Christian Michel suddenly seems to have surfaced, especially to select media persons! His letters filled with hyperbole are appearing with regularity. How is he so accessible now, when his official status is a fugitive? Like the Bollywood movies of the 70s, will the police be the last to reach the crime spot? One hopes not!



      MAY 08, 2016 09:28 AMMOHAN, ADIPUR, INDIA
    • Clear and straight forward, a Man of Dharmic conduct, unflinching and uncompromising on values. It is due to personalities like Dr. Swamy and PM Modi, we still have hope in the political system. 
      MAY 08, 2016 02:57 AMGANESAN S, CBE, INDIA
    • First FIR in National Herald land deal in Panchkula, trouble for Gandhis
      MAY 07, 2016 09:22 PMMOHAN, ADIPUR, INDIA
    • Totally endorse Dr.Swami's views. It's hightime, Modi shows the door to Gandhi family's friends in his Govt and takes actions about the various scams during the UPA rule.
      MAY 07, 2016 02:56 PMCHANDRASHEKAR, BANGALORE, INDIA
    • http://www.outlookindia.com/magazine/story/we-are-not-saying-at-this-point-that-sonia-is-guilty/29710
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    The idea advocated by Jack Litewka for America is valid with greater force for Bharatam which is blessed by the world's largest water tower. Flood waters of Brahmaputra alone can double the water for every farm and every home 24x7. By gravity, the water can move from Manas (Arunachalpradesh) to Kanyakumari. This can be augmented by a contour canal along the Sahyadri ranges, paralleling Konkan Railway. It will unleash a revolutionary potential for Bharat Vikas. NaMo, to note and act following the SC judgement of 2012 (3 Judge bench headed by CJI Kapadia). NWDA's perspective plan will generate an additional 9 crore acres of wet land with assured irrigation. This can be distributed to 9 crore landless poor at the rate of 1 acre per family. NaMo can hit two projects in one go: flood damages in Northeast Bharat and drought agonies & monsoon driven uncertainties in the rest of Bharat.

    Kalyanaraman

    A National Water Grid: It’s Time!

     08/31/2015 04:50 pm ET
    California is in the fourth year of a very serious drought. Water restrictions are being imposed. Agriculture is being significantly affected, which will result in rising prices across the United States for vegetables, fruits, nuts, and so forth. The Sierra snowpack is minimal or nonexistent in some places, so the spring snowmelt will not result in the drought-ending refilling of reservoirs, which are at about 30 percent of capacity.
    When will the drought end? No one knows — but there is no evidence that it will end soon. Some experts are saying that this drought condition is the “new normal” for California. This might also be true for Oregon and Washington, which this year are experiencing drought conditions.
    As California, Oregon, and Washington experience water shortages, Texas and other states have been awash in water this spring: severe floods have caused billions of dollars in damage, lost revenue for farmers, thousands of homes demolished or severely damaged, cars trapped in deep water, schools closed, top-soil being washed away, and so on. (Note: In one month in 2015 the amount of rain that fell in Texas would cover all of the state of Rhode Island in 10 feet of water.)
    Summary: California is one of the largest states — and in dire need of water. Texas is one of the largest states — and large areas of it are overwhelmed with water not being put to good use.
    Light bulb: What if the water from Texas and other water-laden states could be transported to California and other drought states? Right now the flood-waters are not put to good use. What if the United Stated Congress and the White House determined that a National Water Grid was necessary to secure an adequate food supply at reasonable prices for decades to come and to avoid severe damage to cities, farms, and homes? We would have a visionary solution to what is otherwise a terrible and ongoing waste of water.
    It’s easy to quickly think of the many reasons that a massive water-transport system would not work and would be very expensive. A water grid differs significantly from an electric grid: electricity moves at high speeds through wires, while water is heavy and would require large pipes, large catch basins and reservoirs, and perhaps some canals. Do you go around mountains or drill through them to keep the water relatively level? Do you employ large and powerful pumps or a system of locks when it is necessary to move the water uphill? And how about the headache of securing huge amounts of above-ground and underground rights of way?
    Before we give up without thinking, let’s recall a few humongous projects from which the United States has reaped enormous benefits...for many decades. Hoover Dam and Grand Coulee Dam. The Transcontinental Railroad. The national highway system. The Panama Canal. NASA’s space program that put humans in orbit around Earth, placed them on the moon, and allowed humans to live in space stations for months at a time.
    Each of these is an amazing example of how human ingenuity, applied science and technology, grit and gumption, and a national vision combined to overcome seemingly insurmountable odds. Imagine if our nation could channel enormous volumes of water to the locations that desperately need it...and in the process limit the amount of damage that floodwaters wreak as well as ensure that agriculture would continue to flourish.
    It would be a win-win for the nation. It would be a win-win for the states suffering from drought and for the states suffering from floods. It would be a win-win for all of us who buy vegetables, fruits, and nuts. It would be a win-win for all the homes and businesses that would not be destroyed.
    Will this be costly? Of course. (But not as costly as decades of drought and flooding.) Will there be unintended consequences? Of course. (That’s always the case with ambitious projects.) Will there be technological challenges and glitches? Of course. (We learn from our mistakes...and move forward nonetheless.) Will there be intelligent nay-sayers who make strong counter-arguments? Of course. (When has that not been the case?)
    Why not desalinization of Pacific Ocean water? For a number of reasons. It is very costly. Desalinization requires enormous amounts of energy (which is costly and often polluting). If private companies build the desalinization plants, there is a private-public conflict over who controls the desalinization effort and prevents abuses of desalinized water. The intake of ocean water to cool down the operation desalinization plants will kill billions of fish annually. Ergo, desalinization is an option of last resort - and best-suited for nations where there is no excess water being wasted (say, in a nation that is primarily desert).
    The bottom line is: We, as a nation, can no longer afford to do nothing major about catastrophic flooding or severe droughts that cause millions and billions of dollars of damage each year. We, as a nation, can no longer afford to allow potentially useful water to be wasted in floods. It’s time that we stopped sitting on our fatalistic duffs and adopted a can-do attitude. It’s time for a National Water Grid.

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    SALIENT POINTS OF JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE OF BJP NATIONAL PRESIDENT, SHRI AMIT SHAH AND MINISTER OF FINANCE, INFORMATION & BROADCASTING AND CORPORATE AFFAIRS, SHRI ARUN JAITLEY


    भाजपा के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष श्री अमित शाह और भाजपा के वरिष्ठ नेता एवं केंद्रीय वित्त मंत्री श्री अरुण जेटली द्वारा की गई प्रेस वार्ता के मुख्य अंश

    Joint Press Conference by Shri Amit Shah & Shri Arun Jaitley at BJP HQ : 09.05.2016

    भारतीय जनता पार्टी के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष श्री अमित शाह और भाजपा के वरिष्ठ नेता एवं केंद्रीय वित्त मंत्री श्री अरुण जेटली ने आज भाजपा के केंद्रीय मुख्यालय में आयोजित एक प्रेस वार्ता में प्रधानमंत्री श्री नरेन्द्र मोदी की स्नातक और स्नातकोत्तर की डिग्री सार्वजनिक करते हुए बिना जानकारी और सच्चाई का पता लगाए बिना देश के प्रधानमंत्री की बीए की डिग्री को फर्जी बताने को लेकर आम आदमी पार्टी, दिल्ली के मुख्यमंत्री श्री अरविंद केजरीवाल, कांग्रेस और जद(यू) पर करारा पलटवार किया।
    भाजप अध्यक्ष ने श्री अरविन्द केजरीवाल पर निशाना साधते हुए कहा कि वह आये दिन मीडिया में, सोशल मीडिया में प्रधानमंत्री की स्नातक की डिग्री को फर्जी बताकर देश की जनता के मन में भ्रान्ति फैलाने का काम कर रहे थे जबकि वास्तविकता इससे कोसों दूर है। उन्होंने कहा कि प्रधानमंत्री का डिग्री विवाद पूरी तरह से निराधार और तथ्य से परे है।
    प्रधानमंत्री की स्नातक और स्नातकोत्तर की डिग्री को मार्कशीट के साथ जारी करते हुए श्री शाह ने कहा कि यह दुर्भागयपूर्ण है कि मुझे प्रधानमंत्री जी की शैक्षणिक पात्रता से सम्बंधित डिग्रियों को सार्वजनिक करना पड़ रहा है। श्री शाह ने केजरीवाल पर बड़ा हमला करते हुए कहा कि सार्वजानिक जीवन के स्तर को कितना नीचे गिराया जा सकता है, इसका इससे बड़ा कोई उदाहरण नहीं हो सकता। उन्होंने कहा कि केजरीवाल ने न केवल सार्वजनिक जीवन के स्तर को गिराया है बल्कि देश और दुनिया में भारत को बदनाम करने का घिनौना पाप किया है।
    भाजपा अध्यक्ष ने कहा कि श्री केजरीवाल को बिना सबूत के एक झूठ को साबित करने की इस नापाक कोशिश के लिए देश की जनता से माफी मांगनी चाहिए। उन्होंने कहा कि कांग्रेस और जद (यू) के प्रवक्ता भी झूठे आरोपों की बहती गंगा में हाथ धोने का काम किया है, उन्हें पहले संसद में अपने ऊपर लगे हुए आरोपों का जवाब देना चाहिए।
    श्री शाह ने कहा कि एक पत्र के साथ इन डिग्रियों की प्रति केजरीवाल जी को भी भेजी जा रही है, कोई भी इस डिग्री को सत्यापित करा सकता है। उन्होंने कहा कि किसी को भी सच्चाई जाने बगैर सार्वजनिक जीवन में इस तरह का आरोप नहीं लगाया जाना चाहिए। उन्होंने मीडिया से भी आग्रह करते हुए कहा कि उन्हें भी सच्चाई जाने बगैर इस तरह के गैर जरूरी मुद्दे को जनता के सामने रखने से बचना चाहिए।
    प्रेस कांफ्रेंस को संबोधित करते हुए भाजपा के वरिष्ठ नेता और केन्द्रीय वित्त मंत्री श्री अरुण जेटली ने कहा कि श्री नरेन्द्र मोदी दिल्ली विश्वविद्यालय में स्नातक की जब परिक्षा देने आते थे तो अखिल भारतीय विद्यार्थी परिषद के कार्यालय में ही रुकते थे। उन्होंने कहा कि एक कठिन परिस्थिति में पला बढ़ा एक गरीब का बेटा जब सामाजिक काम करते हुए एवं संघर्षों के दौर से गुजरते हुए बीए और एमए करता है तो आम आदमी की दुहाई देनेवाले किसी भी व्यक्ति को तो इस पर गर्व होना चाहिए। उन्होंने कहा कि बिना तथ्यों की जांच किये सार्वजनिक जीवन के बहस के स्तर को निम्नतर स्तर पर ले जाने का काम वह आम आदमी पार्टी कर रही है जिसके खुद के कई विधायक फर्जीवाड़े डिग्री के मामले में कानूनी कार्रवाई का सामना कर रहे हैं।
    श्री जेटली ने कहा कि आम आदमी पार्टी द्वारा एडवेंचर की राजनीति को गवर्नमेंट का सब्स्टीच्यूट बनाने का प्रयास किया जा रहा है. उन्होंने कहा कि यह चिंता की बात है कि देश के फेडरल स्ट्रक्चर को एक यूनियन टेरिटरी इम्बैलेंस करने की कोशिश कर रही है। श्री जेटली ने कहा कि इस झूठ का तत्काल पर्दाफ़ाश करना हमने आवश्यक समझा और इसलिए हमने इस गैर-जरूरी मुद्दे को ख़त्म करने का निर्णय लिया ताकि देश में गैरजरूरी मुद्दों के बजाय सार्थक मुद्दों पर बहस हो सके।
    (इंजी. अरुण कुमार जैन)
    कार्यालय सचिव

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